THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE E'ARL OF LIVERPOOL, MEMOIRS OF THE PUBLIC LIFE AND ADMINISTRATION OF THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL, K.G., &c. &c. &c. LONDON: SAUNDERS AND OTLEY, CONDUIT STREET. 18£7. TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE JOHN, EARL OF ELDON, THE COLLEAGUE, COADJUTOR, AND FRIEND OF LORD LIVERPOOL, THROUGH THE MOST TRYING PERIOD OF THE BRITISH MONARCHY: A STATESMAN OF EQUAL MORAL COURAGE ; A JUDGE OF UNEQUALLED PATIENCE AND EQUITY : THIS VOLUME IS INSCRIBED WITH UNFEIGNED RESPECT, PREFACE. The Author of the following Meraoirs claims only the praise of diligence and impartiality in the execution of what has been to him a very agreeable task. Beyond verifying a few dates he has not, from feelings of delicacy, in the present state of Lord Liverpool's health, availed himself of private sources of information — but it has been the labour of a considerable portion of time to follow so busy a man as Lord Liverpool through the extended walk of his public life. The chief design of this work is to present a convenient manual of all the great exertions and transactions of that life to his successors. It contains a brief account of every considerable business in which his Lordship was engaged. Acting with no political party, the Author is not conscious of possessing more than a general feeling of attachment and gratitude to the men viii PREFACE, and measures which have protected the grey hairs and small possessions of his father, and kept open the path of peace and prosperity for his children. He has no knowledge of them but as public men: and has come to his verdict of approval with respect to their system, because in the midst of storms that have threatened us with all evil, it has preserved to us so much of political and per sonal good. The Friends of this excellent nobleman will observe that the writer confines himself to Lord Liverpool's Public Life, This, unhappily for the country, must, even in the judgraent of friendshi|i, be considered as closed, — while many ¦ntal ques tions in which his Lordship took a decided part, are as yet undecided; while the lessons of his life, and the influence of his noble, upright ex ample, are immediately wanted. Such, at least, was the opinion of the writer in sitting down to his task, which has already survived another administration : and this last circumstance will apologise for Mr, Canning being raentioned, p, 15, et pass, as our present Chancellor of the Exchequer, CONTENTS, CHAPTER I. Jiord Liverpool's family ,_Memoir of his father, the first Earl of Liverpool. — Alleged " Secret Influenoe" of his Lordship and other personal friends pf his 'late Majesty. — Lord Liverpool's education.-. First Speech in Parlianient,— Mr. Pitt's picture of the Financial situ ation of the Country at that period. — Debates on the Slave Trade Mr. Jenkinson's motion, — Debate on it ; lost Rise and early progress of the Frenoh Revolution — Motion of Mr. Fox to send a minister to Paris, opposed by Mr. Jenkinson Death of the King of France Hostile measures of the French The Convention declares war against Gireat Britain, .,.,., page 1 CHAPTER II, Mr, Grey's motion for Parliamentary Reform Mr, Jenkinson replies to him. — Eflforts of Prance in the War. — Mr. Canning's first appearance in Parliament. — Extract from his first speech Mr. Grey condemns our Continental alliances. — Mr. Jenkinson defends them.^ In Paris, in 1793 Major Maitland's motion respecting the failure at Dunkirk,— Mr. Jenkinson's reply Replies to Mr. Pox's Resolutions respecting the War Mr. Sheridan's conjectures respecting his con nexion with Ministers. — Duke of Portland, Mr. Windham, &c. accept office. — Mr. Jenkinson's marriage Opening of Parliament, 1795-6 Lord Gastlereagh's first appearance in the English House of Commons. —Mr, Jenkinson's review of the eflfect of the War on our Commerce.— r- He becomes Lord Hawkesbury. — Debate on the state of Ireland The triple Assessed Taxes The Land-tax Message of the King recom mending a legislative union with Ireland, — Lord Hawkesbury's remarks on Mr. Sheridan's public conduct, — Failure of the Crops, and Parlia mentary measures in consequence. — Mr. Tierney's attack on the motives and conduct of the War. . , , , . .61 CHAPTER III. General situation of Great Britain at the commencement of 1801 Question with Russia and the Northern Powers. — Treaty between France and America History of the Maritime Bights claimed by Eng land, — Union with Ireland, — First meeting of the Imperial Parliament. — Agitation of the CathoUc Question by Mr. Pitt. — Letter of Mr. Pitt to the King. — Mr. Pitt resigns. — Addington Administration Debates on the late changes in the Ministry..T-Attack upon Copenhagen. — Mea sures of the new Ministers in regard to Ireland — Subsidy to Portugal — Motion of Mr. Jones respecting the Convention of El Arish. — Nego tiations for peace with Prance ^Preliminaries signed on the 1st of Oc tober. — Debates on them in Parliament. — Mr. Windham's speech. — Debate on the Convention with Russia. — Treaty of Amiens. . 114 X CONTENTS. CHAPTER IV. Claim made on behalf of the Prince of Wales for arrears of the Duchy of Cornwall.— Debate on the Treaty of Amiens — Dissolution of Parha ment Aggrandizing measures of France.— Buonaparte complains of the British press.— Lord Hawkesbury's reply to this and other com plaints of the French Govemment — Prosecution of M, Peltier.— . French attack on Switzerland.— Buonaparte's attempt to establish Agents in the British Ports, and to procm-e plans of them.— Malta not surrendered by Great Britain.— Meeting of ParUament — Debate on the Address.- On the increase of the Army and Navy.— Gloomy opening of 1803.— Evident approach of a rupture with France — Buonaparte's conduct to our Ambassador, who retums to London.— British declara tion.— Colonel Patten's motion against Ministers.— Lord Hawkesbury called up to the House of Peers Mr. Pitt moves the previous question. Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox both in opposition to Ministers — Mr. Adding ton resigns. ..;..- page 177 CHAPTER V. Mr. Pitt directed to form an Administration — Endeavours in vain to include Mr. Fox and his friends. — Lord Hawkesbury, Secretary of State for the Home Department. — Additional Military Establishments and Plans Mr. Wilberforce renews his Motion for the Abolition of the Slave Trade, and carries it in the House of Commons — Rejected in the Lords. — Buonaparte becomes Emperor of the French.^ — War with Spain. — Debate on its Causes. — Lord King's Attack on Ministers. — Resisted by Lord Hawkesbury Keport of the Commissioners of Naval Inquiry. — Mr. Whitbread's Resolutions criminating Lord Mel ville. — Mr. Pitt's Conduct on this Question The Addingtonian Party votes against Ministers Roman Catholic Question debated in both Houses. — Lord Hawkesbury's Speech. — Bishop of Durham's King's Message delivered by Lord Hawkesbury.— Grant thereon. — New coi tion with Russia, Austria, and Sweden ; terminated by the Battle of Austerlitz Battle of Trafalgar. — Mr. Pitt's health declines. — Parlia ment opened iri his absence. — Mr. Pitt's Death, . . . 233 CHAPTER VI, State of Parties Offer of the Premiership to Lord Hawkesbury. — He declines it — Mr. Fox and his Friends come into power. — New Mili tary Arrangements. — Mr. Windham's Limited' Service Bill Abolition ofthe Slave Trade. — Lord Melville's Trial Negotiations with France. — Meeting of Parliament in December. — Lord Hawkesbury's Speech ori the Address.— On the Negotiations. — Mr. Whitbread's Education BUl. — Bill for introducing Catholics into the Army and Navy. — Division in the Cabinet respecting it — Sentiments of the King Ministers dis missed in consequence. — Duke of Portland, Premier. — Lord Hawkes- bm-y. Home Secretary. — Explanations given in Parliament. Lord Hawkesbury moves thanks to Sir S. Auchmuty .;^Parliament dissolved. — New Parliament — Lord Hawkesbury defends the late dissolution. — State of Europe — Attack on Copenhagen.— Portugal,— The Prince Re gent leaves Lisbon for Brazil.— Beriin Decree of Buonaparte.— British Orders in CouncU.- The late measures debated in Parliament Duke of Norfolk's motion — Insurrection in Spain.— The Patriots apply for assistance to England.— All Parties agree respecting affording it them. CONTENTS. xi — New offers to negotiate from Prance. — Sir John Moore's advance into Spain, — Battle of Coranna. — Lord Hawkesbury becomes Earl of Liverpool. ...... page 270 CHAPTER VII, Meeting of Parliament — Affairs of Spain. — Thanks moved for Lord WeUirigton's first successes there; — to the surviving commanders at the Battle of Corunnai — Convention of Cintra discussed in the Com. mons — Militia Completion BUl. — Colonel Wardle's attack on the Duke of York — His Royal Highness resigns. — Continental affairs. — Expedi tion to Walcheren. — Mr. Canning and Lord Castlereagh's duel. Dis solution of the Portland Administration. — Perceval Administration. — The Continent prostrated before France. — Debates on the expeditions to Spain and Portugal. — On the Walcheren expedition Sir Francis Burdett's quarrel with the House of Commons Bullion Report Conduct of Great Britain to the Spanish Colonies Differences with America. — Confirmed illness of the King Regency Question. — Divi sion amongst the Members of Opposition Situation of Ireland Subsidy to Portugal. — Lord Stanhope's Bill on the Currency, adopted by Govemment, — Campaign in Spain. — Opening of 1812 Riots in Nottinghamshire. — Debate on the employment of Captain Henry, in America. — The Restrictions on the Regent expire. — Negotiations in consequence Assassination of Mr. Perceval. . . 332 CHAPTER VIII. Lord Liverpool Premier. — Negotiations that led to this Disturb ances in the North of England Catholic Question Orders in Coun cil. — BiU for the relief of Dissenters. — Successes in Spain. — Buonaparte at war with Russia. — Marches to Moscow. — His disastrous retreat. — Election of a new ParUament. — Debates. — Grant to Russia. — Rupture mth America. — Marquess WeUesley's attack on Ministers Mr. Van- sittart's alteration of the Sinking Fund. — Curates' BiU. — East India Company's new charter Treaty with Sweden debated. — Lord Wel lington invades the South of France. — Battle of Leipsic Progress of the war in America. — Subsidies to the Continental Powers. — The Allies invade Prance. — The Bourbons restored Lord Grey's motion respecting Norway. — Lord GrenviUe's on the Slave-trade. — Parliament prorogued Visit of the Allied Sovereigns to England. — Debates re specting the War with America Peace with America. . 413 CHAPTER IX. Universal Peace. — Observations in Parliament respecting the annex ation of Genoa to Sardinia The Corn Bill of 1815 Buonaparte re turns from Elba Declaration of the AUied Powers against him. — New treaty of the Powers. — Message to ParUament Lord Liverpool's ex planatory speech. — Marquess WeUesley censures Ministers on the subject of his escape. — Lord Liverpool's reply Warlike movements on the Continent The AUies determine to invade Prance — British supplies and forces. — Battle of Waterloo. — Lord WeUington and Mar shal Blucher proceed towards Paris. — Convention of Paris — Louis XVIII. resumes the Government Buonaparte surrenders to Captain Maitland.— He is brought into Torbay,' — Sent to St. Helena, — Conduct xii CONTENTS. of Ministers defended Rnal treaty between the AUies and France. —Opening of 1816 Debates on the Peace EstabUshment,— On the treaties with Foreign Powers.— The Holy AUiance — Marriage of the Princess Charlotte. — Mr. GrenfeU's motion respecting tie Bank™ Bank Restriction Act renewed.— New SUver Coinage BiU.— Agri cultural and other distresses — Outrage on the Prince at the open ing of ParUament, 1817 BUls for suspending the Habeas Corpns Act, &c.— CathoUc Question Farther Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act.— StabUity of the Administration — Death of the Princess Char lotte, page 491 CHAPTER X. Opening of ParUament, 1818.— Observations on the Bank Restric tion BiU. Indemnity Bill proposed by Ministers. — Debates thereon — Giants to the Eoyal Dukes on their Marriages.— The AUen BUl re newed Bill for erecting additional Churches, — Alterations in the Regency BUl Bank Restriction continued ^AUied troops withdrawn from France. — Death of the Queen New Parliament — Duke of York made Custos Personae. — Other arrangements in the Royal Fanuly. — ConsoUdated Fund Produce BUl. — Roman Catholic Question Riots at Manchester and other places The Lord ChanceUor's Traverse Bill. — D eath of George III. . . . . . .536 CHAPTER XI. Accession of George IV. — Ministers reinstated. — Dissolution of Far- liament. — New Parliament meets in AprU. — Sir James Mackintosh's alterations of the Penal Law. — Lord Stanhope's proposals for aUeviating the Mercantile Distresses. — Lord Liverpool's reply. — His speech on Fo reign Commerce. — Arrival of the Queen, and its consequences. — Subject of the Foreign Trade renewed — Motion of Earl Grey respecting Naples, — Mr. Plunkett's CathoUc Bill. — Cash Payments BiU Death of Lady Liverpool — Preparations for the Coronation. — Queen's Application thereon Coronation Queen's Death and Funeral. — First meeting of Parliament in 1822. — Lord Liverpool on the Agricultural Distresses, — On the state of Ireland.— On the CathoUc Peers BiU. — On the trade with the Spanish Colonies. — On the revolt of the Greeks. — Death of Lord Londonderry.^^Second Marriage of Lord Liverpool.— Opening of 1823. — Conduct of France and the AUies respecting Spain. . 563 CHAPTER XII. King's Speech on the opening of ParUament, 1824. — Lord Liverpool's Speech. — Debate respecting the South American States. — Concessions to the CathoUcs. — AUen BiU finaUy renewed CathoUc Association of Ireland.— BiU for putting it down.— CathoUc BiU of 1825 Declara. tion of the Duke of York. — Speech of Lord LiverpooL^Mercantile Distresse^. — Parliamentary Measures in consequence Relaxation of the Navigation Laws — The new AUen Act Resolutions respecting the Weat India Colonies — Corn Question. — Christmas recess; Death ' of the Duke of York. — Meeting of ParUament in February 1827.— Ad dress of Condolence moved by Lord Liverpool ; aud Address for an in creased AUowance to the Duke of Clarence. — Lord Liverpool's sudden aud alarming illness. ..,,.. 613 MEMOIRS OF LORD LIVERPOOL, CHAPTER I, FIRST APPEARANCE IN PARLIAMENT. Lord Liverpool's family, — Memoir of his father, the first Earl of Liverpool. — Alleged ," Secret Influence" of his Lord ship and other personal friends of his late Majesty, — Lord Liverpool's education, — First Speech in Parliament, — Mr, Pitt's picture of the Financial situation of the Country at that period — Debates on the Slave Trade, — Mr, Jenkinson's motion. — Debate on it; lost — Rise and early progress of the French Revolution, — Motion of Mr. Fox to send a minister to Paris, opposed by Mr. Jenkin son. — ^DeE^th of thp-King of France, — Hostile measures of the French, — The Convention declares war against Great Britain. The lives of public men have, in all civilized States, been considered a species of public proper-? ty. The events by which they are marked, are the epochs of their country's history ; and the character of such men can only be delineated in B 2 MliMOIRS OF connexion with the institutions, the opinions and the changes of their times. In our own country, in particular, the value of this kind of property has been duly estimated by the public. It is this which has thrown open the doors of Parliament, and the deliberations of the Cabinet, sooner or later, to every man in the em pire, for the last fifty years. We have felt that our constitution has a practical efficiency as yet unparalleled in any other country, for we have watched its minutest operations : our most distin guished public men have laboured throughout life, as it were, in a glass bee-hive. We have thus, at once, seen what men, misled by visionary schemes of refinement, will attempt ; and what men of sound intelligence and individual firraness and consistency can perform. While we have been led to venerate the fundamental principles of the constitution for their connexion with the earUest and brightest periods of our history, we have seen how capable they are of being adapted to the ex isting circumstances of the world ; of modifications in detail, in the hands of upright statesmen, with out farther revolutions ; and of vigorous applica tion in times of danger to the protection of all that is dear to civilized man. The public life of Lord Liverpool extends through the greater part of the last half-century. It must be allowed to be a matter of fact, that LORD LIVERPOOL, 3 his long administration of the public affairs has been marked by a singular consistency and personal steadiness in the pursuit of what he thought the right course ; it is marked therefore by un usual claims to public integrity and incorruptibi lity. During this period, principles opposite to his own have had their price ; popular favour has often smiled upon them ; and the " men of the people" have made unwearied, and not always unsuccessful efforts to secure a triumph for them in the highest quarters. But Lord Liverpool, as it has been well remarked of his great pre decessor and exemplar, Mr, Pitt, was " a man for the people," He could distinguish the people from the populace ; he laboured for the best in terests of all, while he held himself indifferent to the momentary opinions of the many ; and he won the confidence of the people at last by com manding their respect. When finally removed by the act of God's Providence from his elevated sphere, who desired or expected the dismissal of his Lordship? Not his Prince. He has conde scended to honour a similar faithful servant of the monarchy with" the title of the Bang's " friend." Not his coadjutors in the public service. They were united by his influence, and have recorded the strength of it in the extent of their separa tion. Not Opposition as. a party, for in truth among the various and, active public men not in B 2 4 MEMOIRS OF power, there never was so little combination, never so much of individual approval of the raea sures of the Governraent : while, as we have inti raated, the pillars of his fame and power rested on the broad basis of the public opinion and ap proval, just at the tirae when the public, as his political opponents would contend, have becorae raost enlightened ; and when, as all parties raust admit, the understanding of their rights has be come better qualified in all ranks by the know ledge of their duties. Lord Liverpool, on his entrance into public life, had some, unusual advantages. He was the only son of Charles, the first Earl of Liverpool, then Mr, Jenkinson, by his first lady, Amelia, daughter of William Watts, Esq, a former go vernor of Fort William, Bengal, and was born June 7, 1770. His family, though thus recently ennobled, had at this period been respectably settled at Walcot, near Charlbury, in Oxfordshire, for above a cen tury : his father's great grandfather. Sir Robert Jenkinson, the first baronet, and the second, third, and fourth baronets having represented that county in Parliament. The letters patent of the baronetage are dated May 18, 1661 : it descend ed to the first Lord Liverpool in 1789, after he was Lord Hawkesbury, as the heir male of Colonel Charles Jenkinson, third son of the second baronet. LORD LIVERPOOL, 5 Charles Jenkinson, Esq. M, P, when he became the father of the subject of this memoir, had been in Parliament about nine years. He was educated at the Charter-house, and at Uni- versity College, Oxford, where he took his degree of M, A. in 1752, He printed "Verses on the Death of Frederick Prince of .Wales," which ex cited sorae attention ; and in 1756 published " A Dissertation on the Establishment of a Natural and Constitutional Force in England, independ ent of a Standing Army," This was followed (1758) by " A Discourse on the Conduct of Go vernment respecting Neutral Nations," Mr, Jenkinson is also said to have been a contributor to the early numbers of the Monthly Review, But the connexion of his family with the repre sentation of Oxfordshire inducing him to take an active part in promoting the return of Sir Edward Turner, of Ambrosin, as knight of.the shire for that county, he obtained through this circum stance an introduction to the Earl of Bute ; and in March 1761 we find him one of the Under secretaries of State, He came into Parliament in the general election of the same year for the borough of Cockermouth, In 1763, when Lord Bute was at the head of the Adrainistration, Mr. Jenkinson was appointed to the confidential oflSce of Joint Secretary to the Treasury, and participated with that nobleman the marked and personal attachment of his late 6 memoirs of Majesty. On Lord Bute's sudden retireraent he becarae one of the most conspicuous merabers of a party, often denominated, in envy, " the King's friends." Mr. Jenkinson ever considered the im putation this seemed to convey as his honour.* * Bishop Tomline, in the early part of his Life of Mr, Pitt, has brought together some interesting facts and re flections on this once important topic of a Secret Influence, " The idea/' he says, " was first mentioned in an early part of the late reign, when changes in administration were fre quent ; and seems to have originated with those, who were conscious of not enjoying the royal favour, from a desire of exciting a 'popular cry against their more fortunate rivals It obtained a certain degree of credit, and was resorted to, in'some cases, with considerable effect. There is, however, no reason to think, that there mere in reality any such persons. Lord North during this contest acknowledged that, while in his Majesty's service, he never experienced any private controul or interference in the measures of government ; and Mr, Pitt, not only during this contest, but also towards the end of his life, made the same declaration. And as the administrations of Lord North and Mr. Pitt extended over a period of more than thirty years, it is incredible that any influence of the nature alluded to, had it existed, should have escaped their notice. Short possessors of power Were the persons who complained of secret influence ; and they could not attribute their dismissal from office to a cause less wounding to their pride." The Bishop afterwards asks —"If secret advisers did exist in the late reign, who were they ? Persons of their consequence could not long have remained unknown. There must also havebeen a succession of them, in the course of fifty years. The favourites of princes are soon detected by the jealous lord LIVERPOOL, 7 The accession of the Rockingham administration to power in 1765 induced hira to resign his public appointments ; but he was, at about the same period, nominated Auditor of the accounts of the Princess Dowager of Wales, an office which he held much to the satisfaction of the Royal Family, until the death of Her Royal High ness, In 1766 he was appointed by the Grafton administration, at the suggestion of Lord Chat- eye of rival candidates, and are drawn into notice by riches, or honours, or some public mark of royal favour. Nothing of this kind occurred in the long reign of his late Majesty. We may, therefore, consider secret influence as a ' bug bear,' as ' the catchword of a party, to amuse the credulous vulgar, and to raise discontent against the sovereign and certain individuals,' and ' as disbelieved even by those who were most clamorous upon this subject.' " In a note he adds, " The late Lord Chatham not long before his death, having imputed to the secret influence of Lord Bute those counsels which ' had brought the King and kingdom to ruin,' Lord Mountstuart, in thfS published letter already noticed, and dated October 24, 1778, speaking of his father Lord Bute, writes thus: — He does therefore authorize me to say, that he declares on his solemn word of honour, he has not had the honour of waiting on his Majesty, but at his levee or drawing-room, nor has he presumed to oiFer any advice or opinion concerning the disposition of ofllices, or the conduct of measures, either directly or indirectly, by himsel&or any other, from the time when the late Duke of Cumberland was consulted in the arrangement of a Ministry in 1765, to the present hour," — Memoirs of the Life qf the Right Hon. William Pitt, vol. i, p, 332. 8 memoirs of ham, a lord of the Admiralty : a fact which de monstrates that whatever was the degree of con fidence with which he was honoured by the King, it furnished to an upright and efficient minister no just grounds of jealousy. In Sep tember of the following year he became a Lord of the Treasury, The practical and solid acquaintance with the business of the State, which Mr. Jenkinson thus obtained, opened to hira gradually its higher of fices. Under Lord North new honours awaited him. He was in 1772 appointed one of the Vice- Treasurers of Ireland; at which time he first took his seat at the Council-board ; and in 1775 was allowed to purchase the patent place of Clerk ship of the Pells in Ireland. The same Adminis tration selected hira with great judgraent to suc ceed Lord Cadogan, as Master of the Mint: it was an office involving various topics of inquiry, and of great pilblic interest, into which no man ever entered with raore warrath and effect. We shall find hira returning to thera in the retireraent of his age with unabated ardour. In 1778, he became Secretary at War ; and during the last year of the unfortunate contest with Araerica, had the arduous task accorded to him of carry ing the Army Estimates through the House of Commons. The remaining events of his political life con- LORD LIVERPOOL. 9 nect Mr. Jenkinson with the measures of that dis tinguished young statesman, whora he at this pe riod first encountered in the ranks of Opposition, the late Right Honourable William Pitt. At twenty-three years of age, that statesman suc ceeded to the post of chief finance minister, when the resources of the country had been com pletely exhausted by a protracted and expensive war; but during his first oflScial engagement in connexion with Lord Shelburne, Mr. Jenkinson seems to have been the silent adrairer of Mr. Pitt's great powers, having resumed at this period those literary pursuits, for which he showed an early predilection. In 1783, on Mr. Fox making some severe remarks in the House of Commons on the conduct of the King respecting the India Bill, we find Mr. Jenkinson replying to him. He afterwards spoke but little in that House ; but voted generally with the new ministers. In the year above-mentioned, he became a member of the Board of Trade, In 1785, appeared his "Collection of all Treaties of Peace, AUiance, and Commerce, between Great Britain and other Powers, from the treaty of Munster, in 1648, to the Treaties signed at Paris in 1783," 3 vols. Svo. « In 1786 the valuable appointment of Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster being vacant, the mi nister readily met the King's desire, that it 10 memoirs of should be bestowed on Mr. Jenkinson, who was at the same time caUed up to the House of Lords as Baron Hawkesbury of Hawkesbury, in the county of Gloucester, and appointed President of the committee of council for the affairs of Trade and Plantations, The commerce of the country, we may here observe, was always a prominent object of his Lordship's attention. He is said personally to have drawn up the Commercial Treaty with America ; and to have first directed the attention of Governraent to the importance, and greatly to have facilitated the establishment, of the South-Sea fishery. When the baronetage of the elder branch of the family devolved on hira (22d July, 1789,) at the death of his cousin. Sir Banks Jenkinson, his good fortune enabled him to secure the continuation of the patent place of Collector of the Custoras Inward, which that rela tive had enjoyed. His personal honours were completed in 1796, by his advancement (May 28) to the dignity of Earl of Liverpool : on the 23d of July following he obtained the royal authority to quarter the arras of the borough of Liverpool on his family shield. His Lordship raarried twice while Mr. Jen kinson, his first Lady dying in July 17, 1770, the month following that in which she gave birth to the subject of this work — Robert Banks Jen kinson. His second wife was Catherine, daughter LORD LIVERPOOL. 11 of Sir Cecil Bishop, of Parham, Sussex, and widow of Sir Charles Cope, Baronet, of Orton Longueville, by whom he had issue, a son and daughter ; the Hon, Charles Cecil Cope Jenkin son, M, P, for Sandwich, and Lady Charlotte Jenkinson, who married James Walter, Lord Forrester and Grimstone, afterwards Earl Ve rulam. The first Lord Liverpool, after the possession of his earldom, rarely quitted the shade of a' dig nified retirement ; but whenever he spoke in the House of Peers, the extent and accuracy of his information, particularly on commercial topics, always procured him the marked attention of their Lordships, In the debate on the Duke of Bedford's mo tion, 15th May, 1797, relative to advances made by the Bank to Government, his Lordship de fended at considerable length the measures of the administration, and the constitution and conduct of the Committee which had been appointed to report on the Suspension of Cash Payments, He also spoke in defence of the Assessed Taxes Bill^ in January 1798 ; and in the debate, June 11, 17995 on the Subsidy to Russia, On this occa sion. Earl Fitzwilliam wished, by an amendment on the Address, to pledge the nation to continue the war for the general deliverance of Europe " from" the French Republic." The amendment 12 MEMOIRS OF was curious from such a quarter ; and occasioned Lord Liverpool to observe, that such an avowal, under the present circumstances of the country, would, he thought, " be at least indiscreet and very impolitic, as tending to fetter the exertions of the executive Govemment, and involving a question of particular terms of pacification, which it was evident raust depend upon contingencies and events, which no man could with any degree of cOTtainty foretel. He considered it very pre mature to declare, that in no case war shall ter minate, until a specific form of govemment shall be adopted in France." He expressed, however, his approbation of the rejection of the first overture for peace from the Consular govemment ; and addressed the Honse of Lords, for the last time, in the debate on the King's Message respecting an Union with Ire land, April 30, 1800. Lord Holland on this oc casion moved, *' That the Committee ofthe House on the Message should likewise consider the acts which disqualified Roman Catholics from sitting in Parliament ; ' when our venerable Peer said, " The motion related to a subject which involved a coraplexity of considerations and interests. It should, therefore, not be introduced collaterally, but met directiy, and with the aid of the various information that might be expected from the Imperial Parliament. The ttoo acts to which the LORD LIVERPOOL, 13 noble mover had alluded were the main foundation on which rested the present establishment in Church and State." In 1805, he addressed an able Letter to the King, on the Coins of the Realm, one vol, 4to. The Edinburgh Reviewer describes this work as containing " a concise and luminous statement of almost all the facts that deserve our notice in the history of the British coinage ;" — " a considerable body of inforraation upon this interesting topic, derived from original sources, to which few au thors can have access ;" and " some counsels re lative to the farther reforraation of the circulating raedium, which highly merit the consideration of the exalted personage to whom the tract is ad dressed." " It is, indeed," adds this writer, " pleasing to find one who must necessarily have been bred araong the exploded doctrines of the elder econoraists, shaking hiraself alraost quite loose from their influence at an advanced period of life, and betraying, while he resumes the fa vourite speculations of his early years, so little bias towards errors which he must once have im bibed. It is no less gratifying to observe one who has been educated in the walks of practical policy, and grown old amidst the bustle of public employments, embellishing the decline of life by pursuits which unite the dignity of science, with the usefulness of active exertion," 14 MEMOIRS OF His Lordship thus touchingly apologises for the imperfections of this piece : " At this period (1800,) I was seized with a violent disease, which has now confined me to my house, and generally to my couch, for more than four years : unable to hold a pen, or to turn the leaves of a book, from which I raight derive information. At in tervals, however, when I have of late providen tially obtained sorae respite from pain and ex treme weakness, I have endeavoured to revise so rauch as I had before occasionally written ; to arrange other materials previously collected ; and to reduce the whole to a form not unfit for per usal, A treatise written on so abstruse and complicated a subject, by one exposed to great infirraities, raust contain sorae repetitions, slight inaccuracies, and other iraperfections. Arrived, as I now am, on the verge of life, I hasten to present what I have thus written, though not exempt from errors, to your Majesty, as my last service, — if it shall deserve that name ; in grate ful remerabrance of the generous protection, which your Majesty has never ceased to afford me, and of the many, and great favours, which you have graciously conferred upon rae," To the period of his death, which took place December 17, 1808, Lord Liverpool possessed the undiminished personal esteem of his Royal Master. LORD LIVERPOOL. 15 The heir of his Lordship's honours was also educated at the Charter-house. He was a pupil of Dr. Beardmore's ; and completed his education at Christ Church, Oxford, where he took his degree of A. M. in 1790. By his father, his education was watched over and directed with an anxiety perhaps not uncom mon : but also with the great advantage of spe cific views in respect to his fiiture establishment. As the eldest son of a peer of the greatest per sonal influence with the crown, his destination to the highest offices of the state was never equi vocal ; but no raan ever practically felt and ex emplified more than that peer, the importance of early and solid acquirements : and when, at the period of his first advancement to the peerage, his own station in the state had become equally firm and coramanding, no parent ever had the happiness to see, in a youth of sixteen, a more hopeful union of sound historical and political knowledge, with upright and truly English prin ciple, than now appeared in this his eldest and favourite child. At college Mr. Jenkinson was the companion and friend of his present successor in the pre miership, Mr. Canning : a circumstance to which Mr. Moore and others have attributed the seces sion of the latter from the political faith in which he had been educated under the eye of Mr, She- 16 MEMOIRS OF ridan, * The friendship thus early coraraenced was certainly of an unusually perraanent charac ter, and had raore than once a very important influence on Mr, Canning's public life, Mr, Jenkinson first took his seat in the House of Commons for Rye, in Sussex, in the first Ses sion of the seventeenth Parliament of Great Bri tain, which was opened'on the 25th of November, 1790, a few months, therefore, before he had attained his majority. His first speech, delivered on the 27th of Feb ruary, 1792, is said to have excited uncommon attention in the House, Great Britain had at this time mediated a peace between the Empress Catherine of Russia and the Porte, supporting her interference by an arraaraent. The negotiations had been prolonged ; Opposition had sent to St. Petersburgh a confidential agent, Mr, Adair, the relative of Mr, Fox, to conduct a conflict with the measures of the Minister on the new arena of a foreign court ; and had divided the House several tiraes in the preceding Session, supported by large and increasing rainorities. On the open ing of Parliament this year, the principal cen sures of Mr, Grey, Mr, Fox, and Mr, Whitbread, were directed against the conduct of ministers in those negotiations. * Moore's Life of.Sheridan, vol. ii. p. 243. LORD LIVERPOOL. 17 The last of these distinguished leaders repro bated, in terms of great indignation, the temerity of ministers, in lavishing the nation's money with such profusion, for an object wherein neither equity nor policy could justify their interference. It was plain that the Turks were the aggressors in the present war between them and Russia : while, as he contended, the possession of Ocza- kow, either by the Turks or the Russians, was a consideration wholly foreign to the political or comraercial interests of Great Britain. It could not, therefore, be the real cause of the protrac tion of this ruinous war : sorae latent motive kept its conclusion at a distance. The issue of our unjust and dishonourable interference was an expensive armament ; and an arrogant con duct had not prevented the Government of this country from subraitting to the condition pre scribed by Russia, with a degree of iraplicitness not hitherto recorded in our transactions with foreign powers. Mr. Whitbread moved a resolu tion on these premises, " That Oczakow was not of suflScient importance to warrant the armed interference of Great Britain :" which was se conded by Colonel Macleod. Our young statesman took the lead in the ad vocacy of the measures of Govemment on this occasion, . and ably resisted the motion of Mr. Whitbread. We shall insert his speech, slightly c 18 MEMOIRS OF abridged frpra the " Parliamentary History " of the debate, as exhibiting the ample, stores of his mind even at this early period of life, " He rose," he said, " for the purpose of object ing to the resolutions raoved. He felt himself obliged to the honourable gentleman who had raade them, as, in doing so, he had afforded an opportunity, of clearing away misrepresentation, as the question would thereby be fairly raet, and fully discussed. That measure which, considered singly, and by itself, might appear wrong, when j-egarded relatively^ would often be found to have been just, wiise, and necessary. It should be, his .endeavour to prove that the system taken up by Adrainistration, and the principles upon which they acted, had been such as were dictated at the tirae by the wisest and soundest policy. We were bound to consider France as our nati;iral rival ; we ought to keep Holland, our natural ally> frora falling into her hands ; to obtain, by Continental alliances, a sufficient land force tp protect Holland, and, upon every occasion, to divide the power of France, These principles admitted, the question would be, to what powers were we to look to forra aUiances with ? States men had in general agreed, that it woxUd be wise to form an alliance with Germany against France ; but to this there were many apparently insuper able difficulties, and among them, the different LORD LIVERPOOL, 19 jarring interests, which altogether defeated the view of forming an alliance with the erapire col lectively. In looking at the Gerraan powers se parately, it would be observed that there was such an equality of the powers of Brandenburgh and Austria, as to make the choice optional. With which of these leading powers was it prudent to form an alUance? The dissensions in the Ne therlands, and the connexion of Austria with France, rendered an alliance with her impolitic : but the connexion of Prussia with HoUand, and the interest we had in Holland, clearly pointed out the wisdora of choosing Prussia, Ij^ then, that treaty, already sanctioned by the House, was advantageous to this country, it certainly would be wise to prevent Prussia from falUng intd a situation, in which she would be rendered less capable of affording effectual aid in times of necessity, than that iu which she stood when we formed an aUip,nce with her. It was therefore necessary , to support Turkey as a check upon Austpa': for as long as the Porte maintained its oonsequence, so lon^ would Prussia be to us an eUgible aUy, r France, when she considered Aus- tfj^i as her rival, had ever deemed it politie to preserve an alliance with Turkey, weU knowing that the Ottomari power would operate as a check- on her rival, and temd to control her con duct. When, therefore, Austria was aUied with c 2 20 MEMOIRS OF France, Turkey iraraediately became our na- tilral ally." Mr. Jenkinson now requested the House to consider in what a dreadful state the affairs of Turkey had been prior to our interference. He reminded thera that " the support of Turkey was involved in our aUiance with Prussia ; that our interference was therefore necessary, and almost unavoidable ; for if no such interference had taken place, Prussia, by her alUance with us, would have been exposed to Austria and France, and have been rendered unable to afford us the least assistance. Had war taken place between England and France, Austria would have occu pied the whole attention of Prussia; but by Turkey being supported, she would weaken the force of Austria, or create a diversion in that quarter, and Prussia would be left at Uberty to aid us by the whole, or by a considerable portion of her strength. He would," he said, " very readUy admit that France was not now in a situation to occasion any alarm ; he would admit that she was at present in the most distracted situation ; but was it Ukely that she would long continue in such a state ? Was it not more probable that she would shortly be in possession of a settled and effective government ? Possibly her ancient ar bitrary government inight be restored ; and in that case she would once more be a powerful LORD LIVERPOOL. 21 rival, and we should again have occasion to dread those intrigues which had ever been attached to its cabinet, and which had hardly ever suffered Europe to remain in peace. Perhaps she would obtain a moderated and free government; and then, though less fear might be apprehended from intrigue, more would be to be dreaded from her power. Had our Administration endeavoured to excite the divisions of France, he would not have been the last to have censured them. By culti vating the friendship of the French, instead of provoking and fomenting their indignation and aversion, we should advance our national inter est ; but he considered it as the duty of Minis ters, and the poUcy of Great Britain, to take the advantage of her present debility, by promoting treaties with Continental powers that might add to our strength, and secure us against all eventual danger. The alliance with Prussia presented itself as the first and principal step to our Conti nental connexion, Prussia, when HoUand was endangered, inarched an array into that country for its preservation frora the grasp of France, and for the maintenance of our interest in the safety of the States, Prussia was as much en dangered by the progress of the Russian and Austrian arms against the Porte, as we had been by the atterapt to overrun Holland, As Prussia came forward on that occasion for our interest. 22 MEMOIRS OF we were bound in honour to corae forward on the late one in support of the interest of Prussia," Mr, Jenkinson then observed, "^ That it had been asserted that the Turks had been the ag gressors in the war with Russia. He granted they were so ; but if it should be proved, that their actual coraraenceraent of hostUities was oc casioned by strong provocation on the part of Russia, he trusted that the justice and propriety of their conduct would not be disputed. He then took a review of the conduct.of the Erapress in regard to her obtaining the Criraea ; her pro moting a rebellion in Egypt ; her laying claim to Bessarabia, WaUachia, and Moldavia ; and the repeated concessions to which she compeUed the Porte to agree. With regard to the arraaraent, it was," he said, "instituted for the purpose of obtaining the best possible terms of peace for the Porte, endangered as she was. In proposing terms of peace to nations, it was necessary to con sider on whose side thejustice and success of that war was. In the present instance, aU the justice was to be found on the one side, and aU the suc cess on the other. The terras, therefore, most Ukely to conciliate, were those founded on tiie status qm: and though those precise terms were not obtained, it could not be denied that -the Em press had lowered hfer terms as soon as she be came acquainted with the interference of Eng- LORD LIVERPOOL. 23 land. What had again produced the Russian peace with Sweden? The interference of the British court. Russia wisely foresaw that she was not able to carry on a war against Great Britain, Sweden, and Turkey, at the same time, and therefore granted to Sweden all the terms of the status quo. Hence arose benefits that were laudable by enforcing peace among the European powers. It had been advanced as a wise maxim, that, for the sake of the balance of power, the Russian empire should not, if possible, be allow ed to increase ; nor that of Turkey to diminish. To support Prussia and Turkey, by confirming the truth of this doctrine, the armament had been proposed ; and the address of Parliament jus tified the proceeding. Opposition arrogated to themselves considerable merit from the struggle which they had made against Ministry ; but had aU been firraly united, had there been no factious party in this country, Russia would not have dared to haye resisted our demands, " It was, however, contended, that, iraraedi ately upon Russia's claiming Oczakow, and the district between the Bog and Dniester, our arma ment ought to have ceased ; and those terms ulti mately obtained, should at first have been ad mitted. This,'' he maintained, ;" would have been grossly impolitic and ,mn wise; inasmuch as to have given better terms to Russia than to Aus- 24 MEMOIRS OF tria, when both were equaUy situated, might have given occasion to the Emperor, who never was reraarkable for good faith, to have seized the opportunity of refusing to fulfil his engagements ; the consequence of which would have been, that the Turks would again have been involved in a double war, and this country exposed to the ridi cule of Europe, for not having gained, by our interference, a single advantage for the power whose interest we had espoused. When Govern ment had obtained such advantageous terms for the Turks from Austria, their poUcy was natu rally to secure peace upon those conditions. The only means of effectuaUy securing it was, by acting fairly towards the Emperor, and this could only be done by demanding the sarae terras from Russia which he had acceded to ; as Oczakow was, raoreover, a place of considerable importance in the hands of the Turks, it could be only a place of defence : in the hands of Russia, it might be a place of offence. It was particularly for our in terest to keep it, if possible, out of the hands of Russia, He was confident that had it not been for the division in that House, and for the divisions proraoted out of the House, the Empress would not have contended for the terras she ultiraately did contend for, A coraparative view of the com raerce of the two countries would confirra this opinion. The goods imported frora Russia into LORD LIVERPOOL. 25 Great Britian were more than double the quan tity imported from Great Britain into Russia, What Great Britain received frora Russia, she might get from other countries ; what Russia sent to Great Britian, she could send nowhere else. To his knowledge, all Petersburgh was in a consternation for some hours on first hearing the news of our armaraent ; nor was the panic dispelled till the arrival of dispatches from Count Woronzow, which probably gave an account of the division in the House of Commons, and the divided opinion of the people on the subject. The gentleraen opposite had not, as they had boasted, saved their country from a war, but had prevent ed a successful termination to the negotiation." He finally justified Adrainistration, in ultimate ly admitting the cession of Oczakow, which they at first opposed, upon the ground, that that policy might be wise, when a war was uncertain and success probable, which might not be wise when success was doubtful and war certain. He said he was one of those who thought that the public opinion out of the House ought to be attended to, and adraitted that upon the present occasion. Ministers might, consist ently with their duty, act upon such opinion. There were cases, however, in which, by acting in conformity to pubUc opinion, they might occa sion to their country much mischief, and among 26 MEMOIRS OF those cases would be that of a breach of treaty. In reply to the charge against Administration, of not having disarraed as soon as the proposals of the Empress were made known," he'said, "we should not then have obtained any modification. She cer tainly was not bound by her last proposals, they having been rejected when first offered to us ; nor would she have obtained them, had she not have been enabled to avail herself of a division and a party in this country. In the course of the negotiation, the Empress obtained three great victories over the Turks ; it ought, then, to be matter of joy that she did not avaU herself of these victories and of our divisions, to increase her demands. In reply to what had been advanced relative to the article for the free navigation of the Dniester not having been inserted in the treaty of peace," he said "he could not advance any thing, not having yet seen the treaty; but he conceived the declarations of the Empress in her notification to be equally binding. The freedom of the naviga tion of that river, he could not think so slightly of as sorae gentleraen ; to him it appeared of much future importance, Poland, since her revo lution, was likely to become a power of no incon siderable consequence; her comraerce was Ukely to be extended, and the Porte might consider it advantageous to form an aUiance with her ; the service of the free navigation of that river would LORD LIVERPOOL. 27 then be no longer doubted," Refer*ring again to the interference of this country," he said, " it was not taken up for the purpose df merely interfering in the war, but to prevent 'the ruin of Turkey, and the consequent injury of an ally, " It had been asked, whether we were bound by treaty so to have assisted Prussia ? He would admit that we were not ; neither was Prussia bound to assist us by treaty in preventing Hol land fi'om faUing under the attempt of France, The principle in both cases was the same, it was a mutual and an honourable attention to the in terests of each other," ' He said, " it was the duty of his Majesty's Ministers to watch with a jealous eye every change in the affairs of the Continent, and strongly to maintain the balance of power, which, though it might not accord with the; opi nions of many of the present time, was an atten tion founded both in policy and in justice : a policy, which, had it been adopted by Charles II,! and his ministers, would have prevented the long and bloody wars in the time of King WiUiam and Queen Anne. He thanked God, the present times were not favourable to wars of ambition and conquest ; they were now justly reprobated throughout Europe ; but in* England, above all other countries, it was right they should be re probated, for on peace our greatness as a nation completely and almost whbUy depended; the in- 28 MEMOIRS OF terest of the country rested on permanent peace. He requested gentleraen, therefore, to consider w^at had been gained by the interference of Ad ministration ; and to reraeraber what was the state of Europe, and what the probable future increase of wars, previous to the interference of Pmssia and England ; and then to corapare the small expense of obtaining the peace of Europe, with the great increase of our revenue, occasi oned by the tranquiUity in consequence of that peace. He trusted, that when gentlemen ex amined into the subject, they would find that his Majesty's Ministers would not merit blame and condemnation, as having acted imprudently, or as bad men : on the contrary, he trusted that that which they had originally proposed, was proved to have been right ; that what they had obtained had been considerable ; and that, had the Mi nister possessed the confidence of the other side of the House, as he had obtained that of the side on which he sat, his object would have been more completely gained, inasmuch as his negotiation would have been raore successful, and more effectual," It was in this raonth of Lord Liverpool's first appearance as a speaker in the House of Com mons (such are the singular revolutions and co incidences of human affairs,) that Mr, Pitt de Uvered that meraorable speech on the Financial LORD LIVERPOOL. 29 prospects of the Nation, quoted but a few weeks since by Mr, Canning in that House, as descrip tive of his own feelings and prospects on becom ing Chancellor of the Exchequer ; and by conse quence, of our financial situation at the close of Lord Liverpool's public life. All phUosophy is prophetic : the siraple yet profound principles of this speech, so absolutely historical of the fluctuations of our affairs, during its great author's own premiership, as well as of the glorious results to which a perseverance in those principles finally led — results with which Lord Liverpool is in every way identified — will render a «hort extract from it very appropriate in this place. Mr. Pitt had been submitting his calculations of finance to the House, and he now entered upon a philosophical investigation of the causes which had produced effects so beneficial. " The first and most obvious notion, which every man's mind would suggest to him was," he said, " that they arose from the natural industry and energy of the country : but what was it which had ena bled that industry and energy to act with such peculiar vigour, and so far beyond the example of former periods ? The improvement which had been made in the mode of carrying on almost every branch of manufacture, and the degree to which labour had been; abridged, by the invention 30 MEMOIRS OF and application' of machinery, had, undoubtedly, hada considerable share in producing) such im portant effects. There had also been seen, during these periods, more than at any forraer time, the effect of one circumstance, which had principaUy tended to raise this country to its mercantile pre- erainence — that peculiar degree of credit, whicb, by a two-fold operation, at once gave additional faciUty and extent to the transactions of our mer chants at home, and enabled them to obtain a proportionable superiority in the raarkets abroad; This advantage had been raost conspicuous during the latter parts of the periods referred to ; and was constantly increasing, in proportion to the prosperity which it contributed to create. In addition to these causes, the exploring and enter prising spirit of our merchants had been displayed in the extension of our navigation and our fisheries, and the acquisition of new markets in different parts ofthe world. " But there was stiU another cause, even raore satisfactory than these, because it was of a stUl more extensive and permanent nature ; that con stant accumulation of capital— that continual ten dency to increase, the operation of which was uni versally seen, in a greater or less proportion^ whenever it was not obstructed by some pubUc calamity, or by sorae raistaken and mischiefvous policy ; but which must be conspicuous and i*apid LORD LIVERPOOL, 31 indeed, in any country which had once arrived at an advanced state of commercial prosperity," Simple and obvious as this principle was, and felt and observed as it must have been, in a greater or less degree, even from the earliest periods, Mr. Pitt doubted, whether it had ever been fully de veloped and sufficiently explained ; but in the writings of an author of our own times, (Dr, Adam Smith, in his Treatise on the Wealth of Nations,) whose extensive knowledge of detaU, and depth of philosophical: research, would, he thought, fur nish the best solution to every question connected with the history of comraerce, or with the sys tems of poUtical econoray. This accuraulation of capital arose from, the continued application, ofa part at least, of the profit obtained in each year, to increase the capital to be eraployed in a sirailar manner, and with continued profit, in the year foUowing. The great mass of the property of the nation was thus constantly increasing at cora pound interest ; the progress of which, in any considerable period^ was what, at first view, would appear incredible. Great as had been the effects of that cause already, they must be greater in fu ture ; for its powers were augmented in propor tion as they were exerted — Mobilitate viget, viresque acquirit eiindo. " It might, indeed, as we had ourselves expe- 32 MEMOIRS OF rienced, be checked or retarded by particular cir cumstances ;-it might for a time be interrupted, or even overpowered ; but, where there was a fund of productive labour and active industry, it could never be totally extinguished. In the season of the severest calamity and distress, its operations would StiU counteract and diminish their effects ; —in the first returning interval of prosperity, it would be active to repair thera. If a period of continued tranquUlity were looked to, the diffi culty would be to imagine Uraits to its operation. None could be found, whUe there existed at home any one object of skiU or industry short of its utraost possible perfection ; one spot of ground in the country, capable of higher cultivation and iraprovement; or while there reraained abroad any new market that could be explored, or any existing market that could be extended , From the intercourse of comraerce, it would, in some mea sure, participate in the growth of other nations, in aU the possible varieties of their situations,; The rude wants of countries eraerging frora bar barism, and the artificial and increasing demands of luxury and refinement, would equaUy open new sources of treasure, and new fields of exer tion, in every state of society, and in the reraotest quarters of the globe, " It is this principle, which I believe," said he, " according to the uniforra result of history and LORD LIVERPOOL. SS experience, maintains on the whole, in spite ofthe vicissitudes of fortune, and the disasters of era pires, a continued course of progressive improve ment in the general order of the world." In the debates respecting the Slave Trade, we regret to find Lord Liverpool opposing the Abo- Utioni|ts. This traflSc was, at least, an ancient scourge of human society ; it appeared to in volve questions of long-settled property ih the colonies, and iraportant coraraercial interests at home. The advocates of the Abolition were not, at this time, distinguished either by their mer cantile knowledge, their individual discretion, or their respect for established opinions. They had associated themselves (though with the purest mo tives) with some of the leaders of a desolating and bloody Revolution now commencing in France ; and in a conflict which they called upon the wis dom of the Senate to decide, they had appealed, by songs and pictures, to the passions and feelings of the multitude. These considerations had de cided the first Lord Liverpool against their mea sures ; he was one of the principal opponents of the Abolition this session (April 1792) in the House of Lords, and that circurastance, more than any other, seeras to have influenced the early decision of Mr. Jenkinson. But this decision has been represented as more hostUe to the plans of the Abolitionists than it D 34 MEMOIRS OF really was. The young orator is stated to have united with Colonel Tarletou (the meraber for Liveipool) in asserting the propriety of the Slave Trade, and its being indispensably necessary for the preservation of our West India islands ; that were it aboUshed, the nation would be a loser of six raillions annually, in the worth of -manufac tures exported, or the value of shipping, &c,* The fact is, Mr, Jenkinson never defended the principle of this enormous iniquity ; . he was only, as we shall see, an advocate for a gradual aboU tion of its wrongs and raiseries, A Comraittee of the Privy CouncU had been ordered to exaraine evidence on this subject so far back as the year 1788, On the 9th of May in that year, Mr, Pitt, during a severe iUness of Mr, WUberforce, induced the House of Com mons to pledge itself to " take into consideration early in the next session of parliament, the cir curastances of the Slave Trade coraplained of" in nuraerous petitions; and Sir WilUara Dolben's bUl for aUeviating, in the interira, the horrors of the middle passage, passed both Houses, It is weU known, however, that Mr, Pitt would never consent to make the Abolition of the Slave Trade a cabinet measure. It had to combat severe opposition in 1789 and * Dodsley's Annual Register, 1792, p. 149. LORD LIVERPOOL. 