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Gift of

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Society of
Sons of the Revolution
In the State of New York.

With the Compliments of the Society.

Please acknowledge to

Morris P. Ferris,

Secretary Sons of the Revolution,

146 Broadway,

New York City.

Please exchange publications.

MEMOIR OF
COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
CONTINENTAL LIGHT DRAGOONS
1776-I783

The edition of this volume is three
hundred and fifty copies printed
on hand-made paper

PUBLICATION COMMITTEE

Samuel Putnam Avery *
James Mortimer Montgomery
Morris Patterson Ferris
Charles Isham

* Deceased

Portrait of Washington by James Sharpless
Presented by Washington to Colonel Tallmadge

Original in possession of Sons of the Revolution

PUBLICATIONS OF
THE SOCIETY OF SONS OF THE REVOLUTION
IN THE STATE OF NEW YORK
VOLUME I

MEMOIR OF
COLONEL
BENJAMIN
TALLMADGE EDITED BY
HENRY PHELPS JOHNSTON, A.M.
REGISTRAR

NEW YORK
PRINTED AT THE GILLISS PRESS
MCMIV

COPYRIGHT, 1904
BY THE SOCIETY OF SONS OF THE REVOLUTION
IN THE STATE OF NEW YORK

THE ILLUSTRATIONS IN THIS VOLUME
BOTH black: and in color were printed
BY MR. i,. BIERSTADT

INTRODUCTION

O enlarge the listand appropriately vary thechar-
acter of its memorials to the men of 'Seventy-
six, the Board of Managers of the " Sons of
the Revolution" in the State of New York, at
a meeting held December 3, 1903, resolved
to issue a series of volumes illustrative of the political pro
gress achieved, the battles fought and the distinguished ser
vices rendered by individuals in that glorious contest. To the
tablets, monuments, statues and historic buildings already
erected or to be erected and preserved, it is proposed to add
the equally permanent and less localized contributions of
the press, thus making it possible to carry out more widely
thatpurpose of the Society expressed in its constitution, "to
inculcate in the community in general sentiments of nation-
aUty and respect for the principles for which the patriots of
the Revolution contended."
The first volume, now offered, is devoted to the career of
a well-known officer of the Continental army and personal
friend of Washington. Colonel Benjamin Tallmadge of the
Second Regiment Light Dragoons belonged to that group
of loyal and active leaders who make themselves indispen
sable to a Commander-in-Chief in every great struggle. In

INTRODUCTION
our war of the Revolution they might have been called the
younger Washingtons — young men of like temperament,
prompted by the same high purpose, as calm and vigilant in
defeat as inspiring in victory, full of faith in the ultimate
success of their cause and exerting every effort to win it.
The type was to be found in such spirits as Hamilton, Law-
rens, Knowlton and many others like them. Tallmadge's
services were varied, important and constant for seven years.
It is a record worth the having, and most fortunately it is
at hand in his own modest personal " Memoir," published
about fifty years ago for limited private circulation. As the
work has become rare and practically out of reach, its re
print, like the original, appears to be called for as a contribu
tion to our Revolutionary literature, and it is presented in
the following pages with some explanatory Notes.
During the preparation of the volume the Society has lost
two of its members who in a special way were interested in
its completion — Mr. Frederick Samuel Tallmadge, the Pres
ident, and Mr. Samuel Putnam Avery, Chairman of the
Publication Committee. A brief memorial of the former
with the items of his generous bequests to the Society is ap
pended to the work. Mr. Avery, whose association with art
and fine printing was life-long, proved a valued adviser. The
editor also desires to acknowledge the very helpful assist
ance of Mr. James Mortimer Montgomery, of the Com
mittee, in suggesting and securing original material and il
lustrations. New York City,
November 25th, 1904.

CONTENTS
PAGE
Introduction  v
I Preface to the Memoir — Tallmadge's Family— Edu
cation — Enters the Army — Movements Around
New York in 1776 — Camp in Wall Street . . i
II Battle of Long Island — The Retreat to New
York — White Plains — Action on Chatterton Hill
— Personal Adventures  10
III Captain and Major of Dragoons — Operations in
New Jersey, 1777 — Battles of Brandywine, Ger
mantown and Monmouth . . . . 22
IV In the Secret Service — Stony Point — Stationed
in Westchester County — Attacked by Lord Raw-
don's Light Horse  42
V Expeditions to Long Island, 1779-80 — Capture
and Execution of Andre — Tallmadge and Jameson
on the Seizure of Arnold .... 47
VI Surprise of Fort St. George, Long Island — Lloyd's
Neck Enterprise — Fort Slongo .... 58
VII Tallmadge Suppresses Illicit Trade in the
Sound — Adventures — The Gallant Captain Brew
ster  75
VIII Close of the War — The Armstrong Letters — Cin
cinnati Society Organized — Tallmadge President
OF the Connecticut Branch .... 80
xi

CONTENTS
PAGE
IX Washington's Farewell to the Army — Evacua
tion OF New York by the British, November 25,
1783 — Entry of the Americans ... 86
X Farewell at Fraunces' Tavern — Washington
AND his Officers in Tears — The Chief's Parting
Words  96
XI Personal — Colonel Tallmadge at his Old
Home — Marriage to Miss Floyd — Reflections
on the War  99
NOTES
XII The Three Tallmadge Brothers in the War —
Tallmadge and Colonel Chester — The Wall
Street Camp  113
XIII Battle OF Long Island — Tallmadge's Promotions
— The Second Light Dragoons . . . .121
XIV Services in 1777-78 — Correspondence with
Washington — The Secret Service . . .126
XV American Spies and Arnold — Capture of Andre
— Correspondence Relating to it in 1822 —
Nathan Hale's Case  129
XVI The Traitor Arnold to Tallmadge — Congress
on the Major's Success on Long Island —
Uniform and Flags of The Second Dragoons . 138
xvii Death of Washington — Tallmadge's Qualities
and Appearance— Mr. Stevens on Fraunces'
Tavern — The Major's Adieu to Washington . 144

Memorial of Frederick Samuel Tallmadge —
Recorder Tallmadge — The Former's Bequests
to the Society ••...,.
Index 

153 163

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
FACING PAGE
Sharpless Portrait of Washington . . . Title

Pencil Sketch of Colonel Tallmadge, by Trumbull
Tallmadge's Commission as Lieutenant, 1776
Captain Seymour on Horseback, Showing Uniform of
Dragoons  . .
Letter from Washington to Tallmadge, 1778
Portrait of Colonel Tallmadge, by Earle, 1790
Plan of Fort St. George, Captured on Long Island

Map of Long Island and Scene of Tallmadge's Exploits 70

Portrait of Mrs. Tallmadge with Children, 1790 .
Fraunces Tavern, New York — The Long Room
Portrait of Colonel William Floyd, the Signer .
Flags of the Second Continental Light Dragoons
Leaf from Tallmadge's Orderly-Book
Brevet-Commission as Lieutenant-Colonel, 1783
Portrait of Colonel Tallmadge, 1820
Home of Colonel Tallmadge at Litchfield, Conn.
Tallmadge's Birthplace and Tomb ....
xiii

I
8
20
344858

84
96
102108
118128
134
138144

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
FACING PAGE
Tallmadge to Washington  152
Portrait of Frederick Samuel Tallmadge, President
Sons of the Revolution, 1884-1904
Silhouette of Mr. Tallmadge as a Youth
Photograph of Mr. Tallmadge
View of Mr. Tallmadge's Library
Portrait of Recorder Frederick A. Tallmadge
Cut of the Recorder 

155
156156
158
159
159

MEMOIR OF
COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE

REPRINT OF THE ORIGINAL
EDITION

/ /

^t^^^^r^ . cyoi^-^^-f-^i'tfi-^^-*^

L-^»

M i'M'MI I 1., SK>.7rC.il BY COT.TI-' Ll MH U.li

Pencil Sketch of Colonel Tallmadge

By the painter Trumbull
[Page i]

MEMOIR OF
COLONEL
BENJAMIN TALLMADGE

PREPARED BY HIMSELF AT
THE REQUEST OF HIS
CHILDREN

NEW YORK
THOMAS HOLMAN. BOOK AND JOB PRINTER
CORNER OF CENTRE AND WHITE STREETS

1858

PREFACE
HE following Memoir of Colonel Ben
jamin Tallmadge was prepared by
himself, at the request of his children,
and for their gratification. It is confined,
principally, to those incidents of the Revolutionary
War with which he was more immediately con
nected, and therefore becomes the more interesting to
his descendants and family friends.
For their convenience, and for the additional purpose
of contributing to the authenticity of our Revolution
ary History, I determined to publish this Memoir ; and,
as it terminates with the close of the Revolutionary
struggle, I have added a brief sketch of his subsequent
life. As a frontispiece, I have placed an engraved copy of
a pencil sketch of my father, made by Colonel John
Trumbull, soon after the close of the Revolutionary

PREFACE
War, and which he presented to me, in frame, a few
years before that venerated patriot's death.
I need not say how much I appreciate his kindness,
in furnishing me with so spirited a sketch of my ven
erable ancestor, as well as the pride that is awakened
and gratified, by receiving it from one of the Aids
of Washington, and the companion-in-arms of my
father. F. A. TALLMADGE.
New York, November i6th, l8^8.

MEMOIR OF
COLONEL benjamin TALLMADGE

HE subject of this memoir was born at
Brookhaven, on Long Island, in Suffolk
county. State of New York, on the 25th
of February, 1 754. His father, the Rev.
Benjamin Tallmadge, was the settled minister of that
place, having married Miss Susannah Smith, the
daughter of the Rev. John Smith, of White Plains,
Westchester county, and State of New York, on the
1 6th of May, 1750. I remember my grandparents
very well, having visited them often when I was
young. Of their pedigree I know but little, but have
heard my grandfather Tallmadge say that his father,
with a brother, left England together, and came to
this country, one settling at East Hampton, on Long
Island, and the other at Branford, in Connecticut.
My father descended from the latter stock. My father
was born at New Haven, in this State, January ist,
1 725, and graduated at Yale College, in the year 1747,
3

MEMOIR OF
and was ordained at Brookhaven, or Setauket, in the
year 1753, where he remained during his life. He
died at the same place on the 5th of February, 1786.
My mother died April 21st, 1768, leaving the fol
lowing children, viz. :
William Tallmadge, born October 17, 1752, died
in the British prison, 1776.
Benjamin Tallmadge, born February 25, 1754,
who writes this memoranda.
Samuel Tallmadge, born November 23,1755, died
April I, 1825.
John Tallmadge, born September 19, 1757, died
February 24, 1823.
Isaac Tallmadge, born February 25, 1762.
My honored father married, for his second wife,
Miss Zipporah Strong, January 3rd, 1770, by whom
he had no children.
Having, from childhood, exhibited an eager desire
for learning, my father determined to give me the
opportunity to obtain a liberal education, and as he
was preparing a number of boys for college, he placed
me as a student among them, and when I was twelve
years old, I had acquired such a knowledge in class
ical learning, that President Dagget, on a visit to my
father, examined and admitted me as qualified to en
ter college, when I was twelve or thirteen years old.
My father deemed it improper for me to go to col
lege so young, and, therefore, kept me at home un-
4

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
til the Autumn of 1769, when I became a member
of Yale College.
Being so well versed in the Latin and Greek lan
guages, I had not much occasion to study during the
two first years of my collegiate life, which I have al
ways thought had a tendency to make me idle, when,
if I had rightly improved my time, it would have af
forded me an opportunity for improvement in other
sciences. It, however, served to induce me to Dean's bounty,
which I should have been a candidate for, had not
the measles wholly prevented me from studying dur
ing a part of my junior and senior years.
At the commencement of 1773, I took my first
degree, having had an honorable appointment by the
President, the Rev. Dr. Dagget, to speak publicly on
the occasion.
Having had an application to superintend the High
School in Weathersfield, then about to become vacant
by the retirement of David Humphreys, Esq., I ac
cepted the same, and repaired to that place for the
purpose. I was very much gratified and pleased, both
with my employment and the people, and continued
there until the commencement of the revolutionary
war. When first American blood was shed at Lex
ington by the British troops, and again repeated much
more copiously at Bunker's Hill, near Boston, the
whole country seemed to be electrified. Among oth-
5

MEMOIR OF
ers, I caught the flame which was thus spreading from
breast to breast, and mounted my horse to go and see
what was going on near Boston. I soon found my
friend, Capt. Chester, of Weathersfield, who had been
at Bunker's Hill, in the late conflict. He first inti
mated to me the idea of joining the army. Although
I was sufficiently ardent to be pleased, and even elated
with such a prospect, yet nothing was further from
my intention at that time than to have entered upon
a military life.
While I was at Cambridge with my military friends,
I was continually importuned to think of the oppres
sion which was so abundantly exhibited by the Brit
ish government towards the Colonies, until I finally
became entirely devoted to the cause in which my
country was compelled to engage. I finally began to
think seriously of putting on the uniform, and returned
to Weathersfield full of zeal in the cause of my coun
try. After my return to Connecticut, the prospect of
peace and reconciliation appeared to be almost hope
less, and the country began to think seriously of rais
ing an army to oppose the British troops wherever
they should be located. Congress apportioned to the
then Colonies their several quotas of troops, and the
State of Connecticut, by their legislature, resolved to
raise their proportion of men, in the year 1 776, for the
campaign of 1776.
Capt. Chester, before mentioned, was appointed a
6

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
Colonel, and he immediately offered me the commis
sion of a lieutenant, with the appointment of adju
tant to his regiment. My feelings had been so much
excited, that I was gratified by this offer from my
friend, and decided at once to lay aside my books (hav
ing almost determined to study law), and take up the
sword in defense of my country. My lieutenant's
commission, signed by the venerable Gov. John Trum
bull, was dated June 20th, 1776, and my warrant as
adjutant bore the same date.

CAMPAIGN OF 1 776
T T A VING now commenced my new profession of
¦^ -*• arms, and believing myself influenced by the
most patriotic principles, I waited the orders of my
commander, ready to go wherever he should order.
The British fleet, under the command of Admiral
Shuldham, and the army commanded by General
Howe, had left Boston, or gone to Halifax, and were
at sea. General Washington expected the enemy
would make their next appearance at New York, and
had put the American army under march for that city.
I obtained permission to visit my father at Brook
haven, on my way to New York, and I shall not soon
forget his surprise at seeing me dressed in military
7

MEMOIR OF
uniform, with epaulets on my shoulders, and a sword
by my side. Although he was a firm and decided
whig of the revolution, yet he seemed very reluctant
to have me enter the army. However, the die was
cast, and I soon left the paternal abode and entered
the tented field.
While the British fleet and army were at sea, or
at Halifax, my duties were almost constant and un
ceasing, in training and disciplining our newly raised
regiment for the service of the field the ensuing cam
paign. My ambition was almost boundless, and my
health and spirits being of the first order, I felt ready
to do or undergo almost any service that might be
assigned to me.
We arrived at the city of New York in the month
of June, 1 776, and my place of regimental parade was
assigned in Wall Street, where, every morning and
evening, the regiment assembled for exercise. Dur
ing the heat of the day, the men were excused from
duty, the heat being too intense to be borne by them
in the sun. The American army, composed princi
pally of levies, or troops raised for short periods, and
militia, had now assembled at New York, and in its
vicinity, when it was announced that a large British
fleet was discovered off the Hook, on the 29th of
June. In a few days, the British fleet entered the
Hook, and Sir William Howe, who commanded the
army, landed on Staten Island, where, by the arrival

Tallmadge's Commission as Lieutenant, 1776

In possession of Sons of the Revolution

f

lilpi«jlillJLJj.l.,l.pL|.,.

-^y^'^f'i^^^

JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Efq;
Cap tain- General and Commander in Chief of the Englifh Colony of Conneciicut.,:,
in New-Knglandf^^ America,

To y \Un/a?n{7)/ yytZUTrt^uza^^^ Gvtttmg.
You being by tKeGeneral Aflembly of' this Colony, appointed to be iJee>(rnc^ ^•J^^-'^i-fc/rut/nr'
of a Company now ordered to be raifed in this C9lony, and to join the Continental Army, -
repofing efpecial Truft and Confidence in your Fidelity, Courage and good Conduft, I do, by
Virtue of the Lawj, ,of this Colony, me thereunto enabling, appoint and impower you-, the
ftii L^^<iY^Mn'<-»^ x^/a/lmaoht.- ~ to bc iAamoty riiSt^d-Uricwi/f i —  of fiid CoDipany .
you are^herefore, carefoily and diligently to difcharge the Duty of a ^t.exrru)0 r<uiaUrn6>/n^ — ->
in leading, ordering and exercifmg faid Company in Arms, both inferior Officers aruf Sol--
diers, in the Service aforefaid, and to keep them in good Order and Difcipline, hereby com
manding them- to obey you as their >yciJrD t^LLcoliyriayny^ t and yourfelf to obferve and follo-w
fuch Orders and Inftrudtions, as you fhall from Time to Time- receive from me, or tlie Com- -'
minder in Chief of faid Colony, for the- T-jme being, or other your fuperior Officeri according,
to the Rules and Difcipline of War, ordained and eftablifhed by the Continental Congrefs, pur- -
fuant to the Truft hereby repofed in you.
Given under my Hand, . and the public Seal of faid Colony, at
Day of 9Lriu—^  ~~.^A7ino Domini, XT] b,
/'/'' )
5y His Honor's Commarra/ /
/ y SP/

L

Wf^tl^

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
of Lord Howe, he had a force about twenty-five thou
sand men. The newly furnished troops, consisting of
foreigners and native subjects, having now joined those
who had recently left Boston, General Washington
(having arrived also from Boston) began to introduce
system and order into the heterogeneous mass of
troops that had been brought into the field, and were
placed under his command. The war now put on a
very serious aspect, as independence had been declared,
and it seemed no longer doubtful that the contest on
which we had entered must be decided by the sword.
The British commissioners (ofwhich Lord Howe
was one), however, opened their commission by ad
dressing a letter to General Washington in his private
character, and forwarded the same to our Commander-
in-Chief by Colonel Patterson. General Washing
ton refused to receive these dispatches for the want
of respectful address, and returned them to the com
missioners, unopened, assigning the foregoing reasons
for his refusal. The army was highly gratified by
this conduct of General Washington, and Congress
publicly approved of the same on the 1 7th of July,
1776. The Declaration of Independence, which had been
solemnly adopted by Congress on the Fourth of July,
1776, was announced to the army in general orders,
and filled every one with enthusiastic zeal, as the
point was now forever settled, and there was no fur-
9

MEMOIR OF
ther hope of reconciliation and dependence on the
mother country.
The movements of the enemy indicating an inten
tion to approach New York by the way of Long Island,
Gen. Washington ordered about 1 0,000 men to em
bark and cross the East River at Brooklyn. The reg
iment to which I belonged was among the first that
crossed over, and, on the 27th of August, the whole
British army, consisting of their own native troops,
Hessians, Brunswickers, Waldeckers, etc., tothenum-
berofat least 25,ooomen,with a most formidable train
of field artillery, landed near Flatbush, under cover of
theirshipping,and moved towards Jamaica and Brook
lyn. As our troops had advanced to meet the en
emy, the action soon commenced, and was continued,
at intervals, through most of the day. Before such an
overwhelming force of disciplined troops, our small
band could not maintain their ground, and the main
body retired within their lines at Brooklyn, while a
body of Long Island Militia, under Gen. Woodhull,
took their stand at Jamaica. Here Gen. Woodhull
was taken prisoner and inhumanly killed. The main
body of our army, under Major-Gen. Sullivan and
Lord Stirling, fought in detached bodies, and on the
retreat both of those officers were made prisoners.
I also lost a brother the same day, who fell into
their hands, and was afterwards literally starved to
death in one of their prisons ; nor would the
10

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
enemy suffer relief from his friends to be afforded
to him.
This was the first time in my life that I had wit
nessed the awful scene of a battle, when man was en
gaged to destroy his fellow-man. I well remember
my sensations on the occasion, for they were solemn
beyond description, and very hardly could I bring my
mind to be willing to attempt the life of a fellow-
creature. Our army having retired behind their in-
trenchment, which extended from Vanbrunt's Mills,
on the West, to the East River, flanked occasionally
by redoubts, the British army took their position, in
full array, directly in front of our position. Our in-
trenchment was so weak, that it is most wonderful
the British General did not attempt to storm it soon
after the battle, in which his troops had been victori
ous. Gen. Washington was so fully aware of the
perilous situation of this division of his army, that he
immediately convened a council of war, at which the
propriety of retiring to New York was decided on.
After sustaining incessant fatigue and constant watch
fulness for two days and nights, attended by heavy
rain, exposed every moment to an attack from a vastly
superior force in front, and to be cut off from the
possibility of retreat to New York, by the fleet, which
might enter the East River, on the night of the 29th
of August, Gen. Washington commenced recrossing
his troops from Brooklyn to New York. To move
II

MEMOIR OF
so large a body of troops, with all their necessary ap
pendages, across a river full a mile wide, with a rapid
current, in face of a victorious, well disciplined army,
nearly three times as numerous as his own, and a fleet
capable of stopping the navigation, so that not one
boat could have passed over, seemed to present most
formidable obstacles. But, in face of these difficul
ties, the Commander-in-Chief so arranged his busi
ness, that on the evening of the 29th, by 10 o'clock,
the troops began to retire from the lines in such a
manner that no chasm was made in the lines, but as
one regiment left their station on guard, the remain
ing troops moved to the right and left and filled up
the vacancies, while Gen. Washington took his sta
tion at the ferry, and superintended the embarkation
of the troops. It was one of the most anxious, busy
nights that I ever recollect, and being the third in
which hardly any of us had closed our eyes in sleep,
we were all greatly fatigued. As the dawn of the
next day approached, those of us who remained in the
trenches became very anxious for our own safety,
and when the dawn appeared there were several reg
iments still on duty. At this time a very dense fog
began to rise, and it seemed to settle in a peculiar
manner over both encampments. I recollect this pe
culiar providential occurrence perfectly well ; and so
very dense was the atmosphere that I could scarcely
discern a man at six yards' distance.
12

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
When the sun rose we had just received orders to
leave the lines, but before we reached the ferry, the
Commander-in-Chief sent one of his Aids to order
the regiment to repair again to their former station
on the lines. Col. Chester immediately faced to the
right about and returned, where we tarried until the
sun had risen, but the fog remained as dense as ever.
Finally, the second order arrived for the regiment to
retire, and we very joyfully bid those trenches a long
adieu. When we reached Brooklyn ferry, the boats
had not returned from their last trip, but they very
soon appeared and took the whole regiment over to
New York ; and I think I saw Gen. Washington on
the ferry stairs when I stepped into one of the last
boats that received the troops. I left my horse tied
to a post at the ferry.
The troops having now all safely reached New
York, and the fog continuing as thick as ever, I be
gan to think of my favorite horse, and requested leave
to return and bring him off. Having obtained per
mission, I called for a crew of volunteers to go with
me, and guiding the boat myself, I obtained my horse
and got off some distance into the river before the
enemy appeared in Brooklyn.
As soon as they reached the ferry we were saluted
merrily from their musketry, and finally by their field
pieces; but we returned in safety. In the history of
warfare I do not recollect a more fortunate retreat.
13

MEMOIR OF
After all, the providential appearance of the fog saved
a part of our army from being captured, and certainly
myself, among others who formed the rear guard.
Gen. Washington has never received the credit which
was due to him for this wise and most fortunate
measure. When the enemy had taken possession of the
heights opposite the city, they commenced firing from
their artillery, and the fleet were in motion to take
possession of those waters, which, had it been done a
little earlier, this division of our army must inevitably
have fallen into their hands.
In a day or two after, the British army began to
move up the Island to Hurl Gate, when it became man
ifest that their object was to cut off the retreat of our
troops from New York. My first station was at Tur
tle Bay, on York Island. A British frigate having
taken her station in the East River, we began to fire
upon her from a small battery of eighteen pounders,
and did her some damage. As soon as she got springs
on her cable, however, she began so heavy a fire upon
our redoubt, that in less than thirty minutes she en
tirely dismounted our guns, and we were glad to leave
so uncomfortable a place.
My next halt was at our battery at Hurl Gate, oppo
site to which, on Long Island, the enemy erected a
battery of heavy cannon, from which they commenced
a tremendous fire on our fort, and soon made a breach

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
in it, and dismounted most of our guns. After this,
they began to make preparations for crossing the East
River. Gen. Washington immediately put his army
in motion to leave the city, the stores, etc., etc., hav
ing been previously removed. Both rivers, viz., the
North and the East, were now filled with British
shipping, and boats were seen passing from Long Island
to New York, filled with soldiers, who formed and
deployed immediately after landing. A considerable
body of our troops had not yet retired from the city;
but being hastened by this movement of the enemy,
took the North River Road, and thus escaped being
entirely cut off. Some skirmishing ensued, which
proved of little consequence. In the course of the
day, a portion of our brigade, under Gen. Wadsworth,
was engaged, and our Brigade-Major, Major Wyllis,
was made a prisoner. I was immediately appointed
to fill his station, and entered on my new duties.
Gen. Washington halted on the heights between
Harlem and Kingsbridge, and the enemy appeared in
full force on the South, or opposite side of Harlem.
While in these situations, detachments from the two
armies had frequent skirmishes, which produced no
very important results.
It was not long before the British troops were found
to be recrossing the East River to Long Island, and
moving to the East. This induced Gen. Washington
to remove his army off from York Island, and take
15

MEMOIR OF
a new position in the county of Westchester, North
and East from Kingsbridge, leaving garrisons in forts
Washington and Lee, located on both sides of the
North, or Hudson River. In this new position we
remained for some time, no important event having
taken place. As the enemy showed a disposition to
cross over into Westchester, Gen. Washington re
moved the main body of his army up to the White
Plains, taking possession of the high ground North
and East of the town. Here he seemed determined
to take his stand, his lines extending from a moun
tain on the right, called Chadderton's Hill, to a lake
or large pond of water on his left. An intrenchment
was thrown up from right to left, behind which our
army formed. Long poles with iron pikes upon them,
supplied the want of bayonets. Chadderton's Hill
was separated from the right of our intrenchment by
a valley of some extent, with the river Bronx directly
before it ; but being within cannon shot of our in
trenchment on the right. Gen. Washington thought
it best to occupy it, and ordered Gen. McDougall,
with 800 or 1,000 men, to defend it, and if driven
from it, to retire upon the right of the line. The
American army were all at their several posts on the
last September and beginning of October ; and here
it looked as if Gen. Washington intended to give bat
tle to the British army. On the 27th October, 1776,
it was announced at Head Quarters that the enemy
16

