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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

COLLECTIONS

OP THE

R H OD E-ISL AND

HISTORICAL SOCIETY

VOL. Ill

PROVIDENCE:
MARSI-IALL, BROWN AND (COMPANY
MDCCCXXXV,

OFFICERS OF THE
RHODE-ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
ELECTED JULY 31, 1835.
JOHN HOWLAND, President;
CHRISTOPHER G. GHAMPLIN, Firsf Vice-President;
MOSES BROWN, Second Vice-President;
THOMAS H. WEBB, Secretary;
JOHN R. BARTLETT, Treasurer;
ALBERT G. GREENE, Cabinet Keeper of the mrthem
t/Tstvict *
STEPHEN GOULD., Cabinet Keeper of the SotUhem
District. TRUSTEES.
WILLIAM R. STAPLES,
DAVID BENEDICT,
JOSEPH L. TILLINGHAST,
STEPHEN BRANCH,
THOMAS H. WEBB,
THOMAS F. CARPENTER,
WILLIAM E. RICHMOND,
ALBERT G. GREENE,
GEORGE BAKER,
JOHN CARTER BROWN,
ROMEO ELTON,
ROBERT JOHNSTON.
PUBLISHING COMMITTEE,
Elected by the Trustees, July 19, 1833.
ALBERT G. GREENE,
ROMEO ELTON,
THOMAS F. CARPENTER

CIRCULAR.
The Society would call the attention of members and correspondents, to
the following subjects :
1. Topographical Sketches of towns and villages, including an account of
their soil, agriculture, manufactures, commerce, natural curiosities and stat
istics. 2. Sketches of the history of the settlement and rise of such towns and
villages; and of the introduction and progress of commerce, manufactures,
and the arts, in them.
3. Biographical Notices of original settlers, revolutionary patriots, and
other distinguished men who have resided in this State.
4. Original letters and documents, and papers illustrating any of these
subjects; particularly those which shew the private habits, manners or pur
suits of our ancestors, or are connected with the general history of this
State. 5. Sermons, orations, occasional discourses and addresses, books, pam
phlets, almanacs and newspapers, printed in this State; and manuscripts,
especially those Vvritten by persons born or residing in this State.
6. Accounts of the Indian tribes which formerly inhabited any part of
this State, their numbers and condition when first visited by the whites^ their
general character and peculiar customs and manners, theii- wars and trea
ties, and their original grants to our ancestors.
7. The Indian names of the towns, rivers, islands, bays, and other re
markable places within this State, and the traditional import of those names.
8. Besides these, the Society will receive donations of any other books,
pamphlets, manuscripts and printed docuinoiits.

PREFACE.

The present volume and the one TPhich immediately preceded it in the
collections of the Society, contain most of the important facts relative to the
settlements which were first made in two of the counties of this state. The
Society indulge a hope that they may also, at no very distant time, be en
abled to issue other volumes on the early history of the remaining counties ;
and that the portion of the labor which has been already done, maj' prove
an inducement to other individuals, to cultivate their aid in fully accomplish
ing it.
Besides the materials for the compilation of original historical works, there
are a number of ancient volumes illustrative of our colonial history, a re
publication of which is rendered necessary, not only on account of their
value, but of the extreme scarcity of the copies which are now extant. All
of these, whenever republished, should be accompanied by notes and appen
dixes, the preparation of which must be a work of no inconsiderable time
and labor. There is, certainly, in our community, a sufficient degree of
ability and information to accomplish this desirable object, if sufficient in
ducement can be offered for a devotion to the task.
As the preparation either of tyiginal volumes of history, or of additions
tor the illustration of republished works, must be in almost every instance,
the labor of an individual, the Society, in embodying any volume in its
collections, cannot of coarse, be considered as standing pledged to the en
tire correctness of either all which it may contain as facts, or of the conclu
sions or inferences which may be drawn from them by its author or editor.
That integrity of purpose which ought to characterize every such institution,
would indeed prevent it from willingly becoming an agent in the ". dissemi
nation of error," but for the particular views which may be expressed, the
iiame of the author must alone be considered as pledged.
The volume which is now offered to the public, has evidently been prc-
jiuicd with great care, and is the result of a persevering examination of a
mass ofHicts, fpvv of which had been before arranged in any connected or-

VI
der. It contains much valuable information relating to a highly interesting
portion of our early annals, which cannot fail to prove acceptable, not only
to the antiquarian, but to every one who feels an interest in the general his
tory of New-England. ALBERT G. GREENE, C Committee
ROMEO ELTON, < of
THOMAS F. CARPENTER, i Publication.
Pbovidence, October, 1835.

THE

EARLY HISTORY

NARRAGANSETT;

WITH AN APPENDIX OF ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS, MANY OF
WHICH ARE NOW FOR THE FIRST TIME PUBLISHED.

BY ELISHA R. POTTER, Jr.
Member of R. I. Historical Society.

PROVIDENCE:
MARSHALL, BROWN AND COMPANY
MDCCCXXXV,

Entered according io Act of Congress, in the year 1835,
BY E. H. POTTEH, JB.
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Rljodo-Island.

Printed by
. MARSHALL,
Providence.

\u-

INTRODUCTION.

There are three sources to which we are to look for our information re
specting the early history of Narragansett. These are the printed or manu
script works of writers living at the same time with, or soon after the events
they describe; therecortJs of the state and towns ; and tradition.
We have much about the early history of Narragansett, scattered here and
there, through a large number of volumes, but even with all the hints we can
collect from them, it still remains very incomplete. No one, it is to be ob
served, has written professedly on this subject, but it is only mtrodnced when
connected with the history of Plymouth, Connecticut or Massachusetts. —
True indeed, from their very first settlement, the English were almost con
stantly negotiating or at war with the Narragansett Indians: still we have to
lament the want of material for a perfect and connected history.
One very important thing to be kept in remembrance while we are reading
the history of Narragansett in these old authors is, that we are reading only
one side of the question. We not only have no history written by any of
the native Indians or first colonists of Rhode-Island, but we have none even
by their friends. The histories we have are chiefly from inhabitants of the
neighboring colonies, and some of them, persons whose bigotry and super
stition disgraced an otherwise glorious era in American history.* It will be
well to look at some of the causes which have originated and kept alive a
* To what extent the pilgrims and their immediate descendants were carried
by superstition and bigotry, may be seen in the following from Hubb. N. E. 26,
being the opinion of a Mr. Mede, on tlie manner in which America was peopled :
" Mr. Mode's opinion about tbe passage of the natives into this remote region
';;irrie3 the gi-eatest probability of truth. His conceit is, that when the Devil was
|)ut out of his throne in the other parts of the world, and that the raoutli of all his
oracles were stopped in Europe, Asia and Africa, he seduced a company of silly
witches to follow 1)13 conduct into this unknown part of the world, where lie
might be hid, and not be disturbed in the idolatry and abominable service he ex-
|jected from his followers. For here are no footsteps of any religion before the
Kngliah raine, Ir.it merely diabolicil." — [Hubbard's N. E. 26.]

X
continued state of ill feeling between the old Puritan settlers of Masssachu-
setts, Plymouth and Connecticut on the one part, and the Indians and the
first settlers of Rhode-Island pn the other.
Coming, as the' Puritans did, into an Indian country, introducing an entire
new mode of life, and soon increasing in numbers and power, so as to drive
before them the original lords of the soil, it could not but happen that the
most bitter feelings of jealousy and hatred should soon arise between the
colonists and the natives. The Indians, who had just suffered under a tre
mendous pestilence, and now saw this new race prevailing around them,
cutting down their hunting forests, defeating them battle after battle, could
not look on their destroyers with favor. The English, on the other hand,
could never expect to enjoy their possessions in peace while the red men re
mained powerful. And it seems to have been a constant policy with them
to weaken the Indians by confederating them against each other.
When one man undertakes to convert another to his own opinions and
fails of success, it is generally with no very friendly feelings towards his in
tended convert that he gives up his purpose. His inconvertible friend seems
to be a sort of standing reproach upon his own powers of argument and per
suasion. It jfvas so in the case we are considering. The good old Puritans
tried hard to convert the Indians to their own faith, no doubt piously believ
ing that no one could be saved out of the pale of their own communion.' —
But the Indians were not so easily wrought upon. To them, whose prin
ciples, though never displayed in books or pompously proclaimed before
others, were yet written deeply in their hearts' and influenced their whole
character and practice,* it appeared an insuperable objection that the faith
the white man preached was seldom shown forth except in words. " It will
be time enough for you to christianize us when you have first christianized
yourselves." The Indians, therefore, were not converted ; the zealots were
of course very much offended, and having done all in their power to save
the souls of the poor natives, could now with a clear conscience quitclaim
them to the Devil and his burning lake of brimstone, as incorrigible heretics.
This was one and a powerful cause which excited the minds of the Puri
tans, and more especially of the clergy, to which order many of the histo
rians belonged, against the Indians.
The disposition of the English of Massachusetts towards the first settlers
of Rhode-Island and the Indians, was not rendered at all more favorable by
the events which took place on the settlement of the latter colony.

*For their general gon;l conduct we liavc the testimony of Roger Williams.

XI
The Puritans had fled from England to escape persecution for opinion's
sake; but as soon as they arrived in this country, they set up for themselves
and began to persecute all who differed from them. Among the latter,
Roger Williams was obliged to flee from Massachusetts on account of his
religious creed, and came, in 1636, into the territory of the Narragansetts,
who received him with open arms. Williams cultivated the friendship of
the Indians, and always denied the right of any foreign power to give away
their' lands without their consent. It was a matter of prudence as well as of
principle with the first settlers of Rhode-Island, to cultivate the good v\ill of
the Indians, as they had no military power wherewith to oppose them in
case of war, and could procure ammunition only from Boston, and that, the
jealousy of the sister colony seldom allowed them to do. But that it was
prudence alone which induced thorn, is refuted , by the whole conduct of
Williams and the first settlers. The colonists atid the Narragansetts, being
thus on the most friendly terms with each other, the enmity felt by the Pu
ritans towards Roger Williams was easily transferred to the Indians who
had protected and supported him under his afflictions and persecutions, and
both were viewed with equal dislike; they were, one perhaps as much as
the other, considered heathen and looked upon as the enemies of the Lord
and his church.
Another ch-cumstance on which it appears to me sufficient stress has not
been laid in accounting for the enmity between our ancestors and the na
tives, was the difference of their notions as to property.* The latter had
not yet reached that state of society in which property is apportioned out
to individuals and made descendible to their heirs. On the contrary, they
were but little advanced beyond a primitive state. They ordinarily held
their property in common, subsisting chiefly by the chase and fishing and
partially by agriculture. They could form no idea of any piece of land be
coming so entirely the property of any individual as to make it a crime for
another to trespass upon it. Thus two different people in two different and
almost hostile states of social progress were brought in contact and of coturse
friendship could not be expected as the result.
It is doubtful whether in many of the early grants the Indians made, they
* Roger Williams says tlie Indians were very particular in the boundaries be
tween different tribes: " The natives are very exact and punctual in the bounds
of their lands, belonging to this or that Prince or People, (even to a River,
Brooke,) &c. And 1 have known them malie bargain and sale amongst them
selves for a small piece or quantity of ground." (Key, 89.) But the division of
land among .individuals was not common.

Xll
intended to transfer more than a present usufructuary right, aud that by no
means an exclusive one. They probably had no idea of yielding up to the
whites for themselves and their heirs forever, the sole and exclusive owner
ship of the land.
We have Roger Williams' testimony that the common Indians held their
lands according to the will of the Sachems, and removed themselves when
ever required.
We shall have occasion several times in the course of this work, to men
tion instances of disagreements arising from bargains being differently under
stood by the English and the Indians, and that too, although they had been
made with great care and solemnity. Indeed, it would have been very im
probable that it should turn out otherwise. Few of the English understood
well the Indian language, so that all treaties and other arrangements were to
be made through an interpreter, whose honesty the contracting parties could
not be sure of, and whose dishonesty they had seldom the means of detectmg.
This was not the only cause of offence between the two nations. The
English settlers, as before observed, belonged to an advanced state of society,
and inculcated, if they did not always practice, the rules of a severe and
rigid morality. The taking of another's property was with them a high
crime. The Indians also seemed to have abstained from theft among their
own tribe, as would appear from Roger Williams,* but they do, not seem
to have been able to keep their people from committing depredations on the
property of the whites. The whites traded the Indians out of their property,
and the Indians sometimes stole from the whites; and one with about as
much fairness as the other.
These considerations necessarily lead us to be cautious as to the degree
of credit we attach to the accounts of the native English historians. We
have seen that cu-curastanced as they were, and almost always at variance
with the Indians and the first settlers of Rhode-Island, it was hardly possi
ble they should be sufficiently disinterested or unprejudiced to give an im
partial account of then-opponents. Whenever they relate a simple fact and
upon apparently sufficient evidence, we cannot refuse our assent. But in
their relation of the manner in which an event took place, and the share

*" Commonly they never shut their doors daynornight: and 'tis rare that any
hurt is done." (Key, 50.) " If any robljery fall out in favel between per.sons
of divers states, the offended state sends for justice. If no justice be granted and
recompense made, they grant out a kind of letter of matt to take satisfaction
themselves, yet they are careful not to exceed in taking Goin others, beyond the.
proportion of their own loss." [Key, 76.]

Xlll
which the English and the Indians had in bringing it about, and in their uc.
counts of the Indian character, &c. we should always look upon them with
suspicion. For instance, when they tell us that the great Narraganset war
happened in 1675-6, we must believe them, but when they relate the
events and the manner in which it arose, and endeavor to throw all the
blame upon the Indians, they are by no means entitled to the same decree
of credit. But wherever they confess or admit any thing which makes
against the reputation and honor of their own side, we yield them implicit
confidence. Nothuig but the impossibility of denial would make some of
those bigotted old writers admit any thing of this sort.
Notwithstanding the prejudice and partiality of these historians, we find
often here and there a line which the writer seems to have forgotten to erase,
which serves to let in a little light on the dark labyrinth of Narragansett
history. Whoever has read much in these old historians, need not bo informed that
the art of puffing is no invention of modern times. Is a man on "our side"
in religion and pohtics, — if a warrior, he is a brave and valiant captain — if
a divine, he is learned and pious and every thing that is good. But he he
not our side, no language seems to have been too violent to express their
contempt and abhorrence of him.
Prince's N. E. Chronology seems not to have been very popular in his
own time, because he did not join in the vulgar prejudices of his day. Win-
throp seems to be very fair, and to have written with more honest mten-
tions than many of them. But we would suggest a distmction as to the ac
counts we have from Winthi-op which seems to us of some consequence.
Whenever he relates any thing' as happenmg in liis own presence, this is
one thing. Whenever he relates any thing which he must have heard from
other sources, it is a different case. Winthrop was for a long time Gover
nor of Massachusetts, many of his accounts were derived from the informa
tion he officially received from his subordinate officers. Such accounts
from inferiors to their government, generally represent only one side of the
matter. Tradition and the state and town records are also considerable sources of
information- We cannot expect from records the same sort of knowledge
we look for from cotemporary historians, but the mere statement of a fact
often gives us a clue to find out the state of the country at the time, and by
comparmg our inferences with our knowledge from other sources, may
serve to throw light on many things which would otherwise be obscure.
A thorough examination of the Records of Connecticut is indispensable to
a complete history of Narragansett,

XIV
When the ancient acts of the Rhode-Island Legislature are referred to, it
should be recollected that those acts were in all probability often drawn out
by the clerks after the rising of the Assembly, when they had agreed upon
the substance. This practice was continued down to a late day.
The records of those settlers in the Narragansett country who were asso
ciated with Major Humphrey Atherton, generally called Fones' Records,
from the name of the clerk or recorder who kept them, are preserved in the
Secretary's office, but are not open to inspection. Owmg to the unsettled
state of land titles in the beginning of the 18th century, the General Assem
bly ordered these records to be closed, and they were generally kept by the
Governor for the time being until about the time of the Revolution. This
book has always been a great bug-bear, and terrible consequences have
been predicted from its being laid open. Many of the most important pa
pers in it, however, are now printed in the Massachusetts Historical Collec
tions. As the persons concerned mostly belonged to the neighboring colo
nies, the greater part of the deeds were also recorded in Boston or Connec
ticut, as well as in these records. Certified copies of many of them are
now on file in the Clerk's offices of the several courts, taken before the book
was closed. It is believed there is not a single deed or paper of any conse
quence in these records, which is not accessible in one of the ways before-
mentioned. There are no files of papers in the Secretary's office earlier than 1728,
and for several years after that time, they appear to be incomplete.
Among the difficulties to be encountered in searching our old records, &c.
is the variety of dates, old and new style, &c. Perhaps some errors may
be found in this work from this source.
Another difficulty is the variety of names by which we find the same per
son designated at different times. Hubbard (I. W. 128) says the Indian
sachems used to frequently change their names at their great dances or festi
vals. King Philip's Indian name was Metacom or Pumetacomb. (L. E.
1 , 272.) Alexander the brother of Philip's names were Wamsitta, Sepaw-
quit and Mooanam. (M. M. 1639. L. E. 295.) Massassoit father of
Philip was also called Oosamequin. Uneas was also known by the name
of Poqiiin. (Appendix, 177.) Other instances will be mentioned in the
Appendix. The word now commonly written Narragansett, was often by
Roger Williams and others in older time written Nantygansett, Nanhiggon-
set and Nahiggonsik.
We sometimes find the Indian chiefs called sachems, sometimes saga
mores. These words were of like meaning, but tho latter was more used
by tho Indians to the northward of the Narragansetts. [Hubb. N. E. 60.]

XV
Some may object that the greater part of the present work is merely a
book of annals, and that there is but little continued narrative. To have
made it otherwise would have interfered with the object in view which was
to collect together all that could be collected relative to the subject, much of
which, relating to a great variety of topics, could not be better digested.
Considerable genealogical information kindly communicated by individuals,
or extracted from former publications, may be found in the latter part of the
volume. In the Appendix are prmted some extracts from Peter's History of Con
necticut. These Were inserted not with a view of casting any reproach
upon a neighboring state, but as suggesting subjects for future historical in
vestigation. The letters of Roger Williams in the Appendix were copied for the sake
of convenience from Knowles' Life of Roger Williams. The same letters
are found m the printed Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
It will be observed that there is no continuous description of the antiqui
ties of the Narragansett country in any part of the work. Many of them
are alluded to however in the proper places in the history. Besides those
there mentioned, there is a very ancient Indian burying ground in Charles-
town about one mile north of Gen. Joseph Stanton's. It is on a pleasant
elevation commanding an extensive view of the ocean and surrounding
country. The collection of graves is very large and covers considerable
space. There is one row raised above the next, where by tradition their
sachems, great men and their families wore buried. Many of the graves
are of great length. The hill is now covered with wood. The burying
ground on Fort Neck is of more modern date. There is also a very ancient
burying ground near White Pond in the Hills in South-Kingstown.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Extent, &c. of the Narragansett Country, - 1
Pestilence, small jjox, &c., - - 2, 14
Roger Williams' Deposition, 3
Coddington's Deposition, - 5
Number and character of the tribe, - - - - 6,16
Governmeut and Religion, - - - - - 9
Trade with Indians, - ^ - -12,13,16,49
Charters &c. of New-England, - - - 14,38,62,175
Death of Oldham, - - - - - 18
Block Island, - - 1,20,29,30,55,72,76,107
Indian Money, - - - - - 20, 46, 63
Indian Treaties, - - 21, 46, 79, 80, 167, 170, 177
Origin of name of Rhode-Island, - 22
PequotWar, -  22
Boundaries of the Pequot Country, - - 23,27,56,178
Nyantic tribe, - - - 27, 99
Settlement and family of Richard Smith,
31, 33, 58, 68, 166, 256, 270, 311
Warwick Purchase, - - - 33
Meantonomy put to death, - - 39
Death of the great Sachem Canonicus, - - 47
Ninigret's war with the Long-Island Indians, - - 50
Southertowne Incorporated, ------ 53
JMajor Atherton's Purchases, - 58, 60, 77, 100, 101, 104
Squamicut or Westerly settlement, - 53,61,71,76,241
Hermon Garret or Cashawasset, ... 62,64,182
Stanton's Purchase, - 66
Taxes, - - - 68,72,102,112
Commissioners appointed by the King, 69, 104
Hall's Purchase, 70, 225
Judicial proceedings, 71, 78, 109
3

xvni
Sessions of the Council in Narragansett,
Devil's Foot or Fones' Purchase,
Kingstown Incorporated,
King Philip's War,
(iueen's Fort, . . -
Swamp Fight,
Part taken by Rhode-Island in the War,
Capture of Canonchet,
Remains of the Narragansett tribe,
East-Greenwich IncoriDorated,
French settlements,
Settlement of Town Lines,
West Boundary of the Colony,
Division into Counties,
Highways, - - - - .
Sale of the Vacant Lands,
Population of the Colony,
Religious Affairs, - - -
Lawsuit about the Minesterial land,
Extract from Dr. McSparran's Work,
Duke of Hamilton's Claim, APPENDIX.
Letters of Roger Williams,
Williams' account of Richard Smith,
Indian Treaty of 1675,
Account of the Indian Sachems,
Extracts from Peters' History of Connecticut,
Indian Treaty of 1638,
Settlement about tho Pequot Country,
Orders of the King's Commissioners,
Letters from Rhode-Island to Connecticut, 54, 183, 188, 190, 193, 195
Proceedings of the General Assembly, 185, 188, 197-8
Prohibition against intrusion, . . jgs
Agreement iri 1663 about West Boundary, 200
Attempt to settle the Line in 1669, - - goi
Deposition relating to Gov. Andres, - 203
Agreement in 1703 about West Boundary, - - 204

73

, 102

-

76

78

, 113

-
78
-
.
84
-
85
-
-
93
-
97
.
-
99
-
101
105, 220,
314
107-8,
, 110
-
108,
113
-
106,
, 110
-
32, 110,
, 223
110-11-12, 213-14
-
114,
174
115,
278
-
123
,-
.
131
69,
135, 175,
237
137
-
166
.
167
-
171
-
-
175
-
-
177
-
178
- 179,
262
XIX
Report to the King on the boundary, and his decision, - 206
Final settlement of the line, 211
Report of the Committee on the Vacant Lands, - 110, 213
List of sales of the Vacant Lands, - 214
Letter from Massachusetts to Rhode-Island, - 219
Gov. Andros' order to survey Narragansett, - 220
" " order about French settlers, 220
Letter respecting court-houses, - 107, 221
Letter from Smith and Fones, - - - 222
Laying out of a highway, - - . - 223
Survey of Hall's purchase, - - - - 225
Memorial of the Bay purchasers, - 226
Report of Commissioners to the King, - - 229
Order respecting Fones' Records, - 238
Proceedings of Dudley's Court, - - 239
Documents relating to Westerly, - - 241
Boston Neck and Quidneset purchases, - 269
Pettiquamscut purchase papers, - - 275
Families of the purchasers, viz. Hull, Sewall, Porter, Wil-
bor, Mumford, Wilson, Hannah, Niles, John Potter,
Arnold, Brenton and Sanford, - - 292
First Patent of Rhode-Island, - - 399
List of names of places, - - 802
Genealogical information, viz : - - -
Bull, - - - - 307
Gardner, 308
Robinson, - - - 808
Bradford, - - - - 809
Case, - - - . - 809
Stuart, - - - - 309
Ward, - - 810
Whaley, - 811
Updike, - - 270,311
Hazard, . - - 312
Clark, - - 813
Willet, - 270, 813
Mawney, - 814
Bernon, - - 814
Watson, 315

ABBREVIATIONS

St. Rec. — State Records and proceedings of the Assembly.
W. J. — Savage's edition of Winthrop's Journal.
P. C. — Prince's New-England Chronology, last edition.
H. N. E.— Hubbard's New-England.
Hubb. I. W.— Hubbard's Indian Wars.
Call. — Callendar's Century Sermon delivered 1738-9.
M. M  Davis' edition of Morton's Memorial. This is sometimes re
ferred to by the years.
Ch.— Church's History of Philip's War.
Al. H. C. — Massachusetts Historical Collections.
Key. — Roger Williams' Key to the Narragansett language, in vol 1, of
the R. I. Historical Society's Collections.
L. E. — Three volumes of ancient Lemd Evidences in the Secretary's
ufiSce. Trumb. — ^Trumbull's Connecticut.
D. — A small tract, " The present state of New-Ehgland with respect to
the Indian war," reprinted by Josiah Drake, Boston.
Knowles. — His Life of Roger Williams.
Ext. — Three MSS volumes of Extracts from the records of Massachusetts,
made for the R. I. Historical Society, and now in their Cabinet.
Back. — Backus' History of the Baptists.
Hlich. — Huchinson's History of Massachusetts.
Haz. — Hazard's collection of American State Papers, the second volume
of which contams the entire records of the Commissioners of the United
Colonies of New-England.

THE EARLY HISTORY

OF THE

NARRAGANSETT COUNTRY.

STATE OF THE COUNTRY AT THE TIME OF THE ARRIVAL OF
THE ENGLISH.
The Narragansett Tribe, occupied the whole of the pres
ent county of Washington, excepting the country between
Pawcatuck river and Wekapaug, the possession of which
appears to have been a frequent subject of contention be
tween them and their western neighbors the Pequots.* —
The Narragansetts, however, appear to have taken final
and quiet possession of this disputed tract, after the de
struction of the Pequots, in 1637. Their possessions al
so extended some way into Kent county. North of the
Narragansetts, were the Cowesits, occupjiing the Easter
ly part of Kent county; the Shawomet or Warwick tribe,
and the Nipmucs in the North West part of the State. —
Those tribes were tributary to the Narragansetts, but took
advantage of the arrival of the English, to shake off their
dependance. [Letter of Roger Williams, St. R. 1638-70.
Appen. 11, dated Oct. 27, 1660. J
Block Island, (said to have derived its name from a
*Mason in his Pequot war, says, the Naragansetts told him the Pequots
dsed to fish in Pawcatuck river. See History post Anno, 1637.
A

Dutch navigator, Adrian Block; Holmes, 1, 235.) as well
as all the Islands in the Bay, were tributary to them.
The name Narragansett, is used by the old writers very
indefinitely, sometimes to signify only the Narragansett
tribe properly so called, sometimes including all their trib
utary and dependent tribes.
The present county of Bristol, was occupied by the tribe
of Wampanoags under a sachem* Ousamequin or Massasoit.
A few years previous to the arrival of the English, which
was in 1620, there had been a terrible pestilence among
the Eastern Indians which had extended as far West as
Narragansett Bay, and included the Wampanoags in its
ravages, (M. M. 69.) This pestilence was accompanied or
preceded by a comet which the Indians superstitiously con
sidered as the cause of the pestilence. The Narragansetts
being entirely free from its ravages, (M. M. 52. 62.) their
comparative strength was thus increased, and they were
able to subjugate many of their neighboring tribes, who were
so much reduced in numbers, as to be unable to resist.
Massasoit and his Wampanoags, had also at this time
been reduced, but on the arrival of the English, he availed
himself of their assistance to regain his independence. He
acknowledged to Roger Williams, that he had been sub
jected by the Narragansetts, but said that it had been on
account of the plague and that he had never been reduced
in war. [Paper of R. W. St. R. 1638-70. App. p. 12.]
The Wampanoags had formerly possessed Aquedneck, af
terwards Rhode-Island. This Island probably passed un
der the Narragansetts, at the time of the subjection of
Massasoit. There is also great reason to believe that the Narragan
setts had extended their power over a considerable part
of the Massachusetts Indians.

* Another Ousamequin mentioned, W. J. 1, 264.

3
*' John Sagamore and Chickatabot, were gone with all
their men; the former with 30, the latter with (blank) to
Canonicus who had sent for them." [W. J. 1.72.]
Chickatabot lived near Nesponset River, and John Saga
more is supposed to have lived near Watertown.
Jonas, heir of Chickatabot, and Cuchamakin afterwards
submitted themselves to Massachusetts, for the express pur
pose of protection against the power of the Narragansetts.
[W. J. 2. 152.]
We know that Pomham, Sachem'of Shawomet, was a sub
ject of the Narragansetts. Cuchamakin, a Massachusetts
Sachem, in his testimony before the general court of Mas
sachusetts, where he was summoned to prove Pomham's in
dependence, said, that Pomham, was as independent as he
was himself. This is easily reconciled with other circum
stances, if we suppose them both to have been tributary to the
Narragansetts. [For this remark, indebted to W. R. Staples.]
In W. J. Nov. 5, J 634, we find that two of the Nar
ragansett Sachems and their men, were out on a hunting
expedition about Nesponsit. The Indians are known -to
have been very particular as to the boundaries between
different nations. [Key 89.]
As Massasoit had been a pretty powerful prince, many of
the Massachusetts tribes had probably been subject to him
and had been reduced together with him by the Narragan
setts. [P. C. 197.]
We insert here a deposition of Roger Williarns, (L. E.
2. 335.) and one of Mr. Coddington.
I testify, as in the presence of the All-making and all-
seeing God, that about fifty years since, I, coming into the
Narragansett country, I found a great contest between
three Sachems, two (to wit, Cononicus and Meantinomy,)
were against Ousamaquin, on Plymouth side; I was forced
to travel between them three, to pacify, [to satisfie all their,
and their independent's spirits, of my honest intentions to live

.peaceably by them, I testifying it was the general and
constant declaration, that 'Cononicus, his father, had three
sons, Cononicus was the Hiere, and his youngest brother's
son Meantinomy (because of his youth) was his Marshal and
Executioner, and did nothing \yithout his uncle Cononi
cus consent. And therefore I declare to posterity, that
were it not for the favor that God gave me with Cononi
cus, none of these parts, no, not Rhode-Island had been
purchased or obtained, for I never got any thing out of Co-
ponicus but by gift. I also profess^ that being inquisitive of
what root the title or denomination Nahiganset should come,
I heard that Nahiganset was so named from a little Island,
between Puttisquomsett and Musquomacuk, on the sea and
fresh water side. I went on purpose to see it, and about
the place called Sugarloaf Hill, I saw it, and was within a
pole of it, but could not learn why it was called Nahiganset.
I had learnt that the Massachusetts was called so from the
blue hills, a little Island thereabout; and Cononicus, father
and anchestors living in those southern parts, transferred and
brought their authority and name into those northern parts,
all along by the sea side, as appears by the great destruc
tion of wood all along near the sea side: and I desire pos
terity to see the gracious hiind of the most High, (in whose
hands is all hearts) that when the hearts of my countl-ymen
and friends and brethren failed me, his infinite wisdom and
ijierrits stirred up the barbarous heart of Cononicus to love
me as his son to his last gasp, by which means I had not on
ly Meantinomy and all the Coweset Sachems my friends,
but Ousamaquin also, who because of my great friendship
with him at Plymouth, and the authority of Cononicus, con
sented freely (being also well gratified by me) to the Gov
ernor W^inthrope's and my enjoyment of Prudence, yea of
Providence itself, and all the other lands I procured of Co
nonicus, which were upon the point, and in efl^ect whatsoev
er I desired of him. And I never denyed him nor Meanti-

uomy whatever they desired of ine as to goods and gilts, or
use of my boats, or pinioe aud the travels ofiny own person
day and night, which though men know not nor care to
know, yet the All-Seeing Eye hath seen it and his All-pow
erful hand hath helped me. Blessed be his holy name to
eternity. R. WILLIAMS.
September 28, 1704, I then being present at the house
of Mr. Nathaniel Coddington's house, there being present
ed with this paper which I attest upon oath to be my Fa
ther's own hand writing. JOSEPH WILLIAMS, Assistant.
February 11, 1705. True copy of the original placed to
record and examined by me.
WESTON CLARKE, Recorder.
WILLIAM coddington's DEPOSITION.
" William Coddington, Esq. aged about seventy-six
years old, testifyeth upon his engagement, that when he
was one of the magistrates of Massachusetts colony, he
was one of the persons that made a peace with Canonicus
and Meantinomy, in the colony's behalf, with all the Nara-
gansett Indians, and by order from the authority of the
Massachusetts, a little before they made war with the Pe
quot Indians. Not long after, this deponent went from Bos
ton, to find a plantation to settle upon, came to Aquidneck,
now called Rhode-Island, where was a Sachem called
Wonnumetonomey, and this deponent went to buy the Isl
and of him; but his answer was that Canonicus and Mean
tinomy were the chief Sachems, and he could not sell the
land, whereupon this deponent with some others went from
Aquidneck Island into the Narragansett, to the said Sa
chems, Cononicus and Meantinomy, and bought the Island
of them, they having, as I understood, the chief command
both of the Narragansett and Aquidneck Island, and far
ther saith not. Taken upon engagement, in Newport, on

6
Rhode-Island, the 27th day of September, 1677, before P.
Sanford, Assistant.
The above is a true copy of the original, placed to record,
examined by me February 11, 1705.
WESTON CLARKE, Recorder.
JYarragansett, 18 June, 1685 Ut. Vul.
As to the number of the Narragansett tl-ibe, we have va
rious statements.
Brinley (M. H. C) says, they number 30,000 men.
Callender, on- the authority of Williams, says, they could
raise 5000 fighting men.
Huchinson, (28.) says, they are most numerous of all
the tribes between Boston and Hudson River.
Gookin, (M. H. C.) agrees with their estimates, and al
so Prince C. 200. and also Winslow, M. M. 75.
Hubbard, who wrote after the great Indian war of 1676,
describes the Narragansetts as consisting of many tribes,
united under one Sachem. "It is said, before they quarrel
ed with theEnglish,,they hadjabout 2000 fighting men; of all
which, there are now but a hundred or two left, belonging
to Ninicret, who, though he secretly bore the English ho
more good will than the rest, yet being an old man, cun
ning, and remembering the destruction of the Pequots,
maintained friendship &c." [H. N. E. quoted nearly.]
The ravages of disease, and the defection of their trib
utaries, must have greatly diminished their strength, even
before the war of 1676, and this accounts for the difference
in the statements.
Roger Williams (Key 28,) observes: " In the Narragan
sett country, (which are the chief people in the land,) a
man shall come to many towns, some bigger, some lesser;
it may be a dozen in twenty miles travel."
The ancient Indians, were like the present Indians of the
West; a nation of hunters — depending principally upon
iheir forests, and partially upon agriculture for subsistence.

They were not so far advanced in civilization, as the more
Southerly Indians of Mexico, &c.
The Narragansetts, living on the sea shore, had also an
other resource in the large quantities of fish, with which
their waters were supplied. They lived in huts, or rudely
constructed dwellings, and their clothing was of the sim
plest kind. As opportunities for illustrating their manners
and habits, will occur frequently in these sketches, we will
not dwell on it at present.
In forming our opinion of the ancient Indians, we should
not judge of them by the condition and habits of the present
Indians. Eventhose, who are most distant and secluded, in
the forests and, mountains of the West, it should be remem
bered, are tinctured with vice and corruption, by their in
tercourse with the whites. Still less should we suffer our
selves to be prejudiced against the Narragansetts, by the ¦
degraded state, to which the remains of that once power
ful nation are now reduced.
The Indians of the present day are corrupted and debas
ed by all the vices of their civilized white neighbors, with
out being improved by any of their good qualities. This is
also true of the times to which these sketches refer. Many
of the vices with which our forefathers charged the Indians,
were vice« they would have never known, but for their in
tercourse with the whites.
Real refinement in a nation must be gradual: it must be
the work of ages: whereas all the vices which are conse
quent on civilization, or which are allowed in civilized
society, are easily adopted by any man or nation; and the
very circumstance of their having adopted these vices, ren
ders it more difficult to advance much in civilization, since
their character and morals are debased by them.
Respecting the general character of the Narragansetts,
their manners, habits and their disposition towards the
whites, we have abundant evidence. They were not only

8
a strong and brave, but a generous people. We have the
general testimony of history to their generosity; the depo
sition of Williams, which we have quoted, and other inci
dental authorities. Hubbard says, "the Narragansetts
were always more civil and courteous to the English than
any of the other Indians;" and when the sanctimonious
Hubbard allows the Indians any good qualities, we have
surely no reason to doubt it.
Callender (102) says, that the Narragansetts were not re
markable among the Indians for many vices peculiar to
them, but that they had more of the common Indian vices,
inasmuch as they were more populous.
At a later period, 1674, Gookin in his Historical Collec
tions of the Indians in N. E. (ch. 10, M. H. C. 1.) after
speaking of their not being easily converted; " But yet let
. me add this by way of commendation, of the Narragansett
and Warwick Indians, who inhabit in the jurisdiction, that
they are an active, laborious and ingenious people, which
is demonstrated in their labors they do for the English; of
whom more are employed, especially in making stone fen
ces and many other hard labors, than of any other Indian
people Or neighbors."
Huchinson (p. 458) says, " at the beginning of Philip's
war, it was generally agreed that the Narragansett tribe con
sisted of 2000 fighting men. They were the most curious
coiners of the Wampumpeag, and supplied the other nations
with many pendants and bracelets, also with tobacco pipes
of stone, some blue and some white, they furnished the
earthen vessels and pots for cookery, and other domestic
uses. They were considered as a commercial people, and
not only began a trade with the English for goods for their
own consumption, but soon learned to supply other distant
nations at an advanced price, and to receive beaver and other
furs in exchange, upon which they made a profit also. —
The Pequods jeered them for their indisposition to war,
and called them a nation of women.''

9
Mr. Williams, in his Key, has given abundant testimony to
the generosity, hospitality and general integrity of the Nar
ragansetts. Callender (86) says, Mr. Williams afterwards
on greater experience of their character, changed his opin
ion of them; but he gives no sufficient reason for this asser
tion. Williams's Key was written after 5 &e 6 years' resi
dence among them, and close and intimate acquaintance
with them; and we have here his opinion of them as ex
pressed in his Key. (121.) "I could never discern that
excess of scandalous sins amongst them, which Europe
aboundeth with. Drunkenness and gluttony generally they
know not what sins they be; and although they have not so
much to restrain them, (both in respect of knowledge of
God and laws of men) as the English have, yet a man shall
never hear of such crimes amongst them of robberies, mur-
thers, adulteries, &c."
There is no doubt, however, that as their intercourse with
the Indians increased, the English vices spread among
them, more especially intemperance. If any more testimo
ny was desired in favor of the character of the original Nar
ragansetts, besides the Key of Williams, we should find it
in their kind and affectionate reception of him, and in the
steady protection these noble-minded savages extended to
the great apostle of toleration, when driven into the wilder
ness by the persecutions of his religious opponents. This
friendship and protection was continued through the sever
est trials, and in the war of 1676, when the Narragansetts
were exasperated against the English, and driven almost to
madness by the repeated insults and injuries they had suf
fered from them; the friend of the Indians found their
friendship for him still as strong as ever. In the midst of
war and desolation, he remained uninjured, unmolested. .
The Government of the Narragansetts appears to have
been nearly a patriarchal despotism. On the arrival of
the English, there were two chief Sachems, and under them
A*

10
several subordinate ones. The different small tribes com
posing the great Narragansett nation, had their separate
Sachems; as for instance, the Nyantics, who inhabited the
Southern part of the country, had a Sachem sometimes call
ed Ayanemo or Janemoe, and sometimes Ninigret; but all
these were in subjection to the great Sachems. The suc
cession to the chief authority seems not to have been regu
lated very precisely, but was however generally preserved
in the same family. The principal residence of the chief
Sachems'is believed to have been near Wickford.
Roget Williams d«scribes their government thus: "Their
government, is monarchical; yet at present, the ehiefest
government in the country is divided between a younger
Sachem, Miantunnomoh, and an elder Sachem, Canonicus,
of about fourscore years old, this young man's uncle; and
their agreement in the government is remarkable. The old
Sachem will not be offended at what the young Sachem
doeth; and the young Sachem will not do what he conceives
will displease his uncle." (Key 120.) He observes, (122.)
that when the Sachems had condemned any one to be pun
ished, they very often executed the sentence themselves:
sometimes, however, one of the chief warriors was made
the executioner.
With respect to their religious belief, we find much in
formation in R. Williams' Key. Speaking of the South
West wind, he says: " This is the pleasantest, warmest
wind in the climate; most desired of the Indians: making
fair weather ordinarily, and therefore they have a tradition
that to the South West, which they call Sowwainiu, the
gods chiefly dwell; and hither the souls of all good men
and women go." [83.] '
Their principal god, seems to have been Kautantowit, or
the South West god. But they had many other objects of
worship. They called the soul, Cowwewonck, derived from a word

11
meaning sleep; because, they said it worked and operated
while the body slept. They also had another name for it;
signifying "a clear sight or discernment."
" They believe that the souls of men and women goto
the South West; their great and good men and women to
Kautantowits house, where they have hopes, as the Turks
have, of carnal joys. Mui-derers, thieves and liars, — their
souls, say they, wander restless abroad." [Key 113.]
" They have it from their fathers, that Kautantowit made
one man and one woman of a stone, which disliking, he
broke them in picies, and made another man and woman of
a tree, which were the fountains of all mankind." [Key
.1.16.] FIRST HISTORICAL NOTICE OP THE INDIANS.
In the summer of 1621, Plymouth sent Edward Winslow
-and Stephen Hopkins, to take a view of the condition of Mas
sasoit and his country, " who found his people few in
comparison of what they had been, by reason of the mortal
ity among the Indians forementioned. These brought word
on their return of the Narragansetts, a people that lived
on the other side of the great Bay, which are a people
strong and many in number; living compact together,
and had not at all been touched by the wasting plague be
fore specified." [M. M.]
This was probably the first intimation that the English
had of the existence of the Narragansetts: the first inter
course lietween them was of a hostile character, and omi
nous of evil. The Narragansetts sent rnessengers to Plym
outh, with a bundle of arrows tied together with a snakeskin.
The Indian who served the Colonists as interpreter, told
them it was a challenge.. The Governor returned them a
" very rough ajjswer," that they might begin war when
they pleased. (M. M. 74. P. C. 200.) Such was the
fear of Indian hostilities, that in the summer of 1622, ike

12
Plymouth settlers built a fort for protection against them.
There is a strong probability that the interpreter deceived
the English, when he told them this was sent as a chal
lenge. It seems that the English afterwards discovered
that he was not perfectly honest, and that he was acting for
his own interest alone, and not from any regard for them. —
[P. C. 201.J
If it was really meant as a challenge, it was probably be
cause the Narragansetts considered the English had im
properly interfered between them and their tributary Mas
sasoit. The English had several times assisted the latter, .
and once — when the Narragansetts had taken Massasoit and
carried him off" into their own country — had been the cause
of his deliverance from captivity. (P. C. 194.) This, the
Narragansetts would very i>aturally resent.
Until about 1628, the only arms the Indians used were
bows and arrows. The French traders first began to sup
ply them with guns, and afterwards, the fishermen and tra
ders in the English colonies, began the same practice, and
a proclamation issued by the King, prohibiting this trade,
seems to have had little effect. In ' New-England's Me
morial," mention is made of a Morton, who traded exten
sively with the Indians, and supplied them with guns and
ammunition, and taught them' their use. (M. M. 1628. P.
C. 249.) The Dutch also supplied them with some. [See
letter of Wms. Hazard's collections 1. 613.]
The next notice we have of them is as follows: — "Ju
ly, 1631, Canonicus' son, the great Sachem of Narragansett,
came to the Governor's house with John Sagamore. After
they had dined, he gave the Governor a skin, and the Gov
ernor requited him with a fair pewter pot, which betook
very thankfully and staid all night." [W. J.]
The Narragansetts and Massasoit, were at variance on
the arrival of the English: Massasoit, probably endeavor
ing to make use of the aid of the English, to render himself

13
independent of the Narragansetts. There were frequent
broils between them. In 1G32, a difference arose between
them, and the Narragansetts attacked tho English house at
Pokanoket, as was said, to take Massasoit; but retired
suddenly to fight the Pequots, with whom they were then
out. [M. M. 168. P. C. 392.]
August, 1632. Meantinomy went to Boston with his
squaw and twelve Sannups, and while he was attending a
sermon with the Governor, three of his Sannups broke into
a dwelling-house. Upon the complaint of the Governor to
Meantinomy, and at his request, Meantinomy caused them
to be flogged, and sent them home. But the Governor car
ried Meantinomy and the rest of them to his house, where
they remained until evening. (P. C. 399.) Huch. (28)
says, "*the Sagamore, who was a very high spirited fellow,
could hardly be persuaded to order them any corporal pun
ishment; but he was so ashamed of his attendants, that he
ordered them out of town, and followed them himself soon
-after." In 1633, "John Oldham and three with him, went over
land to Connecticut to trade. The Sachems used him
kindly and gave him some beaver. They brought of the
hemp which gfows there in great abuundance, and is much
better than the English. He accounted it to be about 160
miles. He brought some black lead, whereof the Indians
told him there was a whole rock. He lodged at Indian towns
all the way." [W. J. I. 111.]
Jan. 20, 1633-4. "Hall, and the two others who went
* The following anecdote is interesting, as relating to Indian manners. —
[W. J. 1632.] "One pleasant thing happened this year; acted by the
Indians. Mr. Winslow commg in his bark from Connecticut to Narragan
sett, went to Ousamequin, the jSagamore, his old ally, who offered to con
duct him to Plymouth, Ousamequin sent a man to Plymouth to say that
W. was dead. Being after asked the reason, he said it was their custom
to make their friends more joyful on seeing them."

14
to Connecticut, Nov. 3, came now home, having lost them
selves and endured much misery. They informed us that
the small pox was gone as far as any Indian plantation was
known, to the West; and many people died of it, by reason
whereof they could have no trade. At Narragansett, by
the Indian's report, there died 700; but beyond Piscata'-
quack, none to the Eastward." -[W. ,#.]
CHARTERS &C. OF NEW-ENGLAND.
The English nation having by right of prior discovery,
(and in some instances by force,) acquired possession of
a large extent of coast in North America, the Govern
ment proceeded to parcel it out to its citizens, and those
who were adventurous enough to undertake the settlement
of an almost entirely unexplored wilderness
In April, 1606, King James I, divided the country in
America, claimed by England, into two portions. The
South half he allotted to a London company; the North
half to a company established at Plymouth, in the West of
England. (Holmes 1. 124.) In 1620, (Baylies says, Nov.
3, and gives the patent at length, Trumbull, March 3,)
he by patent incorporated Lords Leno.Y, Arundel, Hamil
ton, Warwick, and other lords and gentlemeh to the number
of 40, by the name of the "Council established at Plymouth,
in the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling and govern
ing of New-England in America;" granting them all be
tween 40 and 43 degrees of latitude from sea to sea.
March 19, 1631, date of the old Patent of Connecticut.
Robert, Earl of Warwick, granted to lords Say and Seal,
Brooks, Rich and others, " all that part of N. E. in Amer
ica, which lies and extends itself from a river there called
Narragansett river, the space of 40 leagues upon a straight
line near the seashore, towards the South West, West, and
by South or West, as the coast lieth, &c." This tract hai

15
been granted to the Earl the year before, by the Plymouth
Council, and confirmed to him by patent from Charles I. —
[Trumbull 1. 13.]
April, 1635. Grant from the Plymouth council, to the
Duke of Hamilton, of all the land between Connecticut and
Narragansett rivers. Hubbard, (N. E. 309.) says, the con
ditions of this grant were never fulfilled. [See Dr. Mc
Sparran's work quoted post.]
According to the international law of Europe, priority of
discovery gave the nation making the discovery, a right to
the country, against all the other nations of Europe which
acknowledged the obligations of the same law. Of course,
it could give them no right over the independent natives, or
over the soil, until they had fairly acquired it from its pos
sessors. It could amount to nothing more than an under
standing or agreement, that if one nation discovered a new
country, no other nation should attempt to trade or make
settlements in it, without the consent of the original discov
erers, and thus could confer on them no other right than
that of preemption.
The territory thus divided by the English, was almost en
tirely unexplored. They had no knowledge of the country
beyond the coast, and a very imperfect knowledge of that.
How incorrect their ideas of it were, may be seen from the
old maps, which were drawn long after the country had been
discovered, and many settlements had been made in it. Be
ing thus ignorant of the geography of the country, of
course they could not describe it accurately in the Charters.
This has been a copious source of troubles and disputes in
New-England, even to this day. Of these troubles, the
Nan'agansett country has had its full share. For a long se
ries ofyears]its jurisdiction was disputedbetween Connecticut
and Rhode Island, and its affairs distracted by the alternate
prevalence of these two governments. And it was only in
1728, that this question was finally settled, and Narragan
sett allowed to remain in peacable union with Rhode-Island.

16

SETTLEMENT OP ROGER WILLIAMS — TRADE, &C.
About 1635-6, Roger Williams purchased Providence of
the Narragansett Sachems, and thus commenced the settle
ment of the present State of Rhode Island.
He had been educated in England, and on coming to this
country, settled in Massachusetts, and was for a time a min
ister of a church in Salem. Having taken the liberty to
think for himself; to differ in opinion from the majority of
his "brethren" in Massachusetts, he was obliged, to leave
that province, retire into the wilderness, and throw himself
upon the humanity of savages, for that hospitality and kind
treatment for which he might seek in vain among those who
pretended to civilization. He found an asylum and pro
tection with the Narragansett Sachems and their tribe,
then the most. powerful of all the, Indian tribes in their neigh
borhood. Ingratiating himself with these sons of the wil
derness, he was able by the influence he acquired.over them,
to heap coals of fire on the heads of his former persecutors,
by rendering them good for evil. He was often the me
diator of peace between the hostile neighbors; and several
times gave notice to the whites of threatened attacks, and
thus put them on their guard against surprise from the
Indians. Even at this early period, the English had considerable
trade with the Narragansetts, as appears from several no
tices in the early authors. "Nov: 5, 1634. The Rebec
ca came from Narragansett with 500 bushels of corn, given
to John Oldham. Tbe Indians had promised him 1000
bushels, but their store fell out less than they expected. —
They gave him also, an Island in the Narragansett Bay,
called Chippacursett; containing about 1000 acres. It is
six miles long, and two broad. This was a very fair bay,
being about twelve leagues square, with divers great islands
in it. A deep channel close to the shore, being rocky. —

17
Mr. Pierce took the height there, and found it 41 ° 41 » being
not above half a league to the southward of us. The coun
try on the west of the bay of Narragansett is all cham-
pain for many miles, but very stony and full of Indians. —
He saw there above 1000 men, women and children; yet
the men were many abroad on hunting." [W. J.]
"The Pinnace being sent about the cape to trade with
the Narragansetts, gets some good corn and beaver, yet
makes but a poor voyage; the Dutch having used to furnish
them with cloth and better commodities, whereas she had
only beads and knives, lohich are not there much esteemed.^'
[P. C. 222,]
The Narragansetts were almost continually at variance
with the Pequots, who lived to the westward of them. —
Winthrop mentions that there was a quarrel between them
this year, (1634,) and that the Pequots endeavored to ob
tain the assistance of the English, "because they were at
war with the Narragansetts, whom, till now, they had kept
under; and also with the Dutch, who had killed their old
Sachem." An alarm was raised in Boston, Nov. 6, that
tho Narragansetts were marching there in great numbers
to kill the Pequots, who were there, treating about peace
and alliance. On mustering their soldiers and meeting
the supposed enemy, they were found to be only two Nar
ragansett Sachems, and about 20 men, who had been a hunt
ing, and "came to lodge with the Indians of Coliann, (Ne-
ponsit) as their manner is. So we treated with them about
the Pequots, and atour request, they promised they should
go and come from us in peace, and they were also content
to enter into further treaty of peace with them, and in all
things showed themselves very ready to gratify us. So
the Pequots returned home, and the Narragansetts depart
ed well satisfied, only they were told in private, that if they
did make peace with the Pequots, we would give them part
of that Warapumpeague,which they should give us." [W. J.]

18
1636. John Oldham, of Massachusetts, the person men
tioned above, was killed at Manisses, or Block Island, while
on a trading expedition. Roger Williams wrote the news
of it from Providence, to Governor Vane by letter, in July,
1636. (W. J.) That Oldham was a person of very tur
bulent disposition, we have the testimony of M. M. (1624.)
A trading vessel returning from Connecticut, discovered
Mr. Oldham's vessel with a number of Indians on board,
and being hailed, they made off. Several of them jumped
overboard on being fired upon, and were drowned; one
was thrown overboard by the English, after his capture.
Mr. Oldham was found covered with a sail, with his skull
split open. The English suspected that all the Narragansett
Sachems, (except Canonicus and Meantonomy,) werep rivy
to his death, and that the cause was their jealousy,as he was
a-going to trade with the Pequots. Lt. Gibbon and Mr.
Higginson,were sent to Canonicus to treat about the murder,
accompanied by Cuchamakin, the Sachem of Massachu
setts. "They were entertained royally in respect of the In
dian manner. Boiled chestnuts is their white bread, and
because they would be extraordinary in their feasting, they
strove for variety after the English manner, boiling pudding
made of beaten corn, putting therein great store of black
berries, something like currants. They having thus nobly
feasted them, gave them audience in a State House, round,
about 50 feet wide, made of long poles stuck in the ground,
like their summer houses in England, and covered round
about and on top with mats." [Wonder Working Provi
dence, 109.]
"They observed in the Sachem, much state, great com
mand over his men, and marvellous wisdom in his answers;
and in the carriage of the whole treaty, clearing himself and
his neighbors of the murder, and ofl-ering assistance in re
venge of it, yet on very safe and wary terms." (W. J.
104-M. M. 185.) It is not said to which of the two chief

19
t
Sachems this message was delivered. Probably both were
present. Johnson, in his Wonder Working Providence,
B. ii. ch. 6, (quoted by Holmes, i. 236,) describes the
young Prince Meantinomy, as being of great stature, stern
and cruel, "causing all his nobility and attendants to trem
ble at his speech." " When the messengers began to de
liver their message, the Sachem lay extended on a mat, and
his nobility set round on the ground with their legs doubled
up, their knees touching their chin. At the close o'" their
message, Meantinomy replied, he was willing to have peace
with the English, but not with the Pequots."
"The two Indians who were with Oldham, and one other,
came from Canonicus, the chief Sachem of the Narragan
setts, with a letter from Mr. Williams to the Governor, to
certify him what had befallen Oldham, and how grievously
they were afflicted; and that Meantinomy was gone with
17 canoes and 200 men, to take revenge. But upon
examination of the Indian who was brought prisoner to us,
we found that all the Sachems of the Narragansetts, except
Canonicus and Meantinomy, were the contrivers of Mr.
Oldham's death; and the occasion was, because he went to
trade and make peace with the Pequots, last year. The
prisoner said also, that Mr. Oldham's two Indians were ac
quainted with it, but because they were sent as messengers
from Canonicus, we would not imprison them. But the
Governor wrote back to Mr. Williams, to let the Narragan
setts know that we expected they should send us the two
boys, and take revenge upon the Islanders; and withal, gave
Mr. Willians a caution to look to himself, if we should have
occasion to make war upon the Narragansetts, for Block
Island was under them." [W. J.]
" Mr. Oldham's two boys were sent home by one of Me-
antinomy's men, with a letter from Mr. Williams, signifying
that Meantinomy had caused the Sachem of Nyantic to send
to Block Island for them, and that he had nearly 100 fathoms

20
of wampum,* and other things of Oldham's which should
be reserved for us; — that three of those who were drown
ed, were Sachems. — So we wrote back, that we held Ca
nonicus and Meantinomy innocent, but the six under Sa
chems, guilty." [W. J.]
1636. "Meantinomy, Sachem of Narragansett, sent a
messenger to us with a letter from Mr. Williams, to signify
to us that they had taken one of the Indians who had escap
ed, and had him safe for us: the other he had sent away,
not knowing he had been our prisoner. But we conceived
it was rather in love to him, for he had been his servant
formerly." August, 1636. The English of Massachusetts fitted out
an expedition against Block Island and the Pequots. "J
Endicott and four Captains under him, with twenty men
apiece, set sail and arrived at Block Island the last of the
month. There were about forty Indians on the shore ready
to meet them. As soon as one jumped on shore, they all
fled. The Island is about ten miles long, and four broad;
full of small hills, and all overgrown with small brushwood
of oak, no good timber in it; so that we could not march but
in one file in the narrow path .There were two plantations,
three miles asunder, and about sixty wigwams; some very
large and fair; about 200 acres of corn, some gathered and
* Wampum was the Indian medium of exchange. It was of two sorts;
black, made of the Poquauhock on quahaug; the white,made of periwinkles.
It was made by the Indians on the sea shore, and the inland Indiana
afterwards learned to manufacture it. The English learned the trade in it
from the Dutch. [See R. Williams's Key, 126. P. C. 249. M. M.
133. Hubbard's N. E. 100.]
It seems the Indians got many of the shells for making it on Long Island.
[Hazard, 2. S88.]
In 1649, black peage was ordered to pass at four for a penny. [Records.]
In 1658, peage to be received, eight for a penny, for all costs of court.
[See also History, post, 1645.]

21
laid in heaps, and the rest standing. Not finding the Ind
ians, they burned the huts, the mats and corn, and depart
ed.". [W. J.]
From Block Island, the expedition sailed to the Pequot
country. Plymouth and Connecticut complained greatly
about it, that it had produced no good effect whatever, but
had only served to irritate the Indians. [M. M. 186.]
Canonicus sent us word of some English, whom the Pe
quots had killed at Say brook; Mr. Williams wrote that
the Pequots and the Narragansetts were at truce, and
that Meantinomy had told him that the Pequots had labor
ed hard to persuade them that the English were minded to
destroy all the Indians; whereupon we sent for Meantino
my." [W. J.]
Oct. 21, 1636. "Meantinomy, the Sachem of Narragan
sett, (being sent for by the Governor,) came to Boston
with Canonicus' son and another Sachem. The Governor
sent twenty musketeers to meet him at Roxbury. After
dinner, Meantinomy proposed his terms of peace. In the
morning, a peace was signed by the Governor, and by the
Indians by marks. But because we could not make them
well understand the articles perfectly, we sent a copy to Mr.
Williams to interpret to them. The Indians were dismiss
ed with a volley of shot. The Articles. 1st. A firm peace
between us and our friends of other plantations, (if they con
sent,) and the Indians and their confederates, (if any will
observe the articles,) and our posterities. 2d. Neither
party to make peace without the other's consent. 3d. Not
to harbor the Pequots, &c. 4th. To put to death, or deliv
er over, all murderers. 6th. To return our fugitive ser
vants, &c. 6th. We to give notice when we go against
the Pequots; and they to give us some guides. 7th, Free
trade between us, 8th. None of them to come near our
plantations during the Pequot war, without some English
man or known Indians. 9th, to continue to the posterity
of both parties." [W, J,]

22
In this treaty between the English of Narragansett, and
the Indians, we have probably a pretty good instance of the
manner in which their treaties were generally made. It
seems the English knew that the other parties did not un
derstand the treaty, since they thought necessary to send it
to Mr. Williams, to be interpreted. Of course, they could
never be morally bound by any such engagement; yet they
were often led to sign treaties and promises, in this way,
without knowing what they were doing; then if they after-
terwards did not fulfill these promises, which they never
knew they had made, it was a ground of exaction, or perhaps
of war against them.
Feb. 21, 1636. "Meantinomy sent twenty-six men, with
forty fathoms of wampum, and a Pequot 's hand. We gave
four of the chiefs, each a coat of 14 s. price."
March 24, 1637-8. Canonicus and Meantinomy gave
Coddington and others a deed of Aquidnecke, or Rhode-
Island. The settlers soon established a sort of Civil socie
ty, and were ruled at first by judge and elder. Coddington,
first judge.
The Island of Rhode-Island is said to have received its
name from the Dutch. They called it Rood Eylandt from
its red appearance in autumn. [Moulton's New-York. D.]
PEQUOT WAR.
We come now to relate the events of the war which end
ed in the destruction of the celebrated Pequot tribe.
The Pequots were a warlike tribe, occupying the neigh
borhood of New-London, Groton and Stonington, with the
Mohegans on their north, a tribe which in all probability
had been formerly subject to them. There was a tradition,
that they had come to this place at some not very remote
period, from the interior; had dispossessed the ancient inhab-
tants by force. They were a powerful people and the name
Sassacus, their Sachem, was a terror to all the surrounding

23
tribes. His principal seat, was a strong fort between New-
London and Mystic River.
The causes which led to this war, were various. There
were no doubt provocations on both sides. The Pequots
had killed Capt. Stone, Mr. Oldham and others who had
gone to trade among them. But then on the other hand, we
do not know but that they fully deserved their fate. Mr.
Oldham's character has been before referred to. For Capt.
Stone's dishonesty, we have the evidence of M. M (old. ed.
101. 106.)
The Pequots had, according to some accounts, pushed
their conquests into the Narragansett country, as far East
as Wecapaug Brook; and these' two tribes were always at
variance. The great body of the Narrrgansetts were very
desirous of revenge against the Pequots; many of them
accordingly joined the English army. But the old Sa
chems were desirous of remaining neutral in the war. All
the old authors give Canonicus the character of being a
wise and prudent Prince, and although the Pequots were
his rivals and constant enemies, he was probably fearful
that by their destruction, the arm of their common oposers
would be strengthened, to strike a more deadly blow at some
time not very remote, at the existence of his own people. —
(Callender 70, &.c.) In their negotiations with the Narra
gansetts at this time, the Massachusetts government em
ployed Roger Williams as their agent.
1637. "Having received intelligence from Meantinomy,
that the Pequots had sent their women and children to an
Island for safety, we sent forty men by land to Narragan
sett. Meantinomy was to join them with sixteen men, to
set upon them in the night — we also provided to send 160
men after them to prosecute the war." [W. J.]
For this war, Massachusetts sent Capt. Stoughton, and
160 men. Plymouth sent 50 men, and Connecticut sent
Maj. Mason, with 90 English and 70 Indians, principally

24
Mohegans, with their Sachem Uncas, [Trumbull 1, 71.
Mason's Pequot War.]
The Connecticut forces sailed from Connecticut River
and arrived in Narragansett Bay. " On the Monday,
the wind blew so hard at N. W. that we could not go on
shore, as also on Tuesday, until sunset, at which time Capt.
Mason landed and marched up to the place of the chief
Sachem's residence, who told the Sachem that we had not
an opportunity to acquaint him with our coming armed in
his country sooner; yet not doubting but that it would be
well accepted by him, there being love betwixt himself and
us; well knowing also that the Pequots and themselves
were enemies; that he could not be unacquainted with those
intolerable wrongs and injuries, these Pequots had lately
done unto the English; that we were now come, God as
sisting, to avenge ourselves upon^them, and that we did on
ly desire free passage through his country: — who returned
us this answer: 'that he did accept of our coming, and did
also approve of our design; only he thought our numbers
were much too weak to deal with the enemy, who were (as
he said) very great Captains, and men skilful in war.' —
Thus he spake somewhat slightingly of us. On Wednes
day morning, we marched from there to a place called Ny
antic, it being about 18 or 20 miles distant, where another
of those Narragansett Sachems lived in a fort,* it being a
frontier to the Pequots. They carried very proudly tow
ards us, not permitting any of us to come into the fort." —
(Mason's P. War. M. H. C. 18.) Mason fearing treach
ery, set a guard all around the fort during the night they re
mained there; allowing no one to go out or in.
* Mason says it was 12 miles from the fort to Pawcatuck -River. It was
probably at Fort Neck. There are now the remains of an old fort there;
with traces of ditches and a wall of stone and earth. It is on a point of
land projecting into a pond, with steep banks. Near it is an ancient bu
rying place of tho Nyantic Sachems.

25
The Connecticut forces now proceeded against tlie Pe
quots. They were joined on their way by many of the Nar
ragansetts, who served also as guides and brought them to
the Pequot fort,two hours before light. May 26, 1637. They
immediately fired the fort, which was easily done, it being
built with wooden palisadoes. The destruction was terrible,
but few escaping. " Those that escaped the fire were slain
by sword, some hewed to pieces, some run through with
rapiers, &c. The number thus destroyed was about 400.
At this time it was a fearful sight to see thetn thus frying in
the fire and the streams of blood quenching the same, and
horrible was the stink and the scent thereof; but the victory
seemed a sweet sacrifice, and they gave the praise thereof to
God, who had wrought so wonderfully for them; thus to
enclose their enemies in their hands." [M. M. 189.]
The English Historians have charged the Narragansetts
with acting cowardly and deserting them in the fight. In
a tract in Cambridge Library, " A tru« relation of the bat
tle fought in New England between the English and the Pe
quot savages; by P. Vincent, London, 1638; lettered on
the back, "Battle in New England, 1638," it is said that the
Narragansetts fled as soon as their powder and shot began
to fail. This puts the case in a rather more favorable light.
The place where the battle took place was on the West
side of the Mystic, on land now or lately (1830,) owned by
Roswel Fish, Esq. of Groton; Within his recollection,
spearheads, Sic. have been dug up there. No traces of the fort
are left and the spot is known only by tradition. [See M.
H. C.vol. 3. Letter of William T. Williams of Lebanon.]
Sassacus, the great Sachem of the Pequots, fled to the
Mohawks, who put him to death, as was alleged, by the in
stigation of the Narragansetts. [M. M. 195. and N.]
It seems he was not in the fort at the time of the battle,
and the Pequots attributing all their misfortunes to him,
could with dificulty be kept from slaying him. The Pequots

26
collected together after the fight, and molested the English
very much in their retreat. It was estimated that six or
seven hundred were destroyed in this fire and fight. Seven
were taken captives, and only seven escaped.
About a fortnight after the Connecticut forces had reach
ed home, th-e Massachusetts forces arrived in Pequot river.
In an expedition made shortly after, about 180 were taken
captives whom the English divided among themselves for
servants. Many of the Pequots had probably fled for refuge to oth
er tribes, and there were now about 180 left in the country.
These surrendered to the English, and were spared on con
dition of their leaving their old country forever. They
were divided, eighty to Meantinomy, eighty to Uncas and
twenty to Ninigret.
In one of their expeditions to drive the Pequots from the
country to which some of them had returned, they had
taken several captives whom they intended to put to death.
Otash, brother of Meantinomy, besought them to spare their
lives, for they were his brother's men and his brother was
a friend to the English; at his entreaties their lives were
spared. [Mason.]
Thus were tho Pequots entirely ruined as a nation, and
thus was brought about a destruction of what in more mod
ern times we should call the balance of power. The Eng
lish had entirely broken the force of one Indian nation, and
struck a great terror into the rest. It was unfortunate for the
Indians that they were never at peace with each other, thus
giving the whites an opportunity which they did not neglect
of attacking them singly, and thus effecting what they nev
er could have efl'ected, if the Indian tribes had been united
in resistance.
The Pequot country, from being thus left open to occu
pation, the Narragansetts seem to have extended themselves
westward, and taken possession of that part of it between

2?
Wecapaug brook tind Pawcatuck river. Some of the Ny--
antics, a tribe of the Narragansetts who inhabited the most
southerly part of Washington county, seem to have gone
even to the westward of Pawcatuck river. Dr. Styles in
1761, says, that besides Ninigret's own Nyantic tribe', which
then amounted to 248, he had the Mohegans and Nyantics
of Lyme under his government. (2. M. H. C. 10.) Hence
the name Nyantic has been by some writers inconsiderately
appropriated to the town of Lyme, though properly belong
ing to the South West part of Rhode-Island.
The Narragansetts are said to have been dissatisfied that
no more of the captives were given to them. [M. M. 195.]
Connecticut and Massachusetts having thus conquered
the Pequot country, disputed for a long time about its juris
diction. They afterwards referred the difference to the Com
missioners of the United Colonies, who in 1658, established
Mystic River as the dividing line, and allotted the portion
East of it to Massachusetts. After quiet was restored, many
of the Pequots returned and settled down peaceably under
the English. (M. M. Haz. 2. 334 359. 382-7. 419. 655.)
After Connecticut obtained het last charter, (1663,) they
again had a difficulty with Mas.-iachusetts about the Pequot
country, [Haz. 2, 509.]
In setting down Wecapaug as the boundary between the
Pequots and the Narragansetts, we have followed the gene
ral current of the Massachusetts and Connecticut historical
authorities. But a passage in Roger Williams's letter to
Maj. Mason, seems rather to contradict the commonly re
ceived opinion on this subject. " The bounds of this
our 1st Charter, I, (having ocular knowledge of persons,
places and transactions), did honestly and conscientiously,
as in the holy presence of God, draw up from Pawcatuck
river, which I then believed and still do, is free from all
claims and conquests; for although there were some Pe
quots on this side the river, who by icason of some Sachem's

28
marriages, with some on this side, lived in a kind of neu
trality with both sides, yet upon the breaking out of the
war, they relinquished their. land to the possession of their
enemies, the Narragansetts and Nyantics, and their land
never came into the condition of the lands on the other side,
which the English by conquest, challenged; so that I must
still affirm, as in God's holy presence, I tenderly waved to
touch a foot of land in which I knew the Pequot wars were
maintained, and were properly Pequot, being a gallant coun
try ; and from Pawcatuck river hitherward, being but a patch
of ground, full of troublesome inhabitants; I did, as I judg
ed, inoffensively, draw our poor and inconsiderable dine."
1637. "News came from Mr. Williams, that the Pequots
¦had dispersed, and'came in great numbers and submitted
themselves to the Narragansetts, who refused to receive
them until they knew the pleasure of the Governor." [W.J.]
" Ayanemo, Sachem of Nyantic, came to Boston with 17
men. He made divers propositions. Understanding that
he had received many of the Pequots since their defeat, we
demanded the delivery of them, which he at first stuck at,
but the next morning offered all we desired. He was lov
ingly dismissed with some small things given them." [W.J,]
Captain Stoughton wrote to the Governor, August 14,
1637, " The Narragansetts do gather beans in abundance,
and we are silent at it; yet if they should turn enemy, it
would be to our damage." (W. J. 1, 400.) The Captain
was looking a great ways a-head.
" We sent 15 of the boys and 2 women to Bermuda by
Mr. Pierce; but he missing it, carried them to Providence
Isle. [W. J.]
"Meantinomy sent here some Pequot squaws, which had
run from us. The Narragansetts sent us the hands of three
Pequots; one, the chief of those who had murdered Capt.
Stone." [W. J.]
Sept. I, 1637, "Meantinomy, the Narragansett Sachem,

29
came to Boston, The Governor, Deputy and Treasurer;
treated with him, and they parted on fair terms. He ac
knowledged the Pequot country and Block Island were
ours, and promised he would not meddle with them, but by
our leave. We gave him leave to right himself for the
wrongs Janemo and Wequashcook had done him; aud for
the wrong they had done us, we would right ourselves in our
own time." [W. J.]
Jan. 27, 1638. " The Indians of Block Island sent three
men with ten fathom of wampum, for part of their tribute."
(W. J.) We are not informed at what precise time. Block
Island became tributary to the English. Probably not long
before. June 3, 1638. A great tempest and flood in New-Eng
land. "About Narragansett it raised the tide 14 feet above
the ordinary spring tid«s." [W. J. 1, 267.]
Meantinomy and Canonicus sell Chibbachuweset (Pru
dence) Island, to Roger Williams and Gov. John Winthrop
of Massachusetts, for 20 fathom wampum, and two coats.
The deed is dated "the lOthof the 9th month of the 1st
year the Pequots were subdued." (L. E. 1, 243.) The
Indians had given this island to Mr. Oldham in 1634, but
on condition that he should come and live among them,
which he never did. [R. Williams's Letter, .3. M. H. C.
1, 165.]
June, 1638. Janemo, Sachem of Nyantic, went to Long
Island, and plundered some of the Indians who were tribu
tary to the English. Their Sachems complained to Con
necticut, who sent Capt. Mason with seven men to demand
satisfaction. Massachusetts also wrote to Williams to treat
with Meantinomy about satisfaction, or otherwise to threat
en them with war. Upon this, Janemo made reparation for
the injuries. [W. J.]
July 1st, (Holmes says June 1st,) 1638, Great Karth-
quake throughout New-England. [M. M. 208.]