35 1790 : the evidence taken before the Privy Coun cil, upon which the Abolitionists had relied for proof of their most iraportant aUegations, was impugned on very respectable authority, and the House of Commons resolved upon hearing the witnesses on both sides at its own bar. This occupied the House upon the question until April 1791 ; a period at which, unhappily, the pre judices of many disinterested parties were awoke against the measure, by the sanguinary revolt that had just taken place ampng the Negroes of St, Doraingo, The consequence was, that after a deb9,te which lasted for two successive days until three o'clock in the raprning, .Mr. Wilber- foroe's bill " to prevent the farther importation of Slaves into the British Colonies in the West In dies," was lost by a majority of 75 votes; only 88 members voting for it, and 163 against it. In the early part of the session of 1792, up wards of .500 petitions for the abolition of this tratf c had been presented [to the House ; and on the 2d of April, its ever honourable and perse vering enemy, Mr.. Wilberforce, raoved the fol lowing resolution in a Committee of the whole House : " That it is the opinion of this CommitT tee, that the trade carried pn by British subjects for the purppse of obtaining slaves on the coast of Africa, ought to be abolished." Mr. Dupdas, in the course of the extended debate which now D 2 36 MEMOIRS OF took place, declared hiraself convinced of the im- poUcy and iniquity of the trade, but thought that it would be imprudent and unjust to various de scriptions of persons interested in the cultivation and produce of the West Indian islands, to abolish it immediately. He proposed, therefore, that the word " gradually " should be inserted before the word " aboUshed" in the raotion ; an araendraent which was sui)ported by the Speaker (Mr. Ad dington), and various other raembers, who were fearful of the effects of so material a change being made suddenly. Mr. Fox, however, vigorously opposed it. He asked, " Whether the House would pass a law for the toleration of enormities in those distant dependancies, that at home would be punished with the utmost rigour, and even in sorae cases with death itself? Were any regulations ap plicable to the coraraission of criraes ? A larger importation of females, for instance, would only contribute to a raore frequent seizure of daugh- tiers from their parents, and of mothers from their chUdren, by those hardened mffians who made it a business to steal the natives in Africa to seU them to the shipping. What were the conside rations that could bring forward a clause for this horrid purpose, with any degree of plausibiUty ? " It had been objected," he said, " that were the British trade in Africa for slaves to be abo- LORD LIVERPOOL, 37 lished, still it would be continued by other nations ; from which our islands would then be necessitated to receive their usual supply of slaves ; but even this, he asserted, would be preferable to the di rect authorising of such a coramerce in our own people. Another objection was, that multitudes of the signatures to the petitions against the trade were of indigent persons. But surely truth and poverty were not inconsistencies. Respectable names had also been adduced in favour of the Slave-trade; but they could only speak to the treatment of the negroes in the West Indies, and not of the trade carried on in Africa for the pro curing of them ; whereas the evidence of nurabers of tbose who reprobated it, was particular and positive respecting the facts which they stated. The methods used for the obtaining of slaves in Africa had ever been represented in such a wise, as to convince any reasonable man of their fair ness and equity. Those who endeavoured to paUiate this shameful business, alleged that the slaves purchased by our traders, were sold for the crimes and misdemeanours they had comraitted in their own country ; but when he adverted," said Mr. Fox, " to the numbers thus sold off the coast, could such an allegation deserve the least credit ? No less than 80,000 were annually ex ported from Africa: — could it be believed that all these were convicts? In the preceding ses- 38 MEMOIRS OF sion, the humanity of the British nation was flattered with the prospect of some mitigation of these enormities : but it proved a deception ;— the business remained unaltered, and vUlanies of the blackest die stiU continued to be practised as usual in the course of this scandalous com merce." In corroboration of what he asserted, Mr. Fox produced instances to show, that in the purchase of individuals in Africa, the raastei's of ships bought, indiscriminately, aU that were brought on board for sale, — the bringers them^lves, in their tum, not excepted, when subjected by accidents to be sold. It was not in the power of our pur chasers to distinguish between the gmlty and the innocent. Whatsoever was offered was accepted ; and no questions were asked, but about the price. Thus, huraanity and justice were entirely dis carded from these transactions ; and no attention was paid to any other object than the strength, health, and age, of the individuals offered for Mr. Jenkinson now rose, and, after admitting the trade to be indefensible, said, " That he per fectly agreed with the friends of the Abolition in their end, and differed from them only in the means of accomplishing that end. He was de sirous of doing, by regulation, what they wished to do by a raore direct raethod. He was of LORD LIVERPOOL. 39 opinion, tbat by a progressive improvement in the treatment of the slaves, they would becorae more and more proUfic, so that in a short period no importation would be wanted, in which case the trade would cease of itself; and that he might formaUy bring before the House a plan for that purpose, he moved, ' That the chairman should leave the chair,' " The, friends of the measure contend that never in the House of Comraons, and never probably in any other place, was so rauch splendid oratory displayed, as on this occasion, on the side of the Abolition of the Slave-trade, Mr, Pitt raay be regarded as having stated the arguments for the immediate abolition, with the greatest imparti aUty, and perhaps with the greatest effect. He followed Mr, Estwicke, who had spoken briefly in favour ofthe amendraent moved by Mr, Dundas (Mr. Jenkinson's raotion being also before the Hpuse) ; and remarked that, " The debate of that night had taken a course altogether new. A diffe rence of opinion had indeed been stated ; but upon principles far removed from those which had been maintained when the question was discussed in former years. By far the greater nuraber of the persons who had spoken in the present debate, had thought it their duty to declare their fuU and entire concurrence with his honourable fi-iend, in promoting the aboUtion of the Slave-trade, 40 MEMOIRS OF as their ultimate object." [Mr. Jenkinson was cleariy amongst this nuraber.] " Being agreed upon the Abolition itself, the only dispute now was, as to the period of tirae at which it should take place. " I therefore," continued Mr. Pitt, " congratulate this House, the country, and the world, that this great point is gained, that we may now consider this trade as having received its condemnation ; that its sentence is sealed ; that this curse of mankind is seen by the House in its true Ught ; and that the greatest stigma on our national character which ever yet ex isted, is about to be removed ; and. Sir, which is stiU more important, that mankind, I trust, in general, are now likely to be delivered from the greatest practical evil that ever has afflicted the human race, from the severest and most ex tensive calaraity recorded in the history of the world," We cannot foUow the Right Honourable speak er into the great length at which he now entered into the effect which the Abolition would produce upon the real interest of proprietors of estates in the West Indies, the condition of the negroes, and the tranquUUty and safety of the islands ; and showed that all the arguments drawn from those sources, pleaded much raore loudly and strongly for an iramediate, than for a gradual, abolition. LORD LIVERPOOL. 41 He also contended, that an Act of Parliament, operating directly and instantly, would secure the object they all had in view, more effectuaUy, and with less difficulty, than internal regulations in the respective islands, or any other plan which could be devised. Against the plea of necessity, he introduced an argument of unusual weight and grandeur. " This plea of necessity," said he, " presuraed, as I suspect, from the circumstance of injustice itself, has caused a sort of acquiescence in the continu ance of this evil. Men have been led to place it in the rank of those necessary evils, which are supposed to be the lot of huraan creatures, and to be permitted to fall upon some countries or indi viduals, rather than upon others, by that Being whose ways are inscrutable to us, and whose dis pensations, it is conceived, we ought not to look into. The origin of evil is indeed a subject be yond, the reach of human understandings ; and the perraission of it by the Suprerae Being is a subject into which it belongs not to us to inquire. But where the evil in question is a moral fevil, which a man can scrutinize, and where that mo ral evil has its origin within ourselves, let us not imagine, that we can clear our consciences by this general, not to say irreUgious, way of laying aside the question. If we reflect at all on this subject. 42 MEMOIRS OF we raust see that every necessary evU supposes that some other and greater evU would be incur red were it removed : I therefore desire to ask, what can be that greater evil, which can be stated to overbalance the one in question ? I know of no evU that ever has existed, nor can I iraagine any evil to exist, worse than the tearing seventy or eighty thousand persons annually from their native land, by a combination of the raost civiU zed nations, inhabiting the most enUghtened quar ter of the globe, but more especiaUy under the sanction of the laws of that nation, which calls herself the raost free and raost happy of them all. Even if these miserable beings were proved guilty of every crime,' before you take them off, of which however not a single proof is adduced, ought we to take upon ourselves the office of executioners ? And even if we condescend so far, still can we be justified in taking thera, unless we have clear proof that they are criminals ? Let us then begin from this time ; let us not commit these impor tant concerns to any farther hazard ; let us prose cute this great object from this very hour ; let'us vote that the AboUtion of the Slave-trade shaU be immediate, and not left to I knov.' not what fu ture time or contingency," He afterwards alluded to the Unes of Horace :— " Rusticus expectat dum defluat amnis, at ille Labitur, et labetur in omne volubilis aevum." LORD LIVERPOOL, 43 And added — " By proposing some other period than the present, by prescribing some other con ditions, by waiting for some contingency, or by refusing to proceed tiU a thousand favourable circumstances unite together, perhaps tUl we gain the general concurrence of Europe, a concurrence, which, I believe, never yet took place at the com raencement of any one improvement in policy or in morals, year after year escapes, and the raost enormous evils go unredressed. We see this abundantly exempUfied, not only in public, but in private life. Similar observations have been often applied to the case of personal reformation. If you go into the street, it is a chance but the first person who crosses you is one ' vivendi recte qui prorogat horam.' We may wait ; we may delay to cross the stream before us, tiU it has run down ; but we shall wait for ever, for the river will StiU flow on, without being exhausted. We shall be no nearer to the object which we profess to have in view, so long as the step, which alone can bring us to it, is not taken. Until the ac tual, the only remedy is appUed, we ought not to flatter ourselves, either that we have as yet thoroughly laid to heart the evil we affect to deplore, or that there is as yet any reasonable assurance of its being brought to an actual ter mination," Mr. Jenkinson's motion was rejected by a ma- 44 MEMOIRS OF jority of 234 to 87 ; and Mr. Dundas's proposal for inserting the word, " gradually" carried by 193 to 125. The issue was that Mr, Wilberforce car ried his original raotion with this addition by a raajority of 230 to 85, These divisions declared the decided opinion of this branch of the legislature, that the Slave-trade ought to be aboUshed :— they produced the suc cessive raotions, of Mr. Dundas, who, on the 23rd of AprU, brought iu twelve resolutions fixing the period of the final cessation of the trade on the 1st of January, 1800 ; and of Lord Mornington (now the Marquess of WeUesley), who proposed to substitute for that date, the 1st of January, 1793, the amendraent being warraly supported by Mr, Pitt, Mr. Fox, and Mr, Wilberforce, It was, however, lost. Two days afterwards, . the 1st of January, 1795, was suggested by Lord Mornington ; this also was negatived ; but a raotion of Sir Edward KnatchbuU, adding another year to the raiseries of Africa, was carried by a raajority of 151 to 132; on which Mr. Dundas reUnquished the fur ther prosecution of the business to Mr, Pitt, We find that statesman, accordingly, attempting to introduce a bill, founded upon the resolutions of Mr. Dundas, with sorae additional ones of his own : but in a conference next day with the Lords (whose concurrence he endeavoured to pro- LORD LIVERPOOL. 45 cure before he introduced it) their Lordships de termined to hear evidence on the subject at their own bar, and it therefore proceeded in the House pf Commons no farther at this time. The period of our long contest with the mea sures of Revolutionary France was now approach ing. The ominous murmurings of that mighty volcano resounded throughout Europe ; the an cient raonarchy of France was already overwhelra ed ; and the incendiary lava may be said to have passed the Straits of Calais, The French Con vention openly countenanced the spread of revo lutionary principles ; it had its acknowledged emissaries in this country ; and deputies frora po litical societies in London and several chief towns pf the provinces had been received at its bar. By a proclamation of the 19th of November, 1792, it was decreed, that the Republic " would grant fraternity and assistance to all those people who wished to procure liberty ; and they charged their generals to give assistance to such people, and to defend such citizens as have suffered, or are now suffering, in the cause of Liberty." This decree was ordered to be translated and printed in all the European languages. In the first instance the relation in which Great Britain endeavoured to stand towards the suc cessive changes in France, was that of an irapar tial and not unfriendly spectator. When the 46 MEMOIRS OF Emperor of Germany and the King of Prussia invited the other Courts of Europe to unite in arras against the Convention, that of St, James alone refused ; " Determined," as the Emperor himself observed to the Marquis de Bouilli, " to observe the scrictest neutraUty". Louis XVI. was on these principles recognized as the Consti- tutional Sovereign of France ; and in the cora- mericement of this year, so hopeful was the Mi nistry of a continuation of peace, that taxes to the amount of 200,000/, were repealed, and a consi derable reduction was proposed in the naval and miUtary establishments, Mr, Pitt declared in February, " that it was not unreasonable to expect that the peace should continue at least fifteen years, since at no period of the British history/' he said, " whether we consider the internal situa tion of this kingdora, or its relation to foj?eign powers, hag the prospect of war been farther re moved than at present," It is necessary to ad vert to these facts to prove how far it was at this time from the intentions of the British Cabinet to take any part in the war kindling on the CoQ- tinent, On the deposition of the King: of France (10th of August, 1792), to whom he had been accredit ed, the British Ambassador, Lord Gower, was recalled from Paris : but he was directed, on leav ing, to assure the Executive Council, that the neu- LORD LIVERPOOL, 47 traUty of Great Britain would be distinctly ob served ; and an answer was returned by the French authorities, expressing their " confidence founded on fact" in this " satisfactory testimony'' of the sentiments of his Government, It is now weU known, that at this very period, French agents were stimulating the factious move ments of the democratic societies of this country, not only with the flattering compliments of the Convention, but with money issued frora the na tional treasury, for the express purpose, as it was declared by Brissot, of " dividing the Cabinet, and exciting the people against their tyrants," He acknowledges that before the declaration of war by France, twentj'-five mUlions of livres, in assig- nats, had been sent to England in part of these " secret expenses" of the Republic, The only measure that was adopted by the British Governraent against these insidious and extraordinary proceedings, during the sumraer and autumn of this year, was the issuing of a raild and dignified Proclamation from the Crown, reprobating seditious writings and meet ings. It simply stated the notorious fact that " divers writings had been printed, published, and industriously dispersed, recommending wick ed and seditipus pubUcatipns " to the attention of the public ; and that Government had " reason tp beUeve that correspondences had been entered 48 MEMOIRS OF into with sundry persons in foreign parts, with a view to forward criminal and wicked purposes"-H- calUng upon the magistracy .of the country to discourage and suppress meetings and proceed ings of this kind. It is remarkable, as Bishop Tomline has observ ed, that the English was the only nation which presented addresses of congratulation to the three successive asserabUes of Representatives of the French people. So early as the 14th of August, 1792, several EngUshraen appeared at the bar of the National Asserably, and congratulated the French upon the energy they had displayed on the 10th of that month, that is, in murdering the Swiss Guards and deposing the King. On the 13th of December of the same year, Lord GrenviUe said in the House of Lords, that he " held in hand no fewer than ten addresses to the National Convention from subjects of Great Britain." Five associations, at the head of which was the Lohdon Corresponding Society, in a joint address, voted by 5000 persons, represented the EngUsh as nearly reduced by an oppressive sys tem, and gradual encroachments, to that abject slavery, from which the French had so gloriously emerged. " The French," they said, " were already free, and Britons were preparing to becorae so." They assured the Convention, that they consi- LORD LIVERPOOL, 49 dered the cause in which the French were en gaged as intimately cpnnected with their own ; that they were eager to behold fi-eedom triumph ant, and man everywhere restored to the enjoy ment of his just rights ; that they reprobated the neutrality of England, in the present struggle of liberty against despotism, as a national disgrace ; it being the duty of Britons to countenance and assist to the utmost of their power the champions of human happiness, and to swear inviolable friendship to a people proceeding on a plan which the French had adopted. In September the French Minister of Marine reported that France had then at sea twenty-one ships of the line and thirty frigates, and that thirty-four ships of the line and twenty-three fri gates were ready to be coraraissioned on a short notice : in the month of November, three days prior to the decree of the Convention already noticed, the Executive Council determined upon the opening of the Scheldt, ParUaraent met on the 13th of December, The King's speech adverted to the necessity under which his Majesty had been compelled to em body the Militia, as requiring him also to as semble Parliament within the limited tiraie : to the seditious practices and disorders already men tioned ; and the manner in which they had been encpuraged frpm abrpad, E 50 MEMOIRS OF His Majesty declared that he had observed a strict neutraUty in the present war on the Conti nent, and unifornaly abstained from any inter ference with respect to the internal affairs of France; but that it was irapossible for him to see, without the most serious uneasiness, the strong and increasing indications which appeared there of an intention to excite disturbances in other countries, to disregard the rights of neutral nations, and to pursue views of conquest and aggrandisement, as well as to adopt towards his allies, the States-General, measures which are neither conforraable to the law of nations, nor to the positive stipulations of existing treaties. Un der these circumstances he had taken steps to augraent both the naval and miUtary force of the country, Mr, Jeakinson took no part in the debate upon the Address : but when, on the 15th, afSter the re turn of the House frora presenting it, Mr, Fox moved " that an humble address may be presented to his Majesty, that his Majesty wiU be graciously pleased to give directions that a Minister may be sent to Paris to treat with those persons who exercise provisionally the functions of the Ex ecutive Govemment of France, touching such points as may be in discussion between his Ma jesty and Kis allies, and the French nation,"— he rose to oppose the motion. LORD LIVERPOOL. 51 He dwelt on the flourishing state of pur finan ces, decried these of France, and represented the present period as far more favourable for en gaging in a war with France than the year 1787, when there was a prpspect pf hostiUties between the twp countries. " He believed that there were disaffected persons in the country, whpse activity made them dangerpus; but he was of opinion that war, instead of increasing their power of mischief, would lessen it. The French knew that we were engaged to protect Holland in the navigation of the Scheldt, and their insolent threats of opening it, in defiance pf guarantees and subsisting treaties, must be epnsidered as an intentipnal insult to this country, which could not be overlooked without the imputation of a cpwardly and base submissipn," The ambitien of the French he stated in strong terms, with their conduct respecting the King of Sardinia and Geneva ; and justified Ministers in not having en deavoured at an earlier period to conciliate the good will of France : " for where persons and things were every day chapging, where aU rule belonged to robbers and assassins, in what quar ter were they to apply? What government should they acknowledge, where there was no government? How could England recognize a constitution, which the Frenoh theraselves were every day vitiating ? But thank ^arod ! England, E 2 52 MEMOIRS OF so long distinguished for her faithfiil and sacred adherence to her treaties, would not forego her respectable and useful alliances for any new aUies whatever ; and least of aU for such. alUes as the French," Mr. Jenkinson, in considering the par ticular raoment when this embassy was proposed, exclaimed : — " On this very day, whUe we are here debating: about sending an ambassador to the French Republic ; on this very day is the King to receive sentence, and in all probability it is the day of his raurder ! What is it, then, that gentle men would propose to their sovereign? to bow his neck to a band of sanguinary ruffians, and address an ambassador to a set of inurderpus regi cides, whose hands were still reeking with the blood of a slaughtered monarch, and who he had previously declared should find no refuge in his dominions ? No, sir, the British character is too noble to run a race for infamy ; nor shall we be the first to corapliraent a set of raonsters, who, while we are agitating this subject, are probably bearing through the streets of Paris,^ — horrid spec tacle ! — the bloody victira of their fury,"* Mr. Fox's raotion was rejected without a division, • Mr. Burke, in, the debate on the Address, remarked in his own profound manner, "that the French Republic was sui generis, and bore no analogy to any other which ever ex isted in the world. It therefore did not follow that we ought • to recognize it, merely because different Powers in LORD LIVERPOOL. 53 In these important debates the Premier could take no part, from the circumstance of his having Europe had recognized the Republic of England under Oliver Cromwell. England did not at thattime attempt to turn all the States of Christendom into Republics : it did not wage war with sovereigns ; it professed no principle of prosely- tism ; and therefore, whatever neighbouring nations might have to expect at that time from her friendship, they had no thing to fear for the existence of thrones. The same might be said of America. But France wanted to make proselytes to their opinions, and turn every government in the world into a Republic, If every government was against her, it was because she had declared herself hostile to every govern ment. He knew of nothing to which this strange Republic could be compared, but to the system. of Mahomet, who with the Koran in one hand, and a sword in the other, held out the former to the acceptance of mankind, and with the latter compelled therii to adopt it as their creed. The Koran which France held out, was the Declaration of the rights of man, and universal fraternity ; and with the sword she was deter mined to propagate her doctrines, and conquer those whom she could not convince. He by no means wished to hurry the nation into a war. He wanted to make the people see that France had really declared war against them, and that the two States might be considered as actually engaged iri it. France had passed, a variety of decrees, every one ofwhich might fairly be considered as a declaration of war against every government. She had resolved to wage an eternal war against Kings and Idngly government; and she had actually received Englishmen at the bar of the Convention, whom, in contempt of the King and Parliament, she professed to consider as the representatives of the people of England, Was this no provocation .-' Was this no attack upon the Go vernment of Great Britain," 54 MEMOIRS OF vacated his seat in the House of Coraraons, by accepting the Wardenship of the Cinque Ports; but the raeasures of Govemraent were ably sup ported by several forraer members of the Opposi tion, at the head of whom was the illustrious Burke, This great man warmly, compUmented the ta^ lents and efforts of the young members of the House who had opposed the motion of Mr, Fox, particularly Mr, Jenkinson and Mr. Frederick North ; an eulogiura in which Mr. Pitt concurred, when, on the 18th of January, he resuraed his seat as raeraber for the University of Cambridge. Mr. Burke said, " They had gloriously stood for ward to resist the growing evUs, and seemed to inherit talents, virtues, and eloquence, which had often attracted the admiration of the House. In them he was happy to see that the new doctrines, which menaced destruction to aU lovers of peace and order, would find powerful opponents. WhUe they remained in the field of action, armed at aU points for the combat, while the patriotism of their fathers animated them in defence of the Constitution, whUe they were emboldened and invigorated by the growing danger, the people need not trerable for the pernicious consequences of the new system of France, accorapanied by the threatened arguraent of the sword. In the for midable phalanx which now appeared, the coun- LORD LIVERPOOL. 55 try might repose the greatest confidence. They would dash forward and repel the impending storm. So might it always be ! Might there be an eternal succession of talents and principles adverse to these new French doctrines ! Turn vos, O Tyrii, stirpem et genus omne futurum Exercete odiis ; cinerique haec mittite nostro Munera, nullus amor populis nee fcedera sunto. Litora litoribus contraria, fluctibus undas Imprecor, arma armis : pugnent ipsique nepotes," Mr. Jenkinson, indeed, was now rapidly rising in the consideration of all parties ; and began commpnly tP take a preminent part in cpmbating the arguments ef Opppsitipn. The prpgress of the French Revolution, preg nant as it is with important warning to the pre sent and " all coming time," has been tpp pften and too weU illustrated by various writers to require particular description in this place. We need only advert to those prominent events which are cpnnected with the prigin and early character pf the late wars pf France with this cpuntry. The year 1792 clesed in Paris with prepara- tipns fpr the trial of Louis XVI, at the bar of the Convention ; that amiable prince was, on the 19th of January in the ensuing year, condemned tp suffer death ; and on the 23d of the mpnth, the sentence was executed. 56 MEMOIRS OF In the interira, (Dec, 1, 1792) a French fi-igate and several sraaller vessels sailed up the Scheldt, for the purpose of bombarding Antwerp, in open defiance of weU-known treaties of which Eng land was a guarantee. Yet on the 27th of De cember, M, Chauvelin, who, though his diplomatic functions were held to have ceased with the de position of the King of France, was permitted to remain in London, delivered a note to Lord Gren viUe, in which he stated, that he was authorized to declare that it was the desire of the French Government to continue on good terms with the Court of London, He proceeded to explain the obnoxious decree of the 19th of Noveraber, as applicable only to those people who, after having acquired their liberty by conquest, raight desire the fraternity and assistance of the French Re public ; and said, that France would not attack Holland if she raaintained her neutrality. The only reraaining difficulty, he observed, related to the opening of the Scheldt, a question irrevocably decided by reason and justice, of Uttle iraportance in itself, and on which the opinion of England, and perhaps even of Holland, was so well known, as to render it difficult to render it seriously the single cause of war. If, however, the British Ministers should consider the opening of the Scheldt a sufficient ground for a rupture, the whole blarae and responsibiUty of the war LORD LIVERPOOL, 57 would rest with thera ; and France would raake this evident by an appeal to the EngUsh nation, " a generous and free people, who would not long consent to betray their own interests, by serving as an auxiUary, and a reinforcement to a tyran nical cpalition." Lord GrenviUe, in an answer sent on the 3 1st of December, observed, " that aU England saw, in the decree of November the 19th, the formal de claration of a design to extend universally the new principles of government adopted in Fralice, and to encourage disorder and revolt in aU coun tries, even in those which were neutral ; and that this design, as far as Great Britain was concerned, was exemplified by the public reception given to promoters of sedition in this kingdom, and by the speeches made to them by the President of the National Convention, precisely at the tirae of this decree, and on several subsequent occasions ; that the explanation now given of this decree, so far frora being satisfactory, raust be considered as a fresh avowal of those dispositions which had caused so much uneasiness and jealousy ; inas much as it reserved to France a right of mixing herself in the internal affairs of this country, whenever she should think proper : and on prin ciples incompatible with the political institutions of other nations ; contrary to the respect which is reciprocally due tp independent states, and re- 58 MEMOIRS OF pugnant to the conduct of Great Britain, in 'abs taining at aU times from any interference what ever in the internal affairs of France." Upon the external relations of the two coun tries. Lord GrenviUe remarked, " that the declara tion now made, that France will not attack Hol land so long as that power shaU observe a strict neutrality, was expressed nearly in the sarae terras with that which was raade by M. ChauveUn, in the raonth of June last ; since which, a French offlcer had saUed up the Scheldt to attack the citadel of Antwerp, notwithstanding the known deterraination of the Dutch Government not to grant that passage, and the forraal protest by which they opposed it ; and that at the very mo ment France, under the name of an araicable ex planation, renewed her promise of respecting the rights and independence of England and her alUes, she announced her intention to maintain this open and injurious aggression : that on such declaration, therefore, no reUance could be placed for the continuance of public tranquilUty. If it were true that the question of opening the Scheldt was of little importance, it would serve to prove raore clearly, that it was brought forward only for the purpose of insulting the allies of England, by the infraction of their neutrality, and by the violation of their rights, expressly secured to them by the faith of treaties : it was, however, well LORD LIVERPOOL. 59 known that the utmost importance was attached by the British Gpvernment to the principles which France wished to estabUsh by this proceeding, and to the consequences which wovdd materially result from them ; and that those principles and those consequences would never be admitted by Eng land ; but tbat she was, and ever would be, ready to oppose them with all her force."^France, con tinued Lord GrenviUe, " can have no right to an nul the stipulations relative to the Scheldt, unless she have also the power to set aside all the other treaties between aU the powers of Europe, and all the other rights of England, and of her aUies. She can have no pretence to interfere in the ques tion of opening the Scheldt, unless she were the sovereign pf the Lew Cpuntries, pr had the right to dictate laws te all Eurppe. England wUl never consent, that France should arrogate the power of annuUing at her pleasure, and under the pretence of a natural right, pf which she makes herself the pnly judge, the pplitical system pf Europe, estabUshed by splemn treaties, and gua ranteed by the consent of all the powers. This Government, adhering to the maxims which it has followed for more than a century, wUl also never see with indifference, that France shall make herself, either directly or indirectly, sove reign of the Low Cpuntries, or general arbitress of the rights and liberties of Europe." 60 MEMOIRS OF It wUl be sufficient to add, that on the 13th, the Executive CouncU of France avowed, through M. Chauvelin, their deterraination to open the Scheldt, and keep possession of the Netherlands during the war now carrying on there, and " as rauch Ipnger" as raight be necessary for the Bel gians to insure what they terraed " their liber ties ;" adding, as their ultimatum, that if the pre vious explanations upon these and other points were not satisfactory, and if the EngUsh arma ments were stUl continued, the French Govern ment was prepared for war. On tbe 21st, the British Govemraent having received information of the death of the King of France, ordered M, Chauvelin to leave London in eight days ; and on the 1st of February, the Na tional Convention declared war against Great Bri tain and the United Provinces, LORD LIVERPOOL, 61 CHAPTER II, Mr. Grey's motion for Parliamentary Reform. — Mr. Jen kinson replies to him, — Efforts of France in the War. — Mr. Canning's first appearance in Parliament. — Extract from his first speech, — Mr. Grey condemns our Conti nental alliances. — Mr, Jenkinson defends them, — In Paris, in 1793. — Major Maitland's motion respecting the failure at Dunkirk, — Mr. Jenkinson's reply, — Replies to Mr. Fox's Resolutions respecting the War, — Mr. She ridan's conjectures respecting his connexion with Minis ters, — Duke of Portland, Mr. Windham, &c. accept office. — Mr. Jenkinson's marriage, — Opening of Parlia ment, 1795-6. — Lord Castlereagh's first appearance in the English House of Commons. — Mr. Jenkinson's review of the effect ofthe War on our Commerce, — He becomes Lord Hawkesbury. — Debate on the state of Ireland. — The triple Assessed Taxes. — The Land-tax, — Message of the King recommending a legislative union with Ire land, — Lord Hawkesbury's remarks on Mr. Sheridan's public conduct. — Failure of the Crops, and Parliamentary measures in consequence. — Mr. Tierney's attack on the motives and conduct of the War, One topic which the English clubs and socie ties caUing themselves Constitutional and Revo lution Societies, Friends of the People, &c. had uniformly associated with their complaints against 62 MEMOIRS OF Government was, that of the state of the Represen tation. This had been taken up so far back as 1782 by Mr. Pitt hiraself, and its agitation at the present period had evidently a tendency, what ever was the intention of the various parties con cerned, to erabarrass and discredit his adrainistra tion. " His political adversaries thought," says his Right Reverend Biographer, " that he would feel no sraaU difficulty with respect to the part he should take ; and in either case, they hoped, that he would suffer in the. pubUc estimation. If he should support the motion originating from such a quarter, he would be considered as countenan cing those societies, and favouring those opinions, which he had been studious to represent as highly dangerous ; and if he should resist it, he would lay himself open to the iraputation of acting in direct opposition to his forraer sentiraents and conduct. The raanly and decided terms, how ever, in which he at once declared himself adverse to the measure, showed, that he had no hesitation as to the line which it was his duty to pursue ; and the difference between the present situation of the country, and that under which he had him self proposed a reform in Parliament, was so ma terial and so striking, that all endeavour to fix upon him the charge of inconsistency totaUy faUed. It was obvious, that a proposition, which was to affect an iraportant branch of the Govern- LORD LIVERPOOL, 63 ment, might at one time be safe and expedient, and at another hazardous and mischievous !" Mr. Grey's memorable petition on this subject was brought forward on the 6th of May, 1793, when Mr. Jenkinson stood foremost in the rank of its opposers. It stated with great distinctness, the defects which at present exist in the Representation of the people in Parliament. It took notice of the division of the representation, or the proportions in which the different counties contribute to the total number of the representatives ; showing under that head, the disproportion which takes place in a variety of instances ; insomuch, that the county of CprnwaU alpne sends more members to ParUament than the counties of York, Rut land, and Middlesex put together : and it pro ceeded to pbserve uppn the distribution of the elective franchise, or the proportional number by which the different representatives are elected ; maintaining, under this head, that a majority of the whole House of Commons is elected by not more than 15,000 persons ; or in other words, by the two hundredth part of the people to be represented, supposing that they consist only of three miUions of adults, &c. It then noticed the right of voting, or the va ripus restrictipns and Umitatipns under which the privilege pf a vpte for the choice of a representative 64 MEMOIRS OF is bestowed ; stating the great evUs and inequali ties that prevail in that respect. It afterwards took notice of the qualifications to be possessed by candidates and those elected ; and then consi dered the evUs arising frora the length of the duration o£ ParUaments. It then went on to detail the mode in which elections are conducted and decided ; and, under that head, show^ed the evils arising from the length of time to which poUs are protracted, from the influence of corpo rations, by the powers entrusted to retuming officers, and from the appeal to the House of Coramons under the operations of the Acts 10th, llth, 25th, and 28th of George III, as far as the sarae relate to expense and delay. The petition proceeded to take notice of the mischief resulting frora the defects and abuses which it had previously pointed out, particularly by the system of private patronage and the in fluence possessed by peers and wealthy coramon ers in the nomination of what are caUed the re presentatives of the people ; showing under this head, that by the patronage and influence of se venty-one peers and ninety-one commoners, the return of no fewer than three hundred and six merabers of that House was procured, which con siderably exceeded a majority of the House. The petition dwelt at great length upon aU these points, and detailed a variety of other abuses. LORD LIVERPOOL. 65 which the petiitioners offered to substantiate by prppf. Mr. Grey accompanied the presentation of this petition with a species of histpry pf the various efforts that had beeu made to accomplish a reform in ParUament. " Many had been, he lamiented, the unsuccessful attempts to bring about a reform. At different times the great question had been brpught forward ; but a proper time had never been found for it. In 1733, a motipn was made in that House, by Mr. Bromley, for a repeal of the Septennial Act, and that raotion was second ed, in a very able speech, by Sir WiUiara Wynd ham. At that time the proposition was raet, and successfuUy resisted, upon tbe pretence of danger arising from Papists and Jacobites plotting against the state and the constitution. In 1745, another attempt was made, and that was the only occa sion on which tbe pretence of danger was not made use of, although the country was then in a state of war and disturbance ; but the success of the attempt was just the same as of the former one. — Again," he said, " the business came to be agitated in the year 1758 ; then also the motion was rejected. The Right Honourable gentleman (Mr. Pitt), had himself brought forward the subject three different times, in 1782, 1783, and, lastiy, in 1785, when he was minister. The same objec- tipn, with respect to the time, was then mad^, F 66 MEMOIRS OF and combated by the Right Honourable gentle raan, strongly and powerfuUy in arguraent, but without effect. " The business of reform appeared to have slept from 1785 to 1790, when it was again brought forward by Mr. Flood. At that time, the inter nal convulsion in France had been just begun, and it was then asked, whether we should think of re pairing our House in the hurricane season ? He expected also to be told, that the danger is now greater than ever this country experienced; If, however,'' said he, " there ever was any danger to this country frora the propagation of French prin ciples, or from the increase of French dominion, the danger is completely at an end ; as it is im possible that any set of raen, who had not actu ally lost their senses, should ever propose the French Revolution as a raodel for imitation. For aU the evils that did or might at any time threat en our country, there was no remedy so certain or so powerful, as a pure and uncorrupted House of Commons, emanating fairly and freely from the people. " However unwUUng he was to rest this case on the foundation of authority, he thought it right," he said, " at a time when aU those who proposed any change in the present state of things, were charged with bad views, to declare that it had been supported by Mr. Locke, by Mr, Justice LORD LIVERPOOL, 67 Blackstone, by the late Sir George Saville, by the Earl of Chatham, and by the present Master of the RoUs, the present Lord Chief Baron, and the present Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench: It had been supported by the Right Honourable gentleman (Mr. Pitt) himself; by the Duke of Richmond, and by an authority still greater than these, viz. by a speech of his Majesty from the throne. On looking into the Journals of the 24th of May, 1784, he found a motion made, that the King's speech should be read, wherein his Majesty says ' that he would be always desi rous to concur with his Parliament, in supporting and maintaining in their just balance, the rights of every branch of the legislature.' If he did not tbink it requisite to follow the petition in the de tail of facts, it was for no other cause than that they are there so fully stated, and can be dis tinctly proved." Mr. Grey remarked with much severity on the abuse of burgage tenures, and the spUtting pf messuages and hereditaments for election purposes, in direct contradiction to a statute of King Wil liam for preventing such practices. He reproba ted the influence of peers in the elections of mem bers of ParUament, and drew from thence some additional reasons for enforcing the object of his motion. " There were other arguments for re form," he said, " which had surely only to be sta- F 2 68 MEMOIRS OF ted to produce con\T:ction, such as those prominent ones adduced in the petition, that the county of Rutland sent as many members to ParUament as the freeholders of Yorkshire ; and Cornwall as raany as Rutland, Yorkshire, and Middlesex put together ; and as raany within one as the whole kingdora of Scotlaad: these were facts within the knowledge of the House^ and afforded suffi cient ground for a Parhamentary reform. There were other grounds arising from bribery, corrup tion, and expense at elections, which were known to every raeraber who had served on election committees, though they were not known to the House as a body. Sometiraes, indeed, reports from committees stated acts of bribery and cor ruption, as in the cases of Cricklade and Shores ham, and Stockbridge, whose case was stiU de pending. The most Certain and effectual rerae dy, in those cases, was to establish a raore popu lar election, which was the raost Ukely raethod to secure the purity of election, and the indepen dence of the raerabers of that House." He con cluded with a motion, that the petition should be referred to a comraittee ; which was seconded by Mr. Erskine. Mr. Jenkinson began with observing, " that among various other objections to the motion, he should particularly select one of thera,. which was the tirae in which it was introduced, when LORD LIVERPOOL. 69 our constitution had been threatened from within, when war had been declared against it from with^ out. Nor is this aU — the persons associated to petition for a reform in Parliament, after twelve months' consideration, and, as it appears, re peated meetings, do not prpduce any specific plan whatever. It is therefore reasonable to in fer, that they had not been able to ascertain the evU, much less to produce a reraedy," After some previous observations, he described the House of Commons as a legislative hody, repre senting all descriptions of raen in this country. He then proceeded to consider how it ought to be composed to answer its object, and what is the way pf so composing it. He first contended that as the landed interest was in fact the* sta mina of the country, it ought to have the greatest preponderance in the popular part of our con stitution. The next place was, in his opinipn, tp be occupied by the comraercial and manufac turing interest ; but besides these, persons in the navy, the army, and the profession ,of the law, must be considered as necessary to the composi tion of a House of Commons. He reasoned at large upon the necessity of such a variety cha racterising Parhamentary representation, and then defended with great acuteness the present; state of it as adapted tp that purpose. He came at length to the important question — Has the House 70 MEMOIRS OF of Coraraons, constituted as it is, answered the end for which it was designed? " The House of Commons, as the democratic part of the constitu tion, as the virtual representatives of the people, ought to a degree to be affected by pubUc opi nions in their operations; it must, however, never be forgotten, that the first quality of the House of Comraons is that of a deUberative as serably. If public opinion is necessarily to affect their decisions on every occasion, it wiU cease to be that deUberative asserably, and the merabers of it would have nothing to do but to go to their constituents, and desire to be directed by them in the votes they are to give on every iraportant subject. The petition on the table, and the ho nourable gentleraan who had raade the raotion, have asserted, that the national debt which this country labours under, has originated frora the corruption of that House. A raore extraordinary assertion never has been raade. The national debt has arisen frora the wars in which this coun try has been involved : and did gentleraen raean to assert, that those wars were not agreeable to the pubUc opinion ? Consider the history of the wars since the house of Hanover has been on the throne. The Spanish war; was that unpo pular ? It was entered upon on the express requi sition of the people, and contrary to the known opinion of the Government, The war of 1756 ; LORD LIVERPOOL. 71 was that unpopular? Never was any country en gaged, he believed he might say, in a more popu lar war. The American war ; was that unpo pular ? He had heard it asserted by an honour able gentleman ppppsite to him, that that was the war of the people. Until within a year and a half of its cpnclusion, nothing could be raore marked than the approbation which the public gave to that measure. It grew unpppular to wards the end, as under similar circumstances every war wiU grow unpopular, because it was unsuccessful ; and what was the consequence of this war becoming unpopular ? That the Minister who had the complete confidence of a Parliament chosen in the year 1780, was forced by that Parliament to quit his situation in less than eighteen months afterwards, in con sequence of the ill success of the war. — Take," he said, " the administration of his right honour able friend. Would any body say, that that Administration, which had the confidence of the House of Commons, had not likewise the confidence of the public ? He would admit that was no proof alone of the administration's being good ;. but that was npt the questipn. The ppint for decisipn was, whether public opinion had its due weight in the deliberation of Parliament? But it was said, that there were some measures of the present, Administratipn apprpved pf by 72 MEMOIRS OF that House, which were not approved by the pubUc. It raight be so ; for if that House had not the power of differing from the pubtic; nay, if it did not sometiraes differ from them, it would cease to be a deliberative assembly. But the Russian war had been stated and insisted on. He would therefore suppose, for arguraent's sake, that Ministers were wrong in arraing for the avowed purpose of obtaining Otckakoff, and were wrong, having so arraed, in disarming without obtaining it. What does that prove with respect to the decisions of that House ? Nothing, unless it could be shown that the supposed defects in our constitution were the cause of those decisions. If it could be shown, for instance, that the mem bers for the close boroughs had in fact occasioned those decisions, contrary to the opinions of the landed and comraercial interests in that House, the objection as far as respects that particular case raay avail. But the reverse was the fact. A rauch greater number of members for counties and populous places voted with Administration than voted against them ; and as raany members for close boroughs, in proportion, voted in the rainority as in the majority of that House, The objection then proved nothing. Forra a House of Commons as you please ; asserable the people in Salisbury-plain ; you cannot prevent their having improper attachments and improper aversions. LORD LIS^ERPOOL. 73 You cannot prevent their placing too rauch con fidence in one minister, because they approve of him, or top Httle in another, because they disap prove of him. The defect is not in the represen- tatipn ; it is in human nature, and Pur eyes had better be turned to an improvement of that." He then said, "that though pubUc opinion should never faU to possess a certain weight in the constitution, he trembled at the idea of a democratic prepon derance. It was certainly the principle of the British constitution, that raonarchy, aristocracy, and democracy, should serve as a control on each other ; but it was likewise a principle that they should and must sometimes co-operate. That there were theoretic defects in the composition of the House of Commons could not be denied ; but it was incumbent on those who proposed a refonn, tp prove, if they could, that those defects affected the practice of the constitution ! ' The motion of Mr, Grey was afterwards sup ported by one of Mr. Erskine's best parliaraentary speeches, but was lost, on the question of adjourn ment being put, by a majority of 181 to 109. The war with France, however, was the great topic of public attention. The exertions of that power in this the fanaticism of ber liberty, had filled Europe with astonishment. At the close of 1793, after expelling the combined forces- of Aus tria and Prussia, she maintained on her frontier 74 MEMOIRS OF half a miUion of raen, and had nearly an equal nuraber training in various parts of France ; while at Brest lay a powerful fleet, with which she raenaced the shores of Great Britain. Under these circurastances, the British minis try entered upon that series of coaUtions with the powers of the Continent, which forms so large a feature iu the history of the late wars, Austria, Prussia, Russia, Sardinia, HoUand, and Spain, were all, sooner or later, actively united with, or subsidized by us at the comraencement of the war : and these aUiances became, of course, a topic of Parliaraentary discussion. In the raonth of January, 1794, Mr, Canning raade his first speech in ParUaraent, in defence of the war, on the subject of the Treaty with Sar dinia, We raust find roora for one characteristic passage which the right honourable gentleman has rarely surpassed in eloquence, " The war he could not," he said, " consider in any other light than as a war into which they had been forced by unprovoked aggressions on the part of France; nor could he see, as sorae gentleraen were dis posed to do, that these aggressions were the less to be resisted and repeUed, on account of tbe principles by which they were justified. Distinc tions, indeed, had been taken by gentleraen on the other side of the House, between the progress of the arras of France and the progress of her prin- LORD LIVERPOOL, 75 ciples. The prpgress pf her arms, it was admit ted, it had been, and wpuld always be, pur right and pur ppUcy tp opppse ; but we need net, and we Pught npt, it seeras, tP go tp war against her principles. He, fpr his part, cpuld npt see such fine distinctions. Admitting that the aggrandisement and aggression of France must naturally be the objects of our jealousy and resistance, he could not understand that they becarae less so, in pro portion as they were accompanied and promoted by principles destructive of civil society ; he coidd conceive no reason why the sword, which, if it had been attempted to be drawn by the ancient mo narchy of France, would have been represented as threatening our prosperity, our rights, our very existencp, might be wielded with ten-fold force by the arm of repubUcanism ; might be pointed even at our breasts, without endangering our safety or our honour. " ' But not only is this a war against principles, but against the v8ry best of principles, a war against freedpm ?' This is Ipudly and cpnfidently asserted, and is tP be proved, we are told, from the circumstance of ministers having neglected to interfere concerning the partition of Poland. Had not Ministers been actuated by a hatred of liberty on the one hand, and restrained by a love of despotism on the other, they cpuld never have chpsen tp make war against France, rather than 76 MEMOIRS OF against the powers whp had partitioned Poland. The authors of this assertion affected to disregard, or disdained to consider, the comparative distance of France and of Poland, the relative iraportance of the two countries to us, the strength of the confederacy by which the latter was oppressed, and every other circurastance which should guide the discretion or regulate the conduct of every sober politician. " WeU, he would put all these considerations out of the question ; he would adrait for a rao raent, that there was an equal necessity, equal call, for our exertions in both cases ; and then he would put the argument simply and solely on this ground : — ^if there be two powers, who have equaUy offended you, and from whom, by war or by negotiation, you must seek redress ; if one of those powers, however in other respects odious and wicked in our eyes, cannot^ however, be de nied to have settled a responsible government, with which a negotiation maybe easUy and pru dently carried on- — ^whUe, on the other, however otherwise amiable and admirable, it raust be ad raitted, that there is no such thing, no safe or tan gible raeans of negotiation — does it not seera a raost unaccountable perverseness of judgraent, which shall say, ' Negotiate with that party with which negotiation is impracticable ; go to war with that where negotiation would equaUy avail ; nego- LORD LIVERPOOL. 77 tiate with France ; go tp war with Austria, Russia, Prussia. Take the bend pf the beggar, and threw the solvent debtor into gaol !' " On the 6th of March, 1794, Mr. Grey moved in the House of Commons for an Address to the King, which should express the concern of the House that his Majesty should have formed an union with ppwers, whese apparent aim was tP regulate a country wherein they had no right to interfere. " The King of Prussia had not taken up arms against France," he said, " in consequence of the defensive treaty by which he was bound to assist Great Britain, in case of an aggression from that power ; but a coalition had been formed with him and others against the French, who were not the aggressors in this war; by which this country was involved in enterprises injurious to its interest aod to the Uberties of Europe." He supported this Address by a variety of arguments, " The views of Austria and Prussia," he asserted, " were evidently ambitious and unjust. Their conduct towards Poland sufficiently proved their intentions towards France, Whatever our decla rations had been for the constitution accepted by the late King of France, it was not approved by Austa'ia. There was no faith in either of these powers. Had their first invasion of France been successful, the balance and freedom of Europe must have been lost," 78 MEMOIRS OF Mr, Jenkinson, in reply, endeavoured to sketch in a rapid raanner the real views of the com bined powers. Their object, he insisted, was both just and practicable, " It was not to divide or desolate France, but to prevent her ambitious division and desolation of the provinces of her neighbours. The means eraployed to attain this end were entirely proper. We could not be too solicitous in preventing the French from extending their dominions. The case of Poland, however blaraeable the conduct of the powers interested in the transactions relating to that state, was nowise applicable to the present war; in which he in sisted that the French were clearly the aggressors, particularly in respect to its coraraenceraent with this country," We shaU afterwards find hira jjiis- tifying the principles and operations of the war in a very particular and able raanner. At an early period of the French Revolution, the subject of our raeraoir appears to have passed a short time in Paris: he was in that capital, at any rate, during the atrocious raassacre of M, M. Foulon and Berthier, which, Mr. Burke, at this tirae, described as equalling any barbarity of the Revolution, excepting the raurder of the King and Queen. The subject was introduced in the House of Comraons, ; (March 17th, 1794) on the debate on General Fitzpatrick's motion relative to the detention of M, de la Fayette. Mr. Jenkin- LORD LIVERPOOL. 79 son on this occasion only observed, that being on the sppt at the time he ceuld assert, that, althpugh La Fayette was net considered acces sary to the murders pf Fpulpn and Berthier, it was the impressien Df well-informed perspns that he had net dpne aU he might have dpne tP prevent them. April 10, Majpr Maitland brpught forward a motion for the House to resolve itself into a Com mittee " to take into consideration the causes which led to the late faUure of the army com manded by his Royal Highness the Duke of York at Dunkirk, and the causes which led to the eva cuation of the port and town of Toulpn, by the army and fleet under the cemmand pf Majpr- general Dundas, and Vice-adrairal Lprd Hood," The gaUant officer entered into an elaborate ex amination and conderanation of the measures of Ministers throughout the whole of the preceding year, Mr. Jenkinson contended, in opposition to Ma jor Maitland, that no exertions had been wanting on the part ofthe Ministry. " The bravery of the British troops, and the prudence pf thpse who guided our affairs, he was equally prepared to de fend. The atterapt upon Dunkirk was defeated by the prodigious strength eraployed by the French in its defence. No violation of agree ment could be imputed tc this cpuntry in the 80 MEMOIRS OF affair at Tpulon. When the people in that place stipulated for the constitution of 1789, they could not certainly raean that of 1791- Due care had been taken, when that place was evacuatedj i to provide the means of safety to all who would ac cept of them. The success of the expedition com raanded by Lord Moira, depended entirely on the junction of the Royalists. Had they possessed a harbour for his landing, he doubtless would have landed, and done his utmost in their cause. The object in the view of Government was, not to compel the French to erabrace any particular form of government, but to put an end to those ambitious projects which the French RepubUcans had formed and pursued ever since the extinction of monarchy. The Jacobin system had gene rated this restless spirit, and tiU that iniquitous scheme was destroyed, France would neithei' enjoy peace itself, nor suffer its neighbours to enjoy it. " In his opinion, the best way of carrying on the carapaign was, the raaking ourselves raasters of several posts in the Low Countries, so as to secure the marching forward of the combined powers into the interior of France. He had no difficulty in saying, that the marching to Paris was attainable and practicable ; and he, for one, would recoraraend such an expedition. While the present system existed in France, the eneray LORD LIVERPOOL, 81 had only pne advantage ever us, namely, the pewer of bringing a superior force to any one place. But on our side there reraained raany considerable and pecuUar advantages : we not only excelled the enemy in strict military disci pline, but in the superior force of our cavalry. In the present disorganized state of France, it was impossible that she could raise cavalry : as easily as infantry. During the latter part of the last campaign, the cavalry of the combined pow ers, owing to local circumstances, had been of very little service. The moment that the posts that insured safety to the marching forward of the combined powers were secured in the Low Countries, at that very tirae the cavalry could be brought to act with very considerable advantage. Under the disadvantages that he had before sta ted, Valenciennes and Quesnoy fell before the victorious arms of the corabined powers. There was every prospect of success in the next cam paign. The valour ofthe British troops was dis tinguished in the last, as it ever had been in every campaign. He would leave the French to exult on account of the battle of Jenappe, where, mirabile dictu ! 60,000 Frenchraen defeated, though with considerable difficulty, 17,000 Aus trians. At the sarae time, he need not mention the ' battle that was fought at LinceUes, where 1500 British troops defeated and cut to pieces G 82 MEMOIRS OP no less than 5000 Frenchmen. That signal vic tory would reraain an everlasting honour to the raen and to the coraraander that engaged in so hazardous an enterprise. It was said that this was a coraraercial country ; but the only way to preserve that coraraercial prosperity was, by en couraging a raartial spirit in this country ; that sort of raartial spirit that in cases of eraergency would find its way to the plough and to the loom. Since we had, during the course of the last cam paign, defended HoUand, captured Quesnoy, Va lenciennes, and Cond6, recovered the Low Coun tries, and almost crippled the French navy, he could not see the least ground for the present motion." In conformity with these spirited and compre hensive views, when, on the next day, a biU was debated, " to enable subjects of France to enUst as soldiers in regiments to serve on the Continent of Europe, and in certain other places, and to enable his Majesty to grant comraissions to sub jects of France, to serve and receive pay as officers in such regiraents, or as engineers, under certain restrictions ;" and Mr, Fox had reraarked, that "he thought it singular, that the House should be called upon to give their votes for any such raeasure, without having some soUd reasons previously assigned to induce them to adopt it :"— Mr, Jenkinson said, that "the reasons which LORD LIVERPOOL. 