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
was in motion from Westchester, through Eastchester,
directly toward the White Plains. A detachment of
2,000 or 3,000 men was ordered to proceed on the
old York road to meet the enemy in front. As our
brigade formed a part of the force, I, of course, was
among them. Before the dawn of day, on the 28th
of October, we learned that the enemy were in full
march directly in front of us. Gen. Spencer, who
commanded this body of troops in advance, immedi
ately made the necessary disposition to receive the en
emy, having the river Bronx on our right, and be
tween us and the troops on Chadderton's Hill. At
the dawn of day, the Hessian column advanced within
musket shot of our troops, when a full discharge of
musketry warned them of their danger. At first they
fell back, but rallyed again immediately, and the col
umn of British troops having advanced upon our left,
made it necessary to retire. As stone walls were fre
quent, our troops occasionally formed behind them,
and poured a destructive fire into the Hessian ranks.
It, however, became necessary to retreat wholly be
fore such an overwhelming force. To gain Chadder
ton's Hill, it became necessary to cross the Bronx,
which was fordable at that place. The troops imme
diately entered the river and ascended the hill, while
I being in the rear, and mounted on horseback, en
deavored to hasten the last of our troops, the Hessians
being then within musket shot. When I reached the
17

MEMOIR OF
bank of the river, and was about to enter it, our Chap- ,
lain, the Rev. Dr. Trumbull, sprang up behind me on
my horse, and came with such force to carry me with
my accoutrements, together with himself, headlong
into the river. This so entirely disconcerted me, that
by the time I reached the opposite bank of the river,
the Hessian troops were about to enter it, and con
sidered me as their prisoner. As we ascended the hill,
I filed off to the right, expecting our troops on the
hill would soon give them a volley. When they had
advanced within a few yards of a stone wall, behind
which Gen. McDougall had placed them, our troops
poured upon the Hessian column, under Gen. Rahl,
such a destructive fire, that they retreated down the
hill in disorder, leaving a considerable number of the
corps on the field. This relieved me from my peril
ous situation, and I immediately remounted my horse,
and taking my course in the valley, directly between
the hostile armies, I rode to Head Quarters, near the
Court-house, and informed Gen. Washington of the
situation of the troops on Chadderton's Hill. The
enemy having rallied, and being reinforced, made a
second attempt upon Gen. McDougall's detachment,
who gave them a second warm reception ; but, being
overpowered, retired upon the right of our line, then
in order of battle. A severe cannonade was kept up
from both armies through the day, and every moment
did we expect the enemy would have attempted to

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
force us from our lines. In the meantime. Gen.
Washington had begun to remove his stores and heavy
baggage up to Northcastle.
After remaining in our lines and on constant mil
itary duty for several days and nights, on the ist of
November Gen. Washington retired with his army to
the heights in the neighborhood of Northcastle. Thus
baffled, Gen. Howe gave over the pursuit, and began
his march towards Kingsbridge, where he assembled
his troops to invest Fort Washington. In the mean
time. Gen. Washington apprehending that the enemy
would immediately attempt the capture of forts Wash
ington and Lee (two strong fortifications on each bank
of the Hudson and below Kingsbridge), ordered his
troops into the vicinity of Peekskill, on the North
River. After stationing suitable guards on the Croton
river, and to protect the country from plunder, etc..
Gen. Washington crossed the Hudson with a consider
able portion of his troops, and removed down into the
neighborhood of Fort Lee. After a most desperate
assault on Fort Washington by the Hessian troops
under Gen. Kniphausen, aided by diflferent corps of
the British under the command of Gen. Matthews,
Col. Stirling, and Lord Percy, and the outposts of
the garrison being driven in, and their ammunition
almost expended. Col. Morgan [Magaw], who com
manded in the garrison, beat a parley and surrendered.
By this unfortunate event, we lost about 3,000 men,
19

MEMOIR OF
a great part of whom perished in prison by severe
usage, sickness, etc.
After the fall of Fort Washington, it became cer
tain that Fort Lee could not be sustained, and as Lord
Cornwallis had crossed the Hudson River at Dobb's
ferry, and above the fort, it became necessary to be on
the alert. The troops at and in the neighborhood
of Fort Lee, moved off in season to avoid the approach
of the enemy, and retired over the Hackensack River,
into the State of New Jersey. This was a period of
great dismay. The campaign of 1 776 was now drawing
to a close, and the periods for which the American
troops had been enlisted, were daily expiring. The
enemy had been victorious, and flushed with success,
were insolent and cruel both to the inhabitants and
to their prisoners. In fact, all was confusion and dis
may, and it seemed as if we were on the eve of des
pair and ruin.
If I was writing a history of the revolutionary war,
I should not fail in this momentous period of our rev
olution to notice the events which transpired in the
Northern army and on the Lakes.
The attacks on Charleston, South Carolina, at the
South, and the lodgment of a British force at New
port, R. I., in all which places, except before Charles
ton, disasters and dismay seemed to be the portion of
America. But, as I was noticing only some of the
prominent events of my own life, and those which
20

Captain Seymour on Horseback, Showing Uniform
of Dragoons
From Trumbull's painting of Burgoyne's Surrender
[Pages 14.3-4]

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
took place where I have been providentially placed
{^quorum pars fui), I will not enlarge.
The New England troops being left on the East
side of the Hudson, or North River, and Gen. Wash
ington, with the Southern troops principally, having
taken his course to the South, halted occasionally as
he passed through New Jersey, but kept before the
enemy until they crossed the river Delaware. This
river then became the boundary or dividing line be
tween the two armies. The enemy soon took possess
ion of Trenton, Bordentown, and Burlington, which
places were occupied principally by the Hessian
troops. The British troops occupied Princeton, New
Brunswick, and Amboy. To the troops on the East
side of the North River was appropriated the service
of calling the attention of the enemy to their front
at Kingsbridge, Harlem, etc., to call off their pursuit
of Gen. Washington, and his broken corps. But the
period of discharge of this division of the army was
at hand, as the year was now at its close, and Con
gress had finally determined to raise an army for the
war, on the pressing recommendation of Gen. Wash
ington. In the Fall of the year 1776, Congress re
solved to raise eighty-eight battalions of infantry, and
apportioned to each State in the Union its quota of
these troops. In the month of December they re
solved to raise four regiments of horse, and sixteen
additional regiments of infantry, authorizing Gen.
21

MEMOIR OF
W^ashington to appoint officers for the whole of them.
This produced an entire change in all our military
system, and those who felt ardent in their country's
cause, were now called upon to step forward and en
gage in her service. Before our regiment was dis
missed, I had the offer of the first troop, in the 2d
regiment of light dragoons, commanded by Colonel
Elisha Sheldon. As these appointments were from
Gen. Washington, I felt highly honored and gratified
by the appointment, and before the levies were dis
missed, I enlisted the quota of men for my troop. My
commission as captain bore date the 14th of Decem
ber, 1776, and was signed by John Hancock, Pres
ident. I had now entered upon a new career, both as to
the nature and the duration of my military service.
The dragoon service being so honorable and so desir
able, it became an object of primary importance to ob
tain an appointment in this corps. I now left my fel
low-officers of the infantry, and proceeded to Philadel
phia to receive instructions from the Board of War
about raising and equipping this new body of troops.
As I passed on. Gen. Washington had planned his ex
pedition against the Hessians at Trenton, in which
he captured about one thousand men, on the night
of the 25th of December, and the next day recrossed
the Delaware with his troops and prisoners. This
event gave a new force to our affairs, and where gloom

22

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
and dismay prevailed, zeal and courage began to ap
pear. This fortunate attack upon the enemy at Tren
ton, inspired the militia with such courage, and they
flocked to the American camp in such numbers, that
Gen. Washington determined again to cross the Del
aware at Trenton, of which he took possession. The
British troops having now collected at New Bruns
wick and Princeton, Lord Cornwallis, with a select
body of troops, was dispatched to attack the Amer
ican army. He entered Trenton on the 2d of Jan
uary, 1777 ; and on that day Gen. Washington re
tired across the river at Trenton, called the Assumpink,
which divides the town, running from East to West,
and then falls into the Delaware. After making sev
eral fruitless attempts to pass the river at the bridge
and fording-places, to attack our troops, Cornwallis
halted on the North side of the river, intending to
make the attack the next day. Aware of his danger.
Gen. Washington caused the fires of his encampment
to be kept up, and suitable sentinels and patrols to be
on duty through the night, while, with the main body
of his troops, he filed off to the right, and the next morn
ing at day-break was at Princeton. There he found
three regiments of British troops, which he immedi
ately engaged and dispersed, killing and taking about
four hundred men, of which more than one hundred
were slain. Our loss in killed was about the same,
among whom was Gen. Mercer, of Virginia. As soon
23

MEMOIR OF
as Lord Cornwallis found that Gen. Washington had
eluded him, he moved his troops from Trenton to
Princeton, on their way to New Brunswick. The
rear of our troops had scarcely left Princeton, when the
vanguard of the British entered, between which some
shots were exchanged. Gen. Washington crossed the
Millstone, destroying all the bridges, which greatly
retarded the enemy. Turning to the North, toward
Somerset Court House,he left Lord Cornwallis to pur
sue his march to New Brunswick, where his stores and
baggage were deposited, and our little army halted for
refreshment and repose. In a short time Gen. Wash
ington removed the remains of his army to Morris-
town, N. J., where he took up his Winter quarters.
Thus the campaign of 1 776 closed with honor to the
American arms, although a considerable portion of
it had been replete with disaster.
It being determined that the 2nd Regiment of Light
Dragoons, to which I was attached, should rendezvous
at Wethersfield, in Connecticut, I proceeded to that
place, where all recruits were ordered to assemble.
There I immediately erected a large circular Manage,
for the purpose of training and breaking our horses,
and the Winter and ensuing Spring were occupied in
preparing for the campaign of 1777, which, from all
preparations making on both sides, bid fair to be
a bloody one. As soon as the Spring had opened,
and traveling become practicable. Gen. Howe began
24

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
to show a disposition to take the field. Gen. Wash
ington removed his army forward from Morristown
to the strong and elevated positions North of Mid-
dlebrook. There he intrenched and fortified his en
campment, and awaited the movements of the enemy.
Gen. Washington, foreseeing the intention of Gen.
Howe to strike some decisive blow with such a pow
erful military force as he had at command, had di
rected that all recruits should be forwarded to Head
Quarters as fast as they were collected. He also sent
a particular order to Col. Sheldon to send on all the
effective men of his regiment. Having about men
and horses enough to form four troops, they were
accordingly put in the best order, and the command
of the squadron was given to me, as senior Captain in
the regiment. My own troop was composed entirely
oi dapple gray horses, which, with black straps and black
bear-skin holster-covers, looked superb. I have no
hesitation in acknowledging that I was very proud of
this command.

CAMPAIGN OF 1 777
AT the opening of the campaign of 1777, I
moved oflT with this noble body of horse from
Weathersfield, where I had passed a very pleasant and
25

MEMOIR OF
a very active and busy Winter. My military duties by
day, and the pleasant intercourse with the inhabitants
in the evening, made the time pass rapidly away. I
left the place and the people with some regret, but be
ing fired with military ambition and panting for glory,
I took up my line of march — passing through Farm
ington, Harrington, Litchfield, and Kent, in Con
necticut, and from thence to Peekskill and King's
Ferry, where we crossed the Hudson River. Thence
by Haverstraw, the Clove, and Pompton to Morris
town, where Gen. Washington had encamped his army
through the preceding Winter. From this place I
reported my detachment to the Commander-in-Chief,
who ordered me to move on the next day to his en
campment near Middlebrook, where he reviewed us
and commended the appearance of my detachment.
The day following, all the light horse, consisting
of Col. Blond's, Col. Maylan's, and my squadron,
were ordered to parade, and proceeded down to Wood-
bridge to reconnoitre the enemy. After we came in
full view of them, they immediately got under arms.
Pretty soon some of their light troops appeared to be
filing off to the right and left, and quickly appeared
in our rear. Our next attempt was to pass through
their corps, which we did, each squadron taking a sep
arate course. Our loss was but small, considering the
fire we sustained. After this we retired towards Head
Quarters, and halted for the night, being covered by
26

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
Col. Morgan's Regiment of Riflemen. Early next
morning, being June 25, 1777, our patrols came in,
announcing the approach of the enemy. As soon as
the dragoons could be mounted, the enemy was in
sight, and the firing commenced, which began the
battle of the Short Hills. Lord Stirling commanded
the left wing of the advanced division of our army,
and fell in with Lord Cornwallis, who commanded the
grenadiers and light infantry of the British army. In
the course of the battle four field pieces were taken
from Lord Stirling, and again retaken and finally lost.
The main body of the enemy, under Gen. Howe, did
not fall in with Gen. Washington, who immediately
took possession of his strongholds back of Middle-
brook. Thus the British General was disappointed in
his plan of drawing Gen. Washington into a general
battle. Our light troops hovered upon the rear of
the enemy until they reached Elizabethtown. After
this Gen. Howe drew in his out-posts, and pretty soon
began to embark his army for-their southern expedi
tion. As soon as Gen. Washington could determine
the course that the British fleet had steered, he put
his whole army under march for the Delaware. The
fleet left the Hook on the 23rd of July, 1777. The
destination of my squadron was to Carrol's Ferry over
the Delaware, which I reached in good season. By
this time the remainder of our recruits had come on,
and we had a fine body of dragoons in the field. The
27

MEMOIR OF
army crossed the Delaware, and the whole body moved
on slowly towards Philadelphia, and halted at Ger
mantown. There Gen. Washington anxiously waited
to know the destination of the British fleet and army.
By this time I was promoted to the rank of Ma
jor in the 2nd Regiment Light Dragoons, my com
mission being dated from the time of the vacancy, viz.,
April 7, I 'JIJ. I now gave up the command of my
favorite troop, taking my station as field officer in the
regiment. Gen. Washington having ascertained that
the British fleet had steered to the South after they
left Sandy Hook, was finally informed they had act
ually entered, and were proceeding up the Chesapeake
Bay. On the 25th of August, Gen. Howe landed his
army, about twenty thousand strong, on the East side
of the Chesapeake Bay, near the head of the Elk, so
called, near French Town. On the 27th the troops
were put in motion towards Philadelphia.
When Gen. Washington put his army in motion,
we were about eighteen thousand strong. After pass
ing through the principal streets of Philadelphia, we
continued our march until we reached Wilmington.
As the enemyadvanced. Gen. Washington took his sta
tion on the left bank, or on the North side of the
Brandywine, near which river it appeared probable
that the hostile armies must engage, as they had now
advanced within a few miles of each other. On the
morning of the i ith of September, 1777, Gen. Howe
28

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
put his army in order of battle, and moved on towards
the Brandywine. By lo o'clock in the morning the
action commenced, and was sustained from right to
left by turns through the whole line. The action was
obstinate on both sides, and lasted through the day ;
but the left wing of the British army having crossed
the river, some distance above, on the right of our
army, came down upon our right, while the Hessians
crossed in front at Chadsford,and the American troops
were forced to retire. The action lasted through the
day, and at night Gen. Washington took his station
at Chester, and the British army remained in possess
ion of the field. The next day Gen. Washington re
tired to Philadelphia, and the British army extended
their right wing into Wilmington. Finding Phila
delphia not to be capable of defense against such a
powerful foe. Gen. Washington retreated to the high
grounds about Germantown, while Gen. Howe ad
vanced to the right bank of the Schuylkill, opposite
to Philadelphia. Some of our light troops hung upon
his left wing and rear, to prevent their predatory ex
cursions. The bridges over the Schuylkill having
been removed. Gen. Howe moved up the right, or
western bank of that river. Gen. Washington hav
ing recrossed the Schuylkill, determined, on the 1 6th
of September, again to meet Gen. Howe in the field
of battle. The arrangements were made, and the ad
vance parties had already commenced firing, when
29

MEMOIR OF
there came on a violent shower of rain, which unfitted
both armies for action. Gen. Washington now re
crossed the Schuylkill, and encamped on the eastern
side of that river. Gen. Howe, learning that Gen.
Wayne was on his left, within a few miles of him,
with about i 500 men, near the Paola Tavern, on the
Lancaster road, detached Gen. Gray, with a select
corps of light troops, to surprise him. This he ac
complished so effectually, that he forced his way into
the midst of Wayne's detachment before he was dis
covered. A dreadful slaughter ensued, in which the
sick and wounded were killed indiscriminately with
those who were taken in arms. Gen. Howe moved
still higher up the Schuylkill, as if he would go to
Reading, where we had much military stores col
lected. Gen. Washington removed his army to Potts-
grove ; this gave the enemy an opportunity to ford the
Schuylkill at the fords above the bridges, and their
march to Philadelphia was open and easy, on the 23rd
of September ; and on the 26th, Lord Cornwallis en
tered that city at the head of a column of British and
Hessian grenadiers. Congress, a few days before, ad
journed from Philadelphia to meet at Lancaster, from
whence they removed over the Susquehanna River and
sat at Yorktown. The main body of the British army
now encamped at Germantown, and Gen. Washing
ton posted his army about 16 miles North of Ger
mantown, on theShippack Creek. Efforts were now
30

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
made to draw in all detachments of the army, and to
collect a force that might enable Gen. Washington
to cope with the adversary. Although defeated at
Brandywine, and foiled in several smaller rencounters,
our American Fabius retained his full determination
to give these hostile invaders no repose. Having
learned that Cornwallis was stationed at Philadelphia
with about 5,000 troops, while the main body was
posted in a line from East to West at Germantown,
with their light troops in front and on the flanks. Gen.
Washington determined to attack them. The ar
rangement and order of battle was such, that if every
division of the army had performed its allotted part,
it seems as if we must have succeeded. Such was the
order of battle, that the front, the flanks, and even the
rear of the British encampment, were to have been
attacked at the same time. My own position was at
the head of Gen. Sullivan's division, on the left of the
centre; Gen. Wayne being on our right, and the Com
mander-in-Chief in the centre of both divisions, which
was the centre of the army. Having marched from
our camp on the evening of the 3rd of October, 'j'j,
by 3 o'clock the next morning we found ourselves
close in upon the scene of action. Just before the
dawn of day, the troops were put in motion, and in a
few moments the firing commenced. The out-posts
and advanced guards of the enemy were driven in with
great precipitation, and by 9 o'clock we found our-
31

MEMOIR OF
selves almost in the heart of Germantown. A very
heavy fog prevented our corps from discovering one
another, so as to distinguish, in some cases, friend from
foe. Hitherto the progress of our troops had been en
tirely successful, and it seemed as if the victory must
be ours. Some of the regiments on the flanks had
reached the centre of the village, and had then more
prisoners than troops of their own ; and in this situ
ation, finding themselves separated from their own
brigades, were captured by the enemy.
At this critical moment. Col. Musgrave, of the Brit
ish army, threw his regiment into a large stone house
directly in front of our division in the centre, from
which he poured a heavy and galling fire upon our
troops. All attempts to dislodge them were ineffect
ual, and although they would have been harmless in
a few minutes if we had passed them by, yet through
the importunity of Gen. Knox (which I distinctly
heard), Gen. Washington permitted him to bring his
field artillery to bear upon it, but without effect. Dur
ing this transaction time elapsed, the situation of our
troops was uncomfortable, their ardor abated, and the
enemy obtained time to rally. In less than thirty min
utes, our troops began to retire, and from the ardor
of pursuit, were in full retreat. This not being gen
eral through the line, of necessity left the flanks of
some divisions and brigades uncovered and exposed to
the assaults of an exasperated foe. From this moment
32

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
the prospects of victory were changed, and notwith
standing all our attempts to rally the retiring troops,
it seemed impossible to effect it, even by the presence
of the Commander-in-Chief. I threw my squadron
of horse across the road, by order of Gen. Washing
ton, repeatedly, to prevent the retreat of the infantry;
but it was ineffectual. In addition to this, after our
attack had commenced. Lord Cornwallis had com
menced his march from Philadelphia with the gren
adiers and light troops, and had reached Germantown.
This relieved the enemy greatly ; but they pursued us
very cautiously. After our army had passed Chest
nut Hill, the enemy halted, as did also our troops.
Thus, in an unexpected moment, when everything
seemed to look favorable to our cause, victory was
turned into defeat, and the fugitive enemy was the
cautiously pursuing foe. Gen. Washington fell back
to his old quarters at Shippack, where the dispersed
troops assembled, and the enemy retired to Philadel
phia. In the meantime. Lord Howe had assembled
his fleet in the Delaware Bay, and as the obstructions
which had been placed in the river below Philadel
phia, to prevent the progress of the fleet, still re
mained, and the army were obliged to depend on the
fleet for all their provisions, it became necessary that
these obstructions should be removed. The chevaux
de frise could not be removed so long as our forts pro
tected them. It therefore became necessary that Mud
33

MEMOIR OF
Island Fort, forts Mifflin and Mercer in the river, and
the fort at Red Bank, on the Jersey shore, should be
taken by the enemy, while the English troops attacked
the forts on the islands in the river. A corps of Hes
sians, under Col. Donop, crossed the Delawareat Coop
er's Ferry, opposite to Philadelphia, to attack the fort
ress at Red Bank. These different divisions of troops
were put in motion on the evening of the 2 ist of
October, '77. The next day the several attacks com
menced. The cannonade was so heavy from the forts
and the ships, that we heard it distinctly at our en
campment, about 40 miles distant. Col. Donop ap
proached Red Bank with great gallantry, with a strong
and select corps of Hessian troops, who entered the
entrenchments of the outer works, but failed in at
tempting to scale the inner fort, into which our troops
had retired. From this they found so heavy and so
destructive a fire, that the enemy were obliged to re
tire, leaving their Colonel and Commander mortally
wounded, and a prisoner, and 400 or 500 men on the
field of battle. The second officer in command was
also wounded. Lieut. Col. Linsing drew off the re
mainder with precipitation, and returned to Philadel
phia totally defeated. The other attempts also failed
of success. But the wants of the army became so
pressing that further attempts became necessary to re
move these obstructions. A portion of the navy, as
well as of the army, was assigned to this service, which
34

Letter from Washington to Tallmadge, 1778

In possession of Mr. F. P. Harper, New York

^^2<*;^ _-^:<>>.^:r /ff-6'.

f^C^P^

^>^x^

.,7&-«- ,U^Z4lC -«^^ cJ^i.-a--^'^-^ *<

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
met with varied success, some of the ships being to
tally destroyed. After awhile, the men-of-war draw
ing near, and forts being erected to rake our batteries,
it was found necessary to abandon them, which was
accordingly done with little loss of men. From this
time the intercourse with the fleet by the Delaware
River was unobstructed and free.
Our Northern army, under Gen. Gates, having been
victorious, and Gen. Burgoyne and his whole army,
having been made prisoners, the continental troops
that had served in that army were ordered to join the
army under Gen. Washington. This they effected in
the latter part of November, soon after which Gen.
Washington determined to look at Gen. Howe again
in the field. About the ist of December he removed
his whole army from Shippack down to White Marsh,
occupying the strong grounds on the North side of
the flat ground known by that name. On the morning
of the 4th of December, Gen. Howe came out with
the whole British army, and encamped at Chestnut
Hill, directly in front of our right wing. Having now
so respectable a force in the field (about i 5,000 strong),
and especially the Northern army being flushed with
recent victory, and hoping that the other troops would
vie with them in the contest, a battle was rather de
sired than avoided. After continuing several days in
his first position, by day-break on the 7th, Gen. Howe
took a new position in front of our left wing, on the
35

MEMOIR OF
flank of which I was posted with a body of horse, to
gether with Morgan's Light Infantry and Riflemen.
We came into contact with the British light infantry
and dragoons, in which Major Morris, of our infan
try, was killed. I thought a general battle was in
evitable, but neither General thought it prudent to
descend into the plain. After continuing in this po
sition a few days. Gen. Howe retired to Philadel
phia for Winter quarters, to our great wonder. Shortly
after, Gen. Washington repaired to Valley Forge, on
the West side of the Schuylkill, and encamped for the
Winter. The soldiers were obliged to make log huts
to shelter them from the inclemencies of the weather,
and very few of them had a blanket to cover them.
Indeed, the whole army were in great want of the most
necessary articles of clothing, and many of them had
no shoes to their feet, so that they could be tracked by
the blood which they left on the ground as they con
structed their huts. Thus closed the campaign of
I ']']'], the most sanguinary of any that took place dur
ing the war.
As soon as our army had encamped, late in the
month of December, 1777, the Commander-in-Chief
stationed me with a respectable detachment of dra
goons, as an advanced corps of observation between
our army and that of the enemy. I had to scour the
country from the Schuylkill to the Delaware River,
about five or six miles, for the double purpose of
36

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
watching the movements of the enemy and prevent
ing the disaffected from carrying supplies or provis
ions to Philadelphia. My duties were very arduous,
not being able to tarry long in a place, by reason of
the British light horse, which continually patrolled
this intermediate ground. Indeed it was unsafe to
permit the dragoons to unsaddle their horses for an
hour, and very rarely did I tarry in the same place
through the night.
While on this duty, at about 2 o'clock in the morn
ing, I was attacked by a large body of British light
horse, commanded by Lord Rawdon. So long as the
battle lasted in the road, we made good our defense ;
but when they leaped the fences, and got upon our
flanks, we were obliged to retreat. Our loss was small,
not exceeding 3 or 4 killed, and as many wounded.
Soon after this, being informed that a country girl had
gone into Philadelphia, with eggs, instructed to ob
tain some information respecting the enemy, I moved
my detachment to Germantown, where they halted,
while, with a small detachment, I advanced several
miles towards the British lines, and dismounted at a
tavern called the Rising Sun, in full view of their out
posts. Very soon I saw a young female coming out
from the city, who also came to the same tavern. After
we had made ourselves known to each other, and while
she was communicating some intelligence to me, I
was informed that the British light horse were ad-
37

MEMOIR OF
vancing. Stepping to the door, I saw them at full
speed chasing in my patrols, one of whom they took.
I immediately mounted, when I found the young dam
sel close by my side, entreating that I would protect
her. Having not a moment to reflect, I desired her
to mount behind me, and in this way I brought her
off more than three miles up to Germantown, where
she dismounted. During the whole ride, although
there was considerable firing of pistols, and not a lit
tle wheeling and charging, she remained unmoved,
and never once complained of fear after she mounted
my horse. I was delighted with this transaction, and
received many compliments from those who became
acquainted with it.

