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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

A
BRIEF EXPLANATORY

REPORT,

AS TO THE

TERMINATION OF THE
HUNGARIAN STRUGGLE;
THE CAPITULATION OF THE'
PORTRESS OF COMMN;
AND THE OBJECTS, PROBABLE EXTENT, AND OTHER
CIRCUMSTANCES OP THE
HUNGARIAN EMIGRATION.

NEW-YORK :
3. M. ELLIOTT, PRINTER, 58 NASSAU ST.
I860

CORRESPONDENCE.

The following correspondence is published by the direc
tion of the Committee raised by the Citizens of New-
York, for the relief of the Hungarian Exiles; and the
object of the publication, as will be apparent, is to dis
seminate, as widely as possible, facts of great interest in
regard to these gallant and unfortunate men, with a view
to the more efficient promotion of those measures which
are now under way for their permanent relief.
By order of the Committee.
M. VAN SCHAICK,
Chairman.
Robert Lenox Kennedy,
Secretary.

New-York, December 29th, 1849.
Governor Ladislaus Ujhazy ;
and Count Vass, &c, «fcc, <fcc.
Gentlemen : We have been appointed a Sub-Com
mittee, by the General Committee raised for the relief of
the Refugees from Hungary ; and take the liberty of ad
dressing you, for the purpose of procuring some information
which is important for our own guidance, and that of those
of our fellow-citizens whose aid we are desirous toobtain.
Will you have the goodness to let us know the circum
stances attendant on the final termination of the Hunga
rian struggle, and the surrender of Comorn, so far as to
apprise us of the probable extent and character of the
Hungarian emigration which we may expect here. We
are aware that Count Vass was not at Comorn at the

time of its capitulation ; but his position, as a member of
the Diet, and his general familiarity with the condition of
the country, will, we think, enable him to give us impor
tant information. We are, gentlemen,
With the highest respect,
Your obedient servants,
THEODORE SEDGWICK,
S. DRAPER.

To Theodore Sedgwick and S. Draper, Esq.rs.
Gentlemen : Called upon by you, the Sub-Committee
of the honorable Committee formed in favor of the Hun
garian Refugees, to give explanations concerning the
termination of the Hungarian struggle, and of the cir
cumstances attending the capitulation of the Fortress of
Comorn ; and also concerning the extent, objects and
other circumstances ofthe probable Hungarian emigration,
I have the honor, in pursuance of this request, to submit
herewith the desired explanatory report.
I do this in accordance with my best knowledge and
belief, but must ask your indulgence, if, owing to my igno
rance of the English language, in which 1 cannot express
myself originally, my thoughts are not so fully and com
pletely given as the dignity of the subject and the highly
valued attention you bestow on our cause require.
Accept, gentlemen, the assurances of my very great
respect. Your obd't servant,
LADISLAUS UJHAZY.
New- York, January 1, 1850.

A BRIEF EXPLANATORY REPORT, &c.

One of the most interesting and stirring periods of the
Hungarian Revolution, and of our struggle for freedom,
began on the day when, after the glorious victory on the
Banks of the Theiss, gained by Damjanics, one of our
ablest leaders, the Austrian mercenaries were steadily
driven back toward the west, followed by other splendid
successes and glorious battles, which resulted in raising
the siege of Comorn, that had been obstinately but vainly
pressed through the winter months, and in the storming
and occupation of our capital, Buda Pesth.
This first favorable turn of affairs, beginning with the
battle of Szolnok on one hand, raised the spirits of our
people, and on the other, roused them to their utmost ef
forts, and to sacrifices both of property and blood.
But while the nation was ready to sacrifice, it wished,
at the same time, to know the object for which these sacri
fices were made and their blood poured out. Up to
the above mentioned period, notwithstanding Windisch-
gratz had proposed for his aim the unconditional subjec
tion of the land, the dispositions of the diet were made
purely in the spirit of a constitutional resistance, and the
struggle was, so to speak, carried on in the name of the
dethroned Ferdinand, against the young usurper, Franz
Joseph. As in all revolutions, so in ours, there were several par
ties. There were some who intended to wage this con
test simply for the recovery of the constitution of 1848,