83 made the adoption of the bUl necessary now, did not exist last year. He had reason to hope, that we should be able to penetrate the interior of France in the present campaign ; and none could afford us more assistance in the accomplishment of that object than Frenchmen." It wiU be remembered, that eur ypung states man was long twitted in the Hpuse of Cpmmpns with these memorable suggestions, respecting the practicability of more bold measures; and par ticularly with the idea of the allies marching to Paris :* but it is even less Ukely to be forgptten that he lived to see this idea realized by the bolder measures of himself and his colleagues. We regret that the compass pf pur work shpuld fprbid our following him through all his laborious exertions in ParUament. Admitting his consider- * There was no subject which through many successive Parliaments was so favourite a topic of Opposition pleasantry and banter. Mr. Sheridan expended upon it a large portion of his ever ready facetlousness. " The conquest of France !" says Mr. Fox, in his letter to the electors of Westminster, " Oh ! calumniated Crusaders, how rational and moderate were your' objects. Oh! tame and feeble Cervantes, with what a timid pencil and faint colours have you painted the portrait of a disordered imagination," " Two things," ob serve the Edinburgh Reviewers (February 1813) " are clear in the midst of the darkness : one that a Crusade in behalf of the Bourbons and the old monarchy, is as palpably hope less as it is manifestly unjust," G 2 84 MEMOIRS OF able advantages and connexions, no equitable raind can hesitate to acknowledge the unreraitting assiduity of this part of his life. We can but hastily glance atthe less important of his pubUc speeches. His reply to Mr, Fox's motion for putting an end to the war in France, May 30, 1794, must not be ranked with these. That gentleman sub mitted fourteen resolutions to the House of Coraraons, which erabodied the views and reason ing of Opposition at this period. They adverted particularly to our original pretensions of not interfering in the internal affairs of France—to our professions of taking Toulon in trust for Louis XVII, ; — and to the repeated declarations of Ministers, that they only sought for the oppor tunity to treat with a stable governraent in France upon the subject of the general tranquU lity of Europe: — stating that our allies had en tirely disappointed us in their efforts for the com mon cause, and that it was the duty of his Ma jesty's Ministers to avail themselves of the present circurastances of the war to promote a pacification . by every means in their power, ' ¦ This motion Mr, Jenkinson opposed at consi derable length. He began with stating, "that the great object of the right hon, raover had been to prpve, that instead of a war undertaken professedly for the protection of our aUies and for LORD LIVERPOOL, 85 self-defence, it had been perverted into an avowed intentipn of interference in the internal constitu tion of France, In opppsitipn to this statement, he begged to remind the House, that the Scheldt was not the only cause upon which hostiUties were grounded. He begged leave to state what those causes were. The first was, the protection of our allies from invasion and insult ; the second was, those views of aggrandiseraent which the ruling powers in France avowed, of propagat ing their new-fangled and destructive doctrines through every country in Eurdpe by the sword. The third cause was, the insults offered to this country by the French Convention, These va rious reasons, avowed and acted oh at the tirae, proved incontestably that the war, in its origin, was not intended to be purely defensive. In order to enable the House to form a correct de cision upon the present question, he begged to remind thera of the precise declaration made by Ministers upon a forraer occasion, when the sub ject of the war was debated, in which they stated, even with the approbation of the gentleman op posite, that their object was to obtain indemnity for the past, and security for the future. With this acl^nowledged object in view, he was now ready to adrait, without entering into any discus sion upon the subject^of indemnity, that if security for the future were tp be obtained, the war ought 86 MEMOIRS OF to be brought to ah imraediate conclusion. But this was an object which, however desirable, was in the present state of things impossible to be obtained ; and upon this point he was ready to meet the question. He had upon a former de bate asserted, and he repeated it now, that, com pared to all forraer wars in which this country had ever been involved, there was no security which we could obtain to induce this country to make peace under any probable prospect of its continuance. For instance, the peace of Rys wick, at the time when Louis XIV. entertained views of aggrandizement, so dangerous to the general independence of Europe, might be con sidered as a wise measure, at least as a temporary expedient ; because, if it lasted two, three, four, or five years, yet was it as desirable for the one side as the other, enabUng either party to recruit its strength, and meet its antagonist upon fair and equal terms. But, in the present instance, there was no security for the continuance of peace ; no, not for a single hour. To prove the truth of this assertion, it was only necessary to recollect, what was the striking feature of the several events which have marked the Revolution in France. What was it overthrew the administration of Necker? — Moderation! What destroyed the ConstitutionaUsts, the Girondists, the Brissotmes, and aU the various parties which have successively LORD LIVERPOOL. 87 risen and sunk in that agitated hemisphere? — Moderation ! Or what had confirmed the power lodged in the hands of the present possessors ? — The total want of it ! Should they ever depart from their usual systera of violence, by thinking of so huraane and moderate an idea as treating for peace, their downfal would be inevitable. Thus, it was evident that, unlike every former instance, there was no security to be looked for in the idea of peace. It was asked, what chance we were Ukely to have of obtaining any probable object by the continuance of hostUities ? He was ready to adrait, that gaining a few towns, or even ten battles, was not of any avaU to the putting an end to hostiUties ; nay farther, he had no hesita tion in saying, that that object, however desirable, was pnly tp be attained by the destruction of that system of Jacobinism which domineered at Paris, and, through Paris, all over France. And when he stated this, he had no hesitation in saying, tha,t however irapracticable or distant such a scheme might appear, yet it was by no, means impossible or unlikely. He had on a former night stated his sentiments upon this subject ; which were, that in order to gain this * cpn sum mation so devoutly to be wished,' a strong fron tier was absolutely necessary to be secured in the first instance, whence the united force might push forward with advantage to the attainment of 88 MEMOIRS OF their object. He was the raore confirraed in the propriety of this system, because, should we even faU in the attainment of Paris, yet we should at least be in possession of a barrier, which would, by securing our aUies, be ultimately protection to us. " Much had been said of the prevalence of the opinions propagated by the French. It was true, that those opinions were dangerous in pro portion to the power, the wealth, the population, and the influence of France araong the nations of Europe ; but they were stiU raore so, when it was considfered that they were principles of Jaco- binisra ; principles which went to set the, poor against the rich, to encourage those who had nothing to lose against the best supporters of order and good governraent ; and which, by cut ting all the bands of society, tended to throw every thing into confusion. The right honour able gentieraan had attacked the treaty with Sardinia, and had argued its inutility ,, from ,the successes of the French in that quarter. That they had gained sorae advantages could not be denied, but stUl its good effects to the general cause were deraonstrable, frora the divisions which it caused, and the keeping so great a num ber of troops, busied in one quarter, who might be otherwise dangerously employed in another. The subsidy: to Prussia had also been the subject of LORD LIVERPOOL, 89 much reprehension; for his part, there was no thing in that transaction which was to hira a matter of surprise. It was to be considered, that that monarchy was not to be ranked among the first-rate : it was artificial, and owed its power to its treasures. If those failed, it must inevitably sink into a secondary character. Considering, therefore, that this monarch had carried on two campaigns at a distance from his own territories, and where he had no probability of inderanity by the extension of territory, it was not unreasonable for him to demand assistance. The events of the campaign had been particularly urged, as forraing a strong ground in favour of the present motion ; for his part, he saw nothing in them that was not in the highest degree encouraging. The cam paign had not been fairly coraraenced above five or six weeks ; in that short period, we had taken Landrecy, which in forraer wars was considered as the key to France ; and though we had lost Menin, and Courtray, yet when we contemplated the determined valour, spirit, and enterprise, which distinguished the whole of the allied armies, there was every reason to look with con fidence to success. The- right honourable gentle man had proposed a long string of resolutions; upon the first of which it was his intention to move the previous question. As to the last of them, there was no ground whatever in support 90 MEMOIRS OF ofit. It was irapossible, in the nature of things, to bind raen down to precise terras, as the parti* cular objects of pursuit. For his part, he had al ways asserted, that one country at peace with another, had no right to interfere in her mternal concerns ; but he had as constantly maintained the right of such internal interference, when one country was engaged in actual hostiUties with another. It had been also asked, whether at the tirae we were so eager to pull down the present Governraent of France, we were prepared to buUd up another in its roora ? He certainly was not prepared to say what precise form should be substituted in place of it ; because that raust de pend entirely upon circurastances, after having at aU events overturned the present power of the Jacobins, whose existence was totaUy adverse to every regular government and authority in the world. For these reasons he concluded with moving the previous question upon the first reso lution." Mr. Sheridan, in reply to Mr. Jenkinson, in dulged in some good-huraoured personaUties. — The latter had been for some mouths a Coraraissioner for the affairs of India. (We first find his name in the Ust of the India Board 12th April* 1793.) " The honourable gentleman had on this, as on most occasions," he said, " expressed himself with a degree of confidence, which impressed his mind LORD LIVERPOOL. 91 with an idea, that theugh the hen. gentleman was npt in the cabinet, yet he was se much in the se crets of Ministers, as to be supposed to deUver their sentiments. Np pther supposition, indeed, could warrant the manner in which that honour able gentleman delivered his opinions, unless we were to suppose that he had an hereditary know ledge of poUtics, and that a deep insight into the secrets of cabinets ran in his blood. — On the pre sent occasion, he could not but conceive that he had passed the bounds (of the instructions he would not say, but) of the intimations, at the least, that had been given him by the right hon. gentleraen who sat on each side of hira [Mr. Pitt and Mr. Dundas.J Not to foUow him through the greater part of his arguments, he should confine himself to take some notice of one or two positions, which seemed to meet the question on a fair manly ground. The honourable gentleraan had openly and candidly stated, that the object of the war was the destruction of the Jacobin govemment in France ; in order to effect which, our views must necessarily be tumed to the destruction of Paris, the only probable means of effecting *the end in view. Did the honourable gentleman, or the House, seripusly supppse, that this pbject was SP attainable as he had asserted ? He had reUed much cn the successes of a campaign, w'hich had 92 MEMOIRS OF begun but a few weeks. He, (Mr. S,,) how ever, was afraid that the calamities of the cam paign had been rauch greater than the successes, and that we had gained little else than honour, " We were not one inch nearer Paris than we were before Landrecy was taken ; in fact, we con tinued nibbling round the rind of this country, which we were so shortly to enter in spite of aU opposition. However, the honourable gentleman had discovered, that though French opinions might be harmless in themselves, yet when backed by the power of France it becarae necessary to oppose them. If Ministers reaUy did raean to avow this as their object, they had not even steadUy pursued it ; for the West-India expedition was a deviation ; and every guinea, and every raan eraployed to that purpose was a grand de fection frora that great object. Lord Hood, who was now knocking his head against the walls of Bastia, was of very little service, if he were even successful in his present attempt, with regardfo the final object. We ought not to have endea voured to pilfer an inderanity, without considering the interests of the allies who were contending in a coraraon cause. He was afraid that we could not reproach even our most faithless aUies.; If all cant and hypocrisy were laid aside, it would, perhaps, appear, that we had entered into this Swiss romancej this raercenary crusade,^ for no LOUD LIVERPOOL, 93 other purpose at first than to share the spoil pf France ; and afterwards we had graced cur iniquity with calling this a war of reUgion !" This important debate terminated by Mr, Fox's motion being negatived : 208 raerabers voting for the previous question, and but 55 for the motion before the House. The session was closed July 11, by a speech from the Throne, congratulating Parliament on the acquisitions lately made in the East and West Indies, and on the splendid victory of Lord Howe on the 1st of June, Before Parliament again met, sorae changes took place in the Adrainistration, Earl Fitz- wiUiam becarae Lord President of the Council ; Earl Spencer, Lord Privy Seal ; the Duke of Portland, third Secretary of State ; and Mr. Windham, Secretary at War : towards the close of the year Lord FitzwUUam was appointed Lord- lieutenant of Ireland. The acceptance of office by these distinguished Whigs "proved exceedingly mortifying > to sorae of their party^ Mr. Sheridan's indignation and " bitterness" overflows, on this occasion, in one of his most brilliant speeches. Lord Mornington had contrasted certain privations and sacrifices demanded by the French Minister of F'inance, with those required of the British people. " The noble Lord," said Sheridan, " need not remind us 94 MEMOIRS OF that there is no great danger of our ChanceUor of the Exchequer raaking any such experiment. -I can more easily fancy another sort of speech for our prudent Minister. I can more easily conceive him modestly comparing himself and his own measures with the character and conduct of his rival, and saying, ' Do I demand of you, wealthy citizens, to lend your hoards to Govemraent with out interest? On the contrary, when I shall corae to propose a loan, there is not a raan ofyou to whom I shall not hold out at least a job in every part of the subscription, and an usurious profit upon every pound you devote to the neces sities of your country. Do I require of you, my latest and most zealous proselytes, of you who have come over to me for the special purpose of supporting the war — a war, on the success of which you solemnly protest, that the salvation of Britain, and of civil society itself, depend — do I require of you, that you should make a temporary sacrifice, in the cause of human nature, of the greater part of your private incomes ? No, gen tlemen, I scom to take advantage of the eagerness of your zeal ; and to prove that I think the sin cerity of your attachment to rae needs no such test, I wiU raake your interest co-operate with your principle ; I will quarter raany of you on the pubUc supply, instead of caUing on you to contribute to it ; and, while their whole thoughts are absorbed LORD LIVERPOOL. 95 in patriotic apprehensions for their ccuntry, I wiU dexterpusly fprce uppn pthers the favourite ob jects of the vanity or ambition of their lives.' " Mr. Jenkinson was absent from his place in Parliament this Session, urging a debate of a yet more interesting character ; and March 25, 1795, married the Hon. Lady Theodosia Louisa, third daughter of Frederick Augustus Hervey, fourth Earl of Bristol and Bishop of Derry. Osbert de Hervey, the direct ancestor of her Ladyship's family, is raentioned as one of the King's Justices at Norwich with Roger le Bigot, in the year 1190 ; Adara de Hervey, his son, was in ward to King John ; and a John Hervey, his ^andson, was knight of the shire for the county of Bedford in 1386. Fj'ora hira descended Wil liam Hervey of Ickworth, who died in 1538, hav ing issue John, ancestor ofthe Earls of Bristol, and Sir Nicholas, ancestor of WiUiam, created Baron Hervey in Ireland 1620, and of Kidbrookj in the cpunty of Kent, 1528. The last titles became extinct on his death in 1642 ; but John Hervey revived them, becoming Baron Hervey of Ick worth in 1703, and Earl of Bristcl in 171 4. The secpnd Earl was his grandspn, as was alsp the third, whp married the celebrated Elizabeth Chud leigh, afterwards Duchess ef Kingstpn ; and the fourth. Parliament assembled fer the sessien pf 1795-6, 96 MEMOIRS OF on the 29th of October : its opening being attend ed by a disgraceful manifestation of the influence of the new democratic doctrines with the mob. In his way to the House of Lords through the Park, the King's coach was surrounded on every side, by persons deraanding peace, and the dis raission of Mr. Pitt, Sorae were even heard ex claiming, " No King !" and stones were thrown at the state coach as it drew near to the Horse- Guards. In passing through Palace-yard, one of the \Yindows was broken, it was said, by a bullet, discharged from an air-gun. These outrages were repeated on the King's return frora the House, and he narrowly escaped the fury of the popu lace in proceeding frora St, James's Palace to Buckingham House, His Majesty's speech from the throne was on all hands allowed to be appropriate to the cir cumstances of the tirae. It raentioned the dis appointraent of the French in their atterapts in Gerraany, and the internal difficulties under which they continued to labour. Their present situa tion afforded a well-founded presumption, that they would listen to equitable and raoderate terms of peace. In order to obtain such terras, it would be necessary to show that Great Britain was able to maintain the contest, till such a peace ensued as accorded with its dignity and interest. Other parts of the speech referred to the preparations LORD LIVERPOOL, 97 for a vigprpus centinuance pf the war, the treaties concluded with foreign powers, the prosperous state of commerce, and the means of providing against the present scarcity. The address, which was moved by Lord Dal keith, was remarkable for being seconded by the late Lord Castlereagh, then Mr, Stewart, in his first speech delivered in the EngUsh House of Commons, He dwelt chiefly on the exhausted situation of France, and the oppressive raethods it was reduced to adopt for the raising of supplies. The situation of this country was the reverse: whatever money was deraanded was instantly found, without oppressing the subject ; the confi dence of monied men in Government keeping pace with all its exigencies. Much had been said of the conquest of Holland by the. French, but they were obviously indebted much raore to fortunate casualties, than to their own prowess, and could place little reliance on the attachraent of the natives, who were now convinced of their iraprudence in. trusting to the friendship of the French, On Mr, Sheridan controverting these state raents with many invectives against Ministers, and advising Governraent to declare itself wUling to treat with the French Republic ; Mr. Jenkin son repUed to him, repeating his former argu ments in justification of ministerial measures. H 98 MEMOIRS OF He added, that "the retention of the United Pro vinces by the French, rendered all treating with them inadmissible. It was necessary, therefore, to compel them to abandon this new conquest, or to make such acquisitions as might counter balance it, and induce them to give up the pos session of that country. Had the merabers of the coaUtion acted with fideUty to the cause they had espoused, the French would, by this time,! have been forced to abandon their lofty pretensions." Upon comraercial topics, Mr. Jenkinson raight be expected, in the language of Mr. Sheridan, to have sorae clairas to " hereditary knowlei^eb" He always, at any rate, entered upon them with eonfidence: and on Mr. Grey's motion in. the House of Comraons, 10th March, 1796, for an Inquiry into the State of the Nation, he took a re view of the effect of the war upon our coraraerce from its coraraenceraent. He contended, that " the coraraercial situation of Great Britain, notwithstanding the weight of so great a war, was more prosperous than at any antecedent period. The average of exports, dur ing the three last years of peace, the raost flou rishing ever known in this country, was twenty- two raiUions five hundred and eighty-five thousand pounds ; and the sarae average for the last three years of war, was twenty-four mUlions four hun dred and fifty-three thousand. The advantage in LORD LIVERPOOL. 99 the borrowing of mpney, at present, was pne and a half per cent, greater than during the American war, Atthe close of the war in 1748, the na tional debt was eighty miUions; in 1762, one hundred and forty : but had the present system, of appropriating a milUon annually to the extinc tion of that debt been fortunately adopted at the first of these periods, that heavy load would now have been totally thrown off the nation. The expenditure of the war was, doubtless, imraense ; but the exertions to which it was applied were of no less magnitude.. Never was the energy of this country so astonishingly displayed, nor its resources so wonderfuUy proved : our fleets and armies were in a far superior condition,, both as to numbers and equipment, to thpse maintained in the American war. It was unfeir to complain of increasing expenses. The augmentation of price in all the articles of life and social inter course, added^ of consequence, the same propor tion' of increase in military expenses ; nor ought the subsidies to our alUes to be reputed extra vagant, considfering their utility to the common cause, by enabling these to act much more effec tuaUy against the foe, than if they were left, to their sole exertions. The pressures pf the enemy shewed hpw wisely the treasures pf this country had been employed by^ strengthening the. power of his! Continental advejcsaries, while our successes H 2 100 MEMOIRS OF at sea had reduced hira to the lowest state of de bility he had ever experienced on that eleraent : it was, therefore, neither just, nor prudent to re present this Country as distressed ; and its Mi nisters as unworthy of confidence, and incapable of discharging their duty. They had shown theraselves adequate to the various tasks imposed on them by the arduous contingencies of the war, and had not merited the aspersions so repeatedly cast upon them. There had been a time when far greater stretches of ministerial power were beheld without coraplaint. In the reigns of George I. and II., such was the irapUcit trust of the times in their integrity, that mUUons had passed through their hands for secret services, of which an explanation was not required. Hence it appears that the vigUance of ParUament in forraer days, however exalted above that of the present, was, in truth, not to be corapared with that anxious and groundless jealousy with which the opponents to ministry watched over aU its proceedings, in order to discover how they could render thera suspicious to the public. On these grounds he considered the raotion as ill-founded, and deserving no support from those who viewed the conduct of Ministers impartially, and with a determination to listen without prejudice to what they had to aUege in their defence." In the month of May, this year, Mr. Jenkinson LORD LIVERPOOL, 101 participated the honours of his family so far as to exchange that surname for the second title of his father, i, e. Lord Hawkesbury : his venerable parent being now, as we have seen, created Earl of Liverpool, The next topic of consideration to which we find him addressing himself, is the aU-fruitful one of Ireland, Mr, Fox, on the 2d of AprU, 1794, moved in the House of Coramons, " That a humble address be presented to his Majesty, that his Majesty wUl be graciously pleased to take into his Royal consideration the disturbed state of his kingdom of Ireland, and to adopt such healing and lenient measures as raay appear to his Majesty's wisdom best calculated to restore tranquillity, and to con cUiate the affections of all descriptions of his' Ma jesty's subjects, in that kingdom, to his Majesty's person and Government," Sir Francis Burdett, on seconding this motion, was remarkably personal in his attack on Minis ters, " Whoever," said he, " has seen Ireland, has seen a country where the fields are desolated, and the prisons overflowing with the victims of oppression ; has seen the shocking contrast be tween a profligate extravagant Government and an enslaved and impoverished people. One per son now immured within the waUs of a dungeon in Dublin Castle, I have the honour to be con- 102 MEMOIRS OF nected with : for honour as weU as happiness I shaU ever esteem it," After a warra panegyric on the pilblic and private virtues of Mr, O'Connor, Sir Francis said, " When such raen becorae ob jects of hatred and fear to Governraent, it is not difficult to ascertain the nature of that Govem ment, But perhaps. Sir, I may be charged with speaking raore like a discontented Irishraan than a trae friend to the interests of England. Sir, I speak like a friend to huraanity and liberty, and like an eneray tO oppression and 'cruelty. I be lieve the interests of Ireland and of this country to be the sarae, I believe it for the interest of both countries, that both should be free. What was said by a great raan respecting Araerica, is stiU raore applicable with respect to Ireland : ' I rejoice,' said Lord Chathara, ' in the resistance of Araerica, because I beUeve three railUons of meii enslaved iri that country would become the pro perest instruments for enslaving this.' Th^e is. Sir, in my opinion, one way, and only one, • for saving Ireland and England : that is, to divest the present Minister of that power which he has so long and so fatally abused, and to call him to a strict account for his conduct, before the tri bunal of his country. If we have not resolution, if we haVe not energy, if we have not the nieans to accompUsh this, I know not whether the coun- LORD LIVERPOOL. 103 try can be saved ; but this I knew, that it is not wprth saving." Mr. Pitt was npt, hpwever, at this time pre pared fpr so sumraary a dismissal. He asked Mr. Fox, " whether the ParUament, by which the independence of Ireland was recognized, was mere accpmmodating to the wishes of the Dis senters pf the Nerth, or to the CatheUcs pf the Sputh, than those of a subsequent peried ? Quite the cpntrary. Whatever alteratien had since taken place, tended more and more to include both Dissenters and CathoUcs within the pale of both civU and poUtical Uberty than the principle recognized in 1782." But the main piUar of his defence of Ministers, in their conduct towards Ireland, and the ground of his pbjectien tp the pre sent mptipn, was the uncpnstitutipnaUty, the im- prppriety, and the dangers tp be apprehended frem the interference pf the British Parliament in the affairs pf Ireland ; tppics pn which he expatiated with his usual abUity, but in which it is impos sible here to foUpw him. Lprd Hawkesbury, on this pccasicn, mainly recapitulated and applauded the arguments pf Mr. Pitt. The great measure pf a legislative union with Ireland obtained, sopn after, his entire concurrence. • In December ef this year, we find him suppprt- 104 MEMOIRS OF ing Mr, Pitt's triple assessraent of the assessed taxes ; and going, in the long debate that ensued on this subject, January 3rd, 1798, into a farther defence of the war. On this occasion, he adraitted "that he had expected better things from the Continental members of the Confederacy than they had accoraplished ; but contended that our own particular raeasures were unirapeachable, and in a naval point of view, as successful as could have been hoped for," On the 13th of May, 1798, the celebrated plaii of the' Minister for redeeraing the land-tax was taken into final consideration. It had already endured the ordeal of five long debates. Mr, Tierney contended, that " this raeasure struck at the foundation of our security in the possession of property, whUe, instead of raising, it would have a tendency to depress the public funds. Some gentleraen might perhaps run away with an idea, that this raeasure was for a redemp tion of stock, Uke that of the plan for a reduction of the national debt ; but he denied that there was the slightest sirailarity between thera. When stock should be purchased under the provisions of the plan now proposed, the stock would not va nish ; the substance of the pubUc burden would be still the sarae. It was only taking eighty mU lions nominally out of 'Change AUey for a whUe, to enable raonied raen to enlarge their capitals." LORD LIVERPOOL. 105 Mr. Jones said, that " there was a wonderful incUnation to favour the monied interest : a set of people, according to the just description of them by Lord Chatham, ready to serve any set of men, provided they served them on their own terms." A constitutional objection to the measure was stated with more force by Mr. Hobhouse. " The Land-tax had," he observed, " for a considerable number of years past, been annually voted for the payraent of the array and navy. The control of Parliaraent over this branch of the public expense, serves to prevent a standing array from being made an engine of despotism in the hands of the Executive Government, and secures frequent meet ings of Parliament. Now, Sir, I entirely concur with the ChanceUor of the Exchequer, that if a sura to the sarae amount, and scrupulously de voted to the same purpose, be reaUy subjected to the annual disposal of Parliament, the sarae be neficial end will be produced, the sarae check wUl be continued. But the consolidated fund ought not to be resorted to in this instance ; it ought to be regarded as sacred, and preserved inviolate. It is appropriated to the payraent of the national creditor, and you ought not to weaken his secu rity. Besides, the constitutional power of this House will be merely nominal, not real. What member could, at any time, refuse his assent to the voting a sum already pledged by ParUament, 106 MEMOIRS OF for the discharge of the interest arising from the public debt? Such a flagrant breach of faith none of us, I am sure, could approve. The con sohdated fund, therefore, can furnish no actual substitute for the salutary check, which we now possess, upon the conduct of a profligate Minis ter," But Sir Francis Burdett boldly adverted to other resources. After recapitulating the bur dens to which landed gentleraen were peculiarly subject, he said, there were many other raeans by which money could be raised for the puMic be sides this. The sale of the crown lands would pro duce a much larger sum. " Another object of supply ; which, in a war peculiarly styled a war of religion, appears to rae," he said, " a very proper one, is the revenue of the church. This is a source which I think might weU afford something for the relief of the country. I shall raention another raethod of procuring raoney for the exi gencies of the state, which readUy presents itself; that is, the aboUtion, during the war at least, of aU sinecure places and pensions, and iraposing a tax on all eraoluraents. If any of these were re sorted to, it would prove more efficient than the present measure, and would make no addition to the distress of the country. The burdens on the landholder are already too great. He is unable to keep his place in society : while new men, who LORD LIVERPOOL. 107 grow in wealth as the country decUnes, are every day rising around him : whUe pubUc rewards are not given fpr any gppd dpne tP the cpuntry, and whde the pnly means he has left of repairing a decayed fortune, are to disgrace himself by a con stant servility to the Crown, and an abject deser tion of the people," This variety of opinion, at any rate, proved the truth of the reraark which Lord Hawkesbury now made, that " there never Was a measure which had been allowed a more ample or a more fuU discus sion : whence he was warranted," he said, " in inferring, that it was a measure which had met with the sanction and approbation of the country in general," On the 22d of January, 1799, Mr. Secretary Dundas appeared at the bar of the House of Com mons with the following important message from the Crown, " George R. " His Majesty is persuaded, that the unremit ting industry with which out enemies persevere in their avowed design of effecting the separation of Ireland from this kingdom, cannot fail to en gage the particular attention of Parliament ; and his; Majesty recommends it to this House to cpn sider pf the most effectual means of finaUy defeat ing this design, by disposing the ParUaments of both kingdpms to provide in the manner in which 108 MEMOIRS OF they shall judge raost expedient for settUng such a coraplete and final adjustraent, as raay best tend to iraprove and perpetuate a connexion essential for their comraon security, and consolidate the strength, power, and resources of the British Erapire." Various patriotic raen of both countries had long been of opinion, that a complete legislative Union between Great Britain and Ireland would be highly conducive to the welfare of the empire ; and the present juncture appeared favourable to its accoraplishment. Mr, Sheridan declared on this occasion, that " he was perfectly ready to give credit to Ministers for purity of intention, as they could not be sus pected of proposing a raeasure which, in their own opinion, tended ultiraately to the separation of Ireland frora Great Britain," He said that " the object of the raeasure was evidently a Union, though the word itself was not to be found in it. But did the people of Ireland raanifest any wish to unite ? On the contrary, they had unequivocaUy declared theraselves hostile to this design ; and if it was effected, it would be by a union of fraud, force, and corruption, and intimidation. He ask ed how the terms of the fnal adjustment made and agreed to by the Parliaraents of the two countries carae to fail. Before the recoraraenda tion of the raessage was attended to, it was in- LORD LIVERPOOL, 109 cumbent upon Ministers to show that the last pledge of the English Parliament to the pepple of Ireland, by which their independence was re- cegnized, and their rights acknpwledged, had not produced that unaniraity which the Parliaraents of the two countries sought to cherish," He con cluded with a motion expressing surprise at this circumstance, and humbly iraploring his Majesty not to listen to those who should advise a union at this present crisis. It is well known, that the Irish Parliament was not at this tirae wiUing to adopt the raeasure, Mr. Pitt acknowledged, that " he had been dis appointed by the proceedings of the Irish House of Commons." Mr. Sheridan's amendraent, how ever, was after sorae altercation withdrawn ; and Mr, Pitt (31st January) carried eight resolutions, containing the plan upon which the Union was afterwards accomplished, " Mr, Sheridan," Lord Hawkesbury observed, "had somewhat. raore than insinuated, that the people of Ireland were against an Union, The people of Cork, and the people of Liraerick, had expressed themselves in favour of it, and when it once came to be duly considered, the whole people would view it in the sarae light." His Lordship, by the same arguments that had been used by Mr, Pitt, justified the vote he should give for the present propositions being submitted 110 MEMOIRS OF to a Committee of the whole House, by way of recording what they were wUling to do for pro moting the interests of Ireland. The harvest of this year (1799) was remarka bly late and wet ; circumstances which, together with the restrictions on our comraerce occasioned by the war (for iraportation was only sutgect at this tirae to an uniraportant duty), had occasioned an alarraingly short supply of the raarkets. Com mittees of the Lords and Commons were ap pointed to take this subject into consideration. They found that, although there had been a con siderable importation of wheat, it was their duty to recoraraend various economical raeasures in regard to the use of wheaten flour. The Com raittee of the House of Coraraons reported, that they had heard with very great concern that per sons had, through a raistaken charity, deUvered bread and flour to the poor, in particular districts, at a reduced price. They recomraended that re lief should be given, as far as practicable, in any other articles, rather than flour, bread, or raoney; and advised the substitution of rice, soups, and potatoes, as much as possible in their stead. But what they chiefly recommended, was a prohibition respecting the baking of bread ; with which Lord Hawkesbury concluded his speech in a Committee ofthe whole House, on the 18th of February, 1800. LORD LIVERPOOL, 111 His Lordship, quoting Mr. Arthur Young as his authority, stated, that " the crop in general in this country, it appeared, was not sufficient for the supply of its inhabitants ; and that, when this and the ordinary importation failed, the best me thod that could be adopted was, the use of sub stitutes. The habits and prejudices of the people would at first," he said, " oppose their introduc tion. It was difficult to change old habits ; but, for such a purpose as introducing substitutes for bread, the attempt should be persevered in. Were this plan adopted, this country would be fpund to contain in itself the raeans of feeding its inhabitants ; at present, the mode of feeding it was not the most economical. Great economy might be introduced; and every one would rejoice that, by the efforts of Count Rumford, and other individuals following his methods, this economy was already reduced by many to practice. It ap peared by the noble Count's calculations and statements, that One third more sustenance might be derived from many articles of provision, with out abridging the luxuries of the rich, than was usually drawn from them. The use of substi tutes, as suggested by the Committee, was parti cularly to be recommended in charities, and in parcchial reUef. Their intreductipn might not be effected at once ; yet it must be recoUected, that it was not the first year pf scarcity, and that it 112 MEMOIRS OF would not be the last. Within these five years, it was the second tirae that a scarcity had oc curred," Lord Hawkesbury closed with a high encoraiura on the liberality which the rich had displayed in alleviating the distress, and in sup plying the wants of the poor, and also on the poor for their becoraing conduct ; and raoved, " That the Chairraan be directed to report, that it was the opinion of that Coraraittee, that leave be granted to bring in a bUl to prohibit bakers from exposing any bread for sale, which had not been baked a certain number of hours." This motion was carried unanimously ; and a bill being pre pared, in which the blank for the number of hours was fiUed up with the words " twenty-four," it was carried through all its stages in ParUament, and received the Royal assent on the next day, February 20th, Opposition, in the course of this raonth, made another and more violent attack than heretofore on the motives and conduct of the war, Feb, 28, Mr, Tierney moved, " That it was the opinion of that House, that it was both unjust and unne cessary to carry on the war, for the purpose of restoring raonarchy in France," This mo tion was seconded by Mr, Jones, and supported by Mr. W. Bouverie and Mr. W. Smith. It was opposed by Mr. EUiott, Lord Hawkesbury, LORD LIVERPOOL. 113 Mr. Yprke, Sir G. P. Turner, Lerd Belgrave, Colpnel Elsford, and Mr. H. Brpwne. Lprd Hawkesbury cpnfined himself principaUy tc dis claiming, pn the behalf ef Ministers, that mptive for carrying en the war which the metipn im puted. 114 MEMOIRS OF CHAPTER III. General situation of Great Britain at the commencement of 1801 Question with Russia and the Northern Powers. — Treaty between France and America, — History of the Maritime Rights claimed by England, — Union with Ire land. — First meeting of the Imperial Parliament. — Agi tation of the Catholic Question by Mr, Pitt, — Letter of Mr. Pitt to the King, — Mr. Pitt resigns, — Addington Administration. — Debates on the late changes in the Ministry, — Attack upon Copenhagen, — Measures of the new Ministers in regard to Ireland, — Subsidy to Por tugal, — Motion of Mr. Jones respecting the Convention of El Arish, — Negotiations for peace with France, — Preliminaries signed on the 1st of October. — Debates on them in Parliament. — Mr. Windham's speech. — Debate on the Convention with Russia. — Treaty of Amiens. We now approach the period of Lord Liver pool's introduction into the Cabinet, and of his first possession of that important share in the public councUs, which» with the exception ofa very short interval, he retained for above a quarter of a century. It wUl be convenient therefore to exhibit in this place, a sketch of the general state of the f LORD LIVERPOOL. 115 public affairs of this country at the cemmence- ment of the year 1801. Great Britain was stiU at war with her ancient foe, France, For the direction of this contest, and assisting occasionaUy in her pubUc councils, even when opposing them, she possessed, -perhaps, as able statesmen as ever appeared in her history : and in no war had more brUliant isolated triumphs attended her arras. But every plan of combining the powers of Europe against the enemy had failed : too many of her Parliamentary leaders were determ[inately the chiefs of a party, and to accomplish ?^* triumphs, not the triumph of the country, they toUed — while the respurces, the patient endurance ef the people, and their cha racteristic attachment to their poUtical institu tions were never so severely tried. The resources of the enemy, on the other hand, were combined and directed by her ablest mo dem chieftain, Napoleen Bupnaparte, new in the youth and energy of his ainbitien. If afterwards that energy assumed the character of an unnatu ral and maniac strength, thei-e was a method in it at this time, sufficiently fearful. He had al ready prpstrated before him aU the parties pf the Revolutiony and every enemy pf Revplutipnary France but England. Austria, humbled by the decisive victeries pf the French at Marengo and HohenUnden, enly I 2 116 MEMOIRS OF attempted a feeble renewal of hostiUties at the opening of the year, to be corapeUed to sign in February the treaty of Lun6viUe, by which she abandoned to the French almost the whole of Italy; and acknowledged the left bank of the Rhine for the boundary of the Republic. Russia and the Northern Powers in the interim, had been urged by the agents of France to renew the principles of the Armed Neutrality of 1780, that free and neutral ships make free and neutral goods, and denying the right of any belligerent to search neutral vessels. This question, however, always of the first importance to this country, had becorae now deeply tinged, not only with the gene ral policy of the Russian Governraent towards England, but with the personal character and capricious partialities of the Eraperor Paul. He had at this tirae fixed his heart on obtaining Malta ; and, in his forraer alUances with Eng land and Austria, seeras at least to have been aUowed to entertain hopes of possessing' it. He had assuraed therefore the title of Grand Mas ter of Malta, and in August, 1800, a Russian ffeet with troops,, had sailed from the Black Sea, for the express purpose of taking possession of the island when it should surrender. On this event transpiring, however, England occupied the place,' and his fleet remained for some time at LORD LIVERPOOL. 117 anchor, waiting for orders in the canal of Con stantinople, Nor is it unimportant, however trivial -on the present head, to mention, that the Emperor was highly offended by the caricatures of his person pubUshed in London ; and which Buonaparte did not fail to have transmitted regularly te St. Pe tersburg, Little more than a year after his pro- clamatipn fpr restering the Beurbpn family, he sent a splendid embassy tp Paris, which was met at Brussels by General Clarke, and conducted by hira to the French capital. On the 19th, of Ja nuary, 1801, a decree of the Consular Govern ment was issued, by which all vessels of the Re pubUc, and all cruisers bearing the French flag, were forbidden to interrupt the ships-of-war, or the commerce ofthe Emperor of all the Russias, or of his subjects ; on the contrary, all French vessels were ordered to afford succour and aid to the ships of Russia, But without the concurrence of Prussia, the hostUities of the northern powers could not have been attended with any permanently bad effects to England, Commanding an extensive maritime coast, and the navigation of aU the great rivers .from' the Rhine to the Eider on the north of Ger many, it was in her power to render it truly for midable ; especially at this time, when Great Bri- 118 MEMOIRS OF tain, under the pressure of an unusual scarcity, was looking to the Pmssian ports for a large sup ply of com, Buonaparte therefore neglected no effort to at tach the Prussian Monarch to the new confederacy. His brother Louis was sent to Berlin with fuU powers to accompUsh this object; and a happy opportunity occurred for promoting it, in the mission of the Marquis de Lucchesini to Paris, to take care of the interests of Prussia, during the negotiations at LuneviUe, Havirig thus prepared the way, the First Con sul openly avowed his intention to rouse the whole of Europe against Erigfarid, In" a message to the Legislative Body, February 13, respecting the treaty recently concluded with Austria, " Why is it," he said, " that this treaty is not a general pacification ? This was the wish of France! This was the constant object of the efforts of its Government. But aU its efforts have been in vain. Europe knows all that the British have done to prevent the success of the negotia tions at LunfeviUe. It advances pretensions con trary to the dignity and the rights of all nations. All the coraraerce of Asia, and imraense colonies, are no longer sufficient to satisfy its ambition. It is necessary that all the seas should besubjected to the exclusive sovereignty of England. It arms against Russia, Denraark, and Sweden, beca®se LORD LIVERPOOL. 119 Russia^ Denmark,' and Sweden, have by-ireaties mutually guaranteed their sovereignty, their in dependence and their i flags. The powers of the North, Unjustly attacked, have a right to rely on the assistance of France." The Western World was caUed upon to echo these sentiments. On the SOth of September, 1800, the United States of America concluded a treaty with the French Republic, on the principle^ that free ships make free goods, contraband except ed. Passports from any place from whence any vessel should have sailed, with oertificates ascertain ing cargoes, were to be sufficient guai;3,ntees, on both sides, to. merchant vessels, against aU in sults. It was agreed, that the citizens of the two nations might navigate and trade in perfect free- dpni and security, with their merchandize and ships, in the cpuntry, and pprts pf the enemies of either party, unless they should be actuaUy be sieged, hlpckaded,- pr invested. The only articles forming contraband during War,,were understood to be gunpowder, salt-petre, petards, matches, baUs, bullets, bombshells, pistols, halberts, cannons, harnesses, artiUery of aU sorts, and, in general, aU kinds of arms and implements fpr the equip ment of trppps. These articles when found de stined fer an enemy's pert, were expesed to con fiscation ; but the ship with which they were freighted, as well as the rest of the cargo, were to 120 MEMOIRS OF be regarded as free. It was stipulated, that aU things on board should be reckoned free belonging to the citizens of one of the contracting parties, although the cargo, or part of it, should belong to the eneraies of one or other, contraband goods always excepted. The ships of war and priva teers of each party, were to keep out of cannon shot of each other on the sea, and send their boats to the raerchant vessels they should meet. It was expressly agreed, that the neutral should not be obUged to go on board the visiting vessel, to produce his papers, or to give any information whatever. Such were the stipulations of this treaty with regard to the conduct to be held on the sea by the cruisers of the beUigerent party, to the traders of the neutral party saiUng without convoy ; in the case of ships under convoy, it was not to be lawful to visit them. The verbal declaration ofthe com mandant of the escort, that the vessels under his convoy belonged to the nation whose flag he car ried, and that they had nothing contraband on board, was to be considered by the respective cruisers as fully sufficient. We cannot enter into the more rainute provi sions of this remarkable compact, intended evi dently to be a model of that code of raaritirae law, by which France hoped to deprive Great Britain LORD LIVERPOOL. 121 of every substantial advantage of her naval supe riority. To show the reciprpcity of principle now exist ing on this subject between the United States and the Nerthem Ppwers, it rnay be remarked, that SPPn after the cpnclusion of this treaty between France and America, an ambassador was for the first time sent from Denmark to those States. Between England and Sweden, in the mean tirae, more than one occasion had occurred for insisting upon a very different neutral code. So far back as January, 1798, a fleet of Swedish mer chantmen carrying pitch, tar, herap, deals, and iron, to the ports of France, was taken from un der the convoy of a ship of war, and proceeded against for resisting the search of some British cruisers, when Sir WiUiam Scott, the able judge of our Admiralty court, conderaned the ships and cargoes ; taking an elaborate view of the general question of neutral rights in such A case, accord ing to the established law of nations. As this was now a subject of considerable rao raent to Great Britain, the following historical and practical view of its chief bearings, frora a respectable publication of the day, wUl not be misplaced. " England claimed, what she had always exer cised, a right of visitation and search. Spain, 122 MEMOIRS OF France, Holland, and other maritirae states, con stantly clairaed the sarae right, whenever their interest required; it; and they possessed power sufficient to enforce it. In a word, the rights clairaed by England, in regard to neutral vessels, had been justified by the practice of Europe for centuries. They had been long recognized by the coraraon acquiescence of all nations, when they were attacked by the doctrines of the faraous armed neutrality of 1780. " Not raany raonths had passed after the date of the raaritirae law pro- raulgated by Russia, before Sweden, Denmark^ and Prussia, bound themselves by treaty, not only to adopt her laws, as obligatory on themselves, but to insist in imposing them by force ^on all other powers, and particularly on this country. Ten years did not elapse, before the authors of that new system, which had been framed to last for ages, were theraselves the first to violate it. In 1793, the Erapress of Russia proposed, and ac tuaUy concluded a treaty with Great Britain^ for co-operating in the late war with France. She expressly engaged to unite with his Britannic Ma jesty all her efforts to prevent other powers, not iraplicated in this war, from giving any protection whatsoever, directly or indirectly, in consequence of their neutrality, to the commerce or property of the French, on the sea, or in the ports of France ; and, in execution of this treaty, she sent LORD LIVERPOOL, 123 a fleet into the Baltic and North seas, with ex press prders to her admiral, to search all Danish merchant ships sailing under convoy. Thus, the Empress of Russia, when at war with France, felt the justice, as well as the expediency, of resorting to the ancient system pf public law. The same system was adppted by ber successor with redoubled ardour. So lately as the year 1799, the Russian Emperor Paul I., threatened the Danes with immediate hostUities, on account of their partiality to France, of which he stated one symptom to be, their supplying assistance and protection to the trade of France, under the neutral colours of the Danish flag ; and if the Emperor did not carry these threats into ex ecution with as much intemperate haste, as he did his menaces in other instances, it was ow ing solely to the amicable interference of Great Britain:, which Denmark repeatedly acknow ledged. " An article, simUar to that in the Russian Convention in 1793, was agreed to between Great Britain and Prussia, another party, as ali-eady observed, to the armed neutrality of 1780. The same was likewise agreed to by Spain, and en gagements of similar import were entered into by Austria, as well as by Portugal and Naples. Denmark expressly renounced the principles of the league, of 1780, both by her own edicts, and 124 MEMOIRS OF by a formal treaty. The rescript, published at Copenhagen at the coraraenceraent ofthe present war, for pointing out to the Danish merchants, the nature and limits of their neutral trade, in stead of being founded on those principles, was in direct contradiction to them. The Danes were there expressly commanded not to atterapt to carry in neutral ships any property of the belli gerent nations. In the year 1794, a convention was signed between the Courts of Sweden and Denraark, for the rautual preservation of their neutral coraraerce, during a war, in which almost every country in Europe was then actuaUy en gaged. This treaty, being duly ratified, was by them coraraunicated to the British Govemraent. In the second article, they declared their adherence to their respective treaties with all the different powers at war, without exception ; and by the third, they bound theraselves to each other, and to aU Europe, that, in aU raatters not expressed in their existing treaties, they would not pretend to any other advantages than those which were founded on the universal law of nations, such as it was recognized and respected, up to that mo raent, by aU the powers and all the sovereigns of Europe."* Such were the principles of raaritirae law, then, upon which Great Britain, though engaged with * Dodsley's Annual Register, 1801. LORD LIVERPOOL, 125 nearly all the world in hostility against thera, stiU resolved to act. We have seen the dispositions of Sweden and Russia to aUy themselves with or assist her implacable foe : simUar dispositions were manifested by Denmark, But an erabassy dispatched to Copenhagen in August, 1800, sup ported by a squadron of nine sail of the line, four bomb and five gun vessels, had for the moraent hushed the storm rising in that quarter. The Convention of the Northern Powers, however, was signed at St, Petersburg on the 19th of December, 1800 : Prussia at once acceded to it ; and the Russian Emperor applied to the Court of Portugal and Naples, to urge them to close their ports against British vessels. In Egypt, the French army which Buonaparte had abandoned stUl maintained its footing, and had, during the past year, on the rupture of the treaty of El Arish, obtained a decisive victory over the Turks ; but soon after the re-commence ment of hostilities, the French general, Kleber, was assassinated. In the East Indies only was Great Britain de cidedly triumphant. She had there finally hum bled the most formidable opponent that ever arose against her power, Tippoo Saih, and pos sessed herself of the greatest part of his dominions. No native or other power, indeed, now vied with her in Hindoostan. 126 MEMOIRS OF The narrative of events in our preceding chap ter exhibited the Minister ,(31st January, 1799) proposing a series of resolutions in the House of Comraons, on which the legislative union be tween Great Britain and Ireland was ultiraately grounded. On the 1st of January, 1801, this iraportant measure was carried into effect. A proclaraation was issued, declaring the King's pleasure concern ing the royal style, titles, and arraorial ensigns, hereafter to be used as appertaining to the irape rial crown of Great Britain and Ireland. The regal title was in future to be in Latin, " Geor gius Tertius, Dei gratia, Britanniarura Rex, Fidei defensor :" in English, " George the Third, by the grace of God,- of the United Kingdom of Great Britain a;nd Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith :" and in honour of the Union, many new titles were conferred on the nobUity of Ireland. This was the last important doraestic raeasure of the Adrainistration. The Imperial Parliament first assembled on thp 22nd, of January, and so Uttle were the arrange ments of the following month, then anticipated* that Mr. Addington was again chosen Speaker of the House of Commons. In the debate on the Address in that House, Mr. ComwalUs^ who se conded the address, observed, that " in order to give the Union full effect, raany raeasures, conse- LORD LIVERPOOL, 127 cutive upon it, would no doubt be adopted : and that to heal divisions, it was desirable that no thing ' consistent with, the full security of the Protestant religion in Ireland' should be oraitted," This called forth a reraark from Mr, Grey, that " he should have augured more favourably of the Union, had he found that the King's speech con tained a recommendation^ as it was reported it would, to consider of taking off those diSabiUties to which the Catholics of Ireland were subject." But no other notice was taken of this weighty question: Mr. Pitt, though he replied to Mr. Grey, did not at aU advert to it, or to the pe culiar situation of the Cabinet at this time. ' That distinguished statesman commanded at this period a great and steady majority in the House of Commons. In this debate he defend ed the recent public measm'es with unshrinking energy and irresistible eloquence ; and upon aU the great points of our external policy, the Ca binet which was to succeed agreed with him. It has also been rendered unquestionable, within the last few weeks, that he. enjoyed at this time the undiminished personal favour and preference of the King.* * We allude particularly to those condescending expres sions inr'Mr. Pitt's favoiirjWbich'Occurinone of the letters of his' late Majesty to Mr, Pitt recently published : — " Though I do not pretend to have tlie power Of changing 128 MEMOIRS OF Yet he was himself, perhaps, more desirous that the effect of farther negotiations with France should be tried, than wiUing to enter upon them: he knew that the difficulties of the country must be materially reUeved by a period of repose, how ever short, while he seeras to have had an invin cible repugnance to treating with Buonaparte. His latest Cabinet measures, therefore, were di rected towards placing the public affairs in the best situation to treat for peace, i.e. that in which we seemed stiU to comraand the events of war; and whatever raerit belonged, in this respect, to the expeditions to Egypt and to Copenhagen, apper tains to this closing period of Mr. Pitt's rainistry. The Catholic Question, however, as it has of late been caUed, was the ostensible and immediate cause of his resignation. We have seen that this event was unexpected. The^Minister and his col leagues, whUe they abstained frora any pledges of a positive kind, induced the CathoUcs . of Ire land, to concur in the raeasure of an union with Mr. Pitt'? opimon, when thus unfortunately fixed, yet I shall hope his sense of duty will prevent his retiring from his present situation to the evd of my life, for I can with great truth assert, that I shall, from public and private considera tions, feel great regret, if I shall ever find myself obliged, at any time, firom a sense of religious and political duty, to yield to his entreaties of retiring from his seat at the Board of Treasury." — Letter of his late Majesty King George 'IIL to Mr. Pitt, dated " Queen's House, 1st Feb. 1801;" LORD LIVERPOOL, 129 Great Britain, by expressing a confident opinion as to the result of that raeasure being favourable to their supposed claims. He gave them reason to expect that their full participation of political power and privileges raight be then " proposed" with advantage, particularly if they maintained a tranquU behaviour : any raore expUcit pledge, Mr. Pitt denied having given. Still, as we shaU soon perceive, and as the correspondence on the subject recently published fuUy proves, Mr, Pitt retired frora power at this tirae, because he was unable to " bring forward a measure of that sort" as " a measure of Government."