CAMPAIGNS OF I 778— I 779
A FTER my command in the lines before Phila-
-^ •*- delphia closed, which was in January, 1 778, the
light horse having been ordered to Trenton, I repaired
to that place with my detachment, and from thence the
2nd Regiment Light Dragoons removed to Chatham,
New Jersey, for Winter quarters. Here we were per
mitted to rest from the fatigues of a severe and bloody
campaign. But our brethren at Valley Forge passed
a Winter of extreme sufl^ering, being in want of pro-
38

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
visions and clothing to an alarming degree. Gen.
Washington, however, was constantly engaged in pro
viding for his suffering troops, and in recruiting his
army for the ensuing campaign.
In the meantime. Gen. Clinton succeeded Gen.
Howe at Philadelphia (1778). Early in the Spring,
the enemy making some movements on the Hudson,
our regiment was ordered to leave their Winter quar
ters at Chatham, and proceed towards the Clove and
King's Ferry, to watch their motions.
In the latter part of May, or beginning of June,
1778, we took up our line of march to open another
campaign, feeling somewhat like veteran troops, after
such a campaign as the last. In June, it became ev
ident to Gen. Washington that the British army was
about to remove from Philadelphia. On the 22d of
June, 1778, Gen. Henry Clinton, by the aid of the
shipping, removed his army from Philadelphia, and
landed at Gloucester Point, in New Jersey. Gen.
Washington immediately broke up his camp at Val
ley Forge, and after despatching several light corps
to hang upon the flanks and rear of the enemy, he
moved with his main body and crossed the Delaware
River at Cargell's Ferry, when it became manifest
that Gen. Clinton would take the road to New York
through Monmouth.
Gen. Washington put his whole force in motion,
to fall in if possible with the enemy at that place.
39

MEMOIR OF
Gen. Lee, who had been recently exchanged, having
the command of the light troops, was directed to at
tack the enemy, and harass them until the Com
mander-in-Chief could come up with the main body
of the army. Being pressed on all sides by our light
troops. Gen. Clinton was obliged to face about upon
Gen. Lee's division, which soon began to retire. At
this critical moment Gen. Washington came up, and
was astonished to find Lee's corps on the retreat.
After delivering some pretty stern remarks to Lee,
he immediately endeavored to restore the order of the
battle, and soon checked the progress of the enemy's
troops. The conflict became very heavy and dubi
ous for a time, until the enemy, in turn, gave way,
and Gen. Washington gained the ground that Lee
had abandoned. The conflict continued through the
day from Monmouth to Freehold, when night parted
the combatants. Our army slept on the field of battle,
and Gen. Washington intended to have renewed the
contest the next morning; but Gen. Clinton, aware
of his danger, took advantage of the darkness and
cool of the night, and moved off towards Middle-
town, whither his baggage, under the escort of Gen.
Kniphausen, had been sent forward. By this night's
march. Gen. Clinton had escaped the vigilance of Gen.
Washington, and on the 30th of June he arrived at
Sandy Hook, where Lord Howe had arrived with his
fleet, ready to receive and convey the troops to New
40

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
York. In the battle of Monmouth, or Freehold, the
British lost about i,ooo men, 400 or 500 of whom
were killed. The American loss did not exceed 200
or 300 men. Many died on both sides from excessive
heat and fatigue — the day being oppressively warm,
and the troops drinking too freely of cold water.
The battle was greatly in favor of the Americans,
although had Washington's orders been obeyed, the
victory would doubtless have been much more decis
ive. Gen. Lee was soon afterwards arrested by Gen.
Washington on three charges, found guilty, and sus
pended from command for twelve months. Gen.
Washington, as well as Congress, commended the con
duct of the army, and returned thanks, etc.
On the ist of July Gen. Washington took up his
march for the Hudson, to guard the passes of the
Highlands, and soon the main army again assembled
together on the East side of the Hudson.
France having entered into an alliance with the
United States after the capture of Burgoyne's army,
had sent out a formidable fleet under the Count De
Estaing, which entered the mouth of the Delaware
Bay on the Sth of July. If he had reached that station
a few days sooner, the fleet from Philadelphia must
have fallen into his hands, and most probably the
British army would have been captured. The Count
soon learned the destination of the British fleet, and
on the uth of July he appeared off Sandy Hook, in
41

MEMOIR OF
face of Lord Howe and the British fleet, who did not
venture out for action. After tarrying before the
Hook a few days, the French fleet stood out to sea, and
soon appeared before the harbor of Newport, R. I.
The British troops under Gen. Pigot, now began
to be in jeopardy. An army of 10,000 men was
promptly assembled, and took possession of the high
ground North of Newport, and by the cooperation of
the French fleet, the British garrison, about 6,000
strong, must inevitably have been taken. But Lord
Howe appearing off the inlet, the French Admiral
put to sea in quest of him — a storm coming on, both
fleets were dispersed and much injured, which pre
vented a naval battle ; and the French fleet retired
again to Newport. In a few days, however, the French
Admiral informed Gen. Sullivan that he was going to
Boston to refit. Notwithstanding all the entreaties
and expostulations of Gens. Sullivan, Greene, and La
fayette, the French fleet weighed anchor, and on the
2d of August, set sail for Boston. Thus exposed to
the British fleet, and such reinforcements as Gen. Clin
ton might send for from New York, Gen. Sullivan was
obliged to retire from the island and take a position
on the main land.
This year (1778) I opened a private correspondence
with some persons in New York (for Gen. Washing
ton) which lasted through the war. How beneficial
it was to the Commander-in-Chief is evidenced by his
42

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
continuing the same to the close of the war. I kept
one or more boats continually employed in crossing
the Sound on this business.
My station during the campaign of 1778, was in
the county of Westchester, and occasionally along the
shores of the Sound. No important blow was given
the enemy during this campaign, by the American
army, although the light troops in advance (as was al
ways the case with our regiment) were frequently in
conflict with similar corps of the enemy.
When the campaign closed, our regiment went to
Durham, in Connecticut, for Winter quarters. A part
of the time, however, I was from choice stationed at
Greenfield, from whence I could easily cross to Long
Island. During the Summer of 1779, Gov. Tryon was des
patched with 2,000 or 3,000 troops, and a protecting
naval force, to distress the seaports of Connecticut.
He landed at New Haven, and pillaged the town.
After some skirmishing he embarked his troops, and
next visited and burnt the handsome town of Fair
field. Taking the next town in course, he also burnt
and utterly destroyed Norwalk. Finding him bent
on such a desolating expedition, I was despatched with
a body of light infantry to aid the militia in defend
ing the latter place. The enemy approached the town
at break of day, and immediately set it on fire. The
scene was awful — to see the inhabitants — men, wo-
43

MEMOIR OF
men, and children — leaving their houses, and fleeing
before the enemy, while our troops were endeavoring
to protect them.
They embarked again the same day at sunset, and
returned to New York, after having experienced
pretty uncivil treatment while they were at Norwalk.
From Norwalk I moved my detachment, and en
camped them on both sides of the Hudson. Gen.
Clinton, in the month of May, having viewed the im
portance of navigating the Hudson in its true light,
embarked the flower of his army and proceeded up
the North River. After investing the American posts
on Verplank's Point, and Stony Point, the former sur
rendered, and the garrison in the latter made their
escape. These fortifications are nearly opposite to
each other, on the banks of the Hudson, at King's
Ferry, near Haverstraw — Stony Point being on the
West side of the river, and Verplank's Point on the
East. Gen. Washington having assembled his army
in the neighborhood of these plains, conceived the
idea of driving the enemy from them. The enemy
had made the fort at Stony Point impregnable, as they
supposed, and had placed in it a garrison of select
troops, about 600 strong. A body of our light infan
try, about 1,000 strong, under the command of Gen.
Wayne, moved forward on the 15th of July, 1779,
and soon after midnight were ordered to commence
the attack in two columns. As soon as we were dis-
44

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
covered by the garrison, they commenced a tremen
dous fire of musketry and cannon, while not a gun was
discharged by any of our troops. Such was the ardor
and impetuosity of the Americans, that they sur
mounted all difficulties, removed all obstructions, cut
away the abatis and a double stockade, mounted the
ramparts, and captured the whole garrison in a short
time with the bayonet alone. Although the fire was
so heavy from the fortress, our loss of men was com
paratively small, while that of the enemy, in slain, was
very considerable.
Gen. Robert Howe, with his troops (of which our
regiment made a part), on the East side of the Hud
son, moved up in view of the fort on Verplank's Point,
as if to attack it, and then retired, which he did re
peatedly, to my utter astonishment, supposing that we
were to attack it. It was afterwards said that this op
eration was a feint, to divert the attention of the gar
rison from Stony Point.
After the object of this movement was accom
plished, my detachment, and indeed the whole of our
regiment, took their station in the region of the White
Plains, Northcastle, etc., as a sort of advance guard to
the army.
Our parties and those of the enemy had frequent
interviews, and sometimes not of the most friendly
nature. I had been nearly led into an ambuscade by
the enemy in an excursion down upon the lines. My
45

MEMOIR OF
orders were to go into Westchester, but by some
means the enemy got information of my intended ex
pedition, and threw a large body of infantry into a
thicket on the road. I got knowledge of the move
ment just before the troops reached the spot, and re
tired without loss.
On my way back to the regiment, my brave ser-
geant-Major, JamesDole, was shot by oneof the Cow
boys. The bullet entered on one side, just above the
hip, and came out on the other — passing directly
through his body. As soon as I saw him, I supposed
he was mortally wounded ; but he finally recovered,
and served to the close of the revolutionary war, and
lived many years after.
At the commencement of this campaign, our reg
iment was ordered to its old station on the lines, be
low Bedford, Northcastle, etc. Not long after we
took the field, about July i, 1779, Lord Rawdon, with
nearly all the British light horse, accompanied by a
body of light infantry, made an attack upon our corps
in the night. The onset was violent, and the conflict
carried on principally with the broad sword, until the
light infantry appeared upon our flanks, when Col.
Sheldon found it necessary to retreat. This was done
with so much celerity, that the enemy gained but lit
tle advantage. I lost in the affray a fine horse, most
of my field baggage, and twenty guineas in cash,
which were taken in my valise with my horse.
46

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
Before the campaign closed, viz., on the 5th of
September, 1 779, I undertook an expedition against
the enemy on Lloyd's Neck, on Long Island. At this
place, and on a promontory or elevated piece of ground
next to the Sound, between Huntington Harbor and
Oyster Bay, the enemy had established a strong forti
fied post, where they kept a body of about 500 troops.
In the rear of this garrison a large band of marauders
encamped, who, having boats at command, continu
ally infested the Sound and our shores. Having a great
desire to break up this band of freebooters, on the
evening of said 5th of September I embarked my de
tachment, amounting in the whole to about i 30 men,
at Shipam Point, near Stamford, at 8 o'clock in the
evening, and by i o we landed on Lloyd's Neck. Hav
ing made my arrangements, we proceeded in different
divisions to beat up their quarters. Our attack was
so sudden and unexpected, that we succeeded in cap
turing almost the whole party — a few only escaping
into the bushes, from whence they comraenced firing
on my detachment, which gave the alarm to the gar
rison. This prevented our attempting any attack upon
the out-posts and guards of the fort, and after destroy
ing all the boats we could find, as well as the huts of
those refugees, we returned with our prisoners to our
boats, and embarked for Connecticut, where we landed
in safety before sunrise the next morning, and with
out the loss of a single man. (See the copy of my
47

MEMOIR OF
letter to Gen. Robert Howe, dated September 6th,
I779-) At the close of the campaign, our regiment went
to North Hampton for Winter quarters, and I was
appointed to meet the Commissioners of the State of
Connecticut at Weathersfield, to adjust and settle the
depreciation of the pay of their troops.
In the course of the last campaign i^ijjg'^ we were
made joyful by the arrival of the French army, about
6,000 strong, under the command of the Count Ro
chambeau. As they arrived at Newport, in Rhode
Island, they immediately debarked and fortified them
selves in that place.
Having now decisive evidence that our august ally,
Louis XVI., had determined to afford us efficient aid,
we considered the independence of our country ab
solutely sure. A large fleet was also expected with a
further reinforcement of troops.
This gave us strong hopes that the next campaign
would prove to be a vigorous and a decisive one. The
pay to the army being entirely in continental paper, we
were greatly embarrassed to procure even the neces
sary supplies of food and clothing.
The main body of our army encamped on both
sides of the Hudson, from Tappan, in New Jersey,
to Verplank's Point and the Croton. In this cam
paign the enemy extended their posts. East on Long
Island, for the double purpose of maintaining an illicit
48

Portrait of Colonel Tallmadge, 1790, by Ralph Earle

In possession of Mrs. Mary F. Seymour, Ne'v*' York

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
intercourse with the people of Connecticut, and also
that they might protect their foraging parties down
Long Island.
Having constant and repeated intelligence from
New York, and all parts of Long Island, I began to
entertain the plan of breaking up the whole system.
I commenced by stating to the Commander-in-Chief
the situation of the different fortifications, the maraud
ing parties going down the island, and the unceasing
intercourse of our community with New York, etc.,
etc. After this, I began to intimate my plans for beat
ing up the enemy's quarters, and disturbing their re
pose. To all this Gen. Washington listened with kind
attention, and I felt almost prepared to make a direct
application to cross the Sound with a detachment of
troops.

CAMPAIGNS OF I780
IN the course of the Summer of 1780, Gen. Wash
ington honored me with a separate command, con
sisting of the dismounted dragoons of our regiment
and a body of horse. Our dismounted dragoons had
been formed into two companies of light infantry, and
were commanded by excellent officers, who, to a man,
49

MEMOIR OF
rejoiced in the idea of separate and active duty. I
removed my fine detachment of light troops over to
wards Horse Neck, from whence I took a station at
New Canaan, or North Stamford. This gave me an
opportunity to watch the enemy, either up on the
lines, or across the Sound on Long Island. While
my detachment laid in this situation. Gen. Parsons
proposed to me to aid him in the capture of the en
emy's fort and garrison on Lloyd's Neck, opposite to
Stamford, on Long Island. He had with him a very
select detachment from the Connecticut line, of
about 700 men. I readily acceded to his pro
posal, and held my detachment ready for the en
terprise. In the meantime, the General sent over a refugee
to gain the needed intelligence, and directed him to
meet him at a given place, and at a time appointed.
Just before the time had arrived to commence our
operations, the General proposed to me to take the
command of the expedition. As he communicated
to me his plan of obtaining the needed intelligence,
I was alarmed at the character of his agent, especially
as he was within the enemy's lines. On the whole,
I thought it best to decline the honor of the com
mand, but offered to take my detachment under his
orders. This put an end to the expedition, and af
terwards we learned, that on the night we had ap
pointed to cross, a large body of the garrison were
50

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
Stationed at the place appointed for our landing, which
probably would have annoyed us greatly.
After this, I took my station again upon the line, in
the county of Westchester. After marching, and
counter-marching,skirmishing with the enemy, catch
ing cow-boys, etc., etc., late in the month of Septem
ber, viz., on the evening of the 23rd, I returned from
below to the regiment, then near Northcastle. Soon
after I halted, and disposed of my detachment, I was
informed that a prisoner had been brought in that
day by the name of John Anderson. On inquiry, I
found that three men by the names of John Pauld
ing, David Williams, and Isaac Van Vert, who had
passed below our ordinary military patrols, on the road
from Tarrytown to Kingsbridge, had fallen in with
this John Anderson, on his way to New York. They
took him aside for examination, and discovering sun
dry papers upon him, which he had concealed in his
boots, they determined to detain him as a prisoner,
notwithstanding Anderson's offers of pecuniary satis
faction if they would permit him to proceed on his
course. They determined to bring him up to the
head-quarters of our regiment, then on the ad
vanced post of our army, and near Northcastle.
This they effected on the forenoon of the 23rd
day of September, 1780, by delivering said Anderson
to Lieut.-Col. John Jameson, of the 2nd Regiment
Light Dragoons, then the commanding officer of
51

MEMOIR OF
said post. Col. Sheldon being at old Salem, under
arrest. His Excellency Gen. Washington had made an ap
pointment to meet the Count Rochambeau (who com
manded the French army then at Newport, R. I.,) at
Hartford, in Connecticut, about the i8th or 20th of
September, and was on his return to the army at the
time of Anderson's capture. When I reached Lieut.-
Col. Jameson's quarters, late in the evening of the
23 rd, and learned the circumstances of the capture of
the prisoner, I was very much surprised to find that
he had been sent by Lieut.-Col. Jameson to Arnold's
head-quarters at West Point, accompanied by a letter
of information respecting his capture. At the same
time he dispatched an express with the papers found
on John Anderson, to meet Gen. Washington, then on
his way to West Point. I did not fail to state the glar
ing inconsistency of this conduct to Lieut.-Col. Jame
son, in a private and most friendly manner. He ap
peared greatly agitated when I suggested to him a
measure which I wished to adopt, offering to take the
whole responsibility upon myself, and which he
deemed too perilous to permit. I will not further dis
close. I finally obtained his reluctant consent to have
the prisoner brought back to our head-quarters. When
the order was about to be dispatched to the officer to
bring the prisoner back, strange as it may seem, Lieut.-
Col. Jameson would persist in his purpose of letting
52

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
his letter go on to Gen. Arnold. The letter did go
on, and the prisoner returned before the next morn
ing. As soon as I saw Anderson, and especially after I
saw him walk (as he did almost constantly) across the
floor, I became impressed with the belief that he had
been bred to arms. I communicated my suspicion to
Lieut.-Col. Jameson, and requested him to notice his
gait, especially when he turned on his heel to retrace
his course across the room.
It was deemed best to remove the prisoner to Sa
lem, and I was to escort him. I was constantly in the
room with him, and he soon became very conversable
and extremely interesting. It was very manifest that
his agitation and anxiety were great. After dinner
on the 24th, perhaps by three o'clock P. M., he asked
to be favored with a pen, and ink, and paper, which I
readily granted, and he wrote the letter to Gen. Wash
ington, dated " Salem, 24th September, 1780," which
is recorded in most of the histories of this eventful
period. In this letter he disclosed his true character
to be " Major John Andre, Adjutant-General to the Brit
ish Army."
When I received and read the letter (for he handed
it to me as soon as he had written it), my agitation
was extreme, and my emotions wholly indescribable.
If the letter of information had not gone to Gen. Ar
nold, I should not have hesitated for a moment in my
53

MEMOIR OF
purpose, but I knew it must reach him before I could
possibly get to West Point.
The express sent with the papers found in Major
Andre's boots, did not intercept Gen. Washington on
his return from Hartford, but passed him on the road,
and kept on to West Point. On the 25th, while at
breakfast with two of Gen. Washington's Aids, who
had actually arrived at his quarters, Arnold received
the letter from Lieut.-Col. Jameson. Knowing that
the Commander-in-Chief would soon be there, he im
mediately rode down to his boat, and was rowed down
the North River to the British sloop-of-war. Vulture,
which then lay in Tappan Bay, below King's Ferry.
This was the same vessel that brought up Major An
dre from New York. Not long after Arnold's abrupt
and sudden departure from his quarters, at Robinson's
House, on the East side of the Hudson, opposite to
West Point, the express delivered the despatches to
Gen. Washington, who immediately repaired to Ar
nold's quarters. By this time the plot was all discov
ered, and the guilty traitor had escaped. I took on
Major Andre, under a strong escort of cavalry, to West
Point, and the next day I proceeded down the Hud
son to King's Ferry, and landed at Haverstraw, on the
West side of the Hudson, where a large escort of cav
alry had been sent from the main army at Tappan,
with which I escorted the prisoner to Head-Quarters.
After we arrived at Head-Quarters, I reported my-
54

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
self to Gen. Washington, who ordered a court con
sisting of fourteen general officers, to sit and hear the
case of Major Andre. On the 29th of September, the
president of the court (Gen. Greene) reported to the
Commander-in-Chief that they had come to the con
clusion, " that Major Andre, Adjutant-General to the
British Army, ought to be considered as a spy from
the enemy, and that, agreeably to the law and usage
of nations, it is their opinion that he ought to suffer
death." On the 30th of September, the Commander-in-
Chief, in general orders, approved of the aforesaid
opinion, and ordered that the execution should take
place, the next day, at 5 0' clock P. M.
On the first of October, i 780, a vast concourse of
people assembled to witness the solemn and affecting
scene, when the execution was postponed, in conse
quence of a flag having arrived from the enemy. Gen.
Greene was appointed to meet Gen. Robertson at
Dobb's Ferry ; but as no satisfactory proposals were
received from Gen. Robertson, Gen. Greene returned
to Head-Quarters and reported to Gen. Washington.
The Commander-in-Chief then ordered that the ex
ecution should take place on the 2nd of October. Ma
jor Andre, having received his regimentals from New
York, appeared in the complete uniform of a British
officer, and, in truth, he was a most elegant and ac
complished gentleman. After he was informed of his
55

MEMOIR OF
sentence, he showed no signs of perturbed emotions,
but wrote a most touching and finished letter to Gen.
Washington, requesting that the mode of his death
might be adapted to the feelings of a man of honor.
The universal usage of nations having affixed to the
crime oi^spy, death by the gibbet, his request could not
be granted. As I was with him most of the time from
his capture, and walked with him as he went to the
place of execution, I never discovered any emotions
of fear respecting his future destiny before I reached
Tappan, nor of emotion when his sentence was made
known to him. When he came within sight of the
gibbet, he appeared to be startled, and inquired with
some emotion whether he was not to be shot. Being
informed that the mode first appointed for his death
could not consistently be altered, he exclaimed, " How
hard is my fate ! " but immediately added, " it will
soon be over." I then shook hands with him under
the gallows and retired.
Major Andre was executed in his military uniform,
in which, I think, he was laid in his coffin, but before
he was interred, I feel satisfied that his servant took
off his coat, and perhaps other outer garments.
Ifit comported with the plan of these memoranda,
and I could trust my feelings, I might enlarge greatly
in anecdotes relating to this momentous event in our
revolutionary war, and especially those which relate
to this most accomplished young man. Some things
56

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
relating to the detention of Andre, after he had been
sent on to Gen. Arnold, are purposely omitted, and
some confidential communications which took place,
of a more private nature, serve rather to mark the in
genuous character of the man, than to require being
noticed at this time. I will, however, remark, that
for the few days of intimate intercourse I had with
him, which was from the time of his being brought
back to our head-quarters to the day of his execu
tion, I became so deeply attached to Major Andre, that
I can remember no instance where my affections were
so fully absorbed in any man. When I saw him swing
ing under the gibbet, it seemed for a time as if I could
not support it. All the spectators seemed to be over
whelmed by the affecting spectacle, and many were
suffused in tears. There did not appear to be one
hardened or indifferent spectator in all the multi
tude. The next day after the execution of Major Andre,
October 3rd, 1780, I set out on my return to rejoin
my detachment in the county of Westchester. There
my duties became very arduous, the late events having
excited much rage on the part of the enemy. What
with cow-boys, skinners, and refugees, we had as much
as we could turn our hands to, to keep from being
waylaid and fired upon from thickets and stony em
inences, about Salem, Northcastle, and White Plains.
Indeed, it was not an unusual thing to have our sen-
57

MEMOIR OF
tinels fired on from parties who would crawl up in
the darkness of the night, and then disappear.
As soon as I had settled again in the course of our
duties, my former scheme of annoying the enemy on
Long Island came fresh upon my mind. I therefore
directed my agents there to obtain for me the most
accurate returns of the fortifications in Suffolk county.
Long Island, at a point which projects into South Bay,
on Smith's Manor, being their most easterly point of
defense. This I found to be a triangular inclosure of
several acres of ground, at two angles of which was a
strong barricade house, and at the third, a fort, with
a deep ditch and wall encircled by an abatis of sharp
ened pickets, projecting at an angle of 45 degrees.
The fort and houses were entirely connected by a
strong stockade, quite high, and every post sharpened,
and fastened to each other by a transverse rail strongly
bolted to each. The works were nearly finished, when
I proposed to the Commander-in-Chief to let me go
over and demolish the same. He heard me with pleas
ure, but on the whole concluded that the danger at
tending the whole expedition was too great to warrant
the undertaking. My hopes being disappointed for
that time, I did not abandon the project, but contin
ued my inquiries on Long Island. Towards the last
of October, or the beginning of November, 1780, I
determined to cross the Sound myself, and go over to
Long Island for the purpose of obtaining intelligence.