30
There having been many disputes between Meantinomy
and Uncas, the Mohegan Sachem, they agreed at Hartford
in 1638, that they would not go to war with each other
without first appealing to the English. They had made an
agreement of the same sort with Massachusetts, the year
previous. . [M. M. 232.]
1639. " The Indians of Block Island sent for their trib
ute this year, ten fathom of wampum. The two chief Sa
chems of Narragansett sent the Governor a present of thir
ty fathom of wampum." [W. J. 295.]
1640. July 7. Coddington held a treaty with Meanti
nomy. [Callender, 71. J
July, 1640. There having been frequent rumors of In
dian conspiracies and intended risings, Massachusetts sent
Capt. Jenison with three men and an Indian interpreter, to
discover the intentions of the Narragansett Sachems. The
Sachems received them kindly, but refused to speak with
them through their interpreter, because he was "a Pequot,
and a servant of their enemy." They then procured anoth
er interpreter. The Narragansetts denied all participation
in any conspiracy with the Mohawks, and said they would
go to Boston if Mr. Williams could be allowed to go with
them, but this was refused. They declared they intended
to continue friends to the English, unless the latter began
the war. " Only Janemo, the Nyantic Sachem, carried
himself proudly, and refused to come to us or yield to any
thing ; only he said he would not harm us, except we invad
ed him." (W. J. 2, 8.) Morton makes no mention of this
message, and Trumbull but little.
Oct. 1640. The General Court of Massachusetts receiv
ed a letter from the magistrates of -Connecticut, New-Ha
ven and Aquidneck, "wherein they declared their dislike of
^uch as would have the Indians rooted out, as being the
cursed race of Ham; and their desire of our mutual accord^
m socking to gam Ihcm by justice and kindness. — Wo re-

31
fused to include those of Aquidneck incur answer, or to
liave any treaty with them, [W J.J
Nov. 1640. Meantinomy, making a visit to Boston, was
met at Dorchester by some musketeers, and entertained at
Roxbury. The interpreter being a Pequot, ho refused, as
he had done before, to have any communication with them
through him; but the Governor, "being as obstinate as he,"
refused to yield, " thinking it a dishonor to give so much
way to them. Whereupon he came from Roxbury to Bos
ton, departing in a rude manner, without showing any re
spect or sign of thankfulness to the Governor for his enter
tainment; whereof the Governor informed the General
Court, and would show him no countenance, nor admit him
to dine at our table, as he had formerly done, until he had
acknowledged his failing, which he readily did, so soon as
he could be made to understand it. — But it was conceived
by some of the Court, that he kept back such things as he
accounted secrets of state, and that he would carry home in
his breast, as an injury, the strict terms he was put to, both
in this and in the satisfaction he was urged to, for not ob
serving our custom in matter of manners; for he told us that
when our men came to him, they were permitted to use their
own fashions, and so he expected the same liberty with us."
A Pequot maid served as interpreter. The articles of the
former treaty were read over to him, and approved by him.
[W. J.]
1641. A misunderstanding arose between the people of
Aquidneck and the Indians, by some of the latter (if not
Meantinomy himself) kindling a fire on Easton's land, on
Aquidneck, whereby his house was burnt, whether design
edly or not, unknown. [Callender, 71.]
1641. " Richard Smith purchased a tract of the Narra
gansett Sachems, among the thickest of the Indians, (com
puted at 30,000,) erected a house for trade, and gave free
entertainment to travellers; it being the great road of the
country." [M. H. C, 1, 216,]

32
Mr, Smith, it seems from the account of Roger Williams,
i^See Appendix,) was from Gloucestershire in England, of'
a respectable family; and on coming to this country, settled
down at Taunton. He remained there but a few years; as
Taunton was first planted in 1637. [Backus, 1, 241.]
The house of Smith, stood on the site of the present Up
dike House, in North-Kingstown; and it is said the pres
ent house contains (1835) some of the materials of the an
cient one, bricks, &c. The very first house built by Smith,
was probably a block house.
The great road for all the travel from Boston, and the
North and East to Connecticut and New-York, passed by
his house, following the course of the shore, probably ver}'
near the route of the present post road through Towerhill,
Wakefield, Charlestown and Westerly. It was a very an
cient path, and is often referred to in the oldest deeds, &c.
as "the Country road," — "the road to Pequot, — "the Pe
quot path." ,;
Within a tew years after this, trading houses were built
in Narragansett, by Roger Williams and a Wilcox. Roger
Williams built within seven or eight years after Smith, and
not far from him; but after keeping it a few years, he, in
1651, sold out to Smith his trading house, his two big guns,
and a small island for goats, which had been lent him by the
Sachems. [Callender. See Hist, of Narragansett, 3. M.
H. C. vols 1 and 2.]
For several years, Williams dates his letters from Cocum-
squssick. [See Knowles.]
The Smiths, afterwards made additional purchases of the
Indians. March 8, 1656, Coginiquant leased them for
sixty years, the land South of their dwelling house, bound
ed on the North-west by the common path. South and South
west by Annaquatucket river, South-east by the bay, and
North-east and North by Cocumscussut harbor.
.June 8, IC59, The same Sachem leased to them for one

33
thousand years, a tract, bounded as follows: — beginning at
a maple tree by a spring, on the North-west side of the
trading house; thence straight to a high hill, South-west
from thence; then West to Annaquatucket river; bounded
South-west by said river, to the Pequot path; then bounded
by a great neck on the South-east, and by a path going to
a small river, Showatucquese; then by the creek to Cocum
scussut harbor; and bounded North-east by the harbor, and
so on, to first bounds. Also, at the same time? he leased
them the meadows at Sawgoge, and Paquinapaquoge, and
a neck of land, lying East from the house on the other side
of the cove. Oct. 12, 1660, Scultob and Quequaganuet
confirmed these instrurnents, and absolutely quit-claimed
to Smith, the neck last mentioned ; bounded South-west by
Annaquatucket river; East by tbe bay, and North-west by
Shewatuck creek. [Records of King's Province, 56-69.]
Smith's was the first purchase, but there was not much
done towards the settlement of the country by the whites;
until the Pettiquamscut purchase, some time after. [Cal
lender,] WARWICK PHRCHASi!,
Jan. 12,1642. The sale of Warwick, was made by Mean
tinomy, chief Sachem of Narragansett, to Randal Holden,
John Green, John Wickes, Francis Weston, Samuel Gorton,
Richard IVaterman, John Warner, Richard Carder, Sam
son Shotton,, Robert Potter, and William Wuddal. It is
said in the deed to be made with the consent of the present
inhabitants, and the marks of Meantinomy, and of Pomham,
Sachem of Showomet, are affixed to it. [L. E. 1. 168.]
Nawashawsuc, an under Sachem of.Massasoit, also claim
ed a right to this tract. Saccononoco, a Sachem of the coun
try, had in 1641, made a- deed to William Arnold, Robert
Cole, aud William Carpenter, and in 1644, he deeded a
considerable tract, to Benedict Arnold, These four, in
r*

34
Sept. 8, 1642, submitted themselves and their lands to
Massachusetts. [Backus, 1. 119. Drake's Indian Biog
raphy, 214. 321.]
These'sales were a copious source of disputes between
Massachusetts and Rhode-Island, the Indians, and the set
tlers. Gorton and his associates, had previously incurred
the displeasure of Massachusetts, and they were therefore,
very ready to interfere. Pomham and Saccononoco, were
induced te make a formal submission of themselves and
their lands to Massachusetts, July 22, 1643, which may be
seen"! in, W. J. 2, 123. 3. vols. Extracts R. I. Hist. Soc.
Hubbard, (N. E. 404.) and Winthrop, (2. 120.) say that
Pomham, was forced by Meantinomy, to sell, and that he
(Pomham) refused to receive any share of the present.
The Whole dispute turned upon the question, whether
or not, the Shawomet, or Warwick* tribe, was independent.
If they were independent, the sale from Meantinomy, was
void. Meantinomy was sent for by Massachusetts, to come to
Boston, and " being asked whether he had any interest in
those two Sachems, as his subjects, he could prove none."
[W. J. 2. 120.]
We think it is apparent from all the ancient records and
histories, that the Warwick tribe, was subject to Meanti
nomy, and a component part of the great Narragansett na
tion. To this we have the direct testimony of Roger Wil
liams, before alluded to. (State Records, 1638-70. App. p.
II.) In this case, the sale of Meantonomy, was good, and
the pretended submission of Pomham to Massachusetts, of
no effect whatever. [Huchinson, 1. 119.]
Mr, Williams in some of his letters to Massachusetts, re
ferring to this business, says, " And that your wisdom may
see just grounds for your willingness, be pleased to be in-
* So named by Gorton, in honor of his protector, the earl of Warwick.

.35
formed of a reality of a solemn covenant between this town
of Warwick and Pomham, unto which, notwithstanding he
pleads his being drawn to it by awe of his superior Sachems,
yet, I humbly offer that what was done, was according to
the law and tenor of the natives, (I take in all New-England
and America,) viz. that the inferior Sachems and subjects
shall plant and remove at tbe pleasure of the highest and su
preme Sachems, &c." Further extract from the same letter.
"Besides satisfaction to Pomham, and the former inhabitants
of this neck, there is a competitor who must also be satisfied;
another Sachem, one Nawwashawsuc, who living with Ou
samequin, lays claim to this place, and are at daily fewd
with Pomham, to my knowledge, about the title and lord
ship of it." [Haz, I. 610]
Massachusetts, in the early times of Rhode-Island, shew
ed an evident disposition to injure and retard her prosperity,
and this pretended submission gave them a good excuse for
interfering with their neighbor's affairs. In all these dis
putes, the people, of Rhode-Island naturally took the part
of their own citizens, to whom the sale had been made, and
of Meantonomy, wha had always been their friend and pro
tector. This sale is deserving of more attention, as the hatred
borne by Massachusetts, towards Meantinomy, for the part
he took in the affair, was undoubtedly the real cause why
Meantinomy was afterwards so cooly and cruelly put to
death, when he fell into their hands, in his war with the
Mohegans, though other and more sanctimonious reasons
were outwardly assigned for the deed. Gorton, also suf
fered considerably. He was arrested, carried to Boston,
tried and confined in irons, for a considerable time.
Sept. 19, 1642. Newport commissions Roger Williams,
to agree with Meantinomy, for the destruction of the welves
on the island, and also concerning the deer hunt before
granted to them, "provided the Indians shall no more re-

36
quire the like curtesy of hunting upon the Island, when as
this enterprize is effected." [State Records, 1638-1670,]
Sept, 1642. Connecticut having sent to Massachusetts
several charges about intended risings, &c. against Mean
tinomy; messengers, John Leverett, and Edward Huch
inson, (Huch. 113.) were sent to Meantinomy to inform
him of it. "He carried them apart in the woods, taking
only one of his chief men with him, and gave them very ra
tional answers to all their propositions, and promised also,
to come over to us, which he did within the time prefixed."
Meantimony visited Boston according to his promise. "Be
ing called in and mutual salutations passed, he was set
down at the lower end of the table, over against the Govern
or, and had only two or three of his counsellors, and two
or three of our neighboring Indians, such as he desired,
but would not speak of any business at any time, before
some of his counsellors were present, that they, might bear
witness with him at his return home, of all his sayings. In
his answers, he was very deliberate, showed good under
standing in the principles of justice and equity, and ingenu
ity withaL'' He demanded to have his accusers produced.
The English answered, the accusers were not in their pow
er and that they did not intend to give any credit to their
charges, until they had informed him of them and given
him an opportunity to deny them. He then asked them why
they had disarmed their Indians, if they had not credited
these charges? They answered, they had dqne it for their
own security; some of the Indians at Saco, having robbed
some of the whites, and with this answer he appeared to be
satisfied. He gave many reasons why they should hold him
free of any such conspiracy, alleging it to be a fabrication
of his enemy, Uneas. He said that being innocent, he
trusted to the justice of the English, and that he would come
to them at any time they requested, if they would only send
some Indians that he liked. The quarter part of two days

37
were spent in making arrangements, and all things were
accommodated. Only some difficulty we had to bring him
to desert the Nyantics if wc had just cause of war.with them.
They were, he said, as his own flesh, being allied by con
tinual intermarriages." But at last he agreed that if he
couldnot bring them to give satisfaction, he would leave
them to the English. " WhenWe should go to dinner, there
was a table provided for the Indians to dine by themselves,
and Meantinomy was left to sit with them. This he was
discontented at, and would eat nothing, till the Governor
sent him meat from his own table. So at night, and all the
time he staid, he sat at the lower end of the magistrates ta
ble. When he departed, we gave him and his counsellors,
coats and tobacco, and when he came to take his leave of
the Governor and such'of the magistrates as were present,
he returned, and gave his hand to the Governor, saying, that
was for the rest of the magistrates who were absent." —
[W. J.]
May 19, 1643. A confederation of Massachusetts, Ply
mouth, Connecticut and New-Haven, for mutual defence.
The cause assigned was, their fears of an Indian conspira
cy, and a general rising against them. They refused to ad
mit Rhode-Island into the confederacy; most probably at
the instigation of Massachusetts, between whom and Rhode-
Island, there was continual jealousy. The affairs of this
confederacy, were transacted by a body generally named
" The Commissioners of the United Colonies."
1643. Massachusetts procures an order from Crom
well, and Earl of Warwick, for government of Narragan
sett. (Brinley, M. H. G. 1.) I have not seen this men
tioned elsewhere. Probably it arose from the differences
about Pomham and the Shawomet purchasers. Morton
(203) mentions, that Gorton, some time after the purchase,
went to England, and procured from the Earl of Warwick
an order for the quiet enjoyment of Shawomet; which he
named Warwick in honor of the Earl,

38
March 17, 1643-4. Roger Williams procures a patent
for Rhode Island, Providence Plantations and Narragan
sett, from the Earl of Warwick, Governor and- Admiral of
the Plantations, and the other Lords Commissioners of the
Plantations, signed by all. They had been appointed by an
ordinance of the Lords and Commons, dated Nov. 2, 1643.
(Records, 1638-70, p. 119. Patent at length in Appendix.)
It includes to the West, the Narragansett country, "the
¦whole tract, extending about 25 English miles unto the Pe
quot river and country," — Extract from the patent — "And
whereas, divers well-affected English inhabitants of the
towns of Providence, Portsmouth and Newport, in the tract
aforesaid, have adventured to make a nearer neighborhood
and society to and with the great body of the Narragan
setts, which may in time, (by the blessing of God upon their
endeavors) be a surer foundation of happiness to all Amer
ica, and have also purchased and are purchasing of and
amongst the said natives, some other places which may be
convenient, both for plantation' and also for the building of
ships, supply of pipe-staves and other merchandise."
[L. E. 2.]
1643. The animosity which ^had long existed between
tbe Narragansetts and Mohegans, this year broke out into
open war. There had been an attempt made to assassinate
Uncas, by a Pequot, and it was alleged that Meantinomy en
couraged it. Meantinomy had promised the Bay folks to
send this Pequot to Uncas, for punishment; but on his way
home from a visit to Boston, the Pequot was put to death;
and it was said that Meantinomy was the author of this also.
[Hubbard's N. E. 456.]
A quarrel having arisen between Uncas and Sequasson^
a Sachem on Connecticut river, and a relative of Meantin
omy, Uncas made war upon him, and did him considerable
injury, Meantinomy took the part of his relative, with
1000 men; having previously, according to his agreement,

39
given notice to Connecticut and Massachusetts, of his in
tention to make war on Uncas, The Governor of Massa
chusetts, answered, " that if Uncas had done him or his
friends wrong, and would not give satisfaction, we should
leave him to take his own course." [W. J.]
They met. Uncas had 400 men. It is highly probable,
judging from the event, that these numbers are not quite
correct. A battle ensued, and Meantinomy was taken, it
is said, by the treachery of two of his Indians. A heavy
suit of armor which Gorton h^d lent him, is said to have em
barrassed his motions, and rendered his capture less diffi
cult. (Hubb. N. E. 460.) " They killed about 30, and
caused the rest to fly. Amongst the wounded, were two
of Canonicus' sons, and abrother o? Meantinomy." (Hub.
N. E. 450.) Hubbard says, that Uncas had previously to
the battle, offered to decide the dispute by single combat.
(457, N. E.) Winthrop says, that Gorton wrote a letter
to Uncas, threatening him, in case he did not give up his
prisoner. Uncas, after the battle, carried Meantinomy prisoner to
Hartford; and at his own request, left him in custody of the
English authorities there. MeantinoiTiy's conduct while at
Hartford, seems to show that he indulged an expectation,
(doomed to end in disappointment,) that he should receive
more honorable treatment from the English, than he could
expect from his captor. He gave information to Major
Haines, the magistrate of Connecticut, of a design of the
Narragansetts to seize some of the Commissioners, and hold
them as hostages for his safety. [W. J.]
Sept. 1643. The Commissioners of the Colonies met at
Boston, and decided that Meantinomy should be put to
death. Previous to this, however, they proceeded, as was
a custom with our Puritan forefathers on all great occa
sions, to take the counsel of the elders of the church. Ma
ny deeds of very doubtful character, in the history of the

40
Colonies, were thus perpetrated under their sanction, and
the cloak of religion.
The reasons assigned for his death were these: 1. It was
clearly discovered there was a general conspiracy among
the Indians, and Meantinomy was at its head. 2. "He
was of a turbulent and proud spirit, and would never be at
rest." 3. Though he had promised to send to Uncas, the
Pequot who had attempted to assassinate him, he had put
him to death- on his way home. 4. He beat one of Pom-
ham's men, took auay his' wjanpum, and bid him go and
complain to Massachusetts. The Commissioners there
upon ordered that Uncas should put him to death, and that
two Englishmen should go with him to see execution done.
[W. J. 2, 134.] "
It is difficult to imagine how men, much less men pre
tending to Christianity, could have satisfied themselves
with such reasons, Thefirst charge that Meantinomy was
at the head of an Indian conspiracy against the English,
can be refuted from their own accounts and admissions. To
the second, it might have have been good policy to have
got rid of so turbulent, proud-spirited and restless a ritiaZ;
but we see no justice in it. The third lacks proof, and even
if proved, admits of explanation. The fourth is'absoliitely
too trifling to be noticed at all.
The Commissioners agreed to stand by Uncas in case
the Narragansetts should attack him on account of Mean
tinomy 's death; and the Connecticut authorities sent some
musketeers home with him for his defence, and in order to
show that the English approved of it. [W. J 2, 134.]
The Narragansetts had sent various presents to the Com
missioners, in order, as they said, to ransom Meantinomy;
and this was afterwards a new source of embittered feelings
against the English. [Haz. 2, 16 — 2?,]
According to the decision, Uncas carried Meantinomy
to the spot where he had been taken, supposed to be Sa-

41
chem's plain, and the instant they arrived there, one of Un
cas' men split his head open from behind, killing him at
once. The Mohegans buried him at the place of his exe
cution, and erected a great heap or pillar on his grave,
Trumbull relates that "Uncas cut a large piece out of his
shoulder, and ate it in savage triumph." (1, 135.) Sa
chem's Plain is in the East part of Norwich. There was a
few years ago, a heap of stones there, on a spot pointed out
by tradition as Meantinomy's grave. [M-. H. C. 3d ser.
vol. 3.]
About the place of this execution, there is some variance.
Trumbull, (1, 135) giving for his authority "AM-SSofMr.
Hyde," says it was on Sachem's Plain — that place having
taken its name from this event. WinthrOp, (2, 134) says
that Meantinomy was killed somewhere between Winsor
and Hartford; and Savage considers this the most probable.
We quote a part of Savage's note: — "With profound re
gret I am compelled to express a suspicion, that means of
sufficient influence would easily have been found for the se
curity of themselves, the pacifying of Uncas, and the pre
servation of Meantinomy, had he not encouraged the sale of
Shawomet and Patuxet to Gorton and his heterodox asso
ciates. This idea had been unwillingly entertained, years
before I knew the comment of Governor Stephen Hopkins,
(2. M. H. C. 9, 202) with which 1 close this unhappy sub
ject; ' The savage soul- of Uncas doubted whether he
ought to-takfe away the life of a great king, who had fallen
into his hands by misfortune; and to resolve this doubt, he
appealed to the Christian Commissioners of the four United
Colonies, who met at Hartford in Sept. 1644, (mistake.)
They were less scrupulous, and ordered Uncas to carry Me
antinomy out of their jurisdiction, and slay him; but kindly
added, that he should not be tortured. They sent some per
sons to see execution done, who had the satisfa-ction to see
the captive king murdered in cold blood. This was the end

42
of Meantinomy, the most potent Indian prince the people of
New England ever had any concern with; and this was the
reward he received for assisting them seven years before,
in their wars .with the Pequots. Surely a Rhode-Island
man may be permitted to mourn his unhappy fate, and drop
a tear on the ashes of Meantinomy, who, with his uncle
Canonicus, were the best friends and greatest benefactors,
the colohy ever had : they kindly received, fed and protect
ed the first settlers of it, when they were in distress, and were
strangers and exiles, and all mankind elsewhere their ene
mies ; and by this kindness to them, drew upon themselves the
resentment of the neighboring colonies, and hastened the
untimely end of the young King.' "
The course of the narrative has so fully shown the char
acter of Meantinomy, that we need not here make many
farther remarks upon it. That he was a bold and brave, a
prudent and skilful prince, even his enemies, from whom
we have his story, admit. That his ideas of justice and
honor should be the same as those entertained in the pres
ent age, could not be expected: that they were at least as
elevated as tjiose of his contemporary English opponents,
no one who rsads their histories can doubt.
To the testimony of Winthrop, before given, may be ad
ded that of Hubbard, (N. E. 446.) "The Narragansetts
were animated by the haughty spirit and aspiring mind of
Meantinomy, the heir-apparent of all the Narragansett peo
ple, after the decease of the old Sachem Canonicus, bis un
cle. This Meantinomy was a very good personage, of tall
stature, subtil and cunning in his contrivements, as well as
haughty in his designs." He was suspected of joining a
conspiracy against the English, but "by his readiness to
appear, satisfied the English that he was innocent."
And p. 448. "Meantinomy, when he was at Boston, was
very deliberate in his answers, showing a good understand
ing in the principles of justice and equity, as well as a
seeming ingenuity withal. But though his words were

43
smoother than oil, yet as many conceived, in his heart were
drawn swords. It was observed also that he would never
speak but when some of his counsellors were present, that
they might as he said, bear witness of all his speeches at
their return home."
Oct. 1643. The new Sachem, Pessicus, (aged about 20)
Meantinomy's brother, sent presents to Massachusetts, de
siring to be left to make war on Uncas, and the 16th of the
next March after, another similar message, to both of which,
negative answers were returned and his presents were re
fused. He was told that they would stand by Uncas if he
attacked him. [W. J.]
April 19. (Callendar says Aug.) 1644. Pessicus and
Canonicus made a formal submission to King Charles,
which may be seen at length in Gortons Simplicity's De
fence. Pessicus signs first as "chief Sachem and success
or of that late deceased Meantinomy. " Then follows
" the mark of that ancient Canaunicus, Protector of that
late deceased Meantinomy during the time of his nonage "
then " the marke of Mixau, son and heir of that abovesaid
Canaunicus." May 24, 1644. They send a letter to Massachusetts
(probably written by some of the English in their neighbor
hood.) viz. Nanh^ganset, May 24th, 1644.
We understand your desire is that we should comedowne
into the Massachussetts at the time of your Court now ap
proaching; or occasions at this time are very great, and the
more because of the losse (in that manner.) of our late de
ceased brother, upon which occasion, if we should not stirr
ourselves to give testimony unto the cause of that or so un
just deprivations of such an, instrument as he was amongst us
for our coman good, wee should fear his blood would lye
upon ourselves, so that we desire of you, being we take you
for a wise people, to let us know your reasons why you
seeme to advise us as you doe, not to goe out against or so

44
mhuman and cruell adversary, who took so great a ransome
to release him, and his life also, when that wass done; or
brother was willing to stirr much abroad, to converse with
men, and wee see a sad event at the last thereupon. Take
it not ill therefore, though wee resolve to keepe at whom
unlesse some great necessity call us out, and so at this time,
do not repair unto you according to your request, and the
rather, because we have subjected Ourselves, or lands and
possessions, with all the rights and inheritances of us and
our people, either by conquest, voluntary subjection or oth
erwise, unto that famous and honorable government of that
royal King Charles, and that State of Ould England, to be
ordered and governed according to laws and customs there
of; net doubting of the continuance of that former love that
hath bene betweene you and us, but rather to have it in
creased hereby, being subjected now (and that with joynt
and voluntary consent) unto the same king and state your
selves are; so that if any small thing of difference should fall
out betwixt us, onely the sending 01*3 messenger, may bring it
to rights again; but ifany great matter should fall (which we
hope and desire will not nor may not) then neither your
selves nor wee are to be judges; but both of us are to have
recourse, and repair unto that honorable and just govern
ment; and for the passage of us or our men to and againe
amongst you, about our or their owne occasions to have com-
erse with you, wee desire and hope they shall have no
worse dealing or entertainment than formerly wee have had
amongst you, and do resolve, to give no worse respect un
to you or yours, (accordingly) thas formerly have found
amongst us, according to the conditions and manners of our
country.
PESSICUS, "V-J*"^ His marke.
COLLOUNICUS, ^^^^^ His mnrkc,

45
Upon receiving this letter, the Massachusetts sent mes
sengers to Narragansett. " Canonicus would hardly admit
of any speech with them, except a few froward expressions,
but referred them to Pessicus, who carrying them into an
ordinary wigwam, discoursed a long time: — his answers
were whty and full to the questions. He told them he
would presently go to war upon Uncas, but not after the
manner Meantinomy did with a great army, but by sending
out small parties to CEitch his men, and prevent their getting
a livelihood. [W. J. Hubb. N. E. 463.]
In the unsettled state of the country, and from the dis
turbances which ensued after Meantinomy's death, the peo
ple of Rhode-Island suffered much, although they general
ly had been on the most friendly terms with the Indians.
They were obliged to request to be taken into the confede
racy of the colonies, but this was haughtily refused. —
[Trumbull, 1, 176.]
June 23, 1644. Pomham sent word to Boston that the
Narragansetts had killed some of Uncas's men, and had tried
to engage him in the war. 10 men were sent from Boston
to help Pomham build a, fort. [W. J.]
Sept. 1644. The Commissioners sent Thomas Stanton
and Nathaniel Willet to the Narragansetts, who in return
sent messengers .to Hartford, where the difference between
the Narragansetts and Uncas was partly settled. They
agreed not to make war until after the next planting time,
and to give the English 30 days notice. [Haz. 2, 26. —
W. J.— M. M.]
1646. The Commissioners sent Benedict Arnold and oth
ers, messengers to the Narragansetts, who returned with an
answer. The Indians afterwards declared that -\rnold had
misrepresented them, and it seems he was afraid to venture
among them for some time after. . Mr. Williams was sent
for by the Narragansetts, to come and assist them in their
troubles, and the Commissioners negotiated with them

46
through him. The Commissioners ordered an army raised, .
and put it under Sergeant Major Edward Gibb'ons. Rhode-
Island and Aquidneck agreed to preserve a neutrality with
the Indians. [Hubb. N. E. 461 . Haz. 2, 30, 31; &c. 50.]
Aug. 27, 1645. A treaty Was concluded at Boston be
tween the English and Pessicus, Maxanno, (eldest son of
Canonicus) Awashequin, deputy of the Nyantics, and oth
ers on the part of the Narragansett Indians. (Treaty at
length, Haz. 2, 40.) The Indians agreed to pay 2000 fath
om white wampum, or one third as much black wampum ;
500 fathom in 20 days, 500 more in four months, 500' more
at next planting time, and the rest in two years. Uncas and
the Narragansetts were to make reparation to each other for
injuries. The Narragansetts agreed to surrender up all In
dian fugitives and captive's; to pay a yearly sum for the Pe
quots, who lived among them, and to give up all right to
the Pequot country. They also gave hostages, and agreed
to sell no land without consent of the Commissioners. In
this treaty, the advantage was all on the side of the English.
(See also Huch. 140. Trumb. 1, 156. Key, 129. M. M.)
The value of wampum had probajjly fallen, from the in
creased quantity of it manufactured.
1646. This year the Narragansetts declared themselves un
able pay the wampum, and the Commissioners refused to
receive any thing less than the whole sum. The whole was
not collected until 1660, when the Massachusetts sent Capt.
Atherton with 20 soldiers, to demand payment, -and for
want of payment to seize Pessicus himself Pessicus at
tempted toiexpostulate with them, but Capt. Atherton seized
him by the hair, among his Indians who suspected nothing,
and were probably unprepared for defence, and threatened
his life. They were so affi-ighted, that they collected the
tribute and paid it. Pessicus declared he had been forced
into the treaty. [Hubbard's N. E. 465. Huch, 1. 142.
Haz. 2, 76 and 151,1

47
Capt. Davis being sent with a troop to- put down some
disturbances among the Nyantics, forced Ninigret to sub
mit. [Hubb. N, E, 465.]
May 19, 1647. Meeting of R. I. General Court. The
care and government of the trading-houses in Narragansett
was assigned to Newport. [State Records,]
August 3, 1647. Ninigret and other Indians went ta
Boston. On' being reminded of the treaties, he declared
himself entirely ignorant of them. [Trumb. 1. 167. — Haz.]
A portrait of the Ninigret of 1647, is preserved at New-
York, by the descendants of Governor John Winthrop Jr.
with the interesting tradition, that the life of their ancestor
was once saved by him. [W. J. n. 2. 308.]
June 4. 2647. Canonicus, the great Sachem of Narra
gansett died, "bein^ a very old man , leaving the hereditary
quarrel still entailed upon his successor." Hubbard places
Canonicus'S death a year later, and has misled Dr. Holnoes.
[Hubb. N. E. 464. W. J. n. 308.]
Canonicus was an old man at the time of the first settle
ments in Rhode-Island. He received and protected the
first, settlers, and always continued their friend. He seems
in his latter years to have had many gloomy fears and fore
bodings as to the futiire fate of his nation, _ wishingj. but
yet doubting that the English, whom he had cherished until
they now^had grown strong, might return to his posterity
the kindnesses he so generally bestowed upon them in their
feeble state. (R. Williams Key. 64.) " Canonicus, the
old high Sachim of the Nariganset Bay, (a wise and peac
able Prince,) once in a solemn oration to myself in a solemn
assembly, using this word, (wunnaumwayean, if he speak
true,) said, I have never suffered any wrong to be offered
to the English since they landed; nor never will: he often
repeated this word, ifthe Englishman speakt.'ue, if he meane
truly, then shall I goe to my grave in peace, and liope that
the English and my posterity shall live in love and peace

48
together. 1 replied that he had no cause, as I hoijcd, to ques
tion Englishmen's faithfulnesse, he having had long experi
ence of their friendlinesse and trustinesse. He tooke a stick
and broke it into 10 pieces, and related 10 instances, (lay
ing down a stick to every instance) which gave him cause
thus to fear and say; I satisfied him in some presently, and
presented the rest to the Governors of the English, who I
hope will be far from giving just cause to have Barbarians
to question their faithfulnesse."
"Their late, famous long-lived Caunonicus, so lived and
died, and in the same most honorable inanner and solemni
ty (in their way) as you laid to sleep your prudent peace
maker, Mr. Winthrop, did they honor this their prudent and
peaceable prince. His son, Mexam, inherits his spirit.
Yea, through all their towns and countries, how frequently
do many, and oft times our Englishmen, travel alone with
safety and loving kindness." [R. Williams's Letter in 3d
vol. of Extracts, R. I. Hist. Soc. 1, 65. Haz. 2, 12.]
John Winthrop, of Pequot, at a meeting of the Commis
sioners in July, 1647, laid claim to the western Nyantic or
Quinnabaug country, (including part of Lyme,) by verbal
gift from a Nyantic Sachem, Sashions, or Sashyus, but af
terwards gave up the greater part of his claim. [Haz, 2,
93. Trumb." 1, 170.]
1648. Henry Bull, of Newport, complains to the Com
missioners of the Colonies, that the Narragansetts had
beaten him. He is referred back to the Rhode-Isla,nd au
thorities. [Haz. 2, 100.]
The Narragansetts are again pressed hard for their trib
ute. In September, the Commissioners of the Colonies
sent messengers to them; and the Indians, hearing that
many horsemen were come into their country, were alarm
ed. Pessicus fled, to Rhode-Island. By Mr. Williams's
means, they were induced to come to a conference. They
denied the charge made against them of hiring foreign In-

49
dians to fight against Uncas. There had been a little while
before this a large gathering of Indians in Connecticut, and
the Narragansetts had sent a present. This had caused the
suspicions against them. [Back. 1, 196. W. J.]
1649. The Colonies alarmed by a report that Sassacus'
son was to be married to Ninigret's daughter, fearing a gen
eral Indian alliance. (Trumb. 1, 186. Haz. 2, 131, 162.)
Ninigret went to a meeting of the Commissioners of the
colonies this year at Boston, and had a long talk which re
sulted in nothing. [Haz. 2, 131.]
May 22, 1649, Rhode-Island general Court at Warwick.
Leave granted to Roger Williams to let his Indian servant
kill fowl for him about his house at Narragansett. Leave
granted to Williams to " sell a little wine or strong water to
some natives in their sicknesse." [St. Rec]
May, 1650. Rhode-Island General Court at Newport.
" Ordered that Pessicus shall have liberty to get so many
chestnut rynes upon the common of the Island, as may cover
him a wigwam, provided that no wrong may be done to any
particular person upon the island." [St. Rec]
1651. We have this year a case which 'goes a great way
to show that the Indians seldom understood the treaties
which the historians represent them as having made, or at
least seldom understood them in the same sense with the
whites. The annual tribute was required of Uncas, and of
some of the Nyantics. They paid it, but demanded why it
was required of them? how long it was to continue, and
whether it was to be paid by the children yet unborn? Per
formance of such treaties, so misunderstood could never have
been expected of them. [Trumb. 1. 205. Haz. 2. 188, 423.]
Nov. 1661. Rhode-Island General Court at Providence.
Order passed that all purchases made of the Indians with
out consent of the colony, should be void. [St. Rec]
May, 1662. Rhode-Island General Court at Warwick.
The Dutch forbid to have any trade with our Indians, —

50
There was at this time a war between the English and the
Dutch. The prohibition was repealed May, 1657. [St.
Rec] It was reported that Ninigret, (who had spent the winter
among the Dutch at Manhattoes, and had been sent back in
the spring in a Dutch sloop with arms and ammunition^ had
employed a man to poison Uncas, but the attempt failed, and
the man was put to death. [Hubb. N. E. 546. Holmes
1. 298. Haz. 2. 211, 241.]
In the spring of 1653, messengers were sent to the Nar
ragansett Sachems, by the Commissioners of the Colonies,
to charge them with conspiring with the Dutch against the
English. Ninigret, Pessicus and Mexham, wholly denied
the charge and sent back explanations of what they had
done. [Haz. 2. 206.]
Early in Sept. 1653, messengers were sent to negociate
with them about their attack on the Long Island Indians. —
The messengers did not bring back ^uch an answer as was
expected, and so Sept. 20th, the commissioners ordered 260
men, (Mass, 166.. Plym. 30. Conn, 33. New-Haven 21.)
to be raised against Ninigret, but Massachusetts refusing to
co-operate, thinking it unjust, the war was never under
taken. [Haz. 2. 292. 295. Holmes. 1. 298.]
1654. The war had broken out again between Ninigret
and the Long Island Indians. Some of the people of Rhode-
Island sent word to Massachusetts, that Ninigret had fallen.
upon the Long Island Indians, without any cause whatever;
but Roger Williams in one of his letters, dated ^th of 8fh
mo. 1664, (3 vols. Extracts.) says, " The cause and root of
all the present mischief is the pride of two barbarians, Ascas-
sassotic, the Long Island Sachem, and Ninigret of the Nar
ragansett — the former is proud and foolish; the latter is
proud and fierce. I have not seen him these many years,
yet from their sober men I hear he pleads 1st, that Ascas-
sassotic, a very inferior Sachem, bearing himself upon the

51
English, hath slain 3 or 4 of his people, and since that-, sent
him challenges and darings to fight and mend himself 2d.
He (Ninigret,) consulted by solemn messengers with the
chief of the English governors. Major Endicott, then gov
ernor of the Massachusetts, who sent him an implicit con
sent to right himself , upon which they all plead, that the En
glish have just occasion of displeasure. 3d. After he had
taken revenge upon the Long Islanders and brought away
about 14 captives, divers of their chief women, yet he re
stored them all again upon the mediation and desire of the
English. 4th. After this peace made, the Long Islanders,
pretending to visit Ninigret at Block Island, slaughtered
of his Narragansetts near 30 persons at midnight, two o
them of great note, especially Wepiteamoc's son, to whom
Ninigret was uncle. 6th. In the prosecution of this war,
although he had drawn down the Islanders to his assistance,
yet upon protestation of the English against his proceedings,
he retreated and dissolved his army."
In this same letter, Williams bears this testimony; "I
cannot yet learn that even it pleased the Lord to permit the
Narragansetts to stain their hands with any English blood,
neither in open hostilities nor secret murders, as both Pe
quods and Long Islanders did, and Mohegans also in the
Pequod war. It is true they are barbarians, but their great
est offences against the English have been matters of mon
ey ,or petty revenging of themselves on some Indians, upon
extreme provocations but God kept them clear of our blood."
In one of the expeditions made by Ninigrets men to Long
Island, they took captive the daughter of Wyandance, their
chief Sachem, who was soon after ransomed by the aid of
some of the English inhabitants. [Wood's Long Island. 66. J
It appears that Ninigret had charged the Long Island In
dians before the Commissioners, with murdering some of his
people, but no notice was taken of the charge, [Hazard
2, 359.]

Connecticut, having taken the Long Island Indians under
her protection, in September, messengers were sent to Nin
igret to demand peace. He answered, that the Long Isl
and Indians had begun the war, and killed one of his Sa
chem's sons and 60 men. He desired the English to let
him alone. If your governor's son were slain, and several
other men, would you ask counsel of another nation, how
and when to right yourselves? He should neither go nor
send to Hartford. [Haz. 2. 318.] .
The Commissioners then in October, raised 270 foot and
40 horse, and sent Major Willard against Ninigret; but
the latter having secured himself and his men in, a swamp,
Willard was obliged to return without doing any thing ef
fectual. The Commissioners were very angry with him
that he had not completely subdued Ninigret.- [M. M.
Trumb. 1. 230-1-2. Haz. 2. 319, 337, &c.]
The Council of Massachusetts, in October, previous to the
expedition, had published a manifesto against Ninigret, ap
proving of the attack upon him, and appointing a fast day.
[3 vols. Extracts.]
June, 1655. Rhode-Island General Court. A commit
tee appointed to treat with the Narragansett Sachems,
about the grass on Conanicut, and let them know we had
a right to this grass by deed from the deceased Sachems. —
They had bought the right to this grass or marsh, at the same
time they bought Aquidneck Island. [St. Rec]
March 17, 1655-6; Pomham summoned before the (jen-
eral Court of Rhode-Island, for injuries he had done the
Warwick people. [St. Rec]
Sept. 1656. Meaksaw complained to the Commissioners
of Uncas' abusing him, and jeering about his dead ances
tors, which he wished to revenge. The Commissioners said
they would inquire into it. (Haz. 2. 349.) How great
an insuU this was considered among the Indians, may be
seen from Key, 161.

53
1657. This year was the beginning of the Pettiquamscut
pu.'-chase. [See Apprndix.]
It would appear from many circumstances that after the
death of the two great Sachems Canonicus and Meantinomy,
the Narragansetts were much split up by intestine divisions,
and that none of the Sachems of the family of Canonicus
and Meantinomy, had been able to maintain the same au
thority Over all the tribes. Hence the Pettiquamscut pur
chasers were obliged to purchase the same land over again
from several Sachems, who were claimants and asserted a
title to it.
Sept. 1657. A new message sent by the Commissioners
to Ninigret, to require him to abstain from hostility ivith the
other Indians. Massachusetts dissents from the vote, giv
ing for a reason that Uncas' conduct had been very insolent
and provoking. [Haz. 2, 380, 423.]
Oct. 1657. Some people who had settled near Pawca
tuck river, (probably on the west side) petition Massachu
setts for a confirmation of the grants which they had receiv
ed from Connecticut. Massachusetts sends a letter to
Connecticut on the subject. On the petition of George
Denison and others, Massachusetts sets up officers in that
country, and the management of their affairs there, was con
fided to Capt. George Denison, Mr. Parks, William Cheese-
borough and John Minot, Sen, ; and Walter Palmer appoint
ed Constable. Connecticut and Massachusetts had dispu
ted a long time about the jurisdiction of the conquered Pe
quot country; but in Sept. 1668, the Commissioners of the
colonies settled Mystic as the dividing line. In Oct. 1658,
the General Court of Massachusetts erected the lands about
Pawcatuck into a town, by the name of Southertown; and
added it to Suffolk County. [3 vols. Extracts R. 1. Hist.
Soc. 1. 89, Sf.c. See Hist. Ante. 1637.]
March 28, 1657. Koskotap, Sachem ofBassokutoquagc
in Narragansett, sells to Thomas Gould of Newport, Aquo-
pimokuk or Gould's Island. [L. E, I. 33.]

54
April 17, 1657. Coqinaquand for =£100, sells Conani
cut to William Coddington and Benedict Arnold, Sen. Quis-
sucquansh, and other Sachems afterwards confirmed it.
IL.E. 1, 86.]
The hostility between the Narragansetts and Mohegans,
still remained in all its violence. The Narragansetts had
planned an attack on a fort of Uncas, but some of the En
glish gave timely notice of it to Uncas, who thus was ena
bled to prevent it. One of the chief Counsellors of the Nar
ragansetts complained of this to the General Court of Rhode-
Island, at Warwick, who wrote a letter on the subject to
Capt. Denison, Thomas Stanton, and the English inhabitants
at Pequot. [St. Rec. 1638-70. p. 160.]
To OHR HONORED AND BELOVED FRIENDS, CaPT. DeNISON
AND Mb. Thomas Stanton, to be communicated to
SUCH of the English as it may concern at Pequot,
OR OTHER parts OP THE COUNTRY.
Beloved Countrymen :
In the consideration of the great charge that lieth on
every one, to endeavor the preservation of the peace of
this country, and every member thereof; we do therefore
make use of this present occasion to the end premised,
and you may please to understand, that we have at this
very instant, a very solemn and serious information from
the Narragansett Sachems, by a chief counsellor of theirs,
that they take it ill of some English who live near Uncas
his fort, for that (as they say) the English, by their
scouts, discover to the Moheagans the approach of the Nar-
ragansets, and thereby do defeat their designs in war against
Uncas. And further, these Indians do say; that they think
those English that so do, do not do it by order of any colo
ny or court, but for'money given underhand by Uncas. And
further they tell us, that the islanders called Mocquayes, are
in great number coming down against Uncas, and these In
dians fear that those islanders, finding anv such carriaTe

55
from those English, by making signs or shouting to give
Uncas notice as aforesaid, of his enemies approach; "that
then those islanders maybe enraged, and either take or kill
such scout or scouts; and now on this information, these
Narraganset Sachems desire us so to inform you, for that they
desire a fair correspondency with the English. Thus much
only we shall add; that is, that you, our loving -countrymen,
do well consider of the matter, and weigh the grounds of
those actions, so as if possible, the peace of the country and
therein your safety with ours ipaybe preserved; for that is
the utmost extent of our desires, and we only desire to inform
you, but no way to engage in either part of the Indian
quarrels one with another. And so we rest your affection
ate countrymen and friends.
From the General Court of Comissioners held for the Col
ony of Providence Plantations, at Warwick.
Per me, JOHN SANFORD, General Recorder,
Dated July 4th, 1657.
March, 1667-8. Rhode-Island General Court at Ports
mouth. Roger Williams presents a petition, and also a
deed of gift of Hope Island, from Meantinomy, late Sachem.
A committee appointed to desire his successors to give
Williams peaceable possession, or they will be proceeded
against legally. [St. Rec]
May 1758. General Court at Warwick. The people of
Warwick complaining of Pomham, were authorized to ar
rest him and proceed against him legally. At the next
October session, a warrant was granted for his arrest. —
[St. Kee.]
May 22, 1758. Cachanaquant sells Aquidnesuc, Small
or Dutch Island, Nomsussmuc or Goat Island, and Woon-
achaset or coasters Harbor Island, to Benedict Arnold and
others. [L. E. 1. 86, 110.]
Oct. 19, 1668. The General Court of Massachusetts
grant all their right to Block Island, to Governor John En-

56
dicott, Richard BelHngliam, Gen. Daniel Denison, and Maj.
Wilham Hathome, [3 vols. Extracts. 1, 104.]
Nov. 1768. General Court of Rohde-Island. A law
passed that no one should submit his lands to any other
jurisdiction, on penalty of forfeiture. (A dispute with Plym
outh, about Hog Island, was probably the cause ofthis law.)
A law also made against purchasing from the Indians with
out consent of the colony, on penalty of forfeiture. " Quis-
sucquansh the chief Sachem of Narragansett," appeared
before the Court and engaged to pay £ 7, 10s, to Robert Grif
fin, before the next Court of tiyals, and an order jSassed, that
if he did not, " there shall be means used to fetch him in
and cause the said Sachem to make satisfaction." [St. Rec]
. The following document belongs properly in or about this
place. " The 23 of Februarie, 1669. We, whose names are
underwritten being appointed by the inhabitants of South
ern Towne, to set the line at Weakapauge. For to help us
to understand where Weakapauge is, we desired some Po-
quatuck Indians to go with us, whose information as follow-
eth, that Hermon Garrett did charge them that they should
not goe any farther than the east side ofalittle swampe, near
the east end of the first greate pond where they did pitch
down a stake, and told us that Hermon Ga'rrett said that,
that verie place was Weakapauge did, that he said it and
not them and if they should say that Weakapauge did goe
any further Hermpn Garret would be angry, for he was the
governor. Further they told us that Hermon Garrett said,
that the land next ajoining, namely, called Muqutak liing
betwixt the two ponds was Hermon Garrett's owne land, but
upon further debate about Weakapaug. How far Eastward it
did extend, Cassasinamon with the other Indians affirme that
the lands betwi.ict the two ponds to their owne knowledge
was ever accounted Pequit lands, called Weakapauge. Cas
sasinamon further says for confirmation of the same, that

57
herae to fore there was a whale cast ashore upon this neck of
land and the Pequit Sachem came with a company of men
and fetched it away. Further; Themas*Stanton afirmes that
he heard Hermon Garrett say, that the neck of land called
Quinicuntauge, was his land. The names of the Indians
that was with us and gave us this information, was as fol
lows: — Cassasinamon, Wissqunch, Johnequamapatah.
GEORGE DENISON,
THOMAS MINER,
SAM. CHEESEBROUGH,
THOMAS PARKE,
THOMAS STANTON,
NEHEMIAH PALMER.
The whole from Weakapauge to Misticke River is 10
miles and 28 poles.
From Weakapauge to Mr Stanton's, is 3 miles and 300
rods. From Mr. Stanton's to Goodman Cheesebrough's, is
2 miles and 123 rods. From Goodman Cheesebrough's to
Misticke River by Capt. Denison's house, is 4 miles."
May 27, 1659. Cachanaquant, alias Jassarono, sells to
Randal Holden and Samuel Gorton, on account of losses
they ha(J met with in the purchases they had made of his de
ceased brother, a neck of land called Nannaquokset and a
small island called Azoiquoneset, over against said neck. —
(The island is now called Fox Island, and the land was be
tween Wickford and Annaquatucket river.) " And I am
greatly provoked to this my free act and deed with respect
unto that great Sachem of old England, in regard of the
great fame I have heard of him, which makes my heart to
bow with great affection towards him when I heare of him, to
whom, I perceive, these my friends are faithful servants,
which doth not a little draw my heart unto them." [L. E .
1. 164-6.]
Pessicus, alias Maussup, alias Sucquansh, confirms the
deed. Appended to it, is the following of a later date.

5H
" Coganaquant, came before mc and owned his hand and
scale to the deed of gift herein specified, and declares that
he was not in drink,*but ^ober at the afecting of it, and de
nies that it was a sale; and further saith that when he sold
the land to Maj. Atherton and the rest of the Bay-men, in
presence of Richard Smith, he, the said Coganaquant ex
cepted the neck of land herein specified, being given to Capt-
Randal Holden, and Mr. Samuel Gorton, Sen., and fur
ther saith that he never made any lease thereof to Richard
Smith, for more time than three years.
Taken before me, JOHN GREENE, Assistant.
Warwick, May 18,1668."
Gorton, (L. E. 1, 190.) gave his share ofthis purchase
Nov. 27, 1677, to his daughters, on the express condition
that they should defend the title against Smith. However,
they afterwards sold out to the Smiths, Lodowick Updike &.c.
June 11, 1659. Maj. Humphrey Atherton and his
partners, purchased Aquitawoset or Quidnesett, of Coqina
quand, bounded on the North-east by Mascacowage brook,
by Cocumscussuc biook on the South-west, the sea on the
South, and the common path on the North-west; excepting
what had been sold before to Smith. July 4th. The same
company bought Namocock or Namcook, (Boston Neck,)
the North bounds to run West from Cocumsqussut brook, to
Annaquatucket, and thence Westerly to the North-west
part of Pausacaco pond. The lands formerly sold to the
Smith, and the neck sold to Holden were excepted out of
this purchase. June 14, 1660. These purchases were
confirmed by Quissucquansh, Scultop, and Quequaquomet.
[Hist, of Narr. 3. M, H. C. vols. 1 and 2. Records of
King's Province.]
Major Atherton had been much employed in the negoci-
ations between the Indians and the English, and made use of
the influence he thus acquired to make purchases for himself
and associates. From 1658 to 1661, he was employed
assuperintendant of the praying Indians as they were call-

59
ed. (Gookin.) *It should be recollected when readinglhe
account of the fubsequent conduct of the Rhode-Island gov
ernment towards these men, that their purchases were made
in contravention of an express law of tho colony; and the
government therefore did not consider them valid, but treat
ed him and his company as intruders. Roger Williams in a
letter to Maj. Mason, (M. H. C. vol. 1.) says that when
Atherton first came into Narragansett, he informed him that
his purchasing would be contrary to law, and refused all
his offers of land which Atherton made, to engage him to as
sist and interpret for him.
May, 1659. General Court at Providence. A commit
tee of four appointed to run the colony West line, according
to the charter, and to prevent intrusions, and notice of it
ordered to be given to John Winthrop. Considering that
there was a good place for a settlement at Nianticut, they
appointed Benedict Arnold, Arthur Fenner, William Baul-
ston, and Capt. R. Holden, to purchase the land of Niniciaft
and sell to those who want it. [St. Rec]
Aug. 1669. General Court at Portsmouth. A commit
tee appointed to draw up letters to Massachusetts, the Com
missioners of the colonies, and Atherton, &c, about his ille
gal purchases. The General Court having been informed
that Richard Smith had made many threats against those
who should molest his possession of Hog Island, voted that
they would stand by them and save them harmless. The pur
chasing committee appointed at May session, were author
ised to make another purchase at Potowomut. Payment
not having been made by Quissucquansh, according to his
agreement, he was ordered to be notified. Ordered that the
articles of agreement made. May 28. 1650, between the col
ony and Quissucquansh, the chief Sachem of the Narrugan-
rictl, be recorded. [St. Rec]
' In llaz. 2. 3i)3, we find C 10 allowed Maj. ilumphroy Atherton, fui
I'.v,-; (ling Ouui to amongst thf Indi'iiiio m divers plai.tki and instructing them
ir, ihiiir civil '. i uvcrsajion

60
Aug, 26, 1639, Tacommanan, (the father,) Wasewkit,
his son, and Namowish, his grandchild, make a formal sub
mission of the Coheassuck lands to the R, I. government.
Aug. 28, 1660, they deeded to the colony a tract there
bounded North by Potowomut river. South by Cocum-
squisset or stony brook, and East by the bay. [Foster pa
pers.] May, 1660, General Court at Portsmouth. A Committee
was appointed to "ripen the matter concerning the purchases
made by the gentlemen of the Bay in Narragansett," and to
report thereon. Payment ordered to be mad& t6 Griffin,
out of the lands purchased of Quissucquansh. [St. Rec]
Oct, 1660. General Court at Warwick. Committee ap
pointed to treat with Atherton, &c. about their purchases,
and to make a settlement with him. If he refuses to treat,
to prohibit his proceeding. In May, 1661, they were con
tinued with power to agree to a reference. [St. Rec]
It would seem that there had been considerable disturb
ance in the country about 1660. Some of the Narragansetts,
probably while on an expedition against Uncas, attacked a
house in the Mohegan plantation, and fired several shots into
it, and did some injury to a Bruster's house and family. Tfie
Narragansett Sachems excused themselves, declaring that
they had no hand in the affair, and requested time for con
sideration; but the Commissioners of the colonies sent mes
sengers to Ninigret, Pesicus, Woquacanoose and the other
Narragansett Sachems, to demanded four of the chief ag
gressors, or else 500 fathoms wampum. If they were de
livered up, they were to be sent to Barbadoes and sold for
slaves. They were directed also to reprove Ninigret, for
his insolence in surprising and killing six Long-Island In
dians on Gull Island. A force sent by Connecticut, com
pelled the Sachems, Sept. 29, 1660, to mortgage the whole
Narragansett country to the Commissioners ofthe colonies,
for a fine of 595 fathoms wampum. The mortgage was

61
made by Quisucquous, (Pesicus.) Ninigret and Scuttap,
was to be satisfied in four months and was recorded in Con
necticut and Rhode-Island. Oct. 30, Quissucquansh,
Ninigret, Scuttup and Wequaqueniut, mortgage all the
unsold lands in Narragansett to Atherthon & Co. on con
dition that they should pay the fine due from them to the
Commissioners of the colonies; the Indians also binding
themselves not to sell any lands in Narragansett, without
the consent of Atherton & Co. Atherton paid the fine and
the Governor of Connecticut gave him a written discharge.
The Indians not having paid the sum in six months, the
time which had been agreed upon, Scuttup and Ninigret in
the spring of 1662, delivered formal possession to the mort
gagees, and a certificate ofthe delivery was made by Smith,
Hutchinson and other witnesses, before Governor John
Endicott. [Haz. 2,414, 432. L. E. 2, 189, 190-1-2.]
The validity ofthis mortgage and delivery, it will be ob
served, turns wholly on the question of jurisdiction. Ifthe
jurisdiction of Narragansett belonged to Rhode-Island,
then these proceedings were illegal and void; and they
were always regarded as suchjby the Rhode-Island gov
ernment. If it had belonged to Connecticut or Plymouth,
the case would have been different.
1661. Arrangements where made this year by the
Rhode-Islanders, for commencing settleme;jt of Squamicut
or Westerly. [See Appendix.]
Sept. 1661. Capt. Gookin and others, complaining to
the Commissioners ofthe Colonies of the attempt ofthe
Rhode-Islanders to settle, at Squamicut, they write to
Rhode-Island concerning it; and again in Sept. 1662, in
which latter letter they mention the prohibition which had
been sent to Westerly by Rhode-Island. [Haz. 2. 448,
467, 486.]
Sept. 1661. William Cheesebro and his sons complain
to Massachusetts that Benedict Arnold Sen. Edward Dyer,

62
Capt. Cunigravc and people of iUiodc-Island to the number
of thirty-six, had laid claim to the lands of Southertown, East
of Pawcatuck river, and laid out lots there. The Governor
thereupon, Oct. 26th, issued a warrant to the constable of
Southertown, upon which Tobias Sanders, Robert Burdet,
and Joseph Clarke were arrested, Nov. 1.1661. Clarke
was again set at liberty; the other two were examined at
Boston, 1661 Nov. 9, and committed for trial. They were
afterwards tried and fined £40, and imprisoned until they
should pay the fine and find sureties of the peace. They
complained to England of their treatment. [Ext. 1. 149,
182, 226.]
1662. The Sachems Quissucquansh and Ninneganit,
made a formal submission to Charles 2nd, and comfirm ed
it in 1663. [St. Rec. 1638-70 app. p. 25,]
Thomas Stanton, Sen. who had bought a tract in Niantic,
of Hermon Garret, gives up his title before the Commis
sioners ofthe Colonies and throws himself on their generos
ity for a portion ofit. [L. E. 2. 193.]
April 23, 1662. Connecticut obtains a new charter,
confirming to them the whole country granted in the Earl of
Warwick's patent, of 1631, viz: 40 leagues on the shore
West and South West from Narragansett River.
The old Rhode-Island patent of 1643, it will be recollect
ed, also included the Narragansett country, and the dis
putes about the jurisdiction ofthis tract had been the cause of
great disputes with Connecticut, and of occasional alterca
tions with Plymouth. The Indian power being now consider
ably weakened, and the white settlements increasing, this
question was fast growing into importance.
The Rhode-Islanders petitioned for a new charter, to in
clude Narragansett, and on a dispute between the Colony
agents in England, Clarke and Winthrop, a rcfcience was
oiadu to William Brcoreton, Robert Thomson, Capt. Richard
Dean Capt. John Bro.okhavcn and Ur Benjamin Worsoly

03
They fixed on terms which were fligned by them and tho
agents. April 7, 1663, as follows: 1st. That Pawcatuck River
should bo the boundary. — 2nd. Quinebaug purchase to be
long wholly to Connecticut. 3rd. That the inhabitants
around Smith's trading house should have free liberty to
choose which Government they would belong to. (Accord
ingly, July 3rd, 1663, they made choice of Connecticut.)
4th. Rights of property to be preserved.
The charter of Rhode-Island, granted July 8, 1663, men
tions and confirms the first article ofthis agreement, and is
wholly silent as to the others. This charter was received
and read publicly before the people, and by them accepted
in Nov. 1663.. [St. Rec M. H. C. 1. 216. Trumbull. See
Report to the King on the Rhode-Island Boundary.]
The charter of Connecticut, in consequence of this dis
pute and reference, had been called in by the King, and was
not fe-delivered until the difficulty was settled. [Letter of
R. Williams.]
April, 1662. Thomas Minor &c. of Southertown, com
plain to Massachusetts that Minor, his wife and son, had
been assaulted and beaten April 21st, by an Indian, Samat-
tock, at his fort, while passing through Narragansett. Sam-
attock was required to make reparation. The Commission
ers ofthe Colonies afterwards took this affair up, and or
dered that if Samattock did not make reparation, any of his
men that could be found might be seized and sold. [Ext. 1.
169, 176, Haz. 2. 462.]
May, 1662. A complaint made to Massachusetts, that one
John Ashcroft had broken open and robbed an Indian grave
in Southertown, among other things of two chest locks, a
bullet &c [Ext. 1. 174.]
May, 1662. A prohibition sent from Rhode-Island to tho
intruders at Squamicut. [Ext, 1. 179.]
May, 1662. Rhode-Island General Court at Warwick,
Peage having fallen very low, ordered that accounts shall
hereafter be paid "in corant pay." [St. Rec]

64
May 7, 1662, The General Court of Massachusetts
granted 8000 acres of land to Cashawasset, alias Hermon
Garret and his Pequots, to be located by them in the Pequot
country. Hermon Garret was also called Wequash, Wequash Cook,
Wequash Cake, Cushawashe, &c. (Haz. 2. 465.) Nock-
ewash Cook. (Haz. 2. 64, 66, 88, 302, 106, 152.) In all
disputes, he generally sided with the English of Massachu-
sett and Connecticut. It was testified before the Commis
sioners ofthe Colonies in 1662, that Garret's father was 'a
great Sachem and owner of land; and that Ninigret was the
younger brother of said Sachem, and had married Hermon
Garret's sister and succeeded to the SachemdQW, to the pre
judice of Hermon Garret, who was not of the whole blood.
[Haz. 2. 464.]
In September, 1655, the Commissioners of the colonies
appointed Cashawasset Governor over the Pequots at Pa-
quatuck and Weakapauge, and Robin Cassassinamon over
the Pequots at Namyak and Nowpaug. . Captain George
Denison and Thomas Stanton were to assist them in the
government. This was continued for several years. (Haz.
2. 334, 345, 359, 382-7, 447-9, 465.) In Sept. 1668,
they requested that a quantity of land might be laid out by
Connecticut to Hermon Garret, in Squamcot neck, on the
east side of Pawcatuck river, and a tract for Robin near
Mystic. [Haz. 2. 388, 435, 485.]
It is believed that Connecticut did accordingly grant the
land, but the King's Commissioners, in 1664-5, declared
all their grants void.
In 1699, there was a lawsuit before the Rhode-Island
courts, between Joseph Garret, alias Wequash Cook, of
Stonington, (plaintiflf,) and Anquawa,s alias Ninicraft, (de
fendant,) respecting a tract ofland bounded West on Weak
apauge brook. East on the brook on which Joseph Dwell's
mill stood, and South on sea. In this case a Pequot Indian

65
called Ephraim, aged 66, testifies that when 5 years
old, he had been taken a prisoner in war and carried to the
wigwam of Momojoshuck, a great Indian Sachem, who had
a great deal of land and lived about where Ninigret's fort
was in 1699: that Momojoshuck had two sons, Wequash
Cook and Hermon Garret: that Wequash Cook^^died soon,
and Hermon Garret succeeded as Sachem, and took his
elder brother's name, and when he died he left the country
to Catapazet, his eldest son; and that Joseph Garret, alias
Wequash Cook, was eldest son of Catapazet, ar\d then
Sachem of the country. Robin Cassassinamon testified
that the bounds of Hermon Garret alias Cashawasset's land
began at Wecapaug, and thence Eastward to a brook on
the East side of Ninigret's fort, called Yagunsk, and
extended seven or eight miles into the country. Two an
cient Indians testified that the bounds of Catapazet's land
had been as follows: From the sea side northerly by the
East end of along pond near the beach, called Minabauge
pond, thence to the West end of a small round swamp, called
Tishcatuck,* which is north of the path tiiat leads to the
Bay; thence North to a great pond called Puscomattas, near
the West end of a cedar swamp, thence across said pond to
an island called Minacomrauc, in said cedar swamp; thence
to Acuntaug Brook, and by said brook through Achagom-
iconset until the brook falls into the great river; and by the
river downwards to Quequatage, near where Crandal's mill
stood, (1681,) and so downwards until it comes to Neshun-
ganeset brook, and so to;Ashawake river, which is the bound
unto a place -called Wawuttaquatuck, which is the North-
West corner ofthe tract. How the lawsuit resulted is not
known. In the report ofthe King's, Commissioners, in 1683, (M.
H. C. vol. 1.) it is stated that James Noyes and others claim-
*A form in Westerly is still known by this name,
E*

66
ed lands in Nyantic, ])y grant from Hermon Garret and son.
The Commissioners called them " pretended Sachems," and
rejected the claims — the lands having been possessed by
Ninigret, beyond the memory of man.
Aug. 22 1662. Date of Wanumachon's deed to Robert
Stanton and George Gardner of a tractfive miles long by one
mile and a half wide, between the rivers Westototucket and
Ashuniunck, or adjoining the Pettaquamscut purchase. This
purchase was located between Beaver and Usquepaug riv
ers, and was commonly called Stanton's purchase. [L. E.
1. 367.]*
Sept. 1662. John Treake and others complain to the Com
missioners of the Colonies that they had had a vessel cast
away on Point Judith shore, which the Narragansetts had
plundered and claimed as belonging to their Sachem. Nin
igret it seems had returned a part ofthe property. A mes
sage was sent to the Sachems about it to request return or
reparation. [Haz. 2. 466.]
Sept. 1663. The Commissioners of the Colonies, received the
folloioing letter from England.
"Charles Rex —
Trusty and well beloved, we greet you well; whereas
we have been given to understand by our good subjects;
Thomas Chissick, John Scott, John Winthrop, Daniel Den
ison, Symon Bradstreet, Thomas Willet, Richard Smith,
Edward Huchenson, John Alcock, Wilham Hudson and
their associates, having in the right of Major Ather
ton a just propriety in the Narragansett country in New
England, by grants from the native inhabitants of that
country; and being disirous to improve it into an English
Colony and plantation to the enlarging of our empire and
the common good of our subjects that are yet daily disturb-'
ed and unjustly molested in their possession, and laudable
endeavors by certain unreasonable and turbulent spirits of
Providence Colony in New England aforesaid, to the great

67
scandal of justice and government, and the eminent dis
couragement of that hopeful plantation; we have therefore
thought fit hereby effectually to recommend the said pro
prietors to your neighborly kindness and protection; willing
you to be on all occasions assisting to them against such un-
just^oppressions and molestations, that so they may be se
cured in the full and peaceable enjoyment of their said
country according to the right and title they have to it ; where
in we will not doubt of your readiness and care, and shall on
all good occasions express how graciously we accept of your
compliance, with this, our recommendation; and so we bid
you farewell.
Given at our court at Whitehall, June the 20th, 1663, in
the 15th year of our reign.
By his Majesty's Command.
HENRY BENNET. "
[Hazard, .2 498.]
July 10, 1663. Since the decision of the Commissioners
in 1658, Connecticut had quietly yielded to Massachusetts
the control of the Pequot country East of Pawcatuc river,
but she now having obtained a'new charter, again set up
her claim to this tract and the whole Narragansett country,
and appointed officers at Wickford. [Trumb. 1. 268. — Haz.
2. 397,-509.]
An Act passed by Rhode-Island Assembly this year, to
prevent illegal and clandestine purchases from the Indians,
on penally of forfeiture. [Printed Laws.]
March, 1663-4. Rhode-Island Assembly. Edward Huch
inson, William Hudson, and others, intruders in Narragan
sett, ordered to be cited before the Assembly. The people
of Warwick complaining against Pomham; the Governor is
requested to try to settle the difference. The Governor is
requested to write to Block Island to notify them that they
are in our jurisdiction ; and James Sands appointed consta
ble and conservator of the peace there. The Governor is
also requested to write to Connecticut about "the riotous

68
actings done by the men of Southertowne" against one
Babcock. The disputes between Connecticut and Rhode-
Island about jurisdiction, had given rise to many riotous
doings and quarrels between the supporters of the different
sides. [St. Rec]
March 3, 1663-4. Massachusetts commissions Daniel
Denison and Thomas Danforth to confer with the govern
ment of Rhode-Island about Block Island and the Pequot
country. [Ext. 1. 236.]
May, 1664. Assembly at Newport. R. Smith, Jr. Thom
as Gould, John Hix, and John Wood, who had been under
bonds before, give new bonds for their appearance at the
next session. These bonds were shortly after released, and
the Governor requested to w.rite to Smith to come to court.
John Greene, Sen. of Aquidneesut, pardoned for his adher
ence to Connecticut. A number of freemen admitted from
Block Island. [St. Rec]
Oct. 1664. Assembly at Newport. People authorized to
vote by proxy. Voting in person at Newport was not final
ly abolished until Aug. 1760. John Clarke, Capt. John
Greene, and Lieut. Joseph Torrey, a committee to confer
with Connecticut and run the West line. A committee was
appointed on the subject of the intruders into the Narragan
sett country, and their erecting a government there, and
upon the report ofthis committee, R. Smith, Sen. and Capt.
William Hudson, ordered to be arrested and brought to
Newport, or to give bonds to appear there. [St. Rec] .
Connecticut appointed a committee this year to settle the
boundary, instructing them however not to give up any of
their charter limits. This was nearly the same as instruct
ing them to make no agreement at all. [Trumb. 1. 284.]
The small pox this year swept away great numbers ofthe
Massachusetts Indians. The disease was almost unknown
among them before. [Hubb. N. E. 194.]
Oct. 1664. A tax of £600 assessed, viz: Newport, 285;

69
Providence, 100; Portsmouth, 100; Warwick, 80; Petta
quamscut, 20; Block Island, 15.
Dec. 28, 1664. Scuttop makes a formal submission to the
English government. (L. E. 2. 194.) This was procured
by some of Atherton's company.
This year the King appointed Col. Robert Nichols, Sir
Robert Carr, George Cartwright, and Samuel Maverick,
(Nichols. to be always one during his life,) Commissioners
to reduce the Dutch and settle all differences among the
colonies. They were courteously received in their pro
gress through the colonies, and were attended by John
Pynchon and Thomas Clark, on the part of Massachusetts,
and Thomas Willet from Plymouth. The officers of Con
necticut and Gov. Winthrop also attended them. In Nich
ols' absence, the other three took the government of Nar
ragansett from both the colonies claiming it, and made it a
separate Province, by the name of King's Province. Four
teen Justices appointed by them, continued in office there
from March 20, 1664, to May 3, 1666. After that, they
appointed the Governor and Assistants of Rhode-Island to
be ex-officio Magistrates of the King's Province. They
declared all the Massachusetts and Connecticut grant at
Westerly void, and passed an order about Atherton's pur
chases — all which see in Appendix. Nichols did, indeed,
declare all these proceedings void, but no attention seems
to have ever been paid to him.
The Duke of Hamilton petitioned the King to obtain the
country of which a patent had been granted to his father, in
1635, and the King referred his claim to these commission
ers. The Hamilton family were not likely to obtain many
favors at Court, having been almost always in opposition.*
*The Commissioners had considerable difEeulty in their proceedings in
Massachusetts, and were very mnch disliked there. As to what became of
them afterwards, see Huch. 251, — M. M. 1664, After New-York was
reduced, Col. Nichols lived there as Governor.

70
[Trumb.— St. 1638-70, p. 267.— M. H. C. 1. 216, and also
vol. 17.— M. M. 314. N,]
Jan. 19, 1664. Coginaquant's deed to Richard Knight and
Henry Halls, of about two square miles, which" they named
Westerly Manor. (L. E. 1,2, 405.) It joined the Petti
quamscut purchase, and was bounded on the East side from
a place called Quamatucumpic — Southward to a place called
Chippachuack — thence Westerly to a place called Quowa-
chauk — thence North to a place called Winatompic — and
from thence a strait line to the first bounds. This purchase
was afterwards confirmed by the Asssembly, in 1708. Its
bounds, as finally settled, appear to have been Usquepaug
river on the West — Pettiquamscut purchase on the East,
and on the North, a tract of land which Lang, Boss, Wick-
ham and others, purchased of the State's Committee, May
17, 1710.
1665. Connecticut and New Haven finally united,
1666. A law of Rhode-Island to prevent the citizens of
that colony from subjecting their lands to any other govern
ment. [Printed Laws.]
This year, the Assembly send an Address to the King,
together with an Address and a Statement of Reasons to.
Lord Chancellor Clarendon, in order to obtain the re-union
of Narragansett to Rhode-Island. See Appendix. [St. Roc.
1638-70. p. 302-6-11.]
1667. The Governor and Council of Rhode-Island being
informed of the suspicious conduct of Philip and his In
dians, order the Indians in Rhode-Island to be disarmed. —
They appointed a deputation from each of the four towns to
treat with Mossup, Cachanaquant, and Ninicraft, concern
ing the rumors they had heard— the meeting to be at War
wick, on Tuesday, May 28th. [Recs. of Gov. and Council.]
1668. Connecticut appoints a committee to treat with
Rhode-Island about the bounds, with power to reduce Nar-
agansett if they could nol settle the matter peaceably. The

71
committees met at New-London, but could not agree. The
Connecticut committee then went into Narragansett, read
the Connecticut charter at Wickford, and appointed officers
there. [Trumb. 1, 334.]
Sept. 1668. Massachusetts sends Richard Wayt, Capt.
William Wright, and Samuel Mosely, to the Narragansett
Sachems, to request them to appear at their General Court
in October, and answer the complaints which John Viall and
Capt. William Hudson had made against them, in behalf of
the Narragansett purchasers. [Ext. 2, 42.]
May, 1669. Assembly. Misquamicuck named Westerly,
and incorporated. Another committee appointed to treat
with Connecticut. [St. Rec. — PrintedLaws.]
May 21, 1669. The Governor and Council of Rhode-
Island appoint Samuel Wilson and Jireh Bull, Conservators
of the Peace, at Pettaquamscut — Richard Smith and Sam
uel Dyre around Smith's and Aquidnesuc, and John Cran-
dal and Tobias Saunders at Misquamicut. Any three of
them are empowered to try causes, where the value is not
over 40 shillings, by ajury of six men — two to be chosen by
the freemen of each place — an appeal to be allowed to the
General Court of Tryals. Each of the three places were
to choose one or more constables. Five of the Justices were
to appoint the places for the courts, and a clerk or recorder.
The one first named for each place ,wastobe coroner there,
and to try his causes by a jury of twelve. They had power
to bind over offenders, or commit them to the colony jail for
trial. [Rec. of Gov. and Council.]
July 12, 1669. Ninicraft complained of, for detaining
some Indian servants of Thomas Torrey, of Block Island;
and the Governor requested to write to him on the subject.
July 20th. The Governor and Council issued a warrant to
apprehend Ninicraft, on suspicion of an Indian plot — seven
of Philip's ancient men having been with him nine or ten
days, without any reason. Thomas Waterman appointed to

72
entertain Ninigret and his followers. Ninigret made his
appearance, July 28. He stated that the Indians had had
a great dance lately, which was a sort of invocation for a
plentiful harvest. He said this report had been raised against
him by a Long-Island Indian: that he had formerly taken
captive their Sachem's daughter, and obliged them to pay
him tribute. The Sachem and his daughter were now dead,
and there had been some difficulty about paying the tribute,
but they had lately paid it. Ninigret was dismissed with
abundance of good advice. In August, Maussup and Nin
igret again appeared before the Council, by request, in
consequence of a broil which had taken place between some
Indians and English. [Rec. of Gov. and Council.]
March 25, 1670. Commission from Rhode-Island to John
Crandal, R. Smith, Samuel Dyre, Samuel Wilson and Jireh
Bull, to be Conservators of the Peace in the King's Prov
ince. [St. Rec]
May, 1670; The Assembly appoints a committee to col
lect contributions for making a harbor at Block-Island.
[St. Rec]
This year the Assembly made provisions for collecting a
tax, from the record of which it appears that Pork was 3d.
(2J cts.) per lb. ; Peas, 3s. 6d, (29^ cts.) per bush. ; Wheat,
5s. (411 cts.) per bush.; Wool, 12d(8cts.) per lb.; Butter,
6d. (4J cts.) per lb.; Corn, 3s. (25 cts.) per bush.; Oats,
2s. 3d. (281 cts.) per bush., and that 40s. of the New-En
gland currency was equivalent to 30s English Sterling. In
June of this year, a tax of £300, was laid, viz: Newport
123; Providence, 61; Portsmouth, 51 ; Warwick, 32; Pet
taquamscut, 16, and Block-Island, 15.
June, 1670. Another Committee, John Greene, Joseph
Torrey and Robert Bayley, appointed by Rhode-Island to
treat with Connecticut. John Clark and John Greene, ap
pointed to go to England and vindicate the colonies rights
before the King. [St. Rec]

73
The appointed meeting of Committees did not take place.
There were considerable troubles in Narragansett, about
this time. The Connecticut people made an irruption over
the line, and carried off" John Crandal and other inhabitants,
prisoners. The Governor and Council, in consequence,
issued a warrant to James Barker, Lieut. Joseph Torrey
and others, June 20, 1670,, to repair to Narragansett, and
if they found any exercising authority there under Con
necticut, to prohibit their proceedings, and to require
Thomas Gould, Thomas Mumford, or any other constable
in Narragansett, to arrest and bring them before the Coun
cil. [Rec. of Gov. and Council.]
1670. This year, Walter House was killed by Thomas
Flounders, in an affray at Flounders' shop. An inquest
was ordered. Flounders arrested, examined, committed,
tried, convicted and executed. Lodowick Vandycke was
one of the witnesses. Samuel Eldredge, who had attempt
ed to arrest House,, under Connecticut authority,, was com
mitted to jail. John Cole, of Narragansett, also committed
for saying that he intended to be engaged to an office offered
him by Connecticut. [Rec^ of Gov. and Council.]
1671. The Assembly in May, directed the Governor to
hold a Court at Westerly and other places in Narragansett.
In consequence of this order. May 16, 1671, a Court of
Justices was held at Westerly. Present, John Clarke,
Deputy Governor; Capt. John Cranston, John Coggeshall,
James Barker, William Carpenter, Roger Williams, Lieut.
John Albro,. Capt. John Greene, Assistants ; Richard Bailey,
Secretary;' Lieut. Joseph Torrey, General Attorney; James
Rogers, General Sergeant. A warrant was issued to the
constables of Westerly, to require the inhabitants to appear
to-morrow at Court, at Tobias Saunders' house. Adjourned.
May 17. John Randal having informed that James Bab
cock, (Constable,) had refused to execute the warrant,
F

74
Henry Palmer, (General Constable,) ordered to arrest
Babcock. " The inhabitants of the town of Westerly being assem
bled, there was publicly read in Court, the address of the
said town to the General Assembly, and their order there
upon for holding this court, after which his Majesty's Royal
Charter, the agreement ofthe Agents, the Honorable Com
missioners' orders, and his Majesty's gracious letters were
read." It seems that the Connecticut folks interrupted the con
stables some, in the execution of their orders.
"Upon the consideration of a petition presented by the
town of Westerly, it is ordered by the Court that the several
inhabitants be called in to see how they stand as to their
fidelity to his Majesty and this colony, viz: John Crandal,
Tobias Sanders, Joseph Clarke, Robert Burdick, John Max-
on, John Randal, Job Babcock, James Babcock, Jr., Thom
as Painter, Shubael Painter, Jeoffry Champliri, Sen., John
Lewis, Richard S. Waite, John Mackoone, Richard Segar,
George Lanpheare, Stephen Wilcox, Jonathan Armstrong,
Nicholas Cotterill, Jr., Daniel Crumb, John Fairfield, Ed
ward Larking, all which persons did promise to stand to their
engagement to his Majesty and this colony. But James
Babcock, Sen., John Babcock, Jeoffry Champlin, Jr. and
Augustine Williams, being called, did not appear." May
18, John Crandal and Tobias Sanders continued conserva
tors. James Babcock, Sen. and John Babcock appeared
and took engagement to the colony. " The court adjourned
to Pettaquamscut."
May 18. The Court met by adjournment at Pettaquam
scut. Warrant issued to William HeflTerman to warn the
inhabitants of the plantation to attend Court to-morrow at
Jireh Bull's house.
May 19. " The inhabitants being present, the Court was
called, after which the Commission from the General

75
Assembly for holding this Court, his Majesty's most gra
cious Charter and letters, as also the Commissioners' orders,
were publicly read; after which the inhabitants, viz: Mr.
Jireh Bull, Mr. Samuel Wilson, Mr. John Porter, Thomas
Mumford, John Tift, William Hefferman, Rouse Helmes,
James Eldridge, Samuel Albro, Benjamin Gardiner, George
Palmer, Stephen Northup, William Ayres, George Crofts,
Enoch Plaice and Christopher Helmes, did give their en
gagement for their allegiance to his Majesty and fidelity to
this colony.
The inhabitants being engaged, were ordered to choose a
constable for their plantation, and accordingly chose Robert
Croffts, who engaged. Mr. William Hefferman was chosen
and engaged to the office and place of a conservator ofthe
peace in joint commission with Mr. Samuel Wilson and Mr.
Jireh Bull. The inhabitants, also by leave from the Court,
chose Mr. Jireh Bull, Lieutenant, and Mr. Hefferman,
Clerk. The Court adjourned to Mr. Thomas Gould's, at
Acquednesitt. May 19. Court held at Acquedneset. Adjourned to to
morrow. May 20. "The persons inhabiting here, heing called to
give their engagement, aud desiring to know whether or no
this Court, onbehalf of the colony, do lay any claim to their
possessions which they now inhabit, which persons were
Mr. Samuel Dyre, Robert Spinke, Lieut. Robert Westcott.
John Greene, George Wightman, Mr. Thomas Gould, Hen
ry Tibbits, Daniel Gould, James Reinolds, Samuel Waite,
John Briggs, John Andrew, Thomas Waterman, to which
demand this present Court do return unanimously this an
swer: That on behalf of the colony, this Court do not lay
any claim to their possessions which they now inhabit.
These are the persons engaged at Acquedneset by the
Court: Mr. Thomas Gould, Mr. Samuel Dyre, Mr. James
Reinolds, John Sweet, Sen., John Andrew, Henry Tibbits,

76
Samuel Waite, William Downing, Henry Greene, John
Pratt, John Briggs, John Greene, George Browne, William
Helmes, Daniel Greene, George Wightman, Robert West
cott, Robert Spinke, Samuel Pratt, Lodowick Updike,
Richard Updike." The freemen chose James Reinolds,
constable, and Thomas Gould, conservator, in joint com
mission with Richard Smith and Samuel Dyre, engaged. —
The inhabitants chose Thomas Gould, Lieutenant, and
John Briggs, Clerk. [Rec. of Gov. and. Council.]
Sept. 1671. The Assembly made an order that persons
owning large tracts ofland in Narragansett, shall sell it out
to persons in want ofit. [St. Rec]
Jan. 1, 1672. Devil's foot on Fones' Purchase. Awash-
owat's deed to John Greene, Thomas Waterman, John An
drew, Henry Tibbits, John Briggs and John Fones, &c. of a
tract North of the Devil's Foot, (L. E. 2. 189— N. K. Rec.
2. 54,) bounded from John Andrew's house by the road to
the Devil's Foot — thence strait over river Passatuthonsee,
to a rock — thence strait North to a river running into Mask-
achaug cove, an4 along said river to Ward's cove — thence
along road. South-east to Potowome river, as high as salt
water, and thence strait to Andrew's house.
In 1677, Fone^' purchase was confirmed by the Assem
bly, to the then 24 partners, with a proviso not to interfere
with East Greenwich, or any prior grants, and with a res
ervation of one-third ofthe purchase for the use ofthe col
ony. [St. Rec. J
October, 1672. Block Island made a town by the name
of New-Shoreham, and a charter granted them.
April, 1672. Assembly. Reference is made in a law
(See law in appendix) passed this session to the late irruption
ofthe Stonington men into Westerly, and imprisoning and
sentencing to other punishments, some of the inhabitants
there. The law declares the lands of all those who shall
submit to any foreign jurisdiction, forfeited. A Committee

77
was appointed to select proper places for settlements in Nar
ragansett, and purchase them ofthe Indians.
R. Smith, F. Brinley, John Easton, John Sanford, R.
Williams, Randal Holden and Jireh Bull, appointed a Com
mittee to treat with Connecticut. [St. Rec.  See App.]
June 25, 1672. There being a War with the Dutch, the
Governor and Council empower R. Smith to put Kings
Province in a state of defence. [Rec. of Gov. and Council.]
Oct. 30, 1672. An Act passed by the Assembly, confirm
ing Atherton's company in their titles, and exempting them
from the Act of 1667, and the other acts which had declared
their estates forfeited, as being purchased without the colo
ny's consent. There was a proviso in the act that it should
not interfere with the lawful claims of other persons.
[St. Rec]
Besides the direct purchases Atherton & Co. had made,
they had obtained large tracts, by paying a mortgage which
the Indians had made to the Commissioners ofthe Colonies,
and taking a mortgage in their own name. This Act of 1672
was interpreted in 1708, not to extend to the mortgage land,
probably because the first mortgage was made to a foreign
jurisdiction, and was therefore void.
In the early times of the colony, the troubles about the
Narragansett country, probably formed one of the princi
ple subjects of party warfare. This year, R. Smith and
Francis Brinley were elected among the assistants, and
were probably the promoters ofthe above law.
1672. A conveyance from George Denison to Simon
Lynde, of300 acres in Wecapaug neck or Muxqutah; boun
ded West by a pond and land of Harvard College, reference
to the Massachusetts Records for the original grant. [L.
E. 2. 204.]
May, 1673. Assembly appointed a Committee to treat
with Maussup, Ninigret and other Indian Sachems, to pre
vent drunkenness among the Indians; the meeting to be at
Newport, June 24th.