* He seeras at first to have been unaware of the strong repug- * His words were, (on the debate on Mr. Grey's motion, afterwards alluded to,) " I mean this, that a measure of that sort appeared to me to be of much importance under all the circumstances ; and that, being unable to bring it forward as a measure of Government, I thought I could not, therefore, in honour, remain in the situation in which I then stood : and that I was desirous of letting it also be understood, that, whenever the objection I alluded to did not exist, the same ob stacle did not interpose, every thing depending on me, as well as those who thought with me, I should do ; for that I was desirous of carrying that measure, thinking it of great im portance to the public at large. But that, in the meantime, if any attempt to press it, so as to endanger the public tran quillity, should be made, or any attempt to pervert the affec tion of any part of his Majesty's subjects, we should take our full share in resisting such attempts, and we should do so with firmness and resolution," K 130 MEMOIRS OF nance to such a measure in the highest quarter ; and, though not explicitly pledged on the point, to have been unwiUing to relinquish afterwards what he thought of so " rauch importance under aU the circurastances ;" and which raight by iraplication, and the interpretation of others, be thought to affect his " honour," The iraportance of this subject is undirainished. Lord Liverpool it is weU known did not decide upon it, either with this his great predecessor in office, or his successors. But Mr, Pitt's opinions upon such a topic raust be referred to so long as it shaU be discussed. We therefore insert below* his " Downing-streetj Saturday, Jan. 31, 1801. " Mr. Pitt would have felt it, at all events^ his duty, pre vious to the meeting of Parliament, to submit to your Ma jesty the result of the best consideration which your confi dential Servants could give to the important questions re specting the Catholics and Dissenters, which must naturally be agitated in consequence of the Union, The knowledge of your Majesty's general indisposition to any change of the laws on this subject would have made this a painful task to him ; and it is become much more so by learning from some of his coUeagues, and from other quarters, within these few days, the extent to which your Majesty entertains, and has declared, that sentiment. " He trusts your Majesty wiU believe, that every princi ple of duty, gratitude, and attachment, must make him look to your Majesty's ease and satisfaction, in preference to all considerations, but those arising from a sense of what in Ms LORD LIVERPOOL. 131 able letter to the King at this juncture. It is a paper, indeed, which belongs to the narrative of Lord Liverpool's introduction to power. honest opinion is due to the real interest of your Majesty and your dominions. Under the impression of that opinion, he has concurred in what appeared to be the prevailing sen timents of the majority of the Cabinet — that the admission of the Catholics and Dissenters to offices, and of the Catho lics to Parliament (from which latter the Dissenters are not now excluded), would, under certain conditions to be speci fied, be highly advisable, with a view to the tranquiUity and improvement of Ireland, and to the general interest of the United Kingdom. " For himself, he is, on full consideration, convinced that the measure would be attended with no danger to the Es tablished Church, or to the Protestant interest in Great Bri tain or Ireland : — ^that now the Union has taken place, and with the new provisions which would make part of the plan, it could never give any such weight in office, or in ParUa ment, either to Catholics or Dissenters, as could give them any new means (if tbey were so disposed) of attacking the Establishment : — that the grounds, on whioh the laws of exclusion now remaining were founded, have long been nar rowed, and are since the Union removed :— that those prin ciples, formerly held by the Catholics, which made them be considted as politicaUy dangerous, have been for a course of time gradually declining; and, among the higher orders particularly, they have ceased to prevail: — that the obnox ious tenets are disclaimed in the most positive manner by the oaths, which have been required in Great Britain, and stiU more by one of those required in Ireland, as the condition of the indulgences already granted, and which might equally be made the condition of any new ones : — that if such an K 2 1 32 MEMOIRS OF In a few days from the date of this letter. Lord Grenville raade the first public avowal of the con- Oath, containing, (among other provisions) a denial of ihe power of Absolution from its obligations, is not a security from Catholics, the sacramental test is not more so: — that the political circumstances under which the exclusive laws originated, arising either from the conflicting power of hos tile and nearly balanced sects, from the apprehension of a Popish Queen or Successor, a disputed succession and a foreign Pretender, and a division in Europe between Catho lic and Protestant Powers, are no longer applicable to the present state of things: — that with respect to those, of the Dissenters, who, it is feared, entertain principles dangerous to the Constitution, a distinct political test, pointed against the doctrine of modern Jacobinism, would be a much more just and more effectual security, than that which now exists, which may operate to the exclusion of conscientious persons wel] afifected to the State, and is no guard against those of an opposite description : — that with respect to the Catholics of Ireland, another most important additional security, and one of which the effect would continually increase, might be provided, by graduaUy attaching the Popish Clergy to the Government, and, for this purpose, making them dependant for a part of their provision (under proper regulations) on the State, and by also subjecting them to superintendance and control : — that, besides these provisions, the general inter ests of the Established Church, and the security of the Con stitution and Government, might be effectually strengthened by requiring the Political Test, before referred to, from the preachers of all Catholic or Dissenting Congregations, and from the Teachers of Schools of every denomination, " It is on these principles Mr. Pitt humbly conceives a new security might be obtained for the Civil and Eccle- LORD LIVERPOOL. 133 templated changes and their cause in the House of Lords, He stated that " Ministers had for siastical Constitution of this, country, more applicable to the present circumstances, more free from objection, and more effectual in itself, than any which now exists;— and which would, at the same time, admit of extending such indulgences, as must conciliate the higher orders of the Catholics, and by furnishing to a large class of your Ma jesty's Irish subjects a proof of the good will of the United Parliament, afford the best chance of giving fuU effect to the great object of the Union— that of tranquiUizing Ireland, and attaching it to this country, " It is with inexpressible regret, after all he now knows of your Majesty's sentiments, that Mr. Pitt troubles your Majesty, thus at large, with the general grounds of his opi nion, and finds himself obliged to add, that this opinion is unalterably fixed in his mind. It must, therefore, ulti mately guide his political conduct, if it should be your Ma jesty's pleasure, that, after thus presuming to open himself fully to your Majesty, he should remain in that responsible situation, in which your Majesty has so long condescended graciously and favourably to accept his services. It wiU aflford him, indeed, a great relief and satisfaction, if he may be allowed to hope, that your Majesty will deign maturely to weigh what he has now humbly submitted, and to call for any explanation, which any parts ofit may appear to require. In the interval which your Majesty may wish for conside ration, he will not, on his part, importune your Majesty with any unnecessary reference to the subject ; and wiU feel it his duty to abstain himself, from all agitation on this sub ject in Parliament, and to prevent it, as far as depends on him, on the part of others. If, on the result of such consi deration, your Majesty's objections to the measure proposed 134 MEMOIRS OF some timfe past thought it expedient that the be nefits of the Union should be rendered as great should not be removed, or sufficiently diminished to admit of its being brought forward with your Majesty's fuU concur rence, and with the whole weight of Government, it must be personaUy Mr, Pitt's first wish to be released from a situa tion, which he is conscious that, under such circumstances, he could not continue to fiU but Avith the greatest disad- vantage. At the same time, after the gracious intimation which has been recently conveyed to him, of your Majesty's sentiments on this point, he will be acquitted of presumption in adding, that if the chief difficulties of the present crisis should not then be surmounted, or very materiaUy diminished, and if your Majesty should continue to think, that his humble ex ertions could, in any degree, contribute to conducting them to a favourable issue, there is no personal difficulty to which he wiU not rather submit, than withdraw himself at such a moment from your Majesty's service. He would even, in such a case, continue for such a short farther interval as might be necessary, to oppose the agitation or discussion of the question, as jar as he can consistently with the Une to which he feels bound uniformly to adhere, of reserving to himself a fuU latitude on the principle itself, and objecting only to the time, and to the tfemper and circumstances of the moment. But he must entreat that, on this supposition, it may be distinctly understood, that he can remain in office no longer than till the, issue (which he trusts on every ac count will be a speedy one) of the crisis now depending, shall admit of your Majesty's more easily forming a new arrangement ; and that he will then receive your Majesty's permission to carry witli him into a private situation that affectionate and grateful attachment, which your Majesty's LORD LIVERPOOL, 135 and as extensive as possible, by the removal of certain disabiUties, under which a great portion of the inhabitants of Ireland laboured. Iraagin ing," he added, " that this raeasure could alone be effectual, if comhig from the Executive Go vernment, we felt it our duty to propose it to those who direct his Majesty's councils. It was not deemed eUgible, and we were unable to pre vaU. Our opinion of its policy remaining unal tered, and StUl thinking that, and that alone» could estabUsh the tranquiUity and prosperity of the erapire on a permanent basis, we considered ourselves bound to retire. Accordingly, we ten dered to his Majesty the resignation of our seve ral employments; and he has been graciously pleased to dispense with our services. Thus, my Lprds, we enly hold our pffices tiU eUr successers are apppinted/' A letter frpm Mr, Addington tp the Clerk of goodness for a long course of years has impressed on his mind — and that unabated zeal for the ease and honour of your Majesty's Government, and for the pubUc service, which he trusts will ahvays govern his conduct. " He has .only to entreat your Majesty's pardon for troub Ung you on one other point, and taking the liberty of most respectfully, but e.xplicitlyj submitting to your Majesty the indispensable necessity of effectually discountenancing, in the whole of the interval, all attempts to make use of your Majesty's name, or to influence the opinion of any indivi dual, or descriptions of men, on any part of this subject. ' 136 MEMOIRS OF the House was read in the House of Commons the sarae day, notifying his acceptance of a situa tion under the Crown, which rendered it incom patible with his duty to retain the Speaker's chair ; and on the following day. Sir John Mit ford (the present Lord Redesdale) was, on the raotion of Lord Hawkesbury, chosen to succeed hira. This was ori the 10th of February. On the l6th, an indisposition of the King was announced, which retarded the corapletion of the rainisterial changes ; and which was not entirely reraoved untU the raiddle of March. Mr. Pitt therefore felt it his duty, before retiring from office, to bring before the House of Coramons, the budget of expenditure, artd ways and raeans, which he had prepared as ChanceUor of the Ex chequer. The sum stated as the araount of the' necessary supplies, was upwards of thirty-five railUons and a half fo'r Great Britain and Ire land ; to defray which, besides new taxes,, a loan of twenty-five and a half raUUons was proposed. The proportion of expenses to be paid by the two countries, as settled by the Act of Union, was two-seventeenths by Ireland, and fifteen- seventeenths by Great Britain. On the 14th of March the new Ministry was announced. It consisted of: — Mr. Addington — First Lord of the Treasury, and Chancellor of the Exchequer. LORD .LIVERPOOL, 137 Duke of Portland — President of the CouncU, Lord Eldon — ChanceUor. Earl of Westmoreland — Lord Privy Seal. Earl St. Vincent — First Lord of the Admiralty. Earl of Chatham — Master-General of the Ordnance. Lord Pelham — Secretary of State for the Home Depart ment. Lord Hawkesbury — Secretary for the Foreign Department. Lord Hobart — Secretary for the Department of War and the Colonies. Lord Lewisham (succeeded by Lord Castlereagh) — Presi dent of the Board of Controul. Right Hon. Charles Yorke — Secretary at War. Earl of Liverpool— 'ChanceUor of the Duchy of Lancaster. Right Hon. Dudley Ryder (now Lord Harrowby) — Trea surer ofthe Navy. Right Hon. Thomas Steele and Lord Glenbervie — Joint Paymasters of the Forces. Lord Auckland and Lord Charles Spencer — Joint Postmas ters-General. John HUey Addington and Nicholas ^'ansittart, Esqrs, — ¦• Secretaries of the Treasury. Sir William Grant — Master of the Rolls. Sir Edward Law (afterwards Lord EUenborough) — Attorney General, Honourable Spencer Perceval — Solicitor General. Earl of Hardwicke — Lord.Lieuteuant of Ireland, Earl of Clare — Lord ChanceUor of Ireland, Lord Castlereagh (succeeded by Mr. Wickham) — Chief Se cretary. The Right Hon. Isaac Corry — Chancellor of the Exchequer for Ireland. The Administration, it wUl be seen, coraprised several members of the forraer Cabinet ; and the 138 MEMOIRS OF Opposition, of course, being wholly passed over, in the new arrangeraents, continued to act upon their former principles, Mr, Grey, on the 25th of March, raoved in the House of Corarijons for an inquiry into the state of the nation ; and introduced his raotion by a review of the whole conduct of Mr, Pitt's ministry. To those who composed it he iraputed aU the raisfortunes which overwhelraed Europe : all was, on their side, di saster and disgrace ; while the raighty genius who governed France, trusting to the resources of his own mind, restored Ufe and energy to the Govern ment ; led on his armies to victory, and laid his enemies at his mercy. He particularly eulogized the confederated powers of the North ; and cen sured the late Ministers for resigning their places ; spoke of " an engagement which they had con tracted with the Catholics in Ireland;" and ar raigned thera for entering into it without the knowledge of the Crown, Mr, Dundas, in defence of the raeasures of Mi nisters during the war, produced a Ust of con quests, beginning with the capture of Tobago, in 1793, and ending with the reduction of Malta, in 1800, — In farther illustration of " the disastrous policy of Ministers," he exhibited a list of ships taken or destroyed since the coraraenceraent of the contest, Mr. Dundas proved, from a compa rison of the conquests effected, and ships taken* LORD LIVERPOOL. 139 in the seven years war, conducted by the late Lord Chatham, with the same results in the. pre sent war, that the latter had been successful be yond any other. " With this result before hira," he added, " the Minister, who, for so many years, had guided the councUs of this country, and had superintended the conduct and operations of the war, need not be afraid tp transmit his farae to ppsterity, as a corapanion to that of his iUustrious father." In reply to Mr. Grey's observations on the change of Ministers, Mr. Dundas denied that " there was any mystery in the transaction, as had been asserted ; and affirraed that those who re signed on account of a serious difference of opi nion, must bave incurred the raost severe and merited censure, had they acted otherwise ; but they retired in no disgust, nor in any spirit of faction. They perceived, with heartfelt satis faction, that the talents, the character, and the virtues of their successors had entitled them to the confidence of their Sovereign ; and he could only prove the sincerity of this feeUng, by declar ing his determination to give them his decided support in whatever way it could be useful." Mr. Pitt corroborated this statement, and ex pressed the same opinion of his successors. He observed, " that they were not new to the House or the public ; or to the love and esteera of both." 140 MEMOIRS OF In an eulogiura on the character of the ChanceUor of the Exchequer, and Lord Hawkesbury in par ticular, he asked the gentleraen on the opposite side of the House " if they knew any one araong thera superior to the noble Secretary — saving, indeed, one person, unnecessary to narae, whose transcendent talents raade him an exception to alraost any rule?" Respecting the raeasure which had induced him to quit office, he said, that " he believed the importance ofit, aud the cir cumstances by which it was attended, to be such, that while he reraained in office he should have been unable to bring it forward in the way which was likely to be eventually successfiil ; and, there fore, he judged that he should serve the public less beneficiaUy, as weU as the parties who were more iraraediately the objects of it, in raaking. the atterapt, than in desisting from the measure. His idea of the measure itself was, that it was one which, upon the whole, had better have been adopted than refiised, under all the circumstances ; such was, also, the idea of those who had acted with hirn, and they had, therefore, thought it better that they should quit their offices than con tinue, under such circumstances, in his Majesty's service. In doing this, they had acted purely from principle ; they had acted in such a raanner as to satisfy their own rainds, which was to them important ; and he hoped they had acted in such LORD LIVERPOOL. 141 a manner as would, one day or other, be perfectly satisfactory to the pubUc." Adverting to the measure itself, had he pro posed it, as at one time he wished, " it was not one," he said, " which the Opposition were likely to look on Ughtly, although he should have had the good fortune to have had their support if he had brought it forward, that is, in one part ofit; but he did not think that they would have approved of the whole of it ; nor did he beUeve that they would have favoured the whole of the principle on which he should have proposed the raeasure. He de clared he was not anxious to have the question agitated at all, at that moraent. He did not think that that was a period, in which it could be agitated beneficially to the public, or to the Roman Catholics themselves; but, whenever it should be agitated, he should be ready and willing to go fuUy into it, and to give his opinion at large upon it. He would only say at present, that as to any thing which he and his colleagues, had it in contemplation to bring forward, he disclaimed the very words in common use, — 'the Emancipa tion of the Catholics,' or ' Catholic Emancipation.' He had never understood the situation df the Catholics to be such ; he did not then understand it to be such, as that any relief from it could be correctly so described ; but he thought the few remaining benefits of which they had not yet par- 142 MEMOIRS OF ticipated, raight have been added safely to the many benefits which had been so bounteously conferred on them, in the course of the present reign. He had been of opinion, and he stUl was of opinion, that those benefits, if they had pre ceded the Union, would have been rash and de structive. He had been of opinion then, he was of opinion now, that the very measure to which he aUuded, as a claira of right, could not be main tained ; and it was on the gi'ound of liberality alone, and political expediency, that he should have thought it desirable, advisable, and im portant ; but he would not have had it founded on a naked proposition, to repeal any one thing, which former policy had deemed expedient for the safety of the Church and State. No, it was a coraprehensive and an extensive system which he raeant to propose ; to relinquish things certainly intended once as a security, which he thought, in some respects ineffectual, and which were liable to additional objections, from the very circum stance ofthe object of the Union having been, ac complished, and providing other security for the same objects ; to have a more consistent and ra tional security, both in Church and State, accord ing to the principle, but varying the raod^i which the wisdom of oUr ancestors had adopted, for the prevention of danger. The raeasure he intended to propose, he th«mght, would give more safety to LORD LIVERPOOL. 143 the Church and State, as weU as more satisfac tion to all classes, and all descriptipn s, of the King's subjects, and take away only that which no man wpuld wish to remain, provided there could be perfect security without it !" It is unfortunate that we find no authentic detaUs of the measure Mr. Pitt aUuded to, as the one he wpuld have prpppsed : and it is to be ob served, that Lord Liverpppl and his ccUeagues have ever resisted general motions on this ques tipn, on the ground that none of the securities^ on which this great man dweUs so strongly, have accompanied them. But we shaU have occasion to recur to this subject. No important measures of the new Ministry could become topics of discussion in this sitting of Parliament, but important events to the country occupied the sjjring and summer. With a fleet of eighteen ships of the line and frigates and bomb vessels, amounting in aU to fifty-two saU, a Minister Plenipotentiary had been dispatched' into the Baltic in March, with an ultimatum for the consideration of the Court of Denmark. This was, that Denmark should at once recede frem the Northern alliance; that a free passage through the Sound should be granted to the EngUsh fleet ; and that the Danish ships should no longer sail with convoy. These terms being rejected, our fleet forced the passage of the 144 MEMOIRS OF Sound, and Lord Nelson, on the 2d of AprU, made his memorable attack on the Danish fleet, and the city of Copenhagen. The complete suc cess of this attack, succeeded bythe accession of the late Emperor Alexander to the throne of Russia, dissolved the Northern confederacy. The new Adrainistration directed its first atten tion to securing the public tranquUUty. The act for the suppression of rebeUion, and another for the suspension of the Habeas Corpus act in Ireland, were, after considerable debate, carried in both Houses ; and a select Coramittee of the House of Comraons having brought in a report concerning the existence and proceedings of societies of disaffected persons in Great Bri tain, a continuation of the suspension ofthe Ha beas Corpus in this country, and a revival of the act for preventing seditious raeetings, were mo ved and carried. BiUs were likewise passed for indemnifying aU persons concemed in the secur ing,, imprisoning, and detaining individuals under the suspension of the Habeas Corpus act in Ire land since March, 1799, and in Great Britain since February, 1793. This Session also, a Bill was introduced and carried by the new Chancel lor of the Exchequer, " To remove doubts re specting the eligibUity of persons in holy orders to sit in the House of Comraons :" they were finally declared ineUgible. LORD LIVERPOOL. 145 Lord Hawkesbury, on the 28th of May, in pur suance of a message from the King, moved that " the sum of 300,000/. should be granted to Por tugal by way of subsidy." He observed, that " this was not a subsidy intended to encourage offensive, but merely to enable an old and faithful ally to raaintain defensive, operations, tiU a peace could be made on terms consistent with her ho nour; his Majesty having ihought it right to absolve the Court of Lisbon from all engagements not to enter into a separate treaty." When this was objected to on the ground of its being an aid utterly inadequate to the occa sion, at a moment when the hostile armies of France and Spain were upon the borders of her territories ; and that it could be only a sort of bribe advanced to Portugal, to induce her, against her judgment, to continue her present contest; Mr. Pitt made one of those lofty reraarks in de fence of the measure which characterize his speeches, while he almpst identifies himself with the new Ministry. "We dp npt," he said, "de sire Pertugal to brave danger ; but we say, if fpr their pwn sake they think it more wise, more raanly, more dignified, and more safe, to meet the danger, rather than to agree to unknown conces sion, indignity, and insult, then Great Britain will be true to her engagements : and thoiigh we ab solve them from their proraise to us, we will not I. 146 MEMOIRS OF make this absolution a raask for our avarice or our pusiUaniraity, as Ipng as they have spirit and courage enough not to coraproraise with an op pressive and perfidious eneray." The raotion was carried without a division. We afterwards find Lord Hawkesbury replying to the fifth raotion of Mr. F. Jones, on the sub ject of the convention of El Arish. The rea soning and anticipations of this gentleman appear ed afterwards in singular contrast with the events that were at the moment ocpuning in Egypt. He caUed upon the House of Coraraons to en quire " by whose advice, instructions, dated 15th of Deceraber, 1799, had beerugiven to the Com mander-in-chief of his Majesty's fleet in the Me diterranean, enjoining him not to consent, on any account, to the returning of the French army from Egypt to France, or to their capitulation in any other mannerj than jointly to allied powers eraployed against thera ; or upon any other terms, than that of giving up their arms, and surren dering as prisoners of war, to the alUed powers so eraployed ; and on no account to consent to the return of the French array in Egypt to France, or to their capitulations :" insisting that " by such instructions the grand object of peace had been postponed, and the seat of the present cala mitous, unfortunate, and expensive war had been transferred to the very distant coasts of Egypt LORD LIVERPOOL. 147 — when the hostUe preparations in the ports of France threatened an invasion of these realms; and when our good and old aUy Portugal was about to sink under the deminipn pf the French Republic, in cpnsequence pf that army, which might have defended Pertugal, being detached te Egypt," &c. Lprd Hawkesbury said " the arguraents pf the honourable gentleman had been so often answer ed, that he would not now enter into any reason ing on the subject. It would be only to repeat for the thousandth time, arguments in defence of the general poUcy of the predecessors of Minis ters, and thereby delay the House from the consi deration of important affairs." The great business of the summer and autumn, however, was the adjustment of preliminaries of peace with France. This had been attempted the previous year through the present channel, M. Otto, the French Commissary in this country for the exchange of prisoners. Lord Hawkes bury, as Foveign Secretary, was entrusted with the interests of Great Britain. His Lordship on the 21st of March, addressed a letter to M, Otto, stating that he had received the commands of the King to communicate to the French Government the dispositions of his Ma jesty immediately to enter on negotiation for the restoration of peace ; and to declare that his Ma- L 2 148 MEMOIRS OF jesty is ready to send to Paris, or to any other suitable place, a Minister fully authorised to give necessary explanation, as weU as to negotiate and conclude, in the name of his Majesty, a treaty between this country and France, In reply. to this frank coraraunication, the French Minister was directed to express the satisfaction of the French Consul, that Great Britain " was at last disposed to put an end to the raisery which, for eight years, had desolated Europe" — and he pro posed that the negotiation should be preceded by an iramediate suspension of hostilities, by sea and land. This was a raeasure (especially in the existing situation of the Mediterranean and Egypt) to which the British Governraent could not accede. Lord Hawkesbury represented the difficulties connected with it as " insurraountable ; or at all events calculated to occasion considerable de lays :" but engaged that " an iramediate, fuU, and confidential coraraunication" should be raade to M, Otto on the general basis of a, peace. Personal conferences between the Ministers now therefore took place. His Majesty offered to restore all the conquests raade by England, excepting Trinidad, Martinico, Malta, Ceylon, Tobago, Deraerara, Essequibo, and Berbice, on condition that the French shaU evacuate Egypt ; that the Cape of Good Hope be declared a free LORD LIVERPOOL, 149 port ; and that the House of Orange shaU receive an entire indemnity for the loss which it has suf fered in its property. But Lord Hawkesbury observed that, " if authentic information should be received, previous to the signature of the pre Uminaries, of the evacuation of Egypt by the French troops, or of a convention concluded tO that effect, his Majesty would not hold hiraself bound to subscribe to the above conditions in all their extent," This was clearly a more dignified position than the French Government expected England to take : if the war was without any future objects of importance to Great Britain, she feared no sudden reverses, or she would have agreed to the proposed armistice ; she was seriously disposed for peace, but she rather expected to benefit than to receive disadvantage, by a protracted discus sion. An answer was forwarded from France, stating that she could " not leave in the hands of England countries and establishments of such considerable weight :" and the negotiations be came suspended. . May 29th, M. Otto complains to Lord Hawkes bury, " that two months had passed away without being able to fix the basis of a pacification so im pprtant tp the two nations and all Europe,'' Lord Hawkesbury, in reply, could only refer to former proposals, and state, " that if the French 150 MEMOIRS OF Government has any propositions to make, dif ferent frora those that have been mentionedj and which in its judgraent raay conduce to peace, bis Majesty is ready to give thera the fidlest con sideration." Bupnaparte now, therefore, inquired whether if the French Govemment should accede to the arrangements proposed for the East Indies by England, and should adopt the status ante bellum for Portugal, his Britannic Majesty would consent that the status ante bellum should be re-estabUshed in the Mediterranean and America ? and urged the question in a second note. To this the British Minister repUed, " that in order to restore the status ante bellum in the Mediterranean, it would be necessary not only that the integrity of the Ottoman Empire should be secured, but also that the French Government should evacuate the country of Nice and aU the States of the King of Sardinia, that the Grand- duke of Tuscany should be re-established, and that the rest of Italy should recover its indepen dence. If that cannot be, and that France is to preserve a part of the influence which she has lately acquired in Italy, his Majesty is legitimately authorized to keep the Island of Malta to protect the comraerce of his subjects, and to watch, at least, over the interests of Great Britain in that part of the world. LORD LIVERPOOL, 151 " The proposition," his Lordship added, " men tioned in the second note, on the status ante bellum in America, as a compensation of the status ante bellum as relative to Portugal, appears to be un just. The undersigned, in his note of the 14th of April, has already regulated the concessions that his Majesty intended to make to France and her aUies, with a view to assure the status ante bellum tP Pprtugal and the Otteman Pprte on the re-estabUshment of peace ; but althpugh his Ma jesty is disposed to make every reasonable con cession for the advantage of the aUies, it cannot be expected that he wUl consent for their sake, to make sacrifices which will be incompatible with the security of his kingdoms. Independent of all considerations of this nature, the proposition is in itself liable to objections, since the status ante bellum for Portugal cannot in any way be equivalent to the status ante bellum for America. His Majesty has made very important conquests in that part of the world, not only from France, but Spain and HoUand. It cannot, however, be expected that his Majesty wiU restore all the conquests that his arms have made from several powers in America, as a compensation for the status ante bellum in Portugal alone. Besides, it must be observed, that the status ante bellum in America could not be produced by the restitution of the conquests which his Majesty has made 152 MEMOIRS OF there, without caUing for a compensation to Great Britain for the acquisition that France has made of the Spanish part of St, Domingo." He stated in conclusion, that " he nevertheless had been di rected by his Majesty to give an additional proof of the care he takes of the interests of his alUes, and of his desire to bring the negotiation to a happy conclusion. For this purpose, the under signed is authorized to promise that when the French Government shall have acceded to the propositions already made by his Majesty, re specting the East Indies and the Mediterranean, and if it consent also that his Majesty shaU keep in America, Martinico, Tobago, Demerara, Esse quibo, and Berbice, his Majesty wiU grant the status ante bellum for Spain, in consideration of the status ante bellum for Portugal, and conclude peace on those conditions." This note again threw considerable coldness and delay into the proceedings : however, at last, the French negotiator proposed explicitly, that " Great Britain should keep Ceylon ; that Egypt should be restored to the Porte; that Minorca should be given back to Spain ; that Malta should be restored to the Order of St. John ; and that the Cape of Good Hope, and the other conquests of England, should be restored to the alUes ;" but stating that in Martinico, France could npt re nounce her own rights. Trinidad was afterwards LORD LIVERPOOL. 155 cenceded te the British Ministers in exchange fer Martinico. The twp Ministers Plenipptentiary finaUy met on the 7th of September, and arranged the sub stance of the preliminary articles, which were signed at the office of Lerd Hawkesbury en the evening of the 1st pf Octcber.* It is necessary to notice, that during these dis cussions, France prevailed on the Court of Ma drid to direct a Spanish army to march into Por tugal ; and shortly after, entered that country herself with a powerful force : that the British navy sustained its prowess on the ocean in two actions, fought between Sir Jaraes Sauraarez. and a squadron of French and Spanish ships-of-war off the coast of Spain, as well as in the attacks of * Some of the political writers of the day censured Lord Hawkesbury for a departure from the established rules of diplomatic etiquette, in having condescended to reduce him self to a level, on this occasion, with ' a citizen of France.' But the objection was very frivolous : France at this time possessing no titled citizens. There seems to have been some tenacious feeling of this kind in the preceding Admi nistration, which Mr. Sheridan stigmatized as "a stiff- necked policy," showing " insincerity." " I see," said he, "Mr. Nepean and Mr. Hammond appointed to confer with M. Otto, because they are of the same rank. Is not this as absurd as if Lord Whitworth were to be sent to Petersburg and told that he was not to treat but with some gentlemen of six feet highland as handsome as himself!" 154 MEMOIRS OF Lord Nelson on the Boulogne flotUla ; and that the French Govemment received dispatches frora General Menou, announcing his treaty with Ge neral Hutchinson for the evacuation, of Egypt. The last important circumstance was not known to our own Government untU the 3d of October. As the preUrainaries were afterwards the basis ofthe definitive Treaty of Araiens, and were ftiUy debated, as we shaU notice, in Parliament, we need only add, in addition to what has been sta ted, that as weU as restoripg Egypt to the Porte, they stipidated for the territories and possessions of that power to be preserved entire, such as they existed previously to the war ; and that the ter ritories and possessions of our aUy, the Queen of Portugal, were also to be preserved entire ; as also those of the King of Naples. The ratifica tion of the preUminaries was exchanged in Lon don between Lord Hawkesbury and M. Otto on the afternoon of the 12th of October. Parliament met on the 29th of October. The speech from the Throne announced the Conven tion, whereby the dispute with the Northern PPW- ers had been adjusted, and the signature of the preliminary treaty with France. It expressed also his Majesty's satisfaction at the naval and miU tary successes of the year, and particularly with the result of the expedition to Egypt. The ad dresses passed without a division. But in the LORD LIVERPOOL. 155 Hpuse of Cemmpns both treaties were ably de bated. Lerd Levesen Gower having pbserved that in the projet pffered at LislCj, we had made no such concessipns tp France as en the present occa- sipn : — Lprd Hawkesbury, in defence of the prelimina ries, said, that " he thought it was unfair to dweU upon any comparison between them ; the projet at Lisle was but a projet, and no person could venture to deny that Lord GrenviUe would have been glad to have taken less from the Govern ment of France than he then demanded. After nine years effusion of blood ; after an increase of debt to the amount of nearly two hundred mil lions ; after the uninterrupted exertions of the country, and, at the same time, the most splen did and signal successes, there was no man who could deny but that peace was a most desirable object. Notwithstanding the zeal, however, with which he had laboured for the pubUc tranquU Uty, he solemnly disclaimed the plea of overruling necessity, which some persons had set up. Al though he felt the present peace to be eligible and adequate to the relative situation of the two countries, yet he would not pretend to say that it was free from all objections, and secure from aU risk and danger. He woidd not attempt to pledge himself for the stabUity of the present 156 MEMOIRS OF peace ; he should confine himself to that question which was pecuUarly before the House, whether his Majesty's Ministers in signing this peace have been to blame or not ? In considering this ques tion, it would be necessary to observe the different grounds upon which the peace has been objected to. Sorae persons object, because they say the object of the war had not been obtained : they state that the object of the war was to destroy re publicanisra, and by an interference in the inter nal affairs of France, to stop the progress of its Revolution. This was an opinion which he must utterly deny to have been well founded ; and on the contrary, he must declare that this country had been forced into the war by France;; It was France who had interfered in the internal affairs of other countries ; who both openly and by her agents propagated disaffection, sedition, anarchy, and revolt in this country. The Revolution was a torrent so dreadful, that no man or set of men could hope to check its rage and impetuosity : but if this country had opposed its fury with some success ; if it had changed its direction into a channel less dangerous to the general welfare, some acknowledgment was due to the wisdom and zeal of Government, as weU as to the spirit and exertions of the country. It was irapos^ble to look at the present state of France, withqut being convinced that we had effected that mo&t important change ; a change which is manifest to LORD LIVERPOOL. 157 the most superficial observer in the manners, ha bits, and opinions of the people of France. After considering well the effects of this change, and the existing circumstances, he centended that there had not been a time, when fewer evils could be expected from peace than at present. With regard to a continuance of hostiUties, there were two questions to be considered : — first, whe ther we possessed the power of forming another coalition against France? secondly, what injury could England and France do to each other ? As to the first questipn, it must be recoUected that the first coaUtipn had failed, and that the secend had also failed, ^as it then very desirous to hazard the experiraent of a third? But if we shpuld have desired it ever so strongly, the ele ments of a new coalition were not to be found. We should look for them in vain in Germany, Prussia, or Russia. A coalition being therefore impossible, it only remained to consider what harm could England or France do to each other by continuing the war ? The fact was, that with our immense naval superiority, we could not strike any effectual blow against France, and neither power could materially affect the other. That was the time, then, which was chosen by both for signing a treaty of peace, in the con sideration of which it would be necessary to ob serve upon the time, the tone, and the terms of it. The time was in the hour of victory to this 158 MEMOIRS OF country, when its triumphs by land and sea were recent, and the voice of peace could be Ustened to with honour, both by the Govemment and the people. The tone was that of dignity and inde pendence, far reraoved from any humUiating idea, either with respect to ourselves or our alUes ; and in speaking of the terms, he must disclaim the support, and conderan the opinions of those who were fond of underrating the resources of this country, and extoUing the power of the enemy. The situation of the two countries was materially different ; but that difference was one of the strongest reasons fbr the peace. The first feature of this peace, was a strict good faith and magna niraity towards those powers who had been our alUes. We had stipulated that the Ottoman Porte should be restored to all the possessions which it held before the war. To Portugal we had given every protection suitable to our strength and her interests ; and as for Naples we had be haved with uncommon magnaniraity. Naples had been caUed upon by France to exclude our shipping from her poyts ; she went farther, and joined in an alliance which would have warranted on our part a declaration of war : yet what was our conduct on the occasion ? We interfered in her favoiir, and obtained for her the restoration of her territo ries, and the establishment of her independence. For the Ottoman Porte we had not only recovered LORD LIVERPOOL. 159 aU her territories, but even procured a cession on the part of France of the sovereignty qf the ex- Venetian islands, which in the hands of France might be extremely dangerous to the Turkish empire. For the Stadtholder and the King of Sardinia, although not bound to them by any obUgation of strict faith, yet we had done as much as was possible. We had interfered as far as our interference could have weight. " Having said so much with respect to the good faith of this country, he should next examine the question of the acquisitions made by the two countries. On this subject he should first observe, that it was the opinion of many men of the soundest judgment, that an increase of power is by no means a necessary consequence of increased acquisitions. This principle applied equally strong to the continental acquisitions of France and our colonial acquisitions. In the West Indies he could not perceive any cession could be the sub ject of regret, nor any possession given up to the East Indies which could bethe subject of jealousy. The possessions there ceded were not calculated for aggression ; if they were strong enough to attack us in the East, the Island of Mauritius would be the most formidable point to commence the attack from. As for Minorca, the experience of aU former wars shows, that we can make our selves masters of it when we please, but that we 160 MEMOIRS OF have always thought proper to restore it at the peace, and save ourselves the expense of garrison ing it. Malta is, certainly, frora its situation and impregnable state, of considerable political im portance and value ; but it neither is itself a source of trade, nor can its value be at aU ascer tained from any security it may be supposed to give to our Levant trade. Our Levant trade is in fact next to nothing. The araount of British exports to the Levant do not exceed 112,000/. per annura, which is a mere nothing to the ge neral commerce of Great Britain, ' That trade has long been, and is Ukely to continue, principaUy in the hands of the Southern nations of Europe, whose comraodities are raore suitable to that raarket. The Dutch,- however, had, by the effect of very wise regulations, enjoyed a very extensive trade on the Levant, without having any settle raent in the Mediterranean, and it was the in tention of the Governraent of this country to adopt simUar regulations. As to the acquisitions we have made, he thought he raight, without over rating, state, that Ceylon and Trinidad were the two great naval stations of those parts of the world to which they belong, Ceylon is pecuUarly iraportant : its ports are so capacioUs and secure, that the whole coraraerce and. navy of Great Bri tain could lie there in safety ; its native produc tions are of great value, and its situation would LORD LIVERPOOL. l6l afford (if necessary) a retreat from our Indian array, which the united force of the world would not be able to drive them from. Trinidad is also of great iraportance as a naval station, and one of the most productive and healthy islands in the West Indies. " Such having been the results of the war, and such acquisitions being secured to us by this treaty, he thought that the peace must be aUowed to be honourable, although it raight not be what some people would caU glorious. It certainly was as favourable for this country as any of the five last treaties of peace, naraely, the treaties of Ryswick, of Utrecht, Aix-la-Chapelle, Paris, and Versailles. Of those five treaties, it was only by that of Utrecht and the peace of 1763 that we acquired any thing. By the peace of 1783 we lost considerably ; not only our American colonies, but other valuable possessions ; and as to the only two treaties by which we had before gained any thing, it must be recollected, that in the wars which preceded them, France had been unsuc cessful on the Continent, He could not conceive the consistency of these persons who could sign the projet at Lisle, and not sign the present treaty. The question was not now about a peace, in which the'Continental Powers were to take a leading part, but a separate peace between Great Britain and France. In the projet at Lisle, all M 162 MEMOIRS OF that Was asked in the first instance was Ceylon, Trinidad and the Cape ; and although we had since made other conquests, yet we had lost sorae, particularly the iraportant possession of St. Domiiigo. In appreciating the real strength of France, we must balance against her territorial acquisitions, the diminution of her coraraerce, the ruin of her raanufactures, and her loss of wealth ; and in appreciating our situation, we should find, by the great increase of British exports, that our substantial power has increased in a proportion equal to the territorial iiacrease of France. The navy of Great Britain had, during this war, ob tained as decided a superiority as her coraraerce. In the beginning of the war we had one hundred and thirty-five ships of the line, and one hundred and thirty-three frigates ; on the 1st of October, 1801, we had two hundred and two sail of the line, and two hundred and seventy-seven fiigates ; while the French, who at the coraraenceraent of the war had eighty sail of the Une, and sixty-six fr^ates, had, at the conclusion, but thirty-nine sail and thirty-five frigates. It would not be in the power of France, with every exertion she could raake, in a ten years' peace, to buUd a navy equal to that of Great Britain^ and he felt con vinced, that if even the war were renewed in seven, eight, or ten years, this country would begin it to rauch greater advantage than she had com- LORD LIVERPOOL. 163 menced the last. This country had been engaged in a long and dreadful contest, but she had come out of it with honour and advantage ;^ and al though her situation, as weU as that of Europe, might appear critical, yet he hoped, in a sound system of policy, combining firmness with mo deration, there would be found a counterpoise to every danger, and a remedy to every evil." Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox, though they had so long differed, as Mr. Windham observed, on the subject ofthe war, agreed in approving the peace. Mr. Pitt confessed that " he gave up his hopes of restoring the ancient Monarchy of France, with the greatest reluctance ; and he should to his dying day lament that there were not, on the part of the other powers of Europe, efforts cor responding to our own, for the accomplishment /Of that great work : there were periods, during the continuance of the war, in which he had hopes of our being able to put together the scat tered fragments of that great and venerable edi fice ; to restore the exUed nobility of France ; to re-establish a govemment, certainly not free from defects, but buUt upon sober and regular founda tions, in the stead of that mad system of innova tion which threatened, and had nearly accom plished, the destruction of Europe. " This,' it was true, had been found unattaina ble ; but we ha,d the satisfaction of knowing, that M 2 164 MEMOIRS OF we had survived the violence of the revolutionary fever, and we had seen the extent of its principles abated,— rwe had seen Jacobinism deprived of all its fascination ; we had seen it stripped of the name and pretext of Uberty ; it had shown itseff to be capable only of destroying, not of building, and that it must necessarily end in a miUtary despotism. Mr. Pitt trusted, that this important lesson would not be thrown away upon the world. Disappointed in our hopes of being able to drive France within her ancient limits, and even to raise barriers against her farther incursions, it became necessary, with the change of circum stances, to change our objects; for he did not know a more fatal error, than to look only at one object, and obstinately to pursue it, when the hope of accomplishing it no longer remained. If it becarae irnpossible for us to obtain the full object of our wishes, wisdom and poUcy both re quired that we should endeavour to obtain that which was next best. In saying this, he was not sensible of inconsistency, in his former language or conduct, in refusing to treat with the person who now held the destinies of France ; because when he forraerly declined treating with hira, he expressly said, that, if events should take the tum, which they had since taken, he should have no objection to treat with him," Mr, Fox, and his party, approved the peace on LORD LIVERPOOL. 165 different grounds. It could not be said to be glorious to this country, for it had not, he con tended, followed a war to which that term could be at all applied,' He agreed with Lord Hawkes bury in considering Trinidad and Ceylon iraport ant acquisitions ; and approved generally of the terras and tone of the treaty ; but as to the time of it, he insisted that both before *the war began, and at almost any period since, better terms than the present were in our power, " Some re gretted," he said, "that the peace was glorious to France ; for his part, if the peace could be glorious to France, without being dishonourable to this country, he should not feel concern at it. As far as the object of the war was a restoration of the House of Bourbon, it was to him a recom mendation of the peace that that object should have failed." Mr, Windham, however, strongly condemned the peace, and represented it as an armed truce, entered upon without necessity, negotiated with out wisdom, and concluded without honour. He considered it as productive of no one advantage to the country, but as pregnant with ruin. He drew a striking picture Of the actual state of France, and ridiculed the idea, that Buonaparte, having established an absolute monarchy in his own person, would become the most determined enemy of that Jacobinism, to which he was in- 166 MEMOIRS OF ' debted for the dignity which he enjoyed. This able statesman admitted, that Buonaparte, Uke other demagogues, and friends of the people, having deluded and gulled them sufficiently to raake thera answer his purpose, would be ready enough to teach thera a different lesson, and to forbid the use of that language towards himself, which he had* before taught thera as perfectly proper towards others. Never was there any one, to be sure, who used less raanageraent in that respect, or who left all the adrairers of the French Revolution, within and without, all who adraired it as a systera of libertyj in a more whimsical and laughable situation. Every opi nion for which they had been contending was ntw completely trodden down, and trampled upon, or held out in France to the greatest pos sible contempt and derision. " The Members of Opposition," Mr. Windham remarked, " had reaUy great reason to complain of having been so cora pletely left in the lurch. There was not even a decent retreat provided for thera. But though such was the treatment which the principles of ' The Rights of Man,' and of the ' Holy Duty of Insurrection,' met with in France, and on the part of him who should have been their natural protector, it was by no means the same with respect to the encouragement which he might choose to afford them in other countries. Though LORD LIVERPOOL, 167 they used none of these goods in France for home consumption, they had always a large assortment by them ready for foreign markets. Their Jaco bin orators were not to be looked for in the clubs at Paris, but in the clubs of London. There they might talk of cashiering Kings, and use other language of similar import ; but should any orator, more flippant than the rest, cjbp^^e to hold forth in that strain, in the city where the Great Consul resided, in the metropolis of liberty, he would soon put him to silence in the way adopted in the reign of the Good Woraan, Buonaparte being invested, in virtue of the ' Rights of Man,' with despotic power, could afford to sanction the proraulgatipn of those doctrines in other countries, of which he would not suffer the; least whisper in his own. While he was at the head of an abso lute monarchy in France, he might be the pro moter and charapion of Jacobin insurrection any where else. The object, as well as wicked na ture, of Jacobinism in England, which, while it would rebel against the lawful authority of its own govemment, was wiUing to enslave itself tp France, found no difficulty in allowing to him these two opposite characters ; and Mr. Wind ham knew no reason why the House should sup pose him disinclined to accept them." Lord GrenviUe and his friends united on this oc casion with Mr, Windham in condemning the peace. 168 MEMOIRS OF On the 13th of Noveraber, Lord Hawkesbury raoved the order of the day for taking into consi deration the Convention signed at St. Petersburgh with Russia on the 17th of June, Mr. Grey objected that the address upon the treaty was premature, as the accession of Den mark and Sweden to it had not been received. Lord Teraple disapproved of the treaty alto gether, and considered that aU the grounds on which the House had pledged itseff to his Ma jesty in the last Session, had been whoUy or par tiaUy given up. Lord Hawkesbury in defence of the treaty sta ted, that " he should not trouble the House at much length, but he found it necessary to men tion the grounds upon whioh he differed frora the honourable gentleman (Mr, Grey), and the noble Lord (Lord Teraple). The honourable gentle raan had conceived it irregular to move for such an address, until the official accession of Sweden and Denmark had been received; but although the House had been assured by his Majesty of the acquiescence of those powers, yet it must be recol lected they were only now considering the Con vention with Russia as a separate treaty. He could not allow that this Convention was a com promise, as the honourable meraber had called it, nor that we had given up aU the objects for which we contended, as the noble Lord supposed. We LORD LIVERPOOL, 169 had maintained, in full force, all our maritirae rights, as far as it ought to have been our de sire, Sorae asked, ' What did the treaty give us which we had not before ?' He answered. That it was not to obtain any new advantages, but to support and preserve our incontestable and ancient rights that the dispute arose. The real state of the question he conceived to be this : the Powers ofthe North had confederated to dictate a new code of maritirae law to Europe, We went to war to dissolve this confederacy, and to defeat its purppses. Were not those objects obtained ? Had not the coaUtion been dissolved, and had npt we maintained our ancient rights ? Those were the only questions which he thought the attention of the House should be then directed to. In as certaining properly the value of these rights, it might be necessary to recollect that it was to her maritirae greatness this country was indebted for the successful issue of the last war, and it was to the same cause that Europe was indebted for whatever it stUl retained of independence. This maritime greatness was itself in a great measure the effect of that wise poUcy which dictated our navigation laws, and which always protected our raaritirae rights. The principle upon which Great Britain had always gone, was to extend her navigation as rauch as possible, and confine her coramerce to 170 MEMOIRS OF her own shipping. In France the system was different ; their navigation being far inferior to their commerce, they were content to allow their commerce to be transacted by neutrals, that in time of war all their sailors might be employed in their navy. The principle therefore for which we had contended, was of the utmost iraportance to us, for our individual interests. At the same time it must be aUowed, that we should make the exercise of our rights as little vexatious as possible. This was the object of the parties to the treaty which had been signed. He denied that this treaty was at aU to be considered as a new code of raaritirae law. It was merely a settlement of disputes between this country and three of the Northern Powers, He divided into the foUowing heads the points in dispute : 1st, the right of seizing enemy's property in neutral ships ; 2nd, the affair of contraband; Srd, the right, of searching vessels Under convoy ; 4th, the right of blockade ; 5th, the colonial and coasting trade. Of these he considered, that we had gained aU that was essential. As to the first point, the Northern Powers expressly abandoned the prin ciple that ¦ free bottoms make free goods,' As to the 2nd, no new general regulation was made on the subject, and the concession to Russia alone to be aUowed to carry naval stores, was an ob ject of trifling importance indeed. The right of LORD LIVERPOOL. 