Plan of Fort St. George, Captured on Long Island

From the drawing in Tallmadge's original "Memoir"
[Page 143]

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
This I accomplished and returned in safety. Among
other things, I learned that the fortress at Smith's
Manor was completed — that it was the depository of
stores, dry goods, groceries, and arms, from whence
Suffolk county could be supplied ; and the works pre
sented, on the whole, a most formidable appearance.
Having now procured an accurate draft of Fort St.
George, as delineated on a small scale on the forego
ing page, and also information that a large quantity
of hay and forage had been collected by the enemy
at Corum, from the East end of Long Island, I began
urgently to importune Gen. Washington to permit
me to capture the fort and destroy the magazine of
forage. On the 1 1 th of November he answered my letter,
and authorized the enterprise. All necessary prepa
rations being made, on the 21st of November, 1780,
at about 4 o'clock P. M., I embarked my detachment,
composed of two companies of dismounted dragoons,
and in all short of 1 00 selected men, at Fairfield, and
the same evening, at 9 o'clock, we landed at a place
on Long Island, called the Old Man's. I was obliged
to go thus far East, to avoid a large body of the en
emy which lay at Huntington and its vicinity, in our
direct course from Stamford. Soon after we landed,
say by 10 o'clock, I put the troops in motion to cross
Long Island. We had not gone far, say four or five
miles, before the wind began to blow from the south-
59

MEMOIR OF
east, and the rain soon followed. I faced the troops
about, returned to our boats, which were drawn up
and placed in the bushes for concealment. There we
remained through the night, and the next day, at
evening, the rain abated, and I ordered the troops to
march for our destined place on the South side of
Long Island. At 4 o'clock next morning, I found we
were within two miles of Fort St. George. We halted
for a short time to take a little refreshment. Having
made my arrangements for the plan of attack, I placed
two small detachments under the command of subal
tern officers of high spirit, at different positions from
the fort, with orders to keep concealed until the en
emy should fire on my column. Just as the day began
to dawn I put my detachment in motion. The pio
neers, who preceded my column, had reached within
40 yards of the stockade before they were discovered
by the enemy. At this moment, the sentinel in ad
vance of the stockade, halted his march, looked atten
tively at our column, and demanded, " Who comes
there.?" and fired. Before the smoke from his gun
had cleared his vision, my sergeant, who marched by
my side, reached him with his bayonet, and prostrated
him. This was the signal for the other detachments
to move forward, when all seemed to vie with each
other to enter the fort. So resolute were the troops,
that a break was soon made in the stockade, where the
rear platoon halted to prevent the prisoners from es-
60

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
caping. I led the column directly through the Grand
Parade against the main fort, which we carried with
the bayonet, in less than ten minutes, not a musket
being loaded. At the same instant that I entered on
one side of the fort, the officers commanding the two
smaller detachments mounted the ramparts on the
other side, and the watch-word, " Washington and
glory," was repeated from three points of the fort at
the same time. While we were standing, elated with
victory, in the centre of the fort, a volley of musketry
was discharged from the windows of one of the large
houses, which induced me to order my whole detach
ment to load and return the fire. I soon found it nec
essary to lead the column directly to the house, which,
being strongly barricaded, required the aid of the pio
neers with their axes. As soon as the troops could
enter, the confusion and conflict were great. A con
siderable portion of those who had fired after the fort
was taken, and the colors had been struck, were thrown
headlong from the windows of the second story to the
ground. Having forfeited their lives by the usages of
war, all would have been killed had I not ordered the
slaughter to cease. The prisoners being secured, it
was soon discovered that the shipping which lay near
to that fort, loaded with stores, etc., were getting un
der way. The guns in the fort were brought to bear
on them, and they were soon secured. All things were
now secured and quiet, and I had never seen the sun
6i

MEMOIR OF
rise more pleasantly. It now became necessary to de
molish the enemy's works, as far as possible, which
was done. An immense quantity of stores, of various
kinds, was destroyed. The shipping and their stores
were also burnt up. Some valuable articles of dry
goods were made up in bundles, placed on the pris
oners' shoulders, who were pinioned two and two to
gether, and thus carried across the island to our boats.
The work of capturing and destroying this fortress
being effected, at 8 o'clock A. M. I put the troops un
der march to re-cross the island to our boats. Having
given the command of the detachment to Capt. Edgar,
with orders to halt at a given point at the middle of
the island, I selected ten or twelve men, and mounted
them on horses taken at the fort, with which I intended
to destroy the King's magazine at Corum. This place
was nearly half way to the place where a large detach
ment of British troops was encamped. East from Hunt
ington. I reached the place in about an hour and a
half, made a vigorous charge upon the guard placed
to protect the magazine, set it all on fire, and in about
one and a half hours more reached the place where I
had ordered the detachment to halt, having ridden
about 1 6 miles.
When I arrived at the rendezvous, I was gratified
to see the head of the detachment under Capt. Edgar,
with the prisoners, just then advancing. As none of
us had halted since we parted, we sat down for nearly
62

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
an hour and refreshed. After this we took up our
line of march again, and by 4 o'clock reached our
boats. These we soon put into the water, and before
the sun set we were all afloat on the Sound, heading
for the port whence we embarked.
By midnight, or about i o'clock the next morn
ing, every boat arrived at Fairfield beach, although we
had entirely lost sight of each other by reason of the
darkness of the night.
This service was executed without the loss of a man
from my detachment, and one only was badly wounded,
and him we brought off. The enemy's loss was seven
killed and wounded, the most of them mortally. We
took one Lieut. -Colonel, the commandant, one lieu
tenant, one surgeon, and fifty rank and file, with a host
of others in the garrison. (See Journals of Congress,
December 4th and 6th, 1780, vol. vi.)
No person but a military man knows how to appre
ciate the honor bestowed, when the Commander-in-
Chief and the Congress of the United States return
thanks for a military achievement. On this occasion,
the most honorable mention was made by both, and
conveyed in the most flattering manner.
After the troops were recruited, say in two or three
days, I moved my detachment to their former station
on the line. On this duty we continued until late in
December, when the regiment repaired to Simsbury
and Windsor for Winter quarters.
63

MEMOIR OF

CAMPAIGN OF 1 78 I
/^ PER ATIONS on the lines having ceased, and
^^ both armies, as if by common consent, having
gone into quarters, my business as well as inclination
led me to move into the vicinity of the Sound, that I
might find some spot where the common enemy
might be annoyed.
I pretty soon conceived the idea, and suggested to
Gen. Washington the plan, of taking Lloyd's Neck
Fort and its neighboring fortress, about 8 miles east
ward on Long Island. When the campaign was about
commencing, I opened my mind fully to the Com
mander-in-Chief, in a letter dated April 6th, 1 781, and
he having expressed a favorable opinion of the enter
prise, about the 22nd of April I concluded once more
to go over to Long Island, to obtain the best infor
mation I could get respecting the enemy's posts, their
strength in troops, and works, in the hope that I might
soon be permitted to go over and beat up their
quarters. This I accomplished, and informed Gen.
Washington that by the aid of a small naval force,
say two frigates, the Sound could be cleared, and with
his permission I would take my own detachment,
and such additional force as he should judge neces
sary, and break up their establishment at Lloyd's
64

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
Neck, of about 800 men, and Fort Slongo, of about
I 50 men.
Gen. Washington immediately furnished me with
a very flattering introduction to Count Rochambeau,
then at Rhode Island, and permitted me to be the
bearer of it. I immediately set off for Newport, about
140 miles distant, where I arrived April 22nd, and was
most favorably received by Count Rochambeau, who
commanded the French army, and the Chevalier
Destouches, who commanded the French fleet. The
absence of the smaller ships of the squadron, on special
service, prevented the execution of the plan.
The enterprise was of necessity abandoned for the
time, and I again returned to my command on the
lines. As the French army was expected to take the
field with us in this campaign, great exertions were
made to put the troops in the best order.
I proceeded to Hartford, to procure horses and ac
coutrements for our regiment, and while there the
van of the French army arrived, on their way to our
camp. On the 25th of June, 1 781, the French army
left Hartford, passing through Farmington, Wood
bury, Newton, etc., to Bedford. I soon followed, and
when they were near the lines, the light troops of our
army, met the French army, and Gen. Washington
moved down with a fine body of troops, to look at the
enemy at Kingsbridge. The red-coats got under arms,
and seemed to act as if they expected an attack.
65

MEMOIR OF
We continued in view of each other throughout
the day, and then retired for repose. The next day,
the same maneuver took place, and I presume there
were many in both corps who wished the British troops
to leave their strong entrenchments beyond Kings-
bridge, and give the allied force an opportunity to pay
their respects to them. As Sir Henry Clinton very
prudently kept within his own fortified encampment.
Gen. Washington directed the troops to retire towards
White Plains on the left, and Tarrytown on the right.
In this situation the army remained for some time,
viz., through the month of July, and past the middle
of August. About the 20th of August, the army was
again ordered to be in readiness to march. The com
mon opinion was, that our movement was to be toward
Kingsbridge, where some pretty serious work was ex
pected. It soon appeared that the main body of the
combined forces was moving up the Hudson, and
when the troops reached King's Ferry they began to
cross the river.
Sheldon's Regiment of Dragoons was continued on
the lines in the county of Westchester, and a part of
the infantry, under Gen. Heath, was stationed in the
Highlands, about Peekskill and West Point. Gen.
Washington having his own plan of operations, en
tirely deceived the British General, by marching his
combined force down New Jersey opposite to New
York, as if he intended an investment of that city.
66

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
After maneuvering a few days in September opposite to
Staten Island, of a sudden the whole army were found
in full march for the Delaware River, which they
crossed at Trenton, and then proceeded on to the head
of the Elk, where they embarked to move down the
Chesapeake Bay for Yorktown, where Lord Cornwal
lis had taken his station.
While the army was on its march and at Philadel
phia, the pleasing intelligence was received that Count
De Grasse, with 36 sail of the line, had arrived in the
Chesapeake Bay, with 3,000 land troops on board.
Every exertion was no,w made to hasten on the troops,
and before the close of September the combined
army had reached their place of destination, and
Gen. Washington commenced in form the siege of
Yorktown. This siege was carried on with great vigor, parallel
after parallel being laid out, and the intrenchments
completed, while the two advanced redoubts of the
enemy had been taken by storm.
On the 1 8th of October, 1781, Lord Cornwallis
sent out a flag proposing a capitulation, asking for 24
hours to settle the preliminaries. Gen. Washington
replied and allowed 1 2 hours. On the 1 9th his Lord
ship surrendered his whole army of 7,247 effective
men. The total number who capitulated (including
wounded, and the sick in hospital) may probably be
fairly rated at 11,000 men — y^ pieces of brass, and
67

MEMOIR OF
1 69 pieces of iron ordnance, with 7,794 muskets were
also surrendered.
Never was mortification greater than this haughty,
cruel, plundering army exhibited on this humiliating
occasion. The joy and exultation were proportion
ally great in the allied army, although not the smallest
insult was offered to the prisoners. The terms of the
capitulation, and other incidents connected with it,
are recorded in history, which I purposely omit.
As light dragoons were not needed in a siege, for
the first time since the Continental army was raised,
our regiment was not under the immediate command
of Gen. Washington. I returned to my own com
mand. As the army on the East side of the North River
was greatly weakened bv the march of the main body
to Virginia, our duty on the lines was of course verv
severe. Having been honored by the Commander-
in-Chief with a separate command, I moved wherever
duty seemed to call. My former plan of annoying the
enemy on the Sound, and on Long Island, came fresh
to my recollection.
Thefortress at Treadwell's Neck, called Fort Slongo,
seemed to demand attention, as the next in course to
Fort St. George, which we had already taken. On
the ist of October, I moved my detachment of light
infantrv into the neighborhood of Norwalk. At the
same time I directed a suitable number of boats to
68

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
assemble at the mouth of the Saugatuck River, east of
the town of Norwalk, and on the evening of the 2nd
of October, 1 78 i , at 9 o'clock, I embarked a part of my
detachment, and placed Major Trescot at the head of
It, with orders to assail the fort at a particular point.
The troops landed on Long Island by 4 o'clock, and
at the dawn of day the attack was made and the for
tress subdued. The blockhouse and other combust
ible materials were burnt, and the detachment and
prisoners returned in safety.
Soon after this I returned to my old station on the
lines about the White Plains, where we found enough
to do to protect the inhabitants against the refugee
corps, under Col. Delaney, at Westchester, and the
cow-boys, and skinners who infested the lines. On
similar service the remainder of the campaign was em
ployed, while the combined army under the victorious
Washington, returned from the capture of Lord Corn
wallis and once more took up their quarters on both
sides of the Hudson.

CAMPAIGNS OF I782-83
^ I ^HE campaign having again opened (1782), the
-*- general opinion was that the toils and perils of
the war would soon close, and that peace might soon
69

MEMOIR OF
be looked for to terminate the struggle. The country
seemed already to feel as if our independence was sure,
and as if little effort was now needed to consummate
the work.
Whatever might have been the private opinion
of Gen. Washington, he impressed upon the army
the necessity of strict discipline, that the troops
might be prepared for any emergency. A reform of
the army having taken place, and many supernum
erary officers having been permitted to retire, the
phalanx that remained in the field was organized
anew, and we felt able to contend with the enemy
on any ground. In fact it became an object of sol
icitude to come in contact with the foe at any time.
The enemy now keeping very much within their
lines, they gave us but few opportunities to reach them
in combat. As the war appeared to be drawing to
a close, the spirit of trade and intercourse with New
York seemed greatly to increase. My detachment was
therefore posted near the Sound, from whence we oc
casionally visited Horseneck, and the plains on the
lines in the county of Westchester, where driving cat
tle to the enemy, etc., was a business of almost con
stant employment. Gen. Carlton having succeeded
to the command of the British army, and pursuing a
peaceful policy, greatly increased the intercourse. But
my orders being very strict to prevent it, we were kept
on pretty close duty through this campaign. Towards
70

Scene of Tallmadge's Exploits, Long Island
[Page 143]

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
the close of the campaign, a detachment of British
troops, about 600 strong, came down Long Island into
Suffolk county and encamped at Huntington, as if for
Winter quarters.
As soon as I was informed of this fact, I endeavored
to obtain the fullest particulars ; and having learned
that a considerable portion of the British light horse,
covered by a body of infantry, had taken up their quar
ters at Huntington, on the north side of Long Island,
I conceived the plan of beating up their quarters. It
was about the 20th of November, 1782, when they
felt safe from any attack from our side of the water,
and more from the lateness of the season. Having
matured my plan, I disclosed it to the Commander-
in-Chief, and requested his permission to go over and
accomplish my object. I even went to Head-Quar
ters, and had a personal interview with Gen. Wash
ington on this subject. Having obtained his permis
sion to undertake the expedition about the first of
December, I began to make the necessary arrange
ments to carry this my favorite plan into execution.
I was, however, informed by Gen. Washington, that
although I might collect my boats, so as to give no
alarm, I must not undertake to execute the plan, before
he named to me the precise time. My order finally
came, naming the night of the 5th of December,
1782. The fact was. Gen. Washington had planned
an expedition down the North River at the same time.
71

MEMOIR OF
His intention was to have thrown a large detachment
of his army below Fort Washington, while he moved
down with the main body to Fort Independence and
Kingsbridge. The enemy thus placed between two
fires, would have been forced to yield, while, with my
detachment on Long Island, they would have found
themselves attacked on all sides.
My detachment consisted of four companies of light
infantry — chosen troops — and a body of dismounted
dragoons, to mount the captured horses of the enemy.
I had also a body of Connecticut levies attached to my
command, amounting in all to about 700 men. On
the evening of the 5th of December, 1782, the dif
ferent detachments met (for the first time) in the vicin
ity of Stamford, from whence they moved on to Shipan
Point, where I had ordered the boats to assemble.
Here, finding such preparations, the officers first be
gan to suspect that something pretty serious was going
on. When the sun had set, the weather being severe, I
ordered the whole detachment to parade on the shore,
where our little fleet had assembled. As soon as the
platoons were assigned to each boat, they began to em
bark, but before one-half of the troops had entered the
boats, I discovered a squall of wind rising from the
West, accompanied by rain, which, from its violence,
made it necessary to halt and disembark the troops
which had entered the boats. The violence of the
wind and rain, mixed with snow, continued through
72

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
the night, so that we were obliged to draw up our
boats and turn them over to protect the troops from
the pelting storm. The next morning the rain had
ceased, but the face of the Sound was a perfect foam,
so that no boat could have been kept above water for
five minutes. The wind lasted through the day, and
at sunset it somewhat abated, so that I ordered the
troops again to parade. A few of the boats were put
into the water, but the wind rising again, we were
obliged to desist. The second night was spent in the
same manner as the first, and the next day I was in
formed that three boats from Long Island had taken
refuge on one of the Norwalk islands, a few miles to
the eastward of us, wind-bound like ourselves, and
could not return. The wind and sea abating some
what of their violence, and the enemy's boats appear
ing on the Sound returning to Long Island, I ordered
six of my best boats (with sails) to be manned, and
Capt. Brewster, an experienced sailor, was directed to
look up the enemy, and if possible to capture them.
The boats put off from the shore, and although their
course was before the wind, three of them were obliged
to turn back. The enemy seeing our boats bearing
down upon them, pressed all sail as well as oars, and
steered for Long Island.
Capt. Brewster steered his course so judiciously, that
before they had reached the middle of the Sound (be
ing here about 1 2 miles wide) he fell in with two of
73

MEMOIR OF
their heaviest boats, when they engaged with great
fury. On the first fire, every man in one of the en
emy's boats fell, being either killed or wounded. Capt.
Brewster received a ball in his breast, which passed
through his body. He, however, captured the two
boats, and one escaped. Although we supposed Capt.
Brewster mortally wounded, yet he recovered, and
lived to be nearly 80 years old.
On the third night I determined, if possible, to cross
the Sound, and with the same flattering prospects when
the sun set, I made preparations to embark the troops,
when the wind rising again most furiously, I was con
strained to give over the expedition, which became
the more advisable as one of the enemy's boats had
escaped, and probably had given the information that
a body of our troops were on Shipan Point.
The next day I removed my detachment and put
them under march for camp. On the Sth of Decem
ber, 1782, I made my report to Gen. Washington,
more severely mortified and chagrined than I had ever
been in my life. A letter in reply from Gen. Wash
ington, dated December 10, 1782, fully approving my
conduct, served to raise my spirits again.
What added greatly to my mortification, was the
knowledge that my enterprise was a part of another,
much more important, on the North River and be
low Fort Washington, stated a little back ; but I soon
learned that this enterprise also failed. On the day
74

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
previous to the evening when the troops were to have
passed down the river, some British ships anchored
above Fort Washington, so that no boats could pass
by them undiscovered. I cannot say but even this
great disappointment gave me some relief under my
own providential prevention. But what is most worthy
of notice, is the fact that when these two attempts were
to have been made, in which doubtless many lives
would have been lost, the preliminary articles of peace
had been actually signed. This was not known to
us. The campaign having now closed, I took my old
station upon the shores of the Sound. Through my
private emissaries, I obtained much information re
specting the illicit trade carried on to Long Island, etc.,
and many of these trading boats fell into our hands.
One adventure I must relate, from the singular cir
cumstances which accompanied it. In the course of
the Winter, I was informed that one of our public
armed vessels, which was appointed to cruise in the
Sound to protect our commerce and to prevent the
illicit trade (technically called the London trade), was
actually engaged in carrying it on. She was a large
sloop called the Shuldham, armed and equipped, and
commanded, I think, by Capt. Hoyt. I hardly knew
how to suspect him, but having been minutely in
formed of the invoice of her goods, and thatshe would
be at Norwalk on a given day, I felt in duty bound,
75

MEMOIR OF
under my orders, to watch her. I repaired to Nor
walk with a few dragoons, and finding said sloop com
ing up the harbor, I took out a warrant, got a con
stable, and when she anchored below at the Old Wells,
I got a boat and went on board. After due saluta
tions were passed, I took the captain into the cabin
and informed him of my suspicions and errand. He
flew into a great passion, and first threatened to throw
me overboard. I endeavored to satisfy him of the fu
tility of such threats, and ordered him, by virtue of
my superior military rank, to obey my commands. He
immediately ordered the anchor to be weighed and the
sails hoisted, and stood out to sea, with a smart wind
at northwest. I ordered him to put back, but he re
fused, and swore most vehemently that he would throw
me overboard, when I assured him if he made any
such attempt I would certainly take him along with
me. My captain continued his course towards Lloyd's
Neck, where the enemy's fleet lay, until we had
reached about the middle of the Sound. I inquired
of him where he was going, when he informed me,
with an oath, that he would carry me over to the en
emy. I informed him that for such an offense, by our
martial law, he exposed himself to the punishment of
death. He professed to care nothing for the consequences,
and swore he would do it. I maintained my former
course, and very sternly ordered him to put about his
76

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
vessel and return to Norwalk, assuring him that if he
executed his threat I would have him hanged as high
as Haman hung, if I ever returned, as I did not doubt
I should. The time now became critical, for we were
rapidly approaching the enemy, when I again de
manded that he should put about his ship and return.
He now began to hesitate, and in a few minutes he
ordered his men to their posts, and put his vessel about
and steered directly back into Norwalk harbor. As
soon as he came to anchor down at Old Wells, %o called,
the captain went ashore in his boat, and I never saw
him again. I now found myself in the peaceable pos
session of the vessel and its cargo. On taking up the
scuttle in the cabin, I found the assortment of Eng
lish goods agreeably to my invoice, which I had duly
libeled and condemned. Thus ended my hazardous
contest with the captain of the Shuldham, who must
have been a man void of principle, and wholly un
worthy the commission he held.
On the 2oth January, 17S3, we captured several
boats with goods, etc., both foreign and domestic.
Having noticed one of the enemy's armed vessels
frequently passing across the Sound, and taking her
station at anchor under Stratford Point, and learning
that her special business was to bring over goods, and
take back produce in return, as well as to annoy our
commerce from East to West through the Sound, I
began to entertain hopes that we might capture or
77

MEMOIR OF
destroy her. To this end, I rode over to Bridgeport
to find some suitable vessel for the purpose. Capt.
Hubbel had the very thing I wanted, and moreover
wished to have the Sound freed from such a nuisance,
as he wished to prosecute his accustomed voyages to
Boston, etc. We finally came to the following agree
ment, viz.: Capt. Hubbel engaged so to manage and
navigate his vessel as that he would absolutely come
in contact with the enemy's sloop-of-war ; which be
ing done, I engaged to take her or pay him for his
vessel, which must of course fall into the enemy's
hands. I accordingly ordered 45 men from my detach
ment, under the immediate orders of Lieuts. Rhea and
Stanley, of the Legion, together with Capt. Brewster's
boat's crew of continental troops, to be held ready for
service. On the 20th of February, 1783, the same
vessel was discovered under Stratford Point. The
troops were immediately embarked — the whole to be
commanded by Capt. Brewster — with particular ord
ers not to appear on deck until they should be needed.
Capt. Amos Hubbel, who commanded our vessel, left
his anchorage at about 2 o'clock, and at 4 P. M.
the vessels were within speaking distance. The
enemy immediately commenced a full discharge of
their cannon and swivels, which crippled Capt. Hub-
bel's vessel in her hull, mast, and rigging very con
siderably. He, however, stood at the helm himself,
and although a shot had passed through his mast, yet
78

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
he brought his bow directly across the side of the Brit
ish ship.
When within a few yards of each other, the order
was given for the troops to appear on deck, when the
command to fire immediatly followed, and in a mo
ment the two vessels came in contact, when the whole
detachment boarded the enemy's ship with fixed bay
onets, and she was captured as in a moment. Nearly
every man on board, was either killed or wounded,
while not a man of our detachment was hurt.
In a few hours both vessels were snugly moored at
Blackrock harbor, and all was again quiet. I reported
this affair to the Commander-in-Chief, who returned
his thanks in his letter dated February 26th, 1783,
and gave an order of condemnation of the prize, the
avails of which were duly distributed to the troops.
After this event we captured several boats, some be
longing to the British and some to our side, for we
served all that we found carrying on this illicit trade
pretty much alike.