78
Oct. 1673. An Indian being to be tried for murdering
an Indian, ordered that the Jury be half Indians .and half
Whites, and Indians allowed to testify. [St. Rec]
1674, Kingstown Incorporated. The Act of Incorpora
tion may be found among the old printed laws. The follow
ing act ofthe Assembly was passed at a session held the
latter part of October this year at Newport.
" By the King's authority, in this Assembly, it is approv
ed, the General Councils acts, in obstructing Coneticott
colony from using jurisdiction in the Narragansett Country,
and the councills establishing a Townshipp there, and call
ing it King's Towne, with liberty as hath been granted to
New-Shoreham. — And that the charges of our councill re
pairing thitheTj not exceeding fifty shillings for every time,
shall be paid out of the General Treasury. And that fu-
turely it shall be lawful to summons as many of our inhabi
tants as they see cause, to attend at Narragansett, to oppose
Conetticott from using jurisdiction there; but not in any
hostile manner, or to kill, or hurt any person. And further
be it enacted, that the Governor or deputy-governor, and
the major part ofthe major part ofthe Magistrates on Rhode-
Island, as they see cause, may send letters or messengers,
to New-York Governor, concerniqge such business, and the
charges not exceeding tenn pounds, to be paid out of the
General Treasury."
May 1, 1675. Canonicus (formerly called Maussup)
sells Conockonoquit or Rose-Island, to Peleg Sanford of
Newport. [L. E. 1. 103. J
KING Philip's war.
1675. Massassoit, the chief of the Wampanoags,' whose
residence was at Pokanoket, had been succeeded by his eld
est son Alexander, and he a ffew years after by his brother
Metacom or Philip. Philip was an able and enterprising
chief He doubtless saw with jealousy the rapid progress
of the English in his country, and his great and constant

79
object seems to have been, the formation of a league of all
the Indian tribes against these foreign inhabitants. These
tribes had been so long at enmity with each other, that to
produce a union among them, required great skill and saga
city; and the event shows Philip to have been possessed of
these qualities. He succeeded in obtaining a close alliance
of all the neighboring Indians, and the spring of 1676 was
fixed upon as the commencement ofthe undertaking. The
Narragansetts had promised, it is said, to join him with their
chief strength, amounting to 4000 warriors.
One of Philip's subjects, Sausamon, having treacherously
given information to the English of his movements, was
seized and<iput to death, as was said, by Philip's order. —
Those who put him to death, were seized, condemned and
executed by the English. This deed, with other minor con
curring circumstances, seems to have so exasperated the
Wampanoags, that they could no longer be restrained.
The war thus breaking out before the time agreed upon,
Philip was taken at a disadvantage, and soon after the com
mencement of hostilities, abandoned Mount Hope.
Philip, when preparing for war, had sent all the women
and children of his tribe to the Narragansetts, who received
and protected them. Knowing this, and fearing that the
Narragansetts would rise and join Philip, Massachusetts
proceeded to take measures which could only be justified
by the greatest necessity. According to orders received
from home, the Massachusetts forces, consisting of a troop
of infantry and a troop of horse, set out July 5th, 1676, for
Narragansett. They found the northern parts of Narragansett almost
entirely deserted. On the 15th July, they forced four of
the Narragansetts, whom they met, to conclude a peace in
the name of the whole Narragansett tribe, which they very
reluctantly did after four days treating, finding that the only
alternative for them was open war. (For treaty, see Appen
dix.) The army then returned.

80
About the middle of September, Ninigret being required
to come to Boston to treat concerning the delivery of the
squaw Sachem, and Capt. Smith offering himself as a host
age for his safety, he being very aged, sent his son thither;
but Ninigret on his return, refused to confirm the agreements
which he had made. (D.) Still, October 18th, a confirma
tion of the former treaty was eflfected at Boston, for which
see Appendix.
This war seems to have been conducted with more than
usual cruelty. It was no doubt (and justly so) considered
the final struggle, which was to be decisive of the fate of
the parties. An instance is related, by Capt. Church, of
about 120 Indians who had surrendered themselves to Capt.
Eels and Ralph Earl, on a pledge of protection. The gov
ernment disregarding the pledge, carried them to Plymouth,
sold and transported them all. [Church. 52.]
The Narragansetts, who since the death of the great
Sachems had been considerably divided, were now proba
bly more closely united by a sense of danger. The Sachem
Canonchet, son of Meantinomy, appears to have taken the
lead. Pomham, too, had agreed to forget his old quarrels
and join the common cause. [Haz. 2, 222.]
Many of Philip's friends, (and among others, Wetamoe,
squaw Sachem ofthe Pocassets,) had fled to the Narrao-an-
setts, both before and after the treaty, and it was said that
many of the Narragansetts had fought for Philip in his bat
tles. Notwithstanding the promises the English had forced
them to make, they still delayed delivering up the hostile
Indians. The Commissioners of the colonies determined
that matters should not remain in this middle state, Novem
ber 2, 1675, ordered 1000 men to be raised for an expedition
against this tribe. Gov. Josiah Winslow was appointed
commander in chief The second in command was to be
from Connecticut, (which according to their claim included
Narragansett in its jurisdiction ) The Connecticut soldiers

81
were to rendezvous at Norwich, Stonington and New-Lon
don: the Massachusetts and Plymouth forces at Providence,
Warwick, and Rehoboth. December 2d was appointed for
a fast day. Massachusetts a*id Plymouth sent 700 foot and
200 horse. There were six Massachusetts companies under
Capts. Mosely, Davenport, Gardner, Oliver, Johnson, and
Maj. Appleton, who commanded the whole: two Plymouth.
companies under Maj. William Bradford, and Capt. Gor-
ham. Connecticut sent 300 foot and 100 horse, in five com
panies, commanded by Maj. Treat, and under him by Capts.
Siely, Gallop, Mason, Watts and Marshall.
The order or manifesto which preceded the war, is as fol
lows: —
" At a meeting of the Commissioners ofthe United Col
onies, by adjournment, in Boston, Nov. 2, 1675.
" Forasmuch as the Narragansett Indians are deeply ac
cessary in the present bloody outrages of the barbarous
natives that are in open hostility with the English; this
appearing by their harboring the actors thereof, — relieving
and succouring their women and children and wounded men,
and detaining them in their custody, notwithstanding the
covenant made by their Sachems to deliver them to the
English; and as is credibly reported, they have killed and
taken away many cattle from the English, their neighbors,
and did for some days seize and keep under a strong guard
Mr Smith's- house and family; and at the news of the sad
and lamentable mischief that the Indians did unto the Eng
lish at or near Hadley, did in a very reproachful and blas
phemous manner, triumph and rejoice thereat.
" The Commissioners do agree and determine, that be
sides the number of soldiers formerly agreed. upon to be
raised, and to be in constant readiness for the use of the
country, there shall be 1000 more raised and furnished with
arms and provisions of all sorts, to be at one hour's warning
for the public service; the said soldiers to be raised in like

82
proportions in each colony as the former were. Also they
do agree, that A. B. shall be commander in chief over the
said soldiers, and that the said A. B. shall With the said sol
diers, march into the NarragEuisett's country, and in case
they be not prevented by the Narragansett Sachems' actual
performance of their covenants made with the commission
ers, by delivering up those of our enemies that are in their
custody, as also making reparations for all damages sus
tained by their neglect hitherto, together with security for
their further fidelity, then to endeavor the compelling of
them thereunto, by the best means they may or can, or to
proceed against them as our enemies.
THOMAS DANFORTH, Pres't.
WM. STOUGHTON,
JOSIAS WINSLOW,
THO'S HINCKLEY,
JOHN WINTHROP,
WAIT WINTHROP."
[From Haz. 2, 631.]
As to the first ofthe reasons here given, we will remark,
that good proof ought to have been required ofthe intentions
ofthe Narragansetts to join the enemy, before a war could
be justified against them. Something is however to be al
lowed for the critical situation ofthe colonists. The charge
of their not having delivered up the women and children who
had fled to them for protection, to the mercy ofthe Commis
sioners, (i. e. to be sold and transported into slavery) is a
credit to their humanity. It was in strict accordance with
their notions of honor. The next reason, a report that they
had killed and carried off some cattle from the English, might
do very well as a reason for a war between two petty savage
tribes, but does not sound quite so well in a declaration of
war, by a people claiming to be civilized. Another reason
is, that they had seized and kept possession of Smith's house
for some days. They had indeed seized it, but left it again
after a few days, without doing any injury of consequence

83
The last reason is a strange one; the Indians it seems had
rejoiced at the success of their friends ! How improper !
Probably ifthe Indians had had their festival in the shape
of a fast or a thanksgiving, their opponents would not have
been offended.
The Massachusetts General Court previous to the expe
dition, passed a set of " Laws and Ordinances of War;" the
first of -which was, that no man should blaspheme the Trinity
on pain of having his tongue bored with a hot iron. [Huch.
1. 297.]
The Massachusetts and Plymouth forces marched to
Smith's house, and there made their head quarters. Capt.
Church, who had joined Winslow as a volunteer, having re
fused the offer of a company, going before the army in com
pany with Major Smith, arrived at Smith's house on the
evening of Dec. 11, 1675. Capt. Church immediately pro
posed to some ofthe Eldridges and others he met there, to
attempt to surprise some ofthe enemy. They readily com
plied, and being favored by a clear tho' cold night, captured
eighteen ofthe enemy, and returning by sunrise, presented
them to Gen. Winslow, who had already arrived. The Gen
eral sent two of the boys as a present to Boston. Gen.
Winslow on his march, had attempted to surprise Pomham's
village at Warwick, but the Indians being aware of his ap
proach, principally made their escape. Thirty-six of the
inhabitants were however captured by Capt. Mosely, and
the village was destroyed by Capt. Prentice. [Church.]
The Connecticut forces, on their way, captured several of
the Indians. They went to Bull's house in Pettiquamscut,
(on Tower Hill) and found that the Indians had made an at
tack on it a few nights before; burnt the house and killed
ten men and five women and children; but two«escaping,
[Hubb, J. W.]
On Dec. 14th, Sergeant Bennet being sent out from
Smith's with several men, killed one man and one vvoman.

84
and took four prisoners, and returned by 1 o'clock. In the
afternoon, a company was sent out into the country, where
they burnt 150 Wigwams, killed seven and took eight of
the enemy captive. The day after this the English lost sev
eral men who were cut off by the Indians while straggling
about. [Hubb.]
Dec. 16. Capt. Prentice and his troop being sent to Pet
tiquamscut, returned with the news of Bull's house being
burnt. [Hubb.]
Dec. 17. Sold Capt. Davenport 47 Indians for £80.
¦[Huch.] On Saturday, Dec. 18th or 19th, 1675, the whole army
being united, marched from Maj. Smith's, through the snow
and in cold and stormy weather, towards an Indian village
of considerable size about four miles from Smith's, but
found no Indians there. They found a quantity of Indian
corn concealed there, which was conveyed to the garrison.
Continuing their march through the country of the old
Squaw Queen,* in the afternoon they met with an Indian
named Peter, who refusing to answer their questions, was
ordered to be hanged; and to save his life, offered to guide
them to where the Indians were. [D.]
(Church does not mentioji the date. Huchinson says,
they marched from Smith's, Dec. 18; lay out all night at
Pettiquamscut, and marching again at 5 o'clock on Sunday,
Dec. 19, come to the fort about noon.)
 • 
*There are the remains of an Indian Fort still known by the name of
Queen's Fort, near the line between North King.stown and Exeter. It is
on the summit of a high hill completely covered with rocks, and thefort ap
pears to have been surrounded with a strong stone wall. There is a hollow
in the rock, which has been always known as the Queen's bedroom, and a
large roonf, the entrance of which is nearly concealed, and which is sup
posed from tradition, to have been a hiding place for the Indians, and in
which arrows &c. have been often found. It stands on land now owned
by the Northups, formerly by the Wilkies, and is sometimes called the Wilky
fort.

85
In the march, Capts. Mosely and Davenport led the van:
Maj, Appleton and Capt. Oliver followed: Gen. Winslow
and the Plymouth forces held the centre, and the Connec
ticut forces brought up the rear. [Hub.]
The fort of the Indians, where the battle took place, was
a piece of five or six acres of upland, in the middle of a
swamp which had but one principal entrance. The sides of
the fort were surrounded by palisadoes stuck upright on a
hedge', of about a rod in thickness. The place where the
Indians usually entered, was on a long tree over a place of
water, but there was one place besides this where there was
an easy entrance along a tree, and directly opposite this
they had erected a block house to defend the passage.
The severity of the season must have been of considera
ble advantage to the English; the freezing o£ the swamp,
thus rendering it much easier of access than it could have
been at any other season.
The English arrived in the neighborhood ofthe fort about
noon of Sunday, and seeing some Indians about the swamp,
fired upon them. The Indians returned the fire, and then
retreated into the fort. The English following close upon
them, were thus brought to the entrance of the fort, which
otherwise they could hardly have discovered. The Indians,
as reported by the soldiers afterwards, were just preparing
their dinner. Those of the English who entered first, had
to sustain a heavy fire from the block house. Capt. John
son was shot dead while on the tree, and Capt. Davenport
just after he had passed it; and the foremost were obliged
to give back for a while and recline upon the ground, until
they thought the force of the enemy's fire was spent. As
soon as a sufficient number of the English had entered,
they advanced in a body, driving the Indians before them,
until at last they were all driven into the swamp, leaving
numbers of their tribe dead in the fort. The English hav
ing thus got the advantage, set fire to the wigwams, of

86
which there were about 5 or 600 in the fort, which were all
burned with the provisions they contained, and probably a
number of women and children. Philip was said to have
been among the Indians at the fort. (Huch. 1, 305.) Many
ofthe Indians who escaped the battle, were obliged to hide
themselves in a cedar swamp not far off, during the night.
Potock, one ofthe principal men ofthe Narragansetts, who
was afterwards taken at Rhode-Island and put to death at
Boston, said that the Indians lost 700 fighting men that day,
besides those who perished in the flames, and 300 that died
of their wounds. But by better accounts afterwards re
ceived, the loss of the Indians was found to be about one
half the above stated. (Huch. 1,300. — D.) Church's ac
count (pp. 57-62) of his share in the battle being interest
ing, we will quote it at length, as it was publishedby his son.
"Their next move was to a swamp, which the Indians
had fortified with a fort. Mr. Church rode in the General's
guard when the bloody engagement began. But being im
patient of being out ofthe heat ofthe action, importunately
begged leave of the General, that he might run down to
the assistance of his friend's. The General yielded to his
request, provided he could rally some hands to go with him.
Thirty men immediately drew out and followed him. They
entered the swamp, and passed over the log, that was the
passage into the fort, where they saw many men and sev
eral -valiant Captains lie slain. Mr. Church spying Captain
Gardner of Salem, amidst the wigwams in the east end of
the fort, made towards him; but on a sudden, while they
were looking each other in the face. Captain Gardner set
tled down, Mr. Church stepped to him, and seeing the
blood run down his cheek, lifted up his cap, and calling him
by his name, he looked up in his face but spake not a word;
being mortally shot through the head. And observing his
wound, Mr. Church found the ball entered his head on the
side that was next the upland, where the English entered

87
the swamp. Upon which, having ordered some care to be
taken ofthe Captain, he despatched information to the Gen
eral, that the best and forwardest of his army, that hazard
ed their lives to enter the fort upon the muzzles of the ene
my's guns, were shot in their backs, and killed by them
that lay behind, Mr. Church with his small company,
hastened out of the fort (that the English were now pos
sessed of) to get a shot at the Indians that were in the
swamp, and kept firing upon them. He soon met with a
broad and bloody track where the enemy had fled with their
wounded men. Following hard in the track, he soon spied
one of the enemy, who clapped his gun across his breast,
made towards Mr^Church, and beckoned to him with his^
hand. Mr. Church immediately commanded no man tohurt
him, hoping by him to have gained some intelligence of
the enemy, that might be of advantage. But it unhappily
fell out, that a fellow that had lagged behind, coming up,
shot down the Indian, to Mr. Church's great grief and dis
appointment. But immediately they heard a great shout
of the enemy, which seemed to be behind them or between
them and the fort; and discovered them running from tree
to tree to gain the advantages of firing upon the English
that were in the fort. Mr. Church's great difficulty now
was, how to discover himself to his friends in the fort ; using
several inventions, till at length he gained an opportunity
to call to, and informed a Sergeant in the fort, that he was
there and might be exposed to their shots, unless they ob
served it. By this time he discovered a number of the en
emy, almost within shot of him, making towards the fort. —
Mr. Church and his company were favored by a heap of
brush that was between them and the enemy, and prevented
their being discovered to them. Mr. Church had given his
men their particular orders for firing upon the enemy. And
as they were rising up to make their shot, the aforemen
tioned Sergeant in the fort, called out to them, for God's

88
sake not to fire, for he believed they were some of their
friend Indians. They clapped down again, but were soon
sensible of the Sergeant's mistake. The enemy got to the
top of the tree, the body whereof the Sergeant stood upon,
and there clapped down out of sight of the fort; but all this
while never discovered Mr. Church, who observed them to
keep gathering unto that place until there seemed to be a
formidable black heap of them. "Now brave boys," said
Mr. Church to his men, "if we mind our hits we may have
a brave shot, and let our sign for firing on them, be their
rising to fire into the fort." It was not long before the In
dians rising up as one body, designing to pour a volley into
the fort, when our Church nimbly s|a.rted up, and gave
them such a round volley, and unexpected clap on their backs
that they, who escaped with their lives, were so surprised,
that they scampered, they knew not whither themselves.
About a dozen of them ran right over the log into the fort,
and took into a sort of hovel that was built with poles, after
the manner of a corn crib. Mr. Church's men having their
cartridges fixed, were soon ready to obey his orders, which
were immediately to charge and run [ — ]* upon the hovel
and overset it; calling as he ran on, to some that were in
the fort, to assist him in oversetting it. They no sooner
came to face the enemy's shelter, but Mr. Church discov
ered that one of them had found a hole to point his gun
through right at him. But however [he] encouraged his
company, and ran right on, till he was struck with three
bullets; one in his thigh, which was near half cut off as
it glanced on the joint of his hipbone; another through
the gatherings of his breeches and drawers, with a small
flesh wound; a third pierced his pocket, and wounded a
pair of mittens that he had borrowed of Captain Prentice;
being wrapped up together, had the misfortune of having
many holes cut through them with one bullet. But howev
er he made shift to U§ep on his legs, and nimbly discharged
^ [on]

89
his gun at them that had wounded him. Being disabled now
to go a step, his men would have carried him off, but he for
bid their touching of him, until they had perfected their
project of oversetting the enemy's shelter; bid them run,
for now the Indians had no guns charged. While he was
urging them to run on, the Indians began to shoot arrows,
and with one pierced through the arm of an Englishman
that had hold of Mr. Church's arm to support him. The
English, in short, were discouraged and drew back. And
by this time, the English people in the fort had began to set
fire to tlie wigwams and houses in the fort, which Mr.
Church labored hard to prevent. They told him [that] they
had orders from the General to burn them. He begged them
to forbear until he had discoursed with the General. And
hastening to him, he begged to spare the wigwams, &c. in
the fort from fire. [And] told him [that] the wigwams were
musket proof, being all lined with baskets and tubs of grain
and other provisions, sufficient to supply the whole army,
until the spring ofthe year, and every wounded man might
have a good warm house to lodge in, who otherwise would
necessarily perish with the storms and the cold, and more
over that the array had no other provisions to trust unto or
depend upon; that he knew that the Plymouth forces had
not so much as one [biscuit]* left, for he had seen their last
dealt out, &c. The General advising a few words with the
gentlemen that were about him, moved towards the fort,
designing to ride in himself and bring in the whole army;
but just as he was entering the swamp, one of his Captains
met him, and asked him whither he was going? He told
him "Into the fort." The Captain laid hold of his horse
and told him [that] his life was worth an hundred of theirs,
and [that] he should not expose himself. The General told
him, that, he supposed the brunt was over, and that Mr.
Church had informed him that the fort was taken, &c. ; and
*[biskake]

90
as the case was circumstanced, he was ofthe mind, that it
was most practicable for him and his army to shelter them
selves in the fort. The Captain in a great heat replied,
that Church lied; and told the General, that if he moved
another step towards the fort, he would shoot his horse un
der him. Then [bristled]* up another gentleman, a certain
Doctor, and opposed Mr. Church's advice, and said, [that]
if it were complied with, it would kill more men than the
enemy had killed. "For (said he) by tomorrow, the wound
ed men will be so stiff", that there will be no moving of them."
And looking upon Mr. Church, and seeing the blood flow
apace from his wounds, told him that if he gave such advice
as that was, he should bleed to death like a dog, before they
would endeavour to stanch his blood. Though after they
had prevailed against his advice they were sufficiently kind
to him."
Above 80 of the English were slain, and 160 wounded,
who afterwards recovered. killed. wounded.
Massachusetts, 30 79
Connecticut, — 71 .
Plymouth, — 27
Of the Captains, Davenport, Gardner, Johnson, Gallop
and Marshall were killed. Siely died of his wound after the
battle. Leiut. Upham, of the Massachusetts forces, died
afterwards of his wounds.
Captains Bradford, Mason and White, and Lieut's. Up
ham, Savage, Tings and Swan were wounded. [D. and
Hubb.] The principal part of those wounded in the battle, were
afterwards conveyed to Rhode-Island, where they were ta
ken care of until the greater part of them recovered. Eight
of them died there. [Huch. 1. 301.]
Huchinson states that when they left the fort, they had
[brusled]''

91
about 210 dead and wounded. They left 8 dead in the fort,
and brought 12 with them. December 20, they buried 34
in one grave, and 6 more in a day or two after. Eight died
at Rhode-Island, one at Pettaquamscut, and two were lost
in the woods. [301.]
Such was the conclusion ofthe fight; after which the En
glish marched back again to Smith's house, their quarters,
where as beforementioned they buried near the house those
who had been killed in the battle, and several who had died
of their wounds,* on the march home, from exposure to the
storm and cold. The army must have suffered extremely
from want, if fortunately Capt. Andrew Belcher had not ar
rived that very night at Smith's, with a vessel laden with
provisions sent from Boston.
Such was the severity ofthe season, that it is said that if
* They were buried together to the number of about 40, and an apple-tree
which grew on the spot afterwards, was called the grave apple-tree, from
this circumstance. It was blown down in the gale of Sept. 1815.
. Davii, in a note to Morton, (433) thinks the swamp must have been
seventeen miles from the sooth F.erry instead ofseven as Church relates; else,
says he, how could the march back have been so long? The army per
haps from a desire to avoid wandering parties of Indians, took a rather crook
ed route. The land is now owned by J. G. Clarke Esq., and altho' the
appearance ofthe country is much changed since 1675, yet the spot is well
marked by tradition, and sometime ago the father of the present proprietor
ploughed up quantities of parched corn there, the remains of theBght, Dutch
spoons have also been found there, and bullets cut out ofthe trees. About
sixty years ago the fort was covered with heavy timber, but is now clear.
There is a tradition in the neighborhood that the English army drew up pre
paratory to the attack on the rising ground in front of Judge William Mar-
chant's house and that they entered the fort from that direction. The en
trance into the fort was over trees felled with the tops outward, so that it
was much easier to pass out of the fort than into it over them. It is said
that the departure ofthe army from the fort was hurried by a report that
the Indians were gathered in large numbers in the neighborhood, and inten
ded to renew the battle, and that in their march back to Wickford, they
.\yent by the way ofMc Sparran Hill

92
the English, instead of returning to Smith's, had kept posr
sesssion ofthe fort, great numbers ofthe Indians would have
been obliged to surrender or to perish of hunger. The In
dians had probably collected their principal stores of pro^
visions in the fort.
This was the principal action of the war, although there
was afterwards considerable skirmishing, burning of villages
&c. It was estimated that besides the wigwams burned in
the fort, 200 were burned in other parts of Narragansett.
Gen. Winslow with the Plymouth and Massachusetts forces,
remained in Narragansett the greater part of the winter,
and when they departed, left a garrison of sixty men at
Smith's. The Connecticut forces being much injured, re
turned homeward, and on their way took or killed thirty of
the enemy. [Hubb,. I. W. 130. D.]
After the battle, the Indians seem to have retired north
ward towards the Nipmuc country and Wachusett, and there
kept up the war a while longer.
During the war, the Rhode-Islanders, although they had
taken no part in it, were mostly obliged to retire to Aquid
neck for safety. The following extract of a letter from
Samuel Hubbard of Newport, to Dr. Stennet of London;
dated Nov. 29, 1676, relates to these circumstances. [Back
us, 1. 419, 433.]
"And for the other side, over against us on the main,
which once was ours, and is, I judge, by charter, many are
killed by the Indians; the rest came to us with what they
could bring. Connecticut army, Plymouth and Bay armie.s,
being there, wasted very much; when they left it, the In
dians burnt near all that was left. In the beginning of these
troubles ofthe wars, Lieut. Joseph Torrey, Elder of Mr.
Clarke's Church, having but one daughter living at Squam
icut, and his wife being there, he said unto me come let us
send a boat to Squamicut, my all is there and part of yours.
We sent a boat, so as his wife and daughter and son-in-)aw

93
and all their children, and my two daughters and their chil
dren (one had eight, the other three, with an apprentice -
boy) all came, and brother John Crandal and his family,
with as many others as could possibly come. My son Clarke
came afterwards, before winter, and my other daughter's
husband came in the spring, and they have all been at my
house to this day."
The opinion then entertained in Rhode-Island of the justice
ofthe war, may be gathered from the following extract from
a letter ofthe General Assembly of Rhode-Island, to Con
necticut. Newport, Oct. 26, 1676. (M. H. C. 17. 110.)
" We are very apt to believe that if matters come to a just
enquiry concerning the cause ofthe war, that our Narragan
sett Sachems which were subjects to his Majesty, and by
his aforesaid Commissioners, taken into protection, and put
under our government, and to us at all times, manifested
their submission by appearing when sent for, (a probable
omission here) neither was there any manifestation of war
against us from them, till by the United colonies, they were
forced to war or such submission as it seems they could not
subject to, thereby involving us in such hazards, charge
and losses which have fallen upon us in our out plantations,
that no colony have received the like, considering our num
ber of people."
Hubbard relates on the authority of Thomas Stanton and
his son Robert, that before this war, the Narragansetts could
raise 2000 fighting men, and had 900 sets of arms.
On the 27th, Dec. Capt. Prentice was sent into Pomham's
country, where he burnt near a hundred wigwams but found
no Indians. Pomham himself was afterwards killed near
Dedham, in Massachusetts.
Jan. 21st, Capt. Prentice's troop being abroad, took two
prisoners, and killed nine ofthe enemy.
Rhode-Island, after the example of the other colonies,
gold many of their Indian captives; but it was not for life,

94
but for a term of years, according to the circumstances of
the case.
After the swamp fight. Major Gookin engaged a couple of
Indian spies, -who went out into the Nipmuc country, and
brought back Word that the Narragansetts were now going
to join Philip openly, and that they would soon make an at
tack on Lancaster. Their names were Job Katenannit and
James Quannapohit, alias Quanapaug. [l.M. H. C. 6.
205-6-7-8. Hubb, I. W.]
Accordingly, in February, 1676, the Indians attacked Lan
caster, burnt it and took many captives. "And such was
the goodness of God to those poor captive women and chil
dren, that they found so much favor in the. sight of their
enemies, that cbey offered no wrong to any of their persons,
save what they could not help, being in many wants them
selves. Neither did they offer any uncivil carriage to any
ofthe females, nor ever attempted the chastity of any of
them, either being restrained of God, as was Abimilech of
old, or by some other accidental cause, which withheld them
from doing any wrong of that kind." (Hubb. I. W. 117.)
Such treatment was so much better than the Indian captives
generally met with from the English, that Hubbard is oblig
ed to call it either a miracle or an accident. It certainly
speaks volumes in favor ofthe Indians, exasperated as they
were by their late defeats, Ofthe captives that the English
look, large numbers were sold into slavery, in the West-
Indies, and other foreign parts, by the officers ofthe United
Colonies. The Rhode-Islanders placed many of those whom
fhey captured, as servants in families, for a term of years.
We do not hear, however, of their selling any of them into
foreign bondage.
Much ofthe winter was spent in treating about a peace.
Jan. 4, the Narragansetts sent two messengers, and Jan. 8,
Ninigret sent another messenger to the English, with a let
ter from Mr. Stanton, certifying him to be a friend to the

95
English, and informing that the Indians were reducfed to
such great straits, that corn was two shillings a pint among
them. Canonchet and Panoquin still persevered in the war,
and declared that they would fight to the last extremity,
" rather than they would become servants to the English."
Jan. 12, Canonicus sent a messenger to request a month's
truce. This proposal was considered as a mere plan to
gain time; and afterwards the English would admit no more
proposals for peace from the Indians.
March, 1676, was rendered memorable among our ances
tors, by the surprisal of Capt. Pierce by the Indians. He
belonged to Scituate, and was sent out by Plymouth with
60 English and 20 Indians. He marched towards Pawtux-
et, understanding the Indians to be gathered there in con
siderable numbers. Crossing the river, he was led into an
ambush by the Indians, and altho' he retired towards the
river to preverit being surrounded, the Indians attacked him
with their arrows, and he and his whole company were cut
off after the slaughter of 140 of his enemies. The friendly
Indians remained faithful to him to the last. During the
fight, he despatched a message to Providence for relief, but
it was never delivered. Some of the Rehoboth people,
however, hearing ofit by accident, on Sunday evening,
March 26, " repaired to the place, but it was too late for
atiy thing but the performance ofthe last offices of human'-
ity to the bodies of their friends." [Hubb I. W. 122.]
March 17. A party of Indians fell upon Warwick, and
burnt all but a few ofthe houses ofthe English inhabitants.
The Indians had previously driven off a great part of the
stock from this place.
March 28. 40 houses burnt at Rehoboth; March 29, 36
houses burnt at Providence.
April, 1676. Capt, George Denison and his men made
several expeditions into Narragansett, and killed at one
time 44, and at another time 66 Indians, withbut losing a
single man, [Hubb, Backus,]

96
April. Canonchet, now the chief Sachem ofthe Narra^
gansetts, with about 30 men, this month made an expedi
tion from the North-west country, (whither the Narragan
setts had mostly retired after the swamp fight) in order as
is said, to get seed corn from Seakonk, to plant the country
where they were living. A large number of his tribe were
to follow and join him.
Capt. George Denison of Stonington, Capt. Avery of New-
London, with 47 English, 20 of Ninigret's men under Catapa
zet, and 60 Pequods and Mohegans, the Pequods under Cas
sassinamon, and the Mohegans under Oneco, son ofUncas,
were at this time out on a third expedition, which they had
began March 27. Meeting with an Indian riian (whom they
slew) and two squaws, they made them confess that Canon
chet or Nannuntenoo, as he had formerly been called, was not
far off. Following the tracks which their scouts discovered,
they soon came in view of some wigwams near Pawtucket
or Blackstone River. Canonchet being with seven men in
one of the wigwams, sent several men one after another to
the top of a hill, to see what the danger was. The four sent
first, fled; the fifth, more faithful, gave intelligence to the Sa
chem of his danger, who immediately endeavored to escape.
Catapazet, with a few Indians and English followed on so hard
that the Sachem soon was obliged to throw oflT his blanket,
next his silver laced coat, which had been presented to him
at Boston, in October, when the treaty was made, and his belt
of peag, the sight of which made his pursuers more eager.
He now took to the water, and his foot slipping upon a stone
he wet his gun, upon which accident, as he afterwards said,
his heart and bowels turned within him, so that he become
void of strength as a rotten stick ; so much so that a Pequot,
Monopoide, laid hold on him within thirty rods ofthe river,
without his resisting, although he was a most strong man,
of goodly stature and very courageous. Robert Stanton,
one ofthe first English that came up to him, being about

97
iwenty-one years old, putting a question or two to him, the
Sachem looking neglectfully upon his youthful face, replied
in broken English — "You much child, no understand mat
ters of war, let your brotheror your chief come, him I will
answer;" and, says Hubbard, he was as good as his word.
Lie was promised his life if he would endeavor to procure
the submission of his tribe "acting herein as if by a Pytha
gorean metempsychosis some old Roman ghost had posses
sed the body of this western Pagan — like Attilius Regulus,
&c." This he obstinately refused.
Persisting in this heroic resolution, he was carried to
Stonington, where he was condemned to be shot to death.
The young Mohegan Sachem, and two Pequot Sachems,
were by the order of the English, his executioners. He
told the English before dying, that their putting him to death
would not end the war. " He was told at large of his
breach of faith, and how he boasted he would not deliver up
a Wampanoag or the paring of a Wampanoag's nail, that
he would burn the English alive in their own houses; to
which he replied, others were as forward for the war as him
self, and he desired to hear no more thereof And when he
was told his sentence was to die, he said he liked it well,
that he should die before his heart was soft, or he had spoken
any thing unworthy of himself " His head was cut off and
sent to Hartford. The rest of his body was burnt. [Hubb.]
In the course of the year 1676, the Connecticut men made
as many as ten expeditions into Narragansett, took 60 guns,
100 bushels corn, and killed and captured about 250 ofthe
enemy. June, 1675. Maussup, alias Canonicus, alias Quissuc
quansh, refusing all offers from the English, was killed by
the Mohawks, near Piscataqna. His squaw surrender
ing, her life was spared. [Hist, of Nar. in M. H. C, — Hub,
I. W. 229.]
July 2, 1676, The Connecticut forces, under Maj. Tal-

98
cot, Capt. George Denison, and Capt. Newberry, fell. upon
a number of Indians in a swamp. The English, of whom
there were about 300, surrounded the Indians, and Capt.
Newbury with his men alighting, entered the swamp and
killed about 100, as was judged, besides many prisoners.
This swamp was towards Mount Hope. The whole number
killed and captured here, was 240. On their return, they
killed or captured about 60 more at Warwick. Among those
captured in this expedition, was Magnus, the old Queen of
the Narragansetts, as she was called. She, with others,
was afterwards put to death. [Hub. 2. 170. Drake Biog.]
Aug. 24, 1676. A Court Martial of the Governor and
Assistants, held at Newport, R. I, Quanopen, alias Sowa-
gonish, a Narragansett Sachem, was brought before them,
charged with adhering to Philip in the war. He owned he
was in the swamp fight, and said he was next to Canonchet
in command, among the Narragansetts. Sentenced to be
shot the next day.
Sunkeejunasuc, brother to Quanopen, a one-eyed man,
sentenced to the same fate.
Ashamattan, also his brother, was tried but sentence was
suspended. Several Indian captives were ordered to be given up to
Capt. Benjamin Church, who produced a commission from
Plymouth to receive them. [Records of Sup. Jud. Co.
Newport County.]
1676, The Sachem Pomham, was killed ne/ir Dedham,
Massachusetts. Hubbard, after praising Pomliam for his
courage and strength, goes on: "Among the rest of the
captives at that time, was one of Pomham's sons, a very like
ly youth, and one whose countenance would have bespoken
favour for him, had he not belonged to so bloody and barba
rous an Indian as his father was." [Hub. I. W. 175. Ma
ther. Haz. 2. 222.]
Ninigret, the Sachem of the Nyantics, who was an old

99
man, and wished to avoid the open enmity of the English,
although he liked them no better than any ofthe rest ofthe
Indians, did not join in this war, but endeavored to preserve
a neutrality. Extract from Major Bradford's letter to Mr. Cotton.
"Newport, Jan. 20, 1676-6.
" Ninicraft has sent down divers messengers to the Gen
eral, pretending love to the English, and that his men have
buried the English thatwere slain at the fort." [MM. 4.]
During the war, the other principal Sachems were killed,
and after the troubles were over, the Indians who remained
of other tribes, probably took refuge with Ninigret and his
tribe. From this Ninigret, who died soon after the war was
over, the succeeding Indian Sachems were descended. By
one wife he had a daughter, and by another he had a son
Ninigret, and two daughters; one of which latter is some
times designated as the old Queen, On Ninigret's death,
the first named daughter succeeded him, and the ceremo
nies of her inauguration took place at Chemunganock.^ —
These ceremonies, were the presentation of peage and other
presents, as an acknowledgment of authority ; and sometimes
a belt of peage was publicly placed on the Sachem's head,
as an ensign of rank. On her death, her half brother Nini
gret succeeded. He died somewhere about 1722. His will
is dated 1716-7. He left two sons; Charles Augustus and
George. The former succeeded as Sachem, and dying, left
an infant son Charles, who was acknowledged as Sachem by
a portion ofthe tribe, but the greater part adhered to George
his uncle, as being of pure royal blood. The dispute was
encouraged by different white people, who wished to obtain
an influence over the tribe, and to purchase their lands; and
seems to have been ended only by the death of young
Charles. George was acknowledged as Sachem in 1735.
He left three children, Thomas, George and Esther.—;

100
Thomas (commonly known as King Tom) was born in 1736,
and succeeded as Sachem in July, 1746. While he was
Sachem, much ofthe Indian land was sold, and a considera
ble part of the tribe emigrated to the State of New York,
and joined the Indians there. He dying, left a son George,
who did not survive him more than about two years, being
killed by the fall of a tree.
Oct. 1676. The Assembly ordered the following written
prohibition against foreign interference, to be set up in Nar
ragansett. [St. Rec]
" The prohibition to be set up in the Narragansett.
"Newport, in the colony of Rhode Island and Provi
dence Plantations, &c. Oct. 27, 1676.
"To all persons whom these presents may concern. —
These are in his majesty's name, and by the virtue of the
power granted to us in his gracious letters patents, to forbid
all persons, under what pretence soever, to exercise juris
diction in any part of the Narragansett country, (alias
King's provinces,) neither to transact in any manner of way,
as to the disposition of lands, &c., but by order of the au
thority ofthis, our colony of Rhode Island and Providence
Plantations, foresayd, as they will answer the penalty, of
what shall be imposed on him, or them, by his majesty, or
the laws ofthis colony.
"Published by order of the General Assembly, of his
majesty's colony of Rhode Island and Providence Planta
tions, and sitting at Newport, Oct. 25, 1676,
"JOHN COGGESHALL, Recorder,"
1677. On petition of James Runnels, &c., 10,000 acres
of land in Narragansett ordered to be divided among 100
men. Sergeant John Spencer, Thomas Nichols and the
other petitioners to be first accommodated. [St. Rec]
Elisha Huchinson, William Hudson and others, present a
petition to Connecticut, for protection against Rhode Isl
and, [Trumb. I. 376.]

lOl
Oct. 1677. 5000 acres ofland in Narragansett appropri
ated for a township. 500 near the shore to be divided into
fifty house lots for a town, the rest to be divided into fifty
equal shares: — granted to the following proprietors: John
Spencer, Thomas Nichols, Clement Weaver, Henry Bright-
man, George Vaughn, John Weaver, Charles McCarty,
Thomas Wood, Thomas Fry, Benjamin Griffin, Daniel
Vaughn, Thomas Dungin, John Pearce Mason, Stephen
Peckham, John Crandal, Henry Lilly, Thomas Martin,
John Albro, Jr., Samuel Albro, Philip Long, Richard
Knight, John and Thomas Peckham, William Clarke, Ed
ward Lay, Edward Richmond, Edmund Calverly, John
Heath, Robert Havens, John Strainge, Jr., John Parker,
George Browne, Richard Barnes, Samson Battee, Jona
than Davell, Benjamin Morry, Joseph Morry, William Wil-
bor, Jr., Gyles Pearce, James Betty, John Remington,
Benjamin Gorton, Henry Dyre, John Knowles, Stephen
Arnold, Jr., William Hakkins, John Sanford, John Gorton,
John Houldon; and incorporated by the name of East
Greenwich. This was the first grant. Others were after
wards admitted by the Assembly, from time to time, in place
of those who did not fulfil the conditions. Fones' purchase,
and the three purchasers, of Mascachuset were next year
declared to be included in this township. Capt. Peleg San
ford and Benjamin Speere, were appointed to survey East
Greenwich, and the whole Narragansett country. John
Smith, of Newport, was afterwards substituted in place of
Speere. [St. Rec]
1678. John Saffin, Elisha Huchinson, &c,, having by a
paper dated Boston, July 30, 1678, advertised certain lands
in Narragansett for sale, the Assembly voted, that, all who
purchased of them should be considered as intruders. A
survey of the Narragansett lands was also ordered. [St.
Rec] In September, Governor John Cranston held a Court in

102
Narragansett, and endeavored to establish and secure the
Rhode Island authority there. Connecticut protested against
his acts, declaring them void. [Trumb. 1. 376.]
Capt. Randal Holden and Gapt. John Greene, agents in
England for Warwick, in some private difference, make a
representation to the King, in consequence of which, the
King orders the colonies to exhibit their claims to Narra
gansett before him. (Brinley. M. H. C. 6. 216.) The
Rhode Island Assembly received a letter from the King on
the subject, which they answered in August, 1679. The
Commissioners of the Colonies also addressed the King
concerning it, and the claimants of the Narragansett lands
and the colony of Connecticut put in their claims, the which
papers, see at length in Appendix.
Daniel Dawley, John Cartwright, Nicholas Utter and
John Carr, tried before the General Court of Tryals, and
convicted of breaking open Indian graves. [R. I. Sup. Co.
Records, Newport.]
October. A tax of £300 assessed. Newport £136.
Providence £10. Portsmouth £68. Warwick £8. Wes
terly £2. New Shoreham £29. Kingston £16. East
Greenwich £2. Jamestown £29.
July, 1679. The Assembly, after stating by way of pre
amble, that they had received letters from the King, dated
February 12, 1678-9, confirming their jurisdiction over
Narragansett as the Commissioners had settled it in 1664-5,
issue another order, prohibiting all intrusions and foreign in
terference. Richard Smith, having contrary to law, petition
ed the King, ordered that he be apprehended. [M. H. C.
5. 221. St, Rec]
In consequence of a vote ofthe Assembly in June, 1679,
the Governor and Council held a Court at Westerly, Sept.
17, 1679. Present,
Major John Cranston, Governor; Caleb Carr, Joseph
Clarke, Capt. Arthur Fenner, John Sanford, Capt. Samuel

10.'3

Gorton, Thomas Greene, Assistants: John Sanford, Secro
tary, Edmiind Calverly, General Sergeant,
" Proclamation openly made of the Court beiiig and sit
ting: the Sunk Sqaw, Ninicraft's daughter, appearingin this
Court, and complaining about some injury done her by f-Iar-
mon Garrets claiming part of her lands. She produced
some witnesses iii Court to evince her complaint."
The following inhabitants took the oath of fidelity:

Tobias Saunders,
Robert Burdick,
Ed.vurd Larken,
John Fairfield,
John Randall,
John Macoone,
Daniel Crome,
.James Babcock,
Joseph Clarke,
Capt. James Pemblton,
Thomas Wells, Senior,
John Babcock,
George Lampheare,
Jeoffry Champion,
Nicholas Cotterill,
Job Babcocke,

Gersham Cotterill,
Henry Hall, Senior,
William Champion,
James Crandall,
Peter Crandall,
John Lewis,
ChristopherChampion, Henry Hall, ,Jr,,
Jonathan Lewis,
Thomas Burdick,
John Balmiter,
Joseph Wells,
Thomas Wells, Jr.,
Richard Passmore,
Joseph Pemblton,
John Panicr,

Richard Swaight,
Tobias Saunders continued Conservator and engaged,
A protest signed William Leete, Governor, New London,,
¦4vas presented, and an answer made. [Rec, of Gov, and
Co,] 1679. John Saffin, tried for adhering to another juris
diction, and sentenced to forfeit all his estate, and pay a
fine. Richard Smith, indicted for same offence; indictment
quashed for want of form, [Rec ofthe Gen. Co, of T'vals
at Newport.]

104
1680. A tax of £100 was laid and assessed as follows,
viz: Newport, £34. Providence, £7. Portsmouth, £22.
Warwick, £6. Westerly, £6. Block Island, £8. Kings
town, £9. East Greenwich, £3. Jamestown, £8.
May, 1682, The town of Kingstown obtained remission
of half of a tax laid in 1678, on account of the disturbed
state ofthe country. For several sessions about this time,
Kingstown sent no deputies to the Assembly. The officers
who had been chosen for Kingstown, for several years past,
having refused to serve, the Assembly chose John Cole and
Capt. John Fones, Conservators ofthe peace there, and re
quested the governor to hold a Court there. There having
been a dispute between Kingstown and Warwick, about
Potowomut, both parties were prohibited from interfering
with the disputed land, antil further order. [St. Rec]
April, 1683. Roger Williams dies at Providence.
April 17, 1683. In consequence of the disputes about
the Narragansett lands, the King issues a commission to
Edward Cranfield, Lieutenant Governor of New Hamp
shire, William Stoughton, Joseph Dudley, Edward Ran
dolph, Samuel Shrimton, John Fitz Winthrop, Edward
Palmer, John Pynchon, Jr,, Nathaniel Saltonstall, Jr., or
any three of theni, (whereof Cranfield or Stoughton to be
the quorum,) to examine the Narragansett claims. They
issued a notice, signed by William Wharton, their register,
for all persons concerned to meet at Smith's trading-house,
on August 22. About the time ofthe meeting, the General
Assembly was sitting in Warwick. The Governor received
a letter from Cranfield, notifying the meeting, but not ex
hibiting his commission. The Assembly wrote to him to
request him to exhibit his commission, and sent the letter by
a special messenger. Cranfield asked who it was from.?
and on being answered by the messenger that it was from
the Governor and Colony of Rhode Island, he said he knew
of no such Go'-ernor or Colony. On the 21st of August, thf

105
Assembly adjourned to meet the next day at Capt. Johu
Fones', near Smith's, and having met there, they sent their
Sergeant to Smith's to make a proclamation, and prohibit
all proceedings of the Commissioners. The Commissioners
after remaining at Smith's two days, adjourned to meet at
Boston, and notified the Assembly ofit. The Assembly be
fore adjourning, appointed Jireh Bull and Capt. Fones, Con
servators of the peace for Kingstown; Daniel Vernon,
Clerk; Samuel' Albro, Treasurer, and appointed Constables
for the town. They also appointed a committee to draw up
a letter to the King. [St. Rec. M. H. C. 1.]
There was a large collection of Colony Agents, Indians
and others, at Smith's. The Commissioners reported, Oc
tober 20, 1683, at length, concluding that the jurisdiction
of Narragansett, belonged to Connecticut, and the right of
soil, to Atherton and his associates. [See App.]
Oct. 1684. In a colony tax of £160, the proportion of
Kingstown was £14 lOs. Westerly, £9 2s. Block Island,
£13 4s, Block Island had probably enjoyed a state of com
parative peace and prosperity.
1686. Date of the repeal of the Edict of Nantes by Louis
XIV, of France. In consequence ofthe persecution which
followed this act, large numbers of Protestants were obliged
to leave France-. A number of them (Le Moines Ayraults,
Sic) came to the Narragansett country, and pitched their
tents in what was then a wilderness, which is to this day
called Frenchtown. They planted an orchard where they
first sat down, of which there are now some remains on the
farm in East Greenwich, late belonging to Pardon Mawney,
Esq., which is still called the French Orchard.
In the war which began in 1689 between England and
France, these emigrants were allowed to remain unmolested,
on complying with the conditions prescribed by the govern
ment. Oct. 1685. The Assembly request the Governor to hold
H

106
a Court in Narragansett, to establish a plantation there.
[St. Rec]
Early in 1686, Joseph Dudley, who the year before had
been appointed President of Maine, New Hampshire, Mas
sachusetts and Narragansett, with a Council to assist him,
assumed the government. On May 28, he issued a procla
mation, declaring Narragansett to be a separate govern
ment. He established Courts and appointed officers there,
and the people quietly submitted to him. On the 23rd of
June, he, with his Council, held a Court at Smith's house,
where John Fones was sworn Clerk, and new names given
to the diflTerent towns, viz: Kingstown to be called Roches
ter; Westerly, Haversham; Greenwich, Dedford. [Trumb.
M. H. C. vol. 5.]
Dec. 20,1686. Sir Edmond Andros arrived at Boston,
commissioned by James II. as Governor of Massachusetts,
New Hampshire, Maine and Rhode Island; in which office,
he continued until after the English Revolution. In April,
1689, he was seized and imprisoned in Massachusetts, and
escaping, was retaken in Rhode Island and delivered up to
Massachusetts. After his departure, Rhode Island again
established her authority in Narragansett.
- Hut-hinson (3.54) says, that Walter Clarke, Richard
Smith, Walter Newbarry, John Creene, Richard Arnold
and John Alborrow, are supposed to have been the Rhode
Island members of Andros' Council. In his time. Wills and
all probate matters of importance, were sent to Boston for
final decision. The whole colony was made one county.
[Huch. 358. Foster papers. Callender.]
March, 1687. An order passed by Andros' Justices for
preventing the disturbance ofthe fishery in Pettaquamscut
river. Daniel Vernon and Henry Tibbits appointed to lay
open certain highways in Rochester.
June 14, 1687. At the Quarter Sessions held for Rhode
Island, Narragansett and Providence Plantations, the fol-

107
lowing Justices were present: — Francis Brinley, Chairman,
Lieut. Col. Peleg Sanford, Major Richard Smith, Capt,
John Fones,. John Coggeshall, Caleb Carr, Sen., Simon
Ray, Capt. Arthur Fenner and Capt. James Pendleton.
They appointed John M^xon and John Fairfield, Overseers
of the Poor for Feversham, and James Reinalds and Samuel
Albro, for Rochester.
Besides those who attended at the session last mentioned,
it appears that Randal Holden and John Pendleton were
Justices, and sometimes attended.
Dec. 1787. The Sessions appointed Messrs. Brinley,
Sanford and Fones to contract to build a Court House in
Newport, and one in Rochester, alias Kingstown. They lev
ied atax of £160. Viz: Newport, £38, Portsmouth, £31.
Providence, £27. Warwick, £12. Dedford, £3. Roches
ter, £18. Feversham, £10. New Shoreham, £11. James
town, £10. It was to be paid in money, or in sheep's wool,
at 7id. per lb. Spring butter at 4^ per lb. Indian corn at
20d. per bushel. Rye at 2s. 6d. per bushel, or pork at 42a.
.a barrel. March, 1688. William Palmer fined by the Quarter
Sessions for planting a peach tree on Sunday. This and all
the proceedings under the government of Andros, are on
record in the Clerk's Office ofthe Supreme Court for New
port County.
1690, The French made a descent on Block Island,
plundering and carrying off some of the people. [Trumb.
1. 408. Rec. of Gov. and Coun.J
October, 1695. A committee appointed by the Assembly
to settle the boundary line between Kingstown and Wester
ly. [St. Rec]
June 24,' 1696, Judge Sewal's deed of gift of the Eist
part of Lot No. 4, in the North West part of Pettaquams
cut purchase, to Harvard College. [L. E. 2. 336.]
An -4ct passed this year to prevent intrusions into the
lands ofthe Narragansett country. [Printed Laws,]

108
1698. The boundary question was now drawing near to
a settlement. Connecticut having received a letter from the
Lords of Trade and the Plantations, advising them to settle
with Rhode Island, appointed a committee for that purpose.
Rhode Island appointed committees in August, 1698, and
October, 1699. But not much seems to have been done
until 1702, when Connecticut, on October 8th, appointed
another committee to settle the jurisdiction- line, but to do
nothing to interfere with any rights of property. On the
121h May, 1703, the committees agreed on the Pawcatuck
as the boundary, confirming, however, all grants of Con
necticut in Westerly. (See App.) The Rhode island As
sembly at June session, approved ofthe boundary; but re
specting the Connecticut grants, there seems to have been
considerable debate and dispute. The cause was referred
to England, and decided by the King in Council in 1726, es-
tablishingfthe present boundary. [Trumb. 1.473, St, Rec.
Report to King on the boundary.]
August 2, 1698, The General Assembly held at Kings
town. June 1, 1699. James Barker, Joseph Sheffield, (Assist
ants,) Richard Arnold, Benjamin Smith and Nicholas Carr,
who had been appointed the preceding May session to settle
the boundary between Kingstown and Westerly, after meet
ing at Ensign John Eldred's, and hearing the parties, made
a report to the Assembly, viz: Westerly to be bounded
South on the sea. West on Pawcatuck river, to extend
northward 12 English miles, as measured by Peleg Tripp
and John Albrow; thence a line to run East to the Petta
quamscut line, and by that line to the sea,
Kingstown to be bounded East and South on the sea and
bay. West by the most western line of Pettaquamscut pur-
chase,5to extend North to East Greenwich South line, and to
be bounded North on said South line in all places where said
Jiflo comes to the South or Southeast of the river, whereon

109
Daniel Sweet's mill stands, and where it crosses not said
river, there said river to be the North bounds of Kingstown
until it meets the bay.
The Assembly confirmed the report, except a part of the
West bounds of Kingstown, and established it as follows:
beginning at the sea, to follow the West line of Pettaquam
scut purchase, to the Great Pond or river running out ofit,
thence by said river to the foot of Osquapage river, thence
North with said river until it comes to a bridge called the
Cart Bridge, near the house of Gershom Cottrell, being about
two miles, thence a due North line to East Greenwich
South line. [St. Rec. and L. E. 2, 329.]
Sept. 25 and 29, 1699. Ninicraft's confirmation of pur
chases made in Point Judith of his father and Maussup, one
to John, Holmes, and one to Benedict Arnold. [L. E. 1.
106-7,] On the 22nd April, 1700, a court of enquiry was held in
Kingstown, inconsequence of a riot which had taken place
there, and the forcibly rescuing a prisoner from the Deputy
Sheriff. Henry Tibbits, Jr., John Tibbits, Zorobabel West-
coat and Elisha Michell, were fined. Etc., but the three first,
on making a proper acknowledgment, had apart of their fine
remitted by the Assembly. Lieut, James Green, Israel
Newton, Ishmael Spink, Edward Green, Daniel Greene,
John Wightman, Valentine Wightman, John Green, Nich
olas Utter, Jr,j Thomas Withers, Charles Berry, Robert
Aylesworth, Edward Hops, Joseph Dolliver, Jr. and Daniel
Erolt, (the French Doctor's son,) were also fined, &c., but
the execution ofthe sentence was suspended by the Assem
bly, on their recognizing to appear at the next General
Court of Tryals. [St. Rec. May, 1700.]
May, 1701. The Governor requested to deliver the deed
of Potowomut to Jeremiah Clark and Samuel Cranston, to'
whom it belonged. [St. Rec]
June, 1703. The Assembly divided Rhode Island into

no
two counties; one, Rhode Island, and the other. Providence
Plantations. In the latter, the inferior Courts were to sit
by turns at Providence, Warwick, Kingstown and Wester
ly. The General Court of Tryals still continued as formerly
to be composed of the Governor and Assistants, and to sit
only in Newport.
This division continued to 1729, when the Colony was di
vided into three counties, and South Kingstown, (the coun
ty town,) North Kingstown and Westerly, formed Kings
county. Block Island was attached to Newport county.
[St. Rec. and printed Laws.]
Oct. 1703. The qualifications of Christopher Allen, a
Kingstown Deputy, being disputed, the matter was tried by
both Houses in Grand Committee, and he was admitted.
[St. Rec]
Oct. 1703. The Assemhly confirm a road which had been
laid out in Kingstown by a Jury.
1704. Act prohibiting Indians and Negroes from being
abroad after 9 o'clock, P. M. In June, a tax was laid of
£500. The proportion of Kingstown was £82. Westerly,
£27. New Shoreham, £13. [St. Rec. Laws,]
May, 1705. Indians on Block Island required to do mil
itary duty. [St. Rec]
Oct. 1705. An Act to continue the General Assembly
as a Court of Chancery, until a separate one could be erect
ed. [St. Rec]
1706. Line between Kingstown and East Greenwich
run. [St. Rec]
Oct. 1707. Assembly at Warwick. The boundary ques
tion being considered as nearly settled, the Assembly pro
ceeded to take into consideration the state of the vacant
lands in Narragansett. John Mumford and Capt. James
Carder were appointed to survey them. In May, 1708, (at
Newport,) they appointed Henry Tew, Weston Clark,
Richard Arnold and Randal Holden, a committee to exam-

Ill
ine claims to any of the lands which had been surveyed as
vacant. In October, 1708, (at Providence,) this committee made
a Report, (see App.) which was received and confirmed, as
being made according to the true intent ofthe Act of Octo
ber 30, 1672.
The Assembly confirmed the Deed of Coqinaquand to
Knight and Halls, provided it should not interfere with the
Pettaquamscut purchase, or former grants. Coqinaquand's
Deed to Capt, Cranston and partners, was not confirmed,
those lands having been already granted out by the Assembly
to East Greenwich, or to Fones, Green and partners. They
ordered that the vacant lands of East Greenwich should be
long to the fifty proprietors of that town, to be improved as
they see fit. The purchase, of Fones, Green and partners,
was confirmed, according to a plat made of it by Peleg San
ford and John Smith, [St. Rec]
At this session, (October, 1708,) the Assembly appointed
Weston Clark, John Mumford, of Newport, Philip Tilling-
hast, of Providence, Joseph Burden, of Portsmouth, Rich
ard Green, of Warwick, and Capt. John Eldred, of Kings
town, a Committee to agree with Ninigret, " what may be
a sufficient competence ofland for him and his people to live
upon," and to view the state of the Narragansett country.
In March, 1709, they reported that they had agreed with
Ninigret, and that they found a great deal ofthe land in the
country thereto be very poor, and some good. The Deed of
Niiiigret is dated March 28, 1709, quit-claiming to the Col
ony all his title to the vacant lands, excepting a tract bound
ed as follows: " beginning where the brook that Joseph Da-
vill'smill standeth, and runs into the great Salt Pond, and so
from said brook on a strait line northerly to Pesquamscut
Pond, and by the brook, that runs out of Pesquamscut Pond
into Pawcatuck river, and so along by Pawcatuck river
westward, until it comes to Benjamin Burdick 's bridge, and

IIS
from thence southerly towards Wequopogue, until it aieets'
the grand road, and so along by said road eastward, until it
comesnearto Christopher Champlin's now dwelling hOTse,
and from thence South to the great pond or salt water, and
so along by the pond side to the first mentionedbounds, as
it is drawn out upon the draught ofthe vacant lands." [St,
Rec. L. E. 3, 273.]
March, 1709. Henry Tew, RandaP Holden, Richard
Greene and Philip Tillinghast, appointed a Committee,
(John Mumford to be Surveyor,) to sell or lease out the va-
'cant lands in Narragansett to those who may have settled on
them. [St. Rec]
Feb. 1710. A Colony tax of £1200. The proportion of
Westerly was £67 9s. Kingstown, £212 8s. 5d. New
Shoreham, £36 7s. 6d. Greenwich, £36 Os. lOd.
July, 1710. The Assembly voted to raise 146 men for
the Port Royal Expedition. Kingstown was to furnish 31,.
(whereof 3 to be Indians.) Westerly, 12, whereof 4 In
dians. In August, the number of men was- increased to
200, and ofthe additional number, Kingstownfurnished 9.
Westerly, 4. [St. Rec]
Feb. 1712. Act quieting possessions. [Printed Laws.]
In a lawsuit between John Knight and Job Babcock,
about some Narragansett land, an appeal allowed to Great
. Britain. [St. Rec]
(May, 1713. Ninigret forbidden to sell' his lands; it be-
ng contrary to an agreement he had-made with the Colony,
iMarch 28-, 1708, and the sales declared void. [St. Rec
Laws.] Nov. 1713. The bonds for the payments, for the Narra
gansett lands ordered to be sued, if not paid, and the lands
to be forfeited. [St. Rec]
Feb. 1714. General Assembly held at Kingstown.
Nov. 1716. Capt. Joseph Sheffield, Major Henry Tew,
Major John Dexter, R. Holden and Weston Clark, a Com-

113
mittee to treat with Connecticut. [Rec. of Governor and
Council.] 1720. The deputy Governor and Maj. Fry, appointed to
go to Westerly, to take depositions there, relative to the
proceedings ofthe Commissioners in 1663.
Connecticut refusing to adhere to the boundary settle
ment of 1703, the deputy Governor, Joseph Jencks, and Mr.
Partridge appointed a committee to appear before the king
in council on the subject. [Foster papers.]
1721. Capt. Joseph Stanton appointed by the Rhode-
Island authorities, to procure evidence about Pawcatuc
river, and why it was so called. [Foster papers.]
1722. Kingstown divided into North and South Kings
town, and separate charters given them. [See Public No
tary Records in Secretary's office. No. 4. page 26.]
1726. Final decision ofthe boundary with Connecticut,
by the king in council. (See app.) The given line there
in referred to, was drawn from the mouth of Ashawage riv
er, to the South-west corner of Warwick purchase, and
thence North to Massachusetts line. The red line was
drawn West ofthis.
In May. 1728, the committees of the two colonies m^de
an ineffectual attempt to run the line. The dispute was
about the position of the South-west corner of Warwick
purchase. John Mumford had measured and erected a
heap of stones at what he supposed to be the place. The
Connecticut committee refused to admit the correctness of
this. Sept. 27, 1728. The line was finally settled. The com
mittees met, and on measuring 20 miles West from War
wick neck, to find the South-west corner of the Warwick
purchase, they made it upwards of 70 rods further West
than Mumford had made it, and the line was run accord
ingly. [See caseCambell vs. Reynolds, Newp. Sup,. Co,
about 1736,]

114
Feb. 1729. There being many disputes between the
people of Rhode-Island and the Connecticut claimants, with
respect to the gore ofland near the South-west corner of
Warwick purchase, the Assembly ordered, that in case it
could not be amicably settled by referees, writs of ejectment
should be issued in the Colony's name, against the occu
pants. The Connecticut General Court at Hartford, Oct. 8, 1696,
and again Oct. 10, 1700, had granted and confirmed to Lieut.
Thomas Leffingwell, of Warwick, Lieut. Richard Bushnell,
Isaac Wheeler, Samuel Bliss, Joseph Morgan, Manasseh
Miner, Henry Peter.son, Sergeant John Frink of Stoning
ton, and their associates, voluntiers in the Narragansett war,
a tract of land of about six miles square; bounded as fol
lows: beginning at a pond at the head of Pawcatuck river,
thence North to the road running from Norwich to Green- ¦
wich, thence West to Preston boundary, then bounded by
Preston and Stonington to Pawcatuck river. This tract,
it is believed, included the gore in dispute, and was named
Voluntown. 1730. A census taken by order ofthe King, viz:

Whites.

Neg.

Ind.

Total.

Newport,

3843

649

148

4640

Providence,

3707

128

81

3916

Portsmouth,

643

100

70

813

Warwick,

1028

77

73

1178

Westerly,

1620

. 56

250

1926

N. Kingstown,

1875

'l65

65

2105

S. Kingstown,

965

333

225

1523

E. Greenwich,

1149

40

34

1223

Jamestown,

222

80

19

321

New Shoreham.

, 250

20

20

290

15302 1648 935 17935
[From Callender.]
The towns on the East side of the Bay at this time, be-

longed to Massachusetts, and were not joined to Rhode Is
land until 1746. RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS.
A very considerable part of our information on this sub
ject, is derived from Callender's Century Sermon, printed
in 1739. The author shows a liberality not very common
in his age, in speaking of denominations whose creeds dif
fered from his own.
About 1665, some ofthe members ofthe Newport church,
which was under the care of Mr. Clark, removed to Wes
terly, and sat down there under the preaching of Mr. John
Crandal. They afterwards, about 1671, generally embraced
the seventh day Sabbath: in 1708, they formed a separate
church; and in Callender's time, were a large and flour
ishing congregation, under the pastoral care of Joseph and
G. Maxon and Wilham Hiscox. (Backus Call. 65.) The
following letter, found by William R. Staples, Esq., among
the old Town Records of Providence, was probably written
by some ofthis church.
" Westerly, this 1st ofthe first month, 1678.
" We your brethren and sisters, assembled together at
the hous of Tobias Sanders, wisheth you all grace mercy and
p'eac in our Lord Jesus Crist and that boath you and we
may stand feirm suer and stable in the faith and order ofthe
Gospell til he coms who will com and will not long tarry to
whom be prais onner and glory throughout all his churches
world without end amen.
"Dear and well beloved in our Lord Jesus Crist, this
may signifi unto you that your carfull salutacion wee recev-
ed dated the 13. of the 12. month last past by Peter Cran
dall, for which as duti and good afections binds us wee re
turn you thanks hoping that thees will find you in good
health as wee ar through mercy at this present in health
and in peac. And can assemble ourselves to geather non
making us afraid. We do desier that this great priviledg may
be prized according to the valy of it and that wee might not

116
wax wanton and earless under such great injoyments but
that boath you and us may carfully stand upon our watch and
earnestly crave the assistanc of his holy sperit so that nither
this or any other of his Benefits may slip out of our minds
to that end wee earnestly desier your praiers to almity God
the father of our Lord Jesus Crist that he will (be) pleased
to give us such many fistacions of his holy spirit that wee
may stand in the faith and order of the Gospell fast that we
have visibly profest before Heaven and many other witness
hear upon Earth. And not to loke at it as a Light or a slaight
thing to break covinant with God and on with another. Let
us tharfor be much in praier to God that he will give us
wisdom and understanding that wee may not only discover
but may by the assistanc of his blesed spirit be able to resist
the wilds ofthe Divill for sertainly if ever he was transform
ed into an Angell ef Light it is now. ' And if it wear posible
he would deceive the very Elect. Beloved Bretheren our
praiers unto God is for you that ye may like good soldiers
stand with your loins girt redi to resist the adversary and
not to give way though he com with never so faier preten
ces. Nay though he brings Law in his mouth ye ar not to
be Lieve him: whear for dearly beloved seeing ic is so that
we ar so besett with Enemies without and within let us be
earnest with the Lord one for theother forthe assistanc of his
holy spirit that so wee may be able to withstand temtacions.
wee also return thanks to the congragacion forthe mesh-
engars thay sent the last year wee hope their Labour of
Love was not Lost nor it in vain, which wee hope will be
good-in Coragement for you to remember another time your
duti in that Respect.
JOHN RANDALL
ROBERT BURDIK
JOB BADCOK
JANE BADCOK
MARY SANDERS
ELIZABETH RANDALL.
****** Love to you all,"

117
The followiag letter was written from Westerly, Augusff
4, 1666, by Mrs. Ruth Burdick, to her father, Samuel
Hubbard, at Newport. Mr. Hubbard was born in England,
in 1610, and came over in 1663. Of his daughters, Ruth
married Robert Burdick, Bethiah married [Joseph Clark,
Jr., and Rachel married Andrew Langworthy. [BaCkus I.
416 and 476, III, 227.]
Several of Mr. Hubbard's family settled at Westerly. —
Backus says that Naomi Burdick, grand-daughter of Mr.
Hubbard, had married Jonathan Rogers, and that on March
2nd, 1678, Elder Hiscox baptized her at Westerly, with
James Babcock, George Lamphiere, and two others. Mr.
Hubbard's daughter Ruth had joined Mr. Clarke's church
in 1652j when about 13 years old.
" Most loving and dear father and mother, my duty with
my husband and children presented unto you with all my
dear friends. My fonging desire is to hear from you, how
your hearts are borne up above these troubles which are
come upon us and are coming as we fear; for we have the
rumors of war, and that almost every day. Even now we
have heard from your Island by some Indians, who declared
unto us that the French have done some mischief upon the.
coast, and we have heard that 1200 Frenchmen have joined
with the Mohawks to clear the land both of English and of
Indians. But I trust in the Lord, if such a thing be intend
ed, that he will not suffer such a thing to be. My desire
and prayer to God is, that he will be pleased to fulfil his-
promise to us, that is, that as in the world we shall have
troubles, so in him we shall have peace. The Lord of com
fort, comfort your and our hearts, and give us peace in be
lieving and joy in the Holy Ghost. Oh that the Lord would
be pleased to fill our hearts with his good spirit, that we
may be carried above all these things! and that we may re-

118
member his saying, ' When ye see these things comfe to
pass, lift up your heads, knowing that your redemption
draws nigh.' Then if these things be the certain sign^, of
our Lord's return, let us mind his command, that is, pray
always that ye may be counted worthy to escape all these
things, and to stand before the son of man. Let us have
boldness to come unto him in the new and living way which
he hath prepared for us. Through grace I find the Lord
doth bear up the spirits of his in this place, in some com
fortable measure to be looking above these things, the Lord
increase it more and more unto the day of his appearing,
which 1 hope is at hand. Dear father and mother, the Lord
hath been pleased to give us here many sweet and comforta
ble days of refreshing, which is great cause of thankfulness,
and my desire is that we may highly prize it, and you with
us give the Lord praise for this benefit. I pray remember
my love to all my dear friends with you in fellowship. Sis
ter Sanders desires to be remember to you ally so doth sis
ter Clarke. Your loving daughter, to my power,
"RUTH BURDICK."
In 1729, there was a Baptist Church in North Kingstown
Under the care of Richard Sweet, which had been founded
fibout the close ofthe seventeenth century, by Elder Baker
from Newport. There was also one in South Kingstown,
Under the care of Elder Daniel Everett. Both were repre
sented in the Association that year. The following letter,
found among the Historical Society's papers, was written
by some ofthe latter church.
To our ancient and well beloved Brother, James Brown, Elder
oj the Baptized Church of Christ at Providence, and to the
Messengers ofthe Respected Baptized Churches of Mw En
gland, met together at Providence on Sept. the 3d, 1731, we
the subscribers who commonly meet together at the new Meet
ing House in South Kingston, in Kings County, in the Colony

119
of RKode Island 8fc. Send Greeting, wishing you grace, mer
cy and peace from God our father and the Lord Jesus Christ.
Beloved in the Lord,
Whereas we have had information that the end of your
meeting together is to consider of an. unhappy difference
arisen amongst our Brethren at Providence concerning Un
ion and Communion, we have thought good to send unto
you (by the hands of our beloved Brother and Teacher Dan
iel Everitt) our minds concerning the same. We therefore
(as our brethren declare in their declaration of same date
with this) do hold to the Doctrine of Christ as men
tioned Heb. 6. 1. 2. and that we cannot have any commun
ion by prayer or in any point of spiritual worship, with any
excepting with those that are under the six principles afore
said. But yet_ such of our brethren as sees otherwise, as
their declaration above mentioned expresses, we dare not
reject them and deny having fellowship with them. There
fore we do solemnly protest against that paper (in this point
in rejecting our weak brethren) which we understand was
drawn up by our brother, Nathan Pearce, tho' signed with
the name of our Elder Richard Sweet in the behalf ofthe
church; and Therefore for these reasons following, we dare.
not reject them and separate from them,
R. 1- We find no rule in the sacred writings for
such a separation, seeing they are founded up
on and have submitted unto the Doctrine of
Christ. Heb. 6. 1.2.
R. 2. We find that the blessed Apostle ofthe Gen
tiles did bear with the weakness of those Jews
who believed and were zealous ofthe Law. O!
how admirable was his tenderness! Least he
should offend them and cause a separation, he
circumcised Timothy. Acts 16. 3. Nay, he
himself (by the advice of the Apostle James
and the Elders at Jerusalem) did purify him-

Mic. 7. 18 19.