171 search, without which the other rights were nu gatory, was also maintained, though under sorae restrictions ; and he would freely confess that this concession had been voluntarily offered by the British Governraent, on condition that the Northern Powers would recede from other claims which were altogether inadmissible. In the ex ercise of this right of search, neither the law of nations, nor our most ancient treaties with Swe den and Denmark, ever wai-ranted it, except under strong grounds of suspicion, and the cap tain always exercised it at his own risk. As to the point respecting blockade, he maintained that the present definition of it went as far as any approved writer on the Law of Nations had ever extended it. The opinions whieh had been op posed to each other on this point, were both in the extreme : this treaty, he conceived, held a due medium between them. As to the last head, that of the colonial and coasting trade : this subject he conceived had always been regulated by par ticular treaties, and not by the law of nations. Although he trusted that the House would ge nerally give credit to his Majesty's Ministers for doing aU in their power to promote the interests of the country ; yet in the present case, he would say, if more was not gained, it was because more was not asked or wished for. When the Northern Powers threatened to support their claims by 172 MEMOIRS OF force, this country, with proper raagnaniraity, re sisted them ; but as soon as there appeared on their side a wish for settling the dispute amicably, the Government of this country had displayed equal moderation in requiring nothing but what was reasonable and necessary for the essential interests of the country. As to the wording of this treaty, there might, as in every other, be some little ambiguity ; but what treaty was ever made which could not be found fault with by the discontented and the querulous ?" His Lordship coricluded by a pan^yric on the conduct of this country, in the dispute and its termination. Administration though not sanguine as to the result of tlieir efforts, acted with sincerity and earnestness in pressing forward the work of peace. Early in Noveraber, the Marquis Cornwallis pro ceeded to France for the purpose of negotiating the definitive treaty. He was received with the utraost respect, and after a short stay at Paris, repaired to Amiens, the place appointed for hold ing the conference. During the protracted nego tiations, the bad faith of the French Govemment decidedly appeared : it was assiduously pursuing projects of aggrandizement. The least objectionable of these, perhaps, was the attempt at recovering the colonies of St, Domingo and Guadaloupe, fi-om the arraed black population. For this purpose a powerful arma- LORD LIVERPOOL, 173 ment, of twenty-three ships of the line, and twen ty-five thousand land forces, sailed frora Brest on the 14th of December, the English Government having been first assured that it had no other object than that just stated. This subject was mentioned in Parliaraent, on the 19th of January, 1802, when the Chancellor ofthe Exchequer and Lord Hawkesbury stated the comraunication they had received : and that Ministers had not neglect ed to take every precautionary measure to guard against any prejudicial effects that might be ap prehended. For the fact of both these assertions, they claimed the confidence of the House, as at present it was too deUcate a matter upon which to enter into a full explanation. When in the beginning of March, Mr, Wind ham pressed on the House, " the fi-aud and per fidy of France in every transaction of that power since the signing the preliminary articles," the language of the Ministers confirms the opinion we have expressed of their faint hopes of a perraanent peace. They asserted that no blarae belonged to the Adrainistration on the subject of procrastina tion ; that other treaties had been longer under consideration ; that rational hopes raight be en tertained of the araicable terraination of the negotiation at Araiens ; but that should it be otherwise, the disappointraent should be met with raanliness and firmness : Lord Hawkesbury in 174 MEMOIRS OF particular observed, that " whatever the result of the preUrainaries raight be, he should never regret the share he had in that transaction ; for that the experiraent of peace was at least as wise as the experiment of war," A good understanding with America was esta blished in the interira. Anticipating in part the recent alterations in our coraraercial code, a treaty was at this tirae entered into for taking off certain duties on goods imported from that country, which it was thought would facilitate the exportation thither of our manufactures. On this ground, Mr, Vansittart advocated the treaty, in the House of Comraons, March 5, 1802, when Lord Hawkes bury observed, that " the raeasure would also render our comraercial coraraunication with that country more simple ; and had this additional ad vantage, that it would enable us to re-export what we had imported from America on better terms." At length, on the 28th of March, the definitive treaty of peace between the French RepubUc, the King of Spain, and the Batavian Republic, on the one part, and the King of Great Britain and Ireland on the other, was signed at Araiens, Its principal stipulations were, that England should restore to the three powers all its conquests dur ing the war, with the exception of the islands of Trinidad and Ceylon, which were respectively ceded to it by Spain and Holland, AU the terri- LORD LIVERPOOL, 175 tories of the Queen of Portugal were secured to her as before the war, except that a new li mit was drawn between French and Portuguese Guiana, The territories of the SubUme Porte were maintained in their integrity. The Republic of the Seven Islands was recognized, Malta and the islands dependant on it were restored to the Knights of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, under the following "conditions : — The Knights to be invited to return to Malta and there elect a Grand-raaster ; no individual belonging either to England or France to be adraitted into the Order ; a Maltese langue to be established, for admission into which proofs of nobility were not be requi site ; half of the civil and judicial eraployments depending on the Government, to be fiUed by in habitants of the islands ; the British troops to evacuate Malta within three months, or sooner, from the exchange of the ratifications, when it was to be given up to the order, provided the two thousand Sicilian troops had arrived to garrison it which the King of Naples was invited to send, and which troops were to continue for a year or longer, if the Maltese were not competent at that period to garrison it theraselves : the independence and neutrality of Malta to be proclaimed, and the former to be guaranteed by Great Britain, France, Austria, Spain, Russia, and Prussia, the four last powers being invited to accede to the stipulations ; 176 MEMOIRS OF the ports to be open to the ships of all nations, excepting those of the Barbary powers. The French agreed to evacuate Naples and the Roman States ; and the British, Porto Ferrajo, and aU the ports and islands possessed by them in the Mediterranean and Adriatic Seas. The fisheries of Newfoundland were placed on the same footing as previous to the war. The House of Nassau to be indemnified for the loss of its property in the United Provinces, by an equivalent. Such were the leading features of the treaty of Amiens. LORD LIVERPOOL, 177 CHAPTER IV. Claim made on behalf of the Prince of Wales for arrears of the Duchy of Cornwall, — Debate on the Treaty of Amiens, — Dissolution of Parliament. — Aggrandizing measures of France. — Buonaparte complains of the British press Lord Hawkesbury's reply to this and other complaints of the French Government, — Prosecution of M, Peltier, — French attack on Switzerland Buonaparte's attempt to establish Agents in the British Ports, and to procure plans of them, — Malta not surrendered by Great Britain. — ^^Meeting of Parliament. — Debate on the Address. — On the increase of the Army and Navy. — Gloomy open ing of 1803. — Evident approach of a rupture with France. — Buonaparte's conduct to our Ambassador, who returns to London. — British declaration. — Colonel Patten's motion against Ministers. — Lord Hawkesbury called up to the House of Peers, — Mr,,Pitt moves the previous question. — Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox both in opposition to Ministers. — Mr. Addington resigns. Before we enter upon the debate that ensued in both Houses, on the subject of the Treaty of Amiens, we may notice a singular claim that was made at this time on behaff of tbe Prince pf Wales, for arrears due fr.om the revenues of the Duchy of CprnwaU, It was mpved by Mr, Man ners Sutten, and contended for in the House of Commpns by Mr. Fpx, Mr. Erskine, and Mr. N 178 MEMOIRS OF Sheridan, that the Prince had a just title to aU the revenues of the Duchy, from the period of his birth ; and that the Crown having received them until he carae of age, and expended them in the public service, his Royal Highness had been in fact the creditor of the pubUc in their entire aihount during that period. On the one hand there appeared a plausibility in the statement of his Royal Highness's rights ; for i£ these entitled him to receive the revenues on coming of age, they would seem to have beeri inherent in him before ; and Mr. Fox went so far as to contend, that independently of the Duchy of CornwaU, the Prince of Wales had a right to be maintained and educated by his father as heir apparent to the Crown : on the other hand, it is singular, that in all the previous iraportant, apphcations to Parliament in the Prince's favour, this claim was never exhibited by his friends. Though evi dently inclined, therefore, to Usten to it, the claim was regarded by the pubUc as a species of disco very in such an affair, upon which, under aU the circurastances, his Majesty's Governraent could not properly be called to act. The Attomey^General and Lord Hawkesbury contended, that in point of fact, the question was merely between the Prince and his Majesty. It was his Majesty who ha^jreceived the revenues of the Duchy of Cornwall,, and had disposed of LORD LIVERPOOL, 179 them as he had judged proper ; if, then, there re mained a qtestion at aU, it was a question for judicial decisipn, and not for legislative inter ference, " There was no doubt," it was added by Lord Hawkesbury, " but that when the revenues of the Duchy were first igranted by .Edward III. to his son the Black Prince, they were granted for his maintenance and support, and not for the purpose of being accuraulated tUl he should corae of age," Sir Edward Law insistedj after the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that the sums ad vanced by the public to the Prince, during his minority, had far exceeded the entire revenues of the Duchy. In the memorable debate on the peace, 13th of May, Ministers had mainly to answer an eloquent and able attack of Mr. Windham's in the House of Commons. In a speech which occupied up wards of two hours and a-half in the delivery, he entered very fully into the terms of the treaty, and brought forward numerous objections to it. He said, that " among the many parts of this treaty to which he must object, it was indifferent with which he began ; he, therefore, should first consider Malta. He thought it was beyond all question that this arrangement did, in fact, sur render Malta to France. We had concurred ih destroying the independence of it, and degraded the Order itself, by the introduction of a Maltese N 2 180 MEMOIRS OF langue, with whom the Gerraan knights refiised to serve. It was a raere farce to talk of a Neapo Utan garrison, and the protection of Naples, when the kingdora of Naples itself was under the con trol of France, For his part he should rauch rather that it was ceded to France directly, and that we had deraanded some other place as an equivalent for it. The Cape of Good Hope too, being ceded in absolute sovereignty to the Dutch, they may give it up to France as soon as ever they please. He considered this place as of the utmost consequence, not only to our Indian coraraerce, but to the security of our Indian erapire, in af fording the facUities of conveying troops for its protection, ff in our hands, or for its annoyance, if in the hands of the enemy. He raust also in sist, that by the cession of Portuguese Guiana, the French would coraraand the navigation of the river of Araazons, Louisiana was also to France an acquisition of incalculable value, France will for the future coraraand the navigation of the two greatest rivers in the world, the Mississippi and the Araazons. Great rivers are the vital parts of countries ; we might, therefore, without hyper bole, be said to have ceded to France a brace of continents. Never was there such, a lavish, pro digal, thoughtless spirit of cession ! " In addition to those foreign objects, the whole continent of Europe is left at the mercy of France," LORD LIVERPOOL. 181 Mr, Windhara then expatiated at great length on the clairas which would probably be set up by France in consequence of the non-renewal of former treaties ; he particularly thought that this omission in the treaty would very rauch endanger our Indian empire, " We might pretty weU learn to appreciate the fraudulent views of France by her recent conduct with respect to the Island of Elba, which she first stipulated should be surren dered to the King of Etruria, and iraraediately after took possession of herself. French power pursued us in Asia, in Araerica, and in every part of the world. He considered that the esta blishraent of French power in St. Domingo was raore formidable to our West India settleraents than even the independence of the blacks in that island, who would have no raeans of extending their empire farther. Mr. Windham then took a general review of the war. He thought the country was never sufficiently apprised of its danger. In his opinion, the real principle of war had been mistaken in pursuing Qplonial acquisi tions. He then proceeded to speak of the expe ditions of Toulon and Quiberon, of which he highly approved, and of which a right honourable friend of his (Mr. Pitt) had the manliness to claira his share of the responsibUity. Mr. Pitt rose to order. " He thought his Right Honourable Friend out of order in mentioning 182 MEMOIRS OF the variety of opinions which prevailed on differ ent points in the conduct of the war. He also subraitted to his judgraent, whether he was en tirely freC from those obligations which were in force when they were together the confidential servants of his Majesty." On Mr. Windham proceeding to take upon himseff the whole responsibiUty of the Quiberon business, Mr. Pitt again objected, and considered that he had not a right thus to speak of official opinions. Mr. Windham then recapitulated the opinions he had so often delivered on the principles of the War and its proper object. He lamented the triumph of Jacobinism, and feared every thing frora the restless arabition and perfidy of France, afraed as she now was with imraense power. He concluded with raoving an address siraUar to one raoved in the House of Lords, by Lord Gren viUe, acknowledging that the national faith was pledged to the observance of the treaty, but re gretting the sacrifices that it raade to France without any corapensation. Lord Folkstone on seconding the raotion, said, that " the British flag was degraded, and dis graced by this treaty as far as any treaty could do it. It was a treaty buUt on Jacobin principles, and confirming Jacobin power. We had aban doned Portugal to spoliation, and in our treat- LORD LIVERPOOL. 183 ment of the Prince of Orange we had added insult to injury. He saw nothing to be derived from it to the country but dishonour, degradation, and ruin." Lord Hawkesbury then rose. " He expressed his satisfaction that the whole subject now carae before the House at once,* and he trusted that he should be able to prove this treaty to be not only expedient, but both advantageous and ho nourable to the country. The circurastances which immediately preceded the negotiation, were as follows : Almost as soon as his Majesty's present Ministers had accepted their situations, arrived the news of our allies, the Austrians, being defeated in a great battle, which was very soon foUowed by the treaty of Luneville. The situation of Europe was now materially changed with respect to Great Britain. Instead of being at the head of a great confederacy, a powerful confederacy was formed against her, under the direction of France. Un der these circurastances, after sending a fleet to the Baltic, we opened a negotiation with France. We certainly could not then pretend to unsettle * There had been two or three incidental discussions upon particular parts of it, as on the 3d of May, on Mr. Wind ham's motion for fixing a day to take into consideration the definitive treaty concluded at Amiens: on Dr. Laurence's mo tion on the 12th, for papers relative to the East India Com pany's affairs, &c. 184 MEMOIRS OP that which had been settled at the treaty of LunfeviUe, and assented to by the whole Germanic empire. The treaty which had been raade, se cured the integrity of the British erapire, obtained better conditions for our alUes than could have been expected when the negotiation began, and confirraed the acquisition of two of the raost im portant possessions in the East and West Indies. Such a treaty he could not conceive any thing less than honourable. " The first class of objections which he should Consider, were those that went against the con clusion of a definitive treaty, on account of the events which took place on the Continent after the signing of the preliminaries. He raust con fess, he regretted rauch a great raany of those events, not entirely on account of their intrinsic iraportance, but rauch raore so, by reason ol the dispositions they indicated in the French Govern raent; but he could not at the sarae tirae think that they would justify our breaking off the ne gotiation altogether. He could by no raeans agree with the opinion of sorae gentleraen, , that whenever any Continental power becarae involved with France, it was our business, without con sidering how the question affected our extemal or intemal interests, iraraediately to erabark in a war about it. If it was not expedient for us to con tinue the war for HoUand and the Netherlands, LORD LIVERPOOL. 185 much less so was it to continue it for Italy. Be sides, the first intiraation which his Majesty re ceived of the new constitution of Italy, was fol lowed by accounts of the congratulations of the Court of Berlin, and the acquiescence of Austria and Russia. As to the cession of Louisiana by Spain to France, this was certainly an event of iraport ance ; but that f ery colony had been before ceded by France to Spain in a private convention, which took place between the signing ofthe preUrainaries and definitive treaty of 1763. With respect to the value of Louisiana, it raust also be recollected, that formerly, when it was in the possession of France, she raade nothing of it ; although, at the sarae tirae, she raade the West India islands highly va luable. As to the American States being brought into danger by this event, he thought rauch too highly of their power and resources, and that if they were jealous of the neighbourhood of the French, they would be the raore inclined to the cause of this country, " With regard to the faults of omission which were alleged against the present treaty, the prin cipal stress appeared to be laid on the non-re newal of treaties ; and yet it appeared that the events of the war had so completely unhinged the foundations of all forraer treaties, that it would be alraost impossible, if they were renewed, to bring them at all to bear on the present political 186 MEMOIRS OF situation of Europe, Had we sanctioned the treaty of LuneviUe, for example, we should then have raade ourselves parties to the disraember- raent of the Gerraanic erapire. At present, we have, at least, the satisfaction of saying, that if we have not been able to recover for Europe her rights, at least we have been no parties to her wrongs. As to coraraercial treaties, they involve so many subjects, so many points of discussion, that they necessarily take a great deal of tirae to settle. The prohibition of our manufactures could not be carried on to the same extent in peace as in war ; and if it carae only to a war of duties between Great Britain and France, the ex clusion of French wines and brandy would be a heavier loss to thera than the exclusion of our ma nufactures would be to us. He did not conceive that our rights in India or in Honduras, were in the least affected by the non-renewal of certain articles in former treaties. But there was no point which appeared raore corapletely to be mis taken, than that which respected our flag. The fact was, that this country had for centuries claimed a sovereignty of the seas, and from this sovereignty, that other nations should lower the flag to us. No express stipulation had ever been introduced in our treaties with France and Spain to this purpose, and yet the right had been al ways acknowledged. The reason that the ex- LORD LIVERPOOL, 187 press stipulation was only with Holland, was, be cause there had been once a war between this country and Holland upon that very point ; and therefore the right had been at the peace, and by subsequent treaties, expressly recognized with re spect to Holland, and if this had not now been again mentioned, it was because, with HoUand, as well as other countries, we chose to stand upon our ancient and long exercised right, ' We had ceded nothing in this respect, " The next general head of objections was the variations between this definitive treaty and the preliminaries. As to the allowances made to France on account of Russian prisoners, it was by no means unreasonable : it was in fact a new principle introduced by us at the treaty of 1763, that each state should maintain its subjects when prisoners in the enemy's country, France had never acted on this principle with Austria, or any power, when it would have evidently been her interest to have done so ; and therefore, vvhen she consented to adopt this principle with respect to us, (although the balance of prisoners was much against her,) it was by no means unreasonable for us to expect to be allowed to set off against our demand the expenses of the Russian prisoners, who were taken by them when in our pay. The balance still remained considerable in our favour, " The next point was the situation of Portugal, 188 MEMOIRS OF On this subject he raust state, that this Govern raent had done every thing in its power respect ing Portugal. If it had divided its army between Portugal and Egypt, they would probably have failed in both places. They had been, however, extremely anxious for the security of Portugal, and had recoraraended in the raost pressing man ner to the Portuguese Government, to change their' General-in-Chief, who was an old raan, in capable frora years of the active exertions that a campaign would require. Had this been done, we should have given Portugal every assistance in our power. The Government of Portugal, however, refused ; and after that country was invaded and conquered, we paid a subsidy of 300,000/, to enable them to make better terms for themselves, and now at the definitive treaty, we had got better terms for Portugal than she was able to procure for herseff ; and sorae of her foreign possessions, which she had ceded, were stUl to reraain in her possession, " As to the question of Malta, it would be recol lected that it was our original intention, in ta king possession of Malta, to restore it to the Or der, Afterwards we had thought of placing it under the protection of Russia ; but the strange and ill-judged politics of that Court prevented this. Afterwards the poUtics of Russia changed, and the present Emperor refused Malta, He LORD LIVERPOOL, 189 could have wished that the King of Naples had been something of a more powerful protector, but he saw no reason to doubt his fidelity, " When gentleraen expatiated on the great ac quisitions which France had raade this war, they never spoke of her losses, nor of what we had acquired. They dwelt on Louisiana, but did not raention Mysore or India, They did not, either, corapare the relative situation of the West India colonies of the two countries. The English co lonies, flourishing, iraproved, and increased by the addition of Trinidad, while St. Doraingo, the principal French colony, was in a raost precarious state. They did not corapare the navy and com merce of the two countries ; the French navy had in the war been reduced raore than a haff, and their coraraerce absolutely destroyed. He could not pretend to say this peace, or any other which could be made in the present times, was secure ; but he could not see that any additional security would be gained by a continuance of war. France, besides, now appeared to be re turning to her old maxims of reUgion and poU tics. A renewal of the war appeared only Ukely to plunge her back into the revolutionary systera, which would afford less security. The resources and the spirit of the country should be spared as much as possible : they had in some sort been worn out by thg long duration of the war, and 190 MEMOIRS OF required to be cherished by peace." After having endeavoured to prove the interests and honour of the British erapire had been preserved in the treaty, his Lordship concluded by raoving an ad dress congratulating his Majesty on the terras ofit. This speech was considered at the tirae by much the ablest defence of the treaty deUvered in either House of Parliament. The finance raeasures of the year were of course under the direction and coraraitted to the advocacy of the ChanceUor of the Exchequer : we can here only observe that so early as the 29th of March — at the raoraent when the signa ture of the definitive treaty becarae first known in England^ — Mr. Addington, to the great satis faction of the country, gave notice of his intention to propose the repeal of the Incorae Tax, and it was accordingly omitted in his plan of finance for the year comraencing the Sth of April. On the 29th of June, 1802, ParUament was dissolved : and Ministers are admitted by writers opposed to their raeasures, to have avoided " with laudable irapartiality," any undue interference in the choice pf the nation. They certainly pos sessed at this tirae their greatest popularity. While France was every month adding to her influence or actual domination over the States of the Continent, the First Consul endeavoured to divert the attention of the British Ministers frora LORD LIVERPOOL, 191 his plans, by complaints of the British press. He sent instructions to M, Otto, and afterwards to the French Ambassador, General Andreossi, to remonstrate with the Govemment upon the re marks of the public writers on his character and conduct ; affecting to be totaUy ignorant of the Uttle redress any Ministers of this country could obtain for him in such a case. Lord Hawkesbury is admitted by aU parties to have ably vindicated the pubUc character and Uberties of his country, in the correspondence that ensued. This correspondence became vo luminous : but an extract from his Lordship's reply, through Mr. Merry, to an official note* of M. Otto's, dated August 28th, 1802, wUl show the chief topics in discussion, and Lord Hawkes bury's able manner of treating them. FROM LORD HAWKESBURY TO MR. MERRY. Dated August 28, 1802. " The propositions in M. Otto's official note, are six in number ; but may, in fact, be divided under two heads : the first, that which relates to the Ubels of all descriptions which are aUeged to be pubUshed against the French Government ; the last, comprehending the five complaints which relate to the emigrants resident in this country. On the first, I am sure you must be aware that his Majesty cannot, and never wiU, in consequence 192 MEMOIRS OF of any representation or any raenace frora a fo reign power, make any concession which can be in the smallest degree dangerous to the Uberty of the press, as secured by the constitution of this country. This liberty is justly dear to every British subject. The constitution admits of no previous restraints upon publications of any de scription ; but there exist judicatures, whoUy independent of the Executive Government, ca pable of taking cognizance of such pubUcations as the law deems to be criminal, and which are bound to inflict the punishraent the deUnquents raay deserve ; these judicatures raay take cog nizance, not only of libels against the Govemraent and the magistracy of this kingdom, but, as has been repeatedly experienced, of publications de famatory of those in whose hands the adminis tration of foreign Governraents is placed. Our Government neither has, nor wants any other protection than what the laws of the country afford; and though they are wilUng and ready to give to every foreign Governraent aU the protection against offences of this nature, which the prin ciple of the laws and constitution wiU adrait, they never can consent to new-raodel laws, or to change the constitution, to gratify the wishes of any foreign power. If the present French Go vernraent are dissatisfied with our laws on the subject of libels, or entertain the opinion that the LORD LIVERPOOL. 193 administration of justice in our courts is too tardy and lenient, they have it in their power to redress themselves by punishing the venders and distributors of such publications within their own territories, in any raanner that they may think proper, and thereby preventing the circulation of them. If they think their present laws are not sufficient for this purpose, they may enact new ones ; or, if they think it expedient, they may exercise the right which they have of prohibiting the iraportation of any foreign newspapers, or periodical publications, into the territories of the French RepubUc, His Majesty will not coraplain of such a raeasure, as it is not his intention to interfere in the raanner in which the people or territories of France should be governed ; but he expects, on the other hand, that the French Government will not interfere in the raanner in which the Governraent of his dorainions is con ducted, or call for a change in those laws with which his people are perfectly satisfied." With respect to the distinction which M, Otto had drawn between the publications of British subjects and those of foreigners, and the power which his Majesty was supposed to have, by vir tue of the alien act, of sending the latter out of his dorainions, it was reraarked, that this act was intended for the preservation of the internal peace and security of the kingdom ; and that its applica- o 194 MEMOIRS OF tion to the case of those individuals of whora the French Gpvernraent coraplained was unnecessary, as they were, equaUy with British subjects in sirailar cases, araenable to the law of the land, at the instance and on the coraplamt of foreign Governraents, His Lordship afterwards treats in detail the topics of coraplaint. The first, second, and third, relate to the residence of certain persons obnox ious to the French Governraent in Jersey, &c, and their reraoval is announced or proraised. On the fourth coraplaint, he says — " Respect ing the Princes of the House of Bourbon, I can only refer you to ray forraer answer. His Ma jesty has no desire that they should continue to reside in this country, if they are disposed, or can be induced to quit it ; but he feels it to be inconsistent with his honour, and his sense of justice, to withdraw frora thera the rights of hospitality, as long as they conduct themselves peaceably and quietly ; and unless sorae charge can be substantiated of their atterapting to dis turb the peace which subsists between the two Governraents. "With, regard to the fifth complaiut, which relates to the French emigrants, in this country, wearing the orders of their ancient Govern raent, there are few, if any, persons of that de scription in this country who wear such orders. LORD LIVERPOOL, 195 It might be mere prpper if they aU abstained frem it ; but the French Gpvernment ceuld not persist in expecting that, even if it were consist ent with law, his Majesty could be induced to cpm- mit SP harsh an act of authority as to send them out of (the country on such an account, I have thus stated to ypu his Majesty's sentiments en the several points contained in M, Otto's note. You wUl take an early opportunity of communi cating these sentiments to the French Govern ment, and of accompanying them with the argu ments and explanatipns abpve stated," &c. It need only be added, that the Attorney-ge neral Was afterwai'ds instructed by the British Ministers to file a criminal .information against M. Peltier, for his virulent (declamations against the First cCdnsul, in the Ambigu^r a periodical paper published in London ; and that the cause was tried before Lord EUenborough, on the 21st of February, of the enduing year, f^ The defendant was convicted ;_ but the renewal of hostilities sppn after, seeras tp have prevented him frpm^being brpught up for sentence, which he never was. In October, Lord Hawkesbury became the equallylable advoeate of Rjthe liberties of Swit zerland, Against every plea of moderation and justice, Buonaparte had ordered the French army, under General Ney, toi march into, the unresist ing Cantons, tp enforce the receptipn pf a new o 2 196 MEMOIRS OF constitution for that country, prepared in his own Cabinet, His Lordship was in consequence directed to address a note to M, Otto, stiU in London, wherein his Lordship expresses the sen timents of deep regret excited in his Majesty's breast, by the proclamation of the First Consul to the Helvetic people; and declares, that his Majesty "sees the late exertions of the Swiss Cantons in no other Ught than as the lawful efforts of a brave and generous people to recover their ancient laws and governraent, and to pro cure the re-establishraent of a systera, which ex perience has deraonstrated not only to be favour able to the raaintenance of their domestic hap piness, but to be perfectly consistent with the tranquilUty and security of other powers," Soon after, Mr, Moore was sent on a confidential mis sion into Switzerland, in order to ascertain the state of affairs, and the dispositions of the in habitants toward the new order of things ; being authorised to proraise thera pecuniary succours, in case he should find thera deterrained to resist the French attack. The raercantile portion of the coraraunity look ed in vain during this fitful and feverish peace for any stable coraraercial relations with France. Buonaparte, on the other hand, under the pretext of estabUshing coraraercial agents in the different ports of Great Britain and Ireland, endeavoured LORD LIVERPOOL. 197 to obtain such information respecting the sound ing of the harbours, the defences, &c. of the chief ports, as would eventuaUy be of use in case of a rupture. An intercepted letter, dated November 17th, 1802, and addressed by M. Talleyrand to Citizen Fauvelet, commercial agent at Dublin, contained the two following instructions : — " You are re quired to furnish a plan of the ports of your district, with a specification of the soundings for mooring vessels. If no plan of the ports can be procured, you are to point out with what wind vessels can come in aud go out, and what is the greatest draught of water with which vessels can enter there deeply laden." There was also just ground for suspicion that the French Government had not laid aside its de signs in regard to Egypt. The accidental delay of the British in evacuating Alexandria, gave umbrage to the French Consul, and the mission of General Sebastiani to that country, though ostensibly of a coraraercial, was soon seen to be, in reaUty, of a political and raiUtary nature. Meanwhile all the British conquests had been restored, as stipulated by the treaty of Araiens, with the exception of Malta ; for during the in terval of peace already elapsed, circurastances had arisen which had not only retarded the resigna tion of that island to the Order of St. John, but 198 MEMOIRS OF had, in fact, totally precluded the restoration ofit in the spirit of the treaty. The Emperor of Russia declined his guarantee, except on the condition that the Maltese langue, should be aboUshed ; the Court of Berlin appear ed quite indifferent about the matter : but above all, the Spanish priories were aboUshed through French influence ; and the Portuguese Goveraf ment had issued a declaration .of its intention to sequestrate the property of the Portuguese priory, unless that of the Spanish priories should be restor ed. Over these circumstances Great Britain had no control. Again, the greater part of the funds assigned for the support of the Order, and indis pensably necessary for its' independence,^ had been sequestered since the conclusion of the treaty. Such was the existing state of things with regard to this island when Buonaparte first becarae cla raorous for its evacuation. The second Imperial Parliament was opened on the 13th of November, 1802, by a. speech in which his Majesty declared his " sincere desire for the raaintenance of peace. It is nevertheless irapossible for me," he added, . " to lose sight of that established and wise system of policy, by which the interests of other States are connected with our own ; and I cannot, therefore, be indif ferent to any material change in their relative condition and strength. My conduct wiU be in- LORD LIVERPOOL. 199 variably regulated by a due consideration of the actual state of Europe, and by a watchful solici tude for the permanent welfare of my people." The debates on the address contain no remark able speeches. Lord Hawkesbury on this occa sion animadverted pretty freely on what he called a misconception of Mr. Canning, on the grounds of the peace. " The Right Honourable Gentle man, who was not present at the discussion of the preUminary and definitive treaties," he. said, " had certainly misconceived the grounds on which they had been defended by Ministers, His sup position that they had reUnquished the system, upon which they conclude that treaty, was en tirely founded upon a misconception. The prin ciple that was avowed and acted upon at the late treaty, was what would govern his Majesty's Ministers now and for the future. It was this, that, as far as respected merely the interests of this country, the peace was made upon bonour- able terms; inasmuch as the integrity of the British dorainions was observed ; but as to the Continent, it was aUowed to be unsatisfactory, which was regretted in terms still stronger than had been used to-night. The principle of con cluding this peace then was this, that it was better to take the chance of peace than the chance of •war for objects merely continental, , unless we had the support of the Continental powers. This was 200 MEMOIRS OF the principle upon which his Majesty's Ministers had acted, on which they now act ; on which they would always be ready to act in future, and to justify theraselves. The Right Honourable Gen tleraan had raisunderstood him, when he supposed that he had ever wished this country to abstract itself frora the poUtics of the rest of Europe, It was impossible that a country connected as this was by commerce, with the interests of all other nations, should ever feel indifferent to what befel other nations ; we could not separate the po litics of this country frora the politics of Europe. Among nations as well as individuals, those who are great and powerful, have duties and interests to attend to beyond the mere preservation of their existence. The protection of those who are weaker, is not only a duty, but it is among the raost important of their interests. The extent, however, to which this principle is to be carried, depends on the existing circurastances, and raust be regulated in a great measure by expediency. This had been always attended to in the conside ration of the line of conduct which this country should pursue. When Poland was blotted out of the map of the world as an independent nation, it was expediency alone which prevented our in terference. Tbere was no British sovereign who ever felt a stronger desire to lirait the power of France upon the Continent, than WUIiara the LORD LIVERPOOL. 201 Third, and yet he did not think it advisable for this country to engage in a war singly against France, merely for Continental objects. Although we should be always prepared to act according to circumstances, yet we could not pretend to con trol existing circurastances. He raust declare it to be his most decided opinion, that if (under the present circumstances of the country and of Eu rope) peace could be maintained with honour to ourselves, it would be better than a renewal of the contest." He afterwards added : — " Some honourable gen tlemen, in their compliraents to Mr, Pitt, seem ed to consider that the present Adrainistration wanted the firraness necessary to their situation. No raan was more disposed to bestow praise on the conduct of that gentleman than hiraself; but events had happened in the latter part of his Ad rainistration which showed that it was not in the power ofthe greatest talents to coramand success. The right honourable gentleraan had described the state of the country as most prosperous when he retired from office. He seemed to have for gotten that there was at that time a combination of almost the whole of Europe against us. He had forgotten the disraay and anxiety which per vaded the public raind before the battle of Copen hagen, and the success of the Egyptian expedi tion. Some gentlemen seemed to thipk our navy 202 MEMOIRS OF had been disraantled, and our raUitary force iraprudently disbanded ; but, in truth, there never was before a peace in which our naval es tabhshraent had been so strong, and that of France so weak. The right honourable gentle raan had said that he did not so rauch regard the conditions of the peace as the animus in which they were raade. As to the animus of France, if we were to wait tUl it was corapletely friendly to this country, we must be at war for ever. The policy of Ministers was to resist any unjust demands from any foreign power ; and if a stand raust be raade, to raake it in the- first instance. It was their wish to preserve peace as long as they could consistently with the policy and the general circurastances of Europe. The altered situation of Europe raust certainly be a subject of regret to every lover of this country ; but it raust be acknowledged, that we had it not always in our power to redress whatever we might feel to be our grievance." He concluded, " by trusting that the conduct of his Majesty's Ministers would always be found consistent with the principles they professed, and . would give general satisfaction to the country." The next important debate in the House of Comraons took place on the 2d of December, when a resolution for fifty thousand seamen and twelve thousand marines was proposed in a com- LORD LIVERPOOL. 203 mittee of supply. On the resolution being put, Mr, GrenvUle strongly protested against voting such a large nuraber of searaen without explana tion, " Last year the Minister considered thirty thousand seamen sufficient for our peace establish ment ; now he had demanded nearly double that number. If we were likely to go to war, these were much too Uttle ; if we were to reraain at peace, they were as evidently too many," Sir Sidney Smith advocated our being always in a situation to call speedily together a strong naval force. Lord Hawkesbury remarked, " it was not usual for Ministers to preface resolutions of this-nature with many observations. They had distinctly avowed their intention to propose such ah in crease as that now moved for. It was uncom mon for Ministers to give such an explanation ; it was very uncomraon to deraand it from them. As to a perraanent estabUshment, it was certainly a fit subject for parUamentary discussioii; but the establishraent which Ministers might think neces sary for the year, depended upon their opinion of the situation of affairs ; and this they were not at Uberty to disclose. It was therefore absolutely necessary to plaee such confidence in whoever were the Ministers, as to give them credit when they declared their opinions generally that such a force is immediately necessary for the defence of 204 MEMOIRS OF the state. He believed that, without speaking frora any exclusive inforraation, his Majesty's Ministers raight say there were sufficient circum stances known by every man in the House and in the country, to induce a very general opinion that our military establishments ought to be in creased. He wished, however, that the country would endeavour to continue the peace in the true spirit of peace ; a spirit which was perfectly consistent with the national honour, but free from that degree of irritation, which, ff pursued, could answer no one good end, but must inevit ably lead to hostUities. It had been usual for that House, without much observation, to vote such peace establishment for the year as Minis ters should declare to be necessary. It was not, however, raerely on this ground of confidence, that Ministers reUed for the support of the House; there were abundant circurastances known to the whole world, to raake an increased establishment a thing of evident and absolute necessity." Lord Hawkesbury, in an animated debate on the 8th, on the railitary peace establishraent repeated these sentiraents. Mr. Canning, and sorae other of Mr. Pitt's friends, expressed theraselves satisfied with the explanation of Ministers. On the subject of our raeraoir devolved, at this period, rauch of what has been technicaUy called LORD, LIVERPOOL. 205 the management of the House of Coraraons. He spoke on every topic involving the character of Adrainistration : but, in a volurae like the present, we can only advert to principal subjects. The year 1803 opened gloomily : the country universally was in that state of suspense, as to the issue of the great question of war or peace with France, which was raore uncongenial to Englishmen than any direct attack upon thera. The stocks feU considerably ; Ireland was in a state of discontent and disaffection ; and a raessage from the King was every day expected announc ing a rupture with our ancient enemy. On the 3d of February, Parliament met after the usual recess. On the 7th, the ChanceUor of the Exchequer moved for leave to bring in a bill for the renewal of the Bank Restriction Act. " The solvency of that establishment," he said, " was undoubted ; but after no less than twenty miUions of specie had been lately sent out of the country for grain, it would be hazardous to take off the restriction suddenly." Mr, Fox and Mr. Tierney warned the House, that however necessary it might seera, the con tinuation of this systera was a great evil ; and the former observed, that the restriction should be continued only for such a time as would ren der inquiry into the state of exchange, the affairs of the Bank, &c, possible. 206 MEMOIRS OF Lord Hawkesbury did not think an inquiry into the state and administration of the Bank of England at that time necessary, although, at a future tirae, perhaps, he should not oppose a rigid investigation of the state of banking in general throughout Great Britain, On the 8th of March a raessage- was brought down frora his Majesty, acquainting the House of Coraraons, that as very considerable raiUtary pre parations are carrying on in the ports of France and Holland, he had judged it expedient to adopt additional raeasures of precaution for the security of his dorainions, Mr, Addington raoved the Address, promising to support his Majesty, which Mr, Fox would not oppose : " Only," he said, " his Majesty's Minis ters would do well to consider their present awful responsibiUty to the country and the world. If, through their negligence, rashness, or ill-concerted plans, they involved the country in war at this important period, he should pronounce the pre sent Administration to be the most fatal and de structive which ever directed our affairs," Lord Hawkesbui'y concurred with Mr, Fox, that " the present Address did not pledge the House to any thing specific, but at the sarae time if the pending discussions shoidd unfortunately terminate in war, the House would certainly, have a right to the fuUest information on the subject ; LORD LIVERPOOL, 207 and he himself felt perfectly prepared to defend the conduct of Ministers, either on every separate part of those discussions, or upon the whole plan of their national administration," His Lordship again answered Mr. Fox, on the motion of Mr. Garthshore, for ten thousand addi tional seamen, on the llth of March. That dis tinguished statesman complained of want of in formation on the state of the question now at issue between this country and France, Lord Hawkesbury said, " when a negotiation is terrai nated, he thought it right to give ample inforraa tion, but while it was pending it was better to keep silence than state raatters which raight pro duce irritating discussions, that raust irapede the negotiation itself. On the coraraenceraent of a war it was right to state the causes of it ; but, perhaps, when things were settled a:raicably it was better not to stir up again those passions which had hardly subsided. Ministers considered sixty thousand seamen a force adequate to the circum stances ofthe times, and at the same time neces sary, considering the armaments of France." The great events now transpiring in London and Paris, must have indicated to an attentive ob'server, in either capital, the decided approach of war. On the 17th of February, Buonaparte had a conversation with Lord Whitworth,. in which he expatiated for two hours on the aUeged 208 MEMOIRS OF grievances of France ; threatened this country with invasion, although he acknowledged that the chances in the atterapt would be a hundred to one against him ; and said, " whUe he did not think Egypt worth the risk of a war, France would sooner or later obtain it," &c. When the King's raessage to Parliaraent was known in Paris, the French Govemraent assured our Arabassador, that the views of the First Consul were stUl pacific ; but that he should always consider the refusal to evacuate Malta as the coraraenceraent of hostilities ; and two days after occurred the outrageous insult on our Am bassador, at the Court of the TuiUeries, which will be faraUiar to our readers. We have heard, frora sources which we deera authentic, that the First Consul so far deraeaned hiraself on that oc casion, as to Uft his cane in a kind of raenacing attitude over Lord Whitworth, His Lordship, on this, laid his hand on his sword, and has ex pressed the fixed determination he had formed, if touched with the Consul's cane, to draw upon him and abide the consequences. As an ultimatum. Ministers stipulated for the occupation of Malta during a term of ten years, provided that his SiciUan Majesty could be in duced to cede the Island of Lampedosa for a valuable consideration : but Lord Whitworth could obtain no satisfactory reply to this pro- LORD LIVERPOOL, 209 posal. He, in consequence, deraanded his pass ports, and arrived in London on the 19th of May, Malta, therefore, was the ostensible ground of the new war. In the Declaration justifying the grounds of it, which was published in London the day before Lord Whitworth's arrival. Ministers said — " The Order of St, John cannot now be considered as that body, to which, according to the stipulation of the treaty, the island was to be restored ; and the funds indispensably necessary for its support, and for the raaintenance of the in dependence of the island, have been nearly, if not wholly, sequestered. Even if this had arisen frora circurastances which it was not in the power of any of the contracting parties to the treaty to con trol, his Majesty would nevertheless have had a right to defer the evacuation of the island by his forces, until such tirae as an equivalent arrange ment had been concluded for the preservation of the independence of the Order and of the island. But if these changes have taken place in conse quence of any acts of the other parties to the treaty; if the French Governraent shall appear to have proceeded upon a system of rendering the Order, whose independence they had stipu lated, incapable of raaintaining that independence, his Majesty's right to continue in the occupa tion of the island, under such circurastances, wiU hardly be contested. It is indisputable, that the 210 MEMOIRS OF revenues of the two Spanish langues have been withdrawn frora the order byhis CathoUc Ma jesty ; a part of the ItaUan langue has, in feet, been aboUshed by France, through the unjust an nexation of Piedraont and Parraa, and Placentia, to the French territory. The Elector of Bavaria has been instigated, by the French Governraent, to sequestrate the property of the Order within his territories ; and it is certain they have not only sanctioned, but encouraged the idea of the propriety of separating the Russian langues from the reraainder of the Order, As the conduct of the Governraents of France and Spain has, there fore, in sorae instances directly, and in others in directly, contributed to the changes which have taken place in the Order, and thus destroyed its raeans of supporting its independence ; it is to those Governraents, and not to his Majesty, that the non-execution of the tenth article of the Treaty of Araiens must be ascribed," At the close of April and in the beginning of May, great anxiety was expressed in ParUament and by the pubUc, as to the state of the negotia tions. Ministers generaUy, and for obvious rea sons, decUned the discussion of particular ques tions in either House : while they expressed their hopes and their wiUingness to give the fuUest information on every point, at an early period. On the 23d of May, the entire aspect of our affairs with regard to France, and the conduct of LORD LIVERPOOL, 211 Ministers during the negotiations, came under dis cussion in both Houses : the debate in the Com mons is chiefly reraarkable for the speeches of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox. Mr. Pitt justUied Ministers in retaining Malta ; particularly knowing the designs of Buonaparte in Egypt ; and exhorted them in the most solemn manner to prepare vigorously for resistance to the aggrandizing measures of the French governraent. Mr. Fox, in along and elo quent speech, conderaned the conduct of Ministers throughout the late negotiations ; insisted that our retaining Malta was a violation of good faith f and while he reprobated the insulting tone of certain expressions used on both sides, contended thai there was no sufficient reason assigned for war. Mr. Fox concluded by giving notice, that he should* at no distant period, raove an Address to the King, advising the acceptance of the me diation of Russia. His strongs sense of duty, and deep anxiety of mind, had irapeUed him to deUver his sentiments so rauch at lengthi He exhorted the House to pause, and to satisfy themselves, as well as their constituents, and all Europe, that this tremendous conflict, could not be avoided. The GrenvUles, in both Houses, supported the Addresses, on this occasion. On the 27th of May, Mr. Fox, made his pro- raised motion respecting the mediation of Russia, which Mr. Pitt supported. P 2 212 MEMOIRS OF Lord Hawkesbury contended, that "no fair ParUaraentary grounds had been laid for the mo tion, and that it was one which might do much harra, but could do no good. He thought no case had been raade out which would warrant the in terference of ParUaraent in the exercise of the royal prerogative. He declared raost expressly, that since the signing of the peace at Araiens, no efforts had been wanting to endeavour to estabUsh such a concord araong the Continental Powers as raight best secure their peace and independence; this was done without any necessity of going to war for the purpose of setting the Continent to rights, but merely for defensive operations and to preserve the peace of the Continent. He consi dered that the proposal of raaking use of the Rus sian Arabassador as an interraediary in the dis cussions with France, could not be productive of any advantage while France refused, positively refused, to accede to the only terras to which his Majesty could listen. He objected to the raotion, not so rauch upon the principle of it, as because it appeared to hini unnecessary, and that it con veyed an unfounded distrust of the sincerity of Ministers in their desire of peace;" Mr. Fox disclaimed any such feeling : and after wards said, that "finding the sense of most parts of the House was with hira, he should not press his raotion to a division, if the noble Lord would LORD LIVERPOOL. 213 state whether Government intended to avail itself of the disposition manifested by the Emperor of Russia, or whether the Court had offered its medi ation." To this Lord Hawkesbury replied, that " the offer of Russia was made in a very loose and ge neral way, and just at the time when Lord Whit worth was on the point of leaving Paris. Our ultimatum had been rejected, and the negotiations were then at an end. The British Government was ready to accept the raediation of Russia, both with respect to our own disputes with France, and to the general interests of the erapire ; but at the sarae time, until those disputes could be settled. Ministers could not advise his Majesty to suspend, in any degree, his exertions for the prosecution of the war," Ministers were, however, tardy in their pre parations for the opening conflict : and Lord St, Vincent, in particular, seeras to have carried reform or rather retrenchraent into every depart ment of the navy, with little consideration of the precarious state of our relations with France, Colonel Patten, in the raonth of June, brought forward a forraal motion of censure on the Adrai nistration, coraprised in five resolutions, which charged them in substance with having deceived the nation, and betrayed the interests of the coun try, by holding out hopes of continued peace, at 214 MEMOIRS OF the very time when, according to their subsequent declarations, they knew that France, was pursuing an unvaried course of aggression, violence and insult. As a proof of their incapacity, and cri minal inattention to their duty, it was stated, in one of these resolutions, that " on the 16th of October, 1802, counter-orders were dispatched by Ministers, revoking the orders before given for the surrender of the Cape of Good Hope, and of the other conquests made by England during the late war ; and that the final ordeirs, in consequence of which that settlement was actually evacuated, were issued on the I6th of November, when the hostUe spirit of France has (as avowed by Minis ters) been manifested, for raore than six months," Mr, Pitt, on this occasion, first exhibited his distrust of the measures of the Adrainistratiotai, Overtures had been previously raade to him to join the Cabinet, which he declined to accept, prindpaUy, as he alleged, , because he did not coaceive them ¦ to originate from " the highest authority;" at any rate a negotiation for his adraission to power went off in April ; as weU as siraUar overtures to Lord GrenviUe and Lord Spencer, Mr. Pitt now declared that he differed both with those who would affirra, and those who would negative the resolutions of Colonel Patten. " He could neither vote that the papers on LORD LIVERPOOL. 215 the table of the House proved « criminality, incapacity, or misconduct in Ministers;' nor could he think that their explanation was suffi ciently clear :" he therefore moved the other orders of the day. Lord Hawkesbury, in reply, said, that " he had never before risen in ParUament with such feeUngs as those that now oppressed him. With every wish to do justice, to the feeUngs of his right honourable friend in raaking the motion, with which he had concluded his speech, he and his colleagues should be shrinking frora their duty to theraselves if they were to accept the com promise offered between a direct censure and a total acquittal. A charge of crimination, founded upon the papers laid upon the table, had been brought forward. He asked if there was an in stance in which propositions, founded on such docuraents, and involving the conduct of Minis ters, had not been met with a direct negative or affirmative ? A raotion of inquiry raight be got rid of by a previous question ; but when a direct charge was made, greunded en facts, rising put pf public dpcuments, a previous question was not the fit way of disposing of the subject. No man was more ready than he was to acknowledge the prerogative of the Crown to choose its own Mi- •nisters ; but on the other hand Ministers were responsible to Parliament for the exercise of their 216 MEMOIRS OF functions; and when ParUaraent saw sufficient grounds of censure, they ought to state it, and then Ministers, no longer able, usefuUy able, to serve the public, ought to retire. Independentiy of private considerations, he raust contend that the credit of the Government ought to be main tained, particularly at such a crisis as the pre sent. But he had no difficulty in saying, that those who wished to destroy the Adrainistration, ought to vote for the resolution, because that was their obvious tendency, whUe the vote which his right honourable fiiend had proposed, would have the effect of discrediting Governraent, and leaving thera discredited in possession of functions, which they could not exercise with honour to theraselves, or advantage to the public. His right honourable friend had decUned going into detaUs. He wished, hOwever, that he had afford ed sorae details ; that he had pointed out those parts of the conduct of Ministers which he could not approve, that they raight have an opportunity of raeeting any charge, or explaining what was deeraed exceptionable. It was possible that in a long and arduous course of conduct, sorae raea sures raight be liable to objection. Iii a country like this-, however, he always held it to be a fair principle, both of support and of opposition to Mi nisters, that those who agreed or disagreed with thera should do so on a general system. It was LORD LIVERPOOL. 217 not to be expected that they should all approve every particular point. These he had always understood were the general principles, and he regretted that Mr, Pitt had not made up his mind to act upon them. " He asked whether, after surveying the con duct of Ministers, during a period of unexarapled difficulty, he was not now prepared to say yes or no, directly to a motion of censure ? On the Russian arraaraent, he well reraerabered that his right honourable friend and hiraself had not thought it sufficient to get rid of a motion of censure by a previous question, but in circum stances when the Government in one point had given up, yet the charges were met boldly, and directly negatived. He wished, that on the pre sent occasion, Ministers might either be acquitted or condemned. He was sure, from what he knew of his right honourable friend, that his motives in bringing forward a previous question, were pure and upright ; but Ministers could not acquiesce in the discredit of a suspended censure. If it were the desire of Ministers to retain their places at all hazards, they might accept the com proraise which had been offered; but he could not say for himself and his colleagues, that they had any desire to remain in office longer than they could be useful to their country. If he felt himself reduced to that situation, in which he 218 MEMOIRS OF could not serve it with advantage, he would carry the seals to the feet of his gracious Sovereign, and entreat him to appoint a successor more worthy. " It was that they might not remain in office discredited and useless, that he must oppose the previous question ; for he could not think of re maining an hour in office after having forfdted the confidence of the House and the good opi nion of the country." Mr, Fox and several of his friends retired on this occasion without voting : Mr. Canning voted for Colonel Patten's motion of censure : on Mr, Pitt's raotion of adjournraent, the nurabers were ayes, 56 ; noes, 333 : the original raotion was then negatived by a large majority. On July 18th, 1803, we find his Lordship de fending a new Property Tax Bill to the amount of 5 per cent., and the Levy en Mass BUl, Mr, Windham, whUe he censured the Ministers, would not oppose the latter raeasure, but wittUy re raarked " that the proposed levy seeraed to him to be likely to realize Major Sturgeon's descrip tion : ' Dogs barked in the rear, bullocks advanced in the front, and threw us all into confusion,' As to the enrolment, for any thing he could see, it raight be very proper, or raight be in a great measure useless; but he had the strongest ob jections to compulsory service if volunteer service LORD LIVERPOOL, 219 could be readUy obtained, which he thought it might if proper measures had been pursued. He long had advised the Ministers to warn the nation of its danger^-^while they luUed themselves into false security, until like drowsy watchraen they were at length awakened, and obliged to spring their rattles ; which made a great noise but did no execution." Lord Hawkesbury observed, " that the present BUl united as much as possible the encouragement due to the volunteer system, with those strong measures of compulsion which the honourable gentleraan was an advocate for. As long as a sufficient nuraber of volunteers could be found in any district, the biU ceased to operate," He con cluded by warmly defending the conduct of Mi nisters from the charges brought against them, and declared their fixed determination to defend to the last extremity, every acre of British ground. On the 28th of this raonth, in consequence of the insurrection in Ireland, by which Lord Kil- warden lost his life. Ministers called upon Par Uaraent to pass a biU for trying the rebels by raartial law ; and another for suspending the Ha beas Corpus Act in Ireland, When Mr, Wind ham objected to this as unusual, Mr, Sheridan strongly advocated the necessity of the step. Lord Hawkesbury spoke in reply to Mr, Wind- 220 MEMOIRS OF hara with a warrath not very usual with him : he said "the right honourable gentleman had forraerly been troubled with no such qualms or deUcate scruples as he was at present; he had frequently before voted addresses the sarae day the raessage had been deUvered, The proposition of delay was perfectly absurd in such an emer gency as the present ; the only tendency of his objection was to show that there did not exist a perfect unanimity in that House," On the llth of August, Colonel Hutchinson opened the last debate in the session with a mo tion on the affairs of Ireland, He began by stating " how material it was, especiaUy at the present time, for his Majesty to be enabled to avail hiraself of all the resources of every part of the United Kingdom, and therefore it was most desirable to put Ireland into such a situation as to make her natural strength, wealth, and popu lation, as conducive as possible to the general security of the empire. He therefore caUed upon Ministers to attend to the state of Ireland, and to reform radically the system by which it had been so long govemed, as that appeared to him the only raeans to place that country beyond the reach of foreign attack or doraestic treason. He did not raean to charge any set of raen with a deliberate breach of promise, but he must say generally, that respecting Irish affairs, he saw LORD LIVERPOOL, 22l more negligence and supineness than he had ever witnessed respecting the smallest EngUsh interest. The Revolution of 1688, which gave Uberty to England, brought no benefit to Ireland ; but, on the contrary, laid the foundation of aU those un happy differences which had so long distracted that country. Although many of the penal sta tutes against the Irish Catholics had, been done away, yet he thought the whole of the vicious system should be removed. It would be vain to look for harmony in a country where the mino rity is to lord it over the majority, and where the meanest and basest of those professing the religion of the minority is to have more poUticaf power than the richest and most exalted of those whose religious belief is different. He wished that a deputation would go from that House to examine the miserable state of the Irish peasantry and to report from what it saw. From the time that the Union had been passed, nothing had been done to iraprove the systera of Government in that country, and render its inhabitants more happy and contented. No enlightened statesraan could suppose that merely passing the act of Union was sufficient to unite the people of both countries in affection. He strongly recomraended to Government, in case any commotion should happen in Ireland during the recess, to meet it with vigour, but not to suffer such cruelties to 222 MEMOIRS OF be practised as were done in the last rebeUion," He concluded by " moving an address to his Ma jesty, for information, respecting the late rebel- Uous outrage in Ireland, and the present state of that country." Lord Hawkesbury maintained that thfe motion was highly inexpedient at the very conclusion of the session, when there was no time to discuss the affairs of Ireland fiiUy and fairly. He ob jected to it also as not likely to be productive of any good effect at the present crisis, Mr. EUiott thought the motion proper and ne cessary. Lord Castlereagh insisted that the Irish Go vernraent were not surprised ; that DubUn was sufficiently garrisoned ; and that if ji was not for the raurder of Lord Kilwarden, the insurrection of Dublin was not iraportant enough to be caUed a rebellion. Mr. Windhara thought that the information sought, and the observations made by the hon. mover, were not of a nature to do any mischief, but that on the contrary, much good raust result frora it. The Governraent of Ireland appeared to him to have suffered itself to be completely surprised. In reply, the ChanceUor of the Exchequer ac cused the Right Honourable Grentleraan of "himse^ showing that tardiness and indecision ; an indfeci- LORD LIVERPOOL. 