WASHINGTON S FAREWELLS TO THE ARMY
T^THILE I was prosecuting my military duties at
' ' the head of my brave detachment, after the
campaign opened for the year 1783, on the iSth of
79

MEMOIR OF
April, the Commander-in-Chief announced in several
orders the cessation of hostilities, as the preliminary
articles of peace had been received by Congress. He
therefore ordered the cessation of hostilities between
the United States of America, and the King of Great
Britain to be publicly proclaimed the next day at
noon. This seemed to put an end to the further effusion
of blood. It was, however, by no means certain that
peace would ensue, and the Commander-in-Chief
called on me most pressingly to obtain information as
to the probable movements of the enemy, as his let
ters will fully evince.
In the preceding month, when all seemed to sup
pose that peace was very near, an anonymous writer
addressed the army in a style calculated to inflame their
injured feelings, and to excite them to deeds of out
rage and violence against their country.
The address was couched in language the most en
gaging, and calculated to inflame the angry passions
of the army against that country for which they had
fought and bled, and in whose cause they had sustained
such unparalleled sufferings. The author of this anon
ymous address was then supposed to be Major Arm
strong, who for some time had been an Aid-de-Camp
to Gen. Gates. Within a little time past. Gen. Arm
strong (then Major Armstrong) has acknowledged that
he was the author of said anonymous address.
80

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
The Commander-in-Chief, having noticed and dis
approved of said address in general orders, the next
day a second anonymous paper made its appearance,
more inflammatory, if possible, than the first. This
induced Gen. Washington to convene the general and
field officers of the army, with a deputation from the
officers of the line, to whom he delivered a most in
teresting and feeling address, in which he wholly dis
approved of the course proposed for the officers to pur
sue. He assured them that they might depend upon
his exertions to obtain remuneration from the United
States for their services, which he did not doubt would
be done as soon as the Government could raise the
money. To this the officers responded most respectfully and
affectionately, and assured their great leader and com
mander that they abhorred the measure proposed by
the anonymous writer, and would not dishonor them
selves by adopting the course by him suggested. This
put a most fortunate end to this parricidal advice.
In view of the dissolution of the army, when the
officers would disperse, most probably never to meet
again in this world, a proposal was made to establish
a society to which every officer might belong, by sub
scribing to its principles. A committee having been
appointed at the suggestion of Gen. Knox, and by the
approbation of the Commander-in-Chief, to devise
some suitable mode in which this object could be an-
8i

MEMOIR OF
swered, and the mutual friendships of the officers of
the army of the revolution maintained and cemented,
a plan was drawn up and reported. On the i oth of
May, 1783, the officers held their first meeting, at
which the Baron Steuben, as senior officer, presided.
Gens. Knox, Huntington, and Hand, with Capt. Shaw,
were chosen a committee to revise the proposal which
had been submitted as the basis of the Institution. On
the I 3th of the same month, another meeting was held
at Baron Steuben's quarters, when the committee
aforesaid reported a plan for establishing a society,
which was accepted, and is as follows :
" It has pleased the Supreme Governor of the Uni
verse, in the disposition of human affairs, to cause the
separation of the Colonies of North America from the
domination of Great Britain, and after a bloody con
flict of eight years, to establish them free, independent,
and sovereign States, connected by alliances founded on
reciprocal advantages, with some of the greatest princes
and powers of the earth.
" To perpetuate, therefore, as well the remembrance
of this vast event, as the mutual friendships which have
been formed under the pressure of common danger,
and in many instances cemented by the blood of the
parties, the officers of the American army do hereby
in the most solemn manner associate, constitute, and
combine themselves into one society of friends, to en
dure as long as they shall endure, or any of their eld-
82

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
est male posterity, and in failure thereof, the collateral
branches, who may be judged worthy of becoming its
supporters and members.
" The officers of the American army having gen
erally been taken from the citizens of America, possess
high veneration for the character of that illustrious
Roman, Lucius Quintius Cincinnatus, and being re
solved to follow his example, by returning to their
citizenship, they think they may with propriety
denominate themselves the Society of the Cincin
nati. " The following principles shall be immutable, and
form the basis of the Society of the Cincinnati :
" An incessant attention to preserve inviolate those
exalted rights and liberties of human nature for which
they have fought and bled, and without which the
high rank of a rational being is a curse instead of a
blessing. " An unalterable determination to promote and
cherish between the respective States, that union and
national honor so essentially necessary to their happi
ness and the future dignity of the American Confed
eracy. " To render permanent the cordial affection subsist
ing among the officers, this spirit will dictate brotherly
kindness in all things, and particularly extend to the
most substantial acts of beneficence, according to the
ability of the Society, towards those officers and their
83

MEMOIR OF
families who, unfortunately, may be under the neces
sity of receiving it.
" The General Society will, for the sake of frequent
communication, be divided into State Societies, and
those again into such districts as shall be directed by
the State Society.
" The Societies of the districts to meet as often as
shall be agreed on by the State Society. Those of the
State, on the fourth of July annually, or oftener, if
they shall find it expedient, and the General Society
on the first Monday in May, annually, so long as they
shall deem it necessary ; afterwards at least once in
every three years.
" At each meeting, the principles of the Institution
will be fully considered, and the best measures to pro
mote them adopted.
" The State Societies to have a President, Vice-
President, Secretary, Treasurer, and Assistant Treas
urer, to be chosen annually by a majority of votes at
the State meeting.
" In order to form funds which may be respectable
and assist the unfortunate, each officer shall deliver to
the Treasurer of the State Society one month's pay,
which shall remain forever to the use of the State
Society, the interest only of which, if necessary, to be
appropriated to the relief of the unfortunate.
" The Society shall have an order, by which its
members shall be known and distinguished, which
84

Portrait of Mrs. Tallmadge, with Children, 1790,
by Ralph Earle

In possession of Mrs. Mary F. Seymour. New York

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
shall be a medal of gold, of a proper size to receive the
emblems, and be suspended by a deep blue ribbon, two
inches wide, edged with white, descriptive of the
union of America and Fame."
Gen. Washington was chosen President of the Gen
eral Society, and the officers in the respective States
organized their State Societies. In the Connecticut
line, to which I belonged, the officers generally de
posited a month's pay in public securities, which, being
afterwards funded by the government, made a hand
some capital.
Being chosen Treasurer, I brought the capital stock
to be a productive fund — the surplus interest being
made a principal. In this office I continued several
years, until I was chosen President of the Society,
when I resigned the Treasurer's seals. In many of
the States, acts of incorporation had been obtained for
their State Societies, which became necessary for the
protection of their funds. Application was made re
peatedly for a like privilege for our State Society ;
but there seemed to be a jealousy in the minds of some
that it would be like encouraging a sort of self-erected
aristocracy .
About this time Gen. Washington, our President-
General, feeling unwilling to do anything to excite a
popular ferment, especially towards the officers of the
late revolutionary army, proposed to the State Soci
eties to abolish the Institution. He felt so unwilling
85

MEMOIR OF
to be instrumental in any way to such an end, that he
requested Col. Humphreys to attend one of our an
niversary meetings, and to explain his views and wishes
to us. Having no prospect of obtaining a charter from
the State to protect our funds, we discussed the sub
ject pretty fully, and finally agreed to abolish the In
stitution in Connecticut. We further agreed to pass
our funds over into the hands of the Treasurer of Yale
College, leaving it optional with every officer to with
draw his subscription, or not, as he pleased.
Peace having finally been agreed on between Great
Britain and the United States of America, on the sec
ond of September, 1783, Gen. Washington issued his
farewell orders to the armies of the United States,
which he had commanded for the previous eight years.
His language was so impressive, and his advice so ap
propriate, that I cannot deny myself the pleasure of
transcribing them into my journal. Having taken
notice of the proclamation of Congress under date of
October 18th, 1783, he adds:
" It only remains for the Commander-in-Chief to
address himself once more, and that for the last time,
to the armies of the United States, however widely
dispersed the individuals who composed them may be,
and to bid them an affectionate, a long farewell. But
before the Commander-in-Chief takes his final leave
of those he holds most dear, he wishes to indulge him
self a few moments in a brief review of the past.
86

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
" He will then take the liberty of exploring, with
his military friends, their future prospects ; of advis
ing the general line of conduct which, in his opinion,
ought to be pursued, and he will conclude the address
by expressing the obligations he feels himself under
for the spirited and able assistance he has experienced
from them in the performance of an arduous office.
" A contemplation of the complete attainment, at
a period earlier than could have been expected, of the
object for which we contended against so formidable
a power, cannot but inspire us with astonishment and
gratitude. The disadvantageous circumstances on our
part with which the war was undertaken, can never
be forgotten. The singular interpositions of Provi
dence, in our feeble condition, were such as could
scarcely escape the attention of the most unobserving.
While the unparalleled perseverence of the armies of
the United States, through almost every possible suf
fering and discouragement, for the space of eight long
years, was little short of a standing miracle.
" It is not the meaning, nor within the compass of
this address to detail the hardships peculiarly incident
to our service, nor to describe the distresses which, in
several instances, have resulted from the extremes of
hunger and nakedness, combined with the rigors of
an inclement season ; nor is it necessary to dwell on
the dark side of our past affairs. Every American offi
cer and soldier must now console himself for any un-
87

MEMOIR OF
pleasant circumstances which may have occurred, by
the recollection of the uncommon scenes in which he
has been called to act no inglorious part, and the aston
ishing events of which he has been a witness — events
which have seldom if ever before taken place on the
stage of human action ; nor can this probably ever
happen again. For who has ever before seen a dis
ciplined army formed from such raw materials ? Who
that was not a witness could imagine that the most
violent local prejudices would cease so soon, and that
men who came from the different parts of the conti
nent, strongly disposed by the habits of education to
despise and quarrel with each other, would instantly
become one patriotic band of brothers .? Or who that
was not on the spot, can trace the steps by which such
a wonderful revolution has been effected, and such a
glorious period put to all our toils .?
" It is universally acknowledged that the enlarged
prospects of happiness, opened by the confirmation of
our independence and sovereignty, almost exceed the
power of description ; and shall not the brave men
who have contributed so essentially to those inesti
mable acquisitions, retiring victorious from the field
of war to the field of agriculture, participate in all the
blessings that have been obtained ? In such a republic,
who will exclude them from the rights of citizens,
and the fruits of their labors ?
" In such a country, so happily circumstanced, the

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
pursuits of commerce and the cultivation of the soil
will unfold to industry the certain road to competence.
To those hardy soldiers who are actuated by the spirit
of adventure, the fisheries will afford ample and profit
able employment, and the extensive and fertile regions
of the West will yield a most happy asylum to those
who are fond of domestic employment, and seeking
personal independence. Nor is it possible to conceive
that any one of the United States will prefer a national
bankruptcy and the dissolution of the Union, to a com
pliance with the requisitions of Congress, and the pay
ment of its just debts, so that the officers and soldiers
may expect considerable assistance in recommencing
their civil occupations, from the sums due to them
from the public, which must and will inevitably be
paid. " In order to effect this desirable purpose, and to
remove the prejudices which may have taken posses
sion of the minds of the good people of the States, it
was earnestly recommended to all the troops, that with
strong attachments to the Union, they should carry
with them into civil society the most conciliatory dis
positions, and that they should prove themselves not
less virtuous and useful as citizens, than they have been
persevering and victorious as soldiers. What though
there should be some envious individuals, who are
unwilling to pay the debt the public has contracted,
or to yield the tribute due to merit ; yet, let such un-
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MEMOIR OF
worthy treatment produce no invective, or any instance
of intemperate conduct. Let it be remembered that
the unbiased voice of the free citizens of the United
States has promised the just reward, and given the
merited applause. Let it be known and remembered
that the reputation of the federal armies is established
beyond the reach of malevolence, and let a conscious
ness of their achievements and fame still excite the
men who composed them to honorable action, under
the persuasion that the private virtues of economy,
prudence, and industry, will not be less amiable in
civil life, than the more splendid qualities of valor,
perseverance, and enterprise were in the field. Every
one may rest assured, that much of the future hap
piness of the officers and men will depend upon the
wise and manly conduct which shall be adopted by
them, when they are mingled with the great body of
the community. And although the General has so
frequently given it as his opinion, in the most public
and explicit manner, that unless the principles of the
federal government were properly supported, and the
powers of the Union increased, the honor, dignity, and
justice of the nation would be lost forever, yet he can
not help repeating on this occasion so interesting a
sentiment, and leaving it as his last injunction to every
officer and every soldier who may view the subject
in the same serious point of light, to add his best
endeavors to those of his worthy fellow-citizens to-
90

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
wards effecting these great and valuable purposes on
which our very existence as a nation so materially de
pends. " The Commander-in-Chief conceives little now
wanting to enable the soldier to change the military
character into that of a citizen, but that steady, decent
tenor of behavior, which has generally distinguished
not only the army under his immediate command, but
the different detachments and separate armies, through
the course of the war. From their good sense and
prudence, he anticipated the happiest results, and while
he congratulates them on the glorious occasion which
renders their services in the field no longer necessary,
he wishes to express the strong obligations he feels
himself under for the assistance he has received from
every class, and in every instance where it was required.
He presents his thanks in the most serious and affec
tionate manner to the general officers, as well for their
counsel, on many interesting occasions, as for their
ardor in promoting the success of the plans he has
adopted ; to the commandants of regiments and corps,
and to the officers, for their zeal and attention in car
rying his orders promptly into execution ; to the staff,
for their alacrity and exactness in performing the duties
of their several departments ; and to the non-commis
sioned officers, and private soldiers, for their extraor
dinary patience in suffering, as well as their invincible
fortitude in action. To all the branches of the army,
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MEMOIR OF
the General takes this last and solemn opportunity of
professing his inviolable attachment and friendship.
He wishes more than bare professions were in his
power, and that he was really able to be useful to them
in future life. He flatters himself, however, they will
do him the justice to believe, that whatever could with
propriety be attempted by him, has been done. And be
ing now about to conclude these his last public orders,
to take his ultimate leave, in a short time, of the mil
itary character, and to bid a final adieu to the armies
he has so long had the honor to command, he can
only again offer, in their behalf, his recommendations
to their grateful country, and his prayers to the God
of America. May ample justice be done them here,
and may the choicest of Heaven's favors, both here
and hereafter, attend those who, under the divine au
spices, have secured innumerable blessings for others.
With these wishes, and this benediction, the Com
mander-in-Chief is about to retire from service. The
curtain of separation will soon be drawn, and the mil
itary scene to him will be closed forever."
These were the closing general orders, issued to the
armies of the United States, at the close of a war of
eight years' continuance, prosecuted for the most glori
ous object for which freemen contend, attended with
more appalling hardships and sufferings than have
heretofore been borne by any body of military men ;
sustained with more firmness and perseverance than
92

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
history accords to any other army, and finally termin
ating in the complete attainment of the glorious prize
for which they contended, viz., the Independence of the
United States of Atnerica. No language can express
the feelings of the army when the foregoing general
orders were read. The most hardy soldiers were un
able to restrain the copious flood of tears ; and to some
of us, who had been honored with peculiar tokens of
confidence and favor, the scene was absolutely over
whelming. For myself, the thought of being sepa
rated from my General, whom I loved with filial af
fection, and obeyed with perfect readiness and delight,
was heart-rending in the extreme. The scene is quite
vivid to my recollection now, more thiinforty-fve years
since it took place. No change of situation, no en
gagements in business, nor any new friendships have
ever been permitted to abate that high regard, that
profound respect, that ardor of affection, and that en
tire devotion of all my powers to the views and wishes
of this illustrious man. I loved and venerated him
through life, I most severely lamented his sudden and
untimely death, and should greatly rejoice to be
able to imitate, in some humble degree, his great
example. Before I close the scenes of my military life, I must
revert to the Summer of 1783, after the preliminary
articles of peace had been announced. As little doubt
could be entertained but that peace would soon fol-
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MEMOIR OF
low, I found it necessary to take some steps to insure
the safety of several persons within the enemy's lines,
who had served us faithfully and with intelligence
during the war. As some of these were considered
to be of the Tory character, who would be very obnox
ious when the British army should depart, I suggested
to Gen. Washington the propriety of my being per
mitted to go to New York, under the cover of a flag.
This he very readily granted, and I proceeded to New
York, where I was surrounded by British troops, tories,
cow-boys, and traitors. By the officers of the army
and navy I was treated with great respect and atten
tion, and especially bythe Commander-in-Chief, Gen.
Carlton, at whose table I dined with the commanding
officers of the navy, and others of high distinction.
It was not a little amusing, to see how men, tories and
refugees, who a little before uttered nothing but the
terms, rebels and traitors to their King, against all the of
ficers of the American army, would now come around
me while in New York, and beg my protection against
the dreaded rage of their countrymen. But I knew
them too well to make any promises.
While at New York, I saw and secured all who had
been friendly to us through the war, and especially our
emissaries, so that not one instance occurred of any
abuse, after we took possession of the city, where pro
tection was given or engaged.
Having accomplished all my business in New York,
94

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
I returned again to the army, and made my report to
the Commander-in-Chief The troops now began
to be impatient to return to their respective homes,
and those that were destined for that purpose, to take
possession of the city. Gen. Washington now dis
missed the greater part of the army in so judicious a
way, that no unpleasant circumstances occurred. The
25th of November, 1783, was appointed for the Brit
ish troops to evacuate the city, and for the American
troops to take possession of it. Gen. Knox, at the
head of a select corps of American troops, entered the
city as the rear of the British troops embarked ; soon
after which the Commander-in-Chief, accompanied
by Gov. Clinton and their respective suites, made their
public entry into the city on horseback, followed by
the Lieut.-Governor and members of the Council.
The officers of the army, eight abreast, and citizens on
horseback, eight abreast, accompanied by the Speaker
of the Assembly, and citizens on foot eight abreast,
followed after the Commander-in-Chief and Gov.
Clinton. So perfect was the order of march, that en
tire tranquility prevailed, and nothing occurred to mar
the general joy. Every countenance seemed to ex
press the triumph of republican principles over the
military despotism which had so long pervaded this
now happy city. Most of the refugees had embarked
for Nova Scotia, and the few who remained, were too
insignificant to be noticed in the crowd. It was in-
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MEMOIR OF
deed a joyful day to the officers and soldiers of our
army, and to all the friends of American independence,
while the troops of the enemy, still in our waters, and
the host of tories and refugees, were sorely mortified.
The joy of meeting friends, who had long been
separated by the cruel rigors of war, cannot be de
scribed. Gov. Clinton gave a public dinner, at which Gen.
Washington and the principal officers of the army, cit
izens, etc., were present. On the Tuesday evening
following, there was a most splendid display of fire
works, at the lower part of Broadway, near the Bowl
ing Green. It far exceeded anything I had ever seen
in my life.
The time now drew near when the Commander-
in-Chief intended to leave this part of the country for
his beloved retreat at Mount Vernon. On Tuesday,
the 4th of December, it was made known to the of
ficers then in New York, that Gen. Washington in
tended to commence his journey on that day. At i 2
o'clock the officers repaired to Francis' Tavern, in
Pearl Street, where Gen. Washington had appointed
to meet them, and to take his final leave of them. We
had been assembled but a few moments, when His Ex
cellency entered the room. His emotion, too strong
to be concealed, seemed to be reciprocated by every
officer present. After partaking of a slight refresh
ment, in almost breathless silence, the General filled
96

Fraunces' Tavern, Broad Street, New York
The Long Room where Washington hade Farewell to his Ofiicers. 178^

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
his glass with wine, and turning to the officers, he said:
" With a heart full of love and gratitude, I now take
leave of you. I most devoutly wish that your latter
days may be as prosperous and happy as your former
jones have been glorious and honorable."
After the officers had taken a glass of wine. Gen.
Washington said : " I cannot come to each of you, but
shall feel obliged if each of you will come and take
me by the hand."
Gen. Knox being nearest to him, turned to the Com
mander-in-Chief, who, suffused in tears, was incapable
of utterance, butgraspedhis hand; when they embraced
each other in silence. In the same affectionate man
ner, every officer in the room marched up to, kissed,
and parted with his General-in-Chief. Such a scene
of sorrow and weeping I had never before witnessed,
and hope I may never be called upon to witness again.
It was indeed too affecting to be of long con tinuance —
for tears of deep sensibility filled every eye — and the
heart seemed so full, that it was ready to burst from
its wonted abode. Not a word was uttered to break
the solemn silence that prevailed, or to interrupt the
tenderness of the interesting scene. The simple thought
that we were then about to part from the man who
had conducted us through a long and bloody war, and
under whose conduct the glory and independence of
our country had been achieved, and that we should see
his face no more in this world, seemed to me utterly
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MEMOIR OF
insupportable. But the time of separation had come,
and waiving his hand to his grieving children around
him, he left the room, and passing through a corps of
light infantry who were paraded to receive him, he
walked silently on to Whitehall, where a barge was in
waiting. We all followed in mournful silence to the
wharf, where a prodigious crowd had assembled to wit
ness the departure of the man who, under God, had
been the great agent in establishing the glory and in
dependence of these United States. As soon as he was
seated, the barge put off into the river, and when out
in the stream, our great and beloved General waived
his hat, and bid us a silent adieu.
We paid him the same affectionate compliment, and
then returned to the same hotel whence Gen. Wash
ington had so recently departed. Thus closed one of
the most interesting and affecting scenes that I ever
witnessed — a scene so fraught with feeling, that it
seemed for a time as if it never could be erased
from vivid and constant reflection. But, such is the
wise constitution of human nature, that other ob
jects and pursuits occupy the mind and engross the
attention, or life would become a burden too heavy
to bear.
In a few days, all the officers who had assembled at
New York to participate in the foregoing heart-rend
ing scene, departed to their several places of abode, to
commence anew their avocations for life.
98

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE

PERSONAL
TT AVING for seven years been banished from the
-*- -¦- home of my father, at Brookhaven, in Suffolk
county, on Long Island, I determined to visit the
place of my nativity. Accordingly, I set out to pay
my respects to my honored father and friends at
Brookhaven aforesaid. Being principally Whigs,
and now emancipated from their late severe bond
age, the people had determined that they would cele
brate the occasion by some public demonstration of
their joy. They therefore concluded to have public
notice given, that on a day near at hand, they would
have an ox roasted whole on the public green, to par
take of which all were invited to attend. I remem
ber well, that after a most joyful meeting with my
former friends (many of whom I had not seen since
the war commenced), I was appointed master of
ceremonies for the occasion. When the ox was well
roasted, the noble animal on his spit was removed
to a proper place, and after a blessing from the God
of Battles had been invoked by my honored father,
I began to carve, dissect, and distribute to the multi
tude around me. The aged and the young, the male
and the female, rejoiced to receive a portion, which,
from the novelty of the scene, and being in commem-
99

MEMOIR OF
oration of so great an event, obtained a peculiar zest.
All was harmony and joy, for all seemed to be of one
mind. A Tory could not have lived in that atmosphere one
minute. By sunset the whole concourse — a vast mul
titude — dispersed and returned to their own homes in
quietness and peace. The joy of the Whig population
through the island was literally unbounded, nor could
it be expected that their Tory neighbors would escape,
unnoticed, through such a scene of rejoicing after vic
tory. In some instances private satisfaction was taken
in a pretty summary manner, but in most cases the
milder process of law was resorted to and main
tained. From this most pleasing scene of liberality and pub
lic rejoicing, I concluded to take a ride quite to the
East end of Long Island, Suffolk county, which em
braces much the greatest part of Long Island, and had
been well known to be friendly to the American cause.
For this they had suffered much from the British
troops, as well as from their adherents. In my jour
ney down the island, my reception by the inhabitants
was most gratifying. Private hospitality and public
honor were most liberally bestowed on any man who
had served in the revolutionary army.
The Autumn and Winter of 1 78 3 were devoted very
much to these most pleasing and delightful visitations.
Among others (not the least pleasant and interesting)
100

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
were those which secured to me a companion and friend,
the most desirable, in my view, had I been privileged
with a choice from her whole sex. After visiting Con
necticut, and arranging and settling my plans for mer
cantile life, in the place where I now reside, on the
I Sth of March, 17S4, I led Miss Floyd to the hy
meneal altar, and commenced the life and duties of a
married man. She was the eldest daughter of the
Hon. William Floyd, of Mastic, Long Island. He
was a man of very extensive landed possessions on the
island, but having actively engaged on the side and in
the cause of his country, he was obliged to abandon
his estates, and was a member of Congress through the
war. As soon as peace was proclaimed, he, with many
others who had left their property in the hands or un
der the control of the common enemy, returned to
their homes. These they found, for the most part,
sadly changed for the worse. But it was very com
forting to all who had suffered this voluntary banish
ment from their own soil, once more to place the soles
of their feet upon it. The nuptials of Miss Floyd
and myself were solemnized on the i8th of March,
1 784, my honored father officiating, when Gen. Floyd
gave a most sumptuous entertainment to a great num
ber of invited guests.
Soon after our marriage, we paid a visit to New York,
where we found a great number of friends, with whom
we spent a few weeks very pleasantly. We were treated

lOI

MEMOIR OF
with great hospitality by the family of Mr. Joseph Hal-
lett, at whose hospitable abode we were invited to take
up our lodgings. After this visit was ended, we re
turned back to Mastic, calling on our friends on the
North side of Long Island and on Shelter Island, whom
we wished to see before we departed to our abode at
Litchfield, Connecticut. We took a jaunt down the
island, which was considered rather as a parting visit.
In this also we had a very pleasant journey, and time
seemed to glide insensibly away, which brought us every
day nearer to the period when we expected to bid Long
Island a final adieu as our home. Indeed, I had not
made it my place of residence since I entered college
in the year 1769, and as for my beloved partner, she
had never seen her father's house since the family left
it in the year 1 776, when the British troops took pos
session of it and New York.
1784. Having now closed the scenes of my mili
tary life with the past year, which had been of almost
eight years' continuance, and being about to commence
an entirely new pursuit, most probably for life, a few
reflections very naturally arise in my mind, in reviewing
the subj ect. In the first place, the contemplation of the
momentous events of the revolutionary war, in which
I had taken some humble part, fills my mind with won
der and astonishment. When I reflect on the condi
tion of these colonies when the battles of Lexington a.nd
Bunker Hillwtvc fought, and the first hostile gun was
102

Portrait of Colonel William Floyd
Signer of the Declaration of Independence
In possession of the Hoyd family, Mastic, L. 1.
[Page loi]

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
fired, compared with that of Great Britain — our enemy
— it looks almost like madness to have ventured on the
mighty conflict, and little less than a miracle that we
were sustained through such a bloody war, and finally
came out of it completely victorious. 2nd. When I
reflect upon the hardships and dangers to which I was
exposed in such a conflict,and the very peculiar hazards
which befell me at times, in the execution of duties
whichdevolveduponme,asidefromthosethat are com
mon to a military life, I can scarcely credit my recol
lections on this subject. But when I further reflect
that, in all the general battles that were fought, when
the 2nd Regiment of Light Dragoons took a part, I
never failed to be at the head of my corps, and more
especially that in many separate enterprises in which I
was engaged, and in which I had the sole responsibil
ity and command, attended with peculiar dangers, both
on the land and by water, and that through the whole
my life has not only been preserved, but I have never
received a dangerous wound, nor had a single bone broken,
I seem to myself a singular instance of the Divine pro
tection and care.
In this review of the special mercies of God vouch
safed to me, I desire most devoutly to adore and bless
His protecting hand, and call on my soul and every fac
ulty that I possess to adore and praise my Divine Ben
efactor. 3rd. In addition to the protection of a merciful Prov-
103

MEMOIR OF
idence, I would notice the peculiar marks of attention
which I uniformly received from the Commander-in-
Chief through the war. Having been early and per
sonally acquainted with this great man, I held him in
high veneration, and when he appointed me, or rather
requested me to take charge of a particular part of his
private correspondence, this brought us into frequent and
intimate correspondence. His approbation of my con
duct, on many occasions, expressed both publicly and
privately by letter, together with the favorable expres
sion of Congress, afforded me the highest satisfaction
that a soldier could receive.
4th. Among all the vices and false pursuits to
which the military life is liable, perhaps none is
more prominent than dueling. Having early imbibed
the sentiment, that no man had a right to expose
his life in this manner, I openly avowed my opin
ion, and yet amidst all the clashing of interests and
opinions to which we were exposed, I never was
called upon to defend my honor by this heaven-
daring resort.
I always determined that I never would be guilty of
this murderous sin, and yet I am not conscious that any
man ever thought me to be a coward. For this early
imbibed opinion and subsequent restraining conduct, I
desire most humbly and devoutly to adore and bless
God. BENJAMIN TALLMADGE.
104

REMARKS

HE foregoing memoir was prepared by
my venerable parent, and I will briefly
add, that Col. Tallmadge continued to
reside in Litchfield, Connecticut, until
his death, which occurred on the 7th of March,
1S35; having lost my mother on the 3rd of June,
1805, leaving five sons and two daughters.
On the 3rd of May, iSoS, he married the daugh
ter of Joseph Hallett, Esq., of the city of New York,
who survived him but a few years.
Col. Tallmadge, after the close of the revolution,
engaged extensively in commercial pursuits in Litch
field, Connecticut, and elsewhere. In 1800, he was
elected a Representative in Congress from the State of
Connecticut, and was continued by successive elections
as such Representative, until 18 16, when he decHned
a further election. In 1 8 i 2, he was tendered by Pres
ident Madison a high and prominent command in the
105

MEMOIR OF
Northern division of the army of the United States,
which he declined.
At the formation of the Society of the Cincinnati
for the State of Connecticut, he was elected their
Treasurer and then President, and continued as such
until their dissolution.
After leaving Congress, Col. Tallmadge was ap
pointed the President of a Banking Institution at
Litchfield, which with his domestic duties, afforded
him sufficient occupation for his declining years. He
died at the mature age of 8 2 years, crowned by all the
temporal honors that the most ambitious could covet,
and, as we trust, realizing on his separation from life,
that higher crown of glory which seemed to be the
highest ambition of his well-spent life.
During his long official life, he became associated
with most of the distinguished men of our country, and
enjoyed the respect and confidence of the Quincys, the
Pickerings, the Trumbulls, the Morrises, the Rut-
ledges, the Griswolds, and the Bayards of that day.
It was a source of great pleasure to Col. Tallmadge
to meet with the companions of his revolutionary strug
gles, and many now recollect the interesting and af
fectionate interview that occurred between himself
and Lafayette, at New Haven, on his late visit to this
country after so many years of separation. They em
braced and wept at the interview when they recurred
to the trying scenes through which they had passed
1 06

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
in the ardency ot youth, and that they were sever
ally blessed by the grateful feelings of their country
men, and the most distinguished notice of our gov
ernment. F. A. TALLMADGE.