120
self after the manner of the Jews for this very
end, least the Gospel of Christ should be hin
dered. Such a spirit of Love was in him. Acts
21. 18 to 27. 1. Cor. 9. 23.
R" 3. Because the Apostolic Directions is other
wise. Rom. 16. 1. Gal. 6. 2. For if we bear
not with them in this thing we shall wound their
1 Pet 2 24 ^^^1^ Consciences, and so sin against Christ.
' ' ' 1. Cor. 8. 12.
R- 4. Because our Blessed Lord did bare our sins
in his own blessed Body on the Tree; yea he
does Daily bear with us and passes by our Of-
Ps. 130. 3. fences and our infirmities, for alas should he be so
strenuous as to mark our Daily Slips, we should
be in a miserable Case, therefore we ought to
imitate him in meekness and tenflerness. Col.
3. 12. 13.
R. 5. Because such a separation will be a hinder-
ance to the Gospel of Christ, for it is evident
that Such Contentions is hurtful. Jam. 3. 16.
These are our Reasons, and as we Judge ac
cording to the mind and will of God which we
¦ leave for you to Seriously Consider of.
TheExhor: Therefore we Intreat you in the name of our
Rom: 14: 19: l^^j jgg^g Christ, that yee would follow after
the things which make for peace, and things
which may be for edification, Give none offence
in any thing; It is not crying up, the Temple
Jer:7:4: ofthe Lord, the Temple ofthe Lord, without
love and tenderness one towards another, that
will any thing avail us. Let not we beseech
you, Satan, that Prince of Discord and conten
tion Triumph over us. O! let not the Enemies
of our Sion Rejoice over us, but make Peace
we humbly entreat you. O! Pity poor Souls,
even Such who are almost Christians ; who

121
will take an offence against us because of these Broils and
disturbances and turn their backs on the ways of Christ:
O! have Pity on Young believers who may be shaken from
their stedfastness by these Dissentions Divisions and Ani
mosities, How Dreadful will it be if we should thus
be the authors of their Damnation. Therefore the Great
God of peace guide you in the ways of peace and influence
and Illuminate you with the Blessed and Divine Spirit of
Love and Peace that your meeting together may be for the
Honour and Glory of God and the peace of his Church,
which is the Earnest prayers of us your Brethren.
South Kimgstown,
August ye 26th, 1731.
JOANNA WEBB,
SUSANNA SHELDON,
MERCY TEFFT, .
JOHN TEFFT, ABIGAIL TEFFT,
WILLIAM BENTLY,
PETER WELLS,
WILLIAM BARBER,
SAMUEL TEFFT,
BENJAMIN BARBER,
SAMUEL TEFFT, Son of John Tefft.
The Sabbatarian Church in Hopkinton, dates as far back
as 1708. In 1813, there were 930 communicants, under the
pastoral care of Matthew Stillman. Elder John Gardner's
six principle Baptist Church in North Kingstown, wasform-
ed about 1710. [Benidict.]
At the time of Callendar's delivering his discourse, in
1739, there was a Baptist Church in every town except
East Greenwich; the one in South Kingstown was still un
der the care of Mr. Everitt. The Friends had seven meet
ings on the main-land, besides a constant meeting in Wes
terly, altho' they had no meeting house there. There was
an Episcopal Church in Westerly, and one in North Kings-

122
town, of which Rev. James Mc Sparran, D. D. was Reptor,
Rev. Joseph Torrey was Pastor of the Presbyterian Church
in South Kingstown, and Rev. Joseph Park of the one in
Westerly. There was a meeting house on Block Island
which was supplied from. time to time.
Many attempts were made at different times for the con
version ofthe Indians, but they were generally unsuccess
ful. Mr. Williams used for a long time to preach at Smith's
house in Narragansett once a month, and seems to have ex
erted himself to christianize the natives, but was discour
aged by the difference of language and the other difficulties
he met with. (Letter of R. Williams, 2. M. H. C. 8. 196.)
Ninigret on heing requested by Mayhew to give him leave
to preach to his people, bid him go and make the English
good first. The Indians said it was too dificult for them to
understand. Roger Williams in one of his letters has the following
passage. (3 vols. Ext, R. 1. Hist. Soc,) "At my last
departure for England I was importuned by the Narragan
sett Sachems, and especially by Ninigret, to present their
petition to the high Sachems of England, that they might
not be forced from their religion, and for not changing their
religion, to be invaded by war: for they said they were day-
ly visited with threatnings by Indians that came from about
the Massachusetts, that if they would not pray, they should
be destroyed by war, &c." Dated 1654.
About 1741, in the new Light Stir, a reformation was
brought about among the Indians in Charlestown, (probably
under the care of a Mr. Park,) and a Pedo-Baptist church
soon after formed. In 1750, a Baptist church arose out of
this. The first pastor was James Simons, and after him,
the famous Samuel Niles; in his day one ofthe most emi
nent Indian preachers in America, Others succeeded him.
Benedict visited them about 1812, and found a few of the
female members of the church still living, and active in

123
religious affairs; three of them about 70 years of age. The
male members were all absent on a fishing voyage. [Ben-
diet 2. 427. Backus 1. 343.]
LAWSUIT ABOUT THE CHURCH LAND.
In 1668, June 4th, five ofthe Pettiquamscut purchasers
(Porter being absent) passed the following order: "That a
tract of 300 acres ofthe best land, and in a convenient place,
be laid out, and forever set apart as an encouragement,
the income or improvement thereof wholly for an orthodox
person, that shall be obtained to preach God's word to the
inhabitants." It would seem that no deed or more formal
conveyance ofthe land was ever made.
There being no person to claim the land, in 1702, Henry
Gardner entered on twenty acres of it, and James Bundy
on the remainder. Bundy sold out to George, son of Thom
as Mumford, in 1719.
About 1719, Mr. Guy, and before him Mr. Bridges, both
Episcopalians had preached in Kingstown, but do not seem
to have claimed the land.
March 8, 1713, the Town Council let the land to William
Congdon. From 1702 to 1710, Mr. Samuel Niles (at that time not
ordained) a Congregationalist, preached in Kingstown. He
was afterwards settled in Braintree Mass. He never had
possession ofthe greater part ofthe grant.
Dec. 4, 1731. Four gentlemen of Kingstown wrote to
Boston, to have Mr. Torrey settled among them. April 8,
1732, four gentlemen, among them William son of Thomas
Mumford, and grand-son ofthe purchaser, wrote to Boston
to have Mr. Torrey ordained.
May 17, 1732. A Church was formed in Kingstown,
under Rev. Joseph Torrey. The first signers of the cove
nant were Mr. Torrey, George Douglas, William Mumford,
Alice Gardner and Mary Wilson. On the same day Mr.
Torrey was ordained by Rev, Samuel Niles of Braintree,

124
Rev. John Webb and Rev. Thomas Prince of Boston, Rev,
James Searing of Newport, &c. The following were after
wards admitted to the church at different times. April 21,
1734, Mary, wife of George Mumford. 1737, Elizabeth,
wife of Mr. Joseph Torrey. Feb. 27, 1736, Paul Wood.
Feb. 3, 1739-40, Ann, wife of John Cole. 1740, Sarah,
wi^ of Paul Wood! May 15, 1743, Lucy Hammond.
Nov. 25, 1744, Rouse Helme. March 31, 1746, Priscilla
Negus, May 26, 1745, Harry Done. June 9, 1745,
Katherine Holloway. June 16, 1746, Sarah, an Indian,
joined the Indian church. Dec. 1, 1741, Jane Negus.
Aug. 24, 1746, Sarah, wife of Simeon Palmer. May 10,
1747, Mercy Negus. Nov. 18, 1760, Elizabeth, wife of
Ohver Hazzard. May 26, 1756. James Smith. Jan. 15,
1760, Mary, wife of Thomas Hawkins. Oct. 7, 1764, John
Anderson. Sept. 26, 1768, Abigail, wife of Jeramiah Wil
son. Up to Oct, 2, 1768, Mr. Torrey had baptized 104, of
which many were adults. [Style'sltinerary.]
Mr. Torrey demand the 280 acres of Mumford, who re
fused to deliver it up, unless Torrey would pay him £700
for his expenses in defending his possession before.
In 1720, Doct. McSparran was appointed missionary by
the Bishop of London and the Missionary Society, on the
request ofthe inhabitants. One of these petitions for an
Episcopal Minister, (among the papers of the lawsuit) in
1716, is signed by Charles Dickinson, Samuel Albro, George
Balfour, Samuel Brown, John Albro, Gabriel Bernon, Jo
seph Smith, John Buckmaster, John Buckmaster, Jr., Sam
uel, Thomas and Christopher Phillips, John Kettredg^and
William Browne. Dr. McSparran's salary as a missionary
was £100.
McSparran and Torrey had continual lawsuits for this
tract, and, in 1732, on an appeal to England, Torrey got
possession of 280 acres; and, in 1736, by legal advice, he
conveyed it in trust to Peter Coggeshall and five others in

125
trust for the Presbyterian ministry. They leased it to a
Hazard. In 1739, the original grant, which had been sup
posed lost, was discovered, and Dr. McSparran, by advice
of his counsel. Col. Updike, Capt. Bull and Judge Auch-
muty, brought a new action, which was lost in the Colony
Courts; but, on appealing to the King, he gained the
cause. Among the papers in the case, it may be well to quote a
few. Deposition of George Gardner, of East Greenwich, late
of Kingstown, that at the meeting of the purchasers, in
1692, " he heard them debate in what manner they should
lay out and confirm their predecessors' gift ofthe 300 acres
farm which they had granted to the ministry. In which dis
course, some pleaded that said lands should be given partic
ularly for the use ofthe Presbyterians. But Jahleel Bren-
toh, Esq., who was there present, told them: Gentlemen,
to give such a farm to the Presbyterians, and nothing to the
church, will soon be noised at home, and may be a damage
to us. And therefore, if you will be ruled by me, we will
not express it to the Presbyterians, but will set it down to
the ministry, and let them dispute who has the best title to
it; or words to this effect, to which the other proprietors
consenting, they ordered John Smith, the Surveyor, to write
it down on the draft to the ministry.''' Brenton was then
Collector at Newport.
Henry Gardner, of South Kingstown, deposes that Mum
ford and Wilbore professed themselves Episcopalians; that
Brenton, Arnold and Wilson declared themselves to be so
before the King's Commissioners: that he fenced in twenty
acres, &c., as assign of John Porter, who had never signed
the grant.
There are certificates and extracts of records to show that
several ofthe purchasers belonged to the old 1st Congrega
tional Church, in Boston; that John Clark and John San-

126
ford were of the founders of it, in 1630; that William
Brenton was admitted October, 1633; Wilbore, December
1, 1633, and John Hull, October 15, 1648. Hull continu
ed in it until 1669, when he joined in founding the South
(Congregational) Church, in which he lived and died.
Several of the depositions go to show that Mumford was
an Episcopalian, Wilbore, Porter, and fifty-six others, were
disarmed by the Massachusetts government, in November,
1637, for their attachment to Messrs. Hutchinson and
Wheelwright. They received a licence to remove from
that province, one being then required by law. Backus 1.
87. 97. See " An Answer to a printed letter, said to be
written from a gentleman in Newport, to his friend in Bos
ton, &c.," in Rhode Island Historical Society's Collec
tions. The daughter and heiress of John Hull, the purchaser,
was first wife to Judge Samuel Sewal. Judge Sewal died
January,!, 1729-30. There were two sons ofthe marriage,
Samuel, who inherited the Narragansett lands, and the Rev.
Joseph Sewal.
The Boston Old Church Covenaint is as follows, (from
the pamphlet before referred to:) " In the name of our Lord
Jesus Christ, and in obedience to his holy will and divine
ordinance, we whose names are here underwritten, being
by his most wise and good providence brought together into
this part of America in the Bay of Massachusetts, and de
sirous to unite ourselves into one Congregation or church,
under the Lord Jesus Christ our Head, in such sort as be-
cometh all those whom he hath redeemed an^ sanctified to
himself, do hereby solemnly and religiously, (as in His
most Holy presence,) promise and bind ourselves to walk in
all our ways according to the rule of the Gospel, and in all
sincere conformity to His Holy ordinances, and in mutual
love and respect to each other, so near as God shall give us
grace,"

127
The Promise made on admission was, " I do promise by
the grace and help of the Lord Jesus, that I will forsake
all my former lusts and corruptions wherein at any time I
have walked, and that I will give up myself to the Lord
Jesus, making him my only priest and atonement, my only
prophet and guide, my alone king and lawgiver; and that I
will yield professed subjection to Him in this church and all
His ordinances therein according to the Gospel, and will
walk with His church in mutual memberly love and succour
according to God."
In 1752, Mr. Torrey obtained a final decision of the King
and Council in his favor, of which decree Backus says, (1.
344.) " I am told that Dr. Stennet, a Baptist minister, in
London, had a great hand in procuring this decree for Mr.
Joseph Torrey."
This lawsuit decided this point, that the proprietors did
not intend the land for a church under the Episcopalform of
government. This was the only point in controversy , and
the only one determined. No merely doctrinal question
seems to have been brought into the dispute. There were
then two religious parties; the church and state party,
which was then the church of England party, and on the
other hand, all those who were jealous ofthe union of church
and state, and who thought the English government had
something besides religion in view, in the extension of their
church in this country.
The following letters relate to the subject ofthe ministe
rial lands in Pettaquamscut. Kingstown, July 14, 1701.
Honored Sir, —
We being confident ofthe great and sincere zeal your hon
or hath for the maintaining, propagating and establishing
the preaching of the Gospel of Christ in these American
parts, and that it may be administered by persons under
lawful coinraissien and due qualification, and that such may

128
adorn the word and doctrine by a holy pious life and con
versation, we now presume to acquaint your honor, that
some few persons in Kingstown in the Narragansett country,
hath been conferring and lamenting together of the great
disadvantage ourselves at present and the rising generations
is and may be after us, in that we have not the word of God
preached by somesoundorthodoxpersonamongst us, hoping
in time if such such a thing may be obtained, that God will
give such a blessing to his holy instituted means as may be
convincing and converting from those divers erroneous sec
taries and opinions in our colony which extend to the extin
guishing of Christianity and exterminating humanity. We
further presume to inform your Honor, that amongst the few
persons affecting the ministry ofthe Gospel in our town, we
can raise annually about fiftie pounds towards the maintain
ing of a gentleman that is qualified for the work of the
ministry, that shall approve and like of our people and town,
as also shall be liked and accepted of, by the major vote
of such persons principally concerned amongst us, and for
further encouragement of such a gentleman's settlement
amongst us in Kingstown, we understand by some of the
gentlemens issue that first purchased a great part ofthe coun
try, that they hath allotted a considerable tract of good, land
for the use of a minister, which- said land, if it can be fairly
laid out by the present heirs, according to the intent and
donation of those gentlemen, and improvement made, it
may conduce to the larger and more honorable living ofthe
minister. And now Sir, our humble and hearty address
is to your honor to assist us in this destitute condition, and
to procure some person that is eminent and endued with a
spirit of moderation, and qualification to preach God's word
amongst us, and that it may be done with all convenient ex
pedition that your honor thinks meet, and we hope that if
our proposals be short in that we are but few persons, in
number and low in outward capacity, your Honor with some

129
gentlemen in Boston will assist wherein we are not able,
for we cannot expect any help in our coloy, it mostly con
sisting of persons in government and people under it highly
disaffecting the ministry, which we humbly entreat your
Honor to be instrumental to have us supplied with; for up
on our first thoughts in the matter, our dependance was
much built upon your Honor's help and encouragement,
believing your Honor with many gentlemen in and about
Boston will be ready to assist in any pious work and design.
We hope your Honor will pardon our boldness in desiring
trouble on you in this matter, and to honor us with a few
lines touching the premises, which with our humble services
is all at present from your humble servants in what we may
or can, we rest and subscribe our names in the behalf of
ourselves and company.
ANDREW WILLET,
GEORGE BALFOUR,
THOMAS MUMFORD,
NATHANIEL NILES,
JAMES NEWTON,
CHARLES DICKINSON,
LODOWICK UPDIKE,
JOHN COLE,
THOMAS ELDRED.
The foregoing was addressed to Hon. Samuel Sewal, a,nd
Mr. Niles came to preach here in consequence of it. The
following was also addressed to him.
Newport, August the 9th, 1711.
Sir, —
Some time last spring Mr. Niles left with me your deed of
the 300 acre lot for the minister of Kingstown; in my opinion
there are errors in that deed, as where it says (the proprie
tors, &c., in laying out the lands ofthe township of Kings
town, &c.) — now our purchase is but a part of the town-
.ship, nor did our purchasers lay out the towhship. Mr.

130
Wilbor's name is also left out of this deed, and I also think
it wants some words oj greater force to secure it to administer of
the Presbyterian and Congregational principles, and I think
there should be a clause in the deed, that if ever hereafter the said
land or the incomes or profits thereof, be taken, applied or im
proved to any other use or uses than to such minister as afore
said, the proprietors and their heirs shall and may re-enter upon
the same, and have hold and enjoy the same, Sfc.,for you must
know that some persons are gaping after it already for a church
of England minister. And I think it might be proper to
make over the said land to some feoffees in trust for the use
before mentioned, but this I submit to better judgements.
Sir, some persons from Kingstown have been lately with
me, and they say they think it necessary that a small tract
of land be bought near the meeting house at Kingstown,
on which they might build a house for the minister to dwell
in, but that they are not able to purchase it: I have desired
them to look out such a piece of land as may be suitable, and
to give me an account ofthe price of it. I shall be very glad
if you would be pleased to join with me in the payment for it,
and it shall be made over to us two which we may make
over and secure to the use intended.
I should be glad if you would let me know what progress is
made towards getting a good minister in Kingstown. I under
stand the churchmen expect from England by the next ship, a
minister for that town.
There are some affairsof the Pettaquamscut purchase yet
unfinished, if when you come to Bristol, you could spare so
much time as to come to Newport, and you will give me
timely notice ofit, I will endeavor to get the rest of the pro
prietors to meet here at the time you shall appoint, in order
finally to settle the affairs of that purchase.
I am Sir,
Your humble servant,
JAHLEEL BRENTON.

131
We will conclude with an extract from a work by Dr.
James McSparran, D. D. The only connection that some
part ofit has with religion, is that it was written by a min
ister. The title is —
' ' America dissected, being a full and true account of all the
American Colonies, shewing the Intemperance ofthe Climates,
excessive Heat and Cold, and sudden^violent Changes of
Weather, terrible and w,ischievous Thunder and Lightning,
bad and unwholesome air, destructive to Human Bodies. —
Badness of Money, Danger from Enemies , but above all, the
Danger to the souls of the Poor People that remove thither
from the multifarious wicked and pestilent Heresies that prevail
in those parts. In several letters from a Reverend Divine of
the Church of England, Missionary to America and Doctor
of Divinity, Published as a Caution to Unsteady People
who may bs tempted to leave their JYative Country.
Dublin, Printed and sold by S. Powell, Dame
Street, 1763. \^P rice a British sixpense."]
The first settlers of Rhode Island, he observes —
" Perigranated through the wilderness and fell in with
Rhode-Island, and removed their families and effects to a
town called Providence. These Rhode-Island refugees^re-
solved themselves by their own, instead of a better authority,
into a Body Politick, with liberty of conscience allowed to
People of all Persuasions, and became not a regular and le
gal Corporation, till King Charles the Second made them so
in 1663, a Day before or a Day after he had incorporated the
colony of Connecticut. In Connecticut, Independency is the
religion of the State. But in Rhode-Island no Religion is
established. There a Man may with Impunity be of any
Society, or of none at all: but the Quakers are for the most
part the People in Power. As Quakerism broke out first
in England in 1651, so in 1654 Emissaries of that Enthusi
asm were dispatched to the West Indies; and no sooner did
their preachers appear in Rhodc-Mand, but they found many

132
f the Posterity of the first Plant.ers too well prepared for
the reception of that pestilent Heresy. The twenty-four
years that had run out from their first Removal from Eng
land, and the seventeen that had elapsed from their second
settlement at Rhode-Island, had carried off the stage' of life
most of those who received the first Rudiments of Religion
in the Mother Country. Their descendants and Successors
without Schools, without a regular Clergy, became neces
sarily rude and illiterate, and as Quakerism prevailed.
Learning was decried, Ignorance and Heresy so increased,
that neither Epiphanius's nor Sir Richard Blackmore's Cat
alogues, contain more heterodox and different Opinions in
Religion than are to be found in this little Corner. The
Magistrates of the Massachusetts who had before bore so
hard upon the Rhode-Islanders, hanged four of these first
Quake-Speakers. This, with other severities, exercised
on their Proselites in that Province, contributed to send
Shoals of these Sectaries to Rhode-Island as to a safer Sanc
tuary. This will account for the Power and Number of
Quakers in this Colony, who notwithstanding did not aim at
Civil Authority, until their Brethren of Pennsylvania had
got into the Saddle of Power, and as they were sure ofthe
major vote, they thought, and they, as it has proved, thought
right, they might exercise these powers by the Connivance,
which their brethren did by the Consent of the Crown. In
1700, after Quakerism and other Heresies had in their turn,
ruled over and tinged all the inhabitants, for the space Of
forty-six years, the Church of England that had been lost
here through neglect of the Crown, entered as it were un
observed and unseen, and yet not without some success. A
little Church was built in JVewpori, the Metropolis ofthe
Colony, in 1702, and that in which I officiate in JYarragan-
sd, [since removed to the village of Wickford and principal
ly rebuih.] in 1707. There have been two incumbents be
fore me, but neither of them had resolution enough to grap

133
¦pie with the Difficulties ofthe Mission above a year apiece.
I entered on this mission in 1721, and found the people not
a Tabula Rasa, or clean Sheet of Paper, upon which I
might make any impressions I pleased; but afield full of
Briars and Thorns and noxious weeds that were all to be
eradicated before I could implant in them the Simplicity of
Truth. However, by God's Blessing, I have brought over
to the Church, some hundreds, and among the Hundreds I
have baptized, there are at least 150 who received the Sac
rament at my hands,, from twenty years old to seventy or
eighty. Ex pede Herculcem. By this you may guess in
how uncultivated a Country my lot fell. By my excursions
and out labors, a Church is built twenty-five miles to the
Westward of me, [location not ascertained] but not now
under vay care. Another, 16 miles to the Northward of me
[about a mile this side of East-Greenwich village, where
an old stone chimney is now standing,] where I officiate
once a month, and at a place six miles further off, on the
Saturday night preceding that monthly Sunday. I gathered
a congregation at a place called JVeio Bristol, where now
officiates a Missionary from the Society; and I was the first
Episcopal minister that ever preached at Providence, where
for a long time I used to go four times a year, but that
Church has now a fixed Missionary of its own.
" Besides the members of our Church, who I may boast
are the best of the People, being Converts, not from Con
venience or civil Encouragement, but Conscience and Con
viction, there are Quakers, Anabaptists, of four Sorts, In
dependents, with a still larger Number than all those ofthe
Descendants of European Parents, devoid of all Religion,
and who attend no kind of Publick Worship. In all the
other Colonies, the Law lays an Obligation to go to some
sort of Worship on Sunday, but here Liberty of Conscience
is carried to an irreligious Extreme. The Produce of this
Colony is principally Butter and Cheese, fat Cattle, Wool

134
and fine Horses, that are exported to all parts ofthe Eng
lish America. They are remarkable for fleetness and swift
Pacing, and I have seen some of them pace a mile in little
more than two minutes, a good deal less than three.* There
are above three hundred vessels, such "as Sloops, Schooners,
Snows, Brigantines and Ships, from 60 tons and upwards
that belong to this Colony ; but as they are rather Carriers
for other Colonies than furnished here with Cargoes, you
will go near to conclude that we are lazy and greedy of
Gain, since, instead of cultivating the Lands, we improve
too many Hands in trade. This indeed is the Case.
There are here, which is no good Symptom, a vast many
Law Suits, more in one Year, than the County of Derry
has in twenty ; and Billy M'Evers has been so long your
Father's and your Honor's Constable, that he would make
a very good Figure on the Bench of our Courts of Sessions
and Common Pleas, and no very contemptible one on those
of our Courts of Assize and General Goal Delivery. The
Novanglians in General, the Rhode-Islanders in particular,
are the only people on earth, who have hit on the art of en
riching themselves by running in Debt. This will remain
no longer a mystery, than I have related to your Honour,
that we have no money among us, but a depreciated paper
currency; and this in the Current of 30 Years, has dwin
dled down from 6s. and 8d. to 4s. per ounce. He who dis
poses of his Goods on long Credit, and another who lends
his money, at 10| or even 15 per cent,, the first loses his
Profits and the last some of his Principal, besides all the
Interest. Indeed, a new Act ofthe British Parliament, ill-
penned passed last Winter to restrain us, But such things
are only Bruta Fulmina, and we shall go on I doubt in our
old way of paper Emissions, unless the Lord in Mercy tons

* The Narragansett breed of horses here alluded to, once so celebrated
wherever known, have, we believe, become entirely extinct-

135
should dispose the Sovereign Power to vacate our Patent,
and prevent our Destruction by taking us out of our own
hands! I mentioned Wool as one ofthe productions ofthis Colo
ny; but although it is pretty plenty where Hive, yet if you
throw the English America into one Point of View there is
not half enough to make Stockings for the Inhabitants. We
are a vast advantage to England in the Consumption of her
Manufactures, for which we make returns in new Ships,
Whale Oil and Bone (which grows in the Whale's Mouth)
and' Dry Fish, to the Ports of Portugal, Spain and Italy,
which are paid for by Draughts on London and Bristol
Merchants. I wish Ireland were at Liberty to ship us their
Woollens which we shall always want, instead of her Linens
which will soon cease to be in demand here ! Before I leave
this Colony give me leave to observe to your Honour, that
the Lord Marquis of Hamilton, predecessor to the late Dukes
of that Title, bought of the Council of Plymouth, 60 miles
Square, of Land, which comprehends most ofthis Colony
and part of Connecticut, with 10,000 acres at Sagadahock,
and only length of Time, Neglect and some Misfortunes
that befel that Family, have deprived them of the Benefit
of that Great Estate. The last Duke put a Copy of his
Patent into my Hands, when I was in England in 1737,
and from that and what he told me it appeared to my Under
standing that his Title was Good, and might, were the times
favourable to that Family, be recovered again. At an easy
Quit Rent of 5s. Sterling per 100 Acres, it would amount
to more than £5760 per annum and might be improved to a.
much greater sum."

APPENDIX

FROM ROGER WILLIAMS TO GOVERNOR WINTHROP.
The following was written at some time between August, 1636,
and May, 1637.
" New Providence, this 2d day ofthe week.
" Sir, " The latter end of the last week, I gave notice to our
neighbor princes of your intentions and preparations against
the common enemy, the Pequods. At my first coming to
them, Canonicus (morosus ssque ac barbarus senex) was
very sour, and accused the English and myself for sending
the plague amongst them, and threatening to kill him es
pecially. " Such tidings (it seems) were lately brought to his ears
by some of his flatterers and our ill-willers. 1 discerned
cause of bestirring myself, and staid the longer, and at last
(through the mercy ofthe Most High) I not only sweeten
ed his spirit, but possessed. him, that the plague and other
sicknesses were alone in the hand of the one God, who
made him and us, who being displeased with the English
for lying, stealing, idleness and uncleanness, (the natives'
epidemical sins,) smote many thousands of us ourselves with
general and late mortalities.
"Miantinomo kept his barbarous court lately at my house,
and with him' I have far better dealing. He takes some
pleasure to visit me, and sent me word of his coming over
again some eight days hence.
" They pass not a week without some skirmishes, though
hitherto little loss on either side. They were glad of your
preparations, and in much conference with themselves and
others, (fishing, de rndustria, for instructions from them) I
gathered these observationsj which you may please (as cause
may be) to consider and take notice of:
J

138
"1. They conceive, that to do execution to purpose on
the Pequods, will require not two or three days and away,
but a riding by it and following of the work to and again
the space of three weeks or a month; that there be a falling
off and a retreat, as if you were departed, and a falling on
again within three or four days, when they are returned
again to their houses securely from their flight.
" 2. That if any pinnaces come in ken, they presently
prepare for flight, women and old men and children, to a
swamp some three or four miles on the back of them, a
marvellous great and secure swamp, which they called
Ohomowauke, which signifies owl's nest, and by another
name, Cappacommock, which signifies a refuge, or hiding
place, as I conceive. ^ '
"3. That, therefore, Niantick (which is Miantinomo's
place of rendezvous) be thought on for the riding and retir
ing to of vessel or vessels, which place is faithful to the
Narragansets, and at present enmity with the Pequods.
" 4. They also conceive it easy for the English, that the
provisions and munition first arrive at Aquetneck, called
by us Rhode-Island, at the Narraganset's mouth, and then
a messenger may be despatched hither, and so to the Bay,
for the soldiers to march up by land to the vessels, who oth
erwise might spend long time about the Cape, and fill more
vessels than needs.
" 6. That the assault would be in the night, when they
are commonly more secure and at home, by which advan
tage the English, being armed, may enter the houses and
do what execution they please.
"6. That before the assault be given, an ambush be laid
behind them, between them and the swamp, to prevent
their flight, &c.
"7, That to that purpose, such guides, as shall be best
liked of be taken along to direct, especially two Pequods,
viz. Wequash and Wuttackquiackommin, valiant men, es
pecially the latter, who have lived these three or four years
with the Narragansets, and know every pass and passage
among them, who desire armor to enter their houses.
" 8. That it would be pleasing to all natives, that women
and children be spared, &,c.
" 9. That if there be any more land travel to Connecti
cut, some course would also be taken with the Wunna-
showatuckoogs, who are confederates with and a refuge to
the Pequods.

139
" Sir, ifany thing be sent to the princes, I find that Ca
nonicus would gladly accept of a box of eight or ten pounds
of sugar, and indeed he told me he would thank Mr. Gov
ernor for a box full.
" Sir, you may please to take notice of a rude view how
the Pequods lie :
[Here follows a rude map of the Pequod and Mohegan
country,] " Thus, with my best salutes to your worthy selves and
loving friends with you, and daily cries to the Father of
mercies for a merciful issue to all these enterprises, I rest,
" Your worship's unfeignedly respective
"ROGER WILLIAMS."

FROM ROGER WILLIAMS TO GOVERNOR WINTHROP.
About June, 1638, the folloiving was written.

Si

ir,

" I perceive, by these your last thoughts, that you have
received many accusations and hard conceits of this poor
native Miantinomo, wherein I see the vain and empty puff
of all terrene promotions, his barbarous birth or greatness
being much honored, confirmed and augmented (in his own
conceit) by the solemnity of his league with the English,
and his more than ordinary entertainment, &c. now all dash
ed in a moment in the frowns of such in whose friendship
and love l&y his chief advancement.
" Sir, ofthe particulars, some concerning him only, some
Canonicus and the rest ofthe sachems, some all the natives,
some myself
" Forthe sachems, I shall go over speedily, and acquaint
them with particulars. At present, let me still find this fa
vor in your eyes, as to obtain an hearing, for that your love
hath never denied me, which way soever your judgment
hath been (I hope, and I know you will one day see it,)
and been carried.
" Sir, let this barbarian be proud, and angry, and covet
ous, and filthy, hating and hateful, (as ourselves have been
till kindness from heaven pitied us, &c.) yet let me humbly
beg belief, that for myself, I am not yet turned Indian, to
believe all barbarians tell me, nor so basely presumptuous
as to trouble the eyes and hands of such (and so honored
and dear) with shadows and fables, I commonly guess

140
shrewdly at what a native utters, and, to my remembrance,
,never wrote particular, but either I know the bottom of it,
or else I am bold to give a hint of my suspense.
" Sir, therefore, in some things at present, (begging
your wonted gentleness toward m.y folly) give me leave
to show you how I clear myself from such a lightness.
"I wrote lately (for that you please to begin with) that
some Pequods (and some of them actual murderers of the
English, and that also after the fort was cut off,) were now
in your hands. Not only love, but conscience forced me to
send, and speedily, on purpose, by a native, mine own
servant. I saw not, and spake not with Miantinomo, nor
any from him. I write before the All-Seeing Eye. But
thus it was. A Narraganset man (Awetipimo) coming
from the bay with cloth, turned in (as they use to do) to
me for lodging, I questioned of Indian passages, &c. He
tells me Uneas was come with near upon forty natives. I
asked what present he brought. He told me that Cutsha-
moquene had four fathom and odd of him, and forty was for
Mr. Governor. I asked him how many Pequods. He told
me six. I asked him if they were known, He said Uncas
denied that there were any Pequods, and said they were
Mohegans all. I asked if himself knew any of them. He
answered Tae did, and so did other Indians of Narraganset.
I asked \i the murderer of whom I wrote, Pamatesick,
were there. He answered he was, and (I further inquir
ing) he was confident it was he, for he knew him as well as
me, &c.
^' All this news (by this providence) I knew before ever it
came to Narraganset. Upon this I sent, indeed fearing
guilt to my own soul, both against the Lord and my coun
trymen. But see a stranger hand of the Most and Only
Wise. Two days after, Uncas passeth by within a mile of
me (though he should have been kindly welcome.) One of
his company (Wequaumugs) having hurt his foot, and disa
bled from travel, turns in to me; whom lodging, I question,
and find him by father a Narraganset, by mother a Mohe
gan, and so freely entertained by both. I further inquiring,
he told me he went from Mohegan to the Bay with Uncas.
He told me how he had presented forty fathom (to my re
membrance) to Mr. Governor (four and upwards to Cuts-
hamoquene,) who would not receive them, but asked twice
for Pequods. At last, at Newton, Mr. Governor received
them, and was wiUing that the Pequods should live, such as

141
were at Mohegan, subject to the English sachems at Con
necticut, to whom they should carry tribute, and such Pe
quods as were at Narraganset to Mr. Governor, and all the
runaways at Mohegan to be sent back. I asked liim how
many Pequods were at Narraganset. He said but two, who
were Miantinomo's captives, and that at Niantick with We
quash Cook were about three score. I asked, why he said
the Indians at Narraganset were to be the Governor's sub
jects. He said, because Niantick was sometimes so called,
although there hath been of late no coming of Narraganset
men thither. I asked him if he heard all this. He said
that himself and the body ofthe company stayed about Cuts-
hamoquene's. I asked how many Pequods were among
them. He said six. I desired him to name them, which he
did thus: Pamatesick, Weeaugonhick, (another of those
murderers) Makunnete, Kishkontuckqua, Sausawpona,Qus-
saumpowan, which names I presently wrote down, and
(pace vestra dixerini) I am as confident ofthe truth as that
I breathe. Again, (not to be too bold in all the particulars
at this time) what a gross and monstrous untruth is that
concerning myself, which your love and wisdom to myself a
little espy, and I hope see malice and falsehood, (far from
the fear of God) whispering together.? I have long held it
will-worship to doff and don to the Most High in worship;
and I wish also, that in civil worship, others were as far
from such a vanity, though I hold it not utterly unlawful in
some places. Yet surely, amongst the barbarians, (the
highest in the world,) I would rather lose my head than so
practise, because I judge it my duty to set them better
copies, and should sin against my own persuasions and res
olutions. " Sir, concerning the islands Prudence and (Patmos, if
some had not hindered) Aquetneck, be pleased to under
stand your great mistake: neither of them were sold prop
erly, for a thousand fathom would not have bought either,
by strangers. The truth is, not a penny was demanded for
either, and what was paid was only gratuity, though I chose,
for better assurance and form, to call it sale.
" Your worship's unfeigned and faithful,
"ROGER WILLIAMS.
"Sir, mine own and wife's respective salutes to your dear
companion and all yours; as also to Mr. Deputy, Mr. Bel-
lingham, and other loving friends.
" I am bold to enclose this paper, although the passages

142
may not be new^ yet they may refresh your memories in
these English Scotch distractions, &c.
" For his much honored and beloved Mr. Governor of
Massachusetts, these,"

FROM ROGER WILLIAMS TO GOVERNOR WINTHROP,
The following is supposed to have been written on the 2.0th of
August, 1637.
" New Providence, 20th ofthe Gth.
" Much honored Sir,
" Yours by Yotaash (Miantinomo's brother) received. I
accompanied him to the Narragansets, and having got Ca
nonicus and Miantinomo, with their council, together, I
acquainted them faithfully with the contents of your letter,
both grievances and threatenings; and to demonstrate, I
produced the copy of the league, (which Mr. Vane sent
me) and with breaking of a straw in two or three places, I
showed them what they had done.
" In sum their answer was, that they thought they should
prove themselves honest and faithful, when Mr. Governor
understood their answers; and that (although they would
not contend with their friends,) yet they could relate many
particulars, wherein the English had broken (since these
wars) their promises, &c.
" First, then, concerning the Pequod squaws, Canonicus
answered, that he never saw any, but heard of some that
came into these parts, and he bade carry them back to Mr.
Governor; but since he never heard of them till I came,
and now he would have the country searched for them. Mi
antinomo answered, that he never heard of but six, and four
he saw which were brought to him, at which he was angry,
and asked why they did not carry them to me, that I might
convey them home again. Then he bid the natives that
brought them to carry them to me, who, departing, brought
him word that the squaws were lame, and they could not
travel. Whereupon, he sent me word that I should send
for them. This I must acknowledge, that this message I
received from him, and sent him word that we were but few
here, and could not fetch them nor convey them, and there
fore desired him to send men with them, and to seek out the
rest. Then, saith he, we were busy ten or twelve days to
gether, as indeed they were, in a strange kind of solemnity.

143
wherein the sachems ate nothing but at night, and all the
natives round about the country were feasted. In which
time, saith he, I wished some to look to them, which, not
withstanding, at this time, they escaped; and now he would
employ men instantly to search all places for them, and
within two or three days to convey them home. Besides,
he professed that he desired them not, and was sorry the
Governor should think he did. I objected, that he sent to
beg one. He answered, that Sassamun, being sent by the
Governor with letters to Pequod, fell lame, and, lying at his
house, told him of a squaw he saw, which was a sachem's
daughter, who, while he lived, was his (Miantinomo's) great
friend. He therefore desired, in kindness to his dead friend,
to beg her, or redeem her.
"Concerning his departure from the English, and leaving
them without guides, he answered, first, that they had been
faithful, many hundreds of them, (though they were solicited
to the contrary;) thatjjiey stuck to the English in life or
death, without which they were persuaded that Uncas and
the Mohegans had proved false,- (as he fears they will yet)
as also that they never had found a Pequod; and therefore,
saith he, sure there was some cause. I desired to know it.
He replied in these words, Chenock eiuse wetompatimucks?
that is, did ever friends deal so with friends? I urging
wherein, he told me this tale: that his brother, Yotaash, had
seized upon Puttaquppuunch, Quame, and twenty Pequods,
and threescore squaws; they killed three and bound the
rest, watching them all night, and sending for the English,
delivered them to them in the morning. Miantinomo (who,
according to promise, came by land with two hundred men,
killing ten Pequods in their march,) was desirous to see
the great sachem whom his brother had taken, being now in
the English houses; but, saith he, I was thrust at with a
pike many times, that I durst not come near the door. I
objected, he was not known. He and others affirmed he
was, and asked if they should have dealt so with Mr. Gov
ernor. I still denied that he was known, &c. Upon this,
he saith, all my company were disheartened, and they all,
and Cutshamoquene, desired to be gone; and yet, saith he,
two of my men (Wagonckwhut and Maunamoh) were their
guides to Sesquankit from the river's mouth.
" Sir, I dare not stir coals, but I saw them too much dis
regarded by many, which their ignorance imputed to all, and
thence came the misprision, and blessed be the Lord things
were no worse.

144
" I objected, they received Pequods and wampum with
out Mr. Governor's consent. Canonicus replied, that al
though he and Miantinomo had paid many hundred fathom
of wampum to their soldiers, as Mr. Governor did, yet he
had not received one yard of beads nor a Pequod. Nor,
saith Miantinomo, did I, but one small present from four
women of Long-Island, which were no Pequods, but of
that isle, being afraid, desired to put themselves under my
protection. " By the next I shall add something more of consequence,
and which must cause our loving friends of Connecticut to
be very watchful, as also, if you please, their grievances,
which I have labored already to answer, to preserve the
English name ; but now end abruptly, with best salutes and
earnest prayers for your peace with the God of peace and all
men. So praying, I rest,
" Your worship's unfeigned
"ROCER WILLIAMS.
"All loving respects to Mrs. Winthrop and yours, as
also to Mr. Deputy, Mr. Bellingham, theirs, and Mr. Wil
son, &c
" F'or his much honored Mr. Governor, these."

FROM ROGER WILLIAMS TO GOVERNOR WINTHROP.
The following ivas written about 1667.
" The last ofthe week, I think the 2Sth ofthe 8th.
" Sir, " The bearer, Miantinomo, resolving to go on his visit, I
am bold to request a word of advice from you, concerning
a proposition made by Canonicus and himself to me some
half year since. Canonicus gave an island, in this bay to
Mr. Oldham, by name Chibachuwese, upon condition, as it
should seem, that he would dwell there near unto them. —
The Lord (in whose hands all our hearts are) turning their
affections towards myself, they desired me to remove thither
and dwell nearer to them. I have answered once and again,
that for the present I mind not to remove; but if 1 have it
from them, I would give them satisfaction for it, and build a
little house and put in some swine, as understanding the
place to have store offish and good feeding for swine. Of
late I have heard, that Mr. Gibbons, upon occasion, mo
tioned your desire and his own of putting some swine on

145
Some of these islands, which hath me made since more desire
to obtain it, because I might thereby not only benefit myself,
but also pleasure yourself, whom I more desire to pleasure
and honor. I spoke of it now to this sachem, and he tells
me, that because ofthe store offish, Canonicus desires that
I would accept half, (it being spectacle-wise, and between
a mile ol- two in circuit, as I should guess) and he would
reserve the other; but I think, if I go over, I shall obtain
the whole. Your loving counsel, how far it may be inoffen
sive, because it was once (upon a condition not kept,) Mr.
Oldham's. So, with respective salutes to your kind self and
Mrs. Winthrop, I rest,
" Your worship's unfeigned, in all I may,
" ROGER WILLIAMS.
" For his much honored Mr. Governor, these,"

FROM ROGER WILLIAMS TO GOVERNOR WINTHROP.
The following was written about 1638.
" Much honored Sir,
" Through the mercy ofthe Most High, I am newly re
turned from a double journey to Connecticut and Plymouth.
I shall presume on yoUr wonted love and gentleness, to
present you with a short relation of what issue it pleased
the Lord to produce out of them, especially since your wor
ship's name was in some way engaged in both.
" I went up to Connecticut with Miantinomo, who had a
guard of upwards of one hundred and fifty men, and many
sachems, and his wife and children with him. By the way
(lodging from his house three nights in the woods) we met
divers Narraganset men complaining of robbery and vio
lence which they had sustained from the Pequods and Mo
hegans, in their travel from Connecticut; as also some of
the Wunnashowatuckoogs (subject to Canonicus) came to
us and advertised, that two days before, about six hundred
and sixty Ptequods, Mohegans and their confederates, had
robbed them, and spoiled about twenty-three fields of corn,
and rifled four Narraganset men amongst them; and also
that they lay in way and wait to stop Miantinomo's passage
to Connecticut, and divers of them threatened to boil him in
a kettle. " This tidings being many ways confirmed, my company,
J*

146
Mr. Scott, (a Suffolk man,) and Mr. Cope, advised our
stop and return back; unto which I also advised the whole
company, to prevent bloodshed, resolving to get up to Con
necticut by water, hoping there to stop such courses. But
Miantinomo and his council resolved, (being then about fifty
miles, halfway, on our journey,) that not a man should turn
back, resolving rather all to die, keeping strict watch by
night, and in, dangerous places a guard by day about the
sachems, Miantinomo and his wife, who kept the path, my
self and company always first, and on either side ofthe path
forty or fifty men to prevent sudden surprisals. This was
their Indian march.
" But it pleased the Father of mercies, that (as we since
heard — we came not by, till two days after the time given
out by Miantinomo, (by reason of staying for me until the
Lord's day was over) as also the Lord sent a rumor of great
numbers ofthe English, in company with the Narragansets,
so that we came safe to Connecticut.
" Being arrived, Uncas had sent messengers that he was
lame, and could not come. Mr. Haynes said it was a lame
excuse, and sent earnestly for him, who at last came, and
being charged by Mr. Haynes with the late outrages, one
of his company said, they were but an hundred men. He
said he was with them, but did not see all was done, and
that they did but roast corn, &c. So there being affirma
tions and negations concerning the number of men and the
spoil, not having eye-witnesses of our owr, that fell, as
also many other mutual complaints of rifling each other,
which were heard at large to give vent and breathing to both
parts. " At last we drew them to shake hands, Miantinomo and
Uncas, and Miantinomo invited (twice earnestly) L^ncas to
sup and dine with him, he and all his company (his men
having killed some venison ;) but he would not yield, al
though the magistrates persuaded him also to it.
"In a private conference, Miantinomo, from Canonicus
and himself, gave in tho names of all the Pequod sachems
and murderers ofthe English. The names ofthe sachems
were acknowledged by Uncas, as also the places, which
only I shall be bold to set down;
" Nausipouck, Puttaquappuonckquame his son, now on
Long-Island, " Nanasquiouwut, Puttaquappuonckquame his brother, at
Mohegan.

147
" Puppompogs, Sassacus his brother, at Mohegan.
" Mausaumpous, at Niantick.
" Kithansh, at Mohegan.
" Attayakitch, at Pequod or Mohegan,
"These, with the murderers, the magistrate desired fo
cut off, the rest to be divided, and to abolish their names..
An inquisition was made, and it was affirmed from Canoni
cus, that he had not one. Miantinomo gave in the names
often or eleven, which were the remainder of near seventy,
which at the first subjected themselves, of which I adver
tised your worship, but all again departed or never came to
him; so that two or three of these he had with him; the rest
Were at Mohegan and Pequod.
" Uncas was desired to give in the names of his. He an
swered, that he krtew not their names. He said, there were
forty on Long-Island; and that Janemoh and three Nian
tick sachems had Pequods, and that he himself had but
twenty. Thomas Stanton told him and the magistrates,
that he dealt very falsely ; and it was affirmed by others, that
he fetched thirty or forty from Long-Island at one time, —
Then he acknowledged, that he had thirty, but the names
he could not give. It pleased the magistrates to request me
to send to Niantick, that the names of their Pequods might
be sent to Connecticut; as also to give Uncas ten days to
bring in the number and names of his Pequods and their
runaways, Mr Haynes threatening also (in case of failing)
to fetch them.
" Sir, at Plymouth, it pleased the Lord to force the pris
oners to confess, that they all complotted and intended
murder; and they were, three of them, (tlie fourth having
escaped, by a pinnace, from Aquetneck,) executed in the
presence of the natives who went with me. Our friends
confessed, that they received much quickening from your
own hand. O that they might also in a case more weighty,
wherein they need much, viz. the standing to their present
government and liberties, to which I find them weakly re
solved. "They have requested me to inquire out a murder five
years since committed upon a Plymouth man, (as they now
hear) by two Narraganset Indians, between Plymouth and
Sowams. I hope, (if true) the Lord will discover it.
" Sir, I understand there hath been some Englishman of
late come over, who hath told much to Cutshamoquene's
TiHians (I think Auhaudin) of a great sachem in England

148
(using the King's name) to whom all the sachems in this
land are and shall be nothing, and where his ships ere long
shall land ; and this is much news at present amongst the
natives. I hope to inquire out the man.
"Your worship's most unfeigned,
"ROGER WILLIAMS.
" All respective salutations to kind Mrs Winthrop, Mr.
Deputy, Mr, Bellingham, and theirs."

FROM ROGER WILLIAMS TO GOVERNOR WINTHROP
The following was written about August, 1638.
" Much honored Sir,
" The bearer lodging with me, I am bold to write an
hasty advertisement concerning late passages. For him
self, it seems he was fearful to go farther than forty miles
about us, especially considering that no natives are willing
to accompany him to Pequod or Mohegan, being told by two
Pequods (the all Miantinomo's captives which are not run
from him) what he might expect, &c.
" Sir, Capt. Mason and Thomas Stanton, landing at
Narraganset, and at Miantinomo's denouncing war within
six days against Janemoh, for they say that Miantinomo hath
been fair in all the passages with them, Janemoh sent two
messengers to myself, requesting counsel. I advised him
to go over with beads and satisfy, &c.
' ' He sent four Indians. By them Mr. Haynes writes me,
that they confess fifteen fathom there received at Long-
Island. Thereabout they confessed to me (four being ta
ken of Pequods by force, and restored again,) as also that
the islanders say fifty-one fathom, which sum he demanded,
as also that tbe Niantick messengers laid down twenty-six
fathom and a half, which was received in part, with declara
tion that Janemoh should within ten days hring the rest
himself, or else they were resolved for war, &c. I have
therefore sent once and again to Janemoh, to persuade him
self to venture, &c. Canonicus sent a principal man last
night to me, in haste and secrecy, relating th&t Wequash
had sent word that if Janemoh went over he should be kill
ed, but I assure them the contrary, and persuade Canonicus
to importune and hasten Janemoh within his time, ten days,
withal hoping and writing back persuasions of better things

149
to Mr. Haynes, proffering myself, (in case that Janemoh
through fear or folly fail) to take a journey and negotiate
their business, and save blood, whether the natives' or my
countrymen's. " Your worship's most unworthy,
"ROGER WILLIAMS.
"This native. Will, my servant, shall attend your wor
ship for answer.
" My due respect to Mr. Deputy, Mr. Bellingham, &.c."
FROM ROGER WILLIAMS TO GOVERNOR WINTHROP.
" For his much honored and beloved Mr. Winhrop, at
Nameug. " Cawcawmsqussick, 10, 8, 48, (so called.)
" Sir, " Best salutations to your dear selves and loving sister.
In my last I intimated a promise of presenting you with
what here passeth. Captain Atherton, Captain Prichard,
Richard Wood and Strong Tuchell, have been with me (is
also Wm. Arnold, instead of his son Benedict, who with
drew himself, though sent unto,) these six or seven days.
They were at Niantick two nights. Captain Atherton pur
posed to visit you^ but they appointing their meeting with
all the sachems at my house, they came back; and this
morning, (the fourth day of the week,) they are departed
with good content toward the Bay. From the commis
sioners they brought several articles, but the main were
three; concerning the Mohawks, &c.; 2d, the payment;
3d, Uncas' future safety. To the first, they sent answer
(and that they confirmed with many asservations, and
one of them voluntarily took the Englishmen's God to wit
ness) that they gave not a penny to hire the Mohawks
against the Mohegans, but that it was wholly wrought by
Wussoonkquassin, (which they discovered as a secret) who
being bound by Uncas, and Wuttouwuttauoum, Uncas his
cousin, having attempted to shoot a Mohawk sachem at
that time, resolved with the Mohawks (to whom he also
gave peag) to take revenge upon Uncas; Wussoonkquassin
sent them word and desired peag of them in the spring, but
they profess they consented not, nor sent not a penny, af
terwards they sent Waupinhommin up to inquire to Paw
catuck and however they have given some ofthe Mohe-

150
gans peag this year, (as they have always done) yet they
say they are clear from giving a penny in hire, &c. They
confess their enmity against Uncas, and they (to the 2d)
will not re^t until they have finished their payments, that
they may present their complaints against Uncas, who (they
say) and other Indians, within these three years, have com
mitted thirteen murders with impunity, being out of their
reach in the English protection. This last year they plead
ed they were near starved, and, therefore, sent but a small
quantity. Now they promise, upon return of their men
from hunting this winter, to make a contribution, the next
spring another, and so according as they can draw the peo
ple to it, will not cease to furnish, and if they die, their
children shall fulfil, and that it is their sore grief, &c. with
much to this purpose.. For Uncas they profess neither di
rectly nor indirectly, to have to do with him, yet hope the
English will not deal partially with him. They desired the
English receipt of their peag; I produced the note you sent
me, which, because it was not signed with your father's hand
or the Treasurer's, Stc the messengers promised to send
them one from the Bay, Ninigret, made great lamentation
that you had entertained hard thoughts of him in this busi
ness, and all the sachems here professed their sorrow and that
you had hearkened to Wequashcook, who they say never
contributed nor joined in the Pequod wars, and now flat
ters to draw his neck out ofthe payments to the English.
They hope you will not countenance him to rob Ninigret
of those hunting places which the commissioners gave him
leave to make use of, and he with the English had fought
for with the expense of much treasure and hazard of his life.
They desire that he may and Causasenamon aud the rest
ofthe Pequods, be as your little dogs, but not as your con
federates, which they say is unworthy yourself, £)C. Sir,
1 perceive the English about the Bay inquire after new
places. Captain Atherton prays me shortly to convey a
letter to you. I forgot one passage that the sachems dis
covered, that Wussoonkquassin gave peag to the Mohawks
to retreat. It seems they are (Switzer like) mercenary, and
were hired on and off; these sachems I believe desire cor
dially to hold friendship with both the English and the Mo
hawks together; lam confident (whether they lie or not,
about Wussoonkquassin) that they never intended hurt
against the English nor yourself and yours especially, to
"•hnra thev profess great respprt, and jointly they desire

151
that Wequashcook may come back to Connecticut from
whence he went, for if he join with Uncas they suspect
he will secretly be a means of some of their deaths. Lastly,
whereas they heard that the women with you were some
thing fearful, Ninigret prays Mrs Winthrop fo be assured,
that there never was, nor never shall be, to his knowledge,
the least offence given to her or her neighbors,, by any of
his (though he hath learnt it partly by your just abhorring
of Uncas his outrageous carriage among you, and of which
I have not softly told these messengers and the admired par
tiality in the case.) For a token of his fidelity to Mrs. Win
throp, Ninigret he prays me to write, that all the women of
his town shall present Mrs. Winthrop with a present of corn
at Pawcatuck, if she please to send in any conveyance to
Pawcatuck for it.
" Sir, to gratify them, I am thus bold with you, and de
siring your eternal peace, I rest
" Your worship's unworthy
"ROGER WILLIAMS.
" Sir, I formerly wrote to you and now still crave your
help with Wequashcook, who keeps basely from me for five
or six coats, andean neither get peag nor cloth."

FROM ROGER WILUAMS TO GOVERNOR WINTHROP. "JV«r.
"Sir, "Loving respects to yourself and dearestj and, Mrs.
Lake, premised. Two days since, Ninigret came tome and
requested me to write two letters; the one, in answer to
Capt. Atherton's motion for some English planting on Block
Island, and on a neck at Niantick; the other, to yourself,
in which protesting his innocence as to the death of his son-
in-law, with which Uncas and the Pequods charge him. —
H^ prays you (as of yourself) to signify (as much you as
can) items to the Pequods, that they be quiet and attempt
nothing (at least, treacherously,) against him, which he
suspects, from words from Uncas, that it will be pleasing to
the English. He prays you also to be mindful of endeav
oring to remove Wequashcook, so constant a provocation
before him; and, at present, he prays you to send for some
skins, which lately, as lord ofthe place, he hath received.
I hope the English sachems, as I tell him, in the spring will
hear and gratify him in his just desires, tbe want of which.

152
I gness, is the cause that he is not free, as yet, for Block-
Island, &.C.; but expresseth much, if the English do him
justice against his enemies.
******* " Sir, yours,
"R. W.
" Sir, since ^ wrote this, it pleased God to send a Dutch
man for an old debt, and the same night Mr. Goodyear also,
to whom and his wife (for her former husband) I am indebt
ed, and so was necessitated to make satisfaction to Mr.
Goodyear also. These proyidences of God so falling will
necessarily cause me to be preparing some few days more
that peag for Mr. Throgmorton. But most certainly it,
(God please I live) notwithstanding ways and weather, shall
be sent ; this I write, that although Mr. Throgmorton should
depart, or come home, yet he may presume on your faith
fulness and love to dispose ofit, as he requesteth.
" Sir, your unworthy,
"R. W.
' ' Captain Underbill, now here in a Dutch vessel, presents
loving respects."

FROM ROGER WILLIAMS TO GOVERNOR WINTHROP.
"For his honored, kind friend, Mr. John Winthrop, at
Pequod. " Sir,
" I am the more easily persuaded by this barbarian prince,
Ninigret, to trouble you so often, that I may the oftener
hear of your welfare, and at present how it pleased God to
bring you home to yours again. Upon your word, Ninigret
prays you to send him word, whether within ten days of this
5th ofthe week present, you will please to meet him at We-
quatucket, so it be when Mr. Stanton is present. He would
confer about Mr. Eliot's letter and coat, about WequaSh-
cook's usurping at Pawcatuck, about his present hunting,
about the present disposal ofthe Pequod fields, about his
letters to the Bay, which, in your name, I have almost per
suaded to suspend until the meeting of the commissioners
at Boston. Here is now a great hurry made by Anquontis,
one of those petty sachems, of whom Mr. Eliot wrote to you
and me. He hath offered great abuse to one of the chief,
a.nd Ninigret is nov*' going to Conanicut about him. I per
suade not to engage themselves, but to send him to the Bay

153
with my letter. Sir, loving respects to Mrs. Winthrop, Mrs.
Lake, whom God graciously, with your loving self and
yours, bind up in the bundle of that life, which is eternal in
Christ Jesus, in whom I desire to be.
Yours ever,
"ROGER WILLIAMS."

FROM ROGER WILLIAMS TO THE GENERAL COURT OF MASSA
CHUSETTS.
" Providence, 5, 8, 54, (so called.)
" Much honored Sirs,
" I truly wish you peace, and pray your gentle accept
ance of a word, I hope not unreasonable.
" We have in these parts a sound of your meditations of
war against these natives, amongst whom we dwell. I
consider that war is one of those three great, sore plagues,
with which it pleaseth God to affect the sons of men. I
consider, also, that I refused, lately, many offers in my na
tive country, out of a sincere desire to seek the good and
peace ofthis.
" I remember, that upon the express advice of your ever
honored Mr. Winthrop, deceased, I first adventured to begirt
a plantation among the thickest of these barbarians.
" That in the Pequod wars, it pleased your honored gov
ernment to employ me in the hazardous and weighty ser
vice of negotiating a league between yourselves and the Nar
ragansets, when the Pequod messengers, who sought the
Narragansets' league against the English, had almost ended
that my work and life together.
" That at the subscribing of that solemn league, which,
by the mercy ofthe Lord, I had procured wi'ih the Narra
gansets, your government was pleased to send unto me the
copy of it, subscribed by all hands there, which yet I keep
as a monument and a testimony of peace and faithfulness
between you both.
"That, since that time, it hath pleased the Lord so to
order it, that I have been more or less interested and used
in all your great transactions of war or peace between the
English and the natives, and have not spared purse, nor
pains, nor hazards, (very many times,) that the whole land,
English and natives, might sleep in peace securely.
" That in my last negotiations in England, with the Par
liament, Council of State, and his Highness, I have been

154
forced to be known so much, that if I should be silent, I
should not only betray mine own peace and yours, but also
should be false to their honorable and princely names,
whose loves and affections, as well as their supreme au
thority, are not a little concerned in the peace or war of
this country.
" At my last departure for England, I was importuned by
the Narraganset sachems, and especially by Ninigret, to
present their petition to the high sachems of England, that
they might not be forced from their religion, and, for not
changing their religion, be invaded by war; for they said
they were daily visited with threatenings by Indians that
came from about the Massachusetts, that if they would not
pray, they should be destroyed by war. With this their
petition I acquainted, in private discourses, divers of the
chief of our nation, and especially his Highness, who, in
many discourses I had with him, never expressed the least
tittle of displeasure, as hath been here reported, but, in the
midst of disputes, ever expressed a high spirit of love and
gentleness, and was often pleased to please himself with
very many questions, and my answers, about the Indian af
fairs ofthis country; and, after all hearing of yourself and
us, it hath pleased his Highness and his Council to grant,
amongst other favors to this colony , some expressly con
cerning the very Indians, the native inhabitants of this ju
risdiction. " I, therefore, humbly offer to your prudent and impar
tial view, first, these two considerable terms, it pleased the
Lord to use to all that profess his name (Rom. 12: 18,) if it
be possible, and all men.
" I never was against the righteous use ofthe civil sword
of men or nations, but yet since all men of conscience or
prudence ply to windward, to maintain their wars to be de
fensive, (as did both King and Scotch, and English, and
Irish too, in the late wars,) I humbly pray your considera
tion, whether it be not only possible, but very easy, to live
and die in peace with the natives ofthis country.
" For, secondly, are not all the English of this land, gen
erally, a persecuted people from their native soil? and hath
not the God of peace and Father of mercies made these na
tives more friendly in this, than our native countrymen in
our own land to us? Have they not entered leagues of
love, and to this day continued peaceable commerce with
us? Are not our families grown up in peace amongst

155
them? Upon which I humbly ask, how it can suit with
Christian ingenuity to take hold of some seeming occasions
for their destructions, which, though the heads be only aim
ed at, yet, all experience tells us, falls on the body and the
innocent. " Thirdly, I pray it may be remembered how greatly the
name of God is concerned in this affair, for it cannot be hid,
how all England and other nations ring with the glorious
conversion of the Indians of New-England. You know
how many books are dispersed throughout the nation, of
the subject, (m some of them the Narraganset chief sachems
are publicly branded, for refusing to pray and be convert
ed;) have all the pulpits in England been commanded to
sound of this glorious work, (I speak not ironically, but
only mention what all the printed books mention,) and that,
by the highest command and authority of Parliament, and
church wardens went from house to house, to gather sup
plies for this work.
" Honored Sirs,
" Whether I have been and am a friend to the natives
turning to civility and Christianity, and whether I have
been instrumental, and desire so to be, according to my
light, I will not trouble you with; only I beseech you con
sider, how the name of the most holy and jealous God may
be preserved between the clashings of these two, viz; the
glorious conversion of the Indians in New-England, and
the unnecessary wars and cruel destructions ofthe Indians
in New-England. " Fourthly, I beseech you forget not, that although we
are apt to play with this plague of war more than with the
other two, famine and pestilence, yet I beseech you con
sider how the present events of all wars that ever have
been in the world, have been wonderful fickle, and the fut
ure calamities and revolutions, wonderful in the latter end.
" Heretofore, not having liberty of taking ship in your
jurisdiction, I was forced to repair unto the Dutch, where
mine eyes did see that first breaking forth of that Indian
war, which the Dutch begun, upon the slaughter of some
Dutch by the Indians; and they questioned not to finish
it in a few days, insomuch that the name of peace, which
some offered to meditate, was foolish and odious to them.
But befme we weighed anchor, their bowries were inflames;
Dutch and English were slain. Mine eyes saw their flames

156
at their towns, and their flights and hiirries of men, women
and children, the present removal of all that could for Hol
land; and, after vast expenses, and mutual slaughters of
Dutch, English, and Indians, about four years, the Dutch
were forced, to save their plantation from ruin, to make
up a most unworthy and dishonorable peace with the Indians.
"How frequently is that saying in England, that both
Scotch and English had better have born loans, ship money,
&c. than run upon such rocks, that even success and vic
tory have proved, and are yet like to prove. Yea, this late
war with Holland, however begun with zeal against God's
enemies, as some in Parliament said, yet what fruits brought
it forth, but the breach ofthe Parliament, the enraging of
the nation by taxes, the ruin of thousands who depended on
manufactures and merchandize, the loss of many thousand
seamen, and others; many of whom many worlds are not
worthy ?
"But, lastly, if any be yet zealous of kindling this fire
for God, &c. I beseech that gentleman, whoever he be, to
lay himself in the opposite scale, with one of the fairest
buds that ever the sun of righteousness cherished, Josiah,
that most zealous and melting-hearted reformer, who would
to war, and against warnings, and fell in most untimely
death and lamentations, and now stands, a pillar of salt to
all succeeding generations.
" Now, with your patience, a word to these nations at
war, (occasion of yours,) the Narragansets and Long-
Islanders, I know them both experimentally, and therefore
pray you to remember,
" First, that the Narragansets and Mohawks are the two
great bodies of Indians in this country, and they are con
federates, and long have been, and they both yet are friend
ly and peaceable to the English. I do humbly conceive,
that if ever God calls us to a just war with either of them,
he calls us to make sure ofthe one to a friend. It is true
some distaste was lately here amongst them, but they part
ed friends, and some ofthe Narragansets went home with
them, and I fear that both these and the Long-Islanders
and Mohegans, and all the natives ofthe land, may, upon
the sound of a defeat of the English, be induced easily to
join each with other against us.
"2. The Narragansets, as they were the first, so they
have been long confederates with you; they have been
true, in all the Pequod wars, to you. They occasioned the

157
Mohegans to come in, too, and so occasioned the Pequods'
downfall. "3. I cannot yet learn, that ever it pleased the Lord to
permit the Narragansets to stain their hands with any En
glish blood, neither in open hostilities nor secret murders,
as both Pequods and Long-Islanders did, and Mohegans,
also, in the Pequod wars. It is true they are barbarians,
but their greatest offences against the English have been
matters of money, or petty revenging of themselves on
some Indians, upon extreme provocations, but God kept
them clear of our blood.
"4. For the people, many hundred English have exper
imented them to be inclined to peace and love with the En
glish nation,
" Their late famous long-lived Canonicus so lived and
died, and in the same most honorable manner and solemn
ity (in their way) as you laid to sleep your prudent peace
maker, Mr. Winthrop, did they honor this, their prudent
and peacable prince. His son, Mexham inherits his spir
it. Yea, through all their towns and countries, how fre
quently do many, and oft-times one Englishman, travel
alone with safety and loving kindness!
" The cause and root of all the present mischief, is the
pride of two barbarians, Ascassassotic, the Long-Island sa
chem, and Ninigret, of the Narraganset. The former is
proud and foolish; the latter is proud and fierce. I have
not seen him these many years, yet from their sober men
I hear he pleads,
" First, that Ascassassotic, a very inferior sachem, bear
ing himself upon the English, hath slain three or four of his
people^ and since that, sent him challenges and darings to
fight, and mend himself.
"2. He, Ninigret, consulted, by solemn messengers,
with the chief of the English Governors, Major Endicott,
then Governor of the Massachusetts, who sent him an im
plicit consent to right himself, upon which they all plead
that the English have just occasion of displeasure.
"3. After he had taken revenge upon the Long-Island
ers, and brought away about fourteen captives, divers of
their chief women, yet he restored them all again, upon
the meditation and desire of theEnglish.
" 4. After this peace made, the Long-Islanders, pretend
ing to visit Ninigret, at Block-Island, slaughtered of his
Narragansets near thirty persons, at midnight, two of them

158.
of great note, especially Wepiteammoc's son, to whomNin-
igret was uncle.
"6. In the prosecution of this war, although he had
drawn down the Islanders to his assistance, yet upon pro
testation ofthe English against his proceedings, he retreat
ed, and dissolved his army.
" Honored Sirs,
" 1. I know it is said the Long-Islanders are subjects;
but I have heard this greatly questioned, and, indeed, 1
question whether any Indians in this country, remaining
barbarous and pagan, may with truth or honor be called
the English subjects.
" 2. But grant them subjects, what capacity hath their
late massacre of the Narragansets, with whom they had
made peace, without the English consent, though still un
der the English name, put them into?
"3. All Indians are extremely treacherous; and if to
their own nation, for private ends, revolting to strangers,
what will they do upon the sound of one defeat ofthe En
glish, or the trade of killing English cattle, and persons,
and plunder, which will, most certainly be the trade, if any
considel-able party escape alive, as mine eyes beheld in the
Dutch war.
" But, I beseech you, say your thoughts and the thoughts
of your wives and little ones, and the thoughts of all Eng
lish, and of God's people in England, and the thoughts of
his Highness and Council, (tender of these parts,) if, for
the sake of a few inconsiderable pagans, and beasts, wal
lowing in idleness, stealing, lying, whoring, treacherous
witchcrafts, blasphemies, and idolatries, all that the gracious
hand ofthe Lord hath so wonderfully planted in the wilder.
ness, should be destroyed.
" How much nobler were it, and glorious to the name of
God and your own, that no pagan should dare to use the
name of an English subject, who comes not out, in some
degree, from barbarism to civility, in forsaking their filthy
nakedness, in keeping some kind of cattle, which yet your
councils and commands may tend to, and, as pious and pru
dent deceased Mr. Winthrop said, that civility may be a
'leading step to Christianity, is the humble desire of your
inost unfeigned all services of love,
"ROGER WILLIAMS,
of Providence colony,. President. ''

159
'¦Providence, IthofMay, 1668, {so called.)
" I humbly offer to consideration my long and constant
experience, since it pleased God to bring me unto these
parts, as to the Narraganset and Nipmuck people.
" First, that all the Nipmucks were, unquestionably, sub
ject to the Narranganset sachems, and, in a special man
ner to Mexham, the son of Canonicus, and late husband to
this old squaw sachem, now only surviving. I have abun
dant and daily proof of it, as plain and clear as that the in
habitants of Newbury or Ipswich, &c. are subject to the
government of the Massachusetts colony.
"2. I'was called by his Majesty's Commissioners to testify
in a like case between Philip and the Plymouth Indians, on
the one party, and the Narragansets on the other, and it
pleased the committee to declare, that the King had not
given them any commission to alter the Indians' laws and
customs, which they observed amongst themselves : most
of which, although they are, like themselves, barbarous,
yet in the case of their mournings, they are more humane,
and it seems to be more inhumane in those that pro
fessed subjection to this, the very last year, under some
kind of feigned protection ofthe English, to be singing and
dancing, drinking, &c. while the rest were lamenting their
sachems' deaths.
" I abhor most of their customs ; I know they are barba
rous. I respect not one party more than the other, but I
desire fo witness truth ; and as I desire to witness against
oppression, so, also, against the slighting of civil, yea, of
barbarous order and government, as respecting every shad
ow of God's gracious appointments.
" This I humbly offer, as in the holy presence of God.
ROGER WILLIAMS."-

FROM ROGER WILLIAMS TO MAJOR MASON,
" Major Mason,
^ -JF > W tF ¦^ ^ tP
" Fourth. When, the next year after my banishment, the
Lord drew the bow ofthe Pequod war against the country,
in which. Sir, the Lord made yourself, with others, a blessed
instrument of peace to all New-England, I had my share
of service to the whole land in that Pequod business, inferi
or to very few that act^, for.

160
¦¦ 1. Upon letters received from the Governor and Coun
cil at Boston, requesting me to use my utmost and speediest
endeavors to break and hinder the league labored for by
the Pequods against the Mohegans, and Pequods against
the English, (excusing the not sending of company and sup
plies, by the haste of the business,) the Lord helped m»
immediately to put my life into my hand, and, scarce ac
quainting my wife, to ship myself, all alone, in a poor canoe,
and to cut through a stormy wind, with great seas, every
minute in hazard of life, to the sachem's house.
"2. Three days and nights my business forced me to
lodge and mix with the bloody Pequod ambassadors whose
hands and arms, methought, wreaked with the blood of my
countrymen, murdered and massacred by them on Connec
ticut river, and from whom I could not but nightly look for
their bloody knives at my .own throat also.
"3. When God wondrously preserved me, and helped
me to break to pieces the Pequods' negociation, and design
and to make, and promote and finish, by many travels and
charges, the English league with the Narragansets and
Mohegans against the Pequods, and that the English forces
marched up to the Narraganset country against the Pe
quods, I gladly entertained, at my house in Providence,
the General Stoughton and his officers, and used my ut
most care that all his officers and soldiers should be well
accommodated with us.
"4. I marched up with them to the Narraganset sachems,
and brought my countrymen and the barbarians, sachems
and captains, to a mutual confidence andcomplacence, each
in other.
"6. Though I was ready to have marched further, yet,
upon agreement that I should keep at Providence, as an
agent between the Bay and the army, I returned, and was
interpreter and intelligencer, constantly receiving and send
ing letters to the Governor and Council at Boston, &c.
* * * * # ¦ # ¦ *
" 5. Considering (upon frequent exceptions against Prov
idence men) that we had no authority for civil government,
I went purposely to England, and upon my report and peti
tion, the Parliament granted us a charter of government for
these parts, so judged vacant on all hands. And upon this,
the country about us was more friendly, and wrote to us,
and treated us as an authorized colony; only the difference
of our consciences much obstrucred. The bounds of this.

161
our first charter, I, (having occular knowledge of persons,
places and transactions,) did honestly, and conscientiously,
as in the holy presence of God, draw up from Pawcatuck
river, which I then believed, and still do, is free from all
English claims and conquests; for although there were some
Pequods on this side the river, who, by reason of some sa
chems' marriages with soine on this side, lived in a kind of
neutrality with both sides, yet, upon the breaking out ofthe
war, they relinquished their land to the possession of their
enemies, the Narragansets and Nianticks, and their land
never came into the condition ofthe lands on tbe other side,
which the English, by conquest, challenged; so that I must
still affirm, as in God's holy presence, I tenderly waved to
touch a foot ofland in which I knew the Pequod wars were
maintained and were properly Pequod, being a gallant
country; and from Pawcatuck river hitherward, being but
a patch of ground, full of troublesome inhabitants, I did, as
I judged, inoffensively, draw our poor and inconsiderable
line. "It is true, when at Portsmouth, on Rhode-Island, some
of ours, in a General Assembly, motioned their planting on
this side Pawcatuck. I, hearing that some of the Massa
chusetts reckoned this land theirs, by conquest, dissuaded
from the motion, until the matter should be amicably debat
ed and composed; for though I questioned not our right,
&c., yet I feared it would be inexpedient and offensive, and
procreative of these heats and fires, to the dishonoring of
the King's Majesty, and the dishonoring and blaspheming
of God and of religion in the eyes of the English and bar
barians about us.
"6. Some time after the Pequod war and our charter
from the Parliament, the government of Massachusetts
wrote to myself (then chief officer in this colony) of their
receiving of a patent from the Parliament for these vacant
lands, as an addition to the Massachusetts, &c., and there
upon requesting me to exercise no more authority, &c., for,
they wrote, their charter was granted some few weeks be
fore ours. I returned, what I believed righteous and
weighty, to the hands of my true friend, Mr. Winthrop, the
first mover of my coming into these parts, and to that an
swer of mine I never received the least reply; only it is
certain, that, at Mr. Gorton's complaint against the Mas
sachusetts, the Lord High Admiral, President, said, open
ly, in a full meeting of the commissioners, that he knew no

162
other charter for these parts than what Mr. Williams h&i
obtained, and he was sure that charter, which the Mas
sachusetts Englishmen pretended, had never passed the
table, "7, Upon our humble address, by our agent, Mr, Clark,
to his Majesty, and his gracious promise of renewing our
former charter, Mr. Winthrop, upon some mistake, had en
trenched upon our line, and not only so, but, as it is said,
upon the lines of other charters also. Upon Mr. Clarke's
complaint, your grant was called in again, and it had never
been returned, but upon a report that the agents, Mr. Win
throp and Mr. Clarke, were agreed, by meditation of friends,
(and it is true, they came to a solemn agreement, under
hands and seals,) which agreement was never violated on
our part.
"8. But the King's Majesty sending his commissioners
(among other of his royal purposes) to reconcile the differ
ences of, and to settle the bounds between the colonies,
yourselves know how the King himself therefore, hath giv
en a decision to this controversy. Accordingly, the King's
Majesty's aforesaid commissioners at Rhode-Island, (where,
as a commissioner for this colony, I transacted with them,
as did also commissioners from Plymouth,) they composed
a controversy between Plymouth and us, and settled the
bounds between us, in which we rest.
" 9. However you satisfy yourselves with the Poquod
conquest; with the sealing of your charter some few weeks
before ours; with the complaints of particular men to your
colony; yet upon a diie and serious examination of the
matter, in the sight of God, you will find the business at
bottom to be,
" First, adepraved appetite afterthe great vanities, dreams
and shadows ofthis vanishing life, great portions ofland in
this wilderness, as if men were in as great necessity and
danger for want of great portions ofland, as poor, hungry,
thirsty seamen have, after a sick and stormy, a long and
starving passage. This is one of the gods of New-Eng
land, which the living and most high Eternal will destroy
and famish .
"2. An unneighborly and unchristian intrusion upon us,
as being the weaker, contrary to your laws, as well as ours,
concerning purchasing of lands without the consent ofthe
General Court. This I told Major Atherton, at his first
going up to the Narragansett about this business, I refus-

163
ed all their proffers ofland, and refused to interpret for them
to the sachems.
* * « * * * , #
"Yourselves pretend liberty of conscience, but alas!
it is but self, the great god self, only to yourselves. The
King's Majesty winks at Barbadoes, where Jews and all
sorts of Christian and Antichristian persuasions are free,
but our grant, some few weeks after yours sealed, though
granted as soon, if not before yours, is crowned with the
King's extraordinary favor to this colony, as being a ban
ished one, in which his Majesty declared himself that he
would experiment, whether civil government could consist
with such liberty of conscience. This his Majesty's grant
was startled at by his Majesty's high officers of state, who
were to view it in course before the sealing, but fearing the
lions's roaring, they couched, against their wills, in obe
dience to his Majesty's pleasure.
"Some of yours, as I heard lately, told tales to the Arch
bishop of Canterbury, viz. that we are a profane people,
and do not keep the sabbath, but some do plough, &c. But,
first, you told him not how we suffer freely all other per
suasions, yea the common prayer, which yourselves will not
suffer. If you say you will, you confess you must suffer
more, as we do.
" Sir, I am your old and true friend and servant.
R, W.
" To my honored and ancient friend, Mr Thomas Prince,
Governor of Plymouth Colony, these present. And by his
honored-hand this copy, sent to Connecticut, whom it most
concerneth, I humbly present to the General Court of Ply
mouth, when next assembled.