who wished to keep open a way of retreat, so that thejr
might, in case of an unsuccessful issue, fall back under
Austrian rule.
Others, of whom I was one, wished to sacrifice their
property and their blood for a grander, more worthy object,
namely : for a separation from Austria and the founding of
a Republic. In pursuance of this ardent wish, there was formed in
March, at first in the bosom of the diet, a Democratic
Republican Club, which holding public sessions and honor
ing me with the presidency, had for its object the hasten
ing of the declaration of independence, and consultation;
upon all subjects of interest that might occur.
The members of this Society very soon composed a major
ity, both in the upper house and the house of representatives,
so that the then existing government, the so called Commit
tee of national defence, under the presidency of Louis
Kossuth, felt itself incited to a declaration of independence.
This resolution was solemnly announced in the Cathe
dra! of Debreczin, in the presence of a coimtless multitude.
Kossuth there delivered an eloquent discourse, in which
he so powerfully and vividly depicted the injustice, treach
ery and perjury for three centuries practised by Austria
upon Hungary, that every hearer uttered curses against
that tyrannical and deceitful House.
On this occasion, Kossuth was appointed by one uni
versal, thundering acclamation, Governor of the country.
This event occurred on the 14th of April. When, shortly
after, the Governor having named his new Ministry, its
President, Bartholomew Szemere, brought forward, with
distinguished energy and decision, his republican pro
gramme, there followed such a lively expression of ap
plause as 1 had never before heard, and which sufficiently
indicated how well he met the views of the National As
sembly, and to what maturity, even at that time, those prin
ciples had attained.
From this decisive epoch onward, the main care of the
Hungarian Government was to place the administration

of the country in the hands of men of purely republican
sentiments, who fully approved the Declaration of Inde
pendence. It accordingly sent Csanyi, who was after
wards unhappily executed, to Transylvania, and to my fidel
ity it committed the Fortress of Comorn and the sur
rounding region — " Comorn," as the old proverb runs,
"the key ofthe Magyar land." The office was a diffi
cult one to fill ; but I accepted the mission, in the sacred
consciousness of my duty ; and under such circumstances,
in the month of May, relieved the person to whom the
Government had formerjy given it in charge. I mention
all this only to designate the truly revolutionary moment
at which I commenced my administration in Comorn.
The nature of my duties may be discovered from the
spirit of the period. It was to confirm the principles of
Independence and of the Republic that had been de
clared, to induce obedience to the new government, on the
part of the citizens and the troops, and to provide for the
material wants of the army. For this latter purpose, and
in case I should become isolated from the Government, I
was empowered to issue 5,000,000 gulden (Conventions — -
Miinze,) $2,500,000, in national bank notes.
My sphere of action in civil affairs, both political and
judicial, was restricted by no limits but entire responsibili
ty to my government ; and my sole instructions were to do
what the cause ofthe country and of freedom required.
The command-in-chief of the troops was committed to
Genl. Klapka ; my participation in military affairs con
sisted in a seat and vote at the council of war, which
could not he held without my presence.
The territorial extent of my administration, of which
Comorn was the chief seat, included besides the County
of Comorn, the five adjoining Counties with their capital,
to wit, Esztergam, Bars, Nyitra, Gy6r and Veszpreim, for
which I was authorized to appoint sub-commissioners.
The population of the City of Comorn amounted to 20,-
000, that of the six counties to 1,140,000, with an area of
350 geographical square miles. I regret that I cannot ex-