..ussa^ssims^.

Flag of the Second Light Dragoons

Red in possession of Mr. F. P. Harper, New York
[Pages 143-4]

Regimental Flag of the Second Light Dragoons
Motto : " The Country calls and her Sons respond in thunder tones "
Blue in possession of Mrs. J. H. Knox, Troy, N. Y.
FPap-es 143-4]

NOTES
TO THE MEMOIR OF
COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE

AUTHORITIES

HE following notes to the Memoir of Colonel
Tallmadge are limited in scope to the field of
his personal services and experiences. No at
tempt has been made to enlarge upon the in
cidents and battles of the Revolution to which
he refers for the sake of continuity in the narrative. As far
as possible, also, these notes are based upon the Colonel's
own correspondence with Washington, Heath, Gates, Clin
ton and other officers, which he could not well introduce into
his Memoir, as well as upon the documents in possession
of the "Sons of the Revolution."
The correspondence is somewhat scattered, and for its use
in the present connection, the editor is under obligations to
librarians and private collectors — especially to Mr. Robert
H. Kelby, Librarian of the New York Historical Society,
Hon. Samuel A. Green, of the Massachusetts Historical So
ciety, the officials of the Library of the State Department,
and of the Library of Congress, Washington, Hon. Hugh
Hastings, State Historian of New York, and descendants of
Colonel Tallmadge. Ill

AUTHORITIES
A never-failing interest attaches to the story of Arnold
and Andre, and in Notes IX, X and XI, the new facts
gleaned from Tallmadge's papers will doubtless have a
value for the reader. What Mr. Stevens offers in Note
XVI respecting Fraunces Tavern Is a fresh contribution to
local lore, and doubly acceptable at this stage of the Society's
growth. The Notes touch mainly on the Revolutionary
history of New York.

NOTES I
THE THREE TALLMADGE BROTHERS IN
THE WAR
[page 4]
THE Major alludes too modestly to the Revolutionary
services of his family, even his own case, where he
aims to present the simple record, being rather an under
statement. His father, the pastor at Brookhaven, the present Setau
ket, Long Island, was a staunch Whig, and stood by his dis
turbed parish throughout the war. An extended mention of
him appears in Professor Dexter's " Biographies of Yale
Graduates." The three elder sons, like many other young
men of eastern Long Island, entered the Revolutionary
army. The " Memoir " does not refer to the third son,
Samuel Tallmadge, whose term ofservice was about as long
as his brother Benjamin's. He was a patriotic " assoclator "
In Suffolk County In 1775, and In 1776 joined the New York
Continental troops, being made sergeant in Captain Sackett's
Company of the Fourth Regiment, November 21st. On
113

NOTES
March ist, 1779, he was promoted Ensign, on April nth,
1780, appointed Adjutant, and on October 27th, 1781, pro
moted First Lieutenant. Subsequently, 1782-3, he was trans
ferred to the Second Regiment of the New York Line, Col
onel Van Cordandt, and served to the end of the war. In
the Correspondence of Governor George Chnton, there Is a
letter from the Major, Benjamin, recommending his brother
Samuel for promotion. The latter was a member of the New
York Cincinnati Society.
The eldest brother, William Tallmadge (page 4), was
doubtless the sergeant of this name In Captain Hubbell's
Company of Colonel Huntington's Connecticut Continental
regiment, which lost heavily In prisoners at the battle of Long
Island. It fought In Sterling's command near the entrance
to Greenwood cemetery. The sergeant Is returned among
the " missing," and died a prisoner as referred to on page 10.
He appears to have served in the same regiment at the siege
of Boston, 1775-76.

II
TALLMADGE AND COLONEL CHESTER
[pages 6-7]
While teaching school at Wethersfield, Connecticut, 1774-
1776, Tallmadge found a good friend, as he says, in Captain
John Chester of that town, who distinguished himself at the
" rail-fence " fight on Bunker's Hill. As the Captain was
a fellow college graduate the friendship between the two was
presumably all the more congenial. In the summer of 1776
Chester was appointed Colonel of one of seven regiments of
a Connecticut State brigade raised to serve for six months
114

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
under the command of Brigadier-General James Wadsworth.
Tallmadge, as stated, was appointed Lieutenant and Adju
tant of Chester's battalion. His "warrant" as Adjutant is
given here as a document seldom met with In Revolutionary
archives. It will be noticed that it is issued by the Colonel
and not by the Governor, as in the case of State Commis
sions. The form is as follows :
"JOHN CHESTER, Esq., Commander of a Regiment
of Militia, Ordered to be raised for the Defence of This and
the rest of the United Colonies, at their Special Session in
June Instant.
To BENJAMIN TALLMADGE, Junr. Gentelman,
GREETING, I DO by these presents reposing special confidence In
your Valor, Fidelity, Skill, and good Conduct, Constitute
and Appoint you the said Benjamin Tallmadge, Junr., to be
Adjutant in said Regiment, and I DO hereby fully author
ize and Impower you to Exercise your said Office in a due
discharge of the Duties thereof by leading, ordering and con
ducting said Regiment as from time to time shall be neces
sary, and as you shall have ordered to do, and by instructing
and perfecting them in all useful Military Exercises, which
vou are carefully and diligently to attend to as their Adju
tant as aforesaid, according to the Trust reposed in you, for
which this is your Sufficient Warrent.
Given under my hand at Hartford this 20th day of June,
Anno Domini, 1776. John Chester, Colonel."
According to the regimental order-book. Colonel Chester,
to whom further reference will be made, did not formally as
sign Tallmadge to Adjutant's duties until July 22nd.
"5

NOTES

III

THE CAMP IN WALL STREET, 1776
[page 8]
The spring and summer of 1776 were actively taken up
by the American troops In fortifying New York against the
coming of the enemy after their evacuation of Boston. The
City was practically turned into an entrenched camp. Forts
and batteries were erected at docks and points on the East
and Hudson Rivers, streets were barricaded and a line of
strong redoubts was thrown up across the north front on
the general line of Grand Street. Wadsworth's Connecticut
Brigade being ordered to New York, it was assigned to
camp grounds and barracks in Wall and adjoining streets.
Douglas's regiment is known to have been stationed in Broad
Street. The Brigade parade ground was at first in Wall
Street near Pearl, then called Queen Street, and later in
Pearl ; the position the regiments were ordered to man in
case of alarm was the East River front from Whitehall
(South Ferry) northward by the " Coffee house," at the foot
of Wall, to the ship-yards, some distance above present Ful
ton Ferry. The greater part of the brigade remained here
until the battle of Long Island. Some of the orders issued
by General Wadsworth and Colonel Chester, as preserved
in Tallmadge's regimental orderly book, throw light on the
Revolutionary history of the City. On July nth, 1776,
for example, Wadsworth directs,
" That a Drum Major beat the Tattoe on the Brigade
parade in Wall Street every night at 10 o'clock & be an-
116

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
swered by the orderly Drummer of each Regt on the regi
mental parade— That the revellee be beat in like manner at
break of day every day — That the Throop be beat when
the Guards march to the Grand Parade, by an orderly
Drummer from each Regt. attended by an equal number of
fifers from the Regts — to begin at the east end of Wall
Street, to march thro S'' Street, then to the upper end of
Smith Street, then back to Wall Street — the like to be per
formed every night at sun-setting."
The old " tea-water pump," above the City Hall Park,
seems to have been as much in requisition by the troops as
before by the inhabitants — each Captain being directed " to
agree with some waterman to supply his Company with tea-
water." For July 13th the orders read: "On beating the Rev
ellee, the brigade to turn out & man the lines from the Cof
fee house to White Hall battery. . . . On any Alarm the
Brigade to parade immediately on Wall Street & wait for
orders." July 28: "That the Regts who are about to remove
to the other Barracks be particularly careful to sweep out
the Barracks they now occupy clean when they leave them —
also the street before them, and leave the dirt In heaps in
the streets. The Brigdr Genl observes with pleasure the
Soldiers appearing in the house of God on Sundays with
clean linnen, as It is not only decent but will greatly con
tribute to their health, yet is sorry to observe the indecent
posture of some few sitting down In time of prayer — a pos
ture improper to address an officer and much more so the
Sovereign Ruler of the Universe." 117

NOTES
August 7 : "On beating the Revellee, the Brigade to
turn out and man the lines from the Exchange to the Ship
yard Guard. On an Alarm the Brigade to parade Immedi
ately In Queen Street and wait for orders. Queen Street is to
be the Brigade Parade until further orders. The several
Colos. are desired to attend at the Brigdr Genls at 5 o'clock
this Day, to fix on their Alarm posts."
Some of Colonel Chester's Orders to his regiment sug
gest the crudeness of many of the troops Washington had
to depend upon in this campaign. The Colonel finds It
necessary to remind his men of almost every detail of their
duty, as on
July 11 : "Nothing is more conducive to health than a
neat and cleanly habit In dress and Qrs. join'd to a regular
and temperate method of living, nor is anything a more cer
tain procurer of Diseases than the contrary vices. Too
much pains cannot be taken to preserve health, that pre
cious Jewel, which is much easier lost than regained. The
Colo, therefore enjoins it on the Commisslon'd officers of
his Regt. to visit the Qrs of their Companies daily in rota
tion or otherwise, and to see that their Men keep them
selves clean, and that their victuals be cooked In a whole
some way.
" The Colo, cannot but Express the Satisfaction he yes
terday felt in observing the neat and decent appearance of
those of his Regt who were at meeting. Genl. Wadsworth
has been pleased to express himself pleased in this particu
lar. The Commisslon'd officers of this Regt. are to send
to the Colo, in writing the dates of all former Commis
sions, and whatever else they may imagine may give them
ii8

Leaf from Tallmadge's Orderly-Book, Wall Street
Camp, 1776

Original in possession of Sons of the Revolution

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r^AfP^[^A
COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
Rank, in order that they may be dignified according to the
rules of the Army. Mr. Benjamin Tallmadge is appointed
Adjutant and Lieut. E. Bulkley Qr Master in this Regt.
and are to be respectfully obeyed accordingly. Mr. Joseph
Kellogg is also appointed Suttler to this Regt. Charles
Morgan is appointed Drum Major.
" The street before Capt. Seymour's Lodgings in 
Is to be the Regimental parade till further orders."
July 24 : " For the future the officers of each Company
are to turn out those of their men off duty, at 3 o'clock p.m.
every day (Sundays excepted) In order to Instruct them in
military exercises. Whilst the Colo, is pleased with the
military appearance and spirit with which some of his Regt.
perform the manual exercise, he cannot but be sorry to see
others wholly ignorant of it. He relies on It that the officers
will be diligent and careful in instructing their men minutely
in their duty, that both officers and men may get honor to
themselves when Called out to Battalion exercise."
During the month of August when the British, who had
arrived and encamped on Staten Island, were expected to
attack New York at any moment, the vigilance and tension
on the American side daily increased. Colonel Chester's
directions to his regiment are minute while his advice to the
men in the matter of tuning themselves up to the fighting
point and maintaining a happy composure of mind, is de
cidedly novel. Thus on
August 15 : "From the appearance of the enemy and
other circumstances the Gen'l and almost every one seem to
Imagine that we shall very soon be attacked. That we may
be prepared for such an event in the best manner possible,
119

NOTES
the Colo, orders his Rgt to be careful In cleaning up their
arms Immediately, especially their locks which are to be oiled
If necessary. The Commanding officers of Companies are
to call out their men and with the Assistance of their under
officers are to make a thorough search into the condition of
their arms, and they are to see that every man has at least
24 rounds of Cartridges fitting his piece, also 2 or more
flints, 1 well fixed in his lock, and in such a manner as to
give the best fire. If there are any whose arms are unfit for
service, and which cannot immediately be put in repair, such
persons are to take the Arms and ammunition of those
who are sick In sd Company, and a proper account of the
same is to be taken by the officer of sd Compy. The offi
cers are also to mark on every gun the Number of ball It
carries to the pound, in order that the Qr Master may de
liver our Cartridges with greater Expedition and certainty In
the hurry of action. They ought rather to be marked above
than below the number, as too large cartridges must prove
wholly useless. In case of Alarm, the Rgt Is to make all
possible dispatch In parading without any noise. No talking
is then to be allowed of. The Soldier should be all atten
tion and he must execute his orders with all his might as
soon as he knows them. No one is by any means to fire
till he is order'd by his officer. Many an action has been
lost by not reserving the fire till a proper time.
" A proper number of the Supernumerary officers and Ser
geants will be posted In the rear In time of action, whose
duty It will be to encourage the men to do their duty faith
fully. They have the most peremptory orders to kill the
man who can be so mean and base as to attempt to betray
the Cause of his country by Sounding a Retreat or by skulk
ing, or quiting his post In time of danger. Doubtless the
120

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
Appearance of the enemy will be formidable. Their taudry
dress and glittering arms will make great impression on the
minds ofthose who never saw Regulars. These things do
not make them invincible ; nor add anything more to their
Courage than their stature. Let us remember the solemn
Promise of the Genl to such Persons as distinguish them
selves by brave and noble actions. It would be well if all
would endeavour to represent to their imaginations the
most formidable appearance they can conceive of, ships
coming up under sail, the roar of Cannon and all the terrors
of war ; so that when it comes In earnest it may be the less
terrifying. The consequence will be they will be more cool
and calm in danger, and in that case they are sure to do their
duty to double advantage. It would not be amiss for the
men to put a piece of bread into their Pockets in time of
Alarm, as well as water Into their canteens, and to have
their necessary articles of cloathing packed up, since we know
not how suddenly we may be ordered to a distant part or
obliged to quit our ground. Pains should be taken to know
the persons of Major Genl Spencer, and Brigdr Wads
worth, who have the more immediate command of this
Regt and Brigade, and all the field officers of the Regt as also
the Commisslon'd Officers. The exhortations to do our duty
in the Genl orders of yesterday [Washington's] are so fine
and animating that the Colo, orders them to be read once a
day to every compy till further orders."
IV
BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND
[pages 10-14]
The campaign opened with the Batde of Long Island.
121

NOTES
Crossing the Narrows from their camp on Staten Island
on August 22nd, the enemy attacked our Brooklyn front on
the 27th, the date of the battle. Among the troops with
which Washington had been reinforcing that side for some
days previous was Wadsworth's brigade. On the night be
fore the engagement Chester's regiment formed part of the
force which was to defend the hills outside of the fortified
lines. It was posted at the Flatbush pass within the entrance
to Prospect Park, but was forced, by the enemy's flank
movement, to retreat with all the other troops to the main
line. Tallmadge tells us he was with his regiment and here
saw fighting for the first time. His description of the re
treat to New York three days later is valuable as that of a
participator. What he says on page 13 of facing about to
man the lines, which had been abandoned too soon by a
mistake of orders, Is fully corroborated bya graphic account
of the Incident given in Reed's Life of Adjutant-General
Reed. The "Campaign of 1776 Around New York and
Brooklyn," published by the Long Island Historical Soci
ety, contains many details of the batde and retreat. The
plan of the battle-field shows the position occupied by Ches
ter's regiment. V
TALLMADGE, BRIGADE-MAJOR— WHITE
PLAINS
[pages 15-19]
That Tallmadge was already proving himself a capable
and promising young officer is evidenced by his advance
ment. In October, to the post of Brigade-Major to Wads
worth's brigade [page 1 5] . This position corresponded to
122

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
that of the modern Assistant Adjutant-General, and It was
probably through his new duties that he first became per
sonally acquainted with the Commander-in-Chief What
he has to say of White Plains is important as being one
of the very few accounts of the attempt to engage the en
emy before the main fight on Chatterton's Hill. His adven
ture in crossing the Bronx with the enemy on his heels [page
1 8] occurred about half a mile below the White Plains rail
way station. Later in the war he was to become perfecdy
familiar with all this region.

VI
CAPTAIN AND MAJOR OF DRAGOONS
[page 22]
After White Plains most of the Connecticut State troops
remained in Westchester County or vicinity and In Decem
ber disbanded. In the meantime Congress was organiz
ing a new army — the Continental Line — and many men
and officers of the regiments of 1776 joined this force. Four
regiments of Continental Dragoons were to be raised, and
to one of these — the Second — Tallmadge was appointed
Captain, so that no intermission occurred in his service.
These appointments were made upon Washington's nom
ination. How well Tallmadge was thought of, after but
five months' experience, appears In a letter Colonel Chester
wrote from camp to a friend In Wethersfield, October 3,
1776, in which he says: "For my part I think it of the
last Importance to the future well-being of America that
good men should now be appointed. No tongue can tell
the difficulties this army has laboured under for the want
123

NOTES
of them. I wish Major Tallmadge might be provided for.
I have recommended him ... all allow him fit for any
post. Captain Tallmadge was soon promoted Major of his Reg
iment, his commission as such dating April 7, 1777; and
he was to remain Major during the remainder of the war,
a period of seven years. This may appear surprising in
view of his advancement thus far and the nature of his
future services. The explanation lies in the system of pro
motions In the Continental army, which was in the main
that of the British establishment. Promotions came by
seniority, dates of commissions, and very seldom through
meritorious service. It happened that Tallmadge was to
remain the junior Major of Dragoons all through the strug
gle. There was no vacancv for him to fill. When Blag-
den resigned the Lieutenant-Colonelcy of the Second Dra
goons, August I, 1779, Major John Jameson, of Virginia —
Major of the First Dragoons — being Tallmadge's senior,
was promoted and transferred to fill the vacancy. Tall
madge was always known as " Major Tallmadge " through
the war. How his merit and special services were rewarded
will appear In later notes.

VII
THE SECOND LIGHT DRAGOONS
[page 24]
The four regiments of dragoons to serve from January
I, 1777, to the end of the war were commanded by Colonels
Moylan, Sheldon, Bland and Baylor. The Second was re-
124

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
cruited mainly in Connecticut, the Colonel, Sheldon, and the
original Lieutenant-Colonel, Samuel Blagden, hailing from
the town of Salisbury. Raising cavalry corps In New Eng
land for extensive service was something new, and manv
dlfiicultles and delays were experienced in fitdng out the
regiment. As late as April 13, 1777, Sheldon writes that
carbines " are making," he is buying pistols where he can,
and has procured " steel for the sword blades " which with
the hilts are still " making." He adds that the business
goes on slowly, as the manufacturers are entirely new in
the business and prices are high. Repordng on the state of
his equipments in February, 1778, Tallmadge says: "I
have just received 149 horseman's swords, taken with Gen'
Burgoyne, which are all that we may expect from that Q^.
They are very strong & heavy having steel scabbards."
The regiment was composed of six companies or Troops,
and like the other three never numbered over three hun
dred effectives at any one time, although the rolls show that
about seven hundred officers and men joined it during the
war. Tallmadge kept a roster of the command, which is
printed in the official " Record of Connecticut Men in the
War of the Revolution." It is one of the most complete
documents of the kind in our Revolutionary archives, as it
gives not only all the names, dates of enlistment, promo
tion, discharge, etc., but the residences, occupations and
casualties, and what is very uncommon, a descriptive list of
the men. Including their stature, complexion and color of
eyes and hair.
During the first eighteen months of its service the regi
ment was scattered, two troops being with the Major In
Pennsylvania and New Jersey, one, Captain Seymour's,
with Gates In the Burgoyne campaign, and the rest on the
125

NOTES
east side of the Hudson. In the fall of 1778 the troops
were united and the command served in Westchester Coun
ty, New York, and vicinity until the close of the war.
VIII
THE MAJOR'S SERVICE IN 1777-78
[pages 25-42]
There Is little to add to the Major's account of his expe
riences In the field under Washington in 1777 and 1778
down to the battle of Monmouth. While the main army
wintered at Valley Forge, the light horse were stationed^
as we are told, at Chatham, New Jersey, where General
Pulaski was In command. The troopers appear to have
suffered from neglect at this post, and In the State Depart
ment, Washington, there Is some correspondence between
Washington, Tallmadge and others as to the condition of
the command and the responsibility In the case. Tall
madge writes of the difficulty of getdng good horses, which
he calls "remounts," and goes Into details of forage, re
cruits, etc. Although he found It almost Impossible to get
anything on credit, he succeeded in making a few contracts
for equipments. To one of his letters on the subject Wash
ington replied as follows :
"Head Quarters 20th Feby. 1778.
Sir I am glad to be informed by your letter of the 9th inst
that you are established in quarters where you are likely to
have means of putting your men and horses into good con
dition ; — as you have been so successful in contracting for
boots and leather breeches, I would not have you confine
your views In these articles to the precise number that may
126

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
be wanted by your Regiment, but wish that you would
extend them in such a manner as to be useful to the other
Regiments. The Sums which may be wanted to fulfil your agreement
must be drawn from the Quarter master General In whose
hands a fund is established for defraying all expenses of this
kind —
It gives me pain that there should be any delay in the
Important business of providing Remounts; this matter
among others Is under the consideration of the Committee
of Congress now in Camp, and nothing can be done in It
till their determination Is known —
I am Sir, [Go : Washington] "
On March lo, 1778, Washington again wrote him:
" As Congress has called upon those States in which there
is the best breed of Horses, to furnish a supply for the
Cavalry, I cannot take upon me to put money Into Colonel
Sheldon's hands for the purchase of remounts for his Regi
ment in particular, which will be provided for among the
rest; at the same time if he can engage some good horses
at reasonable prices on credit, I will promise that they
shall be paid for hereafter. I have no doubt that Colonel
Sheldon will be able to enlist a number of men for the es
tablished Continental bounty, as the service of the Cavalry Is
sought by many who will not engage In the Infantry."
Later in the spring the Commander-in-Chief, evidently
displeased with reports he received from the dragoon camp,
expressed himself in a note to Tallmadge as follows :
"Valley Forge 13th May 1778.
Sir I received your favor of the 4th Inst, by Col. Sheldon.
127

NOTES
I do not censure the conduct of officers or hurt their feel
ings In the smallest degree thro choice. When I do It, I
always regret the occasion which compelled me to the meas
ure. How far the conduct of the generality, or of Individual
Officers in your Corps may have been reprehensible and
deserving the reproof and charges contained in my Letter,
I cannot determine upon my own knowledge. I shall be
happy If they were without foundation.
However, my Information was such that I could not dis
believe the facts. It came thro various channels and it ap
peared that the horses had been neglected and greatly
harassed. Col. Moylan In his general report of the state
of the cavalry Informed me ' That the Second Regiment
had been most cruelly dealt with, of 54 horses which he had
seen paraded that he did not think Ten could be selected to
go on any duty. That they had been really starved during
the winter and the blame thrown from the officers on Mr.
Caldwell, who acted as a Commissary of the Forage, but
that the true reason of their being In such condition, accord
ing to his belief, was that few or none of the officers had
been with the Regiment.' If this was the case — If the horses
were neglected in their absence or not attended to as well
as circumstances would admit, the officers are certainly re-
proachable for not having done that duty they owed the
Public. I am Sir,
Your most Obet. Serv., G. Washington."
These letters are in possession of the "Sons of the Rev
olution." When Washington was about to break up camp at Val-
128

Brevet Commission as Lieutenant-Colonel

Original in possession of Sons of the Revolution

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COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
ley Forge he dispersed the dragoons at Chatham, ordering
Tallmadge to report with his two troops to General Gates
commanding the Middle Department, headquarters on the
Hudson. On June ist Tallmadge wrote to Gates, then at
Robinson's House, that he would start from Chatham as
soon as he could mount all his men. He expressed pleas
ure at " the agreeable prospect of seeing the Reg' once to
gether which has not happened since we have been raised."
The Major thus was not present at Monmouth, but re
joined the main army at White Plains, where Washing
ton encamped after the batde. Here, in August, 1778, the
Second Dragoons assembled for the first time as a unit under
Colonel Sheldon.

IX
TALLMADGE AND THE SECRET SERVICE,
1778-1783.— HIS SPIES AND ARNOLD
(page 42)
The Major refers very briefly to the extensive and Im
portant service he rendered Washington in obtaining intel
ligence from the enemy's camp during the last five years of
the war. The fullest account of this service, based on Tall
madge's correspondence, appears in an article in the " Mag
azine of American History," Vol. VIII, p. 95. The Ma
jor's first connecdon with It seems to date from August
25th, 1778, soon after the batde of Monmouth, when Wash
ington sent him an invitation to dine with him and talk the
business over. This note is given in facsimile on another
page. Tallmadge secured agents or spies on Long Island
who kept him informed of the British movements, thus put-
129

NOTES
dng Washington on his guard. The two principal agents
were known in the correspondence as Culper Senior and
Culper Junior. Some of their letters may be found among
Revolutionary papers in the State Department. The " Cul-
pers " were probably old acquaintances of the Major's, as it
now appears that they transmitted some of their Information in
cypher from Brookhaven, L. I., Tallmadge's home. Lieu
tenant Caleb Brewster, of the Second Artillery, a daring
officer, managed to get their letters safely across the Sound.
These were usually written in an invisible ink which Wash
ington supplied. Among the numerous notes that passed
between the Commander-in-Chief and the Major In this
matter is the following, hitherto unpubhshed. In the pos
session of Morris P. Ferris, Esq., Secretary of the " Sons
of the Revolution " : " West Point, July 27th, '79.
Sir Your letter of the 25th came safe — the Ink I sent a day
or two ago by Col° Sam' Webb who I hope has delivered
it safe e're this. — I shall examine your dictionary the mo
ment I am at lelzure, thanking you In the meanwhile for
the trouble you have have had in preparing it.
I am D' Sir
y' most Obed'
G° Washington.'
The " dictionary " was evidently a cypher Tallmadge
had made out for the spies to use.
Arnold's defection and flight to the enemy in 1780 alarmed
all the American agents within the British lines, but Tall
madge assures us that none in his employ were known to
the traitor, and no harm came to them. The Culpers, how
ever, kept quiet for some time. 130

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
Extracts from two letters from them to the Major, writ
ten at this crisis, have an exceptional interest. Culper Ju
nior writes : "Setauket, Oct. 14, 1780.
... I am happy to think that Arnold does not know
my name. However, no person has been taken up on his
informadon. I was not much surprised at his conduct, for it
was no more than I expected of him. General Clinton has
introduced him to the general officers on parade as General
Arnold In the British service ; and he Is much caressed by
General Robinson. This will tend to gloss his character
with the venal part of the army; but the independent part
must hold him in Contempt, and his name will stink to
eternity with the generous of all parties.
I never felt more sensibly for the death of a person whom
I knew only by sight, and had heard converse, than I did
for Major Andre. He was a most amiable character. Gen
eral Clinton was inconsolable for some days, and the army
in general and the Inhabitants were much exasperated, and
think that General Washington must have been destitute of
feeling or he would have saved him."
Culper adds : " I hope and expect that all my letters are
destroyed after they are perused." As stated, however, a
number are still preserved as witnesses of the writer's inval
uable services to the American Commander-in-Chief One
of them has all the marks of having been written In Invisi
ble ink and restored by the liquid Washington kept for the
purpose. On the same date and from the same place Culper Senior
wrote to Tallmadge:
" C  Jr is now with me and I refer you to his letter
for intelligence . . . Arnold's affair hath now become an old
131

NOTES
story. I am sorry for the death of Major Andre, but bet
ter so than to lose the Post; he was seeking your ruin."