" Loving friends and neighbors,
" Divers of yourselves have so cried out, ofthe conten
tions of your late meetings, that (studying my quietness) I
thought fit to present you with these few lines. Two words
I pray you to. consider.
^ ^ ^F ^ ^ -JF ^
" Let us consider, if Niswosakit and Wayunckeke, and
land thereabout, may not afford a new and comfortable plan
tation, which we may go through with an effectual endeavor
for true public good. To this end, I pray you consider,

164
that the inhabitants of these parts, with most ofthe Cowe-.
set and Niomucks, have long since forsaken the Naragan-
set sachem's and subjected themselves to the Massachusets.
And yet they are free to sell their lands to any whom the
Massachusetts shall not protest against. To this end, ob-
servino- their often flights, and to stop their running to the
Massachusetts) I have parlied with them, and find that
about thirty pounds will cause them to leave those parts,
and yield peaceable possession.
****#*,* " Yours to serve you,
ROGER WILLIAMS,
27, 8, 60 {so called.)" "Providence, 18, 8, 1677, {ut vulgo.)
" Honored Gentlemen,
# * * # * * *
" When his Majesty's Commissioners, Col. Nichols, &C5
were here, I was chosen by this colony, one of the com
missioners to treat with them and with the commissioners
from Plymouth, who then were their honored Gover
nor deceased, and honored present Governor, about our
bounds. It then pleased the Father of mercies, .in whose
most high and holy hands the hearts of all men are, to give
me such favor in their eyes, that afterward, at a great as
sembly at Warwick, where (that firebrand) Philip, his
whole country, was challenged by the Narraganset sachems,
I was sent for, and declared such transactions between old
Canonicus and Ousamaquin, that the commissioners were
satisfied, and confirmed unto the ungrateful monster his
country. The Narraganset sachems (prompted by some
English) told the commissioners, that Mr. W^illiams was but
one witness, but the commissioners answered that they had
such experience of my knowledge in these parts, and fideli
ty, that they valued my testimony as much as twenty wit
nesses. ^ gp ^ ^ ^ qf ^
" Honored Sirs, let me now add to my testimony, a list
of several persons, which the right and disposing of all or
considerable part of these Narragansets, and Coweset, and
Nipmuck lands, &,c.
" First. The colony of Connecticut, by the King's grant
and charter, by the late wars, wherein they were honorably
assistant.

165
" Second. The colony of Plymouth, by virtue of Tacom-
maicon's surrender of his person and lands to their protec
tion, and I have seen a letter from the present Governor
Winslow, to Mr. Richard Smith, about the matter.
"Third. The colony ofRhode-Island and Providence Plan
tations, by grant from his Majesty, and confirmation from
his Majesty's commissioners, who called these lands the
King's Province, and committed the ordering of it to this
colony, until .his Majesty further order.
" Fourth, Many eminent gentlemen ofthe Massachusetts
and other colonies, claim by a mortgage and forfeiture of all
lands belonging to Narraganset.
Fifth. Our honored Governor, Mr. Arnold, and divers
with him, are out of a round sum of money and cost, about
a purchase from Tacummanan.
" Sixth. The like claim was and is made by Mr, John
Brown, and Mr. Thomas Willett, honored gentlemen and
their successors, * * * from purchase with Tacumma
nan, and I have seen their deeds, and Col. Nichols his con
firmation of them, under hand and seal, in the name of the
King's Majesty.
"Seventh. Wm. Harris pleads up streams without limits,
and confirmation from the other sachems ofthe up streams,
fyc. "Eighth. Mishuntatuk men claim by purchase from In
dians by possession, buildings, &c. * * * * [worn out
and oblit.] * * *
" Ninth. Capt. Hubbard and some others, of Hingham
* * * by purchase from the Indians.
" Tenth. John Tours, of Hingham, by three purchases
from Indians.
" Eleventh. William Vaughan, of Newport, and others,
by Indian purchase.
[The next following No. is 13: there is no 12.]
"Thirteenth. Randall, of Scituate, and White, of Taun
ton, and others, by purchase from Indians.
"Fourteenth. Edward Inman, of Providence, by pur
chase from the natives.
" Fifteenth. The town of Warwick, who challenge twen
ty miles, about part of which. Will. Harris contending with
them, it is said, was the first occasion of W. Har. falling in
love with this his monstrous Diana up streams ivithout limits,
that so he might antedate and prevent (as he speaks) the
blades of Warwick.

166
" Sl-xteenth. The town of Providence, by virtue of Ca
nonicus' and Miantinomo's grant renewed to me again and
again, viz. of as large a plantation and accommodation as
any town in the country of New-England. It is known
what favor God pleased to give me with old Canonicus,
(though at a dear-bought rate) so that I had what I would
(so that I observed my times of moderation; but two or
three envious and ungrateful souls among us cried out,
^Vhat is R. Williams? We will have the sachem come and
set our bounds for us; which he did, and (because of his
Indians round about us) so sudden and so short, that we
were forced to petition to our General Court for enlarge
ment. T^. ^ ^ ^ ^ tP tt

ROGER WILLIAMS TESTIMONY IN FAVOR OF RICHARD SMITH S
TITLE TO THE WICKFORD LAND.
JYahiggonsik, 24 July, 1679 {ut vulgo.)
I Roger WjHjams of Providence in ye Nahiggonsik bay
in N. Engl, being (by God's mersie) ye first beginner of ye
mother Towne of Providence and ofthe Colony of Rode Is
land and Providence Plantations being now neerc to Foure
Score years of age. Yet (by God's mercy) of sound under
standing and memorie! doe humbly and faithfully declare
yt Mr. Richard Smith, Sen., who for his conscience to
God left faire Possessions in Gloster Shire and adventured
with his Relations and Estate to N. Engl, and was a most
acceptable Inhabitant and prime leading man in Taunton in
Plymouth Colony: For his conscience sake (many differ
ences arising) he left Taunton and came to ye Nahiggonsik
Countrey where by God's mercy and the fave of ye Nahi
gonsik Sachems he broke the Ice (at his great Charge and
Hazards) and Put up in the thickest of ye Barbarians ye
first English House amongst them.
2. I humbly testifie yt about forty years (from this date)
he kept Possession comming and going himselfe Children
and Servants and he had quiet Possession of his Howsing
Lands and medow, and there is in his own bowse with much
Serenity of Soule and comfort he yielded up his Spirit to
God ye Father of Spirits in Peace.
3. I do humbly and faithfully testify (as aforesaid) yt since
his departure his hon'rd Son Capt. Richard Smith hath kept
Possession (with much acceptation with English and Pa-

167
gans) of his Father's howsing lands and meadows with great-
improvement, also (by his great Cost and Industrie) And in.
the Late bloudie Pagan War I knowingly testifie and de
clare yt it pleased the most High to make use of himself in
person, his howsing his goods corn Provisions and Cattell
fo'r a Garison and Supply to the whole Army of N. England
under the Command ofthe Ever to be hon'rd Gen Winslow
forthe Service of his Ma'ties honor and countrey of N, Eng--
land, 4. I doe also humbly, declare yt ye Said Capt. Rich.
Smith Jun. ought by all the rules of Equity, Justice and
Gratitude to his hon'rd Father and himself to be fairly
treated with, considered, recruited, honoured and by his
Ma'ties authoritie Confirmed and Established in a Peaceful
possession of his Fathers and his own possessions in this
Pagan Wilderness and Nahigonsik Country.
The Premises I humbly Testifie, as now leaving
this Country and this World.
ROGER WJLLJAMS.
t September the 24th, 1704. then being at the hows of Mr.
Nathaniel Coddingtons hows then being presents with this
Ritten paper which I atest upon Oath fo be my Fathers one
hand writing. JOSEPH WILLIAMS, Asislanl.
The above and foregoing are literal copies from the Ori
ginal Testimony, in the hand writing of Roger Williams,
and ofthe attestation of his Son Joseph Williams, as copied
by me this fiftenth day of July 1833, from the Original
Sheet now in my possession. John Howland, of Providence.
TREATY with NARRAGANSETTS  1676.
Articles, covenant and agreement hadmade and concluded by
and between Maj. Thos. Savage, Capt. Edw. Huchinson and
Mr. Jos. Dudley in behalf of the government oj' the Massachu
setts Colony, and Maj. Wait Winthrop, and Mr. Richard
Smith on behalf of Connecticut, on the one part, and Agamaug,
Wampsh alias Corman, Taitson, Tawayeson, counsellors and
attornies to Canonicus, JYinigret, Matataog, old queen Quai-
pen, Quananspit and Pomham, the sij: present Sachems of the
whole J^arragansett country, on the other party, referring to sev
ered difficulties and troubles lately risen between them; and for
a final conclusion of settled peace and amity between the said
Sachems, their heirs and successors forever, and the govern-

16S
menis of the said Massachusetts nnd Connecticut and their suc
cessors in the said governments forever.
1. That all and every ofthe said Sachems shall from time
to time carefully seize and living or dead deliver unto one
or other, of the aforesaid governments, all and every of
Sachem Philip's subjects whatsoever, that shall come, or
be found within the precincts of these lands, aftd that with
greatest diligence and faithfulness..
2. That they shall with their utmost ability use all acts of
hostility against the said Philip and his subjects, entering
his lands or any other lands of the English, to kill and de
stroy the said enemy until a cessation from war with the said
enemy be concluded by both the abovesaid colonies.
3. That the said Sachems by themselves and their agents
shall carefully search out and deliver all stolen goods what
soever, taken by any of their subjects from any ofthe Eng
lish, whether formerly or latterly: and shall make full satis
faction for all wrongs or injuries done to the estate of any of
the subjects ofthe several colonies, according to the judge
ment of indifferent men, in case of dissatisfaction between
the offenders and the offended parties, or deliver up the of
fenders. 4. That all preparations for war or acts of hostility
against any ofthe English subjects shall forever for the fu
ture cease; together with all manner of thefts, pilfering,
killing of cattle, or any manner of breach of peace whatso
ever, shall with utmost care be prevented, and instead
thereof, their strength to be used as a guard round about
the Narragansett country, for the English Inhabitants' safe
ty and security.
6. In token ofthe abovesaid sachems' reality in this trea
ty and conclusion, and for the security of the several Eng
lish Governments and subjects, they do freely deliver unto
the abovesaid gentlemen in behalf of the abovesaid colo
nies, John Wobequod, Weowthim, Pewkes, and Weenew,
four of their near kinsmen and choice friends, to be and
remain as hostages in several places ofthe English juris
dictions, at the appointment ofthe Hon. Governors of the
abovesaid, colonies, there to be civilly treated, not as pris
oners, but otherwise at their Honors' discretion, until the
abovesaid articles are fully accomplished to the satisfaction
ofthe several governments: the departure of any of them
in the mean time to be accounted breach of the peace, and
of these present articles.

169
6. The said gentlemen in behalf of the governments to
which they do belong, do engage to every the said sachemff
and their subjects, that if they or any of them shall sieze
and bring into either the abovesaid English Governments,
or to Mr. Smith, inhabitant of Narraganset, Philip Sachem
alive, he or they so delivering, shall receive for their pains,
40 trucking cloth coats; in case they bring his head, they
shall have 20 like good coats paid them; for every living
subject of said Philip's so delivered, the deliverer shall re
ceive two coats, and for every head one coat, as a gratuity
for their service herein, making it appear to satisfaction that
the heads or persons are belonging to the enemy, and that
they are of their seizure.
7. The said sachems do renew and confirm unto the Eng
lish inhabitants or others, all former grants, sales, bargains
or conveyances of lands, meadows, timber, grass, stones,
or whatever else the English have heretofore bought, or
quietly possessed and enjoyed, to he unto them and their
heirs and assigns forever; as also all fdrmer articles made
with the confedera'ted colonies.
Lastly. The said counsellors and attornies do premedi-
tatedly, seriously, and upon good advice, covenant, con
clude, and agree all abovesaid solemnly, and Call God to
witness they are and shall remain true friends to the Eng
lish Governments, and perform the abovesaid articles punc
tually, using their utmost endeavour, care, and faithfulness
therein: In witness whereof they have set their hands and
seals. Pettequamscot, July 16, 1675.
(Signed by) TAWAGESON, TAITSON,
AGAMAUG,
WAMPSH ALIAS CORMAN.
Signed, sealed and delivered in presence of ^
us underwritten, being carefully inter- >
preted to the said Indians before sealing. )
Daniel Henchman,
Thomas Prentice,
Nicholas Paige,
Joseph Stanton, Interpreter.
Henry Hanl.aws,
Pecoe Bukow,
Job Reff. [Hubii. Ind. Wars.]

170
confirmation of the preceding treaty.
Boston, in JV. E Oct. 1-8, 1675.
Whereas for the continuation of a firm peace and settled
freindship between the united colonies in New England, and
the Narraganset Indians, on the 15th of July last, there
were covenants and articles of agreement made and conclu
ded betweed the messengers sent and improved by the
Massachusets and Connecticut Colonies on the one party
and the Sachems of the said Narraganset Indians on the
other party as will more fully appear and are contained in
an instrument by them jointly signed and sealed, reference
thereunto being had. Now this witnesseth that we whose
names are here underwritten, being fully empowered by
the sachems over the abovesaid Indians, to treat with the
commissioners of the abovesaid United Colonies at .Boston,
and to act and conclude all matters and things appertaining
to the confirmation of a firm and settled peace between
the abovesaid parties, we do by the,se presents fully,
clearly and absolutely ratify and confirm all the abovesaid
articles of agreement, hereby declaring our hearty desire
and firm resolution to continue in a sure and constant
peace with the English: and we do fully and absolutely
engage ourselves in behalf of the sachems of the above-
mentioned Indians, to perform and fulfil the said articles,
and every thing therein mentioned and contained, accord
ing to the true intent and meaning thereof.
And whereas, a considerable number of people, both men,
women and children, appertaining to these Indians, who
have been in actual hostility against the English, are now
fled to the Narragansetts' country, and are under the custo
dy ofthe said sachems there, after a full and long confer
ence had concerning that matter, we do in the name and by
the power to us given and betrusted, in the behalf of the
sachems ofthe abovesaid country, fully and absolutely cov
enant and promise, to and with the abovenamed commis
sioners, at or before the 28th day of this instant month of
October, to deliver or cause to be delivered, all and every
one ofthe said Indians, whether belonging unto Philip, the
Pocasset Squaw,or the Saconet Indians, Quahaug, Hadley
or any other sachems or people that have been or are in
hostility with the Enghsh, or any of their allies or abettors;
and these we promise and covenant to deliver at Boston to

L. S,

L.S.I

171
the Governor and Council, there, by them, to be disposed
of in the behalf of and for the best security and peace of
the united colonies. QUANANCHET'S -f mark.
Sachem in behalf of himself and Cau- pf — s-r
nonicus, and the old Queen, and Pom- ' '
ham, and Quanapeen.
MANATANNOO, Counsellor, his -f-
mark, and Canonicus in his behalf.
AHANMANPOWET, Counsellor, -f
mark, and his seal.
CORNMAN, Chief Counsellor to Nin- rj-g-
igret in his behalf. ^' '
Sealed and delivered in presence of us :
Richard Smith,
James Bb-owne,
Samuel Gorton, Jr., Interpreter,
John Nowhenett's -)-
Indian Interpretor. [Haz. ii. 536.]

family account op some of the INDIAN SACHEMS.
These notes were collected partly from curiosity, and
partly because many of the old disputes about Indian titles
turned upon the right of the Sachem making the convey
ance, and it was thought some light might he thrown upon
them from this quarter.
Huchinson (458) has the following account of an old In
dian tradition: — " The ancient Indians among the Narra
gansetts reported when the English first arrived, that they
had in former times a Sachem called Tashtassuck, incom
parably greater than any in the whole land, in power and
state, that he had only two children, a son and a daughter,
and not being able to match them according to their dignity,
he joined them together in matrimony, and that they had
four sons, of which Canonicus, who was Sachem when the
English came, was the eldest. (MS.) This is the only
piece of Indian history or tradition of any sort from the an
cestors of our first Indians, I have ever met with."
Canonicus, the great Sachem. This seems to be the
English form of the name. Qunnoune probably represents
the sound of the Indian word more truly. [Plea of Wm.
Harris, among Foster papers. — Knowles' R. W'ms, 307,]

172
Meantonomy, or Miantonimo, (accented on the penulti
mate) orMecumeh, wasthesonofMascus, youngest brother
of Canonicus. [Prince. — Callender. — R. W'ms. deposition.
Haz. 2. 12.— Plea of Wm. Harris.]
What was the precise relation as to authority, in which
Meantonomy and Canonicus stood to each other is doubtful.
See the Indian submission to England, April, 1644. Wa-
waloam is mentioned in 1661 as the widow of Meontonomy
in the deeds ofthe Sosoa purchase in Westerly.
Meika, Mriksah, Meaksaw, or Maxanno was son of Ca
nonicus. (^See the history, 1646 and 1647.) He was prob
ably the same with Mishammo, who witnessed the Indian
deed of Aquethnick. His wife was Magnus, Matantuck or
Quaiapen, afterwards called the Sunke Squaw or Old Queen
ofthe Narragansetts. She was Ninigret's sister, and (D.
44.) it is said that she was afterwards married, about 1676,
to Ninigret's eldest son. She was taken prisoner by a par
ty of Connecticut troops, July 2, 1676, and was put to death.
Meika had two sons, Scuttop and Quequaquenuit, alias
Gideon, Sachems, and a daughter, Quinimiquet. The two
latter died young. Scuttop is probably the same with Kas-
Icotap who in L. E. 1. 86, is called Sachem of Bassokuto-
quage in Narragansett. Meika is supposed to have died
about 1667. [Hubb.— 3 M. H. C. 2. 210.— Plea of Wm.
Harris. — Indian deed of Providence in Knowles, 307.]
Canonchet, or Nanno, or Nannuntennew. In L. E. 1.
101. he is called " Nawnawnoantonnew alias Quananchit,
eldest son now living of Miantomomio and chief surviving
Sachem of Narragansett." [Deed to Stephen Arnold, July
30, 1674.]
CoJONoauANT, or Cachanaquant, or Tassarono, or Tas-
conohut, or Tesiquant was a son of Canonicus. From L.
E. 1. 164, in his deed to Kandal Holden and others, it
would seem as if he was a brother of Meantonomy.
In the plea of William Harris, Ninekela, Cusanyquant,
Cussuquans,, Scuttop and Quequaquenuet arementioned as
grandsons of Canonicus.
In a short history of Narragansett (3. M. H. C. vol. 2.)
Meantonomy, Cususquench and Cojonoquond, are mention
ed as sons ofthe brother of Canonicus.
In L. E. 1. 164, Aloqudoomut is mentioned as son of Co
jonoquond. In one of the Pettaquamscut deeds, L. E. 2.
148, Nanauhcowemot, Tountoshomon, Caugontowauset and
Nonxpwomet are also mentioned as his sons. And in an-

173
other of these deeds (L. E. 2. 151-4,) Mossecup and Sac-
cohan are mentioned as nephews of Cojonoquand. [Rec. of
King's Province, 1. 56.]
Quanopen or Sowagonish was a son of Cojonoquond and
a chief in the war of 1676.' He was shot to death at New
port in August, 1676. His two brothers, Sunkeejunasuc
and Ashamattan were tried at the same time. [3. M. H. C.
2. 210.— Rec of Gov. and Council of R. I.— D.]
Otash or Yotnesh was a brother of Meantonomy. [Ma
son's Pequot War.]
Pessacus, Maussup, Canonicus, Sucquans or Quissuc
quansh was abrother of Meantonomy, born about 1623, and
about 20 years old when Meantonomy was put to death. —
Pessacus was killed by the Mohawks in 1676, about 20
miles abc^ve Piscataqua, and was buried by order of Major
Waldron. [L. E. 1. 103, 165,— W. J. 1643.-3 M. H. C.
2. 210 —Hubb.]
Morton somewhere calls Pessacus one ofthe eldest sons
of Canonicus. This mistake might be easily made and as
easily corrected by reading the Indian treaty of 1645, [Haz.
2. 40.]
In the deeds ofthe Sosoa purchase in Westerly, Cojono
quond and Quissucquansh are called brothers. In the same
deeds, Pishicus, alias Maussup, alias Sucquansh calls Ca
nonicus his uncle and Meantonomy his brother.
In Haz. 2. 42, Tassaquanawit is mentioned as a brother
of Pessacus.
Wanomachin, Sachem ofthe country about Point Judith.
(L. E. 1. 367, and.2. 150, 153, 165.) It does not appear
that he was related to the family of Canonicus,
Niniclade, Ninigret or Ninicroft, The last syllable was
probably guttural. This will account for the different ways
of spelling it. He was related to the family of Canonicus.
In 3 M. H. C. 2. 210 he is said to be the son ofthe sister of
Canonicus. Prince (392. 259.) makes him. the uncle of
Meantonomy. In the plea of William Harris he is called
grandson of Canonicus.
His other names were Janemoe, (Haz. 2. 40;) and in L.
E. 2. 106-7, 123 he is called Ninigret alias Wanaconchat,
Sachem of Neanticoet. In the history, 1692, he is called
Anquawas. He is somewhere called brother-in-law of Meantonomy.
Hermon Garret disputed Ninigret's title to the Nyantic
lands before the Commissioners in 1662. (Haz. 2, 46-4.) it

174

was proved before them that -Ninigret was the younger
brother of Garret's father, that Ninigret having married the
sister of Garret had succeeded in preference to him on ac
count of Garret's mother having been a stranger. Nini
gret's title was not disturbed. See page 99.

POPULATION of the STATE AT SEVERAL DIFFERENT TIMES.

Whenj
Incor.|

1730. j 1755. J 1770.

1790. 1 1810. 1820.

Newport,

4,640

6,753

9,209

6,716

7,097

7,319

1663

Portsmouth,

813

1,363

1,512

1,560

1,795

1,645

1743

Middletown,

778

881

840

976

949

1746

Tiverton,

1,325

1,957

, 2,453

2,837

^2,875

1743

L, Compton,

1,170
1,232
1,542
1,553
1,580
1672
N. Shoreham,
290
378
575
682
722
955
1678
Jamestown,
321
517
563
507
564
448
Providence,
3,916
3,159
4,321
6,380
10,071
11,767
1730
Smjthfield,
1,921
2,888
3,171
3,828
4,678
1731
Scituate,
1,813
3,601
2,315
2,568
2,834
1730
Glocester,
1,511
2,945
4,025
2,310
2,504
1746
Cumberland,
1,083
1,756
1,964
2,110
2,653
1754
Cranston,
1,460
1,834
1,877
2,161
2,274
1759
Johnson.
1,031
1,320
1,516
1,542
1767
N. Providence,
830
1,071
1,738
2,420
1781
Foster,
2,268
2,613
2,900
1806
Burrillville,
1,834
2,164
1723
South Kingston,
1,523
1,913
2,885
4,131
3,560
3,723
1674
North Kingston,
2,105
2,109
2,472
2,907
2,957
3,007
1669
Westerly,
1,926
2,291
1,812
2,298
1,911
1,972
1788
Charlestown,
1,130
1,821
2,022
1,174
1,160
1743
Exeter,
1,404
1,864
2,495
2,254
2,581
1747
Richmond,
829
1,257
1,760
1,330
1,423
1757
Hopkinton,
1,806
2,462
1,774
1,821
1746
Bristol,
1,080
1,209
1,406
2,693
3,197
1746
Warren,
925
979
1,122
1,775
1,806
1771
Barrington,
601
683
604
634
1677
East Greenwich,
1,223
1,167
1,663
1,824
1,539
1,519
1741
West Greenwich,
1,246
1,764
2,054 1,619
2,493 3,757
1,927
Warwick,
1,178
1,911
2,438
3,643
1742
Coventry,
1,178
2,(23
2,477
2,928
3,139
17,985|40,414|59,678|68,825|75,1 88183,059
Population of the whole Colony or. State —
in 1748 1774 - - - -
1782 1800 - - -
34,128 59,638
52,442 69,122
175
EXTRACTS PROM " A GENERAL HISTORY OP CONNECTICUT, &C,,
BY A GENTLEMAN OFTHE PROVINCE." London, 1781.
[Rev. Samuel Peters was the author.]
It is commonly said that the Council of Plymouth, about
1630, granted to the Earl of Warwick, and he to Lords Say
and Brook, the lands on Connecticut River, including Say-
brook. Peters denies this, and says Neal, Douglas, and
Huchinson have produced no proof of it.
Page 15. " It stand's authenticated in the office ofthe
Lord's Commissioners ofthe colonies, that in April, 1636,
was conveyed to James Marquis of Hamilton, by a deed
from the Cpuncil of Plymouth, the territory lyjng between
Narragansett bay and Connecticut river. (N. E. Records,
A. p, 201.) He never could obtain his rights, was a royal
ist in Cromwell's time, Charles II. neglected it, his heirs
afterwards applied to William III. and challenged Connec
ticut to prove their title from Warwick and Say and Brook,
but they could not," Hamilton's heirs had been opposed
to the revolution of 1688. [See Huch. 60-62.]
P. 23. Speakingof Indian grants in Connecticut: " It is a
fact that not one of those Indians who have signed those fa
mous deeds was ever a Sachem or proprietor of a single foot
of land claimed by the colony. It is true that Uncas (whom
Mr, Neal calls a Sachem because the colonists declared him
King of Mohegin to reward him for deserting Sassacus,
Sachem ofthe Pequods,) gave deeds of lands that he had
no right or title to; and so did Sunksquaw, who after mur
dering his Sachem, Quinipiog, was also declared Sachem
by the English Dominion of New-Haven, Gratitude or
pride induced all these English made Sachems to assign
deeds to their creators. After the death of Uncas, his eld
est son, Oneko, became king of Mohegan, who refused to
grant any deeds ofland to the colony; whereupon, vexed at
his wisdom and honor, they declared him an incestuous son,
deposed him and proclaimed his natural brother, Abimilech,
to be Sachem ofthe Mohegan's."
P. 60. " Exact in tything mint and anise, the furies of
New-Haven for once affected the weightier matters of jus
tice. They had no title to the land: they applied to Quin-
nipiog, the Sachem for a grant of it. The Sachem refused
t o give the lands of his ancestors to strangers. The settlers
had teeming inventions, and immediately voted themselves
to be the children of God, and that the wilderness in the ut-

176
most parts of the earth was given to them. This vote be
came a law forever after. It ite true Davenport endeavored
to christianize Quinnipiog, but in vain. However, he cojir-
verted Sunksquaw, one of his subjects, by presents and
great proinises, and then Sunksqaw betrayed his master and
the settlers killed him."
P. 1 12- " The English Colonists have been as industrious
in spreading the gospel in the howling wilderness of North
America. Upwards of 180,000 Indians, at least, have been
slaughtered in Massachusetts Bay and Connecticut to make
way for the protestant religion, and upon a moderate com
putation for the rest of the -colonies on the continent and
West India Islands, I think that one may venture to assert
that near two million of savages have been dismissed from
an unpleasant world to the world of spirits for the honor of
the protestant religion and English liberty.
P. 133. "Sassacus was brave by nature. The sound
of his coming would subdue nations, at the same time that
justice would unbend his bow and honor calm the thunder
of his tongue. Dr. Mather, Mr. Neal and others have en
deavored to blast his fame by proving him to be the aggres
sor in the bloody wars which ended in his ruin, Th«y have
instanced the murder of Capt. Stone and others to justify
this war, but carefully concealed the assassination of Quin
ipiog, the treachery of Mr. Eliot, (the Massachusetts Bay
-4postle of the Indians) and the infamous villany of Hooker,
who spread death upon the leaves of his Bible, and struck
Connecticote mad with disease. They also conceal another
important fact that the English had taken possession of lands
belonging to Sassacus without purchase or his consent. Be
sides, Sassacus had too much sagacity to let christian spies,
under the appellation of g-ospel missionaries, pass through
his country. He had seen the consequences of admitting
such ministers of Christianity from Boston, Hartford, &c.
among his neighboring nations, and generously warmed
them to keep their gospel peace from his dominions. The
invaders of this howling wilderness, finding their savage
love detected, and that the Pequods were not likely to fall
a sact-ifice to their hypocrisy, proclaimed open war with
sword and gun. The unfortunate Sassacus met his fate,"
P. 285. Speaking of there being no civil test oaths in Ne\V
England, he says there was no need of it, for as the officers
were elected by the people, nobody but a church member
and one ofthe predominant sect could ever get info office.

177
Articles between ye Ing- A Covenant and Agreement
LISH In Connecticut AND made between the English In-
THE Indian Sachems. habiting the Jurisdiction of the
River of Connecticut of the one part, and Miantinomy the
chief Sachem ofthe Narragansetts in the behalf of himself
and the other Sachems there; and Poquim or Uncas the
chief Sachim ofthe Indians called the Mohegans in the be
half of himself and the Sachims under him, as Followeth, at
Hartford the 21th of September, 1638.
Imp'r. There is a peace and a Familiarity made between
the sd Miantinomo and Narraganset Indians and the sd Po
quim and Mohegan Indians, and all former Injuryes and
wrongs offered each to other Remitted andBurryed and nev
er to be renued any more from henceforth.
2. It is agreed if there fall out Injuryes and wrongs for
fuetur to be done or committed Each to other or their men,
they shall not presently Revenge it But they are to appeal
to the English and they are to decide the same, and the de
termination ofthe English to stand And they are each to
do as is by the English sett down and ifthe one or the other
shall Refuse to do, it shall be lawfull for the English to
Compel him and to side and take part if they see cause
against the obstinate or Refusing party.
3. It is agreed and a conclusion of peace and friendship
made between the sd Miantinomo and the sd Narragan
setts and the so Poquim and the sd Mohegans as long as
they carry themselves ¦ orderly and give no just cause of
offence and that they nor either of them do shelter any that
may be Enemy es to ye English that shall or formerly have
had hand in murdering or killing any English man or wo
man or consented thereunto. They or either of them shall
as soon as they can either bring the chief Sachem of our late
enemies the Peaquots that had the chief hand in killing the
English, to the sd English, or take of their heads. As also
for those murderers that are now agreed upon amongst us
that are living they shall as soon as they can possibly take
off their heads, if they may be in their custody or Else when
soever they or any of them shall come Amongst them or to
their wigwams or any where if they can by any means come
by them.
4. And whereas there be or is reported for to be by yesd
Narragansetts and Mohegans 200 Peaquots living that are
men besides squawes and paposes. The English do give

178
unto Miantinomo and the Narragansetts to make up the
number of Eighty with tbe Eleven they have already, and
to Poquime his number, and that after they the Peaquots
shall be divided as abovesd, shall no more be called Pea
quots but Narragansetts and Mohegans and as their men and
either of them are to pay for every Sanop one fathom of wam-
pome peage and for every youth half so much — and for every
Sanop papoose one hand tobe paid at Killing time of Corn at
Connecticut yearly and shall not suffer them for to live in
the country that was formerly theirs but is now the Eng
lishes by conquest neither shall the Narragansets nor Mo
hegans possess any part of ye Peaquot country without
leave from the English And it is always expected that the
English Captives are forthwith to be delivered to the Eng
lish, such as belong to Connecticut to the Sachems there.
And such as belong to the Massachusetts ; the sd agreements
are to be kept invoylably by the parties abovesd and ifany
make breach of them the other two may joyn and make warr
upon such as shall break the same, unless satisfaction be
made being Reasonably Required.
The Marke of •) MIANTINOMMY,
The Marke of + POQUIAM alias UNKAS.
JOHN HAINES,
ROG'R LUDLOW,
EDW'RD HOPKINS.
The above written is a coppy of some Articles made with-
the Indians and English as attest, compared by
Samuell Mason, Assistant.
John Tracy, Justice of peace.
The above written is a true copy of that on file. Com
pared and Examined p. Ja. Meinzies, Cler. Cur. Commis,

SETTLEMENT ABOUT THE PEQUOT COUNTRY.
The issue of differences between the two colonies of
Massachusetts and Connecticut about the Pequit country,
being jointly referred to y Commissioners of the two other
colonies, as followeth viz: Whereas there is a controversy
received betwixt y two colonies of Massachusetts and Con
necticut concerning their interest in the Pequit country,
and many pleas have been made on both sides for theis

179
greater interest, we having seriously weighed what hath
been by each of them alleged, conceive y determination doth
arise only from their several rights by conquest, y which for
ought we can understand is not greatly different, yet being
tender of any inconveniences or disturbances yt may accrue
to those that are already possessed either by commission
from y Massachusetts or Connecticut in any place thereof,
should they now be put of their improvement, and also by
enquiry finding that y Pequit country which extendeth
from Mistick to a place called Wecapogue about ten miles
Eastward from Mistick river, may conveniently accommo
date to plantations or townships, we therefore respecting
things as now they stand, do conclude yt Mistick river, be
y bounds between them as to property and^ to jurisdiction
so far as conquest may give title thereunto, always provided
yt such as are already accommodated by commission from
either of y said governments, or have grants of any tracts
ofland on any side of y said Mystic river, be not molested
in their possession of rights, by any after grant, and yt all
due care be had yt Christian Society and ordinances may
be provided fbr and upheld according to God in each plan
tation, Boston, Sept. 16, 1658.
THOMAS PRINCE,
JOSIAH WINSLOW,
FRANCIS NEWMAN,
WILLIAM LEAKE,
By bounding it by Mystic river we intend yt y river should
be y bounds so far as y Pond by Katherine's Hill and thence
from y middle of y Pond to run away upon a'north line.
[Haz, 2. 396.]

ORDER OF THE C0MM»S-SI0NER-S ABOUT NARRAGANSETT.
Having received from some of the principal Sachems of
the Narragansett Indians a submission or surrender of them
selves their subjects and their lands to the protection gov
ernment and dispose of our dread Soveraigne y King of
Great Brittain France and Ireland, as we]l by their person
al acknowledgement and laying downe their armes as at his
Majesties feet and sending his Majesty some presents, as
also by giving us a deed dated April 19, 1644, wherein they

180
and all ye other chief Sachims of that country did then sub
mit subject and give over themselves to his late Majestic of
blessed memory, and by presenting us several petitions and
declarations containing many injuries which they say they
have received from several of his Majesties English sub
jects, against whom they desire justice from us: Wee his
Majesties Commissioners have received them into his Majes
ties protection, and do in his Majesties name order appoint
and command yt ye said Country be henceforward be called
ye Kings Province, and yt no person of what colony soever
presume to exercise any jurisdiction within this ye Kings
Province, but such as receive authority from us under our
hands and scales, until his Majesties pleasure be further
knowne; And we also declare yt ye Kings Province doth
extend to Pawcatuck River westward.
Whereas Major Atherton and others of his Majesties
Colony of y Massachusetts pretend a Mortgage of a great
part of ye said country. We order and appoint yt whenever
either of y Sachims "known by the name Pessicus or Nen-
ecroft or any authorized by them do pay unto any one ofthe
persons laying claime to y same mortgage ye summe of 735
fathoms of peage, ye said mortgage shall be void and what
ever is thereupon to by them.
And whereas there is also two purchases pretended to of
two great tracts of land by y same Major Atherton, Capt.
Hudson and others of his Majesties colony of y Massachu
setts, bought of Cathanaquant in y Narragansett country
in y yeare 1659, in which deed there is no mention of any
consideration, and yt it appears yt y said pretending pur
chasers knew yt y said country was submitted to his Majes
tic, as well by witnesses, as by ye said submission being
eighteen years agoe printed;
Wee his Majesties Commissioners, having heard ye whole
business, do declare ye said purchase to be void, and order
and command yt y said purchasers'shall quit and goe of ye
said pretended purchased lands, and shall not keep any cat
tle of any sort upon y said land by pretence of ye said pur
chase after ye feast of St. Michael next, if within that time
either of y Sachims above named or any authorized by them
do pay unto any one of ye said purchasers ye sum of 300
fathoms of peag, which is ye only summ acknowledged to
be received by ye said Cathanaquant.

181

Given under our hands and scales at Petaquam-inetuck ye
20th of March, 1664.
C ROBERT CARR,
For the Purchasers, ' GEORGE CARTWRIGHT
( SAM. MAVERICK
(20 March, 1664-5.)

Whereas by a former order, bearing date March 20th,
1664, at Petequomscut, it was then ordered, that all the in
habitants within the King's Province of Nanhyganset should
quit their habitations and plantations in the month of Sep
tember following, we have, upon serious consideration,
thought fit to order and appoint, and by these presents do
order and appoint, that the said former orders shall not re
main in force; that the inhabitants of the King's Province
of Nanhyganset shall remain in quiet and full and peaceable
possession of all their lands and houses and appurtenances,
until his Majesty's pleasure be further known, any order
before made or granted to the contrary notwithstanding.
Given under ourhands and seals the 16th of September, 1666.
RICHARD NICOLLS,
ROBERT CARR,
SAMUEL MAVERICK,
[3. M. H. C. 1. 221.]

THE king's commissioners' ORDER TO THE MAJISTRATES OF
RHODE-ISLAND.
Whereas by the authority given us by his sacred Majis-
tye our dread soveraigne, to provide for the peace and safety
of all his colonyes here in Americah, and in a more espe-
ciall manner for that part ofit called the Narragansett Coun
try, and by his Majistye-'s command, now to be called the
King's Province: We did by commisssion under our hands
and scales dated at Pataqumskocte, March the twentieth
1664; appoint, authorize, and in his Majistye's name re-
quier — Benedict Arnold, Wm. Brenton, esqrs., John Cog
geshall, James Barker, Joseph Clarke, William Field,
Thomas Olnye, Roger Williams, Wm. Baulston, John San
ford, Randal Holden, Walter Todd, John Porter, and John

182
Green, gentlemen, to exercise the power and authority of
Juctices ofthe Peace, or majistrates throughout the whole
compasse ofthis his Majistye's Province, and to do what
ever they thinke best for the peace and safety of the sayd
Province, and as neare as they can to the English lawes,
till his Majistye's pleasure be father known therein. And
in matters of greater consequence any seven of them, where
of the governor or deputy-governor shall be one, shall be a
court to determine any buisnesse: Our intent and meaninge
was, and is, that the said commission should be no longer in
force than untill the third of May next: And that then, and
thence forward, the governor and deputy-governor, and all
the assistants for the time being of his Majistye's colony of
Rhode-Island, &c., shall be Justices of the Peace; and
therefore by the power given us from his Majistye, we order
and appoynt the governor and deputy-governor, and all the
assistants of the sayd colony, to be and to exercise the au-
thoritye of Justices ofthe Peace, in this the King's Prov
ince and to do whatever they think best for the peace and
safety ofthe said Province, and as neare as they can to the
English lawes, till his Majistye's pleasure be father known
therein; And in matters of greater consequence any seven
of them, whereof the governor or deputy-governor shall be
one, shall be a court to determine any business.
Given under our hands and scales at Warwick, April 8th,
1666. ROBERT CARR, Scale.
GEORGE CARTWRIGHT, Scale.
SAMUEL MANERICK, Scale.
[State Records.]

ORDER OP THE COMMISSIONERS m PAYOR OF HERMON GARRET.
Whereas Hermon Garret, an Indian so called, alias We
quash Cook, by virtue of an order bearing date the 16th of
May 1665 at Boston, signed by his Majesty's Commission
ers, Sir Robert Carr, Knight, Geo. Cartwright, and Samuel
Maverick Esqs, have liberty and consent to remove with
his own family near Wequapauock or Tismatuck in the
King's Province of y Narraganset country, whereof y said
Hermon Garret is one ofthe Sachems, and being it is his
Majesty's known pleasure yty heathen should have common
justice and protection, as also yt y temporary orders of his

183
Majesty's Commissioners shall remain in force until his Ma
jesty's final determination is given; Nevertheless, being
credibly informed that Stephen Willcock and others (under
y government of his Majesty's Colony of Rhode-Island and
Providence Plantations) have threatened and actually dis
turbed y sayd Hermon Garret, to y annoyance of his plan
tation and forcibly cutting grass without satisfaction, near
unto his wigwam or place of aboade, which unjust proceed
ings tend to y disturbance of y peace and safety of his Ma
jesty's subjects and to y manifest breach of his Majesty's
commands, whereupon we find ourselves necessiated to pro
test and in his Majesty's name by these presents do protest
against all and every p^son or persons who shall presume
to violate y order of his Majesty's Commissioners dated in
Boston 17th May 1665; and we do farther in his Majesty's
name warn them and every of them not to proceed to disturb
y sayd Hermon Garratt and his family (to say) his wives,
children, and servants in the peaceable enjoyment of y
lands assigned to them, as they tender his Majesty's dis
pleasure and will answer the contrary at their peril. Given
under y hands of us his Majesty's Commissioners at Fort
James in New- York the 20th of November 1666.

|L. S.I RICHARD NICHOLLS,
[LTsTI ROBERT CARR.
To all his Majesty's subjects whom
these do or may coucern.
The above is a true copy ofthe original, being compared
therewith, August 6, 1689. per John Allyn, Secretary.

LETTER TO' CONNECTICUT.  1670.
Mr. John Crandall and Joseph Torrey, Junr. are chosen
to go to Conetticott to delever a letter from the court, and
receive their answer, which letter is as followeth:
Newport, R. Island, Oct. 15, 1670.
Honored and well beloved gentlemen.
We have thought it might not be of evell consequence,
yet once again, to propose unto your thoughts the consid
eration of what good consequence it will be unto both these ,

184
his Majistyes colonyes, that they compose their differences
among themselves and forbear troubleing his Majistye with
complaints, considering the great travill and charge of goe-
ing so far a voyage as that will require, besides the just
cause it may give of procuring such remedy as the country
may have no cause to rejoice therein; and may lykely and
in reason much distast our Soveraigne Lord the King to
have yet new complaints come so soone after that great and
royall care and charge taken by his Majisty and effectually
used by his honorable commistioners to settle our bounda-
ryes, &c., which act, and acts, of those gentlemen, are, as
we are lately informed, ratified by act of Parliament, we
have seen a letter from your honored governor, Mr. John
Winthrop, that he writt in answer to a letter that wee de
sired our governor to write to him, intending it should be
communicated to yourselves, as noe doubte it is, or had been,
but that the governor to whom it was directed was not at
home, in which was signified our determination to appeale
for justice into his Majistye, as by our charter we are in-
joyned in such case, except some more easie and less trav-
illsom way be found to put an issue to the greavances
now sustained by us. And now finding your governor's in
clination for such a peaceable composure, and that he judg-
eth it may be done by persons mutually, fully impowered by
each colony for the purpose, which however we have once
alreadye done, and given all the power we could give unto
three persons in June last, to treat and fully conclude all
matters, with as many of yours so impowered as by the com-
mistion to ours, it doth appeare, and yet the treaty proved
of no such consequence as we hoped, &c. But seeing we
are not fully informed, that you, the General Assemblye of
his Majisties colony of Coneticoit, have had the certain
knowlidge of those matters, and of the transactions since
that time passing in this jurisdiction, exercised therein by
some of yours — have thought it convenient by these few
lines, and by the more pertickelar information of Mr John
Crandall, Senr., the bearer hereof, unto whose relation we
pray you give credit, to acquaint you that our ernest desires
are, that a loving composure may be had between the two
colonyes; and the means to effect it, to be by persons yet
once more fully impowered to that purpose, and that in mean
time you will forbeare such force as by your orders hath
been lately exercised within the King's Province at Wes-

185
terly, and in the tract and tracts, of that Province called the
Narragansett country, as also if a friendly composure may
fayle, and such a treaty cannot be had, or peace produced
by such a treaty — that then you will agree to refer the de
cision ofthe matter to his Majistie, and give us notice, so
you will doe; we will, if you agree, mutually become bound,
there to meet your agent, by an agent, or agents sent from
ourselves, provided in meantime you forbeare exercising ju
risdiction within the tract, and tracts abovesaid. But ifthese
are not attended unto, then we shall be forced to make our
humble addresses unto our Lord the King,' by way of com-
playnt, though much rather, we would that complaints be
prevented. Honorable gentlemen, we earnestly desire, arid
expect, yoiir absolute pdsative a,nswer Unto these oUr pro-
posalles, with all speed possible, by this same bearer, and
therefore shall add no more at present, but that in case your
retorne may assure us that you will forbeare force, and ap
ply yourselves to a peaceable way of composure, as above
said, you may expect from us a speedye and loving comply.*
ance therein, and that in meantime we shall remaine.
Honored and beloved Friends, your truly affectionate
neighbours. The General Assembly of his Majistyes colo
ny of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations.
Signed by order ofthe said Assembly, by
JOSEPH TORREY, clerke.
These, To our honored and beloved] Friends, the
General Assembly of his Majistyes colony
of Coneticott, presented per John Crandall.
Ordered, that warrants shall be issued forth, to prese
horses, boats, or any other thinge conducing to the com
fortable accommodation and speedy dispatch of Mr. John
Crandall, and Joseph Torrey, Junr., in the voyage to Co
netticott.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
At the General Assembly held at JYewport, the second of April,
1671.
Voted: Whereas sundry persons ofthe town of Stoning
ton in the jurisdiction of Connecticut Colony have of late in
a most riotous, tumultuous and rebellious manner, made in-
ciirsions upon the town of Westerly in this his Majesty's
L*

186
Colony of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations &.C.,
and have knock'd down, carried away and under a pretence
of authority derived from his Majesty, have imprisoned and
sentenced several persons ofthe said town, to the great af
frighting and disquieting of the rest: And whereas upon
notice given to the Governor and Government of the said
Connecticut Colony, instead of bringing the said offenders,
or at least the ringleaders of such riotous and rebellious
practices, to receive suitable recompence for such heinous
offences by them committed against our Soveraign Lord the
King and his Loyal Subjectsof that place, or to deliver them
up to this jurisdiction where the offence was committed, in order
to receive by their hand condign punishment for the same,
have countenanced and encouraged the aforesaid offenders,
alledging that they had Patent Right to exercise jurisdiction
over those parts, and over all the JVanaganset Countrey beside j-
which yet are so plainly expressed in his Majesty's gracious
grant given unto us: And whereas the preceding General
Assembly ofthis Colony, (in order to prevent the efiusion
of blood upon that account, together with the reproach and
dishonor that may thereby arise and come unto his Majes
ty's authority, which he hath been pleased graciously to
invest these his Colonys with) as peaceable minded neigh
bours to Connecticut Colony, and as loyal subjects unto his
Majesty, have often moved them for a friendly treaty touch
ing the premises, in order to attain such aright understand
ing of his Majesty's mind therein express'd in his gracious
grants bestowed upon us as may be fur our mutual satisfac
tion and content, so as to prevent the giving of his Majesty,
ourselves and our friends any further trouble touching the
same, and when that essay failed, and' would not by them
be attended unto, did further make unto them such fair ten
ders for peace with respect to propriety and also jurisdiction
as appealing to his Majesty for his decision therein, which
we are persuaded no good christian peaceable minded man
or loyal subject, that is not extremely biassed with self-con
cerns upon a private account, can turn aside from: And not
withstanding all these attempts cannot prevail with them for
a friendly complyance with us therein, but on the contrary
have received from them as their last result, a fixed resolution
to force their way, which also forceth us to prosecute our
appeal to the utmost before his Majesty for his royal result
and determination therein, in which we shall cheerfully ac-

187
4uiesce as loyal subjects ought to do, and yet since we can-
»ot but take ourselves obliged both by nature and grace in
the meantime vigorously to assert his Majesty's sovereiim-
ity over the whole countrey, and to exert and put forth the
authority and trust by him committed to us over these parts;
Wherefore be it enacted by this present Assembly and the au
thority thereof. That in case any ofthe men of Stoningfown
aforesaid, or any other belonging to that jurisdiction, after
the peaceable tenders that have been made as is abovesaid,
shall be found plotting, contriving or acting in such riotous,
rebellious proceeds and practices for the time to come,
whereby his Majesty's authority conferred on this Colony
is invaded, and the lives and estates of his liege people
hazarded, that then all the right and title pretended to either
in land, houses, goods or chatties within this Colony by
such plotters, contrivers or riotous actors, their aiders and
abettors as to them, their heirs and assigns, shall be deem
ed void and null as forfeited to his Majesty, and shall be
forthwith seized upon according to his Royal grant to us,
for the use ofthe colony, and also the persons of such plot
ters, contrivers and riotous actors, their aiders and abettors,
when they can be apprehended and seized, being found
within this colony, shall receive such condign punishment
otherways for their said offences as his Majesty's laws have
provided in such like cases.
And be it further enacted by this present Assembly, that in
case any of the inhabitants of the town of Westerly, who
are expressly within the bounds of this colony, and have
solemnly engaged submission unto the authority which his
Majesty hath been pleased to invest us with over those
parts, shall at any time hereafter, put his lands, or any part
thereof that are on the east side of Pawcatuck alias Narra
ganset river, and tbe line drawn from thence as is express
ed in our Charter, under the Government of Connecticut or
any other jurisdiction, or shall endeavor actually to bring in
the aforesaid government or any other foreign power, to ex
ercise authority over those parts or any other part of the
colony, or yield obedience thereunto, he and they and eve
ry of them, shall incur the penalty for, either the aforesaid
offences, that the law made in '68 hath provided; which is
to forfeit all his or their land and estate to the colony.
And it is further enacted. That what damage any persons
in the town of Westerly, or any others in this colony, shall

188
sustain (by reason of their adhering to the government es
tablished in this colony,) in their persons or estates, their
damage shall be made good and repaired out ofthe estates
of those that are the occasioners thereof, or actors therein.
The above and aforegoing is a true copy as appears of
Record. Teste, JA. MARTIN, Sec'ry.
At the General Court of Election, held at JYewport, May the
3d, 1671.
Whereas Mr. John Crandall of the town of Westerly,
hath been, as is asserted, apprehended, and now is in du
rance, by the colony of Connecticut, and for no other cause
than for endeavoring to maintain the authority of his Maj
esty granted to this colony; and haying by Mr. Tobias
Saunders desired the advice ofthe Governour and others in
this colony, whether to give in bond to the authority of
Connecticut or to abide imprisonment? This Assembly do
advise the said Mr. John Crandall, that in any matter relat
ing to his actings for the maintaining his Majesty's author
ity in this colony, he give no bond: And also the Assembly
do promise, that if he be forced to imprisonment for the
premises, this colony will bear his charges thereby, and en
deavor to justify his actings therein.
True copy as appears of record.
Teste, JA, MARTIN, Sec'ry,

Jfewport in Rhode-Island, May 6, 1671.
Honored Gentlemen,
We cannot but once again signefy unto you the exceed
ing troubles, the inhabitants ofthis colony, liveinge at the
town of Westerly, on the east side of Paucatuck, alias Nar
ragansett river — daily sustain, by the violent and furious
iruptions and assaults of their neighbors, of Stonington,
who say they are impowered by yourselves. We cannot
but resent their sad condition, iind also seek to remedy the
same, according to the utmost of our power; they being
within the tract of land, by his Majestye granted unto us,
in his Royal Charter, and which your agent in England did
agree to be within our jurisdiction, as we doubt not but
will appear to yourselves,, if yoy please to take the paines to.

189
reade the instrument under his hand; and altho, in our gov
ernor's letter to you, you conceive there were some disunit-
inge expressions arising from heat; we have read and se
riously perused that letter, and find nothing contained there
in but just proposals, and true informations — tending only
to promote peace and unity between these two colonies, can
not but approve of the same. Neither could we but judge
that the honored Governor Winthrop whas wholly ignorant
of these proceeds of your commissioners at Narragansett,
which did so directly contradict, what in England, in the
presence of several worthy persons, he did really owne.
Neither can it in reason be inferred or Collected, that be
cause some pertickeler persons about Mr. Smith's tradinge
House, had liberty to chuse, to which colony they would
belong, that therefore the bounds absolutely determined in
that agreement should be disannulled, which we did, in an
espesial manner insist upon — so it was proposed, not in that
letter only, but in many others, whereof you were never
pleased to signify that you took the least notice, and to
which agreement we shall adhere — and which our commis
sioners at New-London did verbally signify they would sub
scribe, as the conclusion of the differances between these
two colonies. But we perceive, you do not only desert that
agreement, but have also settled your resolutions, unless
we will relinquish what his Majisty hath graciously granted
unto us, which we have no power to do, you will treat no
further. — Gentlemen, we cannot but observe that in your
last, while you carefully sum up those pertickelars, which
you conceive includes the whole purport of our letter of Oc
tober 16th last, you pass by, as unregarded, a fourth, which
if you had accepted, we doubt not, but by this time our dif
ferances might have been determined — and that is, our ap
peale to his sacred Majistye, who, as he hath reserved the
determination thereof unto himself, so his subjects cannot
errect a greater manifestation of their subjection and loyal
ty, than by submittinge themselves unto his Royal judgment,
in which we are resolved to rest satisfy ed, having good
grounds to hope suddainly to receive some significations of
his royal will and pleasure therein: In the meane time, we
are determined, in a faithful discharge of that trust reposed
in us by our Sovereigne Lord the King, and in obedience
to his commands, to use our uttermost indeavors, for tho
defence of all his Majistyes subjects committed to our care.

190
We shall add no more at present, but remain your real
friends and neighbours. The General Assembly of his
Majestyes Colony of Rhode-Island and Providence Planta
tions, &c. Signed by their order, JOHN SANFORD, Recorder.
To the Honored, the General Assembly
of his Majisties Colony of Conecticott,
sitting at Hartford, these present.
LETTER TO CONNECTICUT.
Gentlemen, You had no grounds to expect, when we so often pro-
possed to you, that we might mutually refer the decision of
the controvercy between us, unto the Kings most Excellent
Majesty, as we are in duty bound: We say, you could not
imagine, that we would, in meane time betray our trust, and
give 'up our rights, by desertinge the people under our
charge, in neglectinge to govern within the limites of the
Charter that his Majestic see graciously bestowed upon this
Colony — for if so we had done, you needed, not then, to
have attended us in England, when we had so given up our
trust and betrayed our people. — Gentlemen, this your ex
pectation, we cannot but conceive to proceed from your
aprihentions, at least, of Qur weakness, or disingenuety:
But you may be assured, wee shall not so foolishly, and
disloyaly decline our duty; And yet, while we are in the
exercise of that authority which is, by Gods Providence,
and the Royal favour of our Soverraigne, put into our hands
to govern in all those parts contained in our Charter, the
western boundary whereof is Pacatuck alias Narragansett
River, as you know well enough, and your Governor, no
doubt cannot forget it. We say, while we are see found
actinge in obedience to his Majesties commission, we shall
pot be in any way discouraged to expect his graceous pro
tection, against your and all others unjust molestations; it
beinge clere that the ambition of some, and covitiousnes of
others, puts you upon, and by their importunities provokes
you unto these violent invasions on our rights and privil-
edges. Notwithstanding your submission unto the deter
mination of his Majesties Commissioners, made and declared
at Pettacomscutt in March 1664; which is evident by your

191
desisting from molesting us in those parts for several years,
whereby you confessed our undoubted right — and we, by a
constant course of justice there maintained, did cleerly
evince that we durst not for any point of time, neglect our
duty, it beinge dangerous and disloyall soej to doe. And
where you plead the propriety of your grant, it is more than
wonderfull you forgitt that your grant, was by his Majesties
command arrested, and before your agent could cleere it,
there was an agreement made, and the eastern boundary of
your pattent defined, which before was not soe cleerly and
definitively expressed, but only said to be Narrogansitt
River; which river is knowne, now, by his Majesties Royal
determination in our pattent, to be Pawcatuck River; and
that Upon the concurrance and agreement of your, and our,
agents in England, as under their hands and scales you
know is extant. And whereas you say, your claims by
Charter, are, or have ben, unquestionable! you must be
very forgetfull, if you remember not how much your west
ern and southern claims have ben questioned, and found
bound just right, which showes his Majesty had not from
you such cleer information as became dutefule and loyal sub
jects to have given unto their Prince. But as for all these,
your differences with us, and intrusions upon us, we have often
tendered you, mutually to refer all to the determination of
our Sovereign Lord the King, to all which we never receiv
ed so much as a hint that you took notice thereof, until now
in yours of May 11th 1671 you mentioned it by wayof evas-
sion, because we continue in the exercise of Government
in the parts you would wrest from us, (as by your violent
intrusions it too plainly appears) but to that invasion, we
have given you our answers above: and yet, since we have
from you at last, a word that you take notice of our offers,
of our appeale to his majesty, for a full determination (if
further than it is, it can be,) we still offer you that expedi
ent, as the most rational way to end that controvercy,
praying your positive answer therein. Yet we assure
you, that in the meane time, we shall not emit our per
severance in the exercising of Government there. —
But shall, as in duty we are obliged, go on in the de
fence of his Majesties interest, and the peoples peace, and
security on the east side Pawcatuck River, and within the
bounds mentioned in our charter, and reconfirmed, and
cleerly declared by his Majestyes Honorable Commisioner,*

192
ks afore is mentioned. Yet seeing your late application to'
us, (as your committee in theirs of May 19th 1671 are pleas
ed to mention to yourselves) we are willing to answer your
motions, for a friendly Treaty: — And such a Treaty had
ben before now, had you not refused to treat at one of those
places, mentioned by Mr Crandal, by order from us in Oc
tober last. But adhereing to your own appointment at New-
London, or Hartford, for the place of Treaty, both in your
own Colony; to which we had no encouragement to agree;
in as much as our Comraisioners as attended yours in the
late Treaty at New London, found such an unsutiable (not
to say uncivill) behaviour from yours, besides their deny
ing, when ours desired, an open conference before all men
present, or at least, that the whole discourcethat passed be
tween them in writing, might be red before the people,
which had been very reasonable: that soe such as are led
in the darke, might have heard, and seen the truth of the
case — for truth seeks noe corners. For the rteasons afore
said, ours are not free to meete upon such advantages, and
therefore as places of more indifferency to meete, and treat,
we propose SeCuncke, alias Rehobeth; and incase that be
not accordinge toyour conveniency, we propose New York,
as a place far more remote from us, than from yourselves,
we are willing to deny ourselves in that respect, and give
you the advantage, of havinge the least journie to goe.
Which place, in other respects, is most commodiously in
different to both. And if you please to accept of either
those places, for the said Treaty, we desire to know your
minds; and we leave it to you, to appoint the time, arid to
give us such timely notice thereof, as may serve for per-
forminge the voiadge; which notice we expect to receive,
at least twenty days before the day you adpoint for a treaty.
And thereupon you may assuredly expect (if the Lord
please,) that three persons from us, invested with as full
power as this colony is invested with by his Majesty, (in
this respect) to meete, treate with, and conclude, with so
many persons by yourselves soe impowered, a full, and fy-
nall agreement, and accord, in all matters controverted be
tween you and us. And as the most hopeful means to pro
cure a right understandinge ofthe truth ofthe case between
yourselves and us — We also propose, that besides such per
sons so fully and mutually impowered, that your honored
Governor, and our honored Deputy-Governor, who were

193
agents for procuring Charters in England, maybe present
at the Treaty; being most able to clear up all difficultyes,
and that will be most tendinge to a good accord, between
the two colonies. Which motion, if you accept, let us
know the same, and our deputy-governor, ifthe Lord per-
mitt, will freely, for preventing future troubles, take the
paines to come to the Treaty; provided that the Treaty
may be before the 10th of September now next ensuing the
date hereof And do expect you will forbeare, in meane
time, using force in any parts, on the East side of Pauca
tuck river, called also Narrogansitt river as afore mentioned.
And thus, honored gentlemen and friends, we shall no
farther enlarge at present, but remaine,
Your very affectionate Friends and loving Neighbors,
The General Assemblye of his Majistye's
! Colony of Rhode-Island and Providence
Plantations.
Signed by their order,
JOHN SANFORD, Clerk of the Assembly.
Dated in JYeioport, June 14th, 1671,
To our honored Friends, the Governor and
General Assembly of liis Majisty 's Colo
ny of Coneticott, Present with care.
Or in case the Assemblye be not now sittiUge.
To the Governor and Council at Hartford,
These be. delivered.

JVewport, JSovember 4, 1671.
Honored and respected Gentlemen:
Yours, bearing date October 12th 1671, came to our
hands inclosed in a letter from Mr. Jereth Bull, conserva
tor of the peace at Pettacomscutt, in the Kings Province
&c., dated October 26th, and sent by an Indian. But for
that bearer, by whom you desired an answer, here came
no such person, nor, know, we, who it was — being you
name him not; and therefore could not send an answer by
such. And how, or why, the letter was so longe a cominge
to Pettacomscutt, even 1-4 dales, we cannot but wonder, save
as we must suppose it was mis-dated. But to overlook that,
and not to insist upon the greatinge expressions therein,
being so frequently sent us, instead of solid reason : and un
der pretence of reproving the like, pretended to be used by
M

194
us, of which we are not concious — But on the contrary,
have endeavored to offer reasonable proposals, as our letters
will be construed by indifferent readers. We shall, by way of
answer to your letter abovesaid, (for we received none from
your committee since ours of June the 14th.) We say, in
answer to your motions, or returns for a Treaty at Boston,
or Rehobeth, (you waving New York,) we are willing to
join with you, to wit, to meet, and treat at Rehoboth, not
doubting of convenient entertainment there to be procured.
And as for the times you prefix, necessity compels us to
consent to the latter — viz. April next. Altho we had much
rather attended it, the second week of this month, had we
received such timely notice, by a certain bearer, by whom
it had ben possible to have returned answer, timely enough
to have accomodated that matter, which otherwise couldnot
be. And as for the third pertickular, to wit, a Plenepoten-
tiary Commission to the persons Commisionated to treat
with yours, you had a full account of that point in our last-^
of June 14 above said, wherein we engaged to invest them,
with as full power in that respect, as his Majestic hath in
vested us withal. And. further, you may not expect, apd
therefore to be plain and cleere in few words, we must tell
you, that we have no power to alter, change, or give away,
any part ofthe bounds prescribed and setfled by his majes
tic in his gracious letters Pattent's, for us to exercise juris
diction in, so that to treat on that account will prove labor
in vain, as you by former, experience by letters, treaty's
and letters again, have ben abundantly given to understand.
But if your aims were, or are, that differences about lands,
lyinge in the Kings Province, might be issued by friendly
eomposures among the pretenders there — about differinge
(ifany such appeere) as it is very likely that claims of in
terest; is the cause of strivinge to wrest the jurisdiction out
of our hands — we shall, as far as it concerneth this Colony
in general, be very free to impower our Committee, fully
to decide the differences about interest in Land by a mutual
composinge the , same with yours; as also to persuade per
tickular persons soe to doe; or to put such difierencesJo
indifierent persons ofthe Colonies you name, and of New-
York, &c., to determine therein. And if this motion be
accepted, and that we may have your present, and positive
answer, that soe you doe accept it, it may happily prevent
our complaint to his Majestic, &,c. Upon your forbearinge

195
to force your way, by exercising jurisdiction on the east
.side of Pawcatuck, alias Narragansett River. And there
fore request, and expect, your answer by Lt. Torrey,
whome we send on purpose to bring it; Wherein, you ap-
pointingc also a certain day in April next, for the said pro
posed Treaty at Rehobeth; ours shall be ready, with the
help of the Lord, then and there to attend yours; being
hopeful it may be the means to issue the differences in love
and peace; which that it may be, it is. Honored Friends
the unfaigned desire of.
Your friends and neighbors of
The General Assembly of his Majesties
Colony of Rhode-Island and Providence
Plantations, now sittinge.
Signed by their order.
Per JOHN SANFORD, Clerk of the Assembly.
To the much honored John Winthrop, Esq.
Governor of his Majisties Colony of Con
etticott, and to the honored council;
Or—
To the honoured Mr. John Allyn, Assistant
and Secretary, to be communicated to the
rest ofthe honored committee, appointed
to that end, by the General Assembly to
receive, and to answer letters of public
concernment.
Per Lieut. Joseph Torrey, Q. D. G.

LETTER TO CONNECTICUT. Mw^ort, October 25, 1676.
Honored Gentlemen, —
We cannot omit, to manifest to you our absolute dislike
of your late proceeds, (if our information be true,) which,
from credible persons of our colony, had been asserted;
and confirmed by several of yours, and some in authority;
that you had, by order of your court, detirmined to deprive
us of our just ritts, and privilidges, in the Narraganset
Country, (alias Kings province,) graciously granted to us,
in our charter, by his majesty, and confirmed by his honor
ed commissioners: By vertue of which power, we have
peaceably enjoyed the government, disposition, and other
privilidge therein, for several years past. Therefore 

196
 much strange, that you should, under pretence of sub
duing the Indians, monopolise our privilidges, by warning
our inhabitants from setling upon their own plantations in
said Narragansett that were forced by reason of the late
warr with the Indians, to desert their habitations, for the
security of their lives; with what else of their stock and
movables they could preserve; till way, by the providence
of God, shall be made for their return to their own as afore
said. Its well known, that the United Colonies did desert
several of their out plantations, and some were, by the en
emy, drove and necesitated soe to do, for the safety of their
lives. If for that cause only, the Colonys should have their
charter ritts, and particular persons their lands and privi
leges, it would to them, (and to all rational men) appear
ridiculous, and without doubt disapproved by his Majesty
if it should come to a hearing. We are very apt to believe,
that if matters should come to a just inquiry conserning the
cause ofthe war, that the Narraganset sachems which were
subjects to his majesty, and by his foresayd commissioners
taken into protection, and put under our government, and
to us at all times manifested their submission, by appearing
when sent for. Neither was their any manifestation of warr
against us from them, but allways the contrary, till by the
United Colonys, they were forced to warr, or such sub
mission as it seems they could not subject to; thereby in
volving us in such hazads, charges and losses which hath
fallen upon us in our out plantationSj that noe colony has re-
seived the like, considering our number of peopell. But
admit the cause never so just, aproved and alowed by his
majesty, on your parts, as to the said warr, as its well
known and owned, that his subjects have liberty to persue
his known enemies, in order to subdue them, in any part of
his dominions, where they come, and cannot but be owned
a great favor, and that for such kindness or privilidge, the
inhabitants should lose their possessions; cannot but be
looked at a great oppression and ingratitude, which, to deal
plainly is our case, [if information be true as aforesaid,] Is
it not sufficient, that, as God hath made you [with the as
sistance of the Pequods and other Indains,] instruments
to subdue those you made war with, and have had many
privileges in our said colony, without interuption from us,
;and for our said kindness, you endever to reward us, with
sdepriving us of our just ritts and our inhabitants of their

197
settlement, upon their own again, will appear very un
just; and further, to suggest that the land was left voide,
and therefore free for others to settle; we say, that inas
much as our authority saw cause to draw our people into a
nearer compass, thereby to preserve their lives and estates
[which true wisdom would lead all men to,] did thereby
maintain our colony in being. But had our colony been
wholly deserted, and the people, and Authority vanquished,
there might have been soms color. Soe hoping you will
take the premises into your serious consideration, and avoid
any further provication, by threats, or actions in our fore
sayd boundaries; otherwise you must expect our opposition
to the utmost of our abilities. And further, know, that our
intentions are, (if violated of our just ritts,) by your author
ity, doe purpose with all expedition, to make aplication to
his majesty, the consequence of which may prove incon
venient to some; but blame not us, who are forced thereto,
but its rather our hearts desire, peaceibly to enjoy our own,
and with you, and all men, to be neighborly, and friendly,
which is the true desire of your very loving friends and
neighbors. Signed by an order ofthe General Assembly sitting Oct,
25, 1676, JOHN COGGESHALL, Clarke of the Assembly,
To the Hon, the General Assembly of Con
necticut colony, if sitting, or to the hon
ored, the Governor and Councill of said
colony, these present with care.
At the General Assembly and Election, held in his Majesty's
name. May the second, 1677, at JYewport.
Voted upon the petition presented unto this Assembly by
Thomas Gould, James Raynolds and Henry Tibbitt, for in
struction, assistance and advice as to the oppressions they
suffer under from the Colony of Connecticut, this Court
having seriously considered thereof, do unanimously de
clare, that they will vindicate their jurisdiction unto the
Naraganset Countrey, and from the intrusions of Connecti
cut Colony; and that ifthe said petitioners shall suffer either
in their persons or estate, for their fidelity and submission
unto this Colony, we will, as we are in duty bound, stand
by them, assist them and relieve them by all lawful ways

198
and means. whatever, which is the full result ofthis Court,
as answer unto the said petition dissenting, hereby also
strictly prohibiting the said Thomas Gould, James Raynolds
and Henry Tibbitt, and all other persons inhabiting in the
Naraganset Countrey, from yielding any subjection or obe
dience to any authority derived from any other Colony.
True copy as appears of record.
Teste, JA. MARTIN, Sec'ry.

The Assembly adjourned until Thursday next, which liiill be
the 24th day ofthis instant, May, and thenio assemble again
at the house of Henry Palmer in JYewport. May 24th, the
Assembly met and sat.
Voted: This following ordered to be placed to Record,
with the Acts ofthis Assembly.
Gentlemen — We received your letter three days after it
was dated. We have been as quick and industrious as pos
sible we could, that you might receive all suitable encour
agement, that as you continue true to your engagement to
this Colony, and upon that account are kept prisoners, we
shall equally bear your charges of imprisonment, and with
all expedition address ourselves to his Majesty for reliefe,
the General Assembly being very near, which may make
further conclusions for this purpose. Not else at present,
but remain. Your Friends.
Signed by order ofthe Council.
JOHN COGGSHALL, Sec'ry.
To Mr. Thomas Gould, Mr. James Raynolds,
and the rest that were carried away prisoners
to Hartford in Connecticut Colony, these
present with care.
Newport, April 21, 1677.
True copy as appears of Kecord.
Teste, JA. MARTIN, Sec'ry.

THE PROHIBITION.
Whereas we have received a gracious letter from his maj
esty, to this his colony dated at his Court at White Hall the
12th of February 1678-9, wherein his majesty is pleased to
confirm the jurisdiction and government of the Narragan
sett and Niantick country unto this his colony (according to

199
the true settlement thereof by his honored commissioners,
expressed in their acts of March 1664-6 and April 1665,)
and therein commanding all others to be obedient thereto.
Therefore in obedience, and in pursuance of his majesty's
gracious favor to us, and for the information of the Inhab
itants in said Narragansett and Niantick — and for the pre
venting their running their themselves into hazards and
difficulties, that hereafter may prove greatly to their dam
age: We, the Assmbly of his majesty's colony of Rhode
Island and Providence Plantations, in true and loyal obedi
ence to his majesties long and yet continued favors and late
commands: Hereby give notice, forewarn, and prohibit, all
persons of what degree soever, being and belonging unto
the town of Westerly, adjoining to Pawcatuck alias Narra
gansett river, and any other place in the Niantick and Nar
ragansett country, in the King's province, from yielding,
rendering, or owning any obedience unto the Colony of Con-
necticutt, or any government, except the government of his
royal majesty established in this his colony of Rhode Island
and Providence Plantations and king's province.
And this is farther in his majesty's name to require and
command all the inhabitants of Westerly (Alias Miscomo-
quott) aforesaid, to be observant and truly obedient as they
ought to be, unto his majesty's authority, according to his
royal pleasure, to and in this colony derived, nnd placed;
else they must expect to answer the contrary in such pen
alties, as law in such cases hath provided.
By order ofthe general Assembly of his majesty's colony
of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations and King's
province. JOHN SANFORD, Recorder.
P. S. And further this is to signify and declare, that by
the authority aforesaid, all persons of what degree soever,
inhabiting or belonging to the jurisdiction ofthe colony of
Connecticut, are hereby in his majesties name, forwarned,
forbidden, and commanded, not to assert or exercise any
authority, or government in any part of this colony on the
cast side of the aforesaid Pawcatuck River, or they must
expect to be prosecuted against, according to law and jus
tice. Signed by an order ofthe General Assembly of his majes
ties colony of Rhode Island, and Providence Plantations,

200
and King's Province; setting at Newport the 9th of July,
1679, and by their order the seal affixed. Per
JOHN SANFORD, Recorder.

PATCATUCK RIVER, THE BOUNDARY BETWEEN CONNECTICUT
AND RHODE-ISLAND.
Whereas some difference hath of late fallen out between
Mr. John Winthrop, agent for the taking of a patent for the
colony of Connecticut, and Mr. John Clarke, agent for the
taking out of a patent for the colony of Providence, Rhode-
Island, concerning the right meaning of certain bounds set
down in a patent lately granted to the colony of Connecti
cut: And whereas by reason of doubtfulness of some
names and expressions mentioned in the said patent, and for
the better preventing of all disputes that might arise be
tween the said colonies hereafter, by reason of such uncer
tainties or dubiousness, they the said John Winthrop and
John Clarke have jointly and mutually nominated, chosen,
and appointed William Brenton, Esq. Major Robert Thom
son, Capt. Richard Doane, Capt. John Brookehaven, and
Doct. Benjamin Worsely, or any three or most of them,
to hear and to consider the state ofthe said difference, and
to determine what they judge might be most commodious,
in order to the settling the said bounds, clear of all uncer
tainties, and giving a mutual satisfaction to both the said
colonies, whose names are here underwritten, having, in
pursuance of their request, met together, and have at large
heard what hath been alleged on each side on the behalf of
themselves and the respective colonies to whom they do
respectively belong, upon serious debate and Consideration
had ofthe whole matter, we have jointly and unanimously
agreed to offer their advice as followeth: First; a river,
there commonly called and known by the name of Pauka-
tuck river, shall be the certain bounds between those two
colonies; which said river shall, for the future, be also call
ed Narraganset or Narroganset river. Secondly; ifany
part of that purchase at Quenebaug doth lie along upon the
east side of the river that goeth down by New-London,
within six miles ofthe said river, that then it shall wholly
belong to Connecticut colony, as well as the rest which
hath on the west side ofthe aforesaid river. Thirdly; that

201
the proprietors and inhabitants of that land about Mr,
Smith's trading-house, claimed or purchased by Major Ath
erton, Captain Hutchinson, Lieutenant Hudson, and others,
or given unto them by Indians, shall have free liberty to
choose to which of those colonies they will belong. Fourth
ly; that propriety shall not be altered' nor destroyed, but
carefully maintained through the said colonies.
BENJAMIN WORSELY.
RICHARD DOANE,
WILLIAM BRENTON,
ROBERT THOMPSON,
JOHN BROOKEHAVEN.
To the four profiosals abovementioned, we the said John
Winthtop and John Clarke do consent and submit, as a full
and final issue of all the controversies between us. In wit
ness whereof, we have interchangeably set our hands and
seals the 17th of April, 1663, and in the 16th year of the
reign of our sovereign lord Charles the Second, by the
grace of God, king of England, Scotland, France and Ire
land, defender ofthe faith, £ic.
JOHN WINTHROP.
Signed, sealed, and delivered in presence of
J. Beane.
Wm. Potter,
Robert Thomson.