8
hibit the original documents, and the orders of the govern*
ment that were directed to me. They would have fully
explained the nature of my position. But as I was oblig
ed to wait a week after the surrender of the fortress of
Comorn for my traveling passport, during which time the
searching of houses by the Austrian soldiery was \the or
der of the day, I was obliged to destroy these valuable doc
uments that I might not expose the lives of individuals
mentioned in them, who were deeply engaged in the revo
lution. Thus much ofthe position and. nature of the office en
trusted to me. I now proceed to the main event, the con
ditions and execution of the surrender of the fortress
which brought my services to the fatherland to so painful
a close. From the time when the government was moved from
Pesth to Szegedin, and from there again to Arad, the com
munication between it and the fortress of Comorn was so
much interrupted, that the numerous couriers who were
dispatched, either could not return, or were unable
to reach the seat of government. And then my position
was a most painful one, cut off not only from the rest of
the civilized world, but also from my own government. In
such a condition of things, deprived of all protection and
assistance from that source, we were obliged to procure for
ourselves all the necessary means of preservation ; but the
zeal and willingness of the people admirably supported
our operations. The troops were accordingly provided
with all things necessary, and it was subsequently shown
that no deprivations could shake their firmness. They
could not, however, have been furnished with sufficient
warm clothing for the approaching winter. But owing to
this favorable disposition of the army, and the skilful
military tactics of Genl. Klapka, the sally of the 3d of Au
gust succeeded so well, that thousands of the enemy, fly
ing as far as Presburgh, were slain or taken prisoners, and
the booty amounted to millions. Just as General Klapka
after this brilliant victory,was intending to make a powerful
diversion upon the soil of the enemy, either against Vienna

or Styria, and I, on my part, was enlisting with much success,
new recruits in the surrounding district, now cleared of the
enemy, and had already formed several new battalions, the
account ofthe surrender of Gorgey, with the flower of his
troops and 140 cannon, came upon us like a thun
derbolt. So incredible did this report appear to us, that
we were ready to condem to death, as false spies, those
who first announced it, until the number of the fugitives
who arrived, sufficiently confirmed the dreadful truth.
One universal cry of vengeance arose against this treason of
Gorgey, which gave the death blow to his country. And
now the reality justifies our first conjectures. For while
the officers under Gorgey had to suffer an ignominious
death, he lives at his ease in Klagenfurt under the protec
tion of the Emperor of Austria.
No sooner had this deplorable event taken place, than
we were daily disturbed in Comorn by messengers sent
from the commanders of the besieging forces, summoning
us to an unconditional surrender. But the spirit of our
men was good. With firm resolution we rejected the
ignominious summons. Every false device was employed
to act upon us. The enemy caused Ernest Kiss, one of
our captured generals, to write from Arad to General
Klapka and Colonel Asserman, telling them of the gra
cious treatment which those who had surrendered received,
and calling on them lo imitate Gorgey's example, main
taining, among other things, also; that we were bound to
follow the Dictator. After the enemy had made such a
use of this man, they requited him for the shameful service
with powder and lead. Another Hungarian, who had
been for a short time residing abroad, a man of no fixed
principles, degraded himself to a similar service. A mem
ber of the Austrian embassy induced him to write me a
letter, attemr ting to persuade me to the surrender of the
fortress. The letter was, however, either delayed, or the
enemy's leaders doubted its effect upon me, for it was
delivered to me by General Nobili only when the Austrians
entered the place. But neither General Klapka nor my
self, nor the council of war, listened to these suggestions.,
2

10
nor to the syren voice of their assurances, but resolved to
obtain more accurate information regarding the condition
of the country from which we were isolated, and the situ
ation of our troops. We therefore sent four couriers —
General Klapka, two officers of the staff, and I two civil
officers of rank — to Arad, to find our government ; or if this
no longer existed, to seek General Bern in Transylvania.
These couriers brought back the mournful report of the re
signation of the government — of Gorgey's treachery — of
the occupation of the fortress of Arad, and of the dispersion
of the other troops of the interior, after the utterly demoral
izing act of Gorgey. A later courier brought us the addi
tional news of the passage of the last remnant of our
troops over the boundary toward Widdin, and but one
consolatory hope remained, that the fortress of Peterwar-
adein still held out, for we had no certain information con
cerning it. In such a condition of affairs, at first doubtful,
but every day becoming more bitterly clear and certain, we
passed five weeks, from the middle of August to about the
20ih of September, during which the enemy were shame
less enough repeatedly to summon us to an unconditional
surrender, and always within the peremptory term of forty-
eight hours.
At last we were informed of the surrender of the garri
son of Peterwaradein. We had lately dispatched thither
a secret courier, to urge them by all means not to yield
without honorable conditions, but this courier was taken on
the road, and never returned. At the suggestion of General
Klapka, the question of a possible capitulation was then
seriously discussed in the council of war. The land entirely
stripped of defence ; the probable fall of Peterwaradein ;
the crushing, but unavoidable conviction, that the garrison
of a single fortress could not possibly renew, with success
the contest for freedom ; and the sentiment, that in the im
possibility of making another successful effoit, we owed it
to humanity to save a populous city, which had already
made such unlimited sacrifices, from utter destruction; and
to preserve the lives of 25,000 brave champions of freedom,
among whom are many who may form the germ of anew

11
struggle for liberty — influenced by these considerations, the
principle of capitulation, under suitable conditions, preserve
ing our military honor, was adopted. On this occasion,
the civil power being in my person, after the resignation of
the government, concentrated, ready to accept the principle
of capitulation. But when afterward the conditions them
selves were discussed, I insisted upon those of a more ex
tended and favorable nature, and would yield nothing of
them. But the majority of the council overruled my opin
ion, and 1 was forced to put my opposing vote on the record
of the council of war. as Colonel Pragay, who is here pre
sent, and who was adjutant general of the army, and also
secretary of the council, can testify; and to whom, and also
for his faithful and circumstantial record of my vote, and
its reasons, I owe many thanks. I must add here, that if,
at the commencement, as largo a council of war had been
held as was afterwards assembled, fo which every battal
ion furnished its representatives, consisting of captains and
lieutenants, but which could not rescind ihe previous reso.
lutions, it would by no means have yielded without more
extended and better conditions: for such energy and deter
mination were displayed throughout the corps of officers,
that even General Klapka was greatly surprised at it —
a new proof, that as well in the ranks of the military as of
the civil world, the true principles of freedom and energy
are to be found in the masses.
After the conditions had been several times discussed in
the council of war, they were finally drawn up in the form
which I have the honor of laying before yon in the Hunga
rian and German originals and the English translations,
(Appendix.) The original manuscript of this document
is in the hands of General Klapka, and we have resolved
to deposit it with some one of the embassies at London. It
was signed on neutral ground, beyond the walls of the
garrison, whither our officers proceeded ; but I did not
accompany them, because in the first place the teims had
already been determined upon in the council of war, and
also because I hated the sight ofthe leaders of the Austrian
mercenaries.

12
The capitulation was accordingly signed on the 27th of
September; but a separate stipulation was entered into,
that the actual surrender should not lake place until a
deputation of two officers, one subaltern and one private,
had gone, under an Austrian escort, to Peterwaradein, and
learned more accurately the condition of that foitress.
Alas ! they brought back word that the Austrians were
rioting within its walls, and that the garrison had surren-
deied at discretion.
Then came the saddest, most dreadful of my life's days,
when the Austrians marched in, and were permitted to
plant on the walls of the fortress their black aud yellow
flag — colors of envy and death. God of Freedom, why
must I live to see that day !
This was followed by the marching out of our garrison
on different days, during which, the noblest and most
touching scenes were displayed. All the flags and their
standards were cut in small pieces, of which each would
preserve a fragment as a memorial. A great number
of arms, especially swords, were broken up, rather than be
surrendered to the enemy; but the most moving and heart-
stirring incident occurred when a regiment of hussars were
drawn up, at the urgent demand of the Austrian general,
and asked by General Klapka whether they would enter
the Austiian service? But one answer was heard from
the lanks: " No, General ; for the service of our father
land we stand ready at a moment's call — for Austria,
never !" The imperial generals were abashed, while tears
of joy rose to the eyes of our officers. And, in general, I
must say, that although we stood there forsaken by the
whole world, the courage of the Comorn troops never
sank: they had first to be pacified, and taught that a further
struggle could have no successful results, before they
willingly assented to the surrender.
With the exception of acts of violence on the part of
individual officers, the conduct of the Austrians, imme
diately after the capitulation, and while we were waiting
for our passports at Comorn, was forbearing, and not un
worthy ; which, however, I can ascribe only to the respect