CAPTURE OF MAJOR ANDRE— HALE AND
ANDRE
[page 51]
The following letter from Tallmadge to Colonel Samuel
B. Webb, of the Connecticut Line, bears further testimony
to the Impression Major Andre made on the young officers
who had charge of him after his capture. It appears in the
" Reminiscences " of Colonel Webb, edited by his son, James
Watson Webb :
" He.a.d Qrs., Tappax, Sept. 30th, 1780.
Dear Sir :
. . . You have doubtless heard before this of the rascally
conduct of Arnold. He Is gone to the Enemy, where I
think his misery, from the neglect which must ensue, will
be complete. Poor Andre, who has been under my charge
almost ever since he was taken, has yesterday had his tryal,
and tho' his Sentence is not known, a disgraceful death Is
undoubtedly allotted to him. By Heavens ! Col. Webb, I
never saw a man whose fate I foresaw whom I so sincerely
pitied. He Is a young fellow of the greatest accomplish
ments, and was the prime minister of S' Harry on all occa
sions. He has unbosomed his heart to me so fully, & In
deed let me know almost everv motive of his actions since
he came out on his late mission, that he has endeared me
to him exceedingly. Unfortunate Man ! He will undoubt-
132

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
edly suffer Death to-morrow, & tho' he knows his fate,
seems to be as cheerful as if he was going to an Assembly.
I am sure he will go to the Gallows less fearful for his fate
and with less concern than I shall behold the tragedy. Had
he been tried by a Court of Ladles, he is so genteel, hand
some, polite a young Gentleman, that I am confident they
would have acquitted him.
But enough of poor Andre, who, tho' he dies lamented,
falls justly. I am happy to find he has wrote to S' Harry
Clinton, in which letter he speaks highly of our treatment
towards him, & takes off the idea of his being under Sanc
tion of a flagg when he was taken, which had been told by
Arnold to S' Harry, that our Conduct in punishing him
might be Censurable. I think his letter to Gen. Clinton
will effectually ruin Arnold with the Enemy.
Jos. Smith, an accomplice with Arnold, I also bro't on
with me. He is now under tryal. . . .
In haste, believe me
Your friend & most obed't Servant,
Benj'. Tallmadge.
Col. Samuel Webb, at Mr. Bancker's, on the Raritan, State
of N. Jersey."
Two days before, or September 28th, Tallmadge had
escorted Andre under a strong guard from West Point
down the Hudson to the main army under Gen. Greene at
Tappan, and it was on this occasion that the Major re
minded his prisoner of the fate of Nathan Hale in 1776.
The incident was told in a letter from Tallmadge to Presi
dent Sparks in 1833, when the latter was preparing his ac
count of Arnold's treason. The writer says :
" As we progressed on our way to Tappan, before we
133

NOTES
reached the Clove, where we dined. Major Andre was very
inquisitive to know my Opinion as to the result of his Cap
ture. In other words, he wished me to give him my Opin
ion as to the light in wh he would be viewed by Genl
Washington, & a Military Tribunal, if one should be or
dered. I endeavored to evade the Question, unwilling to
give him a true answer. When I could no longer evade
this Importunity, I said to him that I had a much loved
Classmate in Yale College by the name of Nathan Hale,
who entered the Army with me in the year 1776. After
the British Troops had entered N. York, Genl Washington
wanted Information respecting the strength, position &
probable movements of the Enemy. Capt. Hale tendered
his services, went into N. York, & was taken just as he was
passing the out posts of the Enemy ; said I, with Empha
sis, do you remember the sequel of this Story ; Yes, said
Andre ; he was hanged as a Spy ; but you surely do not
consider his Case & mine ahke. I replied, precisely similar,
& similar will be your fate. He endeavored to answer my
remarks, but it was manifest he was more troubled than I
had ever seen him before — . . .
Give me leave to remark that so deeply were my feelings
interested in the fate of this unfortunate young Man, that I
believe I have never narrated the story, nor perused the
account of his merited, but ignominious Death without
shedding tears of sorrow over such blighted prospects. I
hope & trust this will be the last trial of my feelings in this
way. I am yours, &c.,
Benjamin Tallmadge
J Sparks Esqr "
The very interesting and valuable correspondence be
tween Tallmadge and Sparks was first published by Mr.
134

Portrait of Colonel Tallmadge, about 1820, by
E. Ames

In possession of Mrs. J. B. Trevor, New York

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
Stevens in his " Magazine of American History," Decem
ber Number, 1879.
In January, 18 17, when Tallmadge was in Congress, a
resolution was offered to Increase the pension originally
granted to Paulding, one of the well-known captors of
Major Andre. The Colonel opposed the grant on the
ground, as stated by Sargent In his " Life " of Andre, that
" the captors only brought their prisoner in because they
thought they would get more for his surrender than for his
release ; that he fully believed in Andre's assertions that
their object was to rob him, and that they would have let
him go If he could have satisfied their demands." The peti
tion was rejected, but otherwise Tallmadge had to meet a
storm of criticism and indignation, public opinion having
pinned its faith to the patriotism of the captors. Some years
later Tallmadge referred to the matter in a letter to Tim
othy Pickering and added further information respecting
the capture of Andre. Writing to the Colonel from Salem,
Massachusetts, September 9, 1822, Pickering says:
" I remember that you once stated to me some interest
ing circumstances concerning Arnold's flight, by which it
seemed that you would have arrested him, but for the scru-
pulocity or weakness of lleut. col? Jamisson. I am very de
sirous of obtaining your details of this matter, and request
you will commit them to paper, & address your letter to
me in this my native town, which Is again my place of resi
dence. . . . Soon after the discovery of Arnold's treason
and flight, I met Col° Jere. Wadsworth [Quarter-Master
General, Continental Army] , who told me the event occa
sioned no surprize to him : for that when school-boys to
gether, Arnold was always playing some ' devilish trickes ';
and when they were masters of vessels in the West India
135

NOTES
trade, then Arnold cheated every man with whom he had
any dealings.
Since the occurrence In the House of Representatives
concerning Paulding, the newspapers, I think, have an
nounced his death."
To Pickering Tallmadge replied :
"Litchfield Sept' 17th 1822
Dear Sir
By the last Mail I rec** your Letter of the 9th ins' ; &
have perused its contents with no ordinary Interest.
There was no Occurrence during the revolutionary War
with which I became more intimately acquainted than those
which related to Major Andre. From the time he was bro't
to our Reg' by his Captors, to the moment that he swung
from the Cart of the Executioner, I was constantly with
him, & no Incidents of the Revolution have made a more
deep & abiding Impression on my mind. I have had many
doubts & conflicts in my own mind, both before & since
we conversed on this subject at Washington, as to the pro
priety & even duty of making a full Exhibition of all the
Incidents relating to the Capture, Detention & Execution of
Major Andre ; together with the propositions which were
made to secure Genf Arnold, & the Course which was finally
pursued, in Consequence of which the Traitor finally es
caped, even as narrowly as he did. —
The remarks which I made In the House of Representa
tives, which threw Mr. Forsyth & some others Into such a
fever, were occasioned by a proposition to Increase the pen
sions of Paulding, Williams & Van Vert. Knowing the Cir
cumstances which related to the Capture of Major Andre, I
felt it to be my Duty to state some facts, that the House
might act accordingly on the Occasion. This was all I at-
136

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
tempted to do, & even then my remarks were sadly misrep
resented. There were only four Officers of our Army who knew all
the Circumstances relating to the Capture & detention of
Major Andre, with the other Incidents above hinted at, &
of this Number / am the only survivor. The Question pre
sented to my mind then Is simply this ; what benefits can
result from a full statem' of this Interesting event ?
In the first place, as to the Captors, I have no wish to
detract from their merits in the public estimation, where no
duty requires it ; nor to wound their feelings, nor those of
their friends in any degree.
Secondly — As to the Course taken with the Prisoner
after he was delivered over to our Reg', a full disclosure of
all that was said & done on that occasion would appear al
most Incredible, and could have no other Effect but to
wound most deeply the feelings of the friends of the de
ceased, and no public benefit to result from it.
Thirdly — A view of the proposals which were made for
the Detention of General Arnold, would have precisely the
same Effect. — And lastly, where no imperious Duty de
mands it, I have too high a relish for tranquility & peace,
to expose myself to the malignity of every party-Scribler
and time-serving Editor, who would glory in such a subject
for abuse. In addition to all, I should be considered the
Hero of my own Tale, without a living Witness to corrob
orate the Story.
The result of all is, after weighing all Circumstances, that
I have deliberately concluded never to disclose the Circum
stances which relate to that interesting Event. If to gratify
a friend this my purpose could be altered, the request in
your Letter should be promptly complied with. But having
137

NOTES
soberly weighed this subject, my purpose cannot now be
shaken. I am very affectionately
Your friend
& obed' Ser' Benj" Tallmadge.
P. S. Paulding is indeed dead, and it was somewhat
singular that my Son, then a Cadet at West Point, should
have been one to assist in escorting him to his Grave."
This correspondence appears in the " Pickering Papers "
in possession of the Massachusetts Historical Society. Tall
madge invariably declined to say what passed between him
self and Lieut.-Col. Jameson in regard to his project to
seize Arnold instead of sending Andre on to him after the
latter's capture. There was probably a stormy scene when
Jameson refused to entertain the proposition In which the
Lieutenant-Colonel's failure to grasp the situation must
have been made apparent. None the less, it would have
added to the dramatic features of Andre's story to know by
what sudden dash or skillful manoeuvre the aroused and
anxious Tallmadge proposed to arrest the arch-traitor
before It was too late.

XI
THE TRAITOR ARNOLD TO TALLMADGE
A hitherto unknown episode of Arnold's treason Is the
insult he offered Tallmadge, and probably some other offi
cers, In proposing to secure positions for them in the British
army If they would follow him in his desertion of the Amer
ican cause. His letter to Tallmadge, a certified copy or
138

Colonel Tallmadge's Residence

Litchfield, Conn.

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
which appears in the Washington correspondence of the
State Department, is as follows :
" Dr Sir,
As I know you to be a man of sense, I am convinced
you are by this time fully of opinion that the real Interest
& Happiness of America consists in a reunion with Great
Britain. To effect which happy purpose I have taken a
commission in the British Army, & invite you to join me
with as many men as you can bring over with you. If you
think proper to embrace my offer, you shall have the same
Rank you now hold in the Cavalry I am about to raise. I
shall make use of no arguments to convince you, or to in
duce you to take a step which I think right. Your own
good sense will suggest anything I can say on the subject.
I will only add that the English Fleet has just arrived with
a very large Reinforcement of Troops.
I am. Sir, Your Hble Sert,
N. York, Oct. 25th, 1780, B. Arnold.
To Maj. Tallmadge."
This letter Tallmadge forwarded to Washington with
the following note : "Wethersfield, Jany 28th, 1781.
Dr Genl
Inclosed your Excellency will receive a copy of a letter
from B. Arnold which has this day come to hand.
I am equally a stranger to the channel thro' which it was
conveyed, the Reasons why it was so long on the way, or
the motives which induced the Traitor to address himself
thus particularly to me. I have determined to treat the
author with the contempt his conduct merits, by not an-
139

NOTES
swering his letter, unless your Excellency should advise a
different measure. I am, &c., B. Tallmadge.
Genl Washington."
Washington commended Tallmadge's course and the
matter dropped. The " very large reinforcement " which
Arnold refers to, the arrival of which he probably ex
pected would alarmingly Impress Tallmadge, was in real
ity a disappointingly inadequate one In the opinion of Clin
ton, the British Commander-in-Chief It failed to startle
the American Camp. XII
THE LONG ISLAND EXPEDITIONS.— PRAISE
FROM WASHINGTON AND CONGRESS
[pages 58, 68, 71]
Tallmadge's Long Island expeditions were most success
ful affairs, that against Fort St. George being a brilliant
feat. To Washington's congratulations the Major replied
as follows : " Danbury, December 5th, 1780.
Sir I had the honour to receive your Excellency's very agree
able favour of the 28 ult° last evening. It gives me the most
singular satisfaction that my conduct In the late expedition
to Long Island meets with your Excellency's approbation.
I shall be particular In making known the favourable senti
ments expressed by the Commander-in-Chief to the De
tachment which I had the Honour to Command.
I am. Sir,
Your Excellency's obt hbl Servt,
Benj. Tallmadge.
Gen' Washington." 140

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
The Continental Congress also honored him with a spe
cial resolution — a high reward for a Revolutionary officer :
" In Congress, December 6th, 1780.
While Congress are sensible of the patriotism, cour
age and perseverance of the officers and privates of their
regular forces, as well as of the militia throughout the
United States, and of the military conduct of the principal
Commanders in both, it gives them pleasure to be so fre
quently called upon to confer marks of distinction and ap
plause for enterprises which do honour to the profession of
arms, and claim a high rank among military achievements.
In this light they view the enterprise against Fort St.
George, on Long Island, planned and conducted with wis
dom and great gallantry by Major Tallmadge, of the light
dragoons, and executed with intrepidity and complete suc
cess by the officers and soldiers of his detachment.
Ordered, therefore. That Major Tallmadge's report to
the Commander-in-Chief be published, with the preceding
minute, as a tribute to distinguished merit and in testimony
of the sense Congress entertains of this brilliant service.
Extract from the minutes, Charles Thompson, Sec'y."
On page 74 the Major speaks of the chagrin he felt at
the failure of a projected enterprise in December, 1782, and
the letter he received from Washington on the occasion.
That letter was as follows :
" Head Quarters, Dec. loth, 1782.
Dear Sir :
I received your favour of the Sth last Evening by Ex
press. Tho' you have not met with that success you de-
141

NOTES
served, and probably would have obtained had the Enter
prize proceeded, yet I cannot but think your whole conduct
In the affair was such as ought to entitle you still more to
my confidence and esteem — for however It may be the prac
tice of the World and those who see objects but partially,
or thro' a false medium, to consider that only as meritorious
which is attended with success, I have accustomed myself
to judge of human Actions very differently and to appre
ciate them by the manner in which they are conducted, more
than by the Event ; which it is not in the power of human
foresight and prudence to command — In this point of view,
I see nothing Irreparable, & little occasion of serious regret,
except the wound of the gallant Captain Brewster, from
which I earnestly hope he may recover — Another time you
will have less opposition from the Winds & Weather, and
success will amply compensate for this little disappoint
ment. I have almost determined to post you with the Infantry
of the Legion contiguous to the Sound, in which case I shall
expect you to persevere in your endeavours to keep me
perfectly advised of the State of the Enemy — and perhaps
some favourable moment may yet occur.
I am Dear Sir
With sincere regard &
esteem your Most Ob' Serv'
G° Washington.
P. S.
Your Letter of the 5'"
with the enclosures were
safely delivered to me.
Major Tallmadge." 142

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
Among the illustrations are two plans — one showing the
course of the Long Island expeditions, opposite page 70,
and the other the position of Fort St. George, opposite
page 58. The former Includes the general field of Tall
madge's service after 1778. With headquarters at North
castle, he patrolled Westchester County and watched the
Sound shores. The line A represents the attack upon
Lloyd's Neck in 1779 (page 47) ; B, the capture of Fort
St. George in 1780 (page 58); C, the surprise of Fort
Slongo in 1781 (page 68) The line D represents the
earliest of these Sound expeditions conducted by Colonel
Meigs against Sag Harbor in May, 1777, with signal suc
cess. E shows where Nathan Hale crossed to Hunting
ton in 1776.
The plan of Fort St. George is a facsimile of the original
draft which Tallmadge prepared for the pages of his man
uscript " Memoir," but which was not engraved for the
printed copies.
In Governor George Clinton's correspondence at Albany
and elsewhere there are a few letters referring to the Illicit
trade Tallmadge mentions on page 75.

XIII
THE UNIFORM AND FLAGS OF THE
SECOND DRAGOONS
The officer on horseback represented in the Illustration
opposite page 20 Is Thomas Y. Seymour, of Connecticut,
Captain in Tallmadge's Regiment. It is inserted to show
the uniform of the Second Dragoons and Tallmadge's ap-
143

NOTES
pearance In the field. The original may he found in Trum
bull's painting of the "Surrender of Burgoyne" in the Art
Gallery of Yale University.
The flags opposite page 108 are representations of two
very rare relics, the standards of the Second Dragoons. In
general appearance they resemble the flag of the Philadephia
City Troop, organized in 1775. As Tallmadge went to
that city after receiving his appointment in 1776, he may
have adopted the design for his own Corps, though using
different colors. The standard In red is supposed to have
belonged to Tallmadge's original troop mounted on "dap
ple gray horses."

XIV
ON THE DEATH OF WASHINGTON
In a letter to the Rev. Manasseh Cutler, with whom Tall
madge had become acquainted In the business of opening up
the western country after the war, the latter briefly refers to
the death of Washington as follows :
" Our country seems to be clad in real mourning for the
loss of our great Benefactor, Patriot and Friend, the illustri
ous Washington. I can truly say that the loss of my own
father did not so sensibly affect me as has the death of this
peerless Man. While he lived I was fully satisfied that his
equal was not on earth, and since he has died, the public tes
timony to his worth has exceeded even the most sanguine
expectation. Although from a long and tolerably intimate
acquaintance with him, I have been abundantly convinced of
his attachment to the Christian system ; yet had he been ex
plicit in his profession oi faith in and dependence on the fin-
144

Tallmadge's Birthplace
Brookhaven, L. I.

Tallmadge's Tomb
Litchfield, Conn.

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
ished Atonement of our glorious Redeemer for acceptance and
pardon, what a conspicuous trait would it have formed in his
illustrious character."
The letter is dated Litchfield, Conn., January i ith, 1800,
and may be found in Volume X\X, Magazine of American
History. XV
COLONEL TALLMADGE'S PERSONAL AP
PEARANCE AND QUALITIES
In his sermon preached at the funeral of Colonel Tall
madge at Litchfield, March 12th, 183 5, the Rev. Laurens P.
Hickok, pastor of the church he attended, took occasion to
present a full and highly appreciative review of his life and
public services. He spoke of him as one whose " influence
had already reached his posterity, and whose name will long
live in the records of his country's history, and In the cher
ished remembrance of coming generations of her children."
In the following extract he leaves us a glimpse of the Col
onel's appearance and an estimate of his qualities:
" His person was rather above the ordinary stature, well
proportioned, dignified and commanding. His step even In
last years was firm and elastic, his body erect, and his whole
carriage possessed a military dignity. In which was combined
the model of both the soldier and the gentleman. His coun
tenance was Indicative of intelligence, firmness and sincerity.
His manners were courtly, yet complaisant and affable. His
mind was of a high order, well balanced, discriminating and
decided. His social affections were strong and deep, and
both his physical and moral courage undoubted. In his
145

NOTES
charities he was liberal. To public objects of benevolence
he gave publicly and largely ; and In his private benefactions,
there are the almoners of his bounty to the poor and needy
now living, who can testify to the distribution of thousands
to those who never knew the hand from which they were re
lieved. His piety was ardent, yet enlightened, liberal, sin
cere and unostentatious. His domestic affections, warm and
pure, can be adequately appreciated by those only who felt
their strength and constancy. His patriotism exhibited in
' the time which tried men's souls,' at the repeated hazard
of his life, was never more deep and Influential than when in
the last years of his probation he exerted himself for the dif
fusion of science, morality and religion through his own
country, while his general philanthropy drew forth his pray
ers and his offerings for the relief of suffering and depraved
humanltv over the world."

XVI
FRAUNCES' TAVERN, NEW YORK
[page 96]
This famous Inn — famous alike for Its Colonial and Rev
olutionary associations — having fortunately passed Into the
hands of the " Sons of the Revolution in the State of New
York," the following address on the building and its pro
prietor, delivered by the founder of the Society, Mr. John
Austin Stevens, at a meeting of the Society, April 19th,
1 904, will be read with lively interest :
" Sons of the Revolution :
Gentlemen :
You can hardly realize the pleasure I have in appearing
146

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
before you to-night, and joining with you in approval and
confirmation of the recent acquisition by our Board of Man
agers of Fraunces' Tavern, the cradle of our Society.
My good friends of the Board have requested me to give
you some account of this famous old hostelry, now one of
the most interesting landmarks of the city.
Of Fraunces, the host, whose name is indissolubly iden
tified with the old house, this is not the occasion to say
more than that there is tradition among his descendants,
that Portuguese by blood, he arrived here from one of the
West India Islands, the usual course of travel between Eu
rope and American colonies at that period. He was ad
mitted a Freeman of New York, as an Inn holder on the
5th of February, 1755. It is noticeable here that his name
is recorded as Francis, and that it often appears spelled thus
in his later advertisements. It was not indeed till after the
Revolution that he seems to have definitely adhered to the
style of Fraunces, to which we are accustomed.
What tavern he first kept I have not discovered. He
was a restless spirit and an inveterate itinerant as ever
caught the May-day moving fever of old New York.
He was devotedly attached to the cause of Liberty from
the time of the Stamp Act troubles, was thanked by Con
gress for his services to the patriots during the war, and
later became the steward of Washington's household during
his residence here as President. But here we must leave
this interesting character, whose career is Illustrative of this
old city, and turn to the site which during his ownership
acquired its title to fame.
To David R. Valentine, the dear painstaking old anti
quary, who ever recalls Sir Walter's Monkbarns, we are In
debted for the first attempt to unearth from the old news-
147

NOTES
papers the story of the building printed in his Manual for
1852, with a picture of the house. For the later additions
to this Information I acknowledge my own indebtedness to
the late Mr. Wilham Kelby, whom you all remember for
his Interest In our welfare. A student of New York history
from his childhood, he left behind him a mass of notes on
New York topics which are priceless for their extent and
precision. The building was originally a private residence. It was
erected on land conveyed by Colonel Stephanus Van Cort-
landt, one of the Dutch Magnates, to his son-in-law, Etl-
enne De Lancey, about the year 1700. It was occupied for
a time by Colonel Joseph Robinson, and later by De Lan
cey, Robinson & Co. as a storehouse. The De Lancey of
this firm was Oliver De Lancey, then already distinguished
for his services in the French War, and later celebrated as
the Loyalist Colonel of the Revolution. Their business
was in European and East India Goods, and all sorts of
Army supphes, for which they were purveyors.
Colonel Robinson was living In the house In January,
1759, when we find It advertised for sale by public vendue
at the Merchants' Coffee House. The Colonel died in
March of this year, but the partnership was not dissolved
till December, 1762.
Their counting house had already passed by deed on the
15th January preceding, Into the ownership of Sam Fraun
ces, who opened It as a tavern under the sign of " Queen
Charlotte " or the " Queen's Head." There had been a
Tavern before with this sign not far distant, but the Head,
unless altered, was not the same. The " Good Queen Char
lotte," as she was later called, was the young consort of
George the Third, married to him the year previous.
148

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
It is appropriate here to give Fraunces' own description
of his house as it was in 1775 ; an external appearance to
which it is to be hoped the Managers of the Sons of the
Revolution will restore it. His advertisement for sale says:
" The Queen's Head Tavern is three stories high, with a
tile and lead roof, has fourteen fire places, a most excellent
large kitchen, fine dry cellars, with good and convenient
offices," etc., and we know on what solid foundations our
forefathers built their structures of every kind.
Fraunces seems to have had his share of patronage, and
his Long Room became the resort of the Merchants for con
sultation In the Stamp Act period ; while the Masons Arms,
also under Fraunces' direction at the Fields (now the City
Hall Park), was the resort of the Sons of Liberty ; for New
York was as much divided in sentiment as old England It
self, and while both sides were loyal to the Sovereign, they
were not in favor of his ministers, and the radicals here as
there were for Pitt and Liberty, as a proviso to their
loyalty. An event of the utmost interest and perhaps of import
ance to ourselves is the first meeting of the Founders of the
New York Chamber of Commerce In the Long Room in
April, 1768, the incidents attending which I made public in
my account of the birthplace of the Chamber in the volume
I published of their Colonial Records 1768 to 1783, to which
there is little to be added.
The newspapers of the time give evidence of the great
favor this house enjoyed. The St. Andrew Society, the
Governors of the Province, the New York Society, the So
ciety for promoting Arts and Agriculture, all met here.
There were balls here also. The Massachusetts Delegates
to the Second Continental Congress stopped here on their
149

NOTES
way to Philadelphia In 1775; an event which John Han
cock described in one of his letters.
That the British hated the tavern as a well known patri
otic resort was shown when it was made the target for the
Asia's balls at the time that Man of War fired on the city
In revenge for the removal of the King's Cannon from the
Battery. Here Governor Clinton entertained General Washington
on Evacuation Day, 1783, and here itwas that the most in
teresting event in the history of the old building occurred
when Washington bade farewell to his officers in the Long
Room on December the fourth following.
It was In commemoration of the founding of the Chamber
of Commerce that under my management that ancient body
gave a Memorial Lunch in the old Long Room on the fourth
of December, 1883, and It was at a Turtle Feast arranged
by me also that on the evening of the same day the Sons of
the Revolution, whose birth was at the rooms of the New
York Historical Society, Washington's birthday, 1876, was
here formally organized. It will be remembered by our older
members that we held our annual meeting here for many years.
There had been for a long period a strong feeling among
the older members of the Chamber of Commerce as well as
ourselves that the old Tavern should be preserved, but one
difficulty after another prevented any action. In April, 1888,
as our Secretary's minutes show, our Managers, alarmed by
a report that the building was to be destroyed, appointed a
Committee ' to devise some plan for preserving It.' In May
the Committee made a formal report, but I presume Insup
erable difficulties again presented themselves which prevented
any action at that time also; and it was not until lately that
the property could be acquired. 150

COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE
Your Board of Managers have reported to you the inci
dents attending this purchase, and it only remains for me to
congratulate you and them on their success, and to express
the hope that, restored to its old appearance, it may long sur
vive, an interesting reminder of the Colonial and Revolu
tionary period in the history of our great city.
In love and comradeship,
JOHN AUSTIN STEVENS."

TALLMADGE'S FAREWELL TO WASHINGTON
Litchfield, Aug' 16"" 1783.
Sir, SHOULD I not have the opportunity to pay my per
sonal respects to your Excellency before you retire from
the Army, give me leave at this time, with the warmest grat
itude, to assure your Excellency that I shall ever entertain
the liveliest sense of the many marks of attention which I
have rec*" from your Excellency's hands. Whatever may
have been the result. It gives me great pleasure to reflect,
that during my Service In the Army, it has ever been my
highest ambition to promote the Welfare of my Country
& thereby merit your Excellency's approbation.
In the calm retirements of domestic life, may you continue
to enjoy health, & find Increasing satisfaction from the re
flexion of having conducted the arms of America thro' a War
so peculiarly distressing to the obtainment of an honorable
peace, & of having been the Instrument, under God, in ob
taining the freedom & Independence of this Country. —
Adieu, my Dear General, & In every situation of life I pray
you to beheve that my best wishes will attend you, & that
I shall continue to be, as I am at this time,
with every sentiment of respect & esteem.
Your Excellency's most Obed'
& very H"" Serv',
Benj. Tallmadge.
Gen\ Washington. 152

Facsimde of closing lines of Tallmadge's Farewell
Letter

Original in possession of Mrs. Mary F Seymour, New York
[Page 152!

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FREDERICK SAMUEL TALLMADGE
president sons of the revolution in the
state of new YORK, 1884-I904

Portrait ot Frederick Samuel Tallmadge
President Sons of the Revolution, 1884-1904

In possession of the Society

FREDERICK SAMUEL TALLMADGE

HE late Mr. Tallmadge, for the past twenty
years President of the Sons of the Revolu
tion in the State of New York, identified
himself with the Society at its very Inception.
His Interest in its purposes and plans and
faith In Its possible happy influence in the community as a
unique patriotic institution, led him to appear as one of its
original incorporators and to enter actively Into Its life.
Its good fortunes he furthered to the day of his death. His
title to the honor of being a founder, and his claim to mem
bership in the Society rested on descent from a distinguished
Revolutionary ancestry. The names of two of his forebears
on his paternal side are conspicuously associated with both
the civil and military events of Seventy-six. His great
grandfather. Colonel William Floyd, of Long Island, was
one of the Signers of the Declaration of Independence and
his grandfather was the Colonel Benjamin Tallmadge whose
" Memoir " forms the subject of the present volume.
President Tallmadge was the son of Frederick Augustus
Tallmadge, to whom further reference will be made, and
was born in New York City January 24, 1824. Hegradu-
155

FREDERICK SAMUEL TALLMADGE
ated from Columbia University In the Class of 1845, ^^~
tered the legal profession and for several years was a mem
ber of the .firm of Tracy, Tallmadge and Noyes. He was
a member of many clubs and societies In the City, notably,
the Century, Union, Metropolitan and Players Clubs, the
New York Historical Societ)', the New York Genealogical
and Biographical Society, the New England Society, the
Societv of the Sons of the Revolution, the Cincinnati Society
and the Military Society of the War of 18 12. Mr. Tall
madge died June 20, 1904, at his residence, No. 20 West
17th Street, In the eighty-first year of his age, surviving his
wife, Julia Louise Belden, who died In 1 891, and leaving
no children. Of his family one sister remains, Mary Floyd
widow of the late Judge Edward W. Seymour, of the Su
preme Court of Connecticut. The funeral services of the
deceased took place at St. Mark's Episcopal Church, June,
23, 1904, when the Rev. Dr. Morgan Dix, Chaplain of the
Sons of the Revolution, conducted the ceremonies.
To no Society was Mr. Tallmadge more devoted than
to this one over which he presided so long. His attach
ment to It seemed to grow In his later years Into a personal
affection. He filled the duties of his office to which he was
annually elected from 1884 to 1904 with dignity and effi
ciency. Illness or the most urgent engagements alone kept
him away from the Society's gatherings. He presided over
nearlv everv meeting and banquet, and at the unveiHng of
the Societ}''s memorials ; and on these occasions he never
failed to Inculcate the Impressive lessons of the Revolution
In the true spirit of our Constitution. His noble bequest
to the Society's treasures and resources was the final and
natural expression of his hopes, best wishes and love for
the " Sons." 156

Silhouette of Mr. Tallmadge as a Youth

Photograph of Mr. Tallmadge

FREDERICK SAMUEL TALLMADGE
Frederick Augustus Tallmadge, son of the Revolu
tionary Colonel and father of President Tallmadge, also
deserves the remembrance of the Society in this connection.
He first published his father's " Memoir," as stated in its
preface, thus rescuing a valuable personal history from pos
sible oblivion. Through him also has been preserved the
spirited pencil portrait of the Colonel, executed by the
painter Trumbull. To the New Yorkers of two and three
generations ago, Mr. F. A. Tallmadge was well known —
known especially as Recorder Tallmadge and otherwise as
a prominent public official, whether Alderman, state Sena
tor or Representative in Congress. He was the first Re
corder of New York elected by popular vote, and he com
manded the confidence and esteem of its citizens in the
largest measure. Among the praiseworthy acts of his life
is remembered especially the vigorous and efficient part he
played in the suppression of the famous Astor Place Thea
tre riot in 1849. During the 1812 war he was a volunteer
officer in this vicinity. The Recorder was born at Litch
field, Connecticut, August 29, 1792, graduated at Yale Col
lege in 181 1, and removed to and spent the greater part of
his life in New York. He died at Litchfield, September
16, 1869.

President Tallmadge's Bequests to the Sons of the
Revolution.
I. — House and Lot, 23 Gramercy Park, New York, un
encumbered. 2. — The Library, some 1,500 to 2,000 Volumes, includ
ing a valuable collection of Shakespeareana. 157

FREDERICK SAMUEL TALLMADGE
3. — The famous Fischer Collection of " Shakespeare
Houses " which were exhibited in London in 1723.
(All this matter pertaining to Shakespeare was purchased
by Mr. Tallmadge at the Burton Sale in i860.)
4. — The Tea Caddy made from the Mulberry Tree,
once the property of Garrick.
5. — The splendid Gold Repeater presented by Napoleon
to Talma. 6. — The original Death Mask of Cromwell.
7. — All the Continental Commissions of Colonel Benja
min Tallmadge, and his Yale College A. M. Diploma.
8. — Several Washington Letters.
9. — A number of valuable Autograph Letters.
10. — The Sharpless Portrait of Washington, which was
presented to Colonel Tallmadge by Washington.
11. — The large Gold Repeater carried by Colonel Tall
madge at the execution of Andre.
12. — Revolutionary Orderly Book of Colonel Tall
madge, 1776, kept In the Wall Street Camp.
13. — The original MS. of the " Memoir " now re
printed. 14. — A Pair of Spurs, Sword, and other personal re
licts of Colonel Tallmadge.
15. — General George Clinton's Sword.
16. — The large Loving Cup presented to Mr. Tall
madge by the Sons of the Revolution on Feb. 22, 1902.

View of President Tallmadge's Library
No. 20 West Seventeenth Street, New York

Portrait of Recorder Frederick A. Tallmadge

In possession of Mrs. Mary F. Seymour, New York

Contemporary Wood Cut of the Record

er

INDEX

INDEX

Andr^, Maj. John, capture of,as John Ander
son, 51-53; discloses his name, 53J Tall
madge escorts him under guard to West
Point and Tappan, 54; tried and executed,
55-57, 112; letter on, i3i;Tallmadge*s de
scription of, 132; Hale and Andr6, 133-134;
Picicering-Tallmadge letters on, 135-38.
Armstrong, Maj. John, Newburg address, 80.
Arnold, Benedict, Col. Jameson sends An-
drd to, 52-53; escapes, 54, 57, 112; Culper
and Tallmadge on, 131-33; Wadsworth on,
135; Pickering letters, 136-38; letter from,
to Tallmadge, 138; latter's notice of it in
letter to Washington, 139-40.
Asia, British ship fires on City, 150.
Bayards, the, and Tallmadge, io5.
Baylor, Col., Dragoons, 124.
Blackrock, Conn., 79.
Blagden, Col. Saml, Dragoons, 124-25.
Bland, Col., Dragoons, 26-124.
Bordentown, N. J., enemy at, 21
Boston, evacuated by enemy, 7; American
army leaves, 7, 9, 114, 116
Bowling Green, N. Y. City, fireworks at, 96
BrandyTwine, battle of, 28-29
Brewster, Capt. Caleb, expeditions, 73, 78;
wounded, 74; on L. I. service, 130; Wash
ington on, 142
Bridgeport, Conn., Tallmadge at, 78
Bronx River, enemy at, and Tallmadge's ad
venture, 17, 123
Brookhaven,L.I.,3,7, 113, 130
Brooklyn, L. I., 10, 11, 13
Bulkley, Lieut. E., 119
Bunker's Hill, 5, 6, 102, 104
Burgoyne, Gen., surrender of, 35, 41, 144;
captured swords, 125
Burlington, N. J., enemy at, 21
Caldwell, Rev. Mr., 128
Cambridge, Mass., Tallmadge at, 6
Cargell's Ferry, 39

Carleton, Gen. Sir Guy, in command of Brit
ish, 70; Tallmadge dines with, 94
Carrol's Ferry, 27
Chatham, N. J., dragoons at, 38-9, 1 26, 1 29
Chatterton hill. See White Plains
Chesapeake Bay, enemy in, 28 ; DeGrasse in,
67
Chester, Capt. John, Tallmadge visits, in
camp, 6; as Colonel offers him a commis
sion, 7, 114; in retreat from L. I., 13, 122;
orders at Wall Street Camp, 1 16-121;
opinion of Tallmadge, 123
Chestnut Hill, Pa., movements 21,33,35
Cincinnati Society, organized, 81-84; Tall
madge and the Conn. Society, 85-106
City Hall Park, N. Y., the old '^Fields," 149
Clinton, Gov. Geo., in N. Y. procession, 95;
sword of, 156
Clinton, Sir Henry, succeeds Howe, 39; at
Monmouth, 39-41; loses Stony Point, 44;
66; and Andr^, 131-133
Coffee House, N.Y., 116-117
Cornwallis, Gen., movements of, 20, 23-4,
30-1 , 33 ; surrender of, 67, 69
Corum, L. I., attack on, 59, 62
Croton River, N. Y., 19,48
"CuIpers,"The American spies, 130-31
Cutler, Rev. Mr., Tallmadge to, on Washing
ton, 144
Daggett, Rev. Napthali, Prest. Yale College,
45
DeLancey, Etienne, 148
DeLancey, Col. Oliver, 69, 148
Delaware River, movements at, 21, 23, 27, 36,
Destouches, ChevaUer, 65
Dobb's Ferry, 20, 55
Dole, Sergeant, Dragoons, wouided, 46
Donop, Col ., killed , 34
Douglas, Col. William, Conn., Wall Street
Camp, 116

165

INDEX

Dragoons, Second Regt., organization, 123,
125; flags of, opp. p. 108, 143; uniform, 143
Durham, Conn., dragoons at, 43
Eastchester, N.Y., 17
East River, N.Y., 10, 11, 14, 15, 16
Edgar, Capt., 62
Elk River, enemy at, 28, 69
d'Estaing, Count, 41, 42
Fairfield, Conn., burned, 43, 59,63
Farmington, Conn., 26, 65
Floyd, Miss Mary, Tallmadge marries, 101;
portrait of, opp. p. 84.
Floyd, Col. Wm., 101,154
Ft. Independence, near Kingsbridge, 72
Ft. Lee, N. J., 16, 19, 20
Ft. Mercer, N. J., 34
Ft. Mifflin, N. J., 34
Ft. St. George, L. I., attacked, 59, 60, 68,
140-41,143
Ft. Slongo, L. I., 65, 68, 143
Ft. Washington, N.Y., 16, 19,20,72,74-5
Frances, Samuel, 147-48
Fraunces"* Tavern, Washington's fareweU at,
96; Mr. Stevens' history of, 146-151
Gates, Gen., 35, 80, 1 1 1 , 125, 129
Germantown, battle of, 30-33, 37
Grand St., N. Y., line of works at, 116
Gray, British Gen., 30
Greene, Gen ., trial of Andre, 55, 1 3 3
Greenfield, Conn., Tallmadge at, 43
Griswolds, the, and Tallmadge, 106
Hale, Capt. Nathan, case of, compared with
Andre's, 132-4, 143
Hallett, Joseph, Tallmadge and, 102, 105
Hancock, John, 22, 1 50
Hand, Gen. E., 82
Hartford, Conn., Washington at, 52, 54, 65
Haverstraw, N. Y., 26, 44, 54
Heath,Gen. Wm., 66, 11 1
Hickok, Rev. L. P., estimate of Tallmadge,
145
Horseneck, Conn., 50, 70
Howe, Admiral, 8, 40, 42
Howe, Gen. Robert, 45, 48
Howe, Sir Wm., operations of, 7-9, 19, 24-5,
27-30>35>39
Hoyt, Capt., and iUicit trade, 75
Hubbell, Capt., service in the Sound, 78, 114
Humphreys, Col. David, mentioned by Tall
madge, 5; Conn. Cincinnati, 86
Huntington, L. I., 47, 59,71,143

Huntington, Gen. J., 82; regiment at L. I.
battle, 1 14
Hell Gate, N. Y., Am. battery at, 14
Independence, Declaration of, announced to
army, 9
Jamaica, L. I., Gen. Woodhull at, 10
Jameson, Lieut.-Col. J., connection with the
arrest of Andre, 51-54; Major, 124, 135,
,38
Kellogg, Joseph, appt. Sutler, 1 19
Kingsbridge, N. Y., 15-16, 19, 21, 51, 65, 72
King's Ferry, N. Y., 26, 39, 44, 54, 66
Knyphausen, Hessian Gen., 19,40
Knox, Gen. Henry, Artillery, 32, 81-2, 95, 97
Lafayette, Gen., 42; affectionate meeting with
Tallmadge, 106
Lee, Gen. Chas., at Monmouth, 40-41
Lexington, battle of, 5, 102
Litchfield, Conn., 26; death of Tallmadge at,
105-6, 145
Long Island, battle of, 10-14
Long Island Sound, operations on, see Tall
madge
Lloyd's Neck, L. I., 47, 50, 64, 76, 143
Magaw, Col. R., fall of Ft. Washington, 19
McDougall, Gen. Alex., 16, 18
Madison, President, offers Tallmadge high
command in 1812, 105
Matthews, British Gen., 19
Mastic, L. I., 101-2
Meigs, Col. R. J., 143
Mercer, Gen., at Trenton, 23
Monmouth, battle of 39, 40, 41, 126, 129
Morgan, Chas., appt. Drum Major, 119
Morgan, Col. Daniel, riflemen, 27,36
Morristown, N. J., 24-26
Mt. Vemon, 36
Moylan, Col., Dragoons, 26, 124, 128
Mud Island Fort, Penn., 33-4
New Haven, Conn., 3, 43, 106
Newport, R. I., 20,42,48,52
New York City, 7-8, 11, 44, 66, 70, 94, 98,
101, 105, 116, 134; evacuation of, 95-6, 150
Northcastle, N. Y., headquarters Second
Dragoons, 19,45-6, 51, 57
Norwalk, Conn., 43-4, 68, 75-6
Old Man's, L. I., 59
Old Wells,L.I., 76-7
Oyster Bay, L. I., 47

166

INDEX

PaoU Tavern, fight at, 30
Parsons, Gen.S. H., 50
Paulding, John, one of Andre's captors, 51,
135-6,138
PeariSt.,N.Y., 96,116,118
Peekskill, N.Y., 19,26,66
Percy, Lord, attack on Ft. Washington, 19
Philadelphia, operations around, 22, 28-31,
33»39
Pickermg, Timothy, correspondence with
Tallmadge on Andre, 135
Princeton, battle of, 22-24
Prospect Park, Brooklyn, part of L. I. battle
field, 122
Pulaski, Gen., commands Dragoon camp, 126
Queen's head Tavern (Fraunces'), 149
Queen St., N. Y., see Pearl
Quincy 's, The, and Tallmadge, 106
Rail, Hessian Gen., killed at Princeton, 18
Rawdon, Lord, British hght horse, 37,46
Rhea, Lieut., on L. I. expedition, 78
Rising Sun Tavern, near Phila., 37
Robertson, British Gen., and Andre, 55, 131
Robinson, Col. Joseph, and Fraunces' Tav
ern, 148
Rochambeau, Count, operations of, 48, 52,
Sackett, Capt., Fourth N. Y. Continentals,
i'3
Sag Harbor, L. I., Meig's expedition, 143
Salem, N.Y., 52; Andre at, 53,57
Sargeant, Winthrop, Life of Andr6 quoted,
135
Setauket, L.I. , see Brookhaven
Seymour, Capt. T, Y., Second Dragoons, 125;
on horseback, plate opp. p. 20
Sheldon, Col. Elisha, Second Dragoons, 22,
25, 46; under arrest, 52; 66, 124-25, 127,
129
Shippen Point, Conn., 47, 72, 74
Shuldam, The, armed Sound boat, 75, 77
Simsbury, Conn., 63
Smith, Rev. John, 3; Susannah, 3
Smith, Jc^eph, Arnold's*' accomplice," 133
Smith's Manor, South Bay, L. I., fort on, 58-9
SmithSt.,N.Y., troops march -n, 117
Sparks, Jared, historian, Andre case, 133-4
Spencer, Gen. Joseph, at battle of White
Plains, 17, 121
Stamford, Conn., 47, 50, 59, 72
Stanley, Lieut., on L. I. expedition, 78
Staten Island, N. Y., enemy land at, 8, 67, 122

Steuben, Baron, presides at Cincinnati Soe.
organization, 82
Stevens, John Austin, address on Fraunces'
Tavern, 146-151
Sterling, Gen. Lord, prisoner at L. I., 10; en
gaged with Comwalllb, 19, 27
Stony Point, assault upon, 44
Strong, Zipporah, 3
Sullivan, Gen. John, taken prisoner, 10,31,42
Tallmadge family, Rev.Bcnjamin, 3,99, 101,
113; Isaac, 4; John, 4; Samuel, 4, 113;
William, 4, 10, 114. See Col. Benjamin,
Frederick A., and Frederick S. Tallmadge
Tallmadge, Colonel Benjamin, birth and edu
cation, 3, 5; enters the army, 6; Adjutant
Chester's regt. in Wall Street Camp, 8;
experiences in battle of L. I., 11-14; pro
moted, 15; at battle of White Plains, 15;
adventure at the Bronx, 17; enters dragoon
service as Captain, 22, 24-5 ; joins Washing
ton's army with two troops, 26; skirmishes,
27; promoted Major, 28; at battle of Ger
mantown, 31-2; on advance posts, 36; ad
venture, 37; winters 1777-78 at Chatham,
N.J., 38; at King's Ferry, 39 J on secret ser
vice, 42; winter quarters, 43; watches Try-
on's raid, 43-44; attack onStony Point, 44-
45; ambuscaded, 45; skirmish with Rawdon,
46; attack on Lloyd's Neck, 47; on separate
command, 49; expedition plans, 50; cap
ture of Andre, 51 ; Tallmadge's connection
with the event, 52-57; expedition against
Ft. St. George, 59-63; visits French army
in R . I ., 65 ; with Wa shin gton 's army
threatening N. Y., 1781, 66; Ft. Slongo
taken, 68-9; plans another L. I. enterprise,
71-75; suppresses illicit trade, 75 ; encounter
with Capt. Hon, 76-7; Capt. Brewster's
gallant fight 78-9; comments on the Arm
strong address, 1782, 80-81; Cincinnati
Soe. organized, 82-84; Tallmadge treas.
and prest. of the Connecticut Sacietv,85,
Washington's farewell to the army, 80-92;
Tallmadge goe to N. Y. City before the
evacuation, dines vith Sir Guv Carleton,
94; British evacuation, 95; parting with
Washington at Fraunces' Tavern, 96-98;
Tallmadge visits his L. I. home, 95-100;
marries Miss Mary Floyd, 101; refle»,_ions
on the war, 102-4; resides in Litchfield,
Conn., and goes to Congress, 105; death,
of, 105
Notes: — Tallmadge and Col. Chester, 114-
15; warrant as Adjutant, 115; extracts from

167

INDEX

his order-book in Wall St. Camp, 116-121;
at battle of L. I., 121-22; as Brigade-Maj.,
122; officer of dragoons, 123-25; corre
spondence with Washington at Camp
Chatham, 126-28; The Secret Service,
spies and Arnold, 129-31; letter on Maj.
Andre, 132-33; compares his case to
Nathan Hale's, 133-34; new correspon
dence with Pickering on Andri and his
captors, Arnold writes to Tallmadge from
N. Y., 139; Tallmadge's notice of letter,
140-41; Congress applauds Tallmadge's
L. I. enterprise; letter from Washington,
141; on death of Washington, 144; per
sonal qualities, ii-x, 145; Adieu to his
Chief, 152; Trumbull's pencil sketch of,
opp. p. i; Earle's portrait of, opp. p. 48
Tallmadge, Frederick A., Recorder of N. Y.,
publishes his father's "Memoir," 1-2;
sketch of, and portraits, 156
Tallmadge, Frederick S., grandson of Col.
Benjamin, Prest. Sons of Revolution, x;
attachment and services to the Society,
155; notice of and death, 155-56; bequests
to the Society, 157; portraits of, 155
Tappan, N. Y., 48, 54, 56, 133
Tarrytown, N. Y., 51 , 56
TreadweU'sNeck,L.I.,68Trenton, battle of, 21-24, 38, 67
Trescot, Maj . Lemuel, expedition of, 69
Trumbull, Rev. Dr. Benj., Chaplain, ad
venture at the Bronx, 18
Trumbull, Gov. Jonathan, Conn., Tall
madge's commission signed by, 7
Trumbull, John, painter, 1-2, 144
Tryon, Gov. Wm., British, raid into Conn., 43
Turtle Bay, N. Y. City, Tallmadge at, 14
Valentine, Dav. K., N. Y. antiquary, 147
Valley Forge, Penn., 36, 38-9, 126
Vanbrunt's Mills, Brooklyn, works at, 1 1
Van Cortlandt, Col. Stephanus, Dutch Mag
nate and Fraunces' Tavern, 148
Van Wart, Isaac, one of Andre's captors, 51,
136
Verplank's Point, N. Y., 44-5, 48
Vulture, British ship, Arnold escapes to, 54
Wadsworth, Gen. James, brigade engaged,
15; command of, 114-15; orders in WaU
St. Camp, Ii8-i22
Wadsworth, Col. Jeremiah, opinion of Arn
old, 135

Wall Street Camp, N. Y,, 8, 11 6-1 21
Washington, Gen. George, moves army from
Boston to New York, 8-9; interview with
British Col. Patterson, 9; battle of L. I.
and retreat to N. Y., 10-14; abandons N. Y.
15; battle of White Plains, 16-19; '^
tires to New Jersey, 19-20; appoints Tall
madge Captain, 22; battles of Trenton and
Princeton, 23-4; operations in New Jersey,
1777, 26-28; Brandywine and German-
town, 29-34; Whitemarsh and Valley
Forge, 36, 38; Monmouth, 40; engages
Tallmadge in the secret service, 42; letter
from, in facsimile, opp. p. 34; Stony Point,
44; gives Tallmadge separate command,
49; Andr^ and Arnold, Washington's ac
tion, 52-57; authorizes Tallmadge's South
Bay expedition, 59; thanks Tallmadge, 63;
sends him to Rochambeau on L. I. pro
ject, 65; operations around N. Y., 1781,
66; at Yorktown, 67; maintains strict dis
cipline, 70; another L. I. enterprise, 71;
the Armstrong address, 80-81; Prest. of the
Cincinnati Soe, 85; farewell to the army
86-92; entry into New York Evacuation
day, 95; farewell at Fraunces' tavern, 96-98,
150; Tallmadge's opinion of, 104, 144; let
ters to Tallmadge on dragoon equipments,
126-128; on secret service, 130; as to Arn
old's letter, 140; Tallmadge to Washing
ton, 140, 152; Washington to Tallmadge,
142; Sharpless portrait of, frontispiece.
Wayne, Gen. Anthony, 30-31,44
Webb, Col. Saml B., 130; letter from Tall
madge on Andr^ and Arnold, 132
Westchester Co., N. Y., 16-17, 69. See
White Plains, Kingsbridge, North castle
West Point, N. Y., 52, 54, 66, 133
Wethersfield, Conn., 5-6,24-5,48, 114, 123
Whitehall, South Ferry, N. Y., 98, 1 16
White Marsh, Pa., movements at, 35
White Plains, battle of, 16-19; operations
around, 45, 57,66,69, 122-3, 129
Williams, David, one of Andre's captors, 51,
136
Windsor, Conn., winter quarters at, 63
Woodhull, Gen. Nathaniel, prisoner on L. I.,
10
Wyllys, Maj ., John P., prisoner at N. Y., 1 5
Yale College, Conn .,3,5, 86, 144
Yorktown, Va., Cornwallis surrenders at, 67

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