223 sion which he imputed to others, when he hesita ted immediately to vote the customary address of thanks to his Majesty for the communication re specting Ireland. On such an occasion as that, delay would have been ruinous, and yet the right honourable gentleman was for delay. As to the general state of Ireland, it was foolish to suppose that that spirit which had before manifested it self in rebellion so widely extended, should now be corapletely extinguished ; yet he would say that he believed it had abated considerably of its violence, and that nurabers of persons in that country who were formerly disaffected, had now entirely quitted the cause of rebelUon, and would be ready to join in the defence of the country against any invader." Colonel Hutchinson made a very able reply to the different objections that had been made to his motion, and dwelt particularly on the cruel ties which, during the last rebeUion, had been committed under the mask of law, and covered by the Act of inderanity : but the motion being put, it was negatived without a division. During this session of Parliament, the great political parties of the country had become singu larly subdivided and scattered, Mr. Pitt gradu aUy withdrew himself from the support of Ad ministration ; but did not re-unite with the Gren viUes, or the Grenville- Windhamites, as they have 224 MEMOIRS OF been called, who, while they openly arraigned the competence of the Ministers, warmly supported the war ; and abstained from obstructing any of the raeasures necessary for the public defence, Mr, Tierney and Mr, Hobhouse voted with the • Ministry against Colonel Patten's raotion : and both came at this tirae into office, Mr. Sheridan raoved a vote of thanks to the volunteers, and acted on other occasions with the party in power. Mr. Moore teUs us he had pro posals raade to hira to join the Adrainistration, as had Mr, Erskine, jV The other Whigs, or old Opposition as they were caUed, appeared soraetimes in the ranks of the new Opposition, but often voted alone. We have the authority of the biographer of Sheridan, for believing that an attempt to produce a coali tion between Mr, Fox and the Grenville-Wind- haraites was only frustrated by a meeting of some of the raost respectable of the Whig party at Norfolk-house, who urged " raanifold reasons" against such a procedure, both as affecting cha racter and party,* At the opening of the next session. Lord Hawkesbury, as a means of strengthening the * Moore's Life of Sheridan, vol. u. p. 324, // indeed, this remarkable ' State of Parties,' evidently written for a newspaper, was not a mere jeu d'esprit of Sheridan's, de signed in an insidious way to frustrate the coalition in question. LORD LIVERPOOL. 225 Ministry in the House of Lords, was called up to that House by writ, as a peer's eldest son. At the beginning of 1804, occurred another of the short but alarming relapses of his late Ma jesty. Ministers, however, pledged theraselves that " no necessary suspension of the royal func tions" had occurred : and about the raiddle of March, his Majesty's health was declared to be re-established. In connexion with the railitary arrangements, a BUl was brought forward on the 1st of Febru ary, 1804, for consolidating and explaining the existing laws relative to the volunteers. In the course of the debates to which it gave rise in the House of Coramons, Mr. Pitt proposed that this description of force should be subjected to stricter discipline and more active service, that it might be more nearly assirailated with the regular array ; but his araendraents were rejected. On the 15th of March, he moved for an in quiry into the administration of the affairs of the navy. He called for the production of an ac count stating the number of ships and arraed vessels in commission at three different periods, 1793, 1801, and 1803, from which he thought the result wOuld be a conviction, that, consider ing the existing dangers of the country, its naval resources were more inadequate at the present than at any former period. The Board of Ad- Q 226 MEMOIRS OF miralty had considered gun-boats pecuUarly ser viceable for resisting invasion, yet in the course of a year they had built only 23, while the ene my, in the sarae spaCe of tirae, had constructed 1000 ! Frora the moment that hostilities Were renewed, our navy ought to have been increas ing instead of diminishing. Notwith^tandiiig which, Governraent had only Contracted for the building of two ships of the line in the raerchant- yards, when it was well known, that during a war, the building of ships was always' nearly sus pended in the King's-yards, which were then wanted for repairing damages which our ships raight sustain in the service. It was also worthy of reraark, that in the first year of the late war our naval establishraent was increased from 16,000 to 76,OO0 seamen, whereas, having begun the present war with an estabUshment of 60,000, we had augraented them in the course of the last year to only 86,000. Mr, Tierney resisted this attack by enumerat ing the efficient naval force, and asserted that it was adequate to aU the purposes both of defence and aggression, Sorae of his stateraents, indeedi were controverted by Adrairal Berkeley, who urged the necessity of imraediate inquiry, Mr. Sheridan vindicated the Adrairalty, and hinted that Lord St. Vincent had rendered hiraself ob noxious by his laudable zeal in the correction of LORD LIVERPOOL. 227 abuses : an eulogium in which Mr. Fox joined, but expressed at the sarae time his opinion that the naval defence > of the country had been neg lected. ; . .J Mr. Pitt's motion was finally negatived by a raajprity pf pnly 71. The only raeasure of iraportance to the Adrai nistration, which Lord Hawkesbury brought for ward in his new situation in the legislature, was the Volunteer Consolidation Bill, Upon the second reading of this BiU being moved on the 27th of March, he observed, " that the principle ...upott which the volunteer systera was founded, was: the ancient and undoubted pre rogative of the. Crown to I call out all the Uege subjects of the realm, in cast of invasion, pr any strong probability of it. It Was from that pre rpgative of the crown whence . the defence act sprung, and it was from the defence act that the present volunteer system originated. He agreed perfectly with what had faUen from Lord Gren^ ville bn a former night ; namely, that the volun teers dught only 'to be employed as an auxiUary or subsidiary forget, 'assisting the regular/ army. He Was liow proUd to sayV that there was iii the UlAt^d Kingdom, an army of troops of the lihe and militia, amounting to one hundred and eighty thpusand men, which was mpre by forty thousand than we had in 1801, when we had many foreign Q 2 228 MEMOIRS OF colonies to garrison. In addition to which, he should state distinctly, that the effective volun teer force, in Great Britain only, amounted to three hundred and thirty thousand raen, as ap peared by the returns of the inspecting officers. He should allow, that ff the object of the enemy were the final subjugation of the kingdom, an armed peasantry might be the most effectual raeans of frustrating the atterapt ; but, as he could never suppose the eneray could expect to keep a perraanent footing in the country, and that their plan of invasion would have for its object, the doing the greatest possible quantity of mis chief, in the shortest tirae, he thought an inva sion of such a description could be better resisted by volunteers having' sorae discipline, than by an arraed peasantiy that had none. He trusted that the principle of the biU would be generally ap proved of, whatever objections raight be found to particular clauses. Many persons thought the volunteer systera had, within itseff, the prin ciples of its own dissolution. He felt too rauch confidence in the spirit of the country to suppose so; but should it turn out to be the case, it would becorae the duty of Ministers to advise his Majesty to recur to the provisions of the Ge neral Defence Act." Some noble lords expressly denied the King's possessing any such prerogative as that contended LORD LIVERPOOL. 229 for ; as did Mr. Fox in the House of Commons. Lord Grenville qualified his denial of it, by the exception, ' without the sanction of ParUaraent.' He, however, only lamented that Ministers had," as he said, " sacrificed to the volunteer system the regular and more efficient force ofthe country." The bill was read a second tirae, and ordered to be coramitted on the first day after the Easter recess. The dissolution of the Ministry was now evi dently at hand. Since the coraraenceraent of the war, it had preserved its ground, rather by the divisions among its opponents, than its own cora parative strength : and on all the measures con nected with the defence of the country, it was attacked with great success in the House of Coramons. On the 23d of April, Mr. Fox raoved for a Coraraittee, to revise the several bUls which had been proposed for the accomplishraent of this great object, and for devising efficient raeasures for coraplete and perraanent defence, Mr, Pitt supported the raotion, taking a corapre hensive view of the actual state of the country, and its raeans of military defence ; and only differ ing from Mr, Fox on the power vested in the King, by the constitution, of calling out aU his subjects in tirae of danger. Ministers carried the question against this motion by a majority of only fifty -twp. Two days 230 MEMOIRS OF after, Mr, Pitt resisted , a motion, made by Mr, Secretary Yorke, for the House to resolve itself into a Coraraittee on the Array of Reserve Act; and the : plan of Ministers, on the division, had only two hundred and forty votes ; against it were two hundred and three : leaving them only a majority of thirty-seven. The Marquis of Stafford having, in the interim, given notice of a motion in the House of Lords similar to that of Mr- Fox, the order of the day for that motion was read in the House on the SOth, when Lord Hawkesbury entreated the noble Marquis to postpone it,,, " He. was ready," he said, " to pledge, his character, bpth as a Minister and a Lord of ParUament,. that the reasons which induced him to raake this application were of such a nature, as, if known to the noble Lord, would gain his ready acquiescence : they Were, however, of that delicate nature that he could noti conr sistently with his duty then raention thera," He afterwards ! said,, "that the reasons to which he alluded were not light and trivial, but of great iraportance; He had said aU that he could, con sistently with his duty, to prevail upon the Marquis to postpone his raotion. If he had been unsuc cessful he was sorry for it, and ready to raeet the discussion," After some objections had been stated by Lord LORD LIVERPOOL. 231 GrenviUe (for it was expected that the Ministers would have been left in a rainority on this ques tion if it had been entered upon) the postponeraent was agreed to. We find under this same date a circular note of Lord Hawkesbury's, disclaiming indignantly to the Ministers of Foreign Courts, resident in Lon don, the atrocious and utterly unfounded calumny that the Government of his Majesty had been a party to plans of assassination : " an accusation, it is said, already raade with equal falsehood and calurany by the sarae authority against the raera bers of his Majesty's Governraent during the last war ; an accusation incorapatible with the honour of his Majesty, and the known character of the British nation ; and so corapletely devoid of any shadow of proof, that it raay be reasonably pre sumed to have been brought forward at the pre sent moment for no other purpose than that of diverting the attention of Europe from the con teraplation of the sanguinary deed which has re cently been perpetrated, by the direct order of the First Consul, in France, in violation of the rights of nations, and in contempt of the most siraple laws of humanity and honour." This was the detestable murder of the Duke d'Enghien. Mr. Addington now determined on retiring from Administration, when he should have ad- 232 MEMOIRS OF justed the financial concems of the year. On the 3rd of May, therefore, the last raotion of Admi nistration was carried in a vote of thanks to the civil and miUtary officers of the army: on the 12th, it was announced that the Premier had resigned. LORD I,lVERPOOL, 233 CHAPTER V, LAST ADMINISTRATION OF MK. PITT. Mr. Pitt directed to form an Administration. — Endeavours in vain to include Mr. Fox and his friends, — Lord Hawkesbury, Secretary of State for the Home Depart ment. — Additional Military Establishments and Plans. — Mr. Wilberforce renews his Motion for the Abolition of the Slave Trade, and carries it in the House of Commons. — Rejected in the Lords. — Buonaparte becomes Emperor of the French — War with Spain. — Debate on its Causes, — Lord King's Attack on Ministers, — Resisted by Lord Hawkesbury. — Report of the Commissioners of Naval Inquiry. — Mr. Whitbread's Resolutions criminating Lord . Melville, — Mr. Pitt's Conduct on this Question. — The Addingtonian Party votes against Ministers. — Roman Catholic Question debated in both Houses. — Lord Hawkes bury's Speech. — Bishop of Durham's. — King's Message delivered by Lord Hawkesbury, — Grant thereon. — New coalition with Russia, Austria, and Sweden; terminated by the Battle of Austerlitz. — Battle of Trafalgar. — Mr. Pitt's health declines, — Parliament opened in his absence, — Mr. Pitt's Death. It was at this eventful crisis expected through out the nation, that the chiefs of the three great political parties would have been united in power. 234 MEMOIRS OF Mr, Pitt, to whom the King at once consigned the task of forming an Administration, seeras to have raade every fair effort to act upon this prin ciple ; but the personal objections of the Monarch to Mr, Fox were insuperable : and Lord GrenviUe and his friends declined the proposals of Mr, Pitt, on the ground of his being corapeUed to recognize " this principle of personal exclusion," as they termed it, " It is one," said Lord Grenville, " of which I never can approve, because, independently of its operation to prevent Parliament and the people frora enjoying the Administration they de sired, and which it was their particular interest to have, it tends to establish a dangerous prece dent, that would afford too much opportunity of private pique against the pubUc interest. I, for one, therefore refused to connect myself with any one arguraent that should sanction that prin ciple ; and in ray opinion, every man who had accepted office under that Adrainistration, is, ac cording to the letter and spirit of the Constitu tion, responsible for its character and construction." These remarks were raade by his Lordship in the House of Peers, on the raotion of Lord Darnley, for the repeal ofthe Additional Force BiU. There was published at the tirae an able letter from Lord Grenville to Mr. Pitt, expressing the same sentiraents. It appears' to have been thought by the friends LORD LIVERPOOL. 235 of the parties left in Opposition, that Mr, Pitt did not sincerely endeavour to include his great rival : and the wiUingness of the King to admit Mr, Fox to pow^r afterwards, has 'been quoted as a proof of it. But it is to be reraerabered, that Mr, Pitt was, in the latter case, no more ; that to expect him to decUne office on such a point, was unrea sonable ; and that his Majesty did not even in the case alleged, accede to Mr. Fox's adraission into the Cabinet, until Lord Liverpool had de clined the Premiership. In the Cabinet were now, Mr. Pitt, First Lord ofthe Treasury, and ChanceUor ofthe Ex chequer ; Duke of Portland, President of the Council ; Lord Eldon, , Lord Chancellor ; Earl of Westmoreland, Lord Privy Seal ; Lord Viscount MelviUe, First Lord of the Admiralty ; Earl of Chatham, Master General of the Ordnance ; Lord Hawkesbury, Secretary of State for the Home departraent; Lord Harrowby, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs ; Earl Caraden, Secretary of State for the department of War and the Colo nies ; Lord Castlereagh, President of the Board of Controul for the affairs of India ; and Lord Mulgrave, ChanceUor ofthe Duchy of Lancaster. Mr. William Dundas was Secretarj' at War ; Mr. Canning, Treasurer of the Navy ; Mr. George Rose and Lord Charles Somerset, Joint Paymas ters of the Forces ; the Duke of Montrose and 236 MEMOIRS OF Lord Charles Spencer, Joint Paymasters-General ; Mr. Huskisson and Mr. Stourges Bourne, Secre taries of the Treasury ; Sir WiUiara Grant, Mas ter ofthe RoUs ; Mr. Perceval, Attorney-General ; Su- Thoraas Manners Sutton, SoUcitor-General; Lord Hardwicke, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland ; Lord Redesdale, Lord ChanceUor ; Sir Evan Nepean, Chief Secretary ; and Mr. Corry, Chan cellor of the Irish Exchequer. The first effort of Adrainistration was to place the miUtary estabUshments on a more enlarged and permanent footing. On the 5th of June, the new Minister produced his plan for raising and supporting an addition al perraanent miUtary force. Mr. Fox and Mr. Windhara agreed in the principle of his biU ; but found rauch to censure in raany of its provisions. The late Ministers, Mr, Yorke and Mr. Adding ton, dwelt on the dangerous policy, of raaintaining an iraraense regular force, and of reducing the militia, the ancient and constitutional defence of the kingdora. The BUl was ably defended by Mr. Canning; but chiefly by Mr. Pitt hiraseff, who observed with some warrath upon the corabination evi dently forraed against hira, before he had earned into effect any one raeasure which could be cha racterized as good or bad. Sincere as he had been in his wishes for an extended Adrainistration, LORD LIVERPOOL. 237 such conduct led him to question the possibility of harraony in a cabinet forraed of such discordant materials. In the House of Lords, while the Earl of Moira thought the Additional Force Bill " fell infinitely short of what had been generally expected," Lord Grenville objected to it, " upon the ground of its going to establish a large permanent standing array in tirae of peace." Lord Hawkesbury contended, " that the array of reserve, upon the principle of which the present plan was forraed, was one of the wisest and raost efficient measures ever adopted by Parliament to meet a particular crisis. That measure had pro duced great benefit, but having answered its purpose, the present biU went to retain the raost essential parts of it ; and instead of iraposing new burthens, took away a great deal of the heavy and unequal pressure of the forraer act. He considered that the force to be so raised would be preferable to the railitia in some respects. It would be disposable for the defence of every part of the United Kingdom, and it would be Cora manded by experienced officers. He could not see how this force could be considered unconsti tutional ; as it would be as rauch under the con trol of ParUaraent, as any other description of force that was to be kept up. As a perraanent raeasure of security, it would in future free us 238 MEMOIRS OF from the embarrassraents which we always ex perienced at the coraraenceraent of every new war, for want of raen." On the House dividing, the biU, which was understood to be a fair trial of the strength of the new Governraent, was carried by 154 (votes and proxies) against 69, We find his Lordship, this sarae session, in troducing Mr, Western's Com Trade Bill into the House of Lords, At a late period of the session, Mr, Wilberforce renewed his noble atterapts to put an end to the Slave-trade ; and a bill for that purpose passed the House of Coraraons by a raajority of 75 to 49. But, on its transmission to the Upper House, though sixteen years had elapsed since the ques tion was first agitated, it was postponed, on the motion of Lord Hawkesbury, for maturer investi- , gation in the ensuing session. While at home raany of the forraer adherents of Mr, Pitt were coalescing with his old oppo nents, the colossal power of Buonaparte was destined, at this tirae, to reach its height. The French Senate, on the 18th of May, decreed his possession of the Sovereign power of the RepubUc by the title of Eraperor of the French ; power was given him, if he should have no male issu^, to adopt an heir from the children or grand children of his brothers: the title of Prince and LORD LIVERPOOL, 239 Princess, and of Imperial Highness, was conferred on all the members of the Buonaparte family, of whom Prince Joseph was norainated Grand- elec tor, and Prince Louis constable of France; and the titles of the two subaltern Consuls merged in those of Arch-chancellor and Arch-treasurer. A number of getierals were raised to the rank of raarshal: in short, all the forms and decorations of Iniperial dignity were at once adopted. The religion of Rome, in this instance sufficiently pliant, was pressed into the same service; and letters were sent to all the prelates of France by the Emperor, announcing his elevation, and dictating an ecclesiastical cereraonial for the oc casion. Finally, his hoUness, Pope Pius VII., was sura moned to Paris to assist at the Coronation of the modern Charleraagne. On leaving Rorae, he said to the consistory — " Our dearest son in Christ, Napoleon, Eraperor of the French, who has so well deserved of the Catholic reUgion for what he has done, has signified to us his strong desire to be anointed with the holy unction, and to receive the Imperial crown frora us, to the end that the solemn rites, which are to place him in the highest rank, shaU be strongly impressed with the character of religion, and cal! down raore effectually the benediction of Heaven !" Spain was now for a length of time to be added 240 MEMOIRS OF to the number of his abject aUies. By the treaty of St. Ildefonso, signed in 1796, she had agreed to furnish to France in tirae of war a certain contingent of naval and raUitary force, but this had not been acted upon in the present contest. Buo naparte, in fact, found that the Spanish flag was more useful to him, for a time, as that ofa neutral than a belUgerent, as she could thereby supply France with the produce of her colonies. It was at length however discovered that he exacted from her regular contributions. Considerable ar maraents were also now preparing in the Spanish ports : and our cruisers received orders to detain any arraed vessels departing, and aU treasure ships entering them. In consequence, Captain Moore, comraanding a squadron of frigates, on the Spanish coast, seized (October 5, 1804,) three vessels from the Rio de la Plata, richly laden : and a declaration of war against Spain was issued June 24th, 1805, On the raeeting of. Parliaraent, these transac tions occupied a prorainent share of attention. In the Coraraons, Mr, Grey, Mr, Fox, Mr, Windhara, and Lord Temple united in condemn ing the conduct of Ministers : in the Lords, (llth of February), the defence of Government was conducted ¦ principaUy by Lord Mulgrave ; whfle Lord GrenviUe warraly attacked the late mea sures. He stigmatised the seizing of the Spanish LORD LIVERPOOL, 241 treasure ships as " an atrocipus act of barbarity," calculated to " stamp indelible infaray on our narae ;" and declared " he spoke from sincere conviction that the war, which might have been prevented by common care on pur part, and which was as unprpvpked as unnecessary, weuld be most grievous and unfortunate for tbe country," This prophecy is as remarkable, in the retrospect, as the fact that on the subject of the seizure of these ships, although the negotiation was continued between the powers three months afterwards, not a coraplaint was ever made by the Spanish Go vernment, In reply to Lord Grenville, it was contended by the Home; Secretary, " that Spain, by the treaty of St, Ildefonso, became ipso facto the offensive and defensive ally of France, which placed her in a relation of hostiUty to this country; she was not to be regarded as a neutral state, but one against which policy only enjoined forbearance as long as it was possible. Having no aUies in our contest with France, nor any immediate chance of a con tinental diversion in our favour, we had at" all events to wait till our naval and miUtary, esta bUshments attained their proper height. In that interval great management was required with Spain, with a view to the security of Portugal. Thus cireumstanced, policy forbade us to put every question to Spain so categorically as to leave no R 242 MEMOIRS OF issue but peace or war. This certainly was not the raode to be adopted when our object- was such a delay as raight have enabled Spain to disentan gle herself, as she, for a time, appeared disposed to do, from her obligations towards France, and to place ourselves in a situation to protect our aUy, the Queen of Portugal. The agreement that the Spanish armaraents should cease, and condemnation and sale of prizes in the Spanish ports be stopped, was a condition, not of her neu trality, but of our forbearance, and at aU events had been quickly violated." His Lordship then mentioned the arraaraents at Ferrol, at a time when there were four French men-of-war in the port, which, by a junction with the Spaniards; might be soon brought to contend with the block ading squadron ; and observed, that " the pre tence of these armaraents being intended to send troops for qufelling the insurrection in Biscay, was aU a feint, as there was no port in that quarter wherfe a single raan could be landed ; and even ff there were, it could not be necessary that the ships which conveyed them should be armed and equip ped for war. It was evident, upon the whole, that it was the full intention of Spain to declare war as soon as her treasure ships should arrive^ and her permitting French troops, saUors, and artiUery-men to raarch through her territory, was no slight indication of hostiUty to us. Under LORD LIVERPOOL. 243 these circumstances we entered on an incomplete hostiUty, when the right of full, complete, and ab solute hostiUty was substantially in our hands, Spain, it was said, suffered, but then it was her own fault. Had she been capable of manly ex ertion in her own behalfi^ to free herself from French thraldom, she would have met with every support and assistance: from us. But While she remained under the vassalage and dictatorship of the ruler of France, friendly even she dare not be, neutral she could not be;' and hostile she must be at the mandate of her aUy; which made it incumbent on his -'Majesty's Ministers to guard against the hostility to which this countrjr, from necessity or otherwise, must inevitably be ex posed." ¦¦ '¦¦' ¦¦= .¦¦!.¦¦.,! ¦ ,"- ' '¦ i.The debate was prolonged .'until four o'clock in the morning, but the address was carried without a division.^^ .-ji^- On the Sth of March, Lord .King opened a new attack on the defensive measures of Administra tion, 'Adopting the arguments of Mr. "Windham in the House of Comraons," he contended ^that there »was' a general want of systera and regula rity in the miUtary' measures of Ministers; that the various bilte'tJf the late ^and; present Admi-^ flfetrStidU word mere temporary expedients ; and he particularly reprobated the practice of asnlisting men for life. He moved for "a Committee to R 2 244 MEMOIRS OF revise the different acts passed in the two last sessions of ParUament for the raUitary defence of the country, and to consider of such farther raeasures as raay be necessary to raake that de fence raore complete and perraanent," In this debate, the late eccentric Earl Stanhope also reprobated the raeasures of Ministers. He insisted that " the penalties raust faU upon the farraers, who could only pay it by raising the price of com, and other provisions of the first necessity, upon the people. This would inevi tably lead to, an increase in the price of labour. It was founded on a mischievous, famine-monger- ing systera, and ff it raised the raen first, it would starve thera afterwards. He expressed himself fiiendly to a general arraaraent of the people,, and his apprehensions from the present state of in- discipUne of our force ; which, however, was the less to be wondered at, when they recoUected, that, under the Adrainistration of the present noble secretary of state, (Lord Caraden) in Ire land, in 1798, the then commanderr-in-chief (Gcr neral Abercrorabie) stated ' that the array there, frora its indiscipline, was only formidable to itseff, and not to the enemy.' Our state of de fence was worse now than before. The present Minister did not scruple to caU his predecessor and present coUeague, (Lord Hawkesbury,) we LORD LIVERPOOL. , 245 presume) a fool and a simpleton, and yet that noble Lord had more sense in his little finger, than the present Minister in his whole body ; and that was not saying much. Upon the whole, he reprobated the defence bill, as founded on wicked ness, and that wickedness founded on fraud." Lord Carlisle advocated the motion of inquiry, in order to ascertain the point of limited and un limited service, on which military opinions seemed to be at variance. Lord Hawkesburysaid "he must resist a motion, a compliance with which would devolve the mili tary adrainistration of the country on a Committee of that House, and which would imply that want of confidence in his Majesty's present Ministers, which, if entertained, would be more properly the ground of an address for their reraoval. As such a motion, therefore, could have no other object than the censure or removal of Ministers, he was determined to meet it with a direct negative. His Lordship then entered into a review ofthe different species of force now possessed by the country, and, from a nuraber of statements and calculations, thought himseff warranted in concluding that he had proved, that we were, according to our popula tion, much more than equal in military power to France, or any other country in the world ; that, therefore, the^ Ministers had done every thing 246 MEMOIRS OF that it was possible to do, and there was no spe cific nor sufficient Parliaraentary ground raade Out for the present 'raotion." His Royal Highness tbe Duke of .Clarence and Lord GrenvUle both supported the raotion : it was, however, lost by a raajority of seventy-five in favour of the Ministers. Lord Hawkesbury, on raoving-the second read ing of the MiUtia Enlistraent BUl, in the House of Lords, on the 4th of AprU, also-took. occasion to advert to the present miUtary force of the United Kingdom, " than which nothing," he insisted, " could be more respectable, as far as regarded our national security ; aU that was required now, was to have an increase of our disposahkj force, particularly of infantry, and the question was, whether this bill afforded the best means of pro viding it ? the present mUitia estabUshment was made without any reference to the volunteier sys tem. The principle of reducing the mUitia had been last year, as well as frequently before, re^ qognized-by Parliament; and that being the case, he did not see, considering the existing necessi ties of the country, that there could be any mate^ rial objection to the raode of doing so," , The trial of Lord MelvUle is a business more properly connected i with the history of the suc ceeding Administration. We shall only in this place advert to those preparatory and sufficiently LORD LIVERPOOL. 247 decisive measures against his Lordship, which deprived the Administration of Mr. Pitt of one of its ablest supporters. These measures were grounded, it is weU known, on the tenth report of the Commissioners of Naval Enquiry, appointed during the naval administration of Lord St, Vincent, On the 13th of February, 1805, the Commis sioners pubUshed their report of the office of Trea surer of the Navy, On the 8th of AprU, Mr. Whitbread moved a number of resolutions con nected with the topics of the Report; one of which (the llth) was: "That the Right Ho nourable Lord Viscount MelviUe having been privy to, and connived at, the withdrawing from the Bank of England, for purposes of private interest or emolument, sums issued to him as Treasurer of the Navy, and placed to his account in the Bank, according to the provisions of the 25th George III. c. 31, has been guUty of a gross violation of the law, and a high breach of duty." Mr. Pitt in vain endeavoured to shield his friend and coadju tor by moving the previous question : the House having equally divided on Mr. Whitbread's reso lutions, the Speaker's casting vote carried them in the affirmative. Mr. Fox never made a remark in the House of Commons with more effect than on this occasion. " It has-been said," he observed, " that the House 248 MEMOIRS OF should proceed with the utmost deUcacy in decid ing upon character; but the character of Lord MelviUe was already so corapletely destroyed, in the public estiraation for ever, that were the vote of this night unanimous in his favour, it would not have the sUghtest effect in wiping away the stigraa universaUy affixed to his narae. What was the world to think of retaining a man at the head of the naval department, who, when asked tf he had derived any advantage frora the use of the pubUc raoney, was obliged equivocaUy to answer, " to the best of ray recollection I never did." If a man were asked if he was not, on a particular night, in a particular roora, with John a Noaks, it might be very weU to answer that, to the best of his recoUection, he was not there ; but if he were asked whether John a Noaks did not charge him with an attempt to pick his pockets, what would be the inference if he were to answer that John a Noaks did not to the best of his recollection ?" Mr. Canning contended that " the justice of the House would require of it to give an oppor tunity of examining whether the whole of the charge against the noble Lord raight not be done away ; for there was no analogy between this case, and tbat referred to, of the Middlesex election, where the parties were fuUy heard by theraselves and counsel, and aUowed to cross-exaraine wit nesses : but here the parties, instead of being LORD LIVERPOOL. 249 fully heard, were not heard at all. The breach of the law, in this instance, was by no raeans clear ; for the law could scarcely bave meant that which was physically impossible." The Addingtonian party, as it was called, al though their chief was at this time in office, voted on the present question against the Ministers, Lord Melville at once resigned office, and his name was erased from the List of the Privy Council : on the "25th of June, the raode in which this busiuess should be finally conducted, becarae tbe last topic on which Mr, Pitt spoke in the House of Coraraons, Previously to this (May 3rd, 1805,) Mr. Ley cester having delivered a raessage to the House of Lords, frora the Coraraons, requesting their Lordships' perraission for Lord MelviUe to attend a raeeting of that House to be examined respect ing the tenth report of the Naval Comraissioners, Lord Hawkesbury raoved " the standing or der, which imported, that no Peer ofthe realm should attend the House of Coraraons, or any comraittee thereof, to answer matters of charge or accusation against theraselves, on pain of being comraitted to the Tower during the pleasure of the House," His Lordship adverted to the circumstances upon which that order was made, and, after stat ing that the message clearly referred to the points 250 MEMOIRS OF of accusation against Lord MelviUe contained in the tenth report of the Naval Commissioners, moved " that the raessage be referred to a Coramittee of PrivUeges, and the clerk be ordered to furnish them with such precedents of simUar cases as may have occurred," On this Lord Darnley objected to the motion, as it tended to throw difficulties in the way of public justice. When Lord Hawkesbury disclairaed the idea, the Duke of Norfolk said, "that though the House could not compel Lord MelviUe to attend a comraittee of the House of Coramons, he could have no objection to 'give him perraission to do so if he thought proper. The Lord ChanceUor was for referring it to a Coramittee of Privileges, and, after some conver sation, the motion of Lord Hawkesbury was agreed to. The strength of the Adrainistration was put to a farther trial this session by a petition frora the Roraan Catholics of Ireland being brought for ward both in the Lords and Coraraons, As it gave rise to a raore elaborate discussion of the Catholic Question than it had ever hitherto re ceived, and Lord Hawkesbury took a decided part ill it, we may notice some of the principal ob servations raade, Mr, Fox, in the House of Coraraons, described LORD LIVERPOOL, 251 it as " the cause of nearer a fourth than a fifth of the whole population of the British empire. The general principle, that so great a portion of our fellow subjects should, if possible, be on a footing with the remainder in the enjoyment of equal privUeges and advantages, and the benefit of the constitutional Government, was incontrovertible, and one upon which there could subsist no theo retic difference of opinion. There were, there fore, two modes of considering the question ; the first, as it regarded the rights of the subject ; and, secondly, as it regarded the rights of the crown. As to the first, he contended that the people had a right not to be restricted in any thing, but where the safety of the country demanded. The restrictions laid on the Catholics, were not on their religious, but on their political opinions, and the necessity, which might have occasioned them for merly, was now completely done away. He in sisted that the penal and restrictive laws in Ire land were meant to Operate not against CathoUcs, but Jacobites. It was therefore necessary, when there was no Pretender, nor any danger of the return of the Stuart famUy to the throne, by the indulgent system pursued during the present reign, and by encouraging .trade, to restore to the Ca tholics a great part of that property which was taken from their ancestors. The exclusion of the Catholics from offices was 252 MEMOIRS OF a restriction on the prerogative of the crown which . could not now avail itself of their ser vices, though the King hiraself was obUged to be a Protestant. The greatest incentive any raan could have to industry and enterprize, was, that he raight possibly rise to as great fortune and degree as the greatest peer in the land. This charming prospect was denied to the CathoUc, who feels that he can never rise to the top of his profession. Such was the degrading situation in which were placed one-fourth of his Majesty's European sub jects. When the CathoUcs were permitted to sit in Parliament, no historian ever stated that any raisfortune ever resulted frora it. It was impos sible that the Irish CathoUcs could send raore than twenty merabers ,to that House ; but, supposing they were to send eighty, what danger could it bring upon a representation, consisting of six hun dred and fifty-eight raembers? The Catholics had not now even a virtual representation in Par^ Uament, as the Protestant merabers had not a syrapathy of coraraon feeling with thera. To reject this petition, therefore, would be to treat thera as outcasts, and teach thera to look for re lief and protection elsewhere. He ridiculed aU dangers apprehended frora the power of the Pope ; and the sarae reasoning, which iraplied that they were not to be believed on their oaths, was a libel LORD LIVERPOOL, ^53 on all the nations of Europe, the inhabitants of three-fourths of which were Roman Catholics, . " It was trifling to suppose that people of diffe rent persuasions could not act together for the pubUc welfare, or that, in a council of state. Mi nisters, instead of consulting about the affairs of the nation, should be always quarrelling about re ligious differences. He considered the connexion some tirae since formed between Ireland and France, to arise from the disappointment of the CathoUcs on the recall of Earl Fitzwilliam, The objections made, on the score of the coronation oath, he also considered as perfectly inapplicable." Doctor Duigenan reminded the House, " that of the six peers and three baronets who signed the petitipn, one of the former was an Englishman, and three of the other peers had been created du ring his present Majesty's reign ; and, on exami nation, it would be found, that a few years back, the whole Roman Catholic nobiUty of Ireland did not exceed one, or two at the most ; which show ed how little cause there was to complain of so much alleged degradation. There was not a single Romish ecclesiastic in the list of the peti tioners ; the reason of which, no doubt, was, that they were to take the oath of 1773, which dis claimed those injurious doctrines." He then en tered into a learned disquisition on the principles 254 MEMOIRS OF of that reUgion, as laid down by its councils and highest authorities, and concluded that as they could not be faithful subjects to a Protestant mo narchy, they ought not to be trusted with peUti- cal power, Mr, Grattan observed, that " tf the reasoning of -the learned Doctor (Duigenan) were correct, it would be to pronounce against his country three curses, viz, etemai war with each other, — eternal war with England,-^and eternal war with France, The learned Doctor's Speech consisted of four parts, first, invective uttered against the religion of the CathoUcs; second, invective against the present generation ; third, invective against the past; and, fourth, invective against the fiiture. Here the limits of the creation interposed and stopped hira." Mr. Pitt pursued on this occasion the same line of arguraent which he had formerly adopted.:; He denied any right,' on the part of the Romanists; to a participation of poUtical power, and he considered the question solely on the ground of expediency. He stated his opinion to be, that " previous to the Union, in no possible case could the privUegessso demanded bC' given, consistently with a due re gard to the Protestant interest in Ireland, to the intemal tranquiUity'of that kingdom, the frame and structure of our constitution, or the probabi lity of the permanent connexion of Ireland with LORD LIVERPOOL, 255 this country. He admitted that, after the Union, he saw the subject in a different Ught ; and was of opinion that, under an united ParUament, these privUeges might be granted, with proper guards and conditions, so as not to produce any danger to the EstabUshed Church, or to the Protestant Constitution. " But in declaring this opinion, Mr. Pitt did not mean to shut his eyes against the conviction, that a Catholic, however honourable his intentions might be, must feel anxious to advance the interests of his reUgipn ; it was in the very nature of man : he might disclaim and renounce that wish for a time, but there was no man, who was at aU ac quainted with the operations of the human heart, who did npt know that the CathoUc must feel that anxiety, whenever the pow'er and the oppor tunity might be favourable to him. Neither did he mean tP say, that the CathpUcs were npt enga ged in the scenes preceding the rebeUien pf 1798; npr yet te deny, theugh Jaccbin principles were the foundation of the rebeUion, that the influence of the priests, themselves tainted with those prin ciples, might have aggravated the evil, though they were not the cause of it. But he expected to avert all danger by the adoption of his proposed measures^ of caution and security. He stated his idea to be, not to apply tests to the religious te nets pf the CatheUcs, but tests applicable tp what 256 MEMOIRS OP was the source and foundation of the evU ; to ren der the priests, instead of making them the in struments of poisoning the minds of the people, dependant in some sort upon the Government, and thus links, as it were, between the Govern ment and the people. Mr. Windham also advocated the cause of the Catholics. He said, that " the only consideration that could have reconcUed him to the raeasure of thO' Union, was the idea that aU disabilities at taching to the' Catholics would then be reraoved, and the whole population of Ireland be united in interest and affection ; nor did he see any thing now to alter that opinion. When he found the irapediraents started to this raeasure rauch strong er than he expected, he relinquished the Adminis tration ; and he beUeved, upon the sarae ground; the right honourable gentleraan (Mr. Pitt) adopt ed the sarae line of conduct. Popular clamour and prejudice should not deter that Housejfrom doing now what was fit to be done, what- the Minister thought four years ago ought to" be done, and what he did not deny must be done here after." Lord Grenville, on the 10th of May, moved the order of the day for the House of Lords, " to take intp consideration the petition of the Roman Ca.tholics of Ireland." " He thought it would be a great evil and misfortune, to the empire, if the LORD LIVERPOOL, 257 prayer of this petition was not granted ; but he feared it would be infinitely more unfortunate, if the petitioners were given to understand that the doors of Parliament were shut to their coraplaints, if they were to be driven to absolute despair, and the expectations held out to them by the- Union, completely frustrated. " In the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, a population of not less than three rail lions by the lowest, and five raillions by the highest calculation, were educated in the Catholic religion ; and the House must never lose sight of the fact, that three-fourths of the people of Ireland were Roman Catholics, Those political opinions, adverse to the principles of the Revolution, and favourable to the exiled family of Stuart, which formerly operated, were no longer in existence. Upon this ground, the Catholics were not to be aUowed any influence, because influence led to power ; not to be allowed property, because pro perty led to influence ; not to enjoy the free toleration of religion ; not to have the least in tercourse with the rest of their fellow-subjects. The effect of it was, that they were kept in igno rance, in extreme poverty, and, in proportion, their minds wtre exasperated against their op pressors. During the period of his present Ma jesty's reign, a better system of policy and ame- Uoration had been adopted," 258 MEMOIRS OF He afterwards said — " The objections which prevaUed to their eraancipation, before the Union, were now corapletely done away ; for, whatever raight have been given to the proportion of the CathoUcs, over the Protestants of Ireland, must now be given to the proportion of the Protestants of the United Kingdom, Nothing could be more unfair," he added, " than to impute to a set of people opinions and principles which they them selves disclairaed. The uniforra good conduct and loyaltj^ of the Catholics of Ireland were upon Parliaraentary record. In the period of the two separate rebellions in this country, the Irish Ca tholics deraonstrated the utmost loyalty. When the fleets of the enemy were triumphant in the channel, and threatened the invasion of the king dpm, they took up arms for the defence of their country. There can be nothing more unjustifia ble than to attribute the late rebellion in Ireland to the Catholic body : the principal leaders in it were Protestants. As to the exploded objection, that a Catholic was not to be believed upon his oath, because the Pope could dispense with it, it was un worthy of attention ; because, if so, they need not hesitate to take an oath, to enable thera to sub vert the government of the country, and raake the Pope Lord-paramount. There never was, however, a period when the power of the Pope was less, and the respect paid to hira more dimi- LORD LIVERPOOL. 259 nished. The only effect to- be apprehended from granting the prayer of the petition, would be that of bringing three or four Peers into that House, and a few members into the House of Commons ; and surely nothing could be more absurd, than to suppose such few persons could, even if they wished it, persuade the Parliament to destroy the hierarchy, and overturn the constitution. Fears for the hierarchy were entertained at the tirae of the union with Scotland ; but could any one point out an instance in which, however ad verse the Church of Scotland was to Bishops, that any Scotch peer, or commoner, ever dreamt of substituting their own religion for the Episco pacy of the English Church ? He then dwelt on the impolicy of preventing Catholics of great ge nius, talent, and industry, from arriving at those high stations, which would enable thera to be of the greatest service to their country." He con cluded by moving, " That the House do now re solve itself into a Coramittee, to take the said Petition into consideration." Lord Hawkesbury observed, " that at any tirae, or under any circumstances, he must oppose a raotion which might lead to such alarming conse quences as the abrogation of all the tests at pre sent subsisting in the empire. Experience had shown the desolation it had occasioned by a re-: public of Atheists, estabUshed in the heart of s 2 260 MEMOIRS OF Europe. While every religion deserved to be protected, the possession of poUtical power should only be extended with that degree of jealousy and circumspection, that would guard against the abuse of it, and prevent it from being made the instruraent to destroy the Governraent, for whose support it was created. One of the fun damental principles of the British Government, as established by the Bill of Rights and Act of Settlement, was, that the King raust be a Pro testant, and hold coraraunion with the Church of England : and the sarae limitation should, in his opinion, apply to the imraediate advisers and officers of the Crown. Our ancestors thought it expedient to change the succession, sooner than have a King of a religion hostile to that of the state ; and was it rational that the sarae principles should not apply to Ministers, ChanceUors, and Judges of the day ? To open the door in this instance, would be to let in aU the Dissenters in the kingdora, and who would consent to entrust the patronage of the Church to persons consider ing her establishment as heretical ? Upon the whole, he concluded, that as long as the Catholics refused to take the Oath of Supremacy, they should be deprived of political power ; and there never was a moraent when it was raore necessary than now, when aU CathoUc Europe was nearly subjected to France, and the Pope placed in a LORD LIVERPOOL. 261 state of absolute dependance on that country. The ruin of the Church and the Monarchy, in our own country, accompanied each other, and as his principle was to uphold the establishment of both, he must resist the motion," The Bishop of Durham raade, on this occasion, the most impressive speech delivered frora the bench. He said, that " in attentively considering this petition, he had endeavoured to discover what extension of personal toleration was asked, that would be consistent with our civil and reUgious establishraent. Not what the CathoUcs would have given to us ; but what we, with safety, could give to them : — not what we might with justice re fuse ; but what could, in kindness, be granted, as the offering of affection and good will. He wished to improve and ameliorate the condition of the mass of the people of Ireland ; but, in the object of this petition, he saw nothing but what was calculated to give power, privUeges, and in fluence to a very few opulent individuals araongst them. In adverting to the superior numbers of Papists in Ireland; to the pecuUar powers which the clergy exercised over them ; to the general connexion of their clergy with a foreign power ; and to the degraded and servite dependance of the head of their church, upon a state so very hostile to this country ; he did not think that the prayer of the petition could be granted 262 MEMOIRS OF with safety to our civil and religious estabUsh ments." The petition was ultiraately rejected in the Lords, by a raajority of 1 29 : only 49 having voted for it, and 178 against it : in the Coramons 336 were against its reception, and 124 for it,* * Mr. Fox, it appears, acted in the presenting of the Peti tion of the Catholics at this time, contrary to the wishes of the Prince of Wales, There is a letter on this subject so creditable to him, preserved in Mr. Moore's Life of Sheridan, that we shall take the liberty of transcribing it. " A few days before'the debate," says the eloquent biographer of Mr. S. " as appears by the following remarkable letter, Mr. Sheridan was made the medium ofa communication from Carlton House, the object of which was to prevent Mr. Fox from presenting the Petition: — " Dear Sheridan, " I did not receive your letter till last night. " I did on Thursday consent to be the pressnter of the Catholic Petition, at tbe request of the Delegates, and had farther conversation with them at Lord GrenviUe's yesterday morning. Lord GrenviUe also consented to present the Petition to the House of Lords. Now^ therefore, any discus sion on this part of the subject would be too late ; but I will fairly own, that, if it were not, I could not be dissuaded from doing the public act, which, of all others, it will give me the greatest satisfaction and pride to perform. No past event in my political life ever did, and no future one ever can, give me such pleasure. " I am sure you know how painful it would be to me to disobey any command of his Royal Highness's, or even to act in any manner that might be in the slightest degree contrary LORD LIVERPOOL. 263 Lord Hawkesbury, on the 19th day of June, delivered to the House a message from his Ma jesty, to the effect, "That the communications which have taken place, and are stUl depending, between his Majesty and some of the powers of the Continent, have not yet been brought to such a point, as to enable his Majesty to lay the result of them before the House, or to enter into any farther explanation with the French Government, consistently with the sentiments expressed by his Majesty at the opening of the present session, — but, his Majesty conceives that it raay be of essential iraportance, that he should have it in his to his wishes, and, therefore, I am not sorry that your inti mation came too late. I shall endeavour to see the Prince to-day ; but if I should fail, pray take care that he knows how things stand before we meet at dinner, lest any conver sation there should appear to come upon him by surprise. " Yours ever, Arlington Street, Sunday. " C. J. F." " It would be rash,'' adds Mr, Moore, " without some farther insight into the circumstances 'of this singular inter ference, to enter into any speculations with respect to its nature or motives, or to pronounce how far Mr. Sheridan was justified in being the instrument of it. But on the share of Mr, Fox, in the transaction, such suspension of opinion is unnecessary. We have here his simple and honest words before us, — and they breathe a spirit of sincerity from which even Princes might take a lesson with advantage." 264 MEMOIRS OF power to avaU himself of any favourable conjunc ture for giving effect to such a concert with other powers, as may afford the best raeans of resisting the inordinate ambition of France, or may be most likely to lead to a termination of the pre sent contest, on grounds consistent with perma nent safety, the interest of his Majesty's domi nions, and the security and independence of Europe. His Majesty, therefore, recoramends it to the House of Lords, to consider of making provision for enabUng his Majesty to take such measures, and enter into such engagements as the exigency of affairs raay require," This was followed on the 20th by a~ proposi tion for £5,000,000, to be placed at the disposal of his Majesty : on which Lord Carysfort observed that " the state of the negotiations in question ought to be raore freely coraraunicated to the House, and raoved an araendraent to that effect ; which Lord Mulgrave and Lord Hawkesbury resisted. To coraraunicate negotiations, whUe pending, would, they said, be to frustrate their objects ; they only called upon the House for a degree of confidence, usuaUy, and indeed, by necessity, placed in Ministers. These negotiations were, in fact, the final diploraatic measures of Mr, Pitt ; the issue of thera being that coalition with Russia, Austria, and Sweden, which was so fatally terminated LORD LIVERPOOL. 265 by the battle of Austerlitz, on the 2d of Decem ber ; and the peace of Presburgh, signed on the 26th of that month. The only relief to the gloomy scene of our foreign poUtics at this period, was the raeraorable battle of Trafalgar. Mr. Pitt retired to Bath in the autumn of 1805, his health being in a state of rapid decUne. With difficulty he returned to his house at Put ney on the llth of January ; and could take no part in the opening of Parliament on the 21st. Lord Hawkesbury was one of the Corarais sioners on this occasion. The language of the speech, as he afterwards stated in the House of Lords, was designed to ensure, if possible, unani mity in the addresses ; and this object of Minis ters was so far acceded to by Opposition, that though an amendraent was prepared and read in both Houses, it was not moved in either House ; on the ground of the absence of Mr. Pitt. Few even of the intimate friends of that great statesman, however, apprehended his death to be so near ; in the House of Commons, on the evening of the 21st, it was stated by some of thera, that he was not considered in danger, but was slowly recovering. The subject of our Meraoir had an interview with him on public business, on Monday evening, the 13th : he went out in his carriage for the last time, the next day. On the morning of Thurs- 266 MEMOIRS OF day the 23d, about a quarter past four, he quitted this turbulent and vain world, Mr, Gifford has observed that it was the anniversary of that day on which five-and-twenty years before he had first becorae a raember of the British Senate. Mr, Pitt's eulogium wUl not be expected from the feeble pen of the writer of this volume. That his, however, was the real inheritance of Lord Chatham's comprehensive and ardent mind, genuine patriotism, and splendid oratory, has seldora been denied ; or that he added to these qualities, those of an able and enlightened finan cier, and of a ready and well-trained raan of pub lic business : but his clairas to the character of an "excellent statesraan," it is weU known, di vided the House of Coraraons, iraraediately on his decease. Mr. Windhara, at that period, even doubted " from whatever cause it had proceeded, whether his life had been beneficial to his coun try." This is less surprising than that public writers, at the present day, should atterapt to detract frora his fair farae by the aUeged iU success of his plans.