13
with which we inspired them — especially on the occasion
of our last sally. Indeed, I feel called on to mention the
gentlemanly treatment we received at the hands of General
Nobili, the imperial commandant of the fortress. He is,
however, an Italian — not an Austrian or Bohemian re
actionary arisiocrat. As soon as we had occasion to
say that we were American emigrants, we were treated
with marked courtesy. Such respect does the mere name
of the mighty land of freedom impose upon the instruments
of tyranny, that they are cautious of oppressing one who
bnt proposes to become a citizen of this glorious country.
This, however, was only in the first clays ; for when the
troops, whose presence held them in check, had marched
out, and were dispersed through the country, violations of
the capitulation began to take place in the usual perfidious
manner of Austrian management — violations, partly un-
dei handed, partly open, which I will attempt to explain in
a special protest to the great and noble American people,
in order to hold up to their just indignation a government,
which, in the madness of its tyranny aud in the intoxica
tion of victory, not content with having treacherously de
ceived a natio.11 for three centuries, now in direct opposition
to the law of nations, basely persecutes the unfortunate rem
nants of a garrison that capi:ulated on honorable terms, and
robs them of the guaranties to which their fidelity and
approved bravery had given them a claim.
I will here mention three of the most flagrant of these
violations. The second of the articles of surrender
gives an unconditional promise of passports to foreign
countries. In consequence of this, many who did not
have the means requisite for the long journey to America,
wrote their names for various countries of Europe; and
some, of whom I was one, subscribed at the outset for
America. The list was sent to the Austrian authorities
previous to the surrender of the fortress. When at the end
of a week, we hoped finally to obtain our passports, the
announcement was made to us that the ambassadors of all
the European Courts, excepting that of England, refused
to countersign them — in a word, we were not to be endured

14
in Europe ; and consequently, all those who had signed
for France, Switzerland, Germany, the Netherlands, etc.,
must declare anew whether they would cho se America.
Some could and did so, but many were forced from want
of means lo remain behind in their desolated country,
maimed and crippled in body and mind, the mournful wit
nesses of its woes, and soon and surely to become the vic
tims of some newly invented persecution. This must be
designated an underhand violation. For had those who
negotiated the capitulation on the part o'f Austria cherished
none but honest purposes, they should have previously as
certained from the diplomatic agents whether or not their
respective governments would permit our residence in their
stales : nor is it too much to suppose that the refusal may
have been a suggestion of Austria itself.
The second underhand violation was, that in the
pasports which we received from them, was inserted
the wholly unexpected clause " without return." This
is a violation, because by the first article of the capit
ulation, any one belonging to the garrison of Comorn
was allowed lo remain in the country unmolested, as the
permits also give to each of us for a return to our homes.
If then we were allowed to remain in the country, we could
not be denied a return, nor be subject to banishment instead
of a free and unconditional residence in any other land.
But the most open and atrocious violation is, that in
which the Austrians indulged against the property, liberty
and lives of the prominent members belonging to the garri
son of Comorn. I mention definite facts that have been
furnished to me by eye-witnesses. By virtue of the first
article, no one engaged in Comorn should be subject to a
legal prosecution ; and by virtue of the sixth article all
property, both movable and real, was to remain un
disturbed. Now what happened ! Theestateof Count Zichi
Otto, one of the signers of the capitulation, which lies in the
neighborhood of Comorn, was sequestrated by Colonel Ba-
log, an Austrian commissioner, the very next week after the
capitulation, as Colonel Pragai, now here, can testify.
Two officers of the Comorn garrison, formerly vice-

15
Governors of the counties of Weisemburg, one of themy
named Csapo. were thrown into prison. A friend of these
men, who had spoken with them in prison, gave me this
statement, personally, on my journey from Comorn to-
Hamburgh. An old and venerable friend of mine, Re-
peczky, formerly member of the House of Representatives,
and latterly a Major in the garrison of Comorn, who had
against my advice returned home, was shortly after seized,
arraigned before a Court, and according to the statements
in the public prints, executed in the Ciiy of Schemnitz.
That he has been actually executed, I will not affirm, for
I will not go beyond fully ascertained factF ; but that he
has been imprisoned, and received sentence, was definite
ly told me by my son-in-law, who came from that quarter
to Hamburgh. Such are the violations, of the capitula
tion that occurred while I was on my way from Co
morn to Hamburg — villanies enough for so short a time.
What may not have taken place since I left Europe !
The direct motive that impelled my companions
and myself to leave our country, has its origin in two
causes. The first was, that we knew the faithlessness
of Austria for centuries, and could not place the least
reliance on an observance of the conditions of capitu
lation. The violations of them, already referred to,
sufficiently justify our opinion ; they are in accordance
with the ancient and confirmed custom of Austria ; so
were our delegates from the diet to Windischgratz, Batthi-
anyi and his four companions, detained in the camp of
the satellite of tyrann y ; so formerly the three members of the
convention, embassadors of the French nation, were, at
the command of high authority, murdered by the soldiers,
in Rastadt ; and yet so infamous a government, which re
gards the law of nations less than do cannibals, is to stand
in connection with other, and above all, free nations !
The second cause of our separation from our fatherland,
was the irrepressible impulse of our convictions. On the
fourteenth of April, we had solemnly sworn to our indepen
dence, and forever renounced and condemned royalty as
the scourge of humanity. Wo would have been faithless to

16
our sacred oath had we longer remained under the dominion
of Austria We regarded our republican principles more
than the material interests we were to sacrifice, and
with such views, our choice could not be doubtful. We
firmly grasped the pilgrim's staff, for we would rather
become in the sweat of our brows, poor, but free citizens,
than remain ever so prosperous slaves. Whether we may
ever again return to our country, deppnds, in the present
condition of things, not on our own wills ; for, as we have
said above, instead of passports we were treacherously
furnished with letteis of banishment. But the wish and
the hope burn in our breasts, that a new war of freedom
may soon arise in Europe, to which we may lend our
strength for the attainment of the universal rights of men,
of the freedom of the Magyar land, and of our breth
ren we have left behind, or at least, to secure a better fate.
As regards the number of my brethren who are about
to emigrate hither, 1 cannot speak with entire definite-
ness. When the officers of the garrison at Comorn first
assembled to consult upon the aim and end of our emi
gration, ninety six of them decided in favor of America :
on that occasion, 1 was chosen, by the confidence of my
fellow-citizens, to the future presidency of this society of
immigration. While we were obliged to wait for our
passports, some others promised to provide, at their respec
tive homes, the means necessary for the journey. Wheth
er they were unable to obtain these means or changed
their purpose, I cannot say. During my stay at Hamburg,
thirty-five persons, besides those who are now here with
me, joined us, and as their departure was not to take place
till a week after mine, I think their number may be in
creased to forty, whose arrival 1 look for about the middl. of
January. Agreeably to a resolution passed by the society, I
came in advance in the steamer, that I might make some
provisions for their first reception. The former position of
these my fellow countrymen was, that of superior officers,
some Majors, others Captains and Lieutenants, excepting
three private citizens, who are mechanics.
The object of this Society : — Our purpose is to become-

17
citizens of this free country, and form a united agricultural
colony, excepting a few, who, versed in some departments
of science, hope, by their technical skill, to obtain support
the present year. We propose to ourselves this end, be
cause Hungary, not being a land of trade and commerce,
its inhabitants are mainly occupied in agricultural pursuits,
with which we, a few of us excepted, are most familiar
and to which we have the greatest inclination. It is our
purpose then, for each of us to tread a path for which habit
and experience best fit us. In respect also to the regene
ration of the dear country we have left, it is not unimpor
tant that the Hungarian emigration should remain united
in one colony, which too may serve as a haven of refuge
to those following us, and which surely will aid them in
the arrangements of their first settlement.
I must confess, that it is not easy to answer with the
requisite modesty, questions concerning our property in
Hungary. It is painful to be obliged to speak of one's own
circumstances. But the free and noble men of America
desire frankness and sincerity, and I must not refuse.
Confiscations were constantly occurring in all those districts
where the enemy held possession, nor was the confiscation
ofthe real property our sole loss, for the cattle, implements
and crops were destroyed, so that, generally, little more
than the naked soil and the ruins of buildings were left
for confiscation. So it was with my estate : for when in
December of last year, Genl. Schlich, from Gallicia, violent
ly entered upon it, and the first unsuccessful battle of
Kaschau was fought upon it, the cattle were driven away,
my movable property and agricultural stores were destroyed
and the soil sequestered for the benefit of the imperial
treasury. When, at a later period, Gen. Gorgey marched
from Presburg past Kaschau, my estate was of course
recovered, but only for a short time ; for when, still later.
the Russians broke in through Gallicia, confiscation again
ensued, and since that time, the fields, to whose cultivation
I had devoted a great part of my time and attention, have
been the constant prey of our insatiate enemies.
The property of all those who owned lands and belong-
3

18
ed to the garrison of Comorn, or who were in any other
way connected with the Hungarian government, shared
substantially the same fate with mine, for latterly, the
whole country was in the hands of the enemy, and enough
base spies were found to inform them if this or that per
son were in the ranks of the champions of liberty.
The prospect of a recovery of our property is indeed
very doubtful. If the conditions of capitulation that have
been so often broken could be relied upon, we might retain
our own unmolested, but these conditions are for us a dead
letter ; for who is there among the band of the satellites of
tyranny, to say one bold, just word for us ? Where are the
upright inflexible judges to protec t us from the arbitrary
will of despotism 1
Yes, we have come here in poverty, and have sacrificed
our all in the cause of the revolution ; but by the aboli
tion of Feudalism, we have secured to seven millions of
men, once serfs, a right to the soil, of which Austria's dy
nasty cannot deprive them, If we have not been so fortunate
as to lay the foundations of republican freedom, we have
at least given a death blow to the material power of
the aristocracy, and without the support of an aristocracy,
dynasties cannot long maintain themselves. We have
then still gained a triumph by our struggles : there are no
longer any serfs in Hungary, but each man cultivates his
own land. The consciousness of this benefit bestowed
©n seven millions of men shall requite us for our losses.
New- York, January 1, 1850.
LADISLAUS UJHAZY,
late civil Governor of the Portress Comorn,
and its dependencies,.

19

To Theodore Sedgwick and
S. Draper, Esquires, Committee :
Gentlemen : — The undersigned, in the beginning of
the movements in Hungary, entered the patriotic army of
Transylvania. After a short service, I was elected by my
fellow patriots, member of the House of Representatives,
and as such, I assisted at the diet at Pesth, and afterwards,
at Debreczin.
In the month of March, 1849, 1 was appointed by the
President of the Hungarian Government, Louis Kossuth,
representative of the Hungarian Nation in foreign coun
tries, and entrusted with a particular mission to the Danu-
bian Provinces, the Courts of Constantinople, Paris and
London. After a dangerous passage through Moldavia, connected
with the severest sufferings, privations and imprisonment,
seeing no possibility to remain in the Danubian Provinces,
under incessant persecutions, I escaped to Constantinople,
and there I began my diplomatic intercourse, both with the
Court of Constantinople and the ministers of the foreign
powers, but after a few days, being detected by the Russian
agents, I was threatened with new persecutions. Advised
early by some friends, I was obliged to fly again. I then
went first to Paris, and thence to London, where, having
discharged my diplomatic duties, I came to America, with
the purpose to put under way, and carry into execution, a
special and highly important affair, about which I had re
ceived private instructions from Kossuth.
I worked on my sacred duty, and circumstances led me
to cherish hopes of success; but the dreadful downfall of
the Hungarian cause has frustrated all, and I am an exile.
I am a native of Transylvania, and have there
a considerable property, which was confiscated, in the
month of November, 1848, when the Austrian army occu
pied Transylvania, but after the evacuation of that Pro.

20
vince by the Austro Russian army, I got my property
back,although entirely despoiled.and my residence, as well
as all the other buildings, sacked, so that there remained
nothing else than the soil.
After the second invasion of the Russians, in the month
of June, what was the state of my property? and what is
it now 7 I know nothing about it, having no communi
cation with my family or friends. All I can conjecture,
is this : The Austrian Government, since the war, has
subjected to confiscation the property of all members of
the late Hungarian Diet, and even of those who had ren
dered any service to the Hungarian Government ; conse
quently my property must be confiscated likewise.
I am married, have a wife and five children ; when \
left Debreczin, my family remained there, under the pro
tection of Kossuth. What has become of them, and
where are they now, I know nothing, having received
no letters from them since my departure from Debreczin.
I have sent several letters to my wife and friends, but I
have never received any answer; the only information
that I have got, is in an indirect and uncertain way, that
they were seen at Pesth on the 22d of August.
COUNT S. WASS.
New- York, January 1, 1850.

21

APPENDIX.

SURRENDER OF THE GARRISON OF COMORN, ON THE
FOLLOWING CONDITIONS :
1. A free retreat of the garrison, without arms ; the
swords of the officers to remain in their possession.
Foreign passports shall be granted to those officers who
have formerly served in the imperial army ; to those who
do not desire such passports, a safe conduct to their homes
shall be granted.
A free residence in their homes, without restriction as to
their future conduct and occupation, shall be granted to
the honved officers, (National Hungarian Soldiers,) who
have not previously been in the imperial service.
An amnesty is granted to the rank and file of the impe
rial regiments, as well as to those who have been mean
time promoted ; they are dismissed free, and no legal prose
cution shall be hereafter conducted against them.
2. Foreign passports shall be granted to all who apply
for them within thirty days.
3. One month's pay to the officers, and ten days' wages
to the rank and file, according to the rates of the Imperial
Austrian Army, shall be paid in Austrian national bank
notes. 4. For the settlement of the various obligations entered
into by the garrison, as shown by their orders on the mili
tary chest, the sum of five hundred thousand gulden, Con-
venzion's — Munze, (about $250,000,) shall be paid in Aus
trian bank notes.
5. The sick and wounded in Comorn, and in the hos
pitals, shall be properly cared for.
6. Private property, both real and personal, shall, in
general, be retained by the owners.
7. The place, time and manner of surrendering arms,
shall be hereafter determined.
8. All hostilities shall immediately cease on both sides.

22
9. The fortress shall surrender accordiag to the usages
of war, and after mutual ratification.
Puszta Herkaly, the 27th September, 1849.
HAYNAU, M. P.
F. Z. M.
Takats, M. P., Captain.
Gasparetz, Captain.
Mednyamszky Colonel.
John Pragay, Colonel.
Stefan Rutkay, Colonel.
Count Otto Zichy, Colonel.
Count Paul Esterhazy, Colonel.
John Janik, Colonel.
Sigmund Szabo, Colonel, Commandant in the town.
Josef Von Kaszonyi, Colonel.
Franz Asserman, Colonel, Commandant in the fortress.
Georg. Klapka, Commander in -chief of the fortress
and troops.
Agreeing with the original. Comorn the 29th Septem
ber, 1849. SZILLANYL Chief of the General Staff.

YALE UNIVERSITY

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