ATTEMPT AT A TREATY BY COMMISSIONERS FROM RHODE-IS
LAND AND CONNECTICUT AT JOHN ELDRIDGe's, NOV. 9, 1699.
Gentlemen, Mr. Thomas Olney, Major Tew, Capt. Arnold, Mr. Bar
ton, Mr. Martindale and Capt. William Champlin.
You proposed to us for agreement to run the line between
the colonies of Connecticut and Rhode-Island; That Paw
catuck River should be the dividing line as far as Pawca
tuck River runs North, and then to run a North line to the
Massachusetts- South line, only you will allow six miles
East of Quinnapague River, ifthe North line comprehend
any part of Quinnepague Purchise, which you allow us ac
cording to the agreement between the Gov. John Winthrop
and Mr. John Clarke, yet you deny to give them under
your hands, wherefore we write that we may be under no
mistake in a report to our masters.
M*

202
To which we reply that the ground or foundation of your
charter is an agreement with said Gov. John Winthrop and
Mr. John Clarke which is,
1st. That Pawcatuck River shall be the certain bound
on Miantonomi's North line, therefore Pawcatuck 1-tiver
the greater stream is to be the hound so far as that river runs.
2. Provision is to be made if any part of Quinnepague
Purchase fall in your charter.
3. That the proprietors and inhabitants|about Mr. Smith's
trading house, claimed and purchased by Maj. Atherton,
Capt. Hutchinson, Lieut. Hudson, &c. have full liberty un
to which of these colonies they will belong.
4, That property shall not be altered or destroyed, as it
is more fully declared in the said agreement, which articles
of agreement if you will give under your hands to fulfil, we
are readily disposed to an amicable agreement,
SAMUEL MASON,
DANIEL MITCHELL,
JAMES NOYEE.
Mr. John Eldridge's, JYov. 9th, 1699.

ANSWER.
Gentlemen, Capt. Mason, and Capt. Witheral, Esq. and Mr. James
JYoyee, Commissioners for the colony of Connecticut.
'Whereas we the commissioners ofthe colony of Rhode-
Island and Providence Plantations and you, were from each
of eur colonies commissioned to agitate, agree and deter
mine upon the bounds between our said colonies should run
and be; and in order thereunto, we the cominissioners of
the colony of Rhode Island, &c. have made you propositions,
but the return which we have from you is, that there is an
agreement with Gov. John Winthrop and Mr. John Clarke,
as concerning proprieties and property to be maintained and
not to be altered, &c. which articles of agreement if we
will give under our hands to fulfil, you are readily disposed
to an amicable agreement.
We answer, what we are commissioned to do, we are bil
ling to apply ourselves unfo, and that is to treat and en
deavor an agreement of a line between our colonies, and
neither yourselves nor we have any commission otherwise
to do, and therefore for us to concern ourselves in matters

203
which we have no commission for, will be no ways effect
ual, nor is that our business. And you have made no pro
position as yet to us where the said line shall be, but only
say when we have given under our hands to fulfil the said
articles you are readily disposed to an amicable agreement,
which saying of yours doth import that unless we so do you
do not incline to an agreement; and seeing that so youf
minds are, you might have saved the trouble ofthis meeting,
THOS. OLNEY,
RICHARD ARNOLD,
HENRY TEW,
BENJAMIN BARTON,
WILLIAM CHAMPLIN,
ISAAC MARTINDALE.
At Mr. John Eldridge's, JYov. 9th, 1699. [Foster's Papers.]

DEPOSITION RELATING TO THE SUPPOSED FRIENDSHIP OP AN-r
DROS POR THE INDIANS.
Rochester, in the Kings Province, Sept. 16, 1688. Sam
uel Eldred, Jr. of Rochester, came before Arthur Fenner
and John Fones, Esq's, two of his Majesty's Justices ofthe
Peace, and did declare upon oath that on the evening be
fore an Indian whom he had seized, by name Joseph, did in
an insulting and vaunting manner say there was 500 at
Martin's Vineyard, 700 at Nantucket and 400 at Chappa-
quisset, all very well armed and in abetter manner than him
the said Samuel Eldred, and that our Governor did not dare
to disarm them, for that the Governor had more love for
them the said Indians, than for his Majestys subjects the
English. The said Indian being brought before us and examined
did confess the greater part of what was sworn against him
and owned that he was one of them that were in hostility
against the English in the late wars upon which the said
Indian was committed to goal.
Per ARTHUR FENNER,
JOHN FONES.
[Foster's Papers.]
The above is referred to in page 26 of " The Revolution
in N. E. Justified, 1691."

204

ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT MADE AND CONCLUDED BETWEEN
COMMITTEES PROM THE COLONIES OF CONNECTICUT AND
RHODE-ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS CONCERNING
THEIR DIVIDING LINE,
Articles of agreement made, concluded and agreed upon
by and between the parties subscribing to these presents,
commissioners chosen, nominated, appointed and commis-
sionated as well for andinbehalf of her Majesty's Colony of
Connecticut as her Majesty's Colony of Rhode-Island and
Providence Plantations in New-England, for the ending,
settling and finally determining of the boundaries or line
between the said colonies, are as followeth, viz: That the
middle channel of Paucatuc river alias Narraganset, as it
extendeth from the salt water upwards till it come to the
mouth of Ashua river where it falls into the said Pawcatuck
river, and from thence to run a straight line till it meet with
the South West bounds or corner of Warwick grand pur
chase, which extends 20 miles due West from a certain rock
lying at the outmost point of said Warwick neck, which is
the Southwesterly bounds of said purchase, to run upon a
due North line till it meet with the South line ofthe Prov
ince of Massachusetts Bay in New-England, — This to be
and forever remain to be the fixed and stated line between
the said colonies of Connecticut and Rhode-Island, always
provided and it is hereby intended, that nothing in the afore
mentioned agreement or any clause thereof, shall be taken
or deemed to the breach or making yoid ofthe 4th article
in the agreement made between the agents for the said col
onies of Connecticut and Rhode-Island, (viz: John Win
throp, Esqr,, and Mr. John Clark,) for maintaining of prop
erty, dated April the 7th 1663, but that the same shall be
kept and justly performed according to the true intent and
meaning thereof, and that all former grants and purchases
granted by or made within either of said colonies, and all
other ancient grants confirmed by the authority of Connec
ticut colony within the township of Westerly in the colony
of Rhode-Island, shall be duly preserved and maintained as
fully and amply to all intents and purposes, as if they were
lying or continued within the bounds of the colony by the
authority of which it was granted or purchased, — In confir
mation of all and singular the aforementioned premises, we
have hereunto set our hands and seals. Dated in Stoning
ton, in her Majesty's Colony of Connecticut in New-Eng-

205
land, in the second year of her Majesty's reign. Queen
Anne by the grace of God Queen of England, Scotland,
France and Ireland &c. Anno Domini one thousand seven
hundred and three, on the twelfth day of May the year
abovesaid.
NATHAN GOLD,
HENRY CREW,
WESTON CLARK,
PETER BURR,
EBENEZER JOHNSON,
JOSEPH SHEFFIELD,
THO'S HART,
RANDAL HOLDEN,
A true copy of record examined per
Geo, Wyllis, Secretary.
This agreement and an act of Rhode-Island confirming it
are recorded in the old parchment Laws, Secretary's office,
pp. 105-6.

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206
«e39393« At the Court at St. James''s, the 8th day of Feb -
(t) Loco (n 1 „an
rK ^-- -.,- rf\ ruary, 1726.
seSSeseJS Present:
THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY.

Earl of Findlater,
Earl of Southerland,
Earl of Marchmount,
Earl opjj Halifax,
Lord Viscount Lonsdale,
Lord Viscount Cobham,
Lord Carteret,
Mr. Treasurer,
Mr. Comptroller,
Lieut. General of the
Ordnance,

Lord Archbishop of Can
terbury,
Lord Archbishop of York,
Lord President,
Lord Privy Seal,
Lord Steward,
Lord Chamberlain,
Duke of Argyle,
Duke oe New Casttle,
Earl of Lincoln,
Earl of Westmoreland,'
Earl op Godolphin, Sir Robert Sutton
Upon reading this day at the Board, a Report from
the Right Honorable the Lords ofthe Committee of Coun
cil, dated the 20th of last month, in the words follovving,
viz: Your Majesty having been pleased to refer unto the con
sideration ofthis Committee, the humble petition of Joseph
Jencks and Richard Partridge, agents for the Colony of
Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations in New-England,
relating to the boundaries between them and the colony of
Connecticut, and praying that the same might be settled
and confirmed to them, according to their charter; the
Lords of the Committee, in pursuance of your Majesty's
order, have taken the said petition into consideration, to
gether with' an answer thereto from Mr. Dummer, agent
for the Colony of Connecticut, and having received the
opinion of the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Planta
tions upon this affair, their Lordships did several times
summons the agents concerned to appear before them, in
order to be heard thereupon; but the agent for Connecti
cut not appearing till the 2d day of Ajigust last, and he then
not offering any thing to induce their Lordships to differ in
opinion with said Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plan
tations, the Lords ofthe Committee did then order a report
of the whole matter to be drawn up and laid before your

207
Majesty. Yet the said Mr. Dummer desiring a furthfer op
portunity to be heard, their Lordships have hitherto deferr
ed making their said report to your Majesty, and the said
agent not having appeared since that time, though twice
summoned to attend, nor desired to be heard thereupon by
his counsel; their Lordships do now agree humbly to re
port to your Majesty, the state ofthe case as it appears to
them from the said reports of the Lords Commissioners for
Trade and Plantations, viz: That on the 17th of March,
1643, a grant was made by tha Earl of Warwick and others
at that time appointed Commissioners by the Parliament, for
the government and regulations of the plantations to the"
people of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, of a
tract ofland bounded as followeth, viz. north and northeast
on the pattent of Massachusetts east and south-east on Ply
mouth pattent, south on the ocean, and on the west and
north-west inhabited by Indians called Narrawganneuchs,
alias Narragansets, the whole tract extending about twenty
five English miles unto the Pequot river and countryj
which instrument, though it cannot be reputed valid in law,
yet in some measure is an evidence of what was then reput
ed to be the boundary of that Province.
That after the restoration, applycation was made to his
Majesty, King Charles IL, by j^the agents of Connecticut
and Rhode-Island, for charters fo fix the respective govern
ments and boundaries of the said Provinces, and charters
were accordingly granted for that purpose.
But the charter for Connecticut being obtained previous
to that of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, the
boundaries of Connecticut were endeavored to be fixed to
their advantage. H
That the said charter for Connecticut bears date the 23d
of April, 1662; and their bounds are described in the fol
lowing manner, viz: "All that part of our dominions in
New-England in America, bounded on the east by the Nar
raganset river, commonly called Narraganset bay, jvhere
the said river falleth into the sea, and on the north by the'
line of the Massachusetts Plantation, and on the south by
the sea; and in longitude as the line of the Massachusetts
Colony, running from east to west — that is to say, from the
said Narraganset bay on the east to the south sea on the
west part, with the islands thereunto adjoining, together
with all firm lands, soiles, grounds, &.c,"

208
That the people of Rhode-Island and Providence Planta
tions, apprehending that the said Connnecticut charter, so
bounded, might unjustly swallow up great part of their ter
ritories, and cut off all their pretentions to any thing upon
the Continent, this grievience they complained of soon after
the second charter was obtained. Audit doth appear.
That John Winthrop and John Clark, their agents for the
respective colonies of Connecticut and Rhode-Island and
Providence Plantations, (notwithstanding the said charter
to Connecticut) did in April 1663, submit to arbitration
what should be the boundaries between the said Colonies.
And it appears.
That the charter which was afterwards granted to Rhode
Island in the 15th year of King Charles II. takes notice of
the aforesaid arbitration, and hath fixed their boundaries in
the following manner, viz: "All that part of our domin
ions in New-England in America, containing Nayhantick,
Nanghigganset, alias Narriganset Bay, and countrey, and
parts adjacent, bounded west or westerly by the middle or
channel of a river, then commonly known by the name of
Paucatuck alias Pawcaytuck River, and sd along the said
river as the greater or middle stream thereof reaches or
lies, up in the country northward unto the head thereof,
and from thence by a straight line drawn due north until it
meeteth the south line ofthe Massachusetts Colony, and on
the north or northerly by the aforesaid, south or southerly
ofthe Massachusetts Colony or Plantation, and extending
towards the east or easterly, three English miles to the
east or north-east of the most eastern or north-eastern
parts of the aforesaid Narragansett Bay as the said bay
lieth,#r extendeth itself from the ocean; on the south or
southerly unto the mouth of the river which runneth towards
the town of Providence, and from thence along the easterly
side or bank of said river higher called by the name of Sea-
conck river, unto the falls called Pautucket falls, being the
most northerly line of Plymouth Colony; and so from the
said falls into a straight line due north until it meet with the
aforesaid line of the Massachusetts Colony; and bounded
on the south by the ocean, and in particuler the lands be
longing unto the towns of Providence, Pautuxet, Warwick,
Missquamacock alias Paucatuck, and therest upon the main
land in the tract aforesaid, together with Rhode-Island,
Block-Island, and all the rest of the islands and banks in

209
• the Narragansett bay and bordering upon the coast of the
tract aforesaid, (Fisher's Island only excepted;) together
with all firm lands, soils, &c. And further the said charter
directs that the river Paucatuck shall at all times hereafter
be called and deemedto be the Narraganset river, men
tioned for a boundary in the charter to Connecticut."
From which pretended grant ofthe Earl of Warwick and
others to Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, as also
from the submission ofthe boundaries to arbitration, by the
agents of both colonies, so soon after the charter for Con
necticut had been obtained, and by the charter to Rhode-
Island and Providence Plantations — it appears.
That King Charles II. was surprised in his grant to Con
necticut as to the boundaries: and that such arbitration and
subsequent charter was intended to redress the grievance
complained of by Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations.
It also appears.
That so lately as in 1703, by agreement between Com
missioners appointed in October, 1702, in behalf of the said
colonies respectively, for settling their boundaries, it was
agreed that the western boundary between Rhode-Island
and Providence Plantation and Connecticut, should for the
future be formed by a line to be drawn from the mouth of
Ashawoque river where it falls into the Paucatuck river,
and thence extending north to the south line ofthe Massa
chusetts Bay. And it also appears.
That the Commissioners of Connecticut did actually meet
and concur with those of Rhode-Island in drawing the said
line as a boundary between the two colonies, and which line
is particularly described in green on the said map hereunto
annexed. And by the said appointment of the General Assembly of
Connecticut in October, 1702, it plainly appears the Gen
eral Assembly of Connecticut approved ofthe said arbitra
tion of their agent, Winthrop, in 1668, they expressly pro
viding in the said instrument,
" That nothing to be done by these Commissioners shall
alter or change the property of any person's lands, but that
property shall be saved according to the agreement of their
late agent, John Winthrop, made in the year 1663, with
Mr. Clark, agent for Rhode-Island: which is a strong proof
that the government of Connecticut apprehended the pre^
tentions of Rhode-Island were just and equitable."

210
It is also very full in proof that the people of Rhode-Island,'
have been in possession of several tracts ofland extending
west from the Narraganset Bay to the red and green lines
marked in the said map hereto annexed, as the boundaries
between the two colonies, and that the taxes had been con
stantly paid for the same to Rhode-Island government only.
It also further appears that the Government of Connecti
cut have sent two letters on this occasion — one to the Lord's
Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, ofthe 28th day of
October, 1723, and the other to Mr. Dummer their agent
here — in which letter to their agent they express themselves
thus, viz: " The government of Rhode-Island is in the ac
tual possession, as they themselves own of the land which
they claim and we think belongs to us. We don't think fit
to disturb them in that possession. It is not we but they
that have made this complaint. If they would have set still
with all they desired, their Lordships had not been troubled
as they now are with this story." And in both their said
letters, the government of Connecticut leave the bounds to
be settled by his Majesty. Their letter to the Lord's Com
missioners of Trade running in these words, viz: "And we
assure your Lordships that, notwithstanding the priority of
our charter to that of Rhode-Island, his Majesty's deter
mination will, on our part, put a perpetual end to the con
troversy, and confirm that peace between us and them which
your Lordships have been pleased to express such a regard
for." And their letter to their agent runs in these words,
viz: " They doubt not but the matter (of the boundaries)
will have a good issue one time or other; and even now, if
their Lordships would let them (the Rhode-Island people)
understand that they must be contented with these bounds
set them in their own charter; and tell them how these
bounds must be nnderstood and taken; that would end the
controversy. They would have no reason to complain, nor
should we give them the least trouble in the law, though our
charter be prior to theirs."
All which being considered by their Lordships, Though
the red line in the annexed map is what the Rhode-Island
people insist on as the true boundaries between them and
Connecticut, accordidg to their charter; yet as the green
line in the annexed map, was determined in 1703, to be the
division line between the two colonies, by the Commission
ers of each government, respectively appointed for that

211
purpose, their Lordships are humbly of opinion to advise
your Majesty that you would be graciously pleased to sig
nify lyour pleasure that the boundary line between the two
colonies. As described by the aforesaid green line, drawn
from the mouth of Ashawoque river where it falls into the
Paucatuck river, and thence extendidg north to the south
line ofthe Massachusetts Bay, may forever hereafter be the
setttled boundary between the said two colonies of Connec
ticut and Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations.
His Majesty in Council, taking the said report into
consideration, is pleased to approve and confirm the same,
and to order, as it is hereby ordered, that the aforemention
ed green line, as described in the map hereunto annexed,
drawn from the' mouth of Ashawoque river where it falls
into the Paucatuck river, and thence extending north to the
south line ofthe Massachusetts Bay, be forever hereafter the
settled boundary between the said two colonies of Connec
ticut and Rhode-Island and Providence Plantation, whereof
the Governors and companies ofthe said colonies, and all
others whom it may concern, are to take notice and yield
due obedience to his Majesty's pleasure hereby signified.
TEMPLE STANYAN.
A true copy of his Majesty's determination, saving the
plat or map annexed,
^ J. JENCKS.
A true copy of the copy recorded, from the Hon. Joseph
Jencks, Esqr. Attest, J. TALCOT, Gov'r.
A true copy of Record, examined per
R. WARD, Secretary.

settlement of the west boundary line.
JYew-England, ss. Westerly, in the colony of Rhode-Island )
and Providence Plantations. )
Know all men that we, Roger Walcot, James Wadsworth
and Daniel Palmer, Commissioners authorised and fully

212
empowered by the General Assembly of his Majesty's col
ony of Connecticut to run the line between, the, s,^idr colony
and the colony of Rhode-Island and Providence Planta
tions, and William Wanton, Benjamin Ellery and William
Jenckes, being the major part of the Commissioners, au
thorized and fully empowered by the General Assembly of
the said colony pf Rhode-Island, &c. to run the said line;
we say .pursuant to the determination of his late Majesty
King George the First, relating to the said line, and by the
authority to us given 'above mentioned, we have on 18th,
19th, 20th, 2,1st, 23d, 24th, 25th, 26th and 27th days of
September, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven
hundred and twenty-eight, run and ascertained said line:
And first we began and extended from the rock on the ex
treme point of Warwick neck, 20 miles west, which meas
ure ended by a swamp grows commonly called the Cedar
Swamp, where we made a considerable heap of stones,
which heap of stones we agree shall be the south-west cor
ner ,of Warwick purchase, and from thence we extended a
line divided between said colonies north by the needle ofthe
compass seven degrees. east unto the south line dividing be
tween the Massachusetts Province and said colony of
Rhode Island, where we made a large heap of stones stand
ing between two marked pine -trees, being in a valley, in
which line, which in length 23 miles and 10 rods, we mark
ed many trees and made many monuments of stones, (viz.)
at the southern end for the first seven miles and a half we
made monuments at the end of every half mile, and from
thence northward , to the Massachusetts line aforesaid, we
made monuments at the end of. each mile. And from the
said heap of stones, being the corner of Warwick as afore
said, we extended a line divided between said colonies,
unto the mouth of Ashawage, where it falleth into Pawtucket
river, and in said line we made many monuments of stone,
(viz.) one at the end of every mile, and marked many trees
in the said line, and found the distance between Warwick
south-west corner and the mouth of said river to be 15 miles
one quarter and 10 rods, which line run and marked out as
aforesaid, we agree shall be the line divident between the
two said colonies forever.
In witness whereof, we have hereunto interchangeably
,set our hands and affixed our seals, the 27th day of Sopt, in

213
^nd year of Jiis Majesty's reign, George the 2nd, King of
Great Britain, &c. A. D. 1728.
WM. WANTON, ILTsTI
BENJ.'N. ELLERY, ilTSJ

WILLIAM JENCKES, [L. S.|

ROGER WOLCOT, |L. S.|

JAMES WADSWORTH, |L. S.|

DANIEL PALMER, |L. S.|
Sealed and delivered in presence of
[nobody]
Memorandum entered before signing and sealing that the
course from said Warwick corner to the mouth of Ashawage
river, is S. 11° 20' W.
[State Public Notary Records, 4, 192,]

REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON THE VACANT LANDS.
Whereas we, underwritten being by the Gen. Assembly
ofthis her Majesty's colony of Rhode-Island and Provi
dence Plantations, setting in Newport the first Wednesday
in May, 1708, appointed a committee to hear the claims to
the lands, and what propositions could or should be made
to the vacant lands in the Narragansett country, according
to the draft thereof presented to said Assembly by Captain
James Carder and Mr. John Mumford, and in pursuance
thereof we met at Captain John Eldred's according to said
act, and there heard the claims and pretended titles of those
gentlemen called the mortgage-men or Atherton's asso
ciates; and also the claim of Ninicraft by his trustees to his
title, and pretended claim to said lands mentioned as afore
said, with several others as will be herein mentioned; and
do make return to this Assembly as followeth, upon our sec
ond meeting at Providence, &c.
Imp'r. We having perused the several deeds and other
writings presented in the right and claim of Major Hum-

214
phrey Atherton and associates, as to their deeds, claim or
claims, that their deed pf Boston Neck and the northward
deeds of Aquidneset, &c. was and is the full purport and in
tent of that act of the General Assembly at Newport the
30th of October, 1672, and had peculiar reference to said
land as to us appears, leaving the matter to this honored
Assembly. And we haying heard the claim of sachem Ninicraft by
his trustees or attorneys, and the propositions under their
hands and seals bearing date the 26th of October, 1708,
leave the whole matter of said propositions to this honor
ed Assembly for their determination and opinion therein,
for the good of the colony.
The deed of Coginaquant to Knight and Hall with a deed
of said Coginaquant to Captain Cranston and company, and
a deed to John Green, John Fones and partners, which here
we present, we leave to the opinion ofthe General Assem
bly with the several papers presented unto us.
We give our opinions as members ofthis colony that we
think it convenient that this Assembly do consider to lay out
the vacant lands in the above said draft mentioned in a town
or townships as you may judge most profitable for the colony
and his Majesty 's interest. Given under our hands the 27th
of October, 1708.
HENRY TEW,
WESTON CLARKE,
RICHARD ARNOLD,
RANDALL HOLDEN.
Passed to the House of Deputies.
Per order, Weston Clarke, Recorder.

LIST OP SALES OP VACANT LANDS.
The following list of sales made by a committee appoint
ed by the Assembly to sell the vacant lands in Narragansett,
is believed to be nearly complete. Mortgages were in
many cases given for the payment. — References. W. Wes
terly Records. K. Kingstown Records at Wickford.
E. G. East Greenwich Records.
May 27, 1709. To Beriah Brown, John Fones, Samuel
Wait, Francis West, Jr., Thos. Baker and Aaron Jaco-
waise, a tract of about 792 acres, where they now dwell, as

215
platted by Mumford, bounded N- by Fones' purchase, S.
by road leading into the country from the sea, W. by vacant
lands and E. by the road leading to E. Greenwich. [K.
3, 50.]
May 26, 1709. To Capt. John Eldred, William Cole,
Samuel Phillips and John Carr, 286 acres as platted by Mum
ford; bounded E. by country or Pequit road, N. by road
leading from Pequit road into the country, W. by Rocky
Swamp, S. by Anoquatuket river. See plat in N. K. Rec
ords, books. [K. 3. 61.]
May 27, 1709. To Samuel Eldred, Capt. John Eldred,
John Grownut and James Congdon, 430 acres, as platted
Stc; bounded N. by Annoquatucket, E. by Pequit road,
W. by a double marked white oak, not far from the river,
thence S. to another tree between John Grownut and Sam
uel Kingley's houses, thence S. E. to a great rock near the
Cedar Swamp, thence to road leading to the great plain,
thence to the aforesaid country road. (K. 3. 90.) See plat
in case Brown vs. Herrington, Supreme Court, 1. 757.
May 28, 1709. To Thomas Place, Othniel Tripp, Pasco
Whitford and Henry Northup, 275 acres, as platted &c. ;
bounded E. by Pequit road, S. by Pettiquamscut line, and
N. by the way leading to the great plain. [K. 3. 118, and
343.] May 27, 1709. To Alexander Huling, Thomas Havens,
Charles Berry, Jeremiah Wilkey, Joseph Havens, John
Hall, Joseph Austin, William Havens, William Spencer,
Benjamin Baker, Benjamin Nichols, William Hall and
John North, a tract near Devil's Foot, of 1824 acres, as
platted, &-c., bounded E. by Pequit road, south by the new
road into the country from said Pequit road, N. by Fones'
purchase, W. by the road leading to Hast Greenwich. A tract
of 99 acres within these bounds sold to Daniel Eldred, is
excluded from this grant: a way to be laid out to the meet
ing house. See plat in Boone vs. Thomas, Supreme Court,
1766-7. [K. 3. 198, and L. E. 3. 44.]
June 30, 1709. To Benjamin Barton, Thomas Fry, James
Carder, John Spencer, Benjamin Green, Pardon Tilling
hast, John Waterman, Thomas Nichols, John Wickes, John
Nichols, Malachi Rhodes, James Green and Simon Smith,
of East Greenwich, for JEIIOO, about 35,000 acres; bounded
N. by Warwick south line, W. by colony line, E. by East
Greenwich and Fones' purchase, and south, to begin at the

216
S. W. corner of Fones' purchase, and thence west a line
parallel with the Warwick south line to the colony line. [E.
G. 2. 76.]
June 3, 1709. Commonly called Swamptown or Bly's
Purchase. To Daniel Bly, Joseph Northup, John Austin,
James Highams, John Highams, John Wells, John Morey,
Stephen Arnold, William Burge, William Wast, Martha
Card and John Nichols, 1618 acres; bounded N. by the
river running from the widow Fones's house, S. by Petti
quamscut line, W. by the country road, E. by Samuel El
dred and partners, [See plat in N. K. Rec. 5. 451.]
June 3, 1709. To Joseph Reynolds, Joseph Reynolds', Jr.
Robert Bently and Robert Reynolds, 727 acres, as platted
&c. ; bounded N. by new road, S. by Pettiquamscut line,
E. by road leading to East Greenwich, and W. by vacant
lands. [K. 3. 4.]
June 3, 1709. To Mrs. Abigail Phenixand John Hyams;
163 acres, as platted &c.; bounded N. by new road leading
into country, S. by Anoquatucket river, E. by Rocky
Swamp, and W. by Bly's purchase. Hyams' 30 acres to be
next to the swamp. [K. 3. 80.]
June 4, 1709. To Samuel Kingsley, 117 acres, as platted
&c.; bounded N. by John Grownut, E. by road leading to
great plain, W. by Pettiquamscut line, and S. by Johrr
Morey. [K. 3. 175.]
Sept. 23, 1709. To Peter Werden, 158 acres, as platted
&c. ; bounded E. by road, S. by Samuel Perry, John Hills,
David Lewis and Capt. William Champlin, W. by Pasque-
set brook, N. by Job Card. [W. 2. 32.]
Sept. 28, 1709. To Israel Lewis, 65 acres; E. by Sam
uel Lewis, N. by road, W. by John Lewis, S. by pond, as
platted &c. [W. 2. 33.^
Sept. 28, 1709. To Samuel Lewis, 143 acres, as platted'
&c.; bounded E. by John Rathbun and Ed. Larkin, N. by
road, E. by Israel Lewis, S. by salt pond. [W. 2. 63.]
Sept. 28, 1709. To John Holway, 187 acres, as platted
&c.; bounded N. by Joseph Hull and Solomon Hakes, E.
by Pettiquamscut line, S. by Joseph Hull, W. by Henry
and John Hull. [W. 3. 103.]
June 28, 1709. Shannock Purchase. To James Adams,
Samuel Tefft, John Tefl't, (Daniel Wilcox, Thomas Utter,
Peter Parker, Eber Crandal, Daniel Tennant, William Ut
ter, Samuel Lewis, Johir Eanos, Nicholas Utter, Jr., Dan-

217
iel Brown, William Gibson, Weston Clark, William Clark,
George Babcock, Samuel Clark, Peter Tefft, William
Knowles, George Foster, Samuel Perry, Joseph Brown,
John Witter, Nicholas Utter, Francis Colegrove, and Jer
emiah Crandal. [W.]
Sept. 28, 1709. To Samuel Perry, 236 acres as platted
&-C. ; E. by Pettiquamscut line and B. Holway, N. by B.
Holway, a stream and Peter Werden, W. by P. Werden
and John Hicks, S. by William Champlin, John Lewis, D.
Lewis, Israel Lewis, John Hills and John Rathbon. [L.
E. 3. 39.]
Sept. 28, 1709. To Edward Larkin, 37 acres, as plat
ted &.C. ; bounded W. by John Lewis, N. by John Lewis
and pond, E by Pettiquamscut line, S. by Samuel Lewis.
[W. 2.201.]
Sept. 28, 1709. To John Rathbone, 100 acres, as platted
Stc. ; E. by David Lewis, N. by road, W. by Samuel Lewis,
S. by Edward Larkin and pond. [W. 2. 29.]
Sept. 28, 1709. To John Clark, 214 acres as platted &c. ;
N. by Pawcatuck river, W. by brook, S. by William Wil
kinson, E. by John'Halls. [W. 2. 34.]
Sept. 27, 1709. To Rowland Robinson, 3000 acres, as
platted &c.; W. on colony line or Sqamicut, E. by Shan
nock purchase, N. and S. on undivided lands. See plats
in Crandal vs. Wells, Supreme Court, 1796. [W. 2. 36.]
Sept. 28, 1709. To John Halls, 127 acres, as platted Stc;
W. by John Clark, N. by Pawcatuc river, E. by road, S.
by John Halls, William Wilkinson and John Clark. [W.
2. 37.]
Sept. 28, 1709. To Israel Lewis, 115 acres as platted
&c. ; bounded S. by road and reserved land, W. by Nini
gret's land, N. by land reserved, E. by road. [W. 2. 44.]
Sept. 28, 1709. To Benjamin Holway, 132 acres as plat
ted &c. ; E. by Pettiquamscut line, S. by Samuel Perry, E.
by S. Perry and Job Card, N. by Joseph Halls. [W. 2. 45.]
Sept. 30, 1709. To Wilham Wilkinson, 160 acres as
platted &tc.; S. by Job Card, W. by Pasqueset brook, N.
by John Clark, E. by Clark, Halls and Wilkinson. [W. 2.
77.] May 17, 1710. To John Mumford, 8000 acres; W. by
colony line, N. on new country road, E. on undivided
land, S. on Shannock purchase and R. Robinson's land. (L.
E. 3. 46 — Exeter Records, 4. 414.) See plats in case Pease

218
ys. Mutnford, Supreme Court, 1749, and Crandal vs. Wells,
1796. May 17, 1710. To William Wanton, Nicholas Lang,
John Mumford and Benjamin Ellery of Newport, George
Wightman, Thomas Eldred, John Eldred, John Sweet,
John Congall, Benjamin Congdon, John Moss, Edward
Boss, Jeremy Sweet, John Daley, Thomas Wilcox, Jeremy
Hazard, Robert Reynolds and Samuel Wickham of Kings
town, 7000 acres as platted &c. ; W, on Squamicut juris
diction and part on vacant land, N. on new country road,
E. by Pettiquamscut purchase, S. on Stanton's purchase
and Halls' purchase. TK.]
May 22, 1710. To Edward Larkin, John Collins, David
Lewis, Robert Buffum, John Foster and John Richmond,
3000 acres, as platted &c.; N. by Rowland Robinson, S.
on Maxon and partners, E. on Wood river and undivided
lands, W. on undivid land. (W. 2. 47.) See plats in Larkin
vs. Larkin, Supreme Court, 1757 and 1768.
May 2, 1710. To Daniel Brown, William Clark, Israel
Lewis, Henry Halls and John Eanos, 3200 acres as platted.
E. by Shannock purchase, S. by Pawcatuck river, W. on
Maxon's purchase and Wood river, N. on Rowland Robin
son. [W. 2. 46.]
May 19, 1710. Maxon's Purchase. To Col. Wm.
Wanton of Newport, John Babcock, Wm, Champlin, Jr.
John Maxon, Jr., David Lewis, Theodaty Roads, "Samuel
Perry, Robert Babcock, William Crumb, Roger Larkin,
John Macoon and John Hill, 2684 acres as platted, &c.
W. by vacant land, N. by undivided land and Brushey brook,
E. by undivided lard S. by undivided land and Pawcatuc
river. (W. 2, 40.) See plats in Perceval vs. Porter, Su
preme Court, 1764.
May 17, 1710. To Weston Clark, Nicholas Lang, James
Rogers and Samuel Clark, 1600 acres W. by Beaver river
S. by Stanton's purchase, E.' on undivided lands or Squam
icut, N. on undivided land and John Hoxey. [L E 3 40 1
Feb. 26, 1710-11. To John Clark, 6| acresof the great
neck as platted, &c. N. on John Hall, E, on John Holway,
S, W. on Joseph Hull and Henry Hall. [\V. 2, 76.]
Oct. 2, 1711, The General Recorder's deed quit-claim
ing and confirming to Daniel Lewis, Joseph Maxon John
Richmond, Benj. Burdick, John Maxon, Jr. Hubbard Bur
dick, Samuel Burdick, Jonathan Maxon, Thomas Burdick

219
John Macoon, Wm. Crumb, John Clark, James Cove, John
Crandal, Nathaniel Wells, Philip Palmeter, John Palme-
ter, John Prosser, Clemond Neff, Thos. Reynolds, James
Halls, Thos. Wells, Robert Burdick, Geo. Stillmon, Ste
phen Randall, Edward Halls, Tobias Brand, Samuel Lang-
worthy, Nicholas Cottri), Peter Crandal, Wm. Stuard of
Westerly, and Wm. Bennet, Joseph Lewis and Josias Hill
of Stonington, 5300 acres as platted, &c. S. by Pawcatuck
river, E, hy Maxon's purchase, N. by vacant lands, W. by
colony line. [W. 2. 113.]
May 8, 1712. Committee to James Reynolds, 75 acres
as platted. N. by Greenwich purchase, W. on Thos. Wil
cox and partners, E. on Fones' purchase, S. by new coun
try road. [K, 3, 49.]
May 9, 1712, To John Mumford 2000 acres. W. by
colony line, N. by Rowland Robinson, E. on John Collins
& Co., S. by Daniel Lewis & Co, and George Brown. [Wj
2,-186.] • .
May 10, 1712, To John Mumford 222 acres as platted,
&c,c. N. by Wm. Champlin, E. by road, S. on Israel Lew
is, W. on Ninigret, another part of it is bounded W. on
road, E. by Pettiquamscut line, N. by Samuel Perry, S.
by John Rathbone. [W. 2, 184.]
From these deeds together with the Indian deeds of Pet
taquamscut purchase. Hall's purchase, Squamicut, Boston
Neck, Quidnecut and Stanton's purchases, Ninigret's deed
of quitclaim and^reservation, and a few others, are derived
the present titles to land in Washington county, &c.

letter prom the council of MASSACHUSETTS TO THE GOV
ERNOR OF RHODE-ISLAND.  JAN. 18, 1676.
Honored Gentlemen:
We are informed that within your jurisdiction are sundry
ofthe enemy, who being pursued by our soldiers, are fled
to for sheUer and supplies, and, as we have ground to fear,
will hereby be prepared and strengthened to join with oth
ers of them, that there lie skulking in the woods, and as
soon as the season permits, will proceed in executing their
bloody thirsty contrivances against the English, in which
case we see not how you can promise to yourselves security
above your countrymen in the United Colonies.
The premises considered, we could not do less than acr

220
quaint you herewith, and have sent the bearer hereof, Mr,
John Saffin, as our messenger, in our name and stead, to
demand the delivery of them, that so they may be proceed
ed against according to the covenant, and no cry of innocent
blood may lay upon the file against yourselves or us for
sparing those that are by the laws of God and nations men
of death.
We are encouraged thus to send unto you from the ten-
dor made by your Deputy Governor, signifying on our mo
tion made, you would readily deliver any ofthe enemy that
should flee to you for shelter.
Charges necessarily attending the effecting hereof we
shall readily satisfy.
We have no more to add, but we are your neighbors and
countrymen, ready to serve you wherein we may further
your and our peace. Your affectionate friends and servants.
Per order, E. R. S.
15th Jan. 1676.

A WARRANT TO SURVEY THE LAND OF NARRAGANSETT.
By His Excellency.
To Mr. John Smith, Deputy Surveyor,
You are with the first conveniency to make agenerall sur
vey and draft ofthe Narraganset country, or King's Prov
ince, and therein to observe and mark the severall settle
ments, claymes, and pretensions made by any person or per
sons to the same or any part orparcells thereof, of which to
make returne to me with all possible speed, and for soe
doeing this shall be your warrant. Dated at Boston the
22nd day of June, 1687,
By His Excell. command. JNO. WEST, D. Secret'y,

ORDER OF GOV. ANDROS RESPECTINS THE FRENCH SETTLERS.
To Major Richard Smith and Capt. John Fones, Justices
ofthe Peace, who are to see this order forthwith exe
cuted. By his Excellency.
Upon hearing and examining of the matter in difference
[between the towns of Greenwich als Debtford and Kingston

221
als Rochester and the French families lately settled in the
Narragansett country, about a parcell of meadow lying
neere their settlements and appointed for their accommoda
tion, but cutt and mowed by severall persons of both the
said townes, which appeares to be done in a violent, force-
able manner, and the hay cutt thereupon being likewise by
my order secured and staked; I doe therefore forthe accom
modation of the said parties for the present, till the right
thereto can be determined and settled, order and appoint
that all the hay cutt and made upon the said meadowes as
aforesaid by the direction of any two Justices ofthe Peace
forthwith divided into two equal shares or moyetyes, and
that one moyety thereof be given forthe use of John Nich-
oUs, Gyles Peirce and George Vaughan of Greenwich
.aforesaid, and James Reynolds, James Reynolds, Jun.,
Henry Reynolds, Joseph Reynolds, Francis Reynolds,
John Sweet, William Bentley, John Andrew and George
Havens of Kingston, share and share, who I am informed
live remote and are most wanting thereof, and the other
moyety to be left for the use and benefit of the said French
families there, who being strangers and lately settled
.and wholly destitute and have noe other way to supply
themselves. And all persons there concerned are to take
notice hereof and conforme themselves thereunto accord
ing until further orders shall be given in said matter.
Dated at Boston the 6th day of August, 1687.

LETTER RESPECTING COURT HOUSES.
To his Excellency Sir Edmund Andros, Capt. General and
Governor in chiefe of his Majesties Territory of New-
England. These Present.
May it please your Excellencie — Sir — In persuance of
the Directions to us Given us by the Judges in the Late
assises at Newport on Rhode-Island concerning our not
haveing a convenient court house, and our computation of
the charges thereof and our presentation thereof to your
Excellency, and haveing in the Quarter Sessions computed
the costs of two small houses for that use, suppose the
charges thereof will be about one hundred and fourty
pounds, and alsoe Judge it convenient, that one of them be
erected in the Towne of Newport, and the other in the

222
Towne of Rochester, and humbly Present the same toyour
Excellencie for approbation and direction therein; and also
nominate John Wooodman pf Newport to be a fitt person
for a Treasurer for this Province, if your Excellencie ap
prove thereof, and remaine your Excellencies most humble
servants.
FRANCIS BRINLEY,
PELEG SANFORD.
JYewport on Rhode-Island, Dec. 15, 1687,

LETTER PROM RICHARD SMITH AND JOHN FONES,
Rochester, April \st, 1690.
Neighbours and friends:
Being sensible of the great distractions and confusions
New-England at this junction of time groans under, and the
blood of our neighbors westward and Eastward slaine for
the common cause calling for vengeance, ought to awaken
and rouse us up from the dead sleep of Lethargic in
these eminent times of danger, forthwith to Arm our
Selves against the Common Enemy and not delay the
time till the enemy be at our dores, but rather be ready
prepared like souldiers to meet them in the field: To the
End that this may be accomplished wee having had dis
course with Maj'r Palmer of New London as he passed
homewards from Boston (did agree) that wee should pro
pose to the Townes Betweene Paucatuck and Pautucket
Rivers, and he to the lower townes Betweene Paucatuck
and Conecticut River that the Inhabitants would agree to
gether to have a speedy General meeting ofthe whole in
some Convenient place, by as many as Each Towne Sees
cause to send, or come of their owne accord, to Advize to
gether for our safety and defence, by sending out a conve
nient Company of men at our owne cost and charge to Range
the woods about the Townes, not only to discover the En-
emie but also to offend them if opportunity serve, upon your
concurrence wee have promised to send Maj'r Palmer ad
vice and he has promised the like to us. Wee have sent the
Bearrer on purpose and desire as Sudaine a returne as may
be for the aproching danger requires a Speedy remedy, wee
Assume no power to our Selves but only as Neighbours,
desire your Concurrence for so public a benifitt and shall

223
with you acquiesce in this or any other way you may pro
pound more feasible for our defence we Remaine
Y'r Neighbours and friends,
RICH'D SMITH,
JOHN FONES.
To Capt. Arthur Fenner, Mr. Thomas Olney,
Capt. William Hopkins, and Left. John Dex
ter, to be Communicated unto the rest of our
Neighbors in Providence &c. These. [From Foster papers,]

LAYING OUT OP A HIGHWAY.
The following laying out is believed to have been about
1703. It is recorded in the L. E. in the Secretary's office.
An account of the country road through the town of Kingstown
laid out by us the suliscribers being chosen thereto by said
Town.
From the town of Westerly bounds it being at a walnut
bush marked the road run E. northerly by the hills and
marked trees to a great rock by a little pond and from
thence by marked trees to a small pine tree round the hills
until it comes to a walnut bush to the northward of Ded-
man's spring from thence by a great rock just by the old
road from thence by several marked trees to a black oak
bush north from Samuel Perry's house from thence ENE,
by, several trees or bushes to a great hollow the road runs
southward from said hollow from thence to a pine tree about
twenty rod from Thomas Hazard's NW. corner of his
farm and to a stake upon the top of a hill with a heap of
stones about it and so to follow the old road until it comes
to Capt. Greenman's south west corner and from thence
over a brook while it comes to walnut bush marked by the
brow of a hill and from thence to a black oak bush near
William Greenman's and George Whitman, north east cor
ner and from thence to walnut tree just by the hedge about
N. E. in George Whitman's land and so along by trees or
bushes until it runs over a brook about ten or twelve rods
to the northward of William Congdon's house and from
thence along at the head of the lotfs or farms to a walnut
tree which stands a little in the land now in possession of
Christopher Allen, and so along by marked trees and bush-

224
es in the undivided lands until it comes to ia highway laid
out by the purchasers to the lands of Rowse Helme and
William Gardner Sen'r. and so to a chesnut tree marked
and from thence between the chesnut and a white oak tree
marked just by a Swamp where people usually go over and
so through a corner of Samuel Tifft's land until it comes to
an old pair of barrs and the road to run to th? eastward of
Samuel Tifft's fence, until it comes to William Knowles
NE corner and so by marked trees or bushes until it comes
to the stony fort and then by marked trees through Ebene-
zer Shearman's farm, till it comes to a great rock not farr
from a brook and so to untill it meets with marked trees in
a corner of Jeremiah Harzard's farm to a highway and so
along by marked trees until it comes to a bush marked in
the east corner of James Sweet's land, and to run across it
by marked trees to Ridge Hill and so to run to the east
ward's of Benoni Sweet's house, through his field by mark--
ed trees to Cosenes' Brook and from thence to the old road
to Capt, John Eldredge until it comes to the brook and over
the brook the road runs just by John* Thomas's door to a
stake in his field and so along by marked trees to the west
ward ofthe house now in possession of James Brayman and
so along by marked trees while it comes to Mr. Updike's
stone wall and so along by the westward of the wall in the
road while it comes to Capt. Fones's house and so along
the old road until it comes to a marked tree where paths
divide and from thence N. by W. by marked trees until it
comes to John North's fourd commonly so called the road
to run to the westward of said marked trees which is deem
ed the bounds between our town and East Greenwich.
The rode that goes to Sautkatucket River runs to the
westward ofthe land now in the possession of Christopher
Allen in the undivided- lands round an alder bogg or swamp
to a black oak bush marked and so along to the northward
in the undivided lands by the marked bushes or trees until
it comes to the land of William Wilbore and so to the north
ward of marked trees thro' a corner of said Wilbore's lands
to Saukatucket river between two great rocks there over the
river in Mr. Brenton's farm to two black oak trees and so
by marked trees and bushes to a stake near Mr. Nathaniel
Niles his fence the road to run about south-east of said
¦marked trees and then the road to be equally divided be
tween Mr. Brentons and said Niles so far as Mr. Niles his

225
land goes and then the road to run to the southward of the
fence all in Mr. Brenton's land until it comes to Thomas
Harzard's corner and then the road to run all in said Har
zard's ground to the westward of the fence until it meets
with a ten rod highway, formerly laid out by the purchasers
at the head ofthe lotts upon Pitticomcott Hill and so along
to the old road to the highway that runs by James Wilson's
house down to the old road below Petticomcott Hill and so
along to the second ware.
JOHN SMITH,
CHRISTOPHER ALLEN,
ANDREW WILLET,
JAMES O. NEWTON,
THOMAS ELDRED, T his mark.
JEREMIAH BROWN,
BENJ. GREEN,
HENRY TIBBITTS, H his mark.
LODWICK UPDIKE,
HENRY GARDNER, H his mark.
JOSEPH CASE, 1 his mark.

DEPOSITION RELATING TO HALl's PURCHASE.
The deposition of Joseph Davel of Stoningtown in the coun
ty of New London in the Colony of Connecticut, of lawful
ao-e, who formerly lived in the town of Westerly in the Col
ony of Rhoad-Island, testifieth and saith, that in the year of
our Lord one thousand six hundred ninety and three, I then
being surveyor of lands and under oath to said office, was
employed by Mr. Henry Hall of the town of Westerly in
the Colony of Rhoad Island, and Mr. John Knight, the son
of Richard Knight, who then lived near Norrage in a place
now known by the name of Canterbury in the county of New
London in the Colony of Connecticut aforesaid, and Mr.
David Knight ofthe town of Woodstock in Boston govern
ment, to lay out and survey and make divisions for them
unto several persons who then lived on said land with their
families, viz: The land commonly called or known by Hall's
and Knight's purchase or Chepechewwag or Wawwoskepog
in the Narragansett country, I the said Joseph Davel, then
surveyor, laid out and bounded and drafted by a map or plat,
and made divisions for them unto those persons which

226
bought or purchased of them, viz: unto Job Babcock 200
acres; Peter Wells 100 acres; William Taner 100 acres;
John Sheldon 200 acres; John Crandal 180 acres; Jere
miah Crandal 180 acres; Gershom Cottrel 180 acres: James
Ray 100 acres, and to Jonathan Knight 200 acres: with
several highways, viz: two highways through said land for
the use and benefit of the purchasers: and when I laid out
said land, the abovesaid Hall and David Knight were per
sonally present with me, and likewise the abovesaid John
Knight approved and liked my work, and they paid me my
wages for my work, and some time since said John Knight
took his part ofthe money which was the price ofthe land,
he received said money of Henry Hall. This abovewritten
is the truth, as witness my hand, July 31st, 1711.
JOSEPH DAVELL.
The above written Capt. Jsseph Davell personally appear
ed and made oath to the above written evidence before me
in Westerly, this 1st day of August, 1711.
JOHN BABCOCK, Justice.
Note  Some notice of Hall's purchase may be found page 218. The
house of John Sheldon appears to have been one ofthe first if not the very
first built in this purchase, being referred to as a well known landmark in
the oldest deeds. This house stood where  Tanner's house now
stands — not far from Judge John G. Clarke's.

A TRUE AND BRIEF ACCOUNT OP THE JUST AND LEGAL RIGHT
WHICH WE HIS majesty's SUBJECTS PETITIONING HAVE OF
LANDS IN THE NARRAG.4.NSET COUNTRY AND PARTS ADJA
CENT, IN HIS majesty's DOMINIONS IN NEW-ENGLAND. IN
ALL HUMILITY PRESENTED.
1st. We his majesty 's most loyal subjects have derived
our interest long since purchased our lands from the chief
sachems of that country, from whom we have received legal
and authentic deeds for all our lands, under their hands and
seals respectively, with legal possession of the same unto
us by the said sachems; the last whereof was about nine
teen years since, in the presence of several hundred of Eng
lish and Indians, and the weight of the money from us by
the said sachems and their interpreters at sundry times un
der their hands and seals, manifesting their free consent to
all our grants, &c.

227
2dly. The sachems had subjected themselves and people
to our sovereign lord the king his government in and by the
united colonies in New-England; and all the said colonies
having assented and approved of our purchase rights in said
countries, and have by their several acts and instruments
manifested the same, and in particular by their late letter
and humble address to his sacred majesty; for our deed and
evidences being registered, and remain in divers courts of
record unto this day.
3dly. His majesty was graciously pleased to allow and
confirm our rights to the lands aforesaid by his royal letters
to the several colonies, dated 21st June, 1663.
4thly. The chief sachems of the said country did in the
time ofthe late bloody rebellion of Philip (before also they
revolted) by their delegates ratify and confirm all and sin
gular the grants ofthe lands aforesaid unto us the proprie
tors, as by the seventh article of their treaty, now printed,
may appear, &c.
And whereas it hath been falsely affirmed by one John
Green and Randall Houlden, of Warwick, that the lands of
the Narraganset were never purchased legally by any, but
that the Indians gave all their lands to king Charles the
First, of blessed memory, which they would seem to prove
by a declaration taken out of Mr. Gorton's book: To this
we answer,
1st. That part of the lands aforesaid were purchased by
Mr. Roger Williams, yet living, and by Mr. Richard Smith,
deceased, above forty years ago, and possessed to this day
by his son, Mr. Richard Smith.
2dly. That the subjection of the Indians, their land and
their people, to his majesty, by that instrument, was, as we
humbly conceive, no other than a putting themselves under
the protection and owning the sovereignty of the king of
England, as his loyal subjects, which was the same that the
Indians have ordinarily done in Plymouth colony of old,
and desiring to live in amity and peace with the English un
der his majesty's respective governments.
2dly. Whereas it is objected, three of his majesty's com
missioners, viz. Sir Robert Carr, George Cartwright, Sam
uel Maverick, Esqrs. did, in the year 1664, under their
hand and seals, make null all the deeds and evidences we
the said proprietors had for the said land, and still have,
ordering all the tenants and inhabitants to go off and quit
their interest and possessions of those lands by such atime.

228
but with this proviso or limitation, that the Indians should
forthwith pay unto the English proprietors 1053 fathom of
wampompeage. To which we reply,
1st, That the said commissioners (under favour) had no
power, by his majesty's said commission, so to determine,
much less, without legal process, to null or make void any
title of lands, or dispossess any of his majesty's good sub
jects of their just rights in these parts.
2dly. If it be admitted, that the said commissioners had
power to put out men of their possessions, which they had
then quietly enjoyed, some above thirty years, yet there be
ing no act they could do by virtue of their commission valid
or binding, except Col. Richard Nichols was with them as
chief, and to have the decisive vote, as by said commission
may appear.
3dly, But said Colonel Nichols was then many hundred
miles off, therefore, &c. If it be granted (which we cannot
but deny) that what the first named three commissioners
then did, was by their commission, and according to law, yet
the proviso or condition thereof, viz. that the Indians should
forthwith pay to the proprietors so many fathom of wom-
pompeage, being not performed, their said act is void.
4thly, That notwithstanding whatsoever those three com
missioners aforesaid had done, or pretended to do, about
dispossessing our tenants the inhabitants, or destroying the
titles of our proprieties, yet upon better consideration, the
said Colonel Nichols, and the rest of the said commission
ers,, did, by several instruments under their hands and seals,
make null and void the same. By all this may appear the
absurdity and invalidity of the allegations and pleas of the
said Houlden and Green against the rights and just interest
of us the proprietors in the lands aforesaid.
All which we the said proprietors are ready to prove and
make good, by legal deeds and the testimonies of persons
yet alive upon the place, at any time when and before
whom his majesty shall be graciously pleased to commis-
sionate to hear and determine the justice and legality thereof
Your majesty's most humble and most loyal subjects, for
and in the name and behalf of the said proprietors the
petitioners,
RICHARD WHARTON,
ELISHA HUTCHINSON,
.Anno 1680, -lOHN SAFFIN.

229

REPORT OP THE COMMISSIONERS TO THE KING.
To~ihe King's most excellent Majesty.
May it please your Majesty,
Whereas your majesty hath been graciously pleased, by
your commission under your royal signet, bearing date at
Whitehall the 17th day of April, in the five and thirtieth
year of your reign, to constitute Edward Cranfield, Esq,
lieutenant-governor and commander in chief of New-Hamp
shire, Willliam Stoughton, Joseph Dudley, Edward Ran
dolph, Samuel Shrimton, John Fitz Winthrop, Edward
Palmer, John Pynchon, and Nathaniel Saltonstall, Esqrs.
or any three of them, (whereof Edward Cranfield or Edward
Randolph should be of the quorum) commissioners for in
quiring into the respective claims and titles, as well of your
majesty as well as persons and corporations whatsoever, to
the immediate jurisdiction and propriety of soil to the King's
Province or Narraganset Country, and to make report of
the same, with their opinions upon the matters that should
be examined by them, that your majesty might cause impar
tial justice to be done.
In humble obedience to your majesty's commands, we
your majesty's said commissioners, whose names are sub
scribed, do humbly offer, that upon receipt of your said
commission, we, both by our letters to the several gover
nors and councils of your colonies, and by printed sum
monses sent to them to publish, if they saw cause, in their
respective jurisdictions, for information of their people, sig
nified the purport of your said commission, and that we had
appointed on Wednesday, the two and twentieth of August,
to convene at the house of Mr. Richard Smith, in the Nar
raganset Country, to receive all such information, evidence,
and claim, as well in your majesty's behalf as of all persons
and corporations whatsoever, as should be offered, with oth
er necessary intimations; and that upon the 22d of August
we convened at the place aforesaid, where Captain John
Allen and Mr. John 'Wadsworth, two ofthe magistrates of
Connecticut colony, as their agents; Thomas Hinckley,
Esq. Governor of New-Plymouth, in person, and Mr.
Waite Winthrop, Mr. Simon Lynde, Mr. John Saffin, Mr.
Elisha Hutchinson, Mr. Richard Wharton, and Mr. Josh
ua Lamb, in their own behalfs, and as representatives for
.the rest that claim propriety in right of John Winthrop, Esq.

230
and Major Humphrey Atherton and partners, all appeared;
and after very dutiful and thankful acknowledgments of
your majesty's great and gracious care to inform yourself,
and by your final determination to cause impartial justice to
be done, the agents of Connecticut and Governor of New-
Plymouth, in their colonies' behalf, respectively claimed ju
risdiction, by patent, over the King's Province or Narra
ganset Country; and the said Mr. Winthrop, Lynde, Saflin,
Hutchinson, Wharton, and Lamb, entered their claims and
produced their evidences forthe soil of the said province
and country; sundry other claims were also exhibited to se-v-
ral parts of the said province, all persons any ways concerned
expres.sing great satisfaction in and submitting to your maj
esty's commands and our proceedings, except only the gov
ernment of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations,* from
whom, according to the informations given toyour majesty's
commissioners, anno 1664, and what was some years since
suggested to your majesty and council by Randall Houlden
and John Green, we expected farther information and evi
dence as to your majesty's interest and propriety, but in
stead of their colony's assistance in your majesty's con
cerns, and prosecution of their own pretensions, their Gen
eral Assembly was purposely called, and, as we are inform
ed, adjourned in an unlawful manner to a house in the Nar
raganset Country, distant about a mile from the place of
our session, who sent us a letter, interdicting our proceed
ings; which not availing, they sent their serjeant-general,
in a riotous manner, with a great number of horsemen,
who, by loud proclamation, prohibited us from keeping
court in any part of their jurisdiction, commanding all per
sons, within the verge of their colony or King's Province,
to depart, and not to be abettors to our pretended court,
as by their letter and proclamation may more fully ap
pear. Notwithstanding, we continued to make strict in
quiry and examination, both of the ancientest inhabit
ants of the English and Indians, for two days, and re
ceived all such claims as were pretended: And in
regard none appeared with any claim or plea in your maj
esty's behalf, we adjourned to Boston, there to meet on
the third of September following, and substituted a com
mittee to carry a letter to Rhode-Island court, intimating
our adjournment, and demand in your majesty's name and
for the behoof that the said committee might search, peruse.

231
and examine their records, and also sent particular sum
mons, in your majesty's name, to said Houlden and Green,
to appear before us on the third of September, to give in
evidence pursuant to the information or suggestions given
to your majesty in council at Whitehall; which said letter
was delivered to Mr. William Coddington, their governor,
and the summons to the said John Green in open court; the
answer and reception whereof, and the methods ot our pro
ceedings, and the great contempt offered to your majesty's
commission by the General Assembly of Rhode-Island, we
humbly refer to a narrative drawn by William Wharton our
register, and approved by ourselves, which, with this, will,
by our order, be humbly laid at your majesty's feet.
Upon Monday, the third of September, we again con
vened at Boston, and gave further opportunity for new
claims; but none from Rhode-Island appeared, so thatthey
then failing in their duty, Mr. Richard Wharton and part
ners exhibited a printed book, containing a deed bearing
date the 19th of April, 1644, being the subjection of two
chief sachems, named Passicus and Canonicus, of them
selves, their people, and lands, to the care, protection, and
government of your royal father, of blessed memory; and
with the said book was presented a breviate or memorial of
the occasion and improvement of said subjection, the said
Wharton and partners declaring that none of them knew of
any other evidence as to your majesty's propriety or interest
in the soil, neither hath any been offered by any other hand;
so that we have sincerely and seriously considered the sev
eral claims before us to the jurisdiction, which we find, as
well by the said printed deed of subjection as by former ca
pitulations and conditions, after the conquest of the Pe
quods, between your majesty's subjects ofthe united colo
nies and the sachems and counsellors of the Narraganset
Country, and the purchases, possessions and improvements
made by your majesty's subjects, to have been absolutely
vested in your majesty; and that your majesty, by your
letters patent, dated at Westminster the three and twentieth
of -April, in the fourteenth year of your majesty's reign,
your majest}' granted to the governor and company of Con
necticut and their successors, all that part of your domin
ions in New-England bounded on the east by Narraganset
river, commonly called Narraganset Bay, where the said
river falleth to the sea; and on the north, by the line ofthe

232
Massachusetts plantations; and on the south, by the sea;
and in longitude as the line of the Narraganset, running
from east to west, that is to say, from the said Narraganset
Bay on the east, to the South Sea on the west part, there
unto adjoining, together with all firm lands, soils, grounds,
havens, ports, rivers, waters, fishings, mines, minerals,
precious stones, and all and singular other commodities and
jurisdictions whatsoever, reserving to your majesty, your
heirs, and successors, only the fifth part of the ore of gold
and silver, as by the said charter may at large appear.
We have also had information that some time after your
majesty's grant, and said patent was sent to your colony of
Connecticut, the said country ofthe Narraganset was like
wise by patent granted by your majesty to the governor and
company of Rhode-Island plantation, and is by charter
bounded by a river called Paugautuck, which by said char
ter is forever to be accounted and called the Narraganset
river; and this latter grant of your majesty to Rhode-Island
seems to be founded upon advice submitted to by John
Winthrop, Esq. said to be agent for Connecticut colony^
and Mr. John Clark, agent for Rhode-Island; to which
the agents of Connecticut plead, that Mr. Winthrop's agen
cy for them ceased when he had obtained and sent the pa
tent to them, and that no submission or act of his could vali
date or deprive them of any of the benefits graciously grant
ed by your majesty's charter; and that notwithstanding the
seeming boundaries set by the said articles, signed by Mr.
Winthrop and Mr. Clark, it is in the same articles provided,
that the proprietors and inhabitants of the Narraganset
Country shall choose to which of the two governments to
belong, and that they unanimously chose and subjected to
the government of Connecticut, under which that planta
tion began to prosper till the year 1664—5, when some of
your majesty's commissioners (which is alleged, without
Colonel Nichols, then absent, could make no valid act) in
favour to the Rhode-Islanders, published some inadvertent
orders, since by Colonel Nichols and themselves reverted;
however, by the said orders and pretensions that the Rhode-
Islanders hy virtue of their patent make, we find they have
much molested the inhabitants, and discouraged the settle
ment of said country, and occasioned controversies between
the said colonies.
Pursuant, therefore, to the gracious ends to acquit those

233
disputes, we have carefully endeavored to obtain certain
knowledge ofthe bounds of your majesty's province of the
Narraganset Country; and upon the best evidence offered,
and examination of sundry ancient inhabitants, both .the
English and Indians, it appears, that a brook called Weca
paug, is near the sea, the westerly bounds ofthe Narragan
set Country; all the land, which is in breadth about four or
five miles, lying between the said brook and Paugautuck,
being the Pequod country, and by conquest taken from them,
and disposed of to several persons; within which limits lie
sundry farms, belonging, by ancient grant, to Harvard Col
lege, to Mr. Simon Lynde, and other persons, whose titles
being asserted, have been acknowledged by all others pre
tending propriety; and that the Narraganset bay or river,
where it falls into the sea, bounds the Narraganset Country
easterly; and by a testimony given by governor Winslow in
his life time, upon another occasion, and also by information
of sundry old and principal Indians, it appears that Patucket
river, lying between Rehoboth and Providence, was the
intended country and river between Plymouth colony and
Providence Plantations, which in Plymouth patent is call
ed Narraganset river; this Patucket river falling into the
greater Narraganset river or bay that bounds Narraganset
eastward; so that between the said river of Patucket, Que
nebaug and Nipmug countries to the northward, and We
capaug brook westerly, lies the whole dominion and territo
ries, containing the Cowessett and Niantick countries, form
erly and lately belonging to the Narraganset sachems, and
generally called the Narraganset Country. As to the claim
made by the colony of Plymouth to jurisdiction and soil in the
Narraganset Country, we find it hath only foundation from
the name given to Paugautuck of the Narraganset river;
and if anciently and truly so called, then Plymouth char
ter, if confirmed by your majesty, being granted by the
council of Plymouth, and bears date the 13th of January, in
the fifth year of the reign of your royal father, will deter
mine the controversy between Rhode-Island and Connecti
cut, and comprehend the whole Narraganset and part ofthe
Pequod country, the lands granted to Plymouth being bound
ed southerly by the Narraganset river; but with humble
submission we cannot see any cause to judge that the said
Paugautuck river anciently was, or ought to be, called or
accounted the Narraganset river.

234
1st. Because it lies some miles within the Pequod coun
try, a nation still extirpated by the English, often or always
at war with the Narragansets, and to which territories the
Narragansets never pretended.
2dly. Because Paugautuck river falls into the sea many
miles westward of any part of the Narraganset bay ; is the
river anciently called Narraganset river, both because it on
the eastward washes and bounds the whole length of the
Narraganset Country, and for that Plymouth colony, which
hath now been planted near threescore years, have ever
since bounded themselves, according to the scheme or lim
itation of their patent, by the same bay, called Narraganset
river, towards the south, into which the freshets of said riv
er called Patucket, empties itself in a precipice.
Thus, in all humility, having represented our opinions,
as to the bounds and jurisdictions, we humbly report our
opinions respecting propriety of soil as follows.
1st. We find that by one deed, dated the 11th of June,
1659, Coginaquand, chief sachem and proprietor of the
Narraganset Country, did give, grant, and convey unto
John Winthrop, Esq. and Major Humphrey Atherton, and
partners, their heirs and assigns, one large tract of land,,
now called the northward tract; and the said Coginaquand,
by another deed, dated the 4th of July, 1659, did, in like
manner, convey to the said John Winthrop, Esq. Major
Atherton and partners, another large parcel of land, called
the southern tract, or Namcock: And we find, by sundry
other deeds from the other sachems, the said conveyances
ratified, and sundry receipts and acknowledgments of fuU
satisfaction to all persons any ways concerned.
We also find, that by a deed bearing date the 13th of
October, 1660, Suguenth, Ninegret, Scuttup, and Quequa-
kanewet and Narraganset, sachems, for valuable conside
ration, mortgaged to Major Atherton and partners the re
maining part of the whole Narraganset Country, containing
the Cowhessett and Niantick countries; and find that, as
part of the consideration, seven hundred and thirty-five
fathom of peague was paid November the 16th, 1660, and
sundry other payments made, and gratuities given, to full.
satisfaction, as by sundry receipts and acknowledgments
doth appear; the commissioners of all your majesty's colo
nies approvin.g these transactions: And also we find, by
the testimony of John Poutton, William Cotton, Johi*

235
Rhoads, and Ambrose Leach, sworn before John Endicot,
Esq. Governor of the Massachusetts, the 22d of Septem
ber, 1662, and recorded in Hartford, that Scuttup and Nin
egret, with sundry other sachems, counsellors and Indians,
to the number of two or three hundred, being assembled at
a place called Pettequamscot, the said Scuttup, in presence
of said Indians and many English, also assembled, did, in
behalf of himself, brother, and friends, deliver possession
ofthe country, by turf and twig, to Captain Edward Hutch
inson, Captain William Hudson, and Mr. Richard Smith,
jun. in behalf of themselves and partners, declaring the
lands then to be already sold by deed, by themselves and
the rest ofthe sagamores, to Major Atherton and partners.
We also find, that the said Major Atherton, Captain
Hutchinson, Hudson, and partners, with great expense and
industry, applied themselves to the settlement and improve
ment of said country, many considerable farms being laid
out, houses and edifices erected, and two townships also
laid out, and methods for improvements; and terms agreed
upon with the inhabitants, the town named Wickford and
the other Newbury.
Also it appears, that the said purchasers did request and
intrust John Winthrop, Esq. to supplicate your majesty to
add the said Narraganset Country to the territories and ju
risdiction of Connecticut, which your majesty graciously
granted; and was farther graciously pleased, by your royal
letters, dated the 2lst of June, 1663, directed to the gov
ernors and assistants of the Massachusetts, Plymouth, Con
necticut colonies, to approve and encourage the purchas
ers' designs; and as your majesty pleased then to call them
laudable endeavours to settle and plant a colony to the en
largement of your empire, and to recommend said purchas
ers and proprietors to the neighbourly kindness and protec
tion of said colonies, willing them upon all occasions to be
assisting to them against the unjust oppressions of those of
Rhode-Island, with other expressions of your royal grace
and favour to the said purchasers; upon which titles and
.encouragements the claimers offer probable computation
and arguments, that their predecessors themselves, and per
sons concerned with them, have expended for purchasing
and settling the said country at least twenty thousand pounds ;
and that had not the ill effects ofthe orders made by some
of your majesty's commissioners that came over in 1664,

236
and the great molestations and pretersions of the Rhode-
Islanders obstructed the settlement, the country had, by the
planting ofthe said two towns, and other improvements,
been so peopled that great part, if not all the miseries of the
late Indian war had been prevented. Some other claims
have been made by Mr. James Noyes and others, of some
other (tract of land lying in the Niantick country, as de
rived from Harraan Garrat and his son, named  , pre
tended Indian sachems, who personally appeared before us;
but upon examination we cannot find the said Harman Gar-
rat or his son had any right or power to dispose of the lands,
the same having been, beyond the memory of man, possessed
by Ninigret; the other Indians acknowledging and testify
ing the same.
Other claims also were exhibited to sundry other tracts
within the Narraganset Country, but the titles being either
derived from or depending upon Mr. Winthrop's and Major
Atherton's purchases, we humbly conceive more proper for
a court of judicature.
Thus, after most strict and impartial inquiry and exami
nation, having stated, we most humbly lay before your maj
esty the several original claims and pretensions offered to
us, with respect to the propriety both of jurisdiction and
soil in your majesty's province or Narraganset Country;
and in farther obedience to your said commission have se
riously weighed and considered all evidences, pleas, proofs,
and allegations, and added our own observations of the
course ofthe Narraganset river or bay, and situation ofthe
country, so far as we have travelled therein; and with most
humbl e submission and reservation of your majesty's right,
eo far as it may appear to your majesty, offer our opinions,
that by virtue of your said letters patent granted to Con
necticut, jurisdiction in and through the said province or
Narraganset Country of right belongs to the said colony of
Connecticut, and that propriety of soil, as derived from Mr.
Winthrop and Major Atherton, is vested upon the heirs and
assigns of said Mr. Winthrop, the heirs of Thomas Chif-
finch, Esq. Major Atherton, Mr. Richard Smith, Mr. Si
mon Lynde, Mr. Elisha Hutchinson, Mr. John Saffin, Mr.
Richard Wharton, and partners, and such as derive ftom
them; no considerable opposition being by any corporation
or person given before us to their claim and title, the same
^^emg granted by the said agents of Connectiut; .notwith-

237
standing, we do not conceive that their said purchases do
any ways intitle them to any part of the Pequod country,
lying between Wecapaug and Paugautuck river, nor that
the former lawful purchases and possessions of the inhabi
tants of Providence and Warwick ought to be prejudiced
thereby. And finally, we hold it our duty humbly to inform your
majesty, that so long as the pretensions ofthe Rliode-Island-
ers to the government ofthe said province continue, it will
much discourage the settlement and improvement thereof,
it being very improbable that either the aforenamed claim
ers, or others of like reputation and condition, will either
remove their families or expend their estates under so loose
and weak a government. And to the end that your majesty
may at all times have more particular satisfaction, and the
persons concerned opportunity upon occasion farther to
prove their interest without hazarding their original evi
dences upon the sea, we have caused an oath to be adminis
tered to our said register, under his hand to attest all such
deeds and papers as have been received by us, and so copy
and truly examine the same; and in like manner to attest
to such copies, and afterwards to return the originals and
copies upon demand to the parties that produce the same.
In obedience to your majesty's gracious commission and
commands, we, with all humility, offer this our report,
which we cause to be duplicate, craving your majesty's gra
cious acceptance of our dutiful endeavors to approve our
selves. Your majesty's most loyal and obedient subjects,
EDWARD CRANFIELD,
WILLIAM STOUGHTON,
SAMUEL SHRIMTON,
JOHN PYNCHON, Jun,
NATHANIEL SALTONSTALL, Jun.
Boston, October 20, 1683.
As farther addition to our report, we humbly offer, that
since the close of your majesty's commission, Mr. Edward
Randolph arriving and signifying his power in behalf of his
grace the Duke of Hamilton to rhake claim to the King's
Province or Narraganset Country, we have again convened,
and summoned so many of the proprietors as could in so
short time assemble, and in their presence and hearing have

238
read the copy ofthe said Duke's deed, and heard Mr. Ran
dolph's pleas and improvernents therein, and find it takes in
part ofthe said Province or Narraganset Country; and have
also received the answers and defence of the said proprietors,
which we humbly transmit and submit to your majesty's
consideration; we have also ordered copies of the Duke's
deeds and proprietors' pleas to be sent to the colony of Con
necticut, to the end they may have opportunity, by the first
conveyance, to make their answers and defence before your
majesty. „
EDWARD CRANFIELD,
WILLIAM STOUGHTON,
JOSEPH DUDLEY.
Entered upon records, in the first book of public records
belonging to the King's Province, from page 36 to 42.
JOHN FONES, Recorder.
A true copy, compared out of the records belonging to
the King's Province, by SAMUEL FONES,^Clerk.
Kingstown, Sept. 25^ 1704.

ORDER OP THE PRESIDENT AND COUNCIL RESPECTING THE
RECORDS OF THE NARRAGANSET COUNTRY.
By order of the President and Council.
Boston, the 11th day ofJuni, 1686.
We, John Pynchon, Bartholomew Gidney, and Jonathan
Tyng, members of his majesty's council, have examined the
several acts, accords, deeds and entries, in the twenty -
seven foregoing pages, and find them to agree with the
originals in the hands of Captain Elisha Hutchinson, and
recommend it to the President and council, that the trans
actions in this book be allowed and declared good and au
thentic records; and that the same book be carried on and
employed for entry of the subsequent acts, orders, agree
ments, and transactions of the proprietors, deriving by,
with, and from John Winthrop, Esq. and Major Humphrey
Atherton, deceased, and their associates, and all other mat-

239
ters fit for public records, in the Narraganset Country, or
King's Province.
JOHN PYNCHON,
BARTHOLOMEW GIDNEY,
JONATHAN TYNG.
Allowed by the President and Council.
Edward Randolph, Secretary.

of her majesty's

proceedings of a court HELD BY HIS MAJESTY S COMMIS
SIONERS AND JUSTICES IN THE NARRAGANSET COUNTRY.
King's Province, June 23, 1686.
At a court held by his majesty's commissioners and jus
tices at major Richard Smith, in Rochester, in the King's
Province PRESENT.
Joseph Dudley, Esq., President.
John Winthrop, Esq.
Edward Rardolph, Esq. ' council.
Richard Wharton, Esq.
John Blackwell, Elisha Hatchinson, Richard Smith, Fran
cis Brinley, John Saflin, Esqrs.; John Fones, Thomas
Ward, James Pendlinton, gentlemen.
Imprimis, The power and commision ofthe president, and
the rest ofthe honorable gentlemen commissionated and for
that purpose, was read, and the president and all the jus
tices, there assembled, took the oath prescribed in said
commission, and the justices' oaths; also captain John
Blackwell, captain Elisha Hutchinson, Prancis Brinley,,
John Saffin, Esqrs, and Mr Thomas Ward, took the oath
of allegiance,
John Fones sworn unto the office of clerk to said court,
and all courts which shall hereafter be held in the King's
Province for the time being: The king's commission to the
president and council of his territories and dominions in
New-England openly read.
Commissions unto all the commissioned officers of the
respective companies ofthe militia in King's Province de
livered by the president, they having formerly taken the
oath of allegiance.
Ordered, That the three towns now in the King's Prov
ince shall be called Rochester, the first and chief, formerly
called Kingstown,

240
Haversham, the second, formerly called Westerly.
Dedford, the third, formerly called Greenwich.
Elisha Hutchinson, Esq. having exhibited a book and
reference, and report thereon, under the hands of John
Pynchon, Bartholomew Gidney, and Jonathan Tyng, Esqrs.
and the orders for allowance by the president and council at
Boston, dated the 17th day ofthis instant month June, it is
ordered, that the said book and report, and allowance there
on, be committed to captain John Fones, clerk and recorder
ofthis province, and that the matters entered in the said
book stand and remain as authentic records ofthe province,
and in the same book the clerk is ordered to enter such fur
ther records, grants, and bargains of lands, &c. as shall be
acknowledged and allowed before the president, or some
members of his majesty's council, from time to time, under
their hands, with several other deeds as have been allowed
by former authority.
For as much as sundry persons have been deluded, whilst
no government was settled upon the place, have been en
couraged, without license from the proprietors, to build and
make improvement upon the lands called the mortgage
lands; to the end, therefore, that all such persons may have
seasonable time to make their compositions, that so they
may, either upon purchase, rents, or other good agreements,
enjoy their respective improvernents, where they seem not
prejudicial to townships nor highways, it is ordered, that no
possessor, as incumbent of or upon any such lands, shall
be molested, nor any action upon the title of land brought
against them, before the twentieth day of August next. In
case upon treaty with the proprietors, or their committee,
they receive not satisfaction in the terms, the said possess
ors or incumbents shall, upon their complaints, be heard by
the president and council at Boston, and relieved so far as
may be consistent with common justice and his majesty's
service, who will further direct to the trial and issue of the
difference.
FRANCIS BRINLEY.

241

documents rel.4,ting to westerly.
Many particulars relating to Westerly, will be found in
the first part ofthe volume. See also Roger Williams' let
ter to Major Mason. petition to assembly.
To the Honorable Gentlemen of the Court of Commissioners,
assembled together in his Majesty's name for the colony of
Providence Plantations at Portsmouth the 27th of August,
1661.
Please ye honored Gentlemen, there being an opportuni
ty or presentment of a certain piece or tract of land, lately
discovered or made known; which tract ofland lyeth in a
situation in the furdest or remotest corner of this Colonies
jurisdiction, called by the name of Ascomicutt: which tract
ofland is fairly promised or ingaged to a sartaine number of
adventurers upon the design of purchase of it: which adven
turers are members ofthis Colony and well wishers t'hereto:
who desire to do nothing that shall prove prejudicial to the
interest and honour ofthe Coloneys privileges or advance
ment: but are now confronting the adversaries ofthe Colo
ny: which by a species of intrusions are seeking to make
inroads upon our privileges of Colonies jurisdiction; the
premises considered, your petitioners are bold under cor-
rectin to pray in case we can make the adversarie: which
is both to the colony and us to retreatt,
which we question not: in point of right and title from the
natives: therefore we being willing to proceed in all poynts
of loyallity that may suit with the advance and honor ofthe
colony, we humbly crave your favorable approbation coun
tenance aud assistance to us in the settleing of a plantation
on Towneshepe: in or upon the above said tract of land
called by the name Ascomicutt, which number of persons
may probably extend to the number of 30, 40 or 50 or there
about which are thence to inhabit, thearof many of
are persons constrained to make inquisition and seek
out for land for a comfortable livelyhood. So honored gen
tlemen if it be your pleasures to grant your petitioners re
quest or petition as wc are, so we subscribe and remain

242
your humble petitioners and servents to our power for oui
selves and in the behalf of the rest of our company.
WILLIAM VAHAN, -\- his mark.
JOHN COGGESHALL,
JOHN CR.1NDAL,
HUGH MOSIEUR,
JAMES BARKER,
CALEB CARR,
JAMES ROGERS, 1 R his mark.
JOSEPH TORRY,
JOHN CRANSTON,

THE FOLLO-WING IS A COPY OF THE BOOK OP RECORDS OF THE'
ORIGINAL PROPRIETORS OP WESTERLY.
A copy ofthe Purchase of Socho, the true owner of Misquam-
acock.
This deed or writing bearing date this present twenty-
ninth day of June, one thousand six hundred and sixty, wit
nesseth, that T. Socho an Indian Captain of Narraganset,
being the true and lawful owner of a tract of land called
Misquamicoke, for a valuable consideration in hand paid to
my content, have bargained and sold unto William Vaughan,-
Robert Stanton, John Fairfield, HughMoshur, James Long-
bottom, all of Nuport in Rhode-Island and others their as
sociates, which said tract ofland being bounded as followeth,
Easterly by a place called Weecapaug or Passpatanage
joining to the Nianticut land, on the South by the main sea,
on the West by Pawcatuck river, and so up the chief river
or stream northerly and northeasterly to a place called Que-
quatuck or Qupquachanocke, and from thence on a straight
line to the first named bounds called Wecapoag or Pachat-
anage joining upon the Nianticut land as abovesaid; which
said tract ofland so butted and bounded as aforesaid, I the
said Socho do for myself, my heirs, executors, administra
tors, and assigns, surrender up all right, title, claim or in
terest whatsoever to the said land or any privilege appertain
ing to the said land, fully instating the said William Vau
ghan, Robert Stanton, John Fairfield, Hugh Mosier, James
Longbottom and their associates, their heirs, executors, ad
ministrators or assigns, to the said land and proprieties there-

243
of, to the worlds end. In witness whereof I the said Sosoa
have set to my hand and seal the year and date abovesaid.
The mark of cp SOSOA. |l7s:|
Sealed signed in presence of
Jeremy Clarke,
Latham Clarke,
Henry Clark,
AwASHvvASH '- — his mark.
The mark W° of Nucum, Interpreter.
George Webb,
George Gardiner.
Here followes some Testimonies to the Premises.
This doe testify, April the 13th 1661, wee whose names
are  written testify, that whereas there is a tract ofland
bounded by Pawcatuck River as appeareth by the deed un
der Socho's hand  doe testify that before sealing ofthe
deed dated 29th of June 1660,  proper right of So
cho as largely as fully as the deed doth declare  we do
not only speak our owne but the Sachems of Narraganset
doe the same whose persons we present Suckquansa," Scut
tup, Ne  The mark  q of AWASHOUS,
The mark --f - of POATOCK,
The mark y^ of UNKAQUANT,
The mark o of NOEWAM.
English witness that this is 

John Akers, j\ his mark,
Latham Clarke.
This present writing is to testify unto all men that it com-
eth to or whom it may concern, that we the chief Sachems
ofthe Narroganset Indians and ofthe country thereabouts,
doe testify upon certain knowledge that whereas a certain
Indian Captain named Socho living at this time in the Nar
raganset country or thereabouts or near unto the same at
Masquachoawaug, hath sold unto Robert Stanton, John
Fairfield and other Newport men of Rhode-Island, a cer
tain tract of land containing about ten or twelve English
miles in length from the sea and southermost part of it up
into the lands northward, as also being in breadth from east
to west at some places three English miles, and at some

244
places more, and towards the southermost end being a neck,
it is there about two miles from sea to sea, which said tract
of land is bounded on the west side by the cove or harbor
that goeth into Pacatucket and from tbe head of the said
cove the fresh river is still the bounds ofthe said tract, and
the said tract is also bounded on the north and on the east
side by a line [known and described] by certain marked
trees which the said Indian Captain Socho marked before
witnesses to that very end, wee the Sachems abovesaid, do
on our own knowledge testify, that the afore mentioned and
premised tract of land hath been and was at the time of
foresd sale thereof, his the said Socho's owne, absolute and
undoubted right, land and possession, and was his owne and
at his own choice and freewill and pleasure to sell or 
to whomsoever he pleased, without any of our or any other
Indian having to do to hinder the same, on any pretence of
right or claim whatsoever, and to the true testification and
manifestation ofthis our affirmation, we do hereunto put our
tends after the manner of Englishmen, this 19th day of April
1661, also it is clear from any English or any conquest of
theirs.
The mark cp of CACHAQUANT.
This Sachem put to his hand in presence of us.
Will. Helmes,
Jeremiah Clark. The mark ~| of SAMMECAT, a Sachem.
0= AwASHous witness to it.
IV " NucoM interpreter, a witness,
y\ John Acres,
Latham Clark.
The mark ^ of John Econsomith, an Indian, wit
nesseth that he heard the Sachems of Narroganset owne
this that is above written.
This witnesseth that I Awashous, do affirm by these pres
ents, concerning a  of land called Squamocuck, which
was formerly the land of Socho an Indian captain and by him
sold to certain Englishmen of Newport on Rhode-Island,
as appeareth by a deed of sale ofthe same bearing date the
29th day of June 1660, I the said Awashous do affirm that
the foresaid parcell of land mentioned in the said deed of
sale, according to the bounds therein specified, was the
proper right ofthe said Socho, being given to him by the

245
chief sachems ofthe Narragansets for removing off from the
said land a parcell of Pequit Indians that annoyed the said
Narrogansett Indians, and this was done and accomplished,
and the said land conquered by the said Socho, and it being
and confirmed to him by the chief sachems Meantinomy and
Quononicus about two years before the wars between the
English and the Pequits, for the aforesaid service in re
moving the said Indians as is before mentioned, and other
points of service that the said Sosoa did in and for the Nar
roganset country, and this abovewritten I the said Awa
shous do know to be true upon my owne knowledge, a.^; be
ing privy to the former proceeding thereof, and for the con
firmation ofthis aforesaid, I the said Awashouse have hith
erto sett my hand this present 15th day of June 1661.
The marke of 0=' AWASHOUSE.
Witness, Thomas Gould,
Jeremiah Willis.
The mark W" of Nucom, Interpreter.
I the said Nucom do not only this to be the act and deed
of Awashouse, but do also affirm upon my owne knowledge,
that the chief sachems of the Narroganset country, with
other the inferior Indians, have formerly owned and it was
generally reported, that the foresaid parcell of land have
been so conveyed as is above-written, and that the said
Awashouse have voluntarily and of his owne accord given
this foresaid declaration, without any instigating thereunto.
June 16th, 1661.
The marke of W ° NUCOM.
Witness, Thomas Gould,
Jeremiah Clarke.
A Copie of Pessicus his Confirmation.
Newport, the 24th June, 1661.
Know all men whom it may concern, that Pischicus,
chief sachem ofthe Narragansett country, do really and ful
ly own and confirm the act of my brother Meantinomy, as
also the act of my uncle Conanicus, both of them, in giving
and passing over of a tract of land called Misquamicuk to
an Indian captain called Sosoa, which tract ofland was giv
en Captain Sosoa for valorous services done for us against
the Poquets before the English had any warr with the Pe-

246
quels; this tract of land is bounded as followeth, on the
east by a place called Wecapagoe joyning to the Nianticut
land, this cornerbounds is the southeast corner ofthe laud, by
the salt sea which corner bounds is about ten miles from Pau
catuck river, as also on the south side bounded by the main
ocean from the first named bounds westerly to the mouth of
Paucatuck river, and on the west side bounded with Paucatuck
river, and so up the chief river or stream northerly or north
easterly about twenty miles up the chief river and stream to
place called Quecatuck or Quequathanick, and from this
northeast corner bounds it is bounded upon a line south-east
to the first named corner bounds by the sea or main ocean,
which corner bounds joyns to the Niantick lands by the salt
sea, this land thus bounded I Pischicus do affirm to be
Sosoa's or his assigns, and further, whereas my uncle Nin
igret sayeth that it is his land, I do utterly deny it before
all men, for it was conquered by my brother Meantinomy
with the help of this valorous Captain Sosoa, one year or
two before ever the English went to war against the Pequets,
and ray uncle Ninigret had no hand in the war, therefore I
really affirm it and confirm it to be Sosoa's land, his heirs,
executors, admuiistrators or assigns forever from all others
whatsoever. Witness my hand and seal the year and day
above written.

His mark.
Signed, sealed and delivered in
presence of as witnesses,
Stukely Westcott.
The mark SS of Samuel Stafford.
The mark of Newcom, "W "
Awash C_| shass.

PESSICUS, ^H^ ^Ts

A copie of Cachanaquant' s Testimony.
Nuport on Rhode-Island, March 14th, Hl^.
Cachanaquant, brother to Quissuckquansh, and being
both chief sachems ofthe Narraganset Indians and country,
the said Cachanaquant the day and year abovesaid doth de
clare and testify in solemn manner the particulars follow-
,ing: first that whereas there was war between the Pequots

247
and Narraganset about thirty years ago, being some years
before the English had war with the said Pequots, it so fell
out that some Pequots came in those days over Paucatuck
river, and seated on the neck called Misquamicock, which
was the Narraganset lands and territories, whereupon the
Narragansett Sachems, Canonicus and Miantonomy, em
ployed a capfaine of those parts their subject to destroy or
beat off those intruding Pequots, and in case he so did, they
gave to him and his forever the said land called Misquami
cuck, which said tract ofland is bounded by the sea on the
South, and by the river called Pawcatuck on a part ofthe
west side, and by a pond called Weakapaug on the east
side next the sea, and so running north-westerly into the coun
try twenty miles from the sea, andthe said tract being broader
within land than it is on the sea coast before mentioned. —
And further, the aforenamed Sachem affirmeth that the cap
tain before intended that was employed to remove those
Pequots aforesaid was named Sosoa, and is still living, and
known by that name who did accordingly beat off the said
Pequots from the aforesaid land, and took and kept the same
ever since, it being given him by the abovesaid Sachems
for the service aforesaid, which said service he did and took
possession therefore of the abovementioned tract of land two
years before the war began that fell out between the En
glish and the Pequots. And further the Sachem abovesaid
affirmeth that ofthe obovementioned tract of land the said
Sosoa was absolutely the true and rightly instated owner,
and was capable to make firm sale thereof, none other Sa
chem or Indian having any way power of right to contradict
or disannul the same. And lastly he doth affirm that Nen-
ecraft nor no other ofthe Nayantick Sachems, either have
or ever had any right of claim to any part or parts of the
aforementioned tract of land. And to the truth hereof the
said Cachanaquant doth put to his hand in confirmation of
the same. CACHANAQUANT, ^^ his mark.
The abovesaid testimony ofthe abovenamed Sacliim Ca
chanaquant was given the year and day first abovewritten,
March 14th, J||^. Being examined and taken before me.
BEN. ARNOLD, Gen'l Assistant.

248
A copy of Wawaloam the wife of Miantonomy her affirmation and
confirmation of Socho alias Sossoa his deed and grant.
-^.spanansuck or Hakewaraepinke,
the 26th of June, 1661.
Know all men by these presents or whom it may concern,
that I Wawaloam which was the wife of the deceased Sa
chem Miantonomy, do thus testify and affirm of my perfect
knowledge, I did hear my husband Miantonomy as also my
uncle Canounicus both of them joyntly dispose give and
pass over a tract ofland named Misquamicuk, to a valorous
Captain named Socho, this tract ofland it is bounded as fol
loweth, on the East corner by a place called Weecapaug or
Pespataug joyning to the Nayhanticut land, by the salt sea,
which is about 10 miles from Pawcatuck river, this bounds
is the South East corner, and on the South side bounded
with the main ocean from the first bounds westerly to the
mouth of Pawcatuck river and from the mouth of Pawcatuck
River bounded by Pawcatuc river which is the west bounds
ofthis tract ofland, and so up the chief river or stream of
• Pawcatuc river northerly and northeasterly about 15 miles
from the mouth of Pawcatuc river up to a place called Que-
quatuck, and from this northeast corner bounds it is bound
ed upon a line South-east to the South-east corner which is
by the main ocean joining to the Nianticut land, as it is
above named, Weecapaug or Passpatanage, this land thus
bounded be it 20,000 acres more or less, I Wawaloam do
affirm it to be Socho's or his assigns, and further whereas
my uncle Ninegrad sayeth that it is his land, I Wawaloam
do utterly deny it before all men, for it was conquered by
my husband Miantonomy and my uncle Canonicus long be
fore the English had any wars with the Pequots, and my
uncle Ninegrad had no hand in the war, this land was given
and past over to the valiant Captain Socho for service done
for us before the English had any wars with the Pequots,
therefore I Wawaloam do really affirm it and confirm it to
be Socho's land, his heirs, executors, administrators or as-
signes, forever, from all others whatsoever. Witness my
hand and seal the year and day above written.
The mark of ^^ WAWALOAM. ^xTK]

249
Signed sealed and delivered in presence of us witnesses:
Stukely Westcott,
The mark of Samuel Staffon,
The mark of |  D Maussecup,
The mark of P-i Awashshous,
The mark of W° Newcum.
A copy of Awashous and JYucOm their deed.
This present or writing made on the fifth day of October,
in the year one thousand six hundred sixty and one, wit
nesseth, that we Awashouse apd Nucom both of Narrogan
set being the owners of a certain tract of land called Nis-
quitianxsett, lying near adjoining upon a certain tract of
land called Misquamicuk, lately by Soso or Sokso an Indian
sold unto Wm. Vaughan of Nuport in Rhode-Island and
his associates, do acknowledge and by these presents do
bargain,, sell, alienate, ratify and confirm the said tract of
land called Nisquitianxsett, bounded southerly on the ocean,
on tbe westerly side by Weecapaug, easterly by the
land Mr. Smith bought of Hermon Garrett's father called
Seepoocke and northerly by Machaquamagauset and Ba-
petaushat unto William Vaughan, and the company pur
chasers of Misquamicuk for a valuable consideration in
hand paid, and therefore do for us, our heirs, executors,
administrators or assigns, or from any other that may make
claim thereof or to a~ny part thereof, as from us, by any bar
gain, sale, promise or contract whatsoever, fully and really
relinquish all right, title, claim or interest whatsoever to
the said tract of land aforesaid, as it is so butted and bound
ed, and forever do confirm^ ratify and establish the said
tract of land together with all immunities, privileges and
appurtenances thereon or thereto belonging whatsoever un
to the said William Vaughan and the rest of that company
purchasers- of Misquamicuck, to have and to hold, firmly to
possess and enjoy to the world's end. In witnss whereof
we have sett to our hands and seals the year and day above
written. 
The mark of AWASHOUSE, — — o [L. S.|

The mark of NUCOM, 'W" |L. S |

250
Sealed, signed and delivered in the
presence of us
Jeremiah Clarke. g_
The marke of Ellen NicKsoN, IS
The mark of Socho, ZHZD
The mark of Capt. Coxcomb, i
These articles of agreement made in the year ofte thou
sand six hundred and sixty or sixty-one, March the two
and twentieth, between us whose names are underwritten,
about a tract of land bought of an Indian captain called So-
sooa' of Narroganset, the land being called Misquamakuck,
as appeareth by deed by us John Fairfield, Hugh Mosher,
Robert Stanton and James Longbottom:
First, that we whose names are abovewritten, do give,
grant, ratify and confirm the same privileges with ourselves,
unto all those names are underwritten, according to their
proportion of land in the aforesaidpurchase.
21y. That all we whose names are underwritfen, or tbe
major part oPus may transact any thing that we see cause
in or about theaforesaid land.
31y. That if any of us transact any thing about the afore
said land, without the consent of the whole, or the major
part, shall be disowned and of none effect.
41y. That all charges that hath been already out about
the aforesaid land, shall be repayed to the disbursers sud
denly without delay, so soon as the disbursers bring us their
account to the rest ofthe company.
61y. That each of us whose names are here underwritten,
or shall be hereafter added, shall bear equal charges to what
have been out already, or shall be out hereafter, in any case
about the land aforesaid, according to the proportion ofland
they have,
61y. That what charges shall be out from time to time,
shall be brought in twenty days after they shall have warn
ing from us or the major part of us.
7ly. In case that any bring not their money as is above-
said, nor give satisfaction to the company, shall forfeit their
land, and what they have been out already.
8ly. That the deed and all other writings about the afore
said lands, shall be kept in V^'iliiain Vsnghan's house, and
that each of the purchasers shall kave (If thty desire it) a

251

copy ofthe deed or any other writings that thereto belong,
paying for the draught thereof.
9ly. The parties that have interest in the- aforesaid land
are, William Vaughn having a whole share, Robert Stanton
having a whole share, Hugh Mosher having a whole share^
John Fairfield haying a whole share, James Longbottom
having a whole share, Shubal Painter having a whole share.
lOly. Whosoever that we shall agree with, that shall have
a proportion ofthe land aforesaid, shall have the same.privi-
leges as ourselves, provided that according to his propor
tion he set to his hand to these or the like articles.
Illy. That we shall meet to consult about the aforesaid
land so often as occasion shall present, at William Vaug-
ban's house.
12ly. That to all the aforesaid articles we engage each to
other to be faithful and true to perform the foresaid articles
that here is above written, whereto we set to our hands.

Hugh Mosher,
William Vaughan,
John Fairfield,
James Longbottom,
John Green,
Jeremy Willis,
John Coggeshall,
Edward Smith,
John Crandal,
James Rogers,
James Barker,
William Slade,
Henry Timberlake,
Kd. Greenman,
Ed. Richmond,
Edward Larkin,
Shubal Painter,
John Cranstone,
Caleb Carr,
Joseph Torry,
Robert Carr,
Tobias Saunders,
Henry Basset,
William Gingill,
Obadiah Holmes,
Jireh Bull,

William Helmes,
William Weeden,
John Maxson,
Joseph Clark,
Pardon Tillinghast,
John Nixson,
Antony Ravenscroft,
James Babcock, Sen'r.
John Room,
William Codman,
William Dyre, Sen'r.
George Bliss,
John Richmond, Jun'r.
James Sands,
John Tiler,
John Lewis,
Hugh Parsons,
Francis Braiton,
William Foster,
John Havens,
Jefferey Champlin,
Richard Morris,
John Tripp,
Lawrence Turner,
Robert Burdick,
Emanuel Wooley,

252

John Macoone,
Andrew Langworthy,
Richard Dunn,
John Fones,
Thomas Waterman,
Matthew Boomer,
John Spencer,
Nicholas Cotterall,
Samuel Dyre,
Thomas Brownell,
Robert Hazard,
Gideon Freeborn,

Henry Percy,
Philip Shearman,
Thomas  ,
William Havens,
Thomas Manchester,
John Anthony,
Samuel Samford,
Christopher Almy,
Mahershallalhazbuz Dyre,
John Cowdal,
John Albro,
Ichabod Potter.

July 29th, or September 9th, 1661.
It is ordered, that those which do now go to Misquama-
¦coek, or the major part of them, shall have full power and
authority to make choice of a place for a township or town
ships, and also survey and lay out the town lots according
to proportion and their discretion by lot, and it is further
ordered that such as do now go, shall have for the time they
are absent, three shillings a day allowed them out of the
general stock, and it is further ordered that those which do
now go and stay to build and keep possessit)n of the land,
shall have choice of their town lots.
AtMisquamocuck, the 15 of Sept.
It was agreed that the town should begin on the north
side ofthe brook by the great neck, and so to extend up
along the river on the east side of the highway, the neck
,and  being left for common, also the first seven lots
were reserved and appointed for some that did engage to
stay, but all failed except Toby Saunders, Robert Burdett,
and Joseph Clarke, Junr., all lots were determined 12 rods
broad and 80 long, except the foresaid seven
House lots drawn and cast are as follows:

Walter Cunnigraye 63
Caleb Carr 27
Thomas Dunghan 59
Thomas Gould 64
Lawrence Turner 73
Jeffrey Champlin 48

Nathaniel Dickens 37
James Barker 19
Philip Smith ' 57
Sam. Helmes 29
John Peckam 46
John Green 42

253

John Crandal

61

Peleg Tripp

34

[Wm.] Helmes

14

John Ti-ipp, Senr.

18

George Bliss

28

John Room

69

Matthew Boomer

10

Thos. Manchester

32

Sam. Dyre

20

Jeremiah Westcoat

44

Jireth Bull

36

Sam. Stafford

66

John Fones

71

John Wood

67

John Spencer

22

Henry Basset

54

Mr. Ben. Arnold

19

John [Peperdy]

ri]

Mr. Wm. Dyre

13

Antony Ravenscroft

45

Tho's Clarke

23

John Coggeshall

[15]

Emanuel Wooley

60

Joseph Torrey

:72:

John Richmon, Senr.

16

Hugh Moshur

26"

John Fairfield

70

Wm.. [Gingill

33'

James Longbottom

65

Francis Brayton

[38"

Wm. Vaughn

30

[Andrew Langworth

41"

Henry Tibbits

11

[James Rogers

43'^

Rob Austin

12

John Macom

40

Wm. Lytherland

74

Wm. Slade

49

Latham Clark

68

John Clark

9

Jeremy Willis

47

James Babcock

52

Capt. Cranston

88

Sam. Samford and )
Christ Almy ]

56

Ed. Greenman

39

Nich. -Cotterell

65

Bartholomew West

50

John Samford

75

Tho's Waterman

16

John Briggs

17

John Havens

35

John Antony

63

Ajcts and Orders made by the Purchasers of Misquamicock.
July 9, 1661.
That every man that have a whole share is to make up his
purchase money the full sum ofseven pounds, according to
the articles of agreement, and they that have but half a
share are to do the like according to their proportion of
land, and this money is to be paid to Wm. Vaughan, at his
house, within 20 days after the date hereof, or else to forfeit
their interest according to the articles of agreement.
It is likewise ordered, that each purchaser shall go pre
sently to Misquamicuck, but in case any of us cannot go,
then he is to [allow] the company that go three shillings a
day money pay, until they have an opportuni'y to return
,again.

254
Ordered that it is left unto Wm. Vaughan his discretion
to make choice of and agree with two men to go to Mis-
quamocuck to take possession for us as long as he or they
shall see cause.
Ordered, that if any man that is to have any right or pro
priety with us, do not appear within two days after he be
fairly warned, and sign to this agreement, he shall wholly
and totally lose his share and the money he hath been out.
July 10th, 1661.
Ordered, that every man that have a share or half a share
at Misquamocuck, shall take his turn personally or by his
deputy a whole fortnight at a time, when Wm. Vaughan
shall see cause to warn them for that purpose, or else to
yield himself wholly disfranchised, but it is intended that he
that have but half a share shall be allowed for half his time,
but every man is to bear his own [charges] (we mean") in
providing provision for himself, and further, no man is to do
neither more nor less than we have or shall authorise them
to do.
And we do agree that if any man that shall go to Mis
quamocuck to take qr keep possession upon our account, and
they or either of them shall be any ways troubled or molest
ed upon that account, that we [the] aforesaid purchasers do
engage to bear equal share of all charges or expenses so
expended upon the account aforesaid, provided they [act]
according to their order as aforesaid.
July 29th, 1661.
The distribution of the lands at Misquamscuck into the
several shares unto the purchasers, being unanimously
agreed, Sept. 9th, 1661, to be laid in eighteen shares.
Robert West a quarter 

[ni the] upper part.

[Jeames] Case a quarter [Share
 ni the] upper part.

William Vaughan a sharo and half.
Hugh Mosher a whole share.
John FairSeld a whole share.
James Longbottom a whole share.
John Green, Sen'r a whole share.
Thos. Gould a whole share.
Wm. Vaughan, for his private friend
a whole share.
Shubael Painter half a share.
James Rogers half a share.
Jeremy Willis half a share. To Wm. Vahan to make his [6]
Henry Timberlake half a share. I part that he hath [at] the lower
Edward Smith half a share. | part for [more] in the upper part,

255

as will make it good a whole share
to clear the latter purchase he hath
paid fifty shillings.

Philip Sherman a quarter-of a [share]
of Wm. Vaughn.
.Wm. Carr a quarter part in the up
per  and to be — ^ — if it

may be afterward.

George -

- a quarter part upon

John Crandal half a share.
Edward Richman half a share.
John Richman, Sen. half a share.
John Coggeshall half a share.
Wm. Slade a quarter of a share.
, Ed. Greenman a quarter of a share.
Ed. Larkin a quarter of a share.
Capt. Cranston [a quarter of a share]
Caleb Carr half [a share.]
Robt. Westcott a [quarter of a share]
Joseph Torrey a quarter of a share.
Robert Carr a quarter of a share.
Joby Saunders a quarter of a share-
Joseph Clark Jr. a quarter of a share-
Henry Basset half a quar. of a share.
James Barber half a share.
Obadiah Holmes a quarter of a share.
Wm. Weeden a quarter of a share.
Wm. Dyre a quarter of a share.
John Samford a quarter of a share.
John Clark a quarter of a share.
Wm. Gingill J^ a quarter of a share.
John Briggs J a quarter of a share.
John Aiitony a sixteenth.
Thos. Manchester a sixteenth.
Thos. Waterman J a quarter.
Wm. Vaughan a quarter more.
Capt- Cranston a quarter more.
Caleb Carr a quarter more. j
Rich. Browne an eighth to go dwell
there. 1
Agreed upon by usallthat we will not exceed sixteen shares-
except every purchaser agree to the contrary. But Sept.
9th it was found necessary to advance the shares to eigh
teen, which was unanimous assented unto: the division is
as abovesaid. [The last sentence apparently inserted at a
later time.]
Ordered that Capt, Cranston and Caleb Carr is granted
each half a share apiece, and if in case that every pur
chaser agree to exceed sixteen shares, that then Capt,
Cranston and Caleb Carr is to have half a share apiece
more. . August 19th, 1661.
Agreed by the company, that whereas Robert Westcoat,
hath resigned Up his. share to the company, it is transferred
to James Barker, Obadiah Holmes and Wm. Weeden.
Agreed that Wm. Vaughan and Caleb Carr is chosen to

condition to build a mill sufficiently
for the plantation and to keep it in
sufficient repair, and grind for two
quarts in the bushel, and this mill
tobe built by Dec 21, 1663.

[ This right hand column is in a
different hand, and apparently
written later than the rest.^

256
treat and agree with Mr. Richard Smith and his two sons,
about a writing which Mr. Richard Smith sent to William
Vaughan and "the company, wherein they make proffers of
joining a tract of land with the tract ofland of the compa
ny's, and John Crandal is joyned with them.
A copy ofthe Writing.
This may testify that whereas Wm. Vaughan with others
associated with him, have made a purchase ofland near on
Pawcatuck River, of Sosoes, which land is called by the
Indians Squamocock, it is by these presents agreed, that if
Mr. Vaughan and his associates do enjoy that land and
make good proof of their title, that then Richard Smith,
Sen'r. of Narraganset will throw in and join all his title and
right of lands he hath formerly bought of Quequash Coke's
father Quequash Coke, Harman -Garrett, to the foresaid
lands called by the name of Squomocuck; belonging to
Mr. Vaughan and his associates: always provided that
Richard Smith, Sen., his son Richard Smith and James
Smith shall have an equal share each of them with fie that
hath most in each tract: to the truth hereof Richard Smith,
Sen'r. and Richard Smith, Jun'r. have sett to their hands
this 2nd of August, 1661.
RICHARD SMITH,
RICHARD SMITH, Jun'r.
Ordered, that next Second day after the court, the com
pany shall meet together in the towne (early in the morn
ing) to go to Misquamocuck, but if in case that William
Vaughan, Capt. Cranston and Joseph Torrey see cause,
that there should be a meeting ofthe company before they
go, they are to give notice to the company and appoint a
time when and where to meet.
Ordered that they that have but half a quarter of a share,
shall have equal [acres] for house lotts with him that hath
a whole share, likewise [the half share and quarter] share
and all shares betwixt a whole share and half quarter of a
share is to have the same proportion of acres, provided they
allow three acres for one, for so many acres as they have
more than their proportion.
Ordered, that all the affairs of Misquamocuck be left to
a committee of Trustees, videlicit: ^m. Vaughan, [John]
Coggeshall, Hugh Moshur, Caleb Carr,  Crandall,
 ¦  and James Barker are added and  or the
[major part] of them did agree, so to stand  [force]  .

257
The last of August, leei.
Ordered by the Trustees, that all purchasers shall meet at
Caleb Carr's the next second day come seven night about 9
o'clock, to go to Squamicuck, likewise those men that have
theif shares granted upon the account to go to dwell there,
according to their engagement are to have warning given
them to provide to go with the compahy and to stay there;
the names ofthe men which had their shares granted upon
the account aforesaid are Shubael Painter, Joseph Clark,
Junr., Toby Saunders, Ed. Larkin and Wm. Gingill.
Ordered, that all those that do not go to Misquamocuck
with the rest ofthe company, shall pay 6d a day a piece for
the company's use, for so many days as they shall be upon
the voyage^ that is tb say, from the day appointed to go un
til their return home again.
September 18lh, 1661.
Agreed by the Trustees, tliat John Coggeshajl and Hugh
Moshier is chosen to take the accounts of Wm. Vaughan of
what he hath received and laid out about Misquamocuck.
Agreed that Wm. Vaughan and John, Nickson is chosen
treasurer to receive what monies is brought in, and to pay
out what is ordered about Misquamocucke; but if it so fall
out that there should be a sudden occasion to lay out monies,
so .that the Trustees cannot be all called together, that then
the said Wm. Vaughan and John Nickson shall have power
to call three or four ofthe Trustees or any other ofthe pur
chasers to join with them about the laying out of money as
aforesaid. It was agreed by all except Shuball Painter and [a blank]
to raise and make the shares of land to be eighteen, and
dispose to [Wm.] Dyre a quarter share, to John Samford a
quarter share to Mr. John Clark.
Agreed that all those that had land granted to them last
upon the increase to eighteen shares, shall bring in their
money to the treasurer within 20 days according to the first
order. Agreed that forasmuch as there is want of money in the
treasury, that every one that hath a whole share shall bring
in [5 pound] to the [treasurer] within 20 days, that every
one that hath half a share [50s]  , for the pay it is thus
agreed, wheat at 6 shillings pr bushel, Indian corne at 4
shillings  , peage at 10 pr penny white and 5 pr penny

258
black, and ifany other pay they are to be equivalent to the
abovesaid, but all those that have not or will not set to their
hands to the raising of 18 shares, shall pay according to 16
shares' proportionally, but if in case that any do not bring in;
their money to the treasury within 20 days as abovesaid, or
agree with the treasurers, for default shall forfeit their lands
according to the former order, and likewise what they have
been out. JYevember 12th.
Ordered by the company met concerning Misquamocuck,
that all matters concerning the affairs of the said lands, be
left wholly to the Committee or Trustees to act for and in
the behalf of the [whole] company of purchasers and pos
sessors of that tract ofland, the former trustees being fully
authorized and eight more added to them to make it fifteen,
viz: Wm. Lytherland, James Rogers, John IVixon, Joseph
Torrey, John Roome, [James Babcock,] Philip Sherman
and Robert Westcoat, this committee or the —  ~ 
to act all affairs for the. whole according to the best of [their
understanding.] ;'¦•
It is ordered that for the supply of Toby Saunders and
Robert Burdett, who are  prisoners in the Massachu
setts, that there be [20s] on each share [raised] and paid ii>
wheat, [peage,] pork or beef or sheep as according to [sil
ver] pay [and this to be paid into the treasury within 20 days
or  ¦  the prisoners charges at present
January the 29th, '61-62.
It is agreed that some shall be appointed to survey the
[tract] ofland at Misquamucock, and take a platt of the cir
cumference thereof, and that also a sufficient party shall go
along with the surveyor or surveyors thereof to abide upon
the said lands to hold possession thereof, in the beginning
of March next ensuing.
It is agreed that Mr. Vaughan, Mr. Nixon and Mr. Ca
leb Carr shall take care to provide a boat, and use their best
endeavor to make provision for the company that shall go in
March next to Misquamacuck, also to Capt. Underbill for
his testimony, also that Awashouse and Soso be appointed
to be at the General meeting on the 17th of February next.
It is agreed that (quantity and quality considered,) for the

259
division ofthe land, it be stated as originally imo eighteen
shares, that so when it comes to be divided according to
proportion, every of these eighteen draw his lot for an
eighteenth, then upon sabdivision half shares draws for
theirs, and that each choose and agree hisparlner, and that
ifany do not agree their partner, the trustees upon the 
shall appoint partners, and also upon the subdivisions ofthe
smaller proportions the same order shall be obseived, pro
vided also that if it be found fit to make commons and com
monage, it shall be stinted according to due proportion.
It is ordered that all papers concerning Misquamocuck,
shall be transcribed into a book and so records made of
them, and the original deeds, testimonies, ratifications and
confirmations shall be sealed up and the book and deeds de
livered to Mr. Vaughan to keep safely, and we desire Mr.
Wm. Dye to transcribe them in their order.
It is agreed that forasmuch as there is great occasion of
the [advice] and assistance^ of Robert Westcoat concerning
our affair about Misquamoeuck, as upon his desire also, we
do [receive]'him and allow him a quarter share of land, also
a place ofthe number of trustees being vacant, for weighty
reasons we do admit him (hereto, to make the committee
complete. At the General Meeting upon Feb. 11th, 1661-62.
Agreed that the whole tract of land at Misquamocuck be
in reference to the eighteen shares, reduced to three upon
the first dividend, and so to take its progress to eighteen.
Agreed that Wm. Dyre is chosen for surveyor of Mis
quamocuck. Agreed that it be referred to the trustees to make full
agreement with allsuch persons as shall go to take and hold
possession of Misquamocuck for their abode and residence
there as shall be thought meet by the trustees for the set
tlement thereof, who are to meet on Saturday next for that
end, being 22d of this present.
February 22d, 1661-62.
It is ordered that 5 [pounds] be allowed to every man to
the number of 18, that shall go and abide at Misquamocuck,
and that they might engage under their hands on — forfeit
ure apiece, to be there till November next, and be observ
ant to this orders to be given by the trustees and their dep-

260
uties, Nicholas Browne to have an eighth of a share and
his son to have 5 [pounds] they being two ofthe eighteen:
to which forfeiture they subscribe their names.

James Babcock,
John Ba-bcock,
John [Cowdal,]
NicH. Browne,
Wm. B-

[ToBiAs Saunders,]
Robert Burdett,
[Joseph] Clarke,
[Edward Richman,]
John Macoone.

[Ni] ckson's house lott being [one of the 8.]

-and Wm. Dyre:

they shall agree with any  to go along with the  .
March 1 , 1662.
It is ordered that a rate of eight pounds upon a share is
found necessary to be raised, for the satisfaction of those
men who are engaged to go to dwell at Misquamocuck, and
also for the provision ofthe boats to go to Long Island, and
the surveyor and his assistants, and^ to defray other debts
and necessaries at present, and it is further agreed that this
levy be raised and paid within 20 days of the date hereof,
or that they have warning — ^ — is to say one half thereof,
to witt, 4 pounds upon a share, and to be paid to  other
of the treasurers in bacon at 6d per lb.,^wheat at 4s 6d
per  Indian corn at 3s per bushel, pork at 3d per lb.,
beeif at 2d per lb. or peage  twelve the penny white, six
black, and the other moiety or half of  — to be paid at
or on the 29th of September next ensuing in the same [spe
cies] and rates, provided also that upon paying in of the
first part of that rate,  man shall give his bill of debt un
to the treasurer Mr. Vaughan or any other that shall be as
signed, to pay the second part at the day appointed, or else
the articles in that case made to stand in full force and vir
tue. It is ordered that the vessel and all provisions be fitted
to go away the  of March next, and that all men that
are to go be ready against that [day].
It is ordered that the treasurers shall appoint, if they
please, a messenger to give warning to all men who are
principals or their hands to  articles, for to bring in
their payments, which messenger is to be  with and
satisfied out ofthe treasury.

261
It is ordered that James BabcocTi, John Cowdal, Tobias
Saunders, [Nich.] Browne, be appointed and hereby are
commissionated to act for us as — the managing our affairs
at Misquamacock, who are to discourse and  answers
to any that shall come to debate matters with them, [they]
(or any two of them) to forwarn any whatsoever either to
build or sow, mow  or fall timber upon that tract of
land, and to  in as moderate manner as may be, they
are to see that no  or hard words proceed from any of
the company that shall — settled by us, towards any oppo
nents that shall present, also that — foddering time is past
this present March or April, that they give warning to
drive away their cattle, horses and swine, and if they 
then power is hereby given to our men to drive off any their
 '¦ from the said ground or land within our purchase or
precincts of  as they shall be ordered by the committee
aforesaid, provided that if — difficult case shall arise, that
then the committee shall send home to  ¦ — Island to the
trustees for advice, provided also that none that is 
there to stay, shall at any time depart from there without
 from the committee there being, and then upon any
necessary  ¦  above two be sent and make their spee
dy return again, and ifany shall go or depart contrary to
order as abovesaid, he shall forfeit his engagement, provid
ed also, that if any ofthe trustees at any time shall happen
to be at Misquamocuck, that they also have power with the
 named committee to advise and act.
It is ordered from heceforth that [each], trustee that ap
peareth — the place and time of meetings of the trustees
b^ing lawfully  , he shall forfeit 3 — money pay to
the company of trustees.
It is ordered that Mr. Coggeshall, Mr. Torrey and Mr.
Carr shall take — accounts ofthe treasurers Mr. Vaughan
and Mr. Nixon and settle them.
June 23d, '62.
It is ordered that the trustees take care to satisfy John
Coggeshall for  he hath disbursed to Joseph Wise for
the relief of the prisoners.
It is ordered that W. Vaughan, J. Crandall, W. Dyre,
J. Torrey, and J. Coggeshall shall draw up a remonstrance
{of all passages concerning Misquamocuck, and send it to

262
Mr. John Clark, and ^gn it with as many ofthe trustees'
hands as possible may be procured.
For the purchasers of Misquamucuch.
Wee by the power given us by his Majesty's commission,
having heard the complaints of some of his Majesty's sub
jects, purchasers of certain lands called Mis<juamocuck,
lying on the eastern side of Pawcatuck river, and having
likewise heard all the pretences of those by whom they have
suffered great oppressions, and considering the grounds
from whence these differences and injuries have proceeded,
and endeavoring to prevent the like for the future, do de
clare, that no colony hath any just right to dispose of any
lands conquered from the natives, unless both the cause of
that conquest be just, and the lands lie within those bounds
which the King by his charter hath given it: nor to exer
cise any authority beyond' those bounds, which we require
all his majesty's subjects to take notice of for the future,
lest they incur his majesty's displeasure and suffer deserved
punishment. W6 likewise declare that all those gifts or
grants of any lands lying on the eastern side of Pawcatuck
river, and a north line drawn to the Massachusetts from
the midst ofthe ford near to Thomas Shaw's house, and in
the King's Province made by his Majesty's colony of the
Massachusetts to any person whatsoever, or by that usurp
ed authority called the United Colonies, to be void, and we
hereby command all such as are therein concerned tore-
move themselves and their goods from the said lands bef or
the nine and twentieth day of September next, in the mean
time neither hindering the Pequot Indians from planting
there this summer, nor those of the King's Province who
are the purchasers, from improving the same, as they will
answer the contrary.
Given under our hands and seals at Warwick, April the
4th, 1665.
ROBERT CARR, [lTs^

GEORGE CARTWRIGHT, |L. S-.|

SAMUEL MAVERICK, |L. S.|
King's County, ss. South-Kingstown, April Ithy 1749.
Mr. Thos. Hiscox of Westerly personally appeared and
made oath that this book is the ancient book which he had

263
reference to in his evidence given before me this day, re
specting the entries therein inserted.
THOMAS HISCOX.
Colony of Rhode-Island, King's County, sc.
Taken on solemn engagement in South-Kingstown, (in
perpetuamrei memoriam) this seventh day of April, A. D.
1749. WM. HOPKINS, Judge Sup. Court.
JAMES GARDNER, Justice.

Here end the records of the proprietors. The one from
which we copy which is probably the original and the only
one, is much defaced and mutilated. It will be observed
that the meetings of the purchasers and trustees were gen
erally held in Newport, to which place the greater part of
them belonged.
The following papers also relate to the Sosoa or Westerly
purchase. "¦The testimony of Henry Bull of lawful age testifieth
and saith, that I was well acquainted with an Indian who
was commonly called Capt. Soso, who was often at my
house, and did tell me he was a Pequit Indian. I asked
him why he lived among the Narrogansetts: he said he had
formerly killed a Pequit Indian, and was afraid to go home.
Some time after I was informed that some of Rhode-Island
were about to purchase a certain tract of land called Mis-
quamicutt of the said Soso. I being acquainted with the
sachems of Narrogansett, was informed by them that Pe
quit land did come as far as WeaCopange eastward. Soon
after some of the purchasers came to me, and desired me
that I would join with them in tbe purchase of Misquami-
cutt, which I refused, and told them that it was Pequit
land so far as Wecopauge. Soon after Capt. Soso came to
my house: this deponent asked him how far Pequit land
came: he said as far as Wecopauge. I asked him why then
will you sell that land which is conquered: he said that the
English men would buy it of him, but it was none of his to
sell, but the English men did persuade him to take money
for it.
Henry Bull appeared and made oath to the above written
testimony the 15th of June, 1665, before me.
RICHARD SMITH, Justice of the Peace.

264
These may certify to whom it may concern, that this is a
true copy of an evidence of Henry Bull, taken before Rich
ard Smith, Justice of the Peg,ce the 16th June, 1665, as
appears to me by being attested by said Smith under his
hand. Compared by me.
JOSEPH LYNDE,
One of his Majesty's Council for the province ofthe Mas
sachusetts Bay in New-England, and Justice of the
Peace within the same."

The declaration of Sonis,,an antient Indian and Cookruf-
fin, and Indian Ephraim, three of Ninicraft's council, and
alse Wonisquiant, a very antient Indian, testifieth as fol
loweth, that to their certain knowledge that the westward
bounds of the Narroganset country is as followeth: South
erly beginning at the sea and from thence north to the mouth
of Wekapog brook following' the brook to the head, from
thence northerly near the side of a great fresh meadow called
Quinamoge and from thence northerly across the river call
ed Pawcatuck, and so up to the river called Ashawage riv
er, and so following that river up to the forks of said river,
and from thence still northerly to a hemlock tree which
stands amongst a ledge of rocks. This is the westward
bounds of the Narrogansett coflntry.
The mark of R SONIS, Indian.
The mark of E COOKRUFFIN, Indian.
The mark of =] EPHRAIM, Indian.
The mark § of WONISQUIANT, Indian.
Mr. Thomas Stanton of Stonington and Joseph Babcock
of Westerly being of lawful age  in open oath, they
being interpreters and knowing to the Indian tongue, did
hear the abovesaid Indians declare, after the above written
being deliberately read to them, and hearing the inter
preting of the same to them, they did declare the above-
written to be the truth to their certain knowledge.
Taken before me in Westerly March the 4th, 1705-6.
PETER CRANDAL, Justice ofthe Peace.

Thomas Stanton aged sixty seven years, being engaged
according to law, testifieth and saith that I having the Indian

265
language well, have been well acquainted with the bounds
ofthe Narraganset country for upwards of forty years, by
information of many ancient and knowing Indians, whereby
I very well know that the western bounds ofthe Narrogan
set country is, southerly beginning at the sea and from
thence north to the mouth of Weekapoge brook following
the brook to the head thereof, and so running northerly near
the side of a great fresh meadow, and so northerly into the
country, it being Narroganset land east of Weekapoge
brook, and Pequit land west of said Weekapoge brook.
The abovesaid Thomas Stanton took his solemn engage
ment to the abovewritten. Taken in Westerly March 4th,
1705-6, before me.
PETER CRANDAL, Justice ofthe Peace.
John Shaw of Westerly being about sixty years of age,
and having the Indian language Well, being engaged ac
cording to law, testifieth to the above written testimony and
addeth that James Noyes his farm in Controversy with John
Albro, is on the west side of Wequapouge brook, in the
Pequit country. The abovesaid John Shaw made oath to
the above written, March 7, 1705-6, in Westerly before me.
PETER CRANDAL, Justice of the Peace.

These questions were given and answers taken from the
Pequits, and some ancient and noted Narragansets, by Amos
Richason and James Noyse, in the presence of Mr. Thomas
Minor, Commissioner, Aug. 15, 1679.
Q How far the Pequit country extends eastward.? A.
Suckquiskheeg and Waquichichgun, two ancient Pequit In
dians, affirm upon their own certain knowledge, that the
Pequit country was bounded eastward by Wecapaug brook.
Q, Whether Paucatuck river was ever called Narrogan
set river? A, Corman, an ancient Narroganset Counsel
lor, and Tomsquash, Suckquiskheeg, Waquichichgun, an
cient Pequots, agree and affirm with the consent of man/
Indians present, flip river called Paucatuck river lyeth in
the Pequot country and was never called Narroganset river
tb their knowledge.
Q, Whether Soso an Indian had any title to the land called
Squamocock on the east side of PaWcatuck river,-' A. Cor
man, Pawetaquet, two noted ancient Narrogansets, and

266
Tamsquash, Suckquiskheeg and Waquichichgun, noted an
cient Pequots, with many other Indians present, affirm that
Soso was a Pequit Captain and no Sachem, and that he
never was an owner of land, and run to the Narrogansett*
in time of war, and treacherously returned to Pequot and
killed a great Pequot Captain, and the Narroganset Sa
chems rewarded him with a bag full of peage, which bag
was made of a young bear skin, and that they gave him no
lands, neither had he any right to Squamocock lands.
Q. Where is the head of Pawcatuck river? A. The
abovesaid Indians all agree and aflirm that the head of Paw
catuck river is a pond called Chipchug, which lyeth above
the pond called Aquebapaug.
Q. Where is the eastern bounds of the Narroganset coun
try? A. Corman and Pawetaquet, and all the Pequot In
dians present, which were many, agree and affirm that the
river near Mr. Blackstone 's house, which river is called in
Indian Pautuck, which signifies afall, because there the/resh
water falls into the salt water, and now a saw-mill stands
there, is the dividing bounds between the Narraganset coun
try and the Wampanoag land.
A Pequit woman was interpreter, called Hannah, who
well understood the Indian language and English.
The mark of Hannah, Indian Interpreter.
Stephen Richason and Joseph Minor being acquainted
with the Indian language and present, they do attest unto
the true interpretation that that is the substance of what was
spoken by the Indians. Stephen Richason hath attested to
the truth of what's above written upon oath, that he rightly
understood it to be so. Stoningtown 15 Sept, 1679.
Before me, THOMAS MINOR, Commissioner.
The mark S of Simon, an Indian that can speak Eng
lish, attests to the truth of what's above written. That on
the other side and above written is a true copy of the ori
ginal. Dec. 16, 1679. Per JAMES RICHARDS, Assistant.
This is a true copy of the original compared therewith,
Sept. 6, 1686. Per Jno. Allyn, Sec'ry.
Vera eopia. Per Weston Clark, Recorder.

267

Our next document begins with a rude sketch, something
like what follows:

In New London, this 4th
of Aug. 1662, Woncas Sag
amore of Mohegan, by re
quest of Capt. George Deni
son, appeared before me and
this above draft being drawn,
he declared to my under
standing and affirmed that at
what time the English did
conquer the Pequods, their
country did reach to a brook
called Wexcodawa, which
brook falls into the end of
that pond called Nekeequa-
wese, and that that land fal
ling between that and the
pond called Teapanock, call
ed by them Muxquata is and .
was then Pequit land. The |
sanJe is affirmed by Cassasi- ^
namon, and that he being
then a boy used then to drive ^
 there for the Pequits' ,^
deer into that neck of land, g
Also Nesawegum affirmeth
the same, and that eastward
of that brook Wexcodawa is
and was Narroganset land,
belonging to Ninigrad's land
his heires by marrying of
Harmon Garret's sister.
Uncas, his mark.
Cassasinamon, his mark
Neesawegum, his mark.'
JOHN TINKER,
Assistant.
This is a true copy com
pared with the original and
the Indian draft as near as
may be, as attest,
Edw. Rawson, Sec'ry,

Pawcatuck Biver.

%

«^%;

'^C)

'c4.

tVeacapaug brook

268
Newport, Sept. 6, 1704. The above is a true copy ex
amined per Nathaniel Coddington, Asst.

At a session oj the Court, March 1st, 1653-4.
Upon the complaint of Pawcatuck Indians, this Court
doth order that they shall enjoy their planting ground at
Pawcatuck, provided they carry friendly and peaceably to
the English.
And Goodman Stebbing and Goodman White being to go
to Pawcatuck, have liberty granted them to look out and
find where Mr. Haynes may have at Pawcatuck the farm
of 300 acres formerly granted, which was then to abutt in
part or whole upon Pawcatuck river, and they to make re
port to the Court of what they shall find, and the true bounds
of what is desired.
The above written is a true copy taken out of the public
records of her Majesty's Colony of Connecticut, as it stands
recorded in book numbered B. fol. 43.
Teste, Eleazer Kimberly, Sec'ry,
At another session of the General Court holden at Hartford,
May 21, 1657.
This Court doth approve of the place for a farm for Mr.
Haynes at Pawcatuck, which Edward Stebbins and John
White have looked out for him, about a mile and a half be
yond Pawcatuck river, as is expressed in an order March,
1653-4, and for quantity according to Mr. Haynes' his
grant at a Court, June, 1662.
The above written is a true copy taken out ofthe public
records of her Majesty's Colony of Connecticut, as it stands
recorded in book numbered B, fol. 81.
Teste, Eleazer Kimberly. Sec'ry.
Wee by the power given us by his Majesty's Commiss
ion, do require and command that the heirs or assigns of
Mr. Haynes be suffered to enjoy the lands above mention
ed without molestation, until such time as his majesty's
pleasure be further known concerning the same. Given
under our hands at New-London, March 27, 1666.
ROBERT CARR,
GEORGE CARTWRIGHT,
SAMUEL MAVERICK.
The above written is a true copy.
Teste, Eleazer Kimberly, Sec'ry.

269
At the second session of the General Court held at Boston the
19th of October, 1658.
In answer to the petition of the inhabitants of Mistick
and Pawcatuck, the Court judgeth it meet to grant that the
English plantation between Mistick and Pawcatuck be nam
ed Southertowne, and to belong to the county of Suffolk,
and order that all the prudential affairs thereof be managed
by Capt. George Denison, Robert Parks, William Cheese-
brooke, Thomas Staunton, Walter Palmer, and John Mi
not, Sen'r. till the Court take further order; and that Capt.
George Denison, William Cheesebrooke and John Minot,
Sfen'r. be commissioners to end small causes there, and to
deal in criminal matters as one magistrate may do, and that
Walter Palmer be constable. Captain Denison clerk of
the writs, and he also is hereby empowered and author
ised to solemnise marriages between such as are published
according to law; that the said Capt. Denison taking his
oath be empowered to give the oath to the other two, pro
vided always the bounds of the town is not hereby deter
mined. [At the same Court.]
In answer to petition of inhabitants of Southertown, hum
bly desiring for several reasons, that the bounds of their
plantation may extend into the country [west]ward between
Weacapauge and Mistic river eight miles from the mouth
ofMistick river, the Court judgeth it meet to grant their
request. True copies examined with the record.
Per J. Addington, Sec'ry.

BOSTON NECK, QUIDNESET PURCHASES, &C.
The partners of Atherton in the Quidneset and Namcook
purchases, were John Winthrop Governor of Connecticut,
Richard Smith, Sen., and Richard Smith, Jr., of Cocum
scussuc, traders, Lieut. -Wm. Hudson of Boston, Amos
Richardson* of Boston, and John Tinker of Nashaway,
trader. * Amos Richardson's will was proved in 1683. He had resided in Ston-
mgton before his death. He gives to hfs grandson Amos his farm on the
east side of Paucatuck river, occupied by Mr. Wells. His piortgage and
flther Narragansett lands he gave to his sons Stephen and Samuel.

270
Jonathan, son and administrator of Humphrey Atherton,
sold all Atherton's share in the Boston neck purchase, be
ing about 700 acres on the point adjoining Pettaquamscut
harbor, to Richard Smith, for X50. July 23, 1673. [L. £.
1. 37.]
Jonathan Atherton, in 1676, sold to John Saffin and
Thomas Dean all his own Narroganset rights, and in 1677,
as administrator on his brother Increase Atherton's estate,
he sold the deceased's rights in the Narroganset lands, be
ing ^ part, to John Saffin.
John Saffin* was tried in 1679, before the Rhode-Island
Court of Tryals, for the offence of adhering to a foreign ju
risdiction, and sentenced to forfeit all his real and personal
estate and pay a fine. Richard Smith was indicted for the
same offence at the same time, but the indictment was
quashed for informality. [Sup. Co. Rec. at Newport.]
Edward Huchinson gave all his Narroganset rights to
his daughters. [L. E. 1. 442.]
Capt. Thomas Willet formerly owned a large tract in
Boston neck. By his will made in 1671, proved Aug. 12,
1674, (Plym. Rec. 3. 114) he gave all his lands in Narra
gansett to his grandchildren, the children of his daughters
Martha wife of John Saffin, Mary wife of Samuel Hooker,
and to his daughter Esther who afterwards married a Flynt.
Andrew Willett sold off to Rowland Robinson 300 acres
ofthe south part of his farm 110 rods and 6 feet wide. (L.
E. 2. 122.) By his will he gave his Boston neck farm to
Francis and Thomas Willett. Thomas, by his will, proved
1725, gave his part to Francis, and after him to Willett,son
of his sister Mary Carpenter, and William son of his sister
Martha Pease.
Richard Smith, Sen. made his will in 1664. He gave to
his son Richard the homestead lands, bounded south-west
by Annoquatucket river and land of Capt. Wm. Hudson, and
north-east and east by a river, creek and cove. The greater
part ofthe remainder he gave tobe divided equally between
his son Richard, his daughter* Elizabeth wife of John
*Hon. John Saffin removed from Boston to Bristol about 1688. He
had also resided about 10 years in Scituate, Mass. He was born in Eng
land and died at Bristol, July 29, 1710. His first wife was the daughter of
Capt. Thomas Willett. He afterwards married Rebecca, daughter of Sam
uel Lee. [Baylies' Plymouth, part 4. 51-8. 170.]

271
Viall of Boston, the children of his daughter Joan the de
ceased wife , of Thomas Newton, and the children of his
daughter Katharine, deceased, wife of Gilbard Updike. —
Smith's house stood where the present Updike house is,
near Wickford. It was burnt down in the Indian war and
another built in its place,
Richard Smith, Jr.'s will was proved 1692. He gave to
Lodowic Updike all his homestead as far south as was then
fenced in, with his Sogoge land, on condition of his surren
dering his interest in the Wesquage farm. To Daniel and
James Updike the land south of Wickford, then occupied
by Jacob Pindar and John Thomas. Tolsrael and James
Newton the Wesquage land. To Thomos Newton Hog
Island and his house in Bristol. To Elizabeth Viall alias
Newman the Boston neck land on which Alexander King
lived. He gave legacies to Richard son of Lodowic Up
dike, and Smith son of Thomas Newton, &c.

June 16, Anno, 1675.
" At a warning and general meeting ofthe proprietors of
the southern tract ofthe land at Narroganset in which the
land called Boston Neck lyeth, it is by the said proprietors
mutually agreed and concluded in order to the division
thereof, viz.
Secondly, It is agreed that Mr. Richard Smith shall have
and enjoy his share of land on the said neck, and also the
share which was his father's next adjoining to the land that
was Major Humphrey Atherton's,- at the south end of the
said neck.
The above written is a true copy of part of the division
of Boston Neck, which did belong to Mr. Richard Smith.
Taken out ofthe book of the proprietors belonging to the
Narraganset country, this 6th day of July, 1717,
by Francis Willet, 'Town Clerk."
"At a meeting ofthe claimers or proprietors ofthe South
ern Tract commonly called the Neck purchase, at the
house of Richard Smith at Narroganset, April 23d, 1685,
it was agreed as followeth:
Whereas John Winthrop, Esq. late Governor of Connec
ticut, Maj. Humphrey Atherton of Massachusetts, Richard
Smith, Sen'r. Richard Smith, Jr. of Cocomscossuck, Wm.

272
Hudson and AmosRicheson of Boston and John Tinker of
Nashaway, purchased of Coqinaquond sachem of Narro
ganset a tract or parcel ofland in the Narraganset country,
as by deed dated July 4, 1659, being bounded by Cocum-
scussock brook on the north-east, from thence running on a
west line until the pond lying at. the head of Matutuxot or
Pettaquamscot river which pond is called Pausacaco pond,
bears from thence south-east on the south-west bounded by
Mattutuxot river to the sea, and bounded by the sea or wa
ter on the southeast; the abovesaid purchasers admitted
Capt. Edward Hutchinson late of Boston, an equal sharer
or purchaser with them in said grant or tract ofland as ap
pears from their record; Namcock Neck being part of said
grant was surveyeil about twenty-five years since, and
agreed to be divided into eight shares, viz: seven hundred
acres at the lower end of said neck next the sea unto Maj.
Atherton, which he accepted of. as his full share in said
whole tract of land bounded as abovesaid. And the rest
ofthe said neck to be divided into seven equal shares unto
the abovesaid proprietors, (Maj. Atherton only excepted)
which said neck was divided as by a platt under Mr. Wm.
Withington'shand in tbe year 1676, the order of lying andthe
quantity of land being laid and consented to remain to the
abovesaid proprietors, and such as appeared for them, and
on their behalf, which land is to remain to the said purchas
ers, their heirs and assigns forever.
The remainder of said tract or purchas being now sur
veyed and measured by Mr. John Gore; also Mr. Richard
Smith's land included in said deed, taken into the plott;
notwithstanding it expresseth a west line to run from the top
of a rock southward of his house : it's agreed and concluded
to by said Mr. Smith that: That line is to run south fortyT-
two degrees west to Annoquetucket river; and all other di
visions, with Mr, Smith's land abovesaid, to lye, be and re-
mainet o the severall purchasers, theire heires, executors and
assigns forever, as in the plott abovesaid now taken and to
be returned to us by said Gore. As also one hundred and
fifty acres to Samuel Eldred Sen.; fifty acres to Samuel
Eldred Jun.: to them, their heirs and assigns forever. The
whole tract or purchas of land contained in the abovesaid
two plotts, as also Mr Smith's land included in said deed,
is to be and remaine to said Smith with the abovesaid pro
prietors or assignes. And Samuel Eldred, Sen. and Sam-

273
uel Eldred, Jun., and to their respective heires and assignes
forever; in the same order for place and quantity and qual
ity as is expressed in the abovesaid plotts; and that each
proprietor shall allow good and sufficient high-ways to be
laid out through theire respective divisions, as hereafter
shall be by the proprietors thought meet, convenient and
commodious for the publick benefit, and least prejudiciall
to any particular person. In witness whereof the subscri
bers, being purchasers, or claimers in the right of the
abovesaid purchasers, have hereunto sett our hands and
sealls, this 23rd April, 1685.
JOHN SAFFIN, [L~S:j
R'D. WHARTON, \l7s:\
ASAPH ELLIOTT, JLTS]'
JOHN WINTHROP, iLTsTj
ELISHA HUTCHINSON, [LTsTj
RICH'D SMITH, {LTK]
Witness*. Rich'd Speare,
John Goure,
Dan'l Eldred,
Alexander Huling.
The above written is a true copy of a paragraf of the pro
prietor's meeting, taken out ofthe 22 page of the ancient
Book of Records, belonging to the Narraganset country.
June 14, 1720.
Per FRANCIS WILLETT, T. C.
June nth. Anno 1676.
It is also agreed on by the proprietors that Samuel El
dred, Sen. shall have and injoy one hundred acres of land
scituate in some part of the southern tract without Boston
neck, as soone as the said land is laid out.
A true copy taken out of the 16th page of the ancient
Book of Records belonging to the Narraganset country, &c.
June 14th, 1720.
Per FRANCIS WILLETT, T. Clerke

274
The above and within written are true copys taken out of
the IJecord of a Court of Inquiry held in Kingstown, &€,
Aug. 30th, 1721.
Per FRANCIS WILLETT, C. of said Court.

"A copy of what was written on Mr. Gore's plat, referring to
the division of part of JYamcook or Boston JYeck in April,
1686.
The ABCDEFGHIKLMN contains a plat of
6105 acres of land lying in Narraganset or King's Prov
ince, being part of a tract commonly called called Namcook
or Boston Neek, granted, surveyed and divided in April,
1686. The several divisions therein described contains as
followeth: Mr. Winthrop, 843^
Mr. Wharton, 843i
Tv/o Parcels.— Mr. Smith, 1687
Mr. Tinker, 843i }¦ 6105.
Mr. Richeson, 843^
Mr. Hutchinson, 843i
Mr. Eldred, 200|^
Unto which is annexed a tract of Mr. Smith's land, bound
ed by the following letters, RQPOIKLVTSIPand
by the b'ay and harbor, as also a neck of land belonging to
Mr. Wharton surveyed by Mr. Wm. Withington, contain
ing 200 acres, with sundry other pricked lines describing the
lying ofthe land along the Bay, which aforesaid surveys
were performed and finished at the request of Mr. Richard
Wharton, Capt. Elisha Hutchison, Mr. Richard Smith, Mr.
John Saffin, and others concerned, by me.
JOHN GORE, Surveyor.
Boston, August 9th, 1705. The above written instru
ment is a true copy of what is upon a platt ofland as was
presented to me as a survey, and signed John Gore, of
Namcock or Boston Neck, lying in the Narraganset coua-
try, truly compared by me. Nathaniel Coddington."
On the survey made by Wm. Withington in August 1675,
of which there is a certified copy in the Supreme Court
Clerk's office at Newport, and one much mutilated in the
Washington Co. Common Pleas Office, the first lot (begin-

275
ning at the point) of 700 acres is set down to Richard Smith
in right of Maj. Atherton. The two next lots of 661 J acres
each are set down to Richard Smith, one in his own and
one in his father's right. The next lot of 661| acres to
Major John Winthrop. The present road to the south
ferry divides this lot about the middle. The next lot 661i
acres to John Saffin, who probably represented the heirs of
Capt. Thomas Willet. The next of 661i acres to James
Brown and John Payne. The next of 661| acres to Capt.
Hudson, and the last northerly one of 661J acres to Capt.
Edward Huchinson.

papers respecting petti (lUAMScuT purchase.
Jan. 20, 1657. Quassaquanch, Kachanaquant and Que
quaquenuet, chief sachems of Narraganset, for £16 and
other reasons mentioned in the deed sell to Sam. Wilbor,
John Hull of Boston, goldsmith, John Porter, Sam. Wil
son and Thos. Mumford, " all the land and the whole hill
called Pettequamscut, bounded on the south and south-west
side ofthe rock with Ninigret's land, on the east with a riv
er, northerly bounded two miles beyond the great rock in
Pettequamscut; westerly bounded by a running brook or
river beyond the meadow, together with all manner of
mines," Sec, they to have free ingress and egress on the
Sachem's lands. They also grant them all the black lead
in this title and in a place called Coojoot. Witnessed
by John Lawton and Philip Lang, and signed only by
Kachanaquant. [L. E. 2, 147.]
(Quassuckquansh signed a similar deed, together with
Kachanaquant, ofthe same date, L. E. 2, 149.)
Kachanaquant having agreed Jan. 29, 1657, to convey
to the same men another tract, confirrns the former sale and
conveys a tract "bounded as followeth — beginning two
miles from Pettiquamscut Rock, north and runneth to the
head ofthe great river 40 rood and goeth northerly from
the Pettiquamscut Rock and turneth northeast and from
said head goes north and north-west by a river called Mo-
nassachuet ten miles, and from that bound turns and runs
west by south ten miles or twelve miles on a square and
what it wants north, to be made up, &c." for £135, dated
June 24, 1660, witnessed by Wm. Wilbor, Mathew Wilbor,

276
John Round, &.c. (L. E. 2, 147.) Appended to this deed
is a confirmation made several years after by three sons of
Kachanaquant. Having purchased of Ninigret seven miles square, i. e.
seven miles west from Pettequamscut Rock, and all the
land between said rock and the sea, March 20, 1657, they
obliged to obtain a confirmation ofthe sale Feb. 28, 1661,
from Wanomachin another sachem, who also conveyed to
them all his lands seven miles west and south-west of the
great cedar swamp, together with the swamp. [L. E. 2, 150.]
About 12 years afterwards, April 1,25th Charles 2nd,
the purchasers (of whom there were now seven, Wm. Bren
ton and Benedict Arnold having been admitted by them)
obtained another deed from Wanomachin, who in the deed
is called sachem of Nayhantic, conveying " a tract ofland
running south and west from the. rock at Pettiquamscut in
that part ofthe said colony abovementioned, and containing
and including all the land between the river Muskotage
which runneth from the said rock to the sea south and south
east, and the river Saugotogkett which lyeth west from the
former river, and runneth into the ocean." [L. E. 2, 163.]
Wanomachin had delivered Slezin in the English form,
April 1661, and the certificate ofit is witnessed by Antho
ny Low, John Tift, Eber Sherman and Peleg Sherman.
[L. E. 2, 165.]
Feb. 25, 1661, they obtained another deed of Kachana
quant, consenting to have their lands laid out, and "what
is wanting northerly at the head ofthe great river and pond,
shall be made up westerly or any part of my land adjoining,
i. e. to say along the great Cedar Swamp, and all my lands
in the north-west side of said swamp as also beyond the
second Indian path that goes to Pequot north-west of that
path." This was to makeup the twelve miles square. He
acknowledges himself in debt to them £13, 16s for 1.3 coats
a pair of briches, &c. [L. E. 2, 154]
Besides these they obtained confirmations from various
sachems, Samattock, Succohan and Mossecup the two lat
ter nephews of Cachanaquant. [L. E. 2, 151-4-6.]
The following is a copy of a protest which some of the
Indians were induced probably by interested persons to
make against the Pettiquamscut purchasers. It is to be
found in the Massachusetts Records. (See .3 vols. Extracts
R. I. Histor. Soc. 1, 146.)

277
" Wemosit otherwise Suckquansh, Ninicraft, Quequaka-
nut, otherwise Gideon, chief Sachems of the Narraganset
and Neantick countries, having received much injurie by
Samuel Wildbare and others of his companie, they pretend
ing titel to Point Jude and other lands adjoyneing, and have
indeavoured to possess themselves forceably ofthe same,
both by building and bringing cattell, we having given them
warning to the contrary, and they not taking warning, nor
indeavored to drive their cattell from ofthe lande, but they
resisted and one of them presumed to shot of a gun at us.
Now we knowing we have not sould them any land there,
and being thus injuriously dealt withal by them, we are
forced to make our com  to yourselves the commis
sioners of the United Collonies, hereby protesting against
the said Samuel Wildbare and companie for their so unjust
actings, and crave that this our protest may be received by
you, and kept upon recorde with you as our acts and deeds,
and crave that it may not be offensive to any English, if
that Samuel Wildbare and his company will not come to any
faire trial, either before yourselves or some other indifferent
judges, if then, we endeavour to drive their cattel away or
take any corse whereby we may dispossesse them. That
this our acte and deed we have put to our marks and seals
in the presence of these witnesses, this 9 Sept. 1662."
It is signed by Ninicraft, Quequegusewet alias Gidian,
Scutabe, and Mosipe alias Susquansh.
This protest was made to the Commissioners ofthe Col
onies, and they wrote to Rhode-Island concerning it. The
letter is in Haz. 2, 448. In their letter Mosipe is called
Moses, Scutabe is called Stulcop.
Benedict Arnold was admitted into the company by the
other six purchasers, June 4th, 1668. [L. E. 2, 316.]

JYewport in the Colony of Rhode-Island and Providecce Plan
tations.Whereas the partners of Petaquamscut did meet in New
port on the fourth day of June last past, and did then and
there agree that Mr. Benedict Arnold, Sen. of Newport,
should be a seventh partner with them, both in lands and
minerals, in Petaquamsut, in which writing of the said
.agreement there is something found that may prove to be

278
damage to the said Mr. Arnold, .the writing not being so
full and clear as we thought it had been in respect to the
lands; — We do now declare that Mr. Arnold aforesaid was
and is to have one seventh part of all the lands and miner
als abovesaid, and to be accommodated with a house lot and
land according to the quantity and goodness as ours is,
which is already laid out, and is to receive his seventh part
ofthe payments for what land is formerly sold by us. Pro
vided, the said Mr. Arnold do pay one seventh part of all
disbursrnents relating to the said lands, both past and to
come. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed
our hands, the 17th day of -^pril, 1669.
WILLIAM BRENTON,
SAMUEL WILLBOR,
THOMAS MUMFORD,
JOHN HULL,
JOHN PORTER,
SAMUEL WILLSON.
Compared with the original and recorded, per me,
W^ESTON Clark, Recorder.
True copy as it stands recorded in Lib. No. 2. fo. 316.
Teste, JA'S MARTIN, Sec'ry.

JYewport, June 4th, 1668.
At a meeting of William Brenton, John Hull, Samuel
Wilbore, Samuel Willson and Thomas Mumford, partners
in the purchase of Pettequamscutt, they agree as followeth:
1st. That all the deeds, draughts and writings belonging
to said partners that are in the hands of Mr. John Porter,
to be demanded and received by Samuel Wilbore.
2. That a tract of 300 acres ofthe best land and in a con
venient place be laid out and forever set apart as an encour
agement, the income or improvement thereof Wholly for an
orthodox person that shall be obtained to preach God's
word to the inhabitants.*
*The Congregational preachers in the purchase were Mr. Woodward
from Dedham, who came in 1695; next Mr. Danforth from Dorchestpr,
next Mr. Henry Flynt, then fllr. Niles, and then Mr. Torrey who was set
tled in 17,S2, and died in the ministry, Nov. 25, 1791. See chapter on
Religious Affairs. [Styles' Itinerary.]

279
3. That they do accept of a deed such as is now drawn
as the common form for to be sealed to any persons who
have received grants of lands.
4. That what grants of lands have been formerly made
and are not yet paid for, they shall be henceforth paid for,
unto each particular person his equal part.
5. That Mr. Wilbore and Mr. Willson shall acquaint such
as have had grants but not taken nor paid for them, that
unless they do compleat the payment by the first of May
next, all such grants shall cease.
6. That no person shall be accepted or granted by any
of us to become a partner, without the consent of all the
partners.
WILLIAM BRENTON,
JOHN HULL,
SAMUEL WILLBORE,
SAMUEL WILLSON,
THOMAS MUMFORD.
True copy, as in the case Joseph Torey vs. George Mum
ford, tried at the Superior Court in March, 1733.
Teste, JA'S MARTIN, Cler.

At a meeting ofthe proprietors of the lands of Petty-
quamscutt at the house of Benjamin Morey, at said Petty-
quamscutt, the 8th day of April, 1692, Benony Gardner,
George Gardner, William Gardner, Nicholas Gardner and
John Watson at said meeting appointed and agreed that their
brother Henry Gardner should sign the agreement then
made by the purchasers in his own and their behalf, and do
any other act with the rest of the purchasers, in behalf of
the assigns of John Porter, deceased.
At said meeting it was agreed that for each division there
should be seven papers numbered, rold up, put into a hat,
shook, and a youth to give a lott to and in behalf of each
proprietor, and each to have that lott in the several divis
ions as agrees with the number in their lot given them.
Agreed that Point Judith Neck and the other three tracts
surveyed — and the same presented to the purchasers, and
are mentioned in an agreement under our hands and seals,
bearing date herewith — be lotted for, and that Point Judith
be lotted for in the first place, which was accordingly done;

280
and the lott fell for Thomas Mumford to have the norther-
most share, which was No. 1 ; the assigns of Mr. Samuel
Willson the next, which was No. 2; Mr. Jahleel Brenton
the next. No. 3; Mr. Benedict Arnold the next. No. 4;
Mr. Samuel Wilbour or assigns the next, which was No. 6;
Capt. Samuel Sewall, No. 6, as assign to John Porter, and
No. 7, the most southerly lot, in his own right.
The next division lotted for was the lands between the
six mile pond westward, and the western bounds and Nini
craft's ponds and the sea southerly. In which division Mr.
Benedict Arnold had the most easterly part ofthe division
which was No. 1, Capt. Samuel Sewall the next No. 2^
Thomas Mumford No. 3, Mr. Henry Gardner for the as
signs of John Porter No. 4, the heir of Mr. Samuel Will-
son No. 5, Mr. Jahleel Brenton No. 6, Mr. John Wilbour
No. 7.
The lands lying between Sawcatucket and the six mile
pond and Point Judith was lotted for in the third place.
Mr. Wilbour the more easterly lott with No. 1, said Bren
ton No. 2, said Mumford No. 3, said Arnold No. 4, said
Gardner No. 5, said Capt. Sewal No. 6, said Willson No. 7.
The lands on the north-west corner ofthe purchase to the
northward and eastward of Yawcock ponds, bounded east
erly and part southerly by the lands formerly laid out and
the hills eastward ofthe great plain, northward by the north
west line, and westward by the head line of the purchase,
and was laid out in the fourth place. In which division the
southernmost lott was No. 1, and fell to the heirs of said
Willson, No. 2 to said Brenton, No. 3 to said Mumford,
No. 4 to said Capt. Sewall, No. 6 to said Wilbour, No. 6
to said Gardner, and to said Arnold No. 7.
Whereas there was a thousand acres or more laid out
that was to be divided into six shares, and by the proprie
tors and their order, was lotted for about a year since, in
which tract No. 1 fell to Thomas Mumford, No. 2 to said
Capt. Sewall, No. 3 to the right of said Wilbour, No. 4 to
the right of said Wilson, No. 6 to said Brenton, No: 6 to
to the right of said Porter; all which several tracts ofland,
we the proprietors own to be lotted for fairly, according to
agreement, and to each of our satisfaction; and that every
one's lott in each division is as is set down and numbered in
this writing, and the surveyor ordered to set every one's
name in plat in each division, according to these lotts.

281
Agreed, that the surveyor lay out three hundred acres
for Capt. Fones, upon the dividing line, and make a return
thereof to the next meeting for allowance and confirmation.
Agreed, that the surveyor lay out two hundred and fifty
acres in a suitable place for Major Green and assigns of
Lieut. Torey, and make a return to tbe proprietors next
meeting for allowance and confirmation, the land not to be
laid out in that laid down formerly by Mr. Arnold.
Agreed that no land be laid in that left for the township
untill farther order.
Agreed that the triangle piece laid out adjoyning to the
land laid out for Caleb Arnold, is prejudicial to after divis
ions and damage to perticular persons and not according to
order, that therefore he take up so as to make up his pro
portion more regular.
Ordered that the Surveyor enter upon the platt the draft
Way from the enterance of Point Judith Neck to Captain
Sewal's land, the course already marked, being south and
by west, or as near strait as conveniently may be.
Agreed upon and ordered that the proprietors of the
Pettequamscutt purchase meet at Newport on Rhode-Is
land on the second Tuesday of May next, for a further set
tlement of matters relating to the Pettaquamscut purchase.
Agreed upon and ordered that John Smith, surveyor, do
renew the bounds and lay out the six farms of the proprie
tors according to an order ofthe said proprietors on the 8th
day of July, 1680.
HENRY GARDNER, his H mark,
THOMAS MUMFORD, in behalf of
Samuel Willson's heirs.
BENEDICT ARNOLD,
JAHLEEL BRENTON,
THOMAS MUMFORD,
JOHN WALEY, Attorney to Captain
Samuel Sewal.
JOHN WILBOUR.
Henry Gardner of South-Kingstown in the colony of
Rhode-Island, &c. being duly sworn, testifieth and saith,
that he was at the within mentioned meeting ofthe proprie
tors of the Pettequamscutt purchase, and being a proprie
tor there acted with the rest then and there met, and signed
the within notes and orders with the rest of the proprietors
n*

282
whose names are thereunto affixed, and well knows that the
several tracts and pieces of land therein mentioned, have
been possessed according to the divisions therein made,.
and further this deponent saith not.
South-Kingstown, October the 22d day, A. D. 1734. —
Taken upon oath before me.
£PHR-4lIM GARDNER, Justice of Peace.
True copy compared with the originals, and recorded in
No. 4, fol. 322, .323 and 324, the 13th January, 1734.
Per JA. MARTIN, Sec'ry.

At a meeting ofthe proprietors and persons legally im
powered to act in behalf of the proprietors of Pettaquamscutt
purchase, met at said Pettaquamscut, this twenty-first day
of August, one thousand six hundred ninety three: and
having before us a plat of sundry tracts or divisions ofland
in said purchase, each tract or division containing three hun
dred, more or less, acres, being laid out by John Smith sur
veyor, are butted and bounded as followeth, viz: P^asterly
upon the lotts or divisions of land in Matuenuck Neck,
southerly upon a large tract not divided by the said propri
etors, and is lying to the northward of the south-westerly
lotts or divisions ofland, containing about six hundred acres
each lott or division, westerly upon the westermost line or
side of said purchase, northerly, partly upon thri thousand
acres lotts or divisions ofland, and partly upon sundry tracts
of land formerly sold to Henry Knowles, John Tift and
Rouse Helmes, or however otherwise butted and bounded,
doth by said platt more plainly appear; which said tracts or
divisions ofland being laid out and numbred upon said platt
by said Smith, have been divided by lott as followeth, viz:
The tracts or divisions of land numbred one and numbred
eleven fell by lott to Jahleel Brenton, for and in behalf of
the heirs, executors &c. of William Brenton, Esq. dec'd;
the tracts or divisions ofland numbred two and numbred fif
teen fell by lott to Thomas Mumford as gardian to James
Willson, heir of Samuel Willson dec'd; the tracts or divis
ions of land numbred three and numbred fourteen fell by
lott to Josiah Arnold, for and in behalf of the heirs, execu
tors and assigns of Benedict Arnold, Esq. deceased; the
tracts and divisions of land numbred four and numbred six
fell by lott to Nathaniel Niles, attoiney to Samuel Sewall

283
and Hannah his wife, heir to John Hull, Esq. dece'd; the
tracts or divisions ofland numbred five and numbred thir
teen fell by lott to Henry Gardner, for and in behalf ofthe
assigns of John Porter dece'd; the tract or divisions ofland
numbred seven fell by lott to John Wilbore, son and heir of
Samuel Wilbore dece'd; the tracts or divisions of land num
bred eight and numbred tenn fell by lott to Thomas Mum
ford, son and heir of Thomas Mumford. And we the said
proprietors and persons impowered to act in behalf of the
said proprietors of the said Petaquamscutt purchase, do
hereby each of us, for and in behalf of ourselves and those
for whom we act, and for and in behalf of each of our and
their heirs, exec'rs, adm'rs and assigns forever, accept of
each lott and lotts so lotted for as aforesaid in full for each
of our and their share and interest in the afores'd tracts of
lands so lotted for and divided, as by these presents is herein
before expressed. And we hereby do likewise each of us
for and in behalf of ourselves and those for whom we act
and for and in behalf and their heirs, exec'rs, adm'rs and
assigns, forever quit all manner of claim, right, title or in
terest in or to any and every ofthe afores'd tract or tracts
of land so lotted for and divided, as is by these presents
herein before expressed: excepting only such said tract or
tracts as fell to each of us by lott for and in behalf of each
of ourselves and those for whom we act, our and their heirs
and assigns forever. Provided also, that nothing herein
contained shall be construed to determine a difference be
tween the heirs and assigns of JohnPorter dece'd, concern
ing that part of said purchase that did belong to said Porter.
In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names
and affixed our seals the day and year above written.
JAHLEEL BRENTON, (Seal)
JOSIAH ARNOLD, (Seal)
THOMAS MUMFORD,
as Gardian to James Willson. (Seal)
HENRY GARDNER, H his mark. (Seal)
NATHANIEL NILES,
Attorney to Samuel Sewall, (Seal)
JOHN WILLBORE, (Seal)
THOMAS MUMFORD, (Seal)
Sign'd and Seal'd in the presence of
Robert Hazard,
Daniel Eldrbd,
John Smith,

284
The above written deed of division is recorded and duly
compared with the original, September the 17th, 1716.
Per Richard Ward, Recorder.
True copy as appears of Record in the Secretary's office
for the Colony of Rhode-Island &c. in Lib. No. 3. fo. 246
and 247. Teste, Ja's Martin, Se'ry.

At a meeting ofthe proprietors and legal representatives
ofthe proprietors of Pettaquomscut purchase, at the house
of James Wilson in the said Pettaquomscut, this 8th day of
November, 1704, it is agreed as followeth, viz: that these
several parcels and tracts of land lying in Pettaquamscut
purchase, being surveyed, divided and numbered upon the
plat by John Mumford, surveyor, that is to say, a tract of
land lying upon the said Pettaquomscut river, containing
about two hundred acres, a tract of land lying near Sugar
Loaf Hill, containing about five hundred acres, a tract of
land lying to the westward of Matoonuc Neck, containing
about three thousand acres, and also an island in Point Ju
dith Pond called Ram Island, and  small islands in
the said pond containing about sixty-three acres, all which
said parcels and tracts ofland shall be now lotted for that
each proprietor may know his part, and the same shall be
done in such manner and form as the major part ofthe
abovesaid persons shall agree upon. And we the said pro
prietors and legal representatives aforesaid do by these
presents bind and oblige ourselves, heirs, executors and as
signs, and the persons we represent and appear for, their
heirs, executors and assigns that we and they, severally and
respectively shall stand to and abide by our several lots and
divisions as shall at this present allotment fall to us as afore
said, and shall and will forever quitclaim to the several lots
in the lands aforesaid other than our own share, and that at
the reasonable request and proper cost of any of the propri
etors aforesaid, we will each of and every of us, give and
make such further confirmations to each other proprietor
aforesaid, as may be necessary for the more firm and sure
making ofthe premises and every part thereof. In testimo
ny whereof, we the said proprietors and legal representa
tives of the proprietors, have hereunto set our hands and

285
seals the day and year above written. It is also agreed that
the two cedar and pine swamps, lying northward of the great
pond be also now divided into two allotments, in manner
and form as aforesaid.
THOMAS MUMFORD, ,„ , ,
inbehalfof John Wilbor. (oeal.)
JOSIAH ARNOLD, ,„ , ,
for himself and brother. (oeal.)
JAMES WILSON, (Seal.)
HENRY GARDNER, (Seal.)
J. BRENTON, (Seal.)
NATHANIEL NILES, ,« , ,
in behalf of S. Sewall. (Seal.)
T. MUMFORD, (Seal.)

At a meeting ofthe proprietors and legal representatives
-ofthe proprietors of Pettaquamscut purchase, at the house
of James Wilson in the said Pettaquamscut, this 2nd day of
December, 1704, the several parcels of land lately laid out,
was divided by lot by the said proprietors or representatives
as followeth: to say, the plain lying along the river of Pet
taquamscut aforesaid. No. 1 to Henry Gardner, No. 2 fo
Mr. Brenton, No. 3 to Mr. Sewall, No. 4 to Mr. Arnold,
No. 5 to Mr. Mumford, No. 6 to Mr. Wilson and No. 7 to
Mr. Wilbor. Secoadly, the land lying to the westward of
Sugar Loaf Hill, No. 1 to Mr. Wilson, No. 2 to Mr. Wil
bor, No. 3 to Mr. Gardner, No. 4 to Mr. Mumford, No. 5,
to Mr. Arnold, No. 6 to Mr. Sewal and No. 7 to Mr. Bren
ton. Thirdly, the hills lying to the westward of Matoonuc,
No. 1 to Mr. Gardner, No. 2 to Mr. Wilson, No. 3 to Mr.
Arnold, No. 4 to Mr. Sewal, No. 6 to Mr. Mumford, No.
6 to Mr. Wilbor, No. 7, the islands lying in Point Judith
Pond and one in Ninicraft's Pond, to Mr. Brenton, and a
parcel of land lying on the north side of Mr. Mumford's
lot to said Mumford, and also a parcel of hills lying on the
north-west line, both being drawn by lot by him said Mum
ford, he paying the whole charge of the surveying the afore
said tracts of land, all which the abovesaid we the propriej-

286
tors and their representatives do confirm under our hands
and seals the day and year abovesaid.
JOSIAH ARNOLD, .g^^, ¦,
for himself and brothers, ^ "''
THOMAS MUMFORD, ,„ , .
inbehalfof Wilbor, (,aeai. i
THOMAS MUMFORD, (Seal.)
JAMES WILSON, (Seal.)
EBENEZER NILES, (Seal.)
HENRY GARDNER, (Seal.)

The tract called the Hills has been since sometimes call
ed the Commons. In this tract the lot laid out to Wilbor
was bounded west by Pettaquamscut line south by the road,
and was afterwards owned by the Brownings. The Mum
ford lot was in 1803 divided among the heirs of William
Mumford. No. 4 was sold by Sewall to John Holman and
by him to the Perrys. The Wilson lot was sold to the Bab-
cocks, and John Potter bought out the Gardners.
The purchasers and Maj. Humphrey Atherton and his
associates, being at variance about their boundaries, the
difficulty was settled by the following agreement: [Haz.
2, 463— L. E. 2, 156,]
Whereas there has been for a long time sundry differences
relating to the proprietors of the lands in the Narraganset,
Cowesit and Nihantic countrys, purchased of the Indian
Sachems by John Winthrop, Esq., late Governor of Con
necticut, Maj'r Humphrey Atherton late of Dochester, de
ceased, and several others, as also purchases made by Mr.
Samuel Wilbor, deceased, Capt. John Hull and several oth
ers, as by the several deeds more fully appeareth, as also
the remaining part of said country which was by the said
Sachems mortgaged unto Maj. Humphrey Atherton and his
associates: Now for the full and final determination of all
and singular the differences that have been among or be
tween the parties abovesaid or their successors, and for the
better settlement and accommodation of person and parties
therein concerned, after many endeavors that have been
used, we the subscribers, by virtue of power given and
granted unto Capt. Richard Smith, John Saffin and Elisha
Hutchinson by major part of that company, viz: Maj. Ather-

287
ton, &c., under hand and seal dated December the first,
1679, also by virtue of a power given and granted unto Capt.
John Hull, Maj. Peleg Sandford and Mr. Sosiah Arnold,
by a major part of that company, viz: Mr. Samuel Wilbor
deceased, so under hand and seal dated likewise December
the first, 1679, to consider, agree and conclude of all mat
ters of difference relating to the said land, as by the several
powers mHy more fully appear, — Have absolutely, fully and
finally agreed, determined and concluded by and between
each party and for ourselves and every person so empower
ing us, and for our and every of their heirs, executors and
administrators forever as followeth:
Imprimis, that those two tracts ofland purchased by said
John Winthrop, Esq., Maj. Humphrey Atherton, &c., of
Chomequant by two several deeds bearing date June tlie
eleventh, and July the fourth, 1659, and confirmed by the
rest ofthe Sachems, shall be and remain unto the said John
Winthrop, Esq, and company, their heirs, executors, ad
ministrators and assigns forever.
Secondly, that Samuel Wilbour, Capt. John Hull, and
company, shall have a tract of land, viz: All Point Judith
Neck, and from thence northward up Mattituxet orPetticom-
cut river to the head ofthe pond called Pauscachuco, and
from thence upon a north-west line six miles, also upon a
west line from the head ofthe cove north of Point Judith
Neck six miles and an half,and so as traight linef rom the head
ofthe aforesaid north-west line unto the said west line of
six miles and an half, and so upon the same straight line to
the sea, which said tract ofland is part of that which was
purchased by the said Samuel Wilbor and company, of Co-
janaquant, Ninegret, Wanameskin and several other Indian
Sachems, this tract ofland, according to the aforementioned
bounds, with all their appurtenances, privileges and immu
nities, to be and remain forever to the said company and to
their heirs and assigns and to them only.
Thirdly, that the said Samuel Wilbor deceased. Captain
John Hull and company shall from time to time, and at all
times hereafter, and by these presents do forever acquit all
challenges and claim, right, title and interest whatsoever,
which they or any of them have or had unto any and every
part and parcel of land in the said Narraganset, Nahantick
and Coweset countries, except what is in this instrument
expressed to belong to the said Samuel Wilbor, Capt. John

288
Hull and company, which said land so acquitted shall be
and remain unto John Winthrop, Esq., Maj. Humphrey
Atherton, &c. in part, and the other part unto the mortga
gees, viz. Major Humphrey Atherton and associates, their
heirs and assigns forever, with all its rights, members, priv
ileges and appurtenances.
Fourthly, that John Winthrop, Esq. and company, Maj.
Humphrey Atherton and associates, shall from time to time
and at all times, and by these presents do forever acquit all
challenge, claim, right, title and interest whatsoever which
they or any of them have or had unto any and every part
and parcel ofland pertaining to the said Samuel Wilbor and
company as is above expressed in the second article.
Fifthly, that the land that are sold and laid out by the
said Samuel Wilbor and company to Jireh Bull and several
other persons mentioned in that list, which happen to be
without the western side of their said tract ofland, shall be
allowed and made good unto them by the said Maj. Ather
ton's company, and that in case the north-west or west side
ofthe said tract of land now confirmed to the said Samuel
Wilbor and company shall happen to intrench upon or come
within the lands called the Newbury Plantation, the centre
whereof being at the middle ofthe great body of meadow,
and to be measured and laid out six milessquare, then what
part thereof as shall come within the line and bounds afore
said shall be devoted and wholly granted-to the said planta
tion or town's use, upon the same terms as the said Major
Humphrey Atherton's successors and their associates shall
allow the rest ofthe lands to the said town. To and for the
true performance of all and singular the articles, covenants
and agreements and premises concluded on by each party
respectively each to the other, we the subscribers do bind
ourselves and our respective partners, our and their heirs,
executors and administrators, firmly by these presents. In'
witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands and seals
this fifth day of December, one thousand six hundred and
seventy-nine, and in the one and thirtieth year of our sov
ereign lord King Charles the Second.
JOHN HULL, (Seal.)
PELEG SANDFORD, (Seal.)
JOSIAH ARNOLD, (Seal.)
RICHARD SMITH, (Seal.)
JOHN SAFFIN, (Seal.)
ELISHA HUTCHINSON, (Seal.)

289
Signed, sealed and delivered in presence of
John Whipple, Jun.
John Dexter,
John Crossman. [L. E. 2, 156.]'

In 1726, the General Assembly authorized the Town
Council of North Kingstown to appoint a surveyor to find the
north-west corner of Pettequamscut purchase, to run the
line and to open the highway that was laid out upon the line
by ajury. And in 1727, on the request of John Fones,
they ordered the same line to be run again. In 1728 the
line was settled by bounds. [Foster papers.]
In June, 1727 or 1728, the following report was made to
the North Kingstown Town Council and accepted. [No. K.
Council Rec]
" We the subscribers, being ordered by the Town Coun
cil of North Kingstown to run the northerly line of Petta
quamscut Purchase, we began at a rock at the head of the
mill-pond and run north forty-five degrees west, and our
course led us forty rods and a half to the northward of
a heapof stones that is in Joseph Reynolds' pasture, de
ceased, and formerly called horn heap, and then from said
heap of stones upon a strait line to the aforesaid rock our
course fell within John Fones' ditch, and we made bounds
in several places according to the line.
WILLIAM HALL, ) „
NATHAN PEARCE, ] Purveyors.
The mark of O NICHOLAS GARDINER,
JOHN ALBRO."
Among the Assembly papers for 1728, in the Secretary's
office, is a remonstrance of Spencer Reynolds, &c. against
the line being run over again, stating that the line had now
been established about forty years. It further states that
John Smith used to consider the variation ofthe compass to
be 10 degrees, whereas then (1728) it was thought not to
be above 3 or 9 degrees.
In the same bundle of papers is a deposition of Lodowick
Updike, taken June, 1728, stating that he was with his
uncle Smith, Capt. Huchinson and others, when John Gore
run the north-west Pettiquamscut line. They began from
a maple tree at the head of what was then (1728) Elisha

290
Cole's mill-pond, which tree stood on the south-west side
of a river running into said pond — thence to the upland some
distance north of a rock on said upland, and so on six miles
where they put a pile of stones, and one of the company
happening to find a pair of buck's horns put them on top of
the pile.
it was from this latter circumstance that the monument
erected at the north-west corner ofthe purchase has been
generally known by the name ofthe Hornheap.
For depositions relating to the highways laid out by the
Petaquamscot purchasers, see S. Kingstown Records, 3,
192-4. In 1715 on complaint ofthe inhabitants,- the Gene
ral Assembly ordered the proprietors to lay out suitable
higliways, and on their failing, empowered the Town Coun
cil to do it. (Foster papers.) In pursuance of this author
ity, and about this time the road from Henry's elbow near
Kingston to Mumford's mills and the road leading from the
country road westward over the great plain, were laid out.
For depositions to show that the original proprietors in
tended the great cedar swamp for commonage, see North-
Kingstown Records and also S. Kingstown Extracts, 2, 61.
The swamp was however surveyed in 1727 by James Helme,
and appears to have been at that time divided among the
proprietors. See South-Kingstown Records, 11,296.
I'he land around Kingston village was early surveyed
and divided by Robert Hazard, surveyor. We do not know
of any copy ofthis survey.
Tower Hill was probably the place in the purchase first
settled. At that place are traces of a fortification still re
maining, which mark with sufficient exactness the site of
Bull's garrison house, which was burnt in the war of 1676.
The land on and around Kingston hill was probably settled
next. When the purchasers divided the country about Point
Judith neck, they reserved that part called Little Neck. Of
this they afterwards made a separate division.
Judge Sewal in 1696 conveyed the east part of lot
No. 4 in the northwest part of the purchase to Harvard
College "for and towards the support and education at the
said college, of such youths whose parents may not be of
sufficient ability to maintain them there, especially such as
shall be sent from Pettaquamscut aforesaid, English or In-

291
dians, &c." The lajjd was sold by the college a few years
ago. [North-Kingstown Records, 2, 104.]
Judge Sewal had the year before conveyed the west part
ofthe abovementioned lot to trustees, the profits to go "to
ward the procuring, settling, supporting and maintaining a
learned, sober and orthodox person from time to time, and
at all times forever hereafter, to instruct the children and .
youths of the abovementioned town of Pettaqunmscut, as
well English there settled, or to be settled, as Indians the
aboriginal natives and proprietors of the place, to read and
write the English language and the rules of grammar."
(No. Kingstown Records, 2, 167.) The school was for a
long time at Tower Hill, and among the instructors were
Mr. Constant Southworth, Mr. Increase Hewett, Robert F.
Noyes, Esq. &c. In 1823 the Legislature removed the
school to Kingston, ordered the land sold and the proceeds
invested, and appointed aboard of trustees forthe special
management of the fund and school.
In the tract of 1000 acres, which the purchasers ordered
tobe surveyed for themselves. Lot No. 1, of about 200
acres, was laid out to Mumford, and is that part ofthe Judge
Wm. Potter farm, now chiefly owned by E. R. Potter,
bounded N, and W. by roads, E, by Robert Hazard and S.
by lot No. 2, Lot No. 2 was laid out to Sewal, bounded S.
and W. by roads, of about 260 acres, and was afterwards
owned by Caleb Gardner. Lot No. 3, of about 200 acres,
was laid out to Wilbor, bounded S. and E. by roads, W.
by Chepuxet, and N. by lot No. 4. , (S. K. Rec. 6. 44 )
This^-was the Judge Robert Potter farm. Lot No. 4, of
about 2i|0 acres, was laid out to Wilson, was afterwards
owned by Hannahs, Niles, Rowland Brown, &c. Lot No.
5 was laid out to Brenton, of about 300 acres, bounded E.
by road, W. by Chepuxet and N. by lot No, 6, and was af
terwards divided among Brenton's heirs, Martha Church,
Francis Borland, Benj. Brenton, &c. Lot No. 6 was laid
out to John Porter, who in 1671 sold it to Nicholas Gard
ner, and he gave it by deeds to his two sons, George and
Nicholas. Afterwards owned by Geo. Teft, who sold the
north part to Jef Champlin, and the south to Peleg Brown.
The following minutes relates to some deeds from the first
purchasers, ofland not laid down in Smith's plat, viz:

292
To Wm. Knowles, Sept. 22, 1671,. a lot of 500 acres,
now principally owned by E. R. Potter, bounded N. and E.
by roads, W. by the pond and undivided land, S. by John
Tift. John Tift's lot, which lay south of this, was bounded
E. by the road in part, W. by Chepuxet and S. by Jireth
Bull and H. Gardner.
The purchasers, in 1671, conveyed to Robert Hazard
600 acres, bounded N. by road, E. by Sakatucket, S. by
Edmund and Samson Sherman, and W. on purchasers' land.
This tract is now owned in parts by Rowland Hazard, R.
F. Noyes, Peleg Weeden, and the heirs and assigns of John
Rose. [L. E. 1.9.]
The purchasers conveyed to Jireth Bull (L. E. 2. 320)
480 acres, bounded N., E. and W. by roads and S. by
Rowse Helmes. It was afterwards sold out by the Bull
family to the Cases and Watsons.
They conveyed a tract of 1000 acres to Benedict Arnold,
Caleb Carr, John Cranston and John Sanford, (L. E. 2.
71, &c.) bounded W. by Eber Sherman, N. by road, S. by
Geo. Gardner, &c.
The 120 acres reserved for a mill were conveyed, Feb.
22, 1702, to James Kenyon, who had built a mill there,
bounded N. and W. on roads, S. and E. on John Carr. —
Kenyon and his assigns were bound to maintain the milL
Kenyon sold it, Dec. 21, 1706, (N. K. Rec. 2. 127) to Jo^
seph Smith, then bounded E., S. and W. by roads. Smith
sold it (N. K. Rec.) to Wm. Gardner, from whom it passed
th Dr. McSparran and the Church. The purchasers con
veyed, 1692, to Capt. John Fones 300 acres, at a place
called Wampmesic, which I believe was on the north line of
the purchase.^ «
In 1693 they conveyed to Moses Barber 350 acres, bound
ed W. by the purchase line, S. by the Arnolds, and N. and
E. by Yawcook ponds and the brook that runs between
them.

FAMILIES OF THE PURCHASERS, ETC
John Hull of Boston, who was one ofthe first purchas
ers, was a goldsmith. Hannah his daughter and heiress
married Samuel Sewall. They had two sons, Samuel the
..eldest who inherited the Narraganset land, and Joseph who

293
was pastor of a church in Boston. Judge Sewall the elder
died Jan. 1 , 1729-30. Samuel had only one son Henry, to
whom he gave before his death by deed his 1200 acres in
Point Judith. Henry died May 29, 1771. His children
were 1. Henry who died without issue, Oct. 17, 1772. 2.
Samuel. 3. Hannah married Edward Kitchen Walcutt of
Brooklyn, Mass. She inherited half of her brother Henry's
part ofthe Narraganset land, and on the Sewall property
being confiscated in the time of the revolution one quarter
ofthe Point Judith farm was set off to her by order of the
Legislature. [L. E. 1, 416. Schedule, Oct. 1779, ik.c.]
John Porter sold out his share of the purchase early to
Sewall, John Watson and the Gardners. Samuel Wilbor
was his son in law. His family record is probably in the
Town Clerk's office of Portsmouth where he lived.
Samuel Wilbor or Wildboare's wife was daughter of
John Porter. John Wilbor was his eldest son. Latham
Clark and Caleb Arnold are mentioned as his sons in law
and Elizabeth Freelove of Freetown as his daughter. [L.
E. 1, 69, and 415. S. K. R. 6.]
Thos. Mumford's sons were Thomas (who was 66 years
old in 1722 and had a son William,) Peleg who was 74
years old in 1733, and George. (L. E. 1, 415. Church
Lawsuit.) Peleg was ancestor of the Mumfords at the
Mills. Samuel Wilson married a Teft and died about 1682.
His sons were 1, Samuel who left no issue and died 1690.
2. James who died Feb. 1706-6, and whose son Samuel did
not survive him. 3. Mary. 4. Sarah. 6. Jeremiah.
The children of Jeremiah Wilson and Mary his wife were,
1 Mary; 2 Samuel, born 1721; 3 &4 John and Jeremiah, born
1726; 6 James, born 1728; 6 George, born 1730, died 1753,
without issue; 7 Alice, &c.
The children of Samuel (son of Jeremiah,) and Hannah
his wife were, Samuel, born 1747; John, 1762; James,
1754; Hannah, 1766; George, 1768; William, 1761.
The children of Jeremiah (son of Jeremiah) and Abigail
his wife were, George, born 1764; William, 1756; Mercy,
1759. The children of Col. John and Hannah Wilson, were
John, born 1763, Hazard, and Arnold.

294
Mary Wilson, daughter of the first purchaser, married
Robert Hannah. (After his death she married George
Webb in 1708.) Her children were Robert and Mary
Hannah. The children of Robert Hannah and Catharine his wife,
were Mary, born 1714; Sarah, 1716; Tabi ha, 1718;
George, 1719; Catherine, 1721; Hannah, 1723; Eliza
beth, 1725.
Miiry, daughter of Robert Hannah, sen. married Nathan
iel Niles, 1699. Her children were Natlian, born 1700;
Robert, 1702; Mary, 1704; Jeremiah, 1707, Sarah, 1711;
Tabuha, 1714; Silas, 1718; Paul and Sylvanus, 1721.
Sarah Wilson, daughter of the first purchaser, married
John Potter. Their children were Martha, born in 1692,
married a Robinson; Col. John, 1695, died 1739; Samuel,
1699; Sarah, 1702; Susanna, born 1704, married George
Babcock; Mary, 1706-7, married Stephen Tallman; Sam
uel, 1715, died 1739 without issue.
Col. John Potter married Mercy Robinson 1714. She
died 1762. Their children were John, born 1716, married
Mary Perry, 1736; Christopher, born 1717; Christopher,
1719; Mary, 1721; William, 1723; Samuel, 1725; Mer
cy, 1727; Sarah, 1730.
Judge Wm, Potter married Penelope daughter of Col.
Thomas Hazard. Their children were Marcy, born 1761;
married Jonathan Perry; Thomas Hazard, 1753; Alice,
1756; Susanna, 1753; William Robinson, 1760; Benedict
Arnold, 1761; Penelope, 1764; Wm. Pitt, 1766; Edward,
1768; Simeon, 1770; Sarah, 1771; John, 1774; Pelham,
1776. John, son of Col. John, was father of Gov. Samuel J.
Potter. Benedict Arnold was the son of William Arnold of Pa
tuxet. William Arnold was born in 1589, and had four
children, Benedict, Thomas, Stephen and a daughter who
married Zachary Rhodes. Benedict was born in England,
Dec. 21, 1616. He married Damaris, daughter of Stukely
Westcoat, by whom his children were, Godsgift, Josiah,
Benedict, Freelove, Oliver, Caleb, Damaris and Priscilla.
He removed to Newport in 1653, and died in 1678. He
was for a Iom time Governor. [Staples' Simplicity's De
fence, 61. — Foster papers,]
Gov. Arnold, by his will proved July 1, 1698, gave his

295
Dutch Island rights to his three sons, Benedict, Josiah and
Oliver. He gave to Benedict one half of that part of Co
nanicut which he had named Beaver Neck, joined to the
main part ofthe island by Partridge Beach. He gave the
other half to Josiah. I'o Oliver he gave 300 acres at a
place on Conanicut called Cajazet, a triangular piece of 64
acres, and his right in the township land there. To his son
Caleb he gave 160 acres on the north-east part of Conani
cut. He gave his Pettaquamscut lands to Benedict, Josiah
and Oliver, ordering a township to be laid out there, and if
that was not done he gave to his three sons. Major Cran
ston, Capt Peleg Sanford, Capt Roger Goulding, James
Barker, and Ensign John Bliss 260 acres each of that part
of his land laying about 5 miles N. W. from Pettaquamscut
Rock. [Newport Probate Records, 1817.]
Wm. Brenton is said to have come from Hammersmith,
in Great .Britain. He was admitted a freeman of Massa
chusetts, May 14, 1634. He owned extensive tracts of
land on Rhode Island, in Narragansett and other places. —
He named his estate on Bienton's point in Newport from
the place he came from. His large four chimney house
stood where Joshua Peckham's house now is. He was Pres
ident ofthe Colony in 1660-1, Deputy Governor in 1663,
and Governor 1666-7-8. He died 1674. He mentions in
his will Catharine Cook and Christian Sandys as his sisters.
His children were
1. Jahleel, who died Nov. 8, 1732, leaving no children,
and was buried on Brenton's Point. He was Collector and
Surveyor General ofthe Customs of the Colony. The com
mission from William and Mary is still preserved.
2. William was one ofthe first settlers of Bristol and
probably died there. His eldest son was William, whose
only son was Benjamin, who had a son Benjamin, whose
on.y child was Abagail. Besides this son VMIliam he had
a son Jahleel, who was born Aug. 15, 1691, and died March
J767, in his 77th year.
3 Ebenezer. His wife Priscilla died 1705. In Bristol
Records the births of his children are — '1, Major Ebenezer
born at Swansey, 1687, 2, Martha, 1689. 3, William,
1694. 4, Sarah, 1697. Major Ebenezer Brenton died
about 1766, probably in South Kinstown where his will was
proved. He gave his farm of 214 acres, near Worden's
pond, to Martin Howard, Jr. (who had been the husband

296
of his daughter Ann, deceased,) for life, and then to Ann
Howard, his granddaugther. 'The latter afterwards mar
ried a Spooner and sold the farm to James Knowles. Eliz
abeth, another daughter of Major Ebenezer, married Ed
ward Perkins: their children were, 1, Joseph, goldsmith at
Littlerest. 2, Brenton, lived at Newport. 3, Hannah
married Ephraim Babcock of South Kingstown. 4, Eliza
beth married Henry Green of Charlestown.-
4. Sarah married Joseph Elliot of Guildford, Conn. Her
children were 1. Ann, who married Jonathan Law of Mil-
ford, and who besides several sons, had an only daughter
Ann, who married Rev. Samuel Hall of Wallingford, whose
children were Brenton, Elisha, John, Lucy, -Ann, Mary,
Sarah and Abigail. 2. Mehitable, married William Wil
son. 3. Jemima, married John Woodbridge. 4. Bathshe-
ba, married Augustus Lucas of Fairfield. Her daughter
Mary married James A. Hillhouse of New-Haven.
5. Mehitable married Joseph Brown of Charlestown,
Mass,, and died without issue.
6. Abigail married Stephen Burton of Bristol.
7. Elizabeth married John Pole or Pool of Boston. Her
son was John. Jane the grand-daughter and sole hei.- of
Elizabeth, married Francis Borland of Boston. For some
account ofthe Pool family see Baylies' Plymouth, 1, 286,&c.
Jahleel, son of William, and grandson of the Governor,
left a large family. He married 1st, Frances, eldest daugh
ter of Gov. Samuel Cranston. She died February 2, 1740,
aged 42, His 2nd wife was Mary (Eargrass) widow of
John Scott. She died May, 1760, aged 34. The children
of Jahleel were
1. Wilham born April 3, 1716, died 1748. He left an
only child a daughter, who married a Townsend, and she
had a daughter who married 1st a Captain Chace of Provi
dence; 2nd, a Dr. Bugby of Lansingburgh, N. Y., but died
without issue.
2. Samuel born Feb. 1717, died February 4, 1721.
3. Thomas born November 1719, died December, 1740.
4. Mary born July 10, 1721, married Mr. Joseph Ga
rish, a merchant, and went to Halifax.
6. Harty born February 1723, died January 1764. She
married Peter Ayrault and left two children, Peter and
Harty, who both died unmarried.
6. Martha born June 1726, died May 1787.
7. Klizabeth born February 1727, died January 1761.

297
8. Jahleel born Oct. 22, 1729, died January 1802. He
entered the British Navy young, and afterwards rose to the
rank of -Idmiral. He left this country in the time of the
revolution. His children were 1. Admiral Sir Jahleel Bren
ton, now living. 2. Edward, a captain in the British Navy,
3. Elizabeth. 4. Mary. 6. Henrietta. 6. Frances.
9. Frances born October 31, 1730, died 1814, married
Louis Mumford.
10. Hannah born March 19, 1732-3, died young.
11. Abigail born April 16, 1736, married Phihp Robin
son and afterwards Captain Charles Handy, but left no
children. 12. Samuel born November 10, ITS-, died February
1797. He married Susan Cook. 'The children were Silas,
Samuel, Elizabeth, Abby, and Susan. All the sons and
Susan died unmarried. Elizabeth married Dr. William G.
Shaw now living in Wickford. Abby married John Mum
ford, and had three children, William, who died at sea, Su
san, and Samuel B. Mumford.
13. James born Nov. 2, 173-, died June 1798; married
Rebecca Scott. She died leaving one son Edward, who
was bred to the law, and is now a Judge in Newfoundland.
He married 2nd a Miss Russel of Halifax. Children —
Frances, who for long time kept a celebrated female Semi
nary in New-York, died at Utica; Maria married Leslie
Stewart, married next Robert Boggs and had one son Ed
ward; John who was Secretary to Amiral Provost on the
East India station, and post-capain; Harriet, who married
her cousin Admiral Sir Jahleel Brenton.
14. Benjamin born Feb. 9, 1737-8, died 1830. July 8,
1764 be married Rachel daughter of Silas Cooke and sister
of his brother Samuel's wife. Their children were 1. Jah
leel who died at Jamaica in 1794. 2. Frances who married
Silas Brown of South-Kingstown. 3. Rebecca. 4. Susan
na. 5. Philip who died at Jamaica, 1792. 6. Abigail. 7.
James, who left four children, James Jahleel, Maria Har
riet, Elizabeth Rebecca, and Semantha. 8. Elizabeth
Cook. 9. Benjamin, who died at sea 1796. 10. Sarah
Atherton. 15. John born Oct. 21, 1739, died 1755.
16. Thomas born June 1741, died March 25, 1772.

298
17. Susanna born April 2, 1743, died April, 1804. Mar
ried Dr. John Haliburton and moved to Halifax. Her
children were 1. John, who died young in the navy. 2.
Brenton who was a Judge in the provinces. 3, Mary.
4. Elizabeth married Lord Stewart. 6. Rebecca.
18. William born January 24, 1749, married I>ances
Wickham and had two sons, John now in the British Navy,
and Edward who died young.
19. Sarah born August 1751, died June 1787; married
Col. Wanton. Her son Joseph Wanton was a minister.
She married 2nd, William Atherton.
20. Edward died young.
21, John died young.
22. Mehitable born February 15, 1756, died unmarried
1828. Peleg Sanford. In Governor Brenton's will, Peleg
Sanford is called his son-in-law. He had three daughters,
1, Ann, who married a Mason and had a son, Peleg San
ford Mason; 2, Bridget who married Job Almy of Tiver
ton. They had three children, Sanford, Peleg, and Cook
Almy. 3, Elizabeth, who married Thomas Noyes of Ston-
ino-ton. The Sanford part ofthe Brenton land was divided
1745, in the Common Pleas.
Gov. William Brenton and his wife were members of the
first church in Boston. He was a selectman 1634—7, a
deputy in the General Court 1635. He removed to Rhode-
Island in 1633, and soon after removed and lived a while at
Taunton. In Gov. Brenton's will, proved at Newport, 1674, he
gives to his son Jahleel his two Hammersmith farms, and
after disposing of his 10,000 acres at Naticot on Merrimac
river, his lands at Metapoiset, Conanicut, Gay Head and
Elizabeth Island, &c., he gives the residue to his children-
equally. In his inventory his Pettaquamscut lands were
valued at £300.
Jahleel Brenton's will was proved at Newport, 1732.
He gave Hammersmith and Rockey farms to his nephew
Jahleel, with his right to 500 acres in South-Kingstown,
then occupied by Wm. Robinson. His right in IVlumford's
island he gave to his cousin Martha Wanton; his 26 acres
or J part of Little Point Judah Neck and his Chepuxet riv-

299
er land, to his nephew Benjamin Brenton; his Yawcook
land to his nephews Ebenezer and Benjamin, and his cous
ins Benjamin and Martha Church; his right to 260 acres
then occupied by Henry Knowles to Martha Church; Ram
Island to Benjamin Church; his land joining the west side
of Narrow river to his nephew Ebenezer; his Point Judith
land then occupied by William Robinson to Mnrtha Church;
his land east of Worden's pond, half to his nephew Ebene
zer and cousin Benjamin Church, and the other half to be
sold for the benefit of his cousin Martha wife of John Smith
of Boston. His nephew Jahleel was residuary legatee.
The Brenton lands were divided by the heirs 1742-5, for
which see South-Kingstown Records.

THE FIRST patent OF RHODE-ISLAND.
Whereas, by an ordinance of the Lords and Commons,
now assmbled in Parliament, bearing date the second day of
November, Anno Domini 1643, Robert, Earl of Warwick,
is constituted, and ordained governor in chief, and lord high
admiral of all those islands and other plantations inhabited
or planted by, or belonging to any his Mnjesty the King of
England's subjects, (or which hereafter may be inhabited
and planted by, or belong to them) within the bounds, and
upon the coasts of America:
And whereas the said Lords have thought fit and thereby
ordained that Philip Earl of Pembroke, Edward Earl of
Manchester, William Viscount, Say and Seal, Philip Lord
Wharton, John Lord Rolle, members ofthe House of Peers;
Sir Gilbert Gerrard, Baronet, Sir Arthur Haslerig, Baro
net. Sir Henry Vane, jr. Knight, Sir Benjamin Rudyard,
Knight, John Pym, Oliver Cromwell, Dennis Bond, Miles
Corbet, Cornelius Holland, Samuel Vassal, John Rolle,
and William Spurstow, Esqrs. members of the House of
Commons, should be commissioners to join in aid and as
sistance with the said Earl. And whereas, for the better
government and defence, it is thereby ordained, that the
aforesaid governor and commissioners, or the greater num
ber of them, shall have power, and authority, from time to
time, to nominate, appoint, and constitute all such subordi-

300
nate governor, counsellors, commanders, officers, and
agents, as they shall judge to be best affected, and most fit,
and serviceable for the said islands and plantations; and to
provide for, order and dispose all things, which they shall,
from time to time, find most advantageous for the said plan
tations; and for the better security ofthe owners and inhab
itants thereof, to assign, ratify, and confirm, so much of
their afore-mentioned authority and power, and in such man
ner, and to such persons, as they shall judge to be fit for
the better governing and preserving of the said plantations
and islands, from open violences and private disturbances
and distractions. And whereas there is a tract of land in
the continent of America aforesaid, called by the name of
Narraganset Bay, bordering northward and north-east on
the patent of Massachusetts, east and south-east on Ply
mouth patent, south on the ocean, and on the west and
north-west by the Indians called Nahigganneucks, alias
Narragansets, the whole tract extending about twenty-five
English miles, unto the Pequod river and country.
And whereas, well affected and industrious English in
habitants, of the towns of Providence, Portsmouth and
Newport, in the tract aforesaid, have adventured to make a
nearer neighborhood and society with the great body of the
Narragansets, which may in time, by the blessing of God
upon their endeavors, lay a sure foundation of happiness to
all America; and have also purchased, and are purchasing
of and amongst the natives, some other places, which may
be convenient, both for plantations, and also for building of
ships, supply of pipe staves, and other merchandise.
And whereas the said English have represented their de
sire to the said Earl, and commissioners, to have their hope
ful beginnings approved and confirmed, by granting unto
them a free charter of civil incorporation and government;
that they may order and govern their plantation in such a
manner, as to maintain justice and peace, both among them
selves, and towards all men with whom they shall have to
do. In due consideration of the said premises, the said
Robert, Earl of Warwick, governor in chief, and lord high
admiral of the said plantations, and the greater number of
the said commissioners, whose names and seals are here
under written and subjoined, out of a desire to encourage
the good beginnings ofthe said planters, do, b y the author
ity ofthe aforesaid ordinance of the Lords and Common.s,

301
give, grant, and confirm, to the aforesaid inhabitants of the
towns of Providence, Portsmouth and Newport, a free and
absolute charter of incorporation, to be known by the name
of The Incorporation of Providence Plantations, in ihe JYar-
raganset Bay, in JYew-England. Together with full power
and authority, to rule themselves, and such others as shall
hereafter inhabit within any part ofthe said tract ofland, by
such a form of civil government, as by voluntary consent of
all, or the greater part of them, they shall find most suitable
to their estate and condition; and, for that end, to make and
ordain such civil laws and constitutions, and to inflict such
punishments upon transgressors, and for execution thereof,
so to place, and displace officers of justice, as they, or the
greatest part of them, shall by free consent agree unto. —
Provided, nevertheless, that the said laws, constitutions, and
punishments, for the civil government of the said planta
tions, be conformable to the laws of England, so far as the
nature and constitution of the place will admit. And al
ways reserving to the said Earl, and commissioners, and
their successors, power and authority for to dispose the gen
eral government of that, as it stands in relation to the rest
ofthe plantations in America, as they shall conceive, from
time to time, most conducing to the general good ofthe said
plantations, the honor of his Majesty, and the service of the
State. And the said Earl and commissioners do further
authorize, that the aforesaid inhabitants, for the better
¦transacting of their public affairs, to make and use a public
seal, as the known seal of the Providence Plantations, in
ihe Narraganset Bay, in New-England. In testimony
whereof, the said Robert, Earl of Warwick, and commis
sioners, have hereunto set their hands and seals, the four
teenth day of March, in the nineteenth year of our sover-
,eign lord King Charles, and in the year of our Lord God,
1643. ROBERT WARWICK,
PHILIP PEMBROKE,
S.AY AND SEAL,
P. WHARTON,
ARTHUR HASLERIG,
COR. HOLLAND,
H. VANE,
SAM. VASS-IL,
JOHN ROLLE,
MILES CORBET,
W. SPURSTOW.

302

LliT OF INDIAN AND OTHER NAMES OP PLACES.
Acuntaus: brook, ? o tj- * ok
a , ¦'• , ' > See History, page 65.
Mcriagomiconse-t, ) j ' r o
Aquehinockett — A small island also called Round Island.
(L. E. 1, 316.)
Agawam — Ipswich (Huch. 27) or Springfield (Huch. 1, 98)
or Wareham.
Apaum — Plymouth.
Appoiiaug in Warwick — (Opponenauhock,  Shell-fish ?
(Key 103.)
Aquidneset or Aquitawoset — The name of Atherton's northern
purchase, north and north-east of Wickford. (State Re
cords, 1686-1716, p. 349.)
Aquidneesuc — Small or Dutch Island. (L. E. 1, 86.)
Aquidneck or Aquethnic — Rhode-Island; the middle syllable
was probably guttural.
Ashuniunck — Either Beaver or Usquepaug river. (See His
tory page 66.
Aquopimoquk — Gould Island. (L. E. 1, 33.)
Azorquonesut Island. (See L. E. I, 164.)
Bass Pond — At the head of Narrow river. (Old Plats).
Bassokutoquage — (L. E. 1 , 33 )
Baebe Pond is marked on the old maps, the first pond east
of Pawcatuck river.
Cajaset — A place on Conanicut. (See Governor Benedict
Arnold's will,)
Chanangonsum — A place in the Nipmuc country (Trum
bull, 1, 346,)
Chemunganoc — in the presen' town of Charlestown.
Chibbachuweset — Prudence Island. (L. E. 1, 243.)
clZ::lZfe: \ Chepuxet River. (L. E. 1, 2. Extracts 2.)
Chippacursei — Prudence Island.
Chiseweanock, ) Hog-Island. (See R. Smith, Jr's. will,
Chesawanue, ) and petition to Andros.)
Cocumscussuc, ) The country around and west and north-
Caucumsquissic, ^ west of Wickford.
Caucumsquissic brook — Stony brook, the south-west boun
dary ofthe Quidneset purchase.
Cocumscussuc harbor — Wickford harbor.
Cohann — Neponset.

.303
Conockonoquit — Rose Island. (L. E. 1, 103, 316.)
Cojoot — Name of a black lead mine in Pettaquamscut, pro
bably at the foot of Tower Hill, (L. E. 2, 147.)
Cupheag — Stratford, Connecticut.
Coweset — East-Greenwich. (Cowesuc — Pine.' Key, 90.)
Dedjord — East-Greenwich. (History, 1686.)
Feversham — Westerly. (L. E. 1, 384 — History, 1686.)
French Orchard — An orchard planted by the French set
tlers near a spring on the farm late owned by Pardon
Mawney, Esq, deceased, in East-Greenv.-ich. The coun
try around there was called Frenchtown.
Haversham — Same as Feversham.
Homoganset — Same as Naniquokset.
Hornheap — The north-west corner of the Pettaquamscut
purchase, so called from a pair of buck's horns placed on
the pile when first erected.
Indian Run — so called from the circumstance of an Indian
being chased along its banks, and finally overtaken and
killed by one ofthe whites.
Kesikomvck — Same as Naniquokset.
Kickemuit, the upper part of Warren.
Kitackamucqut — See the Indian deed of Aquidnec.
Matlabesic — Middletown, Conn.
Michemoodus — East-Haddam.
Maskechusic Point — At the mouth of Hunt's river on Lock-'
wood's map.
Mascachowage River-The north-east boundary of Quidneset.
Mascachowage — in the north part of Quidneset purchase.
Mamaniskak, ) See Sosoa's deed ofthe Westerly pur-
Metecompemiscock, ^ chase.
Manisses or Monasses — Block Island.
Matloomuc neck and river, about the north-west part of Point
Judith Pond, (L. E. 1 , 438 )
Matapoiset — Sometimes Swansey, sometimes Rochester.
Menunkatuck — Guildford, Conn.
Mlsliawum — Charlestown, Mass.
Misquamicut — The neck ofland on the east side of Pawca
tuck river, in the town of Westerly. (Mishquammauquok
—Salmon.' Key, 103.)
Mlnabaug Vond — (See history, page 65.)
Minnacommuc — An island in a cedar swamp in Westerly.—
History, 1662.
Moonasachuet river — See Pettaquamscut deeds, L.E. 2, 140,
Mooshausic — Providence,

304
Moskotage river — Narrow river, between Pettaquamscut
rock and the sea, (L. E. 2, 153.)
JYantuzenunk or JYomsussmuc — Goat Island. (Foster papers,
1, 274— L. E. 1, 110, 315.)
JYamcook, also spelled JYamcocke, JYamoeocke, JVaomuck, and
JYameok — Boston Neck.
Naniquokset — The neck ofland between Wickford and An
naquatucket river. (L. E. 1, 164^Smith's deeds.)
JVcwnt/oAe— See Haz. 2, 87, 131.
JYewbarry — A tract of land 6 miles square in the country
west of Wickford, designed by Atherton and his associ
ates for the French emigrants, but was never settled by'
them. (N. K. Rec. 2, 56.)
JYeekequawsee, JYeekequawese or JYarriganset Pond — Most
probably Quonocontaug pond in Charlestown. (Old In
dian Plat.)
JYeshunganeseS' hrook — (See history, page 66.)
JYipmuc — The country about the north-west part ofthe State,
JYyantic or JYeanticoet included Westerly and Charlestown.
(See history, page 27.)
Ohomauke — A swamp * few miles west of Mystic river. (3-
M. H. C. 1, 161.)'
Partridge Beach — The strip ofland which joins Beaver neck
to the main part of Conanicut. (See Gov. Benedict Ar
nold's will.)
Potowomut or Potowoomuck — A neck of land near East-
Greenwich.
Patuxet — Sometimes Plymouth in Massachusetts.
Paussachuco Pond — At the head of Narrow river.
Passpatanage — This name is given to AVecapaug in' some
ofthe Westerly purchase papers.
Paltiquasset River — Connecticut River. (Haz. 2, 93.)
Pettiquamscut or Mattatuxot River — Narrow River. (L. E.
2, 156.)
Pettiquamscut Harbor — At the mouth of the river. (L.
E. 1, 37.)
Pettiquamscut Rock — On the west side of Narrow river,
northeast from the Tower Hill Church. (L. E. 2, 146-
7-8. (See deed from Sewal to William Gardner, 1706.)
Pequot River — Thames River.
Pequot Path or road — The old path for travel leading along
the west shore of the Bay through Charlestown and Wes
terly, to the Pequot country.

305
Pocasset — Tiverton.
Pyquag — Weathersfield.
Puscommattas — A pond on the west side of a cedar swamp irS
Westerly. (History, page 65.)
Pughquorinuc — -Stratford, Conn.
Quabaog — Brookfield.
Quacataug — A piece of upland running into the Indian
great cedar swamp in Charlestown.
Quacut or JYanniquacut neck  Near Howland's Ferry
(Church, 39.)
Quassakoonkanuc Pond — Lyeth north-west from the mill at
the head of Narrow river. (L. E. 1, 260.)
Quequatuck or Quequathanic or Quequatage — About twenty
miles up Pawcatuc river, near where Crandal's miU stood
on said river in 1681. See History page 65, and Wes
terly purchase papers.
Queen's Highway — Laid out in 1703. Believed to be the
present road from Kingston southerly by the backside of
the Ponds, and the same with the road the laying out of
which is described in the Appendix.
Quinamoge^-N ame of a tract of fresh meadow in the Wes
terly purchase.
Quinepiac — New-Haven.
Qumatumpick — See deed of Hall's purchase. (L. E. 1, 2.)
Quoioatchauc — See deed of Hall's pUrchase, probably same
as Watchaug.
Quonset Point — Same as Seconiqonset.
Rochester^Kiagstowri. History^ 1686.
Sasco swamp, in Fairfield.
Sa'gatucket river— Stilt so called. (L. E. 1, 438, and 2; 153.)
Sawgoge — See Cojinaquand's lease to Smith.
Seconiquonset point — North-east from Wickford.
Sepooke — Name of a tract of land R. Smith bought of the
Indian, Hermon Garret. See Westerly purchase papers.
Shannock — Still so called. (Mishanneke, a squirrel? Key,
95.) ¦
Shaganis:athoke — See Westerly papers.
Shewatuck, Shewatucket, Shewalucquise, or Showatucquese, a
small stream southerly from Wickford. See the Indian
deeds and leases to Richard Smith. Sometimes used to
mean the same as Naniquokset.
Six mile Pond — The west branch of Point Judith ponds.

306
Shawomet — Old Warwick. In the Indian language Shaw-
mut meant " Springs." (2 M. H. C. 10, 173.)
Southertown — A name applied to the country on both sides
¦ adjacent to Pawcatuck river. (State Records, 1638-70,
page 260. History, 1663.)
Sowams — Barrington.
Sogkonate, or Seaconet — In Little Compton.
Sowanoxet — Fox Island — South-east of Wickford. (L. E. 1,
164— Smith deeds.)
Squamicut — Same as Misquamacut.
Swamptown — A name generally given to Bly's purchase, in
North Kingstown.
Teapanock — Probably Babcock's Pond in Westerly. (Old
Indian Plat.)
Tismatuc — Same as Wecapaug.. See order of Commis
sioners.
Tishcottic — See history, page 65. A farm in Westerly is
still known by this name, formerly Samuel Ward's.
Tommany hill — Near Newport. So called from Wannu-
metonomy, the Sachem ofthe island when the English ar
rived. (State Records, 1667.)
Training lot — A lot on the west side of Narrow river, south
east from Tower hill, originally laid out, as appears by
the plat, to Thomns Mumford, now in possession of the
town. It has occasionally been used as a place of exe
cution for criminals.
Tunxis — Farmington.
Umpaum — Same as Apaum. (Church 33.)
Usquepaug, or Wauwoskepog — A name anciently given to'
Hall's purchase. See Davel's deposition, and history,
page 70.
Unquowa — Fairfield . ,
Wetuset or Wachuset hills — In Princetown, Mass.
Wannuchecomecut — A part of Boston Neck.
Waxcodawa — Same as Weakapaug. (Old Indian plati)
Wawuttaquatuc — See history, page 65.
Wabequasset — A place in Nipmuc country.
Waranoke — Westfield, Conn.
Wecapage or Wekapaug — Most probable the stream running
into Quonocontaug pond. See Westerly papers, and his
tory, page 56.
Wepowack — A mistake of some careless transcriber for JVeio-
poT't, in copying Pessicus's confirmation ofthe Westerly
purchase.

307
'fV'equatucket — See Roger Williams' letters in Appendix.
Westototucket — Either Beaver or Usquepaug river. See his
tory, page 66.'
Wimatompic — See deed of Hall's purchase. (L. E. I, 2.)
Woonachasut — Coast-er's Harbor Island. (L. E. 1, lio', 315.)
The name of Coaster's Harbot was given to it by the first
Nicholas Easton.
JFopatooge— Milford.
Weinshauks — A residence of the Sachem Sassacus, west o f
the Mystic river. (3 M. H. C. 1, 161.)
Yaguns^ — A brook on the east side of Ninigret's fort. His
tory, page -65.

GENEALOGICAL INFORMATION.
Bull. Henry Bull came from South Wales through
Massachusetts into Rhode-Island. His wife Elizabeth died
1665. His second wife was Anne (Clayton);widow of Gov.
Easton. She died 1707. He was Governor in 1685, and
died 1693. His children were 1, Jireh, who was born at
Portsmouth, 1638, whose sons were Jireh, Henry, Ephraim
and Ezekiel. 2, Henry. 3, Hester, who died 1676. 4,
Mary. The Children of Jireh son of Jireh, were Jireh, 1682;
Benjamin and Benedict. Ephraim Bull married 1st, Mary
Coggeshall, 1692, and 2nd, Hannah Holway, 1700. His
children were 1 , Mary, who married Peleg Mumford. 2,
Rebecca, who married Samuel Haydon. 3, .Content. 4,
Ephraim, born 1702, whose children were Ephraim, born
1729, Jireh, Joseph, Katharine, Henry, Thomas, John and
Patience. 6, Hannah. 6, Amy, who married Joseph
Coggeshall. Henry son of Henry lived in Narragansett; married Anne
Cole of Kingstown, and died young. Besides a son E-
phraim, who died young, and a daughter Ann; he had a
son Henry born 1687, who married Martha daughter of
John Odlin. The latterj Henry, owned a large tract in
Narragansett, probably inherited from his grandfather, of
which John J. Watson, Esq. now owns a part, said formerly
to have been the greatest dairy farm in Narragansett. He
had by his first wife four sons and two daughters, and by his
second wife Phebe, daughter of Daniel Coggeshall of Ports-

308
mouth, seven sons and three daughters. His son John
married Ruth, daughter of George Cornell of Middletown,
and had three children, Lydia, Phebe and Henry. The
latter is now living in Newport.
It is said the first Henry Bull had a brother who settled
jn Connecticut, whose name is believed to have been
Thomas. Gardner. William Gardner (commonly called Wicked
William) died about 1732. His children were John, Han
nah, who married Rev. James McSparran, Sylvester, &c.
The latter was a physician, and received a first rate educa
tion abroad. John son of Dr. Sylvester, was father of the
Rev. John Sylvester Gardner, who lately died in Bos
ton. John son of William had several children, John born
1745, Amos 1729, Benjamin, &c. Amos died about 1793.
His sons were Capt. James, Amos and John.
Five brothers of this name bought out a part of John Por
ter's share in the Pettiquamscut purchase. They were 1,
Benoni, whose sons were Nathaniel, Stephen, William, &c.
2, Henry, whose sons were Henry, William, Ephraim, &c-
3, George. 4, William who had a son William. 5, Nich^
olas. — William son of Henry died about 1732; his sons were
Jo hn, enry, &c. Ephraim son ofthe first Henry had several
sons, I. Christopher, father of Capt. Nicholas E. Gardner.
2, Samuel father of Samuel E. and Thomas R. Gardner.
3, Sylvester. 4, James, &c.
Robinson. Rowland Robinson was born in England
about the year 1654, came over in 1676; married Mary
daughter of- John Allen. He died about 1716. He had
sons 1, William, who died about 1751, 2, John, who mar
ried Mary Hazard, and died before his father. The daugh
ters of John were Mary, born 1705, Sarah, 1706-7, Ruth,
1708-9, &c. Rowland Robinson in his will mentions his
daughters Elizabeth (wife of William) Browne, Mary Mum
ford, Sarah Barton and Marcy.
William Robinson was twice married. His children were
1, Rowland, born 1719, who married Anstis Gardner and
had three children, Hannah, Mary, and William born 1758.
2, John, 1721. 3, Margaret, 1722. 4, Elizabeth, 17^4;
married a Hazard. 6, Martha, 1726; married a Clark 6,
Christopher, 1727. 7, William, 1729. 8, Mary, 1736.
9, James, 1738. lO, John, 1742. 11, Sylvester. 12,
Thomas. 13, Abigail.

309
The children of William son of William, were Hannah,
Abigail, Philip born 1756.
The children of Christopher were Abigail, Christopher
born 1766, George, 1768, and Elizabeth.
The children of John, son of William, were Benjamin,
1763, Sarah, 1764, William, 1766, John, 1767, Sylvester,
1769, and Thomas, 1771.
The children of Sylvester were James, 1756, William,
1760. Bradford. — It is probable that nearly all of this name
in~New-England are descended from Gov. William Brad
ford, who came over to Plymouth in 1620. He had three
sons, John, William and Joseph.. William was born in
1624, was sometime depjity-governor; thrice married, and
had a numerous family who were scattered over New-Eng
land. One of his descendants was the late Dr. William
Bradford of Bristol. Several of them settled in Kingstown.
Case, Joseph Case had children 1, Joseph, born 1678,
whose son Joseph was grandfather of Dr. Benjamin W.
Case. 2, William, born 1681, whose son Willinm was
grandfather of Judge William C, Clark of Kingston. 3,
Mary. 4, Hannah. 5, Margaret. 6, John, born 1692,
who had a son Daniel, born 1721. 7. Emanuel, born 1699,
whose son Emanuel was father of John P. Case, Esq.
The homestead house ofthe first ofthe name here men
tioned, is said to have been on the Case land, east of King
ton village, now owned by Elisha R. Potter, south-east from
the present house, near which is their burying ground.
Stuart. Gilbert Stuart the celebrated portrait painter,
was a native of Narragansett. His father came from Scot
land, and here married an Anthony. Gilbert was born near
Narrow river, where his father lived. In 1776 he went to
England, and became a pupil of Benjamin West. From
London he went to Ireland by invitation from the Viceroy
the Duke of Rutland, but did not arrive there until after the
-Duke's decease. He spent several years in Ireland, and
then returned to his native country for the express purpose
of painting General Washington. While abroad he married
a lady of English family. His last years were spent in
Boston. For a longer account see Knapp's Lectures on
Americah Literature, p. 193, Dunlop's History ofthe Arts of
Design. The account given in the latter work is said by his

310
friends nofitobe entirely correct, and was written by a per
son supposed to be both personally and politically hostile to
him during his latter years.
Ward. The first ofthe family Who came to America was
Thomas Ward, who came from Glocester in England to
Newport, married there, and died Sept. 26, 1698, aged" 48.
His wife's name was Amey. John Ward, father of Thomas,
afterwards came over, and died April, 1698, aged 79.
Thomas Ward was a Baptist, and had been in Cromwell's
army. His son Richard was born April 16, 1689. He mar
ried Mary daughter of John Tillinghast, Nov. 2, 1709. He
was Governor in 1741-2, and died Aug. 21, 1763, aged 74.
Mary his wife died 1767, aged 78. Their children were
1. Amey, born Sept, 4, and died Oct. 22, 1710.
2. Thomas, born Oct. 24, 1711, married Content Cog
geshall. His children were] Mary, born 1736; Richafd,
1737; Elizabeth, 1742. Thomas died Dec. 21, 1760.
3. Mary, born Dec. 10, 1713, married Ebenezer Flagg,
died May 21, 1781.
4. Elizabeth, born Feb. 19, 1716, died -lug. 27, 1717.
5. Amey, born July 21, 1717, married Samuel Vernon,
and died Jan 17, 1792.
6. Isabel, born Sept. 19, 1719, married Huxford Mar-
chant, and died Feb. 5, 1808. She was grandmother of
Judge Wm. Marchant.
7, Hannah, born Sept. 4, 1721, and died Dec. 27, 1783.
8. Johfl, born Aug. 4, 1723, died Aug. 15, 1724.
9. Samuel, born May 27, 1725; married Anne Ray, was
Governor in 1762 and 1765, member of Congress in 1774-6,
and died at Philadelphia, March 26, 1776.
10. Mercy, born June 3, 1727, died Oct. 25, 1730.
11. Margaret, born April 14, 1729, married Col. Samuel
Freebody Jan. 1, 1765, and died June 27, 1765.
12. Richard, born Jan. 22, 1730, died Aug. 7, 1732.
13 Henry, born Dec. 27, 1732- He was a long time
Secretary; married Esther daughter of Thomas Freebody.
His daughter Elizabeth was 1759. She married Dr. Par
don Bowen. Henry Ward died Nov. 26, 1797.
14. Elizabeth, born June 6, 1735.
Samuel, the 2nd of five sons of Gov. Samuel Ward, was
born at East Greenwich, Nov. 17, 1766, graduated at Prov
idence college, married a daughter of Gov. Wm. Greene,
was a Colonel in the Continental army, and died on Long

311
Island, August 16, 1832. [Backus 1,516: 3, 234. Foster
papers.] Whale or Whalet. The following ac count is abridged
from Styles' History of the Judges of King Charles I.
Theophilus Whale lived on the Willet farm. He came
there from Virginia about 1679-80, buift an underground
hut at the north end of the pond, and lived by fishing and
writing for the settlers. From his name he was supposed
to be the Judge, and when questioned, answered obscurely.
Col. Francis Willet said that the gentlemen who visited
there from Boston in his father's time, treated Whale with
great respect and furnished him with money. In Queene
Anne's war a ship of war whose captain's name was Whale
anchored near there and they visited and recognised each
other as cousins. Whale always used to say that he was of
collegiate education, had been brought up delicately, and
had been a captain in the Indian wars in Virginia. He knew
Hebrew, Greek, &c. He subsisted part of the time by
weaving. Whale died about 1719-20, aged about 104 years. His
children were 1, Joan;' 2, Ann; 3, Theodosia, married Rob
ert Spencer; 4, Elizabeth, married Charles Hazleton and
had a daughter Penelope; 5, Martha, married first a Hop
kins and then Robert Spencer. She was the mother of
Judge Samuel Hopkins, and of a daughter who married
Othniel Gorton. 6, Lydia, married John Sweet; 7, Sam
uel, married first a Hopkins, then a Harrngton. He died
about 1782. His children were 1, Thomas; 2, Samuel; 3,
Theophilus; 4, James or Jeremy; 6, John, and two daugh
ters. Col. Willet afterwards on seeing Goffe's Mss. and Huch
inson's account, was convinced that Whale was not Judge
Whalley, but still believed him to be one of the King's
Judges. Updike. Dr. Gilbert Updike was of a Dutch family set
tled on Lloyd's Neck on Long-Island. When Col. Nich
ols reduced New-York, he came to Rhode-Island, and mar
ried a daughter of Richard Smith, who lived near where
Wickford now is. His sons were Lodowick, Daniel, James,
&c. Three of his sons were killed in the great swamp
fight, and buried in the large grave. Lodowick alone sur
vived his father. He died about 1737, and left several chil-

312
dren, Daniel, Richard, Esther, Catharine, Sarah, Abigail,
and Martha.
The children of Daniel Updike were Lodowick, born Ju
ly 12, 1725; Mary, born April 11, 1727; Gilbert and Wil-
kins. Richard Updike died before his father. His ^ons
were Richard and John, who were both sea captains.
Hazard. Thomas Hazard came to this country from
Wales about 1639, bringing with him his son Robert at that
time about four years old. He has by some been supposed
to be Goffe, one ofthe King's Judges, but this is improba
ble, as it is proved from deeds, Stc. that he was here in
1640. Robert Hazard had children, Thomas, George,
Stephen, Robert and Jeremiah.
Thomas Hazard, 2nd died 1746-6, aged 92. His sons were
1, Robert who died 1762, and whose sons' were Thomas, (fa
ther of Rowland who died near Poughkeepsie, 1836J) Jona
than and Richard. 2. Thomas 3. Stephen father of Fones
Hazard. 4, Jeremiah. 6. George, whose sons were Ben-'
jamin, Simeon, George, Enoch and Thomas, the latter the
father of Benjamin Hazard, Esq. of Newportj &c, 6, Bed-
jamin, the father of Thomas B. Hazard. 7, Jonathan the
father of (Virginia) Thomas, George &c.
George son of Robert, died 1743. His Children were Ij
Robert who probably died before his father. 2. Caleb who
was the father of William, Dr Robert and Caleb. 3. George,
Deputy Governor, whose sons were Carder (father of Peter
B. Robert H. and Dr George) and George, Mayor of New-"
port and Deputy Governor. 4. Col. Thomas, whose
daughters married Samuel Fayenweather^ Judge Wm. Pot
ter, Carder Hazard and George HasSard. 6. Oliver, whose
sons were Oliver &c., and one of whose daughters married
Freeman Perry, grandfather of Com. Oliver H. Perry.
Stephen, son ofthe first Robert, had sons, 1. Judge Ste
phen. 2. Robert, Deputy Governor- 3. Samuel. 4. Thomas.
Robert, son ofthe first Robert, had sons — Jeffrey, com-
hnnly called Stout Jeffry, Robert, John, Jeremy, &c. The
last named was grandfather of Jeffry Hazard, Esqr., late
Lieutenant Governor.
It is traditionary in the family that a brother ofthe first
Thomas Hazard came over with him, who was ancestor of
the New- York and South Carolina Hazards.

313
Clarke. John Clarke died April 20, 1676, in his 66th
year, and was buried on the west side of Tanner street in
Newport. He was, by tradition, of Bedfordshire, Eng
land; born Oct. 8, 1609, and married Elizabeth daughter of
John Harges, Esq. of Bedfordshire. He styles himself
John Clark, Physician, of London, in a power of attorney he
signed in 1656, to receive a legacy given by his wife's fath
er out ofthe manor of Wreslingworth in Bedfordshire. His
wife 'died at Newport without issue. He married Mrs.
Jane Fletcher, Feb. 1, 1671. She died April 19, 1672.
A daughter was born Feb. 14, 1672, and died Mfiy 18,
1673. He married next widow Sarah Davis who survived
him. Mr. Clarke was two or three years deputy-governor,
a long time colony agent in London, and left considerable
property to charitable purposes. He had three brothers,
Thomas, Joseph and Carew. Of these Joseph had two
sons, Joseph who removed to Westerly, and John the grand
father of Judge Williana C. Clark of Kingston.
Willet. Capt. Thomas Willet was one ofthe last ofthe
Leyden Company, and came over about 1630. He wag
the first English Mayor of New-York, aftei- it was reduced
by Col. Nicolls. He held that office again afterwards. He
died Aug. 4, 1674, in his 64th year, and was buried at the
head of Bullock's cove. He married Mary daughter of
John Brown, Esqr. His children were — 1. Thomas. 2.
Hester, born 1647. 3. Rebecca, died young. 4. James,
born 1649. 5. Andrew, who was at first a trader in Bos
ton, afterwards lived on Boston Neck, died there 1712, aged
56, and is buried there. His sons were Col. Francis Wil
let, who died Feb. 6, 1776, aged 83, without issue, and
Thomas, who died single. 6. Samuel. Col. Marinus Wil
let, who was mayor of New-York and was distinguished in
the revolutionary war, was grandson of Samuel. 7. Hez-
ekiah died young. 8. Hezekiah born 1652, and was killed
by the Indians JUne 26, 1676.
One of Capt. Thomas Willet's daughters married a Wil
son, Mary married Samuel Hooker of Farmington, Conn.,
and Martha married Judge John Saffin. [Daggett's Attle-
borough. Styles' History of the Judges. Baylies' Ply
mouth, part 4, p. 7-8.]
The burying ground ofthe Willets is on the farm in Bos
ton Neck, owned by Willet Carpenter, Esq.
T*

314
It would seem from Styles' History, that the Willet f^rni
was formerly reputed to have been the residence ofthe In
dian sachem Meantinomy.
Mawney. — The French name was LeMoine, afterwards
Englished into Mawney. Moses Le Moine, with a number
of others, came from France during the persecution which
followed the revocation ofthe edict of Nantes in 1686. They
pitched their tents in what was then a wilderness, built huts,
and planted an orchard, from them called the French or
chard, near a spring on that part qf the Pardon Mawney
farm how owned by Nicholas G. Mawney, in East Green
wich. The country is still called Frenchtown.
Moses had two children, Peter, and Mary who married
an Appleby of New-York. Peter, by his first wife, Mary
Tillinghast, had five children, by his second, three. They
were — 1. Elizabeth, married Joseph Tillinghast. 2. Mer
cy, married a Fry. 3. Lydia, married Dr. Ephraim Bowen.
4. Mary, married James Angell. 5. John. 6. Pardon,
supposed to be lost at sea. 7. Sarah, married Joseph Whip
ple. 8. Amey, married a Dr. Carrol.
John, son of Peter, died June 13, 1764, aged 35 years
and 10 months. He married Amey daughter of Robert
Gibbs, Esqr. His children were — 1. Pardon, born at Prov
idence, Dec. 27, 1748, died at East Greenwich, Aug. 6,,-
1831. He married Experience daughter of Caleb Gardner
of South Kingstown. 2. John, who was a physician, for
some time Sheriff of Providence county, and was one of
those who burnt the Gaspee. He died 1830, in Cranston. 3.
Hannah, ma.rried Stephen Harris and died at the age of 34,
leaving one son, Stephen, vho died unmarried. 4. Mary
died Dec. 26, .1757, aged 1 1 years. 6. Nancy died at the
age of 1 7 .
Berneau or Bernon. — Gabriel Berneau or Bernon was
born at Rochelle in France, April 6, 1644. He was a man
of large property and hereditary register of Rochelle. On
account of his religious opinions he was imprisoned two
years in that place, and on his release went and lived about
a year in Holland, from whence he came to America. He
lived ten years in Newport and Narragansett, and died at
Providence, Feb. 1, 1736, in his92d year. He was buried
under the old Episcopal Church in Providence.
Bernon had 10 children by his 1st wife, 8 of whom came

315
with him. By his 2nd wife, Mary Harris, he had four
children. While in Holland his daughter Ester married
Adam ap Howel a Welchman. She died a widow, Oct. 20,
1746, aged 69 years and 9 days, and was buried at Tower
Hill. Ester daughter of Adam ap Howel or Powell, mar
ried Judge James Helme, Esq. and died March 22, 1764,
in her 46th year.
The Coddington's, Whipple's, Crawford's, Jenckes', Al
len and Tourtellot families, are also connected with JMr,
Bernon. Watson. — John Watson died about 1728. His squs
were Samuel, John, William, &c. John had children Han
nah, Ann, John born 1709, Jeffrey born 1712, Elisha born
1716, and Amy. The children of Jeffrey were Hannah,
Jeffrey born 1734, Elisha born 1736, Marcy, Dorcas, Sa
rah, William born 1745 and Bathsheba. The children of
John last named were 1. John born 1737, father of Judge
John. 2. Hannah. 3. Bridget. 4. Job, 1744. 6. Ma
ry. 6. Elisha, 1748, father of Elisha Watson, Esq., Jo
seph, William, Freeman, &c. 7. Isabel. 8. Walter 1753.
The children of Job Watson were Isabel, Jobj 1767, Robert
Hazard, 1769, Walter, 1770, Borden, 1772, and John Jay,
1774.

ERRATA.
The following are believed to be the only mistakes in printing of any
feonsequence, and may be easily corrected with a pen.
Page 20, 10 lines from bottom — p. 76, 13 lines from top, for on, read or.
Passim, for Coquinaquand read Coginaquand.
Page 56, 2 lines from top, for Hathome, read Hathorne
" 57,20 " " " ybr Jassarono, reafi Tassarono.
" 62, 27 " " " for disputes read difficulty.
64, 2 " " bottom, /o?- Dwell, rca(i Divell's.
70, 1 " " top. for St. read St. Records.
70, 2 " " " for N. read n.
25, 4 " " hoViom, for a read n.
76, 20 " " top, for to Ward's cove", read towards the cove.
78,21 " " " strikeout "the major part of."
Ill, 3 and 4 lines from bottom, for Pesquamscut, read Pesquawscut.
113, 19 lines from bottom, /or given, read green.
•114,10 " " top , /or Warwick, rea(i Norwich.
167, 5 " " bottom, /or Quanspit, reaei Q,uananchet.
167, 7 " " " for Tawayeson, read Tawageson.
172, l.S " " " read "a son of abrother of Canonicus."
200 and 201, /or Brenton, read Breereton.
215, 19 lines from top, /or 1,767, read 1757.
225, 13 " " " for James O. Newton, read Jamea Newton.
226,20 " " " /or 218, read 70.
242, IS " " " for T, read I.
303, 32 " " " for Matloomuc, read Mattoonuc.

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