* Mr. Pitt, on the scale upon which he * " When we are told to regard his policy as the salvation of the country," says Mr. Moore, (Life of Sheridan,)-:- " when (to use a figure of Mr. Dundas) a claim of salvage is made for him, — it may be aUowed us to consider a little the nature of the measures, by which this alleged salvation LORD LIVERPOOL, 267 acted, and ought therefore to be viewed, as a statesman, was eminently successful. If he en tered upon a great war, without anticipating aU the wretched financial shifts and desperate re- was achieved. If entering into a great war without either consistency of plan, or preparation of means, and with a total ignorance of the financial resources of the enemy — if allowing one part of the Cabinet to flatter the French Royalists, with the hope of seeing the Bourbons restored to undiminished power, while the other part acted, whenever an opportunity offered, upon the plan of dismembering France for the ag grandizement of Austria, and thus at once, alienated Prussia at the very moment of subsidizing him, and lost the confi dence of aU the Royalist party in France, except the few who were ruined by English assistance at Quiberon — if going to war in 1793 for the right of the Dutch to a river, and so managing it that in 1794 the Dutch lost their whole Seven Provinces — if lavishing more money upon failures than the successes of a century had cost, and supporting this profusion by schemes of finance, either hollow and delusive, like the Sinking Fund, or desperately regardless of the future, like the paper issues — if driving Ireland into rebeUion by the per fidious recall of Lord Fitzwilliam, and reducing England to two of the most fearful trials, that a nation, depending upon Credit and a Navy, could encounter, the stoppage of her Bank and a mutiny in her fleet — if, finally, floundering on from efibrt to effort against France, ' and then dying upon the ruins of the last Coalition he could muster against her — if all this betokens a wise and able minister, then is Mr. Pitt most amply entitled to that name ; — then are the lessons of wisdom to be read, like Hebrew, backward, and waste and rashness and systematic failure to be held the only true raeans of saving a country," 268 MEMOIRS OF sources of the enemy, he never despaired of his country's resources : he steadily maintained the public faith ; and made it available to our preser vation to an extent that no one beside anticipated. If he long looked with hope to the restoration of the Bourbons, it has been at last found, it must be remembered, that this very measure has, in point of fact, tranquiUized France and Europe for twelve years. Did he awaken the jealousies of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, against the ag grandizement of France : and subsidize armies whose force he could not otherwise have brought to bear on the enemy? Russia, Austria, and Prussia, it wiU not be soon forgotten, humbled that enemy at last ; and Buonaparte, in truth, not Mr. Pitt, feU under the " last" coalition. As to the war of 1793, we have raade it appear in a preceding part of this volurae, and Bishop Toraline stUl raore fuUy, that the British Minis ter was driven into it by the French Govem raent — themselves urged on, and happUy deceived, by the anticipation of important aid frora the English republicans. The other reflections of Mr. Moore on the cha racter of this unequalled statesraan are frivolous — non-success is evidently his great condemnar tion : but he speaks of only half his life. Mr. Pitt lived in his plans and efforts to the end of LORD LIVERPOOL. 269 the wars of the French Revolution ; those who have the strongest temptation to. dispute this, i. e. his successful disciples, have ever acknowledged it: and those wars terrainated in the encreased security and glory of England. 270 MEMOIRS OF CHAPTER VI, State of Parties, — Offer of the Premiership to Lord Hawkes bury, — He declines it.— Mr, Fox and his Friends come into power. — New MUitary Arrangements. — Mr, Wind ham's Limited Service BiU, — AboUtion ofthe Slave Trade. — Lord Melville's Trial. — Negotiations with France, — Meetingof Parliament in December. — Lord Hawkesbury's Speech on the Address. — On the Negotiations. — Mr. Whitbread's Education BiU. — BiU for introducing Catho Ucs into the Army and Navy, — Division in the Cabinet respecting it. — Sentiments ofthe King. — Ministers dis missed in consequence. — Duke of Portland, Premier,— Lord Hawkesbury, Home Secretary. — Explanations given in ParUament, — Lord Hawkesbury moves thanks to Sir S, Auchmuty, — Parliament dissolved, — New ParUament, — Lord Hawkesbury defends the late dissolution. — State of Europe. — Attack on Copenhagen. — Portugal,— The Prince Regent leaves Lisbon for Brazil, — Berlin De cree of Buonaparte. — British Orders in Council, — The late measures debated in ParUament. — Duke of Norfolk's motion. — Insurrection in Spain, — The Patriots apply for assistauce to England — AU Parties agree respecting af fording it them — New offers to negotiate from France,— Sir John Moore's advance into Spain— Battle of Corunna. —Lord Hawkesbury becomes Earl of Liverpool, The Whig writers incorrectly describe the ad ministration of the government as falling natu- LORD LIVERPOOL, 271 raUy, and " without parley," * into the hands of their friends on the death of Mr, Pitt, His late Majesty, in the first instance, honoured the sub ject of this raeraoir with his confidence and com mands, with respect to the formation of a new mi nistry ; at the head of which, it was proposed he should himself be placed. But Lord Hawkesbury, with that sound good sense, which always distin guished him, and after a few days' deliberation, declined the flattering offer. He well knew the state and relative strength of the public parties. Those with whom alone he could concur in the conduct of the war, and in their unquestionable attachment to the institutions of the country in Church and State — the party of Lord GrenviUe — had entirely differed with hira in aU the chief public measures of late ; and treated him, we must add, with a degree of undeserved con turaely ; raoreover, under rauch more powerful auspices, they could not be induced to accept office without stipulating for the introduction of Mr, Fox, And with the party of this last distin guished leader, as such. Lord Liverpool could never bring himself to act. It was then impos sible for him to find coadjutors in the ranks of those, who, by the late national loss, had become the leading parties. * Mr. Moore's description of the event. — Life of Sheridan, vol. ii, p. 385. 272 MEMOIRS OF As an Opposition, he had seen how powerfully they could concur ; and how feai-fiiUy, in the ex isting situation of the country, those who widely differed on every fundaraental principle of politics, could thwart the raeasures of Government in their details. This was the hour of the country's darkness. The war hadbeen hitherto (at least on the continent of Europe) disastrous ; peace, when Mr. Fox spoke, as his quaker-like eulogy has been given by Mr. Rogers, " was ever on his tongue," And it was iraagined in raany quarters, that this their favourite stateraan could win even Buona parte to raoderate councils. It was supposed also, now the iramediate dangers of the French Re volution were gone by, that these parties would practicaUy coalesce in the internal govemment of the country. There was one great topic here involved, (the treatment of the CathoUcs,) on which they were known to be agreed; and the extent of the King's honesty, (if it involved ho nest prejudices, as many aUege,) on that subject, was as yet unknown. In these circumstances, retaining the undimi nished confidence of his Royal Master, Lord Hawkesbury decUned the Premiership ; he also retained a decided proof of the King's attachment LORD LIVERPOOL, 273 in the Wardenship of the Cinque Ports, to which he was appointed on the death of Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox is said 'to have declined the Treasury and to have chosen the Foreign Secretaryship, as a situation in which he could raore effectually promote his great object, a peace. Lord Gren ville therefore became First Lord of the Trea sury; Mr, (now created Baron) Erskine, Lord High Chancellor; Earl Fitzwilliam, President of the CouncU ; Lord Sidmouth, Privy Seal ; Lord How ick, First Lord of the Adrairalty ; Earl Moira, Master-General of the Ordnance ; Earl Spencer and Mr, Windham, Secretaries for the Home and War Departments ; Lord Henry Petty, Chancel lor of the Exchequer ; and Lord EUenborough, Lord Chief Justice, with a seat in the Cabinel. The introduction of Lord Sidraouth, and by consequence the Lord Chief Justice into the Cabi net, (the forraer stipulating for the introduction of a friend with hiraself,) is said to have been ac complished by Mr. Sheridan at the express desire of the Prince of Wales. Mr. Sheridan himself only obtained the Treasuryship of the Navy. His biographer justly stigmatizes the measure of bringing Lord EUenborough into the Cabinet, " notwithstanding the great learning and abiUty with which it was defended," as "very question able." As with their predecessors, it was an object of T 274 MEMOIRS OF the first anxiety with the new Ministers, to or ganize the defence of the country upon a theory they could approve. This was a topic upon which, in the midst of great difference of opinion, Mr, Secretary Windham had very confidently express ed hiraseff. He had particularly reprobated Mr. Pitt's Additional Term BiU, and the Volunteer System, Mr. Windham, however, though he re ceived the seals of his departraent on the 24th of February, and described the raeasures of the late Ministers as bringing the railitary system "to death's door," prescribed for the patient veiy lei surely. His new military arrangements were not pro posed until the 3rd of April, when he attributed our^odem failure in recruiting to the little com parative attention paid to the condition of the comraon soldiery. He wished to render the mi litary profession an object of general desire among the people ; to effect which the great change which he proposed to introduce in the army was in the terras of its engageraent. Instead of an en gageraent to serve for life, he proposed that " the soldiers in future should be enlisted to serve for a terra of years. Such was the systera of ser vice," he said, " in all the States of Europe, ex cept in England, and in part even of our army the sarae system was established," LORD LIVERPOOL, 275 He proposed, therefore, that " the term of mili- litaiy service should be divided into three periods, of seven years each for the infantry ; and for the cavalry and artillery the first period to be of ten years, the second of six years, and the third of five years. At the end of every period the sol dier should have a right to claim his discharge. If he left the army at the end of the first period, he should be entitled to exercise his trade or caU ing in any town of Great Britain or Ireland ; if at the end of the second period, he should be en titled besides, to a pension for Ufe ; and at the end of the third period, after a service of twenty- one years, he should be discharged frora the army, with the full allowance of Chelsea, which by judi cious regulations might be raised to a shilling a day. If he were wounded or disabled in the ser vice, he should receive the same pension as if he had served out the full term. During the second period he should also receive sixpence a week of additional pay, and during the third period a shil ling a week. Desertion might be punished by the loss of so raany years service, and, though cor poral punishments could not be banished entirely from the army, they might be diminished both in number and in severity." Such was the basis of Mr. Windham's celebrated Limited Service Bill. T 2 276 MEMOIRS OF Lord Castlereagh objected to it, as an irapolitic innovation in the raidst of war ; and as unneces sary on a fair review of the existing system. In proof of this, and to show how much the army had been increased in its nurabers during the late Adrainistration, he stated, 1st, that the gross strength of the array at horae and abroad, in cluding the mUitia and artillery, in effective rank and file, was, 1st January, 1804, 234,005 1st March, 1806, 207,554 Increase 33,549 2dly, That the regular army, including artil lery, as distinguished from the militia, was 1st January, 1804, 148,486 1st March, 1806, 192,372 Increase 43,8 3d]y, The regular army disposable for general service, was 1st January, 1804, 115,947 1st March, 1806, 165,790 Increase 49,843 He adraitted, that the annual loss of the army, independent of extraordinary occurrences, amount- LORD LIVERPOOL, 277 ed to 15,000 men ; and that the annual supply, by the ordinary raeans of recruiting, did not ex ceed 11,000, or at raost 14,000 raen. He ad mitted also, that an addition of 43,000 men was StiU wanting to raise the army to its full esta blishraent. But he contended, that the annual supply which might be expected from the Irish militia, and the operation of the bill now proposed to be repealed, were fully adequate to meet these deficiencies. It was on this occasion that the last speaker, in a warm eulogiura on the present greatness of the country, said, " he would not hesitate to assert, that on the essential points of the finances, the navy and the array, corapared with the difficul ties and erabarrassments under which they repre sent themselves to have undertaken the Govern ment, the present Administration may be consi dered as on a bed of roses." This biU did not pass the House of Comraons without: the most active opposition in every stage of its progress. In the House of Lords, the new system under went, on this occasion, little discussion ; but on the principle of limited service being introduced into the Mutiny BiU, it was strongly resisted. On the first reading. Lord Hawkesbury made a motion (June 10) for the production of the rai litary opinions relating to the army, which had 278 MEMOIRS OF been submitted to the Comraander-in-chief, on the subject of Uraited service. This was negatived without a division, on the ground that the opinions caUed for were not official docuraents, but private and confidential coraraunications ; and to the ar guraent that the House was in want of miUtary information on the question at present before it, it was answered, that it would be an unprecedent ed thing for the House to require arguraentative opinions of those who were not its raembers, in order to influence its deterrainations. We must now briefly advert to the most cre ditable measure of this Adrainistration — the Abo lition of the Slave-trade, In the first session after the forraation of the Cabinet, the Attorney-General, with its fuU con currence, brought in a BiU, which quickly passed both Houses, (46 Geo. Ill, cap, 52,) prohibiting the exportation of slaves frora the British colonies, after the 1st of January 1807, and forbidding all sulgects of this country residing either at home or in our foreign settleraents, frora being in any way concerned in, or accessary to, the supply of foreign countries with slaves after that period. The ship and cargo of any British trader enga ged in the prohibited trade, either from our colo nies, or from Africa, or from other places, to fo reign settlements, were declared to be forfeited, and a farther penalty of 50/, ordered to be levied LORD LIVERPOOL. 279 for each slave, A simUar forfeiture was enacted with regard to any vessel eraployed in supplying foreign vessels with slaves on the coast of Africa ; and a penalty of 100/. was ordered to be levied from any British subject engaged in furnishing or indirectly forwarding such a supply. Investment of stock — loan of money — loan of vessels — be coming CoUector or security to such loans, &c. were all declared Unlawful, and liable to a forfeit ure of double the sums advanced ; and all bonds or other securities given for such unlawful loans, were declared to be null and void, except in the hands of bond fide purchasers. Moreover, all in surances on such prohibited securities were de clared void, and subjected to a penalty of 500/. Soon after. Ministers brought another BUl into Parliament, which passed without opposition, for the purpose of preventing the increase of the Bri tish Slave-trade in all its branches. The object of this (46 Geo, III,, cap, 119,) was to prohibit any vessel, under severe penalties, from being engaged in the African Slave-trade, which had not been actuaUy employed in that traffic before the 1st of August 1806, or contracted for to be employed in it before the 10th of June in that year, and unless the same could be proved before Commis sioners to be appointed by the Treasury for that purpose. This Act was limited in its duration to the term of two years after the conclusion of the 280 MEMOIRS OF Parliament then sitting; but fortunately, long be fore the expiration of that period, every provision for the liraitation or regulation of this iniquitous traffic was rendered unnecessary by the total, and, we trust, final abolition ofthe British Slave-trade on the coast of Africa, The next raeasure was the resolution raoved by Mr. Fox in the House of Coraraons, with which that great statesman closed his career in that House, The words of the resolution were, " That this House conceiving the African Slave-trade to be contrary to the principles of justice, humanity, and sound poUcy, wiU, with aU practicable expe dition, proceed to take effectual measures for abolishing the said trade, in such raanner, and at such period, as raay be deeraed advisable," This was opposed by Mr, Rose, Lord Castlereagh, the two raerabers for Liverpool, and sorae other per sons, but on a division taking place, it was car ried by a majority of 114 to 15. The resolution was then sent up to the Lords, and agreed to after a conference. On the 29th of January, the Chancellor of the Exchequer stated his plan of finance, which was so framed as to raake proxdsion for a series of years to come, on the probable supposition of a continuance of the war : the loan for the pre sent year was stated at twelve raillions. When in the new Parliaraent, called during this LORD LIVERPOOL, 281 year, Lord Grenville finally brought in a Bill for abolishing the Slave-trade, the chief debate took place in the House of Lords, on the second read ing. The raeasure was ably supported by the Minister. On this occasion, the Duke of Clarence adhered to his conviction forraerly expressed, that there was not the least foundation for the charge w^hich had been brought against the planters for ill treat ment of their slaves ; and warned their Lordships of the awful consequences of a measure which might deprive the West India islands of the only mode by which they could acquire labourers. On the other hand, the Duke of Gloucester, with true EngUsh feeling, declared, that he could not find words strong enough to express his abhorrence of that abominable traffic in human blood. He affirmed, that no question could come raore closely home to our own bosoms, than that which con cerned the happiness of myriads of our fellow- creatures. The resolution on their Lordships' table branded the Slave-trade as contrary to hu manity, justice, and policy ; and the tirae was now come to act upon that resolution. The principal advocates for the Bill at this tirae, were Lords King, Moira, HoUand, and Sel kirk, and the Bishop of Durham : the opponents of the measure were Lords Westmoreland, Sid mouth, Eldon, and Hawkesbury, 282 MEMOIRS OF On the division the numbers were, in favour of the BiU 100 peers, against it 36. On its transraission to the Coraraons, it was eloquently defended by Lord Howick, who was seconded by Mr. Roscoe, the raeraber for Liver pool, the Lords Mahon, MUton, Percy, and others, but especially by Mr. WUberforce, who, unwearied in well-doing, now saw the fruit of his labours. The BiU was feebly opposed in the Lower House ; and, on dividing, the nurabers were, 283 for the abolition, against it 166. Throughout the trial of Lord MelviUe, the subject of this memoir was found at his post in the House of Lords, and araongst the raost able advocates of a friend whom he considered as having been harshly treated. The House of Com mons had already pronounced Lord Melville guilty of gross misconduct in that office, in the adminis tration of which the House of Lords acquitted him of every charge. On the 28th of April, Lord Hawkesbury sup ported the motion of Lord Auckland, forbidding the pubUcation of the proceedings untU they were complete: at the sarae tirae he suggested the propriety of introducing some words by which the order should be limited to a prohibition during the continuance of the trial only. Lord MelviUe, it is clear, largely used the funds of the public for private purposes : ff they came LORD LIVERPOOL. 283 immediately into his hands through Mr. Trotter, that person was his own paymaster, and his Lord ship must have known the advances to be derived frora the public funds. On his retireraent from the office of Treasurer of the Navy, he was under the necessity of raising 50,000/, to make good the deficiency in his accounts with Governraent at the Bank. The House of Comraons therefore might with perfect justice have urged the dismissal of such a servant of the 'crown. Lord Eldon, the most acute of his advocates, admitted hira to have been guUty of "culpable negligence in the dis charge of his duty," and " crirainal indulgences" to Trotter. But it was contended by his Lord ship's friends that nothing Uke " corrupt" motives were proved : the judges pronounced that he had not violated the law ; and much of party spirit, it is clear, wds mixed with the business pf his impeachment. The Cemmpus, in fact, were urged by the managers te attempt te prPve tep much ; and strangely jumbled facts and argu ments in their articles; sp that many peers, who ccnsidered Lerd MelviUe guUty ef parts pf the charges, ceuld npt pronounce him so on the whole of many of them. Lord Hawkesbury's name is found in the considerable majority of noble Lords who voted him " not guUty upon aU the charges." Mr. Fox, with great and sincere eagerness. 284 MEMOIRS OF avaUed hiraself of the first opening for negotiation with France ; and the summer of this year was occupied with the fruUless attempts of Lords Yar mouth and Lauderdale to conduct them to ma turity. The Foreign Secretary must have been finaUy convinced of the insincerity of his quon dam acquaintance and flatterer, Buonaparte : but he died whUe the British diplomatists were at Paris, At the recoraraendation of Lord GrenviUe, his Majesty was now pleased to appoint Lord Howick to the Foreign Departraent, Lord Sidraouth to the Presidency of the Council, and Lord HoUand, the only new raeraber who was brought into the adrainistration, to be Lord; Privy Seal, The new Parliaraent raet on the 15th of De cember, On this occasion, after the usual address was moved and seconded in the House of Lords, Lord Hawkesbury freely investigated some of the late raeasures of the Ministry, He said " WhUe he could sincerely disclaira party raotives, and while he heartily concurred in every general sen tiraent expressed in the address, he could not let it pass without offering sorae general reraarks on the speech which occasioned it. The first point on which he shoulc^ observe was one not openly mentioned in the King's speech, but only alluded to, viz, the dissolution of ParUaraent, He ad raitted the King's power to dissolve Parliament LORD LIVERPOOL. 285 in its fuUest extent and plenitude. But this, like every other part of the prerogative, should be exercised with a sound and wholesome discretion. What was there in the state of the country to have justified the late unexpected and premature dissolution of Parliament — of a Parliament which had sat only four sessions, and had nearly three to run ? From the passing of the Septennial Act in 1715, there was no instance of a Parliament being dissolved under six sessions, except in the precedent of 1784, which was unavoidable. At that time a misunderstanding subsisted between the Crown and the House of Commons with respect to the Government. The opppnents of his Majesty's Ministers were supposed to be more earnest than the Government for the prosecution of the war. If the rupture of the negotiation overwhelmed Ministers with any apprehension of difficulty, the fair raode would have been not to dissolve Par liaraent, but to have subraitted to the existing Parliaraent the whole grounds of the negotiation. Mr. Windham, who was the last person in the world he should suppose capable of deceit, in an address which was published, told the county, of Norfolk, that, as far as he knew, there was no in tention of dissolving Parliament ; and a proclaraa tion appeared, in which a day was appointed for the raeeting of Parliament for the despatch of business ; and yet, notwithstanding these repeated 286 MEMOIRS OF assurances, a dissolution was announced, to the surprise and astonishraent of the whole Kingdoni. He would not accuse the Ministers of any inten tion to deceive the country, but the dissolution had certainly the effect of surprising it," With respect to the disasters of Prussia, Lord Hawkesbury agreed with the noble raover and seconder of the address, that they had arisen wholly frora the narrow poUcy within which she had encircled herself. Had his Prussian Majesty, or those who advised hira, consulted history, they would have discovered that they who lent their aid to have others devoured, would be at last devoured theraselves. He approved of the proceedings adopted towards Prussia, in con sequence of her unjust aggression on Hanover, and the raeasures to which she subraitted against this country. He approved also of the raanner in which we suspended our particular quarrel, when she was on the point of being involved in a con test with France, although he could not account for the delay which took place in comraunicating with her. It was not until the beginning of Oc tober, when hostilities were on the eve of com mencing, that Ministers had endeavoured to open a communication with Prussia. But by this time events had occurred which prevented the noble Lord, Morpeth, from fulfiUing his important mis sion. They had afterwards sent out a miUtary LORD LIVERPOOL. 287 mission, at the head of whioh was a noble Lord, Hutchinson, a member of that House, But this was not tiU three weeks after, at a time when it was uncertain whether this expensive military mission would be able to discover the Prussian head-quarters, or even a port to land in." On the 2d of January, 1807, the late negotia tions being laid before the House by Lord Gren vUle, and an address raoved upon thera. Lord Hawkesbury professed his complete concurrence with the noble Lord on the great points he had stated, but at the sarae time said " that if he did agree to the address, it must be with some qualifications. It had been stated in his Ma jesty's declaration, that the French, from the outset of the negotiation, had agreed to proceed on the basis of actual possession, subject to the interchange of such equivalents as might be for the advantage and honour of the two countries. Now he confessed, that after a careful examina tion of the papers before them, he found nothing in the whole of them that could be considered as a certain and unequivocal foundation for such an assertion. Before the arrival of Lord Yar mouth in London, the basis of actual possession was so far from being actuaUy agreed on, that ano ther and very different one was expressly stated to be the grounds on which the French Governraent #ould enter on a negotiation. Lord Yarmouth 288 MEMOIRS OF had indeed given a stateraent in writing, of a conversation he had had with Talleyrand ; and he no doubt believed that Talleyrand had proposed the basis of actual possession. The words were, ' Vous I'avez, nous ne vous la detnandons pasl But in order to affix the proper raeaning to these words, they ought to look at the context, and this shows that these words are not general, but that they refer only to Sicily, Ministry ought to have deraanded a precise and categorical re cognition of the basis of negotiation, before they gave full powers to treat to their negotiator. Yet Lord Hawkesbury raost heartily concurred in the general result of the negotiation ; and with the above exception, joined in the address, and in the assurances of supporting his Majesty in pro secuting the war, which it had been found im possible iramediately to put an end to, on grounds in any degree consistent with the security and honour of this country, or the maintenance rf good faith to our allies," His Lordship proceeded to show both that the war was necessary, and that we possessed the raeans of supporting it. At the coraraenceraent of the treaty with France in 1801, that country was in a very different situation to what it is in now. At that tirae Holland and Switzerland, though subject to the influence of, France, were not united to it, Naples was entire, and Au* LORD LIVERPOOL. 289 tria, though she had lost much of her military reputation, was stiU a great power, and in point of population and extent of territory, equal to what she had been at the comraencement of the war with France. Many therefore thought, and Lord Hawkesbury confessed he had joined in the opinion, that if France were left to herself, her power would sink to her natural level. Now, however, all the States to which he had aUuded, had been either completely subdued by France, or reduced within comparatively narrow limits. " In 1801, the British Government wished to try the feeUngs of France, and to find out what would be the policy of its Government on the restoration of peace. It might endeavour to ac quire confidence at home and abroad, which could be done only by a systera of raoderation, or it raight imagine that its security consisted in pursuing that systera of aggression, which had marked the progress of the Revolution from whence it had sprung. It had adopted the latter system, so that scarcely three months had elapsed fi'om the time of signing the treaty of Araiens, till the spirit of the treaty was vio lated by repeated aggressions. Ever since that tirae these aggressions had been continued ; as an instance of which their Lordships had only to look at the Confederation of the Rhine, to which Lord GrenviUe had adverted. In considering the u 290 MEMOIRS OF question of peace or war, they would observe that while they continued at war, they had at least this advantage, that, whatever exertions France raight raake, they must be confined to the Continent of Europe. But peace would open to her the way to. Asia, Africa, and America. To these at least he hoped her power could not extend. " Another thing to be considered was, that whUe we were at war, we were on perfect equaUty with our eneraies. We were as powerful by sea as they were by land. But ff peace should take place, frora the very nature of the two cases, their power would not be made less, whUe our supe riority would be gradually diminished ; for peace would furnish thera with the means of advancing in that particular sort of power in which our superiority was undisputed. These were not ar guments for eternal war, but they were circum stances which ought to have great weight with their Lordships, in considering what we gain by peace, as a proper compensation for what we lose. It was with great pleasure and pride that Lord Hawkesbury referred to the flourishing state of the country, which was to be ascribed to two great measures, the Sinking Fund (which Lord Hawkesbury considered as "unquestion ably the greatest measure ever produced by the ingenuity or wisdom of man !") brought forward and matured by his right honourable friend the LORD LIVERPOOL, 291 late Mr, Pitt: the other, that of raising a con siderable part of the supplies within the year, also first brought forward by his right honourable deceased friend, and which had been acted upon, and in some degree iraproved by Lord Sidraouth, The perraanent taxes were not less than eighteen millions. But the Sinking Fund at this time pro duced eight millions and a half. And if we had but perseverance to go on for a few years, with strict regard to economy in our general system of expenditure, we should arrive at the happy period when the Sinking Fund would equal all the loans that might be hecessary for the ex penses of the comraunity." Injustice to the raemory of this Administra tion, and more particularly to that of another great contemporary of Lord Liverpool, Mr, Whit bread, we may here notice the introduction of the Education BUl of that gentleman into the House of Comraons this session; Mr, Whitbread, on this occasion, justly reprobated the system of our Poor Laws, and contrasted the moral state ofthe Scottish poor, universally educated,-, with that of the poor of our own country, and of Ire land. He proposed the establishment of paro-' chial schools ; not compulsory on the poor, which, he said. Would destroy his object, but voluntary; and he was confident that it wOuId soon so work its way, that every man in England and Wales, u 2 292 MEMOIRS OF as in Scotland, would feel it a disgrace not to have his children instructed. His eloquent and prophetic peroration wiU not soon be forgotten. "During the hours of anxi ous thought and laborious investigation which I have passed," said he, " I have been charmed with the pleasing vision of the general ameUora- tion of the state of society, and the eventual and rapid dirainution of its burthens. In the adop tion of a general systera of education, I foresee an enlightened peasantry, frugal, industrious, sober, orderly, and contented, because they are acquainted with the true value of frugality, so briety, industry, and order; criraes diminishing, because the enlightened understanding abhors a crime ; the practice of Christianity prevailing, because the mass of our population can read, com prehend, and feel its Divine origin, and the beauty of the doctrines which it inculcates : the kingdom safe frora the insults of the eneray, because every raan knows the worth of that which he is caUed upon to defend. In the provision for the security of the savings of the poor, I see encouragement to frugality, security to property, and the large mass of the people connected with the State, and indlssolubly bound to its preservation : in the en larged power of acquiring settlements, the labour directed to those sppts where labour is raost want ed: raan, happy in his increased independence, LORD LIVERPOOL, 293 and exempted from the dread of being driven in age from the spot where his dearest connexions exist, and where he has used the best exertions, and passed the best days of his Ufe : litigation excluded from our courts, and harraony reigning in our different parochial districts. In the power of bestowing rewards, I conteraplate patience and ¦ industry reraunerated, and virtue held up to dis tinction and honour. In the various detailed al terations, in the raode of rating, and the equaliza tion of the county rate, I perceive the more equi table distribution of a necessary, but henceforth, I trust, decreasing burthen ; in the constitution of vestries, the benefit universally resulting from arrangement, order, and econoray, derived from the raore attentive inspection, by each, of the general concern : from the power to exempt cot tagers from the rate, a great relief to individuals, at a very trifling expense to the public; in the power to build habitations for the poor, their comfort and health. Lastly, in the reform of the workhouse system, and the power of discrimina tion in adrainistering reUef, an abandonment of filth, slothfulness, and vice; and a desirable and marked distinction between the profligate and the innocent," The BiU was read a second time in the Com mons on the 2Sd of February, and ordered to be printed, and sent to the magistrates at the Quar- 294 MEMOIRS OF ter Sessions, It finaUy passed that House, with various alterations, in August: but on Lord Holland's raoving for it to be read a secondtim&in the Lords, August 11,. Lord HawkeSbiwyf mov ed and carried, " That it be read a second-time this day three months,^" Hisj objections to the raeasure were, that " it did not place the education ofthe people uponthe footing of religious principle sufficiently, nor un der the control of the clergy to that degree which their station in the State, as he conceived, de manded. There was, farther, no discrimination of rank or property in regard to the right of voting for the adoption of the schools proposed : the ntt- raerical majority of parishioners was to decide; which he thought /might, be in many cases highly objectionablei'' - . , ' . Lord Eldon united with the subject of our me raoir in reprobating these parts of the BiU : and the Archbishop of- Canterbury stated that he had what, he should trust, would be found a less ob jectionable plan for the education of the poor in conteraplation.'- . ¦.:.-j But now againithe topic upon which the King felt it his raisfortune to differ with Mr. Pitt, was to becorae the ground of the disraissal of Ministers of very different general sentiraents. It has been recently stated, that Mr, Fox had pledged hiraself to his Majesty never to harass LORD LIVERPOOL. 295 his mind on the subject of the Catholic claims ; never, in fact, to make them a subject of Minis terial discussion. The pledge, according to this statement, was obtained from hira by his present Majesty, then Prince of Wales.* Whether his friends regarded this as a per sonal rather than a public engagement, we have no means of leaming, but early in March 1807, Lord Howick introduced into the House of Commons a Bill " for securing to all his Majesty's subjects the privilege of serving in the array and navy." He observed, " that in consequence of an act passed in Ireland, in 1793, the Roman CathoUcs of that country were enabled to hold coramissions in the array, and to attain any rank except that of Coraraander-in-chief of the forces. Master-ge neral of the Ordnance, or General on the staff. They raight rise to be generals, but they were not permitted to be generals on the staff. The effect of this permission, so granted to the Catholics in Ireland, was a most striking incongruity. For ff a Catholic, who was by law qualified to serve in the army of Ireland, should be sent to this coun- * This his Majesty stated to the Archbishop of Canter bury and the Bishop of London, " at the interview with which they were lately honoured ;" says a respectable public writer. The Bishop of London being asked in the House of Lords respecting the truth of this, confirmed the state ment. 296 MEMOIRS OF try by any circurastance which required the services of his regiraent here, he would be dis qualified by law from remaining in the service," This act therefore proposed an oath, on taking which the Catholics or Dissenters could rise to any rank in the army or navy. Lord GrenvUle, in the House of Lords, after wards stated that his Majesty, on the raeasure being proposed to hira, at first expressly consented to it. " A draft of a dispatch to the Lord-lieu tenant of Ireland, relative to the coraraunications to be had with the Catholics, was subraitted to his Majesty by his Ministers, and raet with his approbation. They pointed out the difference between the law of 1793, and that which they raeant to propose. After sorae objections, his Ma jesty gave his consent, that the raeasure should be proposed, and authority was given to the Lord- lieutenant to coraraunicate, by his secretary, to the heads of the Catholics, that the array and navy would be opened to them, A meeting of the CathoUcs was asserabled for the purpose of receiving this information ; when Mr, ElUott, the Irish secretary, was asked by one of them, Mr. O'Connor, whether it was the intention of Go vernment raerely to pass the law that was pro- raised in 1793, or whether it was intended to allow the Catholics to rise to all military offices, including the staff? — Mr, EUiott was not then LORD LIVERPOOL, 297 able to answer the question. But the CathoUcs understood by the dispatch, that they were not to be excluded from any situation in the array. A second dispatch was drawn up, reraoving Mr, EUiott's doubt, and authorizing him to give a de cided answer to Mr. O'Connor's question in the affirmative. This second dispatch was laid before his Majesty, who retumed it without any objec tion or comment; it was therefore iraraediately forwarded to Ireland. Doubts, however, as to the extent of the measure, had been entertained by sorae raerabers of the cabinet, who, on being at last fuUy aware of the extent, objected^ to it in the strongest terras : and his Majesty, being ap prised that the raeasure was of far greater extent than he had conceived it to be, expressed to Lord Grenville his decided objection to it." To return to the proceedings ofthe House of Commons. Mr. Perceval, on the first reading of Lord Howick's biU, warmly objected to it. " He con sidered it one of the most important and danger ous measures that had ever been subraitted to the judgment of the legislature. But it was not so much to the individual measure proposed by the noble Lord that he objected," he said, " as to the system of which it formed a part, which was growing every day, and threatened to expand into the most alarming magnitude. To what did 298 MEMOIRS OF the present raeasure tend ? Its supporters could not, with any degree of consistency, stop short of abolishing aU the tests which the wisdora of our ancestors had thought it necessary to interpose in defence of our reUgious establishraent. From the arguments advanced at the present day, a man might be almost led to suppose, that the one reU gion was considered to be as good as the other, and that the Reformation was deeraed to be only a raeasure of poUtical conveniency. The present question was siraply this, whether the legislature would give up the Protestant Ascendency in Ire land, or whether they would raake a stand, and say, • we have already done every thing that tolera tion requires, and that the Catholics have a right to demand,' Undoubtedly such a declaration would be the dictate of sound policy and discretion. In one of his statements, the noble Lord had palpa bly contradicted hiraself : for, in the first place, he endeavoured to raake the House believe, that the array and navy were crowded with CathoUcs; arid in the secorid, he recoraraended that they should be aUured into the service by a free ad raission." Lord Howick fixed the second reading of his BiU for that day se'nnight; then for the 18th, when he finaUy abandoned it. The Minister, who particularly objected to the enlarged raeasure, was Lord Sidraouth, who in- LORD LIVERPOOL. 299 sisted that the King did not at first understand the entire bearings of it ; and wished to resign, ff it were permitted, that he might oppose it in ParUament.* * Lord Sidmouth said, March 26, in the House of Lords, that "the CathoUcs, in 1793, had no idea of asking for that ex tension of power which the preseut biU would give to them :" a remark in which Lord Hawkesbury concurred. "They askied," continued the latter, " for certain concessions which the Irish ParUament granted to them. By the act of 1793, the Iri^ Legislature said to them, ' You shaU have such and such political concessions, you shall have rank in the army to a certain extent, but beyond that you shaU not go,' This cleiarly was the ground on which his Majesty meant to act towards them, and accordingly he acquiesced with some re luctance in adopting the act of 1793, for the purpose of making it general : nothing could be more clear from the course of the transaction than that this was the object. But after the introduction of the new clauses, when his Majesty understood the whole scope of the measure, he expressed his marked disapprobation of it. Their Lordships could not forget that there ought to be twoi parties to every contract. There were the reservations in the minute of Ministers on one side ; but in what situation would his Majesty have been placed had he submitted to them ? In reiterated dis cussions concerning this or any other measure the Ministers might have in contemplation for the CathoUcs, all the odium might fall on his Majesty, while the whole of the popularity among Catholics would faU to the share of those that should repeatedly propose and recommend it. Again his Majesty might be exposed to the re-introduction of the measure in question, at a time when it might be difficult for him to oppose it. He conceived that the placing of his Majesty in 300 MEMOIRS OF Attempts were now, therefore, made to raodtfy the raeasure ; in fact it was reduced to what his Majesty seeras always to have understood as having been intended ; i. e. to raake the law cor respond with itself in England and Ireland, or simply to allow Irish CathoUc officers to act in this country : and thus the King imagined it was to have passed. But suddenly a resolution was adopted in the Cabinet to withdraw the Bill: Lords Grenville and Howick wished, at the same time, to reserve in the rainutes of the Cabinet a right, 1. To declare their opinions in favour of the CathoUc question ; 2, To renew this, or any raeasure connected with that subject, from time to tirae, as they raight think proper ; — and the King became alarmed as to their ulterior designs. He is said to have required a written pledge, that they would never raore agitate any part of this subject in the cabinet. On their refusal, the noble Lords in question were told that his Majesty would endeavour to seek other servants. On the 19th of March, whUe the formation of such a predicament was contrary to all precedent, and indeed subversive of the British monarchy. If there were not unity in the Government, it could not last long. The Sovereign, considering matters in this necessary point of view, had re solved to change his Ministers." LORD LIVERPOOL, 301 a new ministry was still pending, a resolution passed the House of Commons, on the motion of Mr. Bankes, " that no office ought hereafter to be granted in reversion." And as it was under stood that the ChanceUorship of the Duchy of Lancaster had been offered to Mr. Perceval for life, as an inducement to relinquish his profes sional pursuits, and take upon him the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer, an address was agreed upon on the 25th, by a majority of 228 to 115 voices, praying his Majesty " not to grant the said office, or any other not usually held for life, for any other term than during pleasure." Mr. Perceval said, with spirit, on this occasion, that " he had not been to his Sovereign for the purpose of receiving his appointraent to the ChanceUorship of the Exchequer, and that of the Duchy of Lancaster for Ufe, as sorae gentlemen supposed ; bnt he had approached him with a re quest, that no appointraent of hira to any office might take place that day, that he might have an opportunity of addressing the House, and that his Majesty might not be fettered in consequence. He assured the House, that whatever might be its pleasure in addressing his Majesty, as to the propriety or impropriety of granting to him the Duchy of Lancaster, he should not be the less willing to obey the pleasure of the King as to any 302 MEMOIRS OF appointment in his service which he might think necessary to the preservation of the constitution of the country." The retiring Ministry ascribed no sraaU portion of the King's personal conduct and firmness at this time to the influence of Lord Hawkesbury, Lord Howick, indeed, condescended to name his Lordship and Lord Eldon as the King's advisers on the occasion.* Before the end of March a new AdministratiiEtn was forraed, at the head of which appeared the respectable narae of the Duke of POTtland, now, for the second tirae. First Lord of the Treasury. Mr. Perceval becarae ChanceUor of the Exche quer ; Lord Eldon resuraed the Great Seal ; the Earl of Westraoreland, the Privy Seal ; and Earl Caraden was made President of < the CouncU ; Lord Mulgrave was appointed First Lord of the Admiralty ; the Earl of Chathara, Master of the Ordnance ; Lords Castlereagh, Hawkesbltfyi and Mr. Canning, were the Secretaries for the War, Horae, and Foreign Departraents ; Mr. Robert * Parliamentary Debates. . . Sheridan said wittily on the subject of his friends thus leaving power, that " He had often heard of people knoc]^; ing, out .their brains against a waU, but never before .knew of any one buUding a waU expressly for the purpose,"— Moore's Life, vol, ii. p. 349. LORD LIVERPOOL, 303 Dundas presided at the India Board ; Mr, George Rose was made Treasurer of the Navy ; Sir James Pulteney, Secretary at War ; Sir Vicary Gibbs, and Sir Thomas Pluraer, Attorney and Solicitor- Generals. The Duke of Richraond succeeded the Duke of Bedford in the government of Ireland, It is a singular fact, with regard to the arrange ment of business under this Administration, that the Duke of Portland never appeared in Parliament as a Minister : indeed we do not find him vot ing in the House of Peers during the whole period of his continuing in power ; and he was little " spoken or thought of," as Dr, Southey observes, " by the public." " He deserves, however," as that able writer adds, " an honourable raemorial in British history, for having accepted office at a time of pecuhar arid extreme difficulty, and ena bling the King to form a ministry whose opinions were in unison with his own principles and feel ings, and with the wishes and true interests of his people," ParUaraent met by adjournment on the 8th of AprU : when Lord G, Thynne informed the House of Commons from the Bar, that " his Majesty had been waited on with the address of the 25th of March, With regard to the late pffice confer red on Mr. Perceval, his Majesty said that he had thought it fit to provide, that in a grant now to 304 MEMOIRS OF be raade of the office of ChanceUor of the Duchy of Lancaster, the office shall be conferred only duririg his royal pleasure," Next day in the Coraraons, and on the 13th in the House of Lords, a raotion was brought for ward by the Opposition, declaring it to be uncon stitutional for the confidential servants of the Crown to restrain theraselves by any pledge, ex press or iraplied, frora offering to the King any advice that the course of circurastances might render necessary. This was warraly debated : " not as an abstract proposition," as Sir Samuel Rorailly said, " but because it referred to a prin ciple that had been recently acted upon." It was objected to, however, both as an abstract proposi tion, and as furnishing a convenient opportunity for the expression of assent to the late changes, ¦ Its advocates contended that no such pledge could be given by truly responsible advisers. They asked if it was not rather " a high crime and misderaeanour, in any minister in the confi dence of his Majesty, to subscribe to a pledge that he would not offer to his Majesty any advice that might appear to him to be essential to his inte rests ?" Lord Hawkesbury opposed the resolution mov ed to this effect in the House of Lords by the Marquis of Stafford, The late Lord ChanceUor (Erskine) gave an ela- LORD LIVERPOOL, 305 borate account of all the circumstances that led to the demand and the refusal of the particular pledge in question : and explained, in common with raany speakers in both Houses, his senti raents with regard to the claims of the Catholics, He professed the strongest attachment to reUgion and the Protestant faith ; and only wished his life " could be as pure as his faith," On the same day, in a coraraittee on the Loan Interest bill, the new Chancellor of the Exche quer, while he would not interrupt the plan of his predecessor with regard to the current year, begged to state that he should not consider hiraseff pledged by that circurastance to follow up the plan in future. On the 23rd, Lord Hawkesbury repeated this stateraent on the behalf of Ministers in the House of Lords, < - The only other topic upon which We find his Lordship speaking in Parliaraent this sessiori, is the briUiant achieveraerit of Sir Sarauel Auchrauty at Monte Video, On the 16th of April, he raov ed the thanks of the House of Lords to that gal lant commander, and reminded their Lordships of the value which British commanders placed, on the one hand, upon the thanks of the Houses of Parliaraent, and the iraportance; on the other, of keeping up every stimulus to British bravery in the existing condition of the world. Here was an instance ofthe same persevering arid uncbnquer- X 306 MEMOIRS OF able courage overcoraing all the serious obstacles to the taking of Monte Video by assault, in our land forces, as we were constantly exhibiting to the enemy in every part of the world in the other branch of the public service. On the 27th of April, Parliament was proro gued by a speech delivered in his Msgesty's name by the Lord Chancellor, and two other Commis sioners, Lord Hawkesbury and Lord Camden, The speech expressed his Majesty's anxiety " to recur to the sense of his people, while the events which had recently taken place were yet fresh in their recoUection ;" and his hope " that the di visions naturaUy and unavoidably excited by the late unfortunate and uncalled for agiiaiion ofa question, so interesting to the feelings and opi nions of his people, wiU speedily pass away." Parliament was accordingly dissolved by procla raation. The new Parliaraent met on the 22nd of June, and the address in answer to the speech was car ried in both Houses by large majorities : an amendraent raoved in the Lords by Lord Fortes cue, warmly reprobated the late dissolution ; but though supported by aU the Whig leaders, it was negatived by 160 Nori-contents to 67 Contents, In support of the original address. Lord Hawkesbury said, that " while he objected to the dissolution of Parliament in 1806, he raust coni LORD LIVERPOOL. 307 tend that the late dissolution stood on very diffe rent grourids. Pararaount considerations, involv ing the preservation of the constitution of the country, led to it ; and if ever the pubUc opinion was clearly pronounced upon any question, it was upon the propriety of his Majesty's late proceed ings." In illustration of the unaltered character of the Roman Catholic religion, he adverted to the fact of " a respectable gentleraan of that persua sion in Ireland (Sir John Throckraorton) having circulated a pubUcation, in which he contended for the equity which seeraed to deraand the flUing up of the sees of that country with Protestant and Catholic bishops alternately. Surely under such circurastances it was tirae for the British Government to paiuse !" The debates of this first sessiori were not par ticularly interesting : more serious conflicts were destined, even at this last hour, to turn the tide of the enemy's success, and crown the energetic efforts of Ministers, ^ On the Continent of Europe, after; the battle of Friedland, England was left without a single ally except Sweden. Denmark, at this period professed a neutrkUty, indeed; but it is to this hour questionable, whether she was the more un- wilUns or unable to raaintain it; The- treaty of TUsit drew the Eraperor of Russia completely into the toils Pf France ; and Ministers received infor- X 2 308 MEMOIRS OF mation of secret stipulations connected with it, which directly involved the seizure of the Danish and Portuguese fleets. Under these circum stances, the new Administration felt the import ance of anticipating the measures of the enemy, Mr. Jackson, formerly our resident at Berlin, was instructed to repair to the residence of the Prince Royal of Denmark, and to call upon his Royal Highness for an unequivocal declaration of the intentions of that court, and for a pledge of the execution of those intentions, if they were not hostile to Great Britain, This pledge was the deUvery of the Danish fleet into the possession of the British admiral, under the raost soleran sti pulation, that it should be restored at the con clusion of the war between this country and France, Should this be refused, and should the British negotiator have in vain exhausted every arguraent and effort to obtain the Prince Royal's consent to it, as i;he foundation of a treaty of alUance and general co-operation between the two countries, he was directed to announce, that it would be enforced by the British arraaraent as serabled in the Sound, The issue is weU known : the pledge was re fused to be given; and Copenhagen was sub jected, very unwUUngly on the part of our com manders, to the horrors of a borabardraent. On the 4th of September, the fleet, citadel, dock- LORD LIVERPOOL. 309 yards, and marine stores, were delivered to our forces. Buonaparte was raore prorapt, however, with regard to Portugal. He detained the shipping of that country in the ports of France ; and called upon her to shut her ports against England. The Prince Regent bowed to the storra so far as to accede to that deraand ; but when the French Eraperor farther insisted that all EngUsh goods should be confiscated, and the English residents be made prisoners, he gave intimation to our mer chants to depart and reraove their property ; and prepared hiraself to transport the Royal FaraUy to Brazil. We need only add, that in Noveraber 1807, this iraportant raeasure was accoraplished. At this very period, by the secret Treaty of Fon tainebleau, Buonaparte had arranged with Spain for the partition of Portugal — ^but " ships," at any rate, were wanting.: In November this, year, appeared also our new Orders in Council, retaUating the effects of the celebrated Berlin decree. They expressed two principal determinations of Government, I. That France, and all its tributary states, should be held to be in a state of blockade; and that aU vessels should be seized which attempted to, trade from ainy rieutral port to those couritries, or from thera to any neutral port, II, That all vessels should be Uable to seizure, which shpuld have 310 MEMOIRS OF on board any such certificate of origin as was required by the Berlin decree. Neutral vessels intended for a French or hostUe port, were di rected at all events tp touch first at Great Britain, frora which, after paying certairi duties, they would, in sorae cases be aUpwed to proceed ; and in all cases they were perraitted, and indeed en joined, to come to Great Britain when clearing out with a cargo frora any port of the eneray, Araerica was placed by these decrees and or ders in a situation of great perplexity ; and our own Araerican raerchants did not faU to make the results heard in Parliament and throughout the country. When ParUament raet in its second session, 31st January, 1808, the Orders in CouncU and the attack on Copenhagen: becarae the leading topics of discussion. Lord GrenvUle, in an elaborate speech, attacked the poUcy of Ministers on those points ; and cdled upon thera to produce the various data necessary to justify the latter measure. In reply. Lord Hawkesbury contended "that Ministers could not be expected to point out the precise quarter and channel from which they had received their information respecting the arrange ments at Tilsit ; and said, that even if Ministers entertained any doubt of their information re specting what passed, at that place, it raust long LORD LIVERPOOL, 311 since have vanished, .The, information received through the channel aUuded to was corroborated by a variety of other channels whoUy unconnected with each other. It was corroborated by the tes timony ofthe Government of Portugal, to whom it was proposed to make comraon cause with the Continent against Englarid, and to Unite their fleet with that of Spain, of France, and of Den mark, to enable the confederacy to make a gene ral attack on these islands. It was corroborated by the testimony of different persons in Ireland, where aU the designs and projects of the enemy were most speedUy known, and where it was pro mised, that the corabined fleets of Spain, Portu gal, and Denraark, should raake a descent on both Ireland and Britain, but the principal one on Ireland. A wish. had been expressed that we had proceeded to Cronstadt, , and seized the Russian fleet, leaving the Danish fleet of sixteen sail ofthe line behind us ! Besides, the Russian fleet was not so ready for sea, nor so well calculated in any respect as the Danish ileet to carry the designs of the eneray into execution. Farther, there were raany circumstances in the Treaty of Tilsit, which indisposed the people of Russia against that treaty : and even at the tirae the seizure of the Danish fleet was known at Petersburgh, the Eraperor Alexander seemed more inclined than before to renew his relations with this country. As to all 312 MEMOIRS OF that was uk^ged against the Orders in CouncU, and against the treatment of America, whUe a negotiation with America was on foot,: it was doubtless better to abstain frora a discussion that would tend only farther to inflarae the minds of the two countries. He lamented the uncalled-for raention of the state of Ireland. The concessions alluded to by the noble Baron could not now be thought of. Indeed, even if these concessions were raade, stiU raore would be caUed for, and there would be no end to such deraands." Lord Hawkesbury, on the 28th, raoved the vote of thanks to the officers eraployed in the attack on Copenhagen. His raotion related, he observed, raerely to the service on which the ex pedition to Copenhagen was sent, and not at all to the poUcy of the expedition ; the object ofwhicb, undoubtedly, of great raagnitude and iraportance, was attained by the skiU and abUity of the of ficers employed. He coraraended, in particular, the proraptitude and rapidity with which the Danish ships were fitted out, and brought away. Lord HoUand and Lord Grey doubted whether the skUl and abUity employed were deserving: of being thus commemorated : and the proposed thanks to Lord Gambler and the officers of the fleet having stated that the judicious distribu tion of our force " contributed to the success of the expedition, after all negotiation had failed," LORD LIVERPOOL. 313 t^e Duke of Norfolk objected to the wprds re lative to " negotiation," as tending to prejudge the general question of the merits of the expe dition : when the noble mover farther said, " that the negotiation alluded to in the raotion was merely that entered into by the coraraanders in their railitary capacity, and had no reference to political negotiation." After a short conversation, the motion was agreed to, and ordered to be com municated to Lord Gambler when in his place in the House. Lord Hawkesbury next raoved thanks to Vice- admiral Sir H. E, Stanhope, bart.. Rear-admirals Essington, Sir Sarauel Hood, K. B., and Keates ; Captain Sir Home Pophara, K, M,, Captain pfthe fleet, and the other officers. The Duke of Nor folk asked, if it was usual to include in a vote of thanks, the captain of a fleet by name ? A con versation ensued about precedents. The Earl of Lauderdale observed, that it would be a raost singular circurastance if Sir Horae Pophara were to be made the first instance of the Captain of a fleet being thanked by name. Some precedents, how ever, were produced, and the motion was agreed to. So. also was a motion for approving and acknow ledging the services of the seamen and marines. On the 8th of February the Duke of Norfolk made his prpmiSed mptipn on the general subject of the attack on Copenhagen, which produced a 314 MEMOIRS OF long and aniraated debate. No topic, indeed, was so frequently recurred to in both Houses this ses sion. His Grace's raotion was for the substance of aU the coramunications made to Government respecting the secret articles of the Treaty of Til sit, the destination of the Danish fleet, &c,, to be communicated to the House, One of its ablest opponents was the Marquess WeUesley, Rising iraraediately after the Duke of Norfolk, he raaintained, that " the facts and circumstances, already before the House, were abundantly sufficient to enable the House to form a judgment on the justice and policy of the measure ; that it was the design of Buonaparte to eraploy the resources of Denraark among the other naval raeans which he raeditated to wield against the raaritirae superiority of Great Britain, Who could doubt it ? Had be hesitated, in his usual abrupt tone and raanner, to enquire: of the Ministers of Portugal and Denraark, whether they had transraitted to their respective Courts his in stmctions, that their fleets should be equipped, and ready to unite with hira in crushing the ma ritime despotism of England, and with that view to declare war, in Concert with him, against Eng land by the 1st of September ? But it was said Denmark could defend herseff. Could Denmark defend Zealand after she was deprived of Holstein, from whence she drew provisions for the support LORD LIVERPOOL, 315 of her insular dorainions ? Nor was it the policy only of Denraark, that inclined her to lean to wards France, Her commercial interests gave her the same bias, for they were founded on the principles of the armed neutrality. It might also be said, that the accession of the Danish fleet to the naval means of France could not have creat ed any serious danger to the safety of this coun try, But there was a wide difference between the present state of affair, and that previous to the glorious battle of Trafalgar, Then almost all the great powers of the Continent were in arms against France. But when the expedition was sent against Copenhagen, the whole of the Conti nent was subdued, not raerely fpr the purpose of conquest, but the subjugation of England, through the downfal of her naval supreraacy. The neces sity of the raeasure he considered as clear," Lord Hawkesbury remarked that " the law of nations was founded on the law of nature. One nation was bound to another in the comraonwealth of states, just as one individual was bound to ano ther in civU society. The only difference was, that in civil society there were tribunals to judge between raan and man ; and that in the common wealth of states there was no such tribunal. Spe cific inteUigence of the secret arrangements of TUsit had reached Ministers from a quarter which precluded pil doubt of an intention tp fprm a ma- 316 MEMOIRS OF ritirae confederacy against Great Britain, After the battles of AusterUtz, Jena, and Friedland, there was nothing on the Continent that could op pose any resistance to France, Denraark, when called upon, would have had no alternative. This was the plea she had alleged in excuse for de claring against us before, in circumstances less imperative, Denmark was unable to defend HoU stein ; and it was the opinion of the ablest offi cers, that if two bodies of French of 15,000 had been stationed along the Belt in separate corps of 5000 men each, some of them would-ihave got over into Zealand ; and when once a body of thera did get over, there was no doubt that they would have got the better of the Danes, who were the worst land troops in Europe, If the Danes had been willing to join with the British force, the atterapt of defending Zealand would havebeen raade. That offer having been raade and rejected, no tirae was to be lost, Th^ raoderation and forbearance of our coraraanders, before and after the attack, left no room for regret at the raanner in which the business had been done. How then could it be said, that the expedition excited disgust in all the nations of. Europe ? There was, indeed, but Uttle free dora of speech on the Continent ; but where that freedom existed, the voice proved favourable to Britain, And it was no wonder, for the gene- LORD LIVERPOOL. 317 ral interests of Europe were consulted as well as those of Great Britain, Europe, Asia, Africa, and America, would find in this act the nucleus of their future independence and grandeur. With out ships, colonies, and comraerce, our eneray would never be able to hurable Britain ; and this grand, blow would for ever prevent the attainraent of his object," Wben Lord Sidraouth afterwards proposed an address to his Majesty, " that he would be graci ously pleased to give directions for the Danish fleet to be so preserved as not to preclude the possibi lity of restoring it," Lord Hawkesbury opposed the motion, as " tending to fetter the executive Government in case of a negotiation with Den raark, as casting an oblique censure on the con duct of Ministers, and as affixing a stigraa upon a measure which was both just and necessary." In the Comraons, the Orders in Council were, as we have intiraated, discussed at great length. Mr, Perceval was here the strong arra of Adrai nistration, In the Lords, Lord Auckland altoge ther denied their justice and legality. Lord Gren ville said, " ff a neutral poWer granted certain advantages to the eneray, then we had an un doubted right to insist on being adraitted to the sarae advantages ; or, if a neutral power acquies ced from weakness, in the demands of the eneray, all that we could in justice require was, that in 318 MEMOIRS OF consequence of this deraand, the eneray should not be placed in a better situation in regard to her than we were. But we had no right, because the eneray violated the rights of one neutral^ to violate the rights of all neutrals : for ff this prin^ ciple were once admitted, it would lead to an ex tension of hostUities over the whole civiUzed world. The foundation of the Orders in Council was stated in the preamble to. be, that neutral states had not obtained the revocation of the French decree, a circumstance which he consider ed as of no importance' whatever, for if it was not executed, it was the sarae thing' as ff it had never been pubUshed, It could not be asserted that Araerica had acquiesced in this decree," Lord Grenville contended, that " in many instances the orders were unintelligible. He woUld undertake to prove, that in four clauses of the sarae paraJ- graph, they contained four direct contradictioris," His Lordship proceeded to show the extrerae irapoUcy of the orders. The equity and legality of the raeasures of Mi nisters were, on the other hand, raaintained bythe Lord ChanceUor and Lord Hawkesbtiry'; Frorii' the prearable to the French decree of Novehiber 21, the Chancellor contended, that " Buonaparte raust have raeant not only to exclude! British pttf-" duce and raanufactures frora his ports, btit also to prevent all trade whatever in British coramodi- LORD LIVERPOOL. 319 ties. Whoever traded with Great Britain was an enemy to France, which was a flagrant violation of the laws of neutrals and the rights of nations." Lord Hawkesbury at this time predicted from the Orders in CouncU various commercial advan tages. With regard to the point of legality, he insisted chiefly on the argumentum ad hominem of the Order of Council of January 7, The American Intercourse bill was designed to mitigate the application of our respective raea sures as far as they concerned our coramerce with America ; or rather, as Mr, Perceval said, " it was the continuance of an Act of the twenty-third of the King in their favour ; and designed to give thera tirae to cool in their present resentments against the defensive plans of this country,'' Lord Auckland, and the Opposition in the House of Commons, objected that this bill was in direct contradiction to the Orders in Council : that they were calculated to produce an irritation which this bUl would by no means relieve : they were calculated to show we could condescend to be wicked and oppressive ; this raeasure, that we could be unavailing, weak, and ;capricious, in our raode of warfare. Lord Hawkesbury defended the i bill, as giving time for making arrangements respecting Ame rican commerce, which, if the former act was suf fered to expire, could not be carried on with this 320 MEMOIRS OF country in Araerican vessels. The bill was read a third tirae, and passed, February 26. ' ¦ On the 7th of March, Lord Sidraouth was again the advocate of the alleged wrongs of Denmark. "He had heard," he said, " that an application had been raade at the beginning of the present rupture with that country, to know whether the Dariish vessels then in our ports would be safe in loading? The nature of the answer he did not know. But those vessels completed their cargoes ; which, un less it had been favourable, he could not imagine they would have done : yet those vessels and their cargoes were afterwards detained and for feited ; the produce, which amounted to nearly two miUions, became droits ofthe Admiralty." Lord Hawkesbury declared, " that the same course had been adopted with respect to the Da nish vessels, as had been adopted with respect to the vessels of other powers detained in similar circumstances. No assurance of protection had been given, either directly or indirectly, by Go vernment to the Danish vessels in our ports, at the time mentioned by the noble Lord, As to the crews, they were, as in other cases, detained prisoners of war, with the exception of some iridi viduals, who had been under; particular circum stances released, A cartel proposed to theDa.^ nish governraent had been hitherto declined. ; As LORD LIVERPOOL. 321 to the value of the ships and cargoes, it had been greatly exaggerated," To Lord Sidmouth's more formal resolution on this subject, on the 17th of May, Lord Eldon repUed, that " as the law stood, a vessel detain ed, although there might be no reason for the detention at the time, becarae forfeited to the crown. This raight operate as a hard case in many instances on individuals ; but he had great doubts whether there could be any thing Uke a coraraercial peace and a poUtical war at the sarae tirae. Such a system, and the idea of com pensation for losses, would only lead to specula tion on the part of individuals." Lord Hawkesbury adopted the sarne line of ar guraent, asserting, that " the war on the part of Denmark was entirely optional, and, in fact, courted by that country; and also that the seizing the Danish ships was not without precedent," We have noticed the provisions of Mr, Wind ham's Limited Service bUl : they were for awhile popular, and increased the returns of the re cruiting service : but they iU-assirailate4 with the other parts of our perraanent military system, and particularly with the necessity of frequently removing regiments to distant and colonial ser vice. In the Mutiny bUl this year, therefore. Ministers introduced a clause, aUowing men, at Y 322 MEMOIRS OF the termination of »their Uraited service, to enlist again for Ufe : the recruiting, on the limited plan was not, however, discontinued, Mr. Windham expressed considerable surprise and chagrin at this alteration. On explaining it in the House of Peers, Lord Hawkesbury stated, " it was not intended that those who had enUsted fora liraited service, should have the option of enlisting for unliraited service, until the term for which they had first enlisted had expired," At length from Spaiur-^a quarter of Europe where Uberty seemed to have slept the sleep of death, a burst of patriotism suddenly arose, which was heard and reverberated from the shores .of the Frozen Ocean, Buonaparte, having promoted the most unnatural dissensions araong them, had cajoled the imbecUe royal faraily to Bayonne; taken possessipn of the capital, and aU the prin cipal fortresses in the north of the peninsula; and procured frora Charles IV, and Ferdinand a formal res^ation of their respective rights to the crown. On the departure of the last pf the royal famfly from Madrid, the people of that city rose on the French soldiers, Whieh were, in reaUty, th? immediate aggressors will never now be ascertain ed, but 10,000 French troops could with difficulty put down the insurrection, and tbe carnage that LORD LIVERPOOL, 323 ensued was dreadful. On May 4th, a rpyal gdict, dated Baypftne, declared the Grand Duke of Berg, Viceroy of all Spain, A junta of Notables to represent the Spanish ftation was now sum raoned to that place, to fix the form pf a new go vernment. To constitute this assembly, Bttonar- parte named about ooe hundred and fifty indivi duals of different classes and cpuditipns, but pnly abput ninety were cpnvened. This junta held their tweffth meeting en the 17th ef July, When they dishonpured themselves fpr ever by accepting Jpseph Bupnaparte for th progress of their arms in the Peninsula. Assurances had been received of the friendly disposition of Araerica ; and his Majesty had rauch satisfaction in de- 350 MEMOIRS OF daring the flourishing state of the national com merce, and increasing produce of the revenue." The address was on this occasion moved by the Earl of Glasgow, and seconded by Viscount Grim stone, the brother-in-law of Lord Liverpool. The Opposition in the Upper House very vehemently conderaned the late measures. Earl St. Vincent observed that, " at the com menceraent of the last session, he did not ex pect that his age and infirraities would ever have allowed hira again to address their Lordships, But such had been the untoward and calamitous events which had occurred since that period, that he was once more induced to trouble their Lord ships with a few of his sentiments. Indeed," proceeded his Lordship, " we have wonderfuUy extraordinary raen in these days, .^ho have in genuity enough to blazon with the finest co lours, to sound with the trurapet and drum^ in fact, to varnish over the greatest calaraities of the country, and endeavour to prove that the greatest misfortunes ought to be considered as our great est blessings. Such was their language after the disastrous Convention of Cintra ; and now, in his Majesty's speech, they have converted another disaster into a new triumph. They talk of the glorious victory of Talavera ! A victory which led to no advantage, and had all the consequence of a defeat." . LORD LIVERPOOL. 351 " The conduct of his Majesty's Ministers bad led to the most frightful disasters." Lord St, Vincent, aUuding particularly to the expedition to Wal cheren, said, " it was high tirae that Parliaraent should adopt strong measures, or else the voice of the country would resound Uke thunder in their ears." Lord GrenviUe was equaUy severe. He said, " it was due to the raemory of those who had bravely, but ingloriously, fallen a sacrifice to the ignorance, the incapacity, and the misconduct of Ministers ; it was due to a deluded and suffering people, who deraanded it at their Lordships' hands, that they should institute a rigorous and effectual inquiry into the conduct of those Ministers to whora those disasters were to be attributed. They found, in the speech of the King's Coraraissioners, that Ministers, frora a sense of their guilty situa tion, glaring misconduct, and a fear of the conse quences of that misconduct, had condescended to teU them that they would lay before ParUament certain documents and papers relative to the dis graceful and calamitous expedition to Walcheren. But the noble Baron cautioned their Lordships not to be deluded by that show of readiness for inquiry. The speech merely said, such papers and documents as should be deemed satisfactory to Ministers themselves, should be laid before Parliament. The Address moved, did not con- 352 MEMOIRS OF tain any pledge to the country of an intention on the part of their Lordships to institute an inquiry. It did not even declare the necessity of having all the papers and docuraents, relative to the disas trous expedition, laid before thera ; but consisted raerely of a complimentary expression of thanks, that certain papers were intended to be produced. Their Lordships would not that night do their duty, if they did not give a decided pledge to the country, that a vigorous and effectual inquiry should be instituted," &c. He concluded with raoving as an araendraent to the address, " That we have seen with the ut raost sorrow and indignation the accuraulated failures and disasters of the campaign, the una vaiUng waste of our national resources, and the loss of raany thousands of our brave troops, whose distinguished and heroic valour has been unpro fitably sacrificed in enterprises productive not of advantage, but of lasting injury to the country : in enterprises raarked only by a repetition of forraer errors ; tardy and uncorabined ; incapable in their success of aiding our ally, but exposing in their faUure his Majesty's councils to the scorn and derision of the eneray : — that we, therefore, feel ourselves bound, with a view to the only atoneraent that can now be made to an injured people, to institute, without delay, such rigorous and effectual inquiries and proceedings, as duty LORD LIVERPOOL, 353 impels us to adopt, in a case where our country has been subjected to unexampled calamity and disgrace," Lord Moira and Lord Grey made similar ob servations. The Ministers in the House observed, " that Opposition, in their zeal for justice, asked for con demnation without inquiry," They, in particular, 'defended the expedition to Spain and Portugal ; which Lord Liverpool pledged hiraself to prove had been raost beneficial to the coraraon cause. He instanced, as a proof of this, " that the Pro vinces of GaUicia, Asturias, and Estreraadura, had been corapletely cleared of the French ; and although it was true that they had by surprise defeated two Spanish arraies^ yet they had not been able to gather any fruits of their victories ; for they had not advanced one step. With respect to the expedition to Walcheren, he adraitted that Ministers knew of the Austrian arraistice before it sailed ; but he was ready to contend, that it nevertheless operated as a favourable diversion for Austria, for it had drawn to the banks of the Scheldt a large body of conscripts, which were intended to have acted against her. He knew it was tbe desire of Austria that we should retain Walcheren until she should come to terms of peace with France, And hard as those terras were for her, whoever corapared the 2 A 354 MEMOIRS OF threats of Buonaparte with the terms which he afterwards granted, must admit that,, some cause had reduced him to the necessity of relaxing from his threatened severity. This cause, in Lord Liverpool's opinion, was no other than our hold ing, at the express request of Austria,, the Island of Walcheren; and, in fact, that was the reason why we held it, after the ulterior objects of the exr pedition were known to be defeated. But there was one important object, in which the expedition to the Scheldt had corapletely succeeded. It was known to be a favourite raeasure of the enemy to forra a naval dock and arsenal at the mouth of the Scheldt ; and it had always been admitted by professional men, that ff an invasion of, this country were ever to be effected^ it : would be from the mouth of that river. In one great object, therefore, we had at least succeeded; for, in the opinion of professional men, it would re quire much less time and expense to fonn'a new harbour and arsenal, than to restore the one we had destroyed at Flushing; Sorae noble Lords had said, ' that the destruction of Flushing, was an achievement of no importance, and. as sueh considered by the ruler of France.' He woidd ask those noble Lords, whether, ff the case could be reversed, and a French fleet were to attack and destroy Sheemess, and afterwards raake good their retreat, it would be considered by Buonaparte LORD LIVERPOOL, 355 as a smaU triumph, or by us as a trifling diefeat ?" The question being loudly called for, the House divided, when there appeared to be for Lord GrenvUle's amendment, 92 ; for tb^d origirial ad dress, 144, On thd 26th of January, Lord Liverpool raoved the thanks of the House to Lord Viscount Wel lington and the officers and army under his cora raand, for the skiU and: abiUty by which they obtained a victory oVer the enemy at Talavera, " In framing this motion, he had," he said, "With a view to conciUatibn, separated; the conduct ofthe army and the officers commaridingi, from every other subject connected with the general manage raent of the campaign. Whatever opinion might be entertained With rfepecti to the measures Which led tp the battle itseff, b)c to thecon'sequences which ensued, there' cop.ld be but one sentiment' as to the skiU of thfe General and the valour of the arrajr that fought at Talavera. .oijn "; " The thanks of both Houses had been «j^ven to Sir John Stuart, and the array, for the * erainent skUl and valouf displaye^i'and the splendid Vic tory ^btaiined by the battle of- Maida ; though th"6' objeets.for which; that. battle ^was foughf were riot pbtained, It+ had been deterraiiied^ tp raake a concentrated attack on the corabined arraies. Although the Spanish army was preserit^ijand partiaUy took a part, in the battle, the brunt, of 2a2 356 MEMOIRS OF the attack was principally, if not whoUy, borae by the English, not araounting to more than 20,000 men. The French array feU but Uttle short of 50,000. The enemy, after repeatedly renewing their attacks, were repulsed with the loss of nearly 10,000 raen, twenty pieces of artillery, and four standards. It was of the last iraportance that such victories as that of Talavera, should be rewarded by every tribute of honour and praise, that House could bestow. It had been the good fortune of Great Britain to unite a railitary spirit with coraraercial pursuits, and every encourage raent was due stiU farther to proraote that spirit. No achieveraent was ever raore entitled to praise, than the victory of Talavera, " He adraitted, that if their Lordships were called upon to decide on aU the circurastances of the carapaign, it raight raateriaUy alter the ques tion. But he wished to direct their Lordships' attention solely to the conduct of the officer, and the array under his coraraand, on the 27th and 28th of July." On this occasion. Marquess WeUesley raade an able speech in defence of the general operations of the carapaign, " He however perfectly agreed," he said, " with the noble Lords on the other side of the House, as to the necessity of a radical change in the governraent of Spain ; and his opi nions on that head, he beUeved, were not un- LORD LIVERPOOL, 357 known. But that change could not be the work of a day. And were we, therefore, to abandon the Spaniards to the raercy of their cruel in vaders, to desert them in the crisis of their for tunes ? As to the battle of Talavera, nothing more could be said of that battle, in a railitary point of view, than that the British troops had succeeded in repulsing the attack of a French army alraost double their nurabers, the efforts of which had been directed chiefly against the Bri tish, And, with respect to its consequences, he would boldly maintain, that the defeat of the eneray at Talavera had essentially contributed to the raain objects of the carapaign. For, un less that blow had been struck against Victor, it would have been impossible to prevent the enemy from overrunning the South of Spain, or from mak ing a fresh irruption into Portugal, It saved the South of Spain from absolute destruction. It had afforded time to Portugal to organize her army, and to strengthen her railitary posts. It also enabled Lord Wellington to take a position, where he might derive supplies from Spain at the sarae tirae that he drew nearer to his own raa gazines. Upon the whole, he did not hesitate to say, that his brother was as justly entitled to every distinction that his Sovereign had conferred on hira, and to every honour and reward which it was in the power of that House to bestow, as 358 MEMOIRS OF any noble Lord, who, for his personal services, had obtained the same distinctions, or who sat there by descent from hisi illustrious ancestors," The expedition to the Scheldt, Uke one of its own sombre fogs,lhung about the debates in Par hament all this session. The City iof London prayed for inquiry into the causes of its failure ; and the King was adviSed to reply, that he did not deem any inquiry necessary. Lord Chatham, indirectly at least, blariied the naval commanders ; Admiral Sir Richard Strachan TCtorted; and the Ministers with whora it originated, differed, we have seen, with «ach. other,* * Among the papers ni,oved for in the House of Commons was " A Copy of the Earl of Chatham's Statement of his proceedings, dated October 15, 1809, and presented to the King, February 14, 1810," This document was, in fact, an appeal to his Majesty by the commander of one part of the expedition against the conduct of the com mander of another part, and gave rise to much debate in'the House. A motion being made by Mr, Whitbread for an Address to his Majesty, requesting that there might be laid before the House, copies of aU reports and other papers submitted at any time to his Majesty by the Earl of Chathain, relative to the. late expedition, -it was carried, on a division, by 178 to 171 votes. The answer retiirned tothe address signified, that the King had received a report from^ Lord Chatham on the 15th of January, which' he had kept "till February the 10th, when it was returned to the Earl in consequence ofhis desire toimake some alterations in it; that the report thus ^ altered having be^n again presented to the LORD LIVERPOOL. 359 Lord Liverpool shrunk from no part of the responsibility involved. He was evidently cha grined at the melancholy result before the world, and the confiision betrayed in the Cabinet, and in all the counsels connected with this unhappy affair ; but he was not to be bome down by the public claraour. When the Marquess of Lansdown raoved in the House of Lords for an Address to his Ma jesty, to request that he would be graciously pleased to inforra tbe House who it was that advised his Majesty to return the answer just alluded to, to the City of London, his Lordship said, " If the object of the noble Marquess was raerely to obtain the information which was King on the Mth, it was directed by his Majesty to be de livered to the Secretary of State, and no copy of it was kept by the King. Mr. Whitbread, on the 2d of March, moved two resolutions respecting this matter : one stating the fact as above mentioned ; the other, a strong censure of the same. After a long debate, the previous question was moved, but negatived by 221 to 188 voices ; and the first resolution being then carried, Mr. Whitbread waved the second in favour of a modification of it proposed by Mr. Canning. It was then determined that the resolution should be entered on the Journals of the House : the consequence of which was, that Lord Chatham resigned his office of Master-General of the Ordnance. The result ofthe debate on this subject, which closed in the House of Commons, on Friday, March SOth, exhibits the 360 MEMOIRS OF asked for by the address, he had not the sraallest objection to state that the whole of his Majesty's Ministers had concurred in advising his Ma jesty to give that answer, with the exception of the Earl of Chatham, who had not attended the deUberations on that subject. It was open, there fore, to the noble Marquess, to make that answer the subject of any accusation that he might think proper to urge against his Majesty's Ministers, great weakness of Administration at this period. The House divided as foUows : For censuring the undertaking of the expedition 2'J^ Against such censure 276 Majority, 48 For approving the undertaking of the expedition 272 Against such approbation 232 Majority, 40 For censuring the keeping our soldiers so long in Walcheren 224 Against such censure 275 Majority, 61 For approving of the keeping our soldiers so long in Walcheren 253 Against such approbation 232 Majority, 21 LORD LIVERPOOL, 361 He was prepared to meet the noble Marquess on the ground of that answer, " His Majesty's Ministers had no more right to call on Lord Chatham for papers or documents, than upon the comraander of any other expedi tion. There was no ground for a railitary in quiry ; nor any precedent for an inquiry in the case of conjoint raiUtary and naval service ; nor could it, with any propriety, take place, where the military and naval code differed in so raany material points. The only place in which a case of that kind could be fully gone into was Parlia ment, and to ParUament it had been referred. The original design of the expedition was, that the attack upon Antwerp should be siraultaneous with that on Walcheren, which proceeded on the supposition that Flushing might have been masked while the attack was made on Antwerp. He still thought, that to attempt the destruction of the naval preparations at Antwerp was worth encountering a cpnsiderable risk. That this de sign was frustrated, was npt to be attributed to any fault or faUure in the plan, or in the execu tion of it ; to any neglect on the part of the exe cutive government ; or to any misconduct in the array or navy : but to the eleraents. The faUure in the raain object of the expedition was to be at tributed solely to the difficulties arising frora the unusual state of the weather at that season." 362 MEMOIRS OF Lord Mulgrave, at the head of the Adrairalty, adraitted however, on this occasion, " that if he had known of the existence of Lord Chatham's narrative, he should have advised a different an swer to have been given to the City of London." At the close ofthe session, (June 13,) Earl Grey subraitted a raotion to the House of Lords on the state of the nation. He reviewed, in a speech of great length, the entire situation and prospects of the country ; and concluded with raoving an Ad dress, recoraraending econoraical and systematic arrangeraents for the conduct of the war ; a re currence to the true principles of coraraerce and currency ; a wise and liberal policy in uniting aU classes of his Majesty's subjects in the bonds^of a coramon interest ; and the adoption of such timely reformations, as raight satisfy his Majesty's loyal people, that the sacrifices required of them, were strictly limited and faithfuUy applied to the ser vice of the public. In contrast to the gloomy picture exhibited by the noble Earl, Lord Liverpool insisted that a favourable change had taken place . in the posture of our affairs. " Our comraerce and revenue/' he said, " had increased in a raost unexarapled raan ner ; the number of vessels taken from the enemy, and those of our aUies rescued from their grasp, was imraense; the nurabers of our array were greatly increased ; the French had been, for the LORD LIVERPOOL. 363 first tirae in any war, driven entirely out of the West Indies; the French and Dutch flags were suffered to. wave in that hemisphere no more — an advantage which had never been gained before, not even in the war of 1 1756. The family of Braganza had been removed frora French in fluence and French aggression, to the Brazils, wbence advantages of iraportance inight: be ex pected to result to this eouritry. Portugal, which had been overrun .by the eneray, had seen that eneray expelled by British valour. Spain had been encouragedUo: struggle with her oppressors by our exaraple. The port of Lisbon was now free; and Cadiz and Ceuta were at present oc cupied by British, in 'conjunction with Spanish troops. Such was the i real state of things at the period when the noble Lord had thought pro per to raove a censure so severe." — The address proposed by Lord Grey, was negatived without a division. ¦ The attention of the public was finally caUed away from the Walcheren expedition, by the violent conduct pf Sir Francis i Burdett, and a pprtipn pf the Whig' party. The committal of Mr. Gale Jones bythe House of Commpns, Sir Francis's intemperate 'letter on that subject, the issuing of the Speaker's warrant tp cdrivey the honourable Baronet to the To*wer, and the ne cessity of enforcing its execution, are events of 364 MEMOIRS OF this period no farther connected with the public Ufe of Lord Liverpool, than as originating the decision of Governraent to support the House of Coramons. They involved questions which rauch divided Op position ; many of whom, disgusted at the insults which were offered to the popular branch of the constitution, thought theraselves called upon to support the dignity of Parliaraent. Others took the popular side ; and, in point of legal authority, it appears that the Whigs, who opposed the un Umited committing privilege, were the highest. Respecting the comraitraent of Jones, Sir Samuel RomUly expressed the strongest doubts of the right of the House. " He doubted," he said, " whether they had a right to comrait for a breach of privilege, in the case of a Ubel on the conduct of one of their own raerabers. He thought the House had a right to corarait in a great raany cases : such as where their proceedings were inter rupted ; where the people, by hissing or otherwise, insulted members coraing to the House ; where they threatened raerabers ff they voted on a par ticular side ; and in raany cases of the like nature. But he raade a distinction between libels pub Ushed on the past conduct of raerabers, and pro ceedings StUl going on in the House. In the latter case, he had great doubts as to the right of coraraitting; because the House acted as their LORD LIVERPOOL. 365 own counsel, jury, and judge ; because they were the accusers and the punishers." On the other hand, Mr, Ponsonby, who was considered as ' the leader of the Whigs, spoke in favour ofthe right of Parliaraentary commitment, though he blamed the Adrainistration for precipita ting the House into its present difficulty, by having brought their real privileges to an unnecessary trial. Since the business, however, had proceeded so far, he thought the House could not retract from raaintaining their rights, " The two Houses of Parliaraent," he said, " were the sole judges of their own privileges. No Court in the country, however respectable the judges, could, or ought to presurae to raeddle with the decisions of either House, That was the first principle which he should raaintain. The next principle was, that whenever either House of Parliaraent has declared its privileges, the Courts of Justice are bound to pay respect and obedience to thera. The privi leges of Parliaraent," he said, " were not inroads on the Uberty of the subject, but its safeguards. The Coramons, who represented the people, were their natural guardians, and their interests were identified. The people, he might be told, would not bear the exercise of those privileges ; but our ancestors, certainly as high-mettled, as watchful of liberty as the present generation, had borne 366 MEMOIRS OF them, when they declared, that one power and privilege vested in the Comraons defended the liberties of the people," As the public cooled, Governraent had the ad vantage of appearing to act on this side of the ques tion : but neither party " took any thing," as the legal phrase is, by this raoveraent. No point of constitutional practice appears to have been set tled by it. This session appeared an iraportant Report of the BuUion Committee, drawn up by its Chair man,, Mr. Horner, It was presented on the Sth of June, The Comraittee first inquired into the price of bullion, and found that a guinea was worth about twenty-three shillings of paper raoney ; a degree of depreciation of paper currency confirmed by the rate of foreign, exchanges. " It results from this unnatural state of things," they said, " that while a good guinea can only be current at twenty-one shillings, a guinea too li^t to pass in currency, gains value by its deficiency, an(l is actually worth twenty-^two shillings. It is im possible, therefpre, that any gold coin should remain in currency ; and the result is, that, the public lose about two shillings on a gmjfea in their income and expenditure,"* . : • The quantity of country bank notes is stated by the Committee to be dependent greatly on th4 'quantity of Sank of England notes in which they are payable. "One ofthe LORD LIVERPOOL. 367 We shaU see that this Report soon becarae the foundation of sorae important measures of Go vernraent. witnesses estimates these country notes at twenty millions ; but they are probably worth more than thirty miUions, as the gold coin in circulation used to be estimated at that sum when there were only ten mUlions of Bank of England notes, making the then circulation forty miUions, besides country notes, at that time perhaps five miUions. Forty-five miUions must have been augmeiU;ed to fifty-four miUions, to produce a depreciation of twenty per cent, as at present, whereby the country bank notes appear to amount to about thirty-four mil lions, the Bank of England notes being twenty miUions in circulation ; herein supposing the auginented rapidity of pe cuniary transactions to balance the greater quantity of them, and that the same amount of circulating medium is now as necessary as in 1797," The Committee plainly state, that "the only true and efl'qc- tual protection to the public against an excess of paper cur rency, is the obligation on the parties who issue it to pay it in specie at the will of the holder ; that, since the year 1797, when that protection was taken away by the Bank Restric tion Bill, the Bank have extended the circulation of their notes from ten to twenty -one miUions; that the country banks have also very considerably extended the circulation of their notes ; that this increase of the circulating medium enhances the price of every commodity, raises the market price above the Mint price of buUion, and occasions the pre sent unfavourable state ofthe foreign exchanges." The Committee concluded their report by suggesting, that the restriction on cash payments could not safely be removed at an earUer period than two years. Adverting to the circumstance, that as the law stood, the Bank would be 368 MEMOIRS OF The great object of France, this year, was to obtain possession of Portugal : and Massena was placed at the head of 80,000 raen to effect that object. The policy of Lord WeUington, there fore, was strictly defensive throughout the cam paign. The cause of Spanish independence, as far as it depended upon Spain, was, as we have said, alraost hopeless. But a circurastance now oc curred, which put to the test the equity and raoderation of our Govemraent towards that country. The spirit of independence first ap peared at this tirae in the Spanish colonies; and the Junta of Caraccas having solicited the British Governor of Cura9oa for aid in the popular cause, it becarae necessary that Ministers should make a" declaration of the systera they would pursue in regard to the colonies of Spain, Lord Liverpool, therefore, addressed a letter, June 29th, to Brigadier-general Lidyard, the Governor of Cura9oa, in which he said, " it was the first object of his Majesty, on being acquainted with the Revolution in Spain, to second the compeUed to pay in cash at the end of six months after the ratification of peace ; the Committee were of opinion, that if peace were to be immediately ratified, it would be hazardous and impracticable immediately to enforce the law. Two years, they think, ought to be given in the event of peace, but not more, though the war should continue so long. LORD LIVERPOOL, 369 efforts of so brave and loyal a people for raain taining the independence of the Spanish monarchy in aU parts of the world. In conformity to these sentiraents, and the obligations of justice and good faith, his Majesty raust discourage every step tending to separate the Spanish Provinces in America from the mother country in Europe, If, however, contrary to his Majesty's wishes and expectation, the Spanish state in Europe should be condemned to submit to the yoke of the com mon enemy, whether by real compulsion, or a convention that should leave only the shadow of independence ; on the same principles, his Majes ty would think it his duty to afford every kind of assistance to the provinces of Araerica that should render thera independent of French Spain, open an asylum to such of the Spaniards as should disdain to subrait to their oppressors, regard America as tbeir natural refuge, and preserve the remains of the monarchy to their lawful Sove reign, if ever he should recover bis liberty. It was a satisfaction to his Majesty to learn, by papers he had received, that what had passed in Caraccas was in a great measure owing to the erroneous impressions they had received of the desperate state of Spain. These being removed, the inhabitants of Caraccas would be disposed to renew their connexions with Spain, as integral parts of the Empire, on their being admitted to 2 B 370 MEMOIRS OF take their place in the Cortes of the kingdom." A copy of Lord Liverpool's letter was comrauni cated to the CouncU of Regency at Cadiz. Never was coined a better phrase than " French Spain :" would that his Lordship had not seen it but too applicable at a raore recent period ! In the interira, Buonaparte dethroned his bro ther, King Louis, of Holland, with less cereraony than he had iraposed hira on that people, and an nexed the once independent Seven Provinces to the French Erapire. Piedraont was also an nexed to France, for the purpose of securing the passage of the Alps by the Siraplon ; and posses sion was taken of the Hanse towns, and of the whole coast frora the Elbe to the Eras. The Electorate of Hanover was annexed to the King dora of WestphaUa, and its very name abolished : while to that country, and the other dependent kingdoms of France, the Conscription laws were extended. We should add to this sketch of events that bore on our foreign policy, the elevation of Bemadotte, this year, as Crown Prince of Sweden ; and our captures of Araboyna frora the Dutch, and the isles of Bourbon and the Mauritius frora France, Between Great Britain and Araerica there ap peared Uttle prospect of a final adjustraent of dif ferences. Mr,- Gallatin, treasurer of the States, serit letters to the different coUectors of the cus- LORD LIVERPOOL. 371 toms, announcing the aboUtion of the restrictions with regard to France, she having, as he said, revoked her edicts ; but declaring that they would be revived in full force with regard to Great Bri tain on the ensuing 2nd day of February, should she not in like manner have revoked her decrees. By a- second letter he gave his opinion, that ia the case above-mentioned, all British goods arriving subsequently to the 2nd of February, 1811, would be forfeited. On the 2nd of November this year, the Royal Family had to mourn the loss of the Princess Amelia, and its melancholy consequences on the King's mind. Parliament had been prorogued to the 1st of that month, and a cpmraissipn was pre pared by the Lprd Chancellpr, under an order in council, for a further prorogation ; but as the sign manual was wanting to perfect the instruraent, the two Houses raet on the day previously fixed. An adjournraent for a fortnight was now una nimously agreed to ; foUowed by a second ad journment to the 29th ; and this again by a third, to the 13th of December. The physicians, on examination before the Lords of Council, and af terwards before the committees of both Houses, expressed their unanimous expectation of his Ma jesty's recovery ; grounding this expectation on the general state of his health, and=the precedents of 1788, 1801, and 1804, At length the imme- 2 B 2 372 MEMOIRS OF diate state of the royal patient became such as to render it improper to propose any farther ad- journraent of the question of a Regency; and Ministers adopted, in the raain, the precedent of 1788-9, Long and bitter discussions of the question en sued. Ministers were reproached for thcfdelay that had taken place, and accused of the raost se rious sinister designs. Money, it was declared by Opposition, could not have been legally drawn frora the Exchequer all this tirae ; and Lord Hol land pressed this upon the House of Lords, in re lation to the carapaign in Spain, Lord Liverpool declared in reply, fhat " he was not aware of any injury to the public service from any such delay, nor that Ministers had abstained frora any acts, frora which, under other circum stances, they would not have advised his Majesty to abstain. At whatever risk to theraselves," he said, " they would do that which they deemed raost conducive to the safety, honour, and interest of the country, leaving it for the justice of ParUa ment to consider of and decide upon the grounds of their justification," Mr, Perceval moved the resolutions in the House of Comraons, on which the subsequent steps were taken : affirming, 1st. The incapacity of the King ; 2d, The right of the two Houses to pro vide the raeans of supplying the defect ; 3rd. The LORD LIVERPOOL, 373 necessity pf determining upen the means pf giving the rpyal assent tp a BUl fpr that purppse. The Opppsition, waving altpgether the question re specting the right of the Prince of Wales tp the Regency, raerely prpppsed that the Prince be ad dressed to take upon him the executive duties. This was negatived in the House of Peers by 100 to 74, and in the Comraons by 269 to 157 voices. On the resolutions moved by Mr. Perceval being carried, that Minister apprised the Prince of the restrictions he meant to propose ; and his Royal Highness, in a brief reply, referred to tbe letter which he addressed to Mr. Pitt in 1789. The other merabers of the Royal Faraily also transraitted to Mr. Perceval their protest against the restrictions. The grand division in favour of thera, however, was carried in the House of Cora mons, on the 31st of December, by 224 to 200 voices. Never did this lamented Minister appear to more advantage than in advocating the necessary measures, and defending the conduct of hiraself and colleagues on this occasion. " We have not," he said, " been blind to these things, I am convinced, that I stand in a situation of as deep responsibiUty as ever Minister stood in ; a double responsibiUty, a responsibility to the public, and a responsibility to the King, my master, I feel this 374 MEMOIRS OF to be' our situation ; and Parliaraerit raust have felt it, in suffering the delays that have abeady taken place. " It is not frora feelings of delicacy only that his Majesty's Ministers have acted, but from the conviction that the preserving to his Majesty the power of exercising his authority iraraediately upon his recovery, without the interruption of a Regent, would be a great national advan tage," " The delay," he added, "which has taken place, has been no covert delay : it has been perfectly open, and the reason why it was asked was fairly stated. We have had no disguise^ no subterfuge ; oUr object was broadly and fairly stated to Parlia raent. Sir, I say again, that Ministers feel deeply the heavy responsibUity of their situation ; they know that their conduct will necessarUy be ex arained and scrutinized by Parliaraent ; they know that they may have to request justice from Parliament for their Conduct, at a time when those who are now censuring their conduct with so rauch acriraony, raay possess a greater sway than they do at present. Is such a situation, then, a desirable one ? Is it an object of ambi tion? Is it possible that any raan, or set of raen, can covet such a situation, or wish to retain it, except frora the imperious sense of the duty wbich they owe to their sovereign and to their LORD LIVERPOOL, 375 cpuntry ? That duty I wUl perfprra to the best of my humble abiUties, and cheerfully submit my conduct to the justice of Parliament and of my country, " It has been asked, whether, if under the pre sent circumstances, the evacuation of Portugal were deemed necessary, any order could be sent out to Lord Wellington for that purpose ? And do gentlemen really believe that any difficulty exists upon such a subject ? Do they really believe that Lord Wellington would refuse to obey an order transmitted to him by his Majes ty's Secretary of State, for that purpose, merely because he had heard of the King's indisposition ? Undoubtedly they do not. The case they have put, then, is an iraaginary one,. Sir, in the office which I have the honour to hold, money must be taken out of the Exchequer for the public service; it is the bounden duty of Ministers to see that service performed ; and do the honour able gentlemen opposite think that I would, hesi tate to draw the money for that purpose ?" [Hear ! hear ! frora the Opposition benches,] " Sir," con tinued Mr. Perceval, "I am unable to account for the distinction which the gentlemen opposite appear to me to make between the two cases which I have put. When I said that Ministers would not hesitate to give orders for the evacua tion of Portugal, if it were deemed necessary, they 376 MEMOIRS OF seeraed, by their silence at least, to acquiesce in what I said ; but when I spoke of applying the raoney voted for the public service to the public service, they affect great astonishraent, as if the principle of the two cases was not the sarae. But do they think that where raoney has been voted by Parliament, and ordered by Parliaraent to be applied to a particular service, that I would hesi tate to have that public service perforraed, for fear of the responsibiUty that would attach to rae ? Do they think that I would endanger the best interests of the country, frora any considera tion of personal danger to myself? Do they think that I would risk a mutiny in the army, or the navy, rather than take upon me the re sponsibiUty of issuing their pay ? No, sir, if I could be guilty of such conduct, I should be unfit indeed for the situation which I hold ! I should be guilty of a base dereUction of ray duty to my sovereign and ray country !" A pecuniary difficulty of the kind alluded to by Mr. Perceval and the Opposition, did in fact occur during these debates. Certain issues of money to the array and navy being required, Mr, Perceval considered that the use of the Privy Seal would authorize thera ; but the Clerk of the Seal objected, and Lord GrenvUle, the Audi tor of the Exchequer, hesitated to obey the order of the Treasury, Mr, Perceval, on this, laid the LORD LIVERPOOL. 377 correspondence on the subject before ParUaraent ; and on the 3d of January, 1811, moved and carried a resolution that the Lords of the Trea sury should issue their warrants for the payraent of such suras as were necessary, and that the auditors and officers of the Exchequer should obey those warrants. The resolution passed the Coraraons without a division ; but, in. the Upper House, twenty Peers, araong whom were all the Royal Diikes, protested against it ; because, they said, the principle on which it was founded, would justffy the assump tion of all the executive power of the Crown by the two Houses of Parliaraent, during any sus pension of the personal exercise of the royal au thority. The debate on the Regency bill occupied both Houses until the raiddle of February. It was now expected as a raatter of course, that Opposition would succeed to the government : but various causes prevented this, and their com bination was on the whole most extraordinary. Although the Prince Regent had, so far back as the period of Mr. Fox's death, seceded from the "party,"* he was weU known to entertain a * He expressed himself as no longer desirous of being con sidered " a party man," says Mr. Moore ; alluding to a letter drawn up by Sheridan for the Prince, arid addressed to a noble hovd.^Moore's Life nf Sheridan, vol, ii. p, 384. 378 MEMOIRS OF strong personal regard for several of its leaders ; and he consulted thera on the subject of his answer to the address of both Houses. But divi sion pervaded every thing they had to do ; they were united only, as we frequently have seen in the course of this raeraoir, in what they had to oppose. Lord GrenviUe's recorded opinions on the subject of the Regency differed altogether frora those of his appointed coadjutor. Lord Grey ; and Lord Moira's assistance, though recoraraended by the Prince,, had been declined. A paper, to •' alraost every part" of which, according to Mr, Sheridan, the Prince " strongly objected," was the natural offspring of these divided councUs, Sheridan and Mr, Adara, therefore, prepared the answer that was finally adopted, Mr, Moore gives us the coraraent of the forraer on the paper of the noble Lords, On the back of Mr. Sheridan's copy was written by hira, " GrenvUle's and Grey's proposed Answer frora the Prince to the Address of the two Houses : very flirasy, and attempting to cover Gtenville's conduct and consistency in supporting the present restrictions at the expense of the Prince," Lord Grey and Lord Grenville greatly resented the "interference" of Mr, Sheridan on this occa sion ; and a joint representation on the subject was presented by them to the Regent, We shall extract the conclusion of it, and what Mr, Moore LORD LIVERPOOL. 379 considers as the result, from that gentleman's nar rative. " The draft," their Lordships said, " which they humbly submitted to his Royal Highness, was considered by them as open to every remark which raight occur to his Royal Highness's better judgment. On every occasion, but raore especiaUy in the preparation of his Royal Highness's first act of government, it would have been no less their desire than their duty to have profited by all such objections, and to have laboured to accomplish, in the best manner they were able, every command which his Royal Highness might have been pleased to lay upon them. Upon the objects to be obtained, there could be no difference of sen timent. These, such as above-described, were, they confidently believed, not less iraportant in his Royal Highness's view of the subject, than in that which they theraselves had ventured to express. But they should be wanting in that sincerity and openness "hy which they could alone hope, however iraperfectly, to raake any return to that gracious confidence with which his Royal Highness had condescended to honour them, if they suppressed the expression of their deep concern in finding, that their humble endeavours in his Royal High ness's service had been subraitted to the judgment of another person, by whose advice his Royal Highness had been guided in his • final decision, on a matter on which they alone had, however 380 MEMOIRS OF unwortbUy, been honoured with his Royal High ness's coraraands. It was their most sincere and ardent wish, that in the arduous station which his Royal Highness was about to fill, he might have the benefit of the public advice and respon sible services of those raen, whoever they might be, by whom his Royal Highness's glory and the interests of the country could best be promoted. It would be with unfeigned distrust of their own means of discharging such duties, that they could, in any case, venture to undertake them ; and, in this humble but respectful representation which they had presuraed to raake of their feeUngs on this occasion, they were conscious of being ac tuated not less by their dutfful and grateful at tachraent to his Royal Highness, than by those principles of constitutional responsibUity, the raaintenance of which they deeraed essential to any hope of a successful Adrainistration of the public interests." " On receiving this representation," says She ridan's biographer, " in which, it must be con fessed, there was more of high spirit and dignity than of worldly wisdora, his Royal Highness lost no tirae in coraraunicating it to Sheridan, who, proud of the influence attributed to him by the noble writers, and now raore than ever stimu lated to raake thera feel its weight, eraployed the whole force of his shrewdness and ridicule in LORD LIVERPOOL. 381 exposing the stately tone of dictation which, ac cording to his view, was assumed throughout this paper, and in picturing to the Prince the state of tutelage he might expect, under Ministers who began thus early with their lectures. Such sug gestions, even if less ably urged, were but too sure of audience in the ears to which they were ad dressed. Shortly after, his Royal Highness paid a visit to Windsor, where the Queen and another royal personage completed what had been so skil fully begun ; and the iraportant resolution was forthwith taken to retain Mr. Perceval and his colleagues in the Ministry." There can be no question that his Royal High ness, with equal wisdora and filial duty, considered the possible early recovery of his Majesty as mak ing any change of Ministers undesirable. He indeed explicitly stated this in the letter to Mr. Perceval,* announcing his intention pf continuing * Dr. Southey states, (without, however, giving his autho rity,) that Mr. Perceval had, at this period, an interview with the King at Windsor, and found him well enough to converse upon pubUc affairs, though not suificiently recovered to bear the weight of business. He inquired anxiously con- cerningfthe Prince's conduct, and expressed great joy at find ing that he had not thrown himself entirely into the hands of a party who were directly hostile to all the measures of his father's government; and he desired that the Queen would write to the Prince, to signify his approbation, and to request that he might not be harassed on his return to 382 MEMOIRS OF the Adrainistration in power. It is as little doubt ful that Opposition felt the probabUity of that event; and were thus coraparatively indifferent to what they considered as a teraporary arrange raent. But, happily for the country, an opportunity was thus afforded Ministers to prove the unity and consistency of their counsels, and to conciUate the confidence of their Royal Master. Before the public they had to bear the taunts of exulting enemies, and the unpopularity naturaUy arising from the late disastrous events of the war ; in Par liaraent they were deprived of rauch of the or- dinary influence of Governraent, Opposition having strong borough connexions, and the Royal FaraUy feeUng it a point of honour to oppose their late raeasures : but they held their onward way with equal raeekness and firmriess. We have seen the excellent Pjeraier's intrepid conduct in the House of Coraraons at this eraergency. In reply to the Prince's discouraging letter, he said, " Mr. Per ceval has never failed to regret the irapression of society, by having to change an ephemeral administration. The Prince,, it is said, was well pleased to be thus fliJieved from the difficulties in which he found himself involved by, jarring opinions and contending claims. Our author con siders this circumstance as deciding the determination of the Prince to retain the King's official servants. LORD LIVERPOOL, 383 your Rpyal Highness with regard tp the provisions of the Regency bill, which his Majesty's servants felt it to be their duty to recommend to Parlia ment. But he ventures to submit to your Royal Highness, that, whatever difficulties the present awful crisis of the country and the world may create in the adrainistration of the executive government, your Royal Highness wUl not find them in ariy degree increased by the teraporary suspension of the exercise of those branches of the Royal prerogative which has been introduced by Parliaraent, in conforraity to what was intend ed on a forraer similar occasion ; and that what ever Ministers your Royal Highness raight think proper to eraploy, would find in that fuU support and countenance, which, as long as they were honoured with your Royal Highness's coraraands, they would feel confident they would continue to enjoy, ample and sufficient means for enabling your Royal Highness effectuaUy to maintain the great and important interests of the United King dom. And Mr. Perceval humbly trusts, that whatever doubts your Royal Highness may en tertain with respect to the constitutional propriety of the measures which have been adopted, your Royal Highness wiU feel assured, that they could not have been recommended by his Majesty's ser vants, nor sanctioned by Parliament, but upon 384 MEMOIRS OF the sincere, though possibly erroneous, conviction, that they in no degree trenched upon the true principles and spirit of the constitution." > " The great and quiet raajority ofthe nation," as Dr. Southey truly observes, " regarded the Prince Regent's determination with grateful joy: they anticipated, from the wisdom and feeling which dictated it, a perseverance in the true course of policy and honour ; and in that anticipation looked on to a triuraphant issue of the war, with a hope which frora thence forward suffered no abate- raent." Parliament met for the first time under the Regericy, February 12th, 1811 ; the speech, which was delivered by coraraission, adverting princi paUy to the successes of his Majesty's arms in the East, and the frustration of the enemy's de signs in Spain and Portugal. It expressed also a hope that the disputes pending in Araerica might cOrae to a terraination consistent with the honour of the kingdom, and the preservation of its ma ritirae rights and interests. On the address being raoved and seconded in the Lords, Earl Grosvenor and Lord Grenville objected to the meagreness of the speech ; and doubted the policy of sending farther reinforce ments into the Peninsula, Lord GrenviUe asked " Whether it could be advisable that the mode of assistance to be pursued by this country should LORD LIVERPOOL, 385 be to make ourselves principals in this war, by embarking the whole of our disposable force in the issue of such a contest — where our enemy could bring the whole force 'of the Continent of Europe to oppose us ? This question he did not hesitate to answer negatively ; and therefore pro tested against pledging the House to agree to the employment of any additional force in the Penin sula." He also touched upon the negotiation with America, expressing his sense of the great im portance ofthe issue, and his hopes that no farther opportunities would be neglected of bringing about a reconcUiation. Lord Liverpool defended the address, and ob served, that " with regard, to the war in the Pe ninsula, it contained no pledge to support any specific mode of carrying on that war ; yet when the subject should come before them, he did not despair of being able to convince their Lordships, that the system adopted with respect to Spain and Portugal, was the best that could have been pursued." With respect to America, in the con clusion of his speech, he said, " he had no hesitation in declaring, that Govemment fully appreciated the value of that connexion ; that they were dis posed to act towards the United States in the most conciliatory raanner ; and that there was no political object for which they were raore anxious tban to establish the fullest and freest 2 C ;3,86 MEMOIRS OF coraraercial intercourse between the two coun tries; the incalculable advantages pf which both knew from ex,periience. It was never the inten tion of the British Governraent to provoke a con test with the United States. The measures which we were coinpelled to adopt, were for the purpose of vindicating and asserting our rights; rights which involved the hpnour, the security, and the prosperity of the country. If the effects of these measures have accidentally fallen upon the com merce of America, it, is not the fault of BcMasb Government. It is to be lamented tbat innoceipt parties should suffer by the arrangements we were compelled to adopt in defence of our honour and interests ; but the sense pf that honour and those interests would never have allowed any other course to be taken." After these explanations the address was carried nemine dissentiente. One of the first topics of discussion was brou^ forward by the Earl of Moira, and respectej4(3 moveraent of the Catholic body in Ireland. A plan had been adopted by the greater part of that body, of forming in Dublin a standing delegation, consisting of ten perspns elected from each county, charged witji the raanageraent of their affairs; not only fqr the purpose of petitioning, but for the redress of the general grievances under which they labou^red. This kirid of organization alarraing the Irish LORD LIVERPOOL. ,387 government, produced a circular letter from Mr. Wellesley Pole, Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant, requiring the magistrates of Ireland, in pursuance of an Act of the 33rd of the King, to arrest and hold to bail all persons connected with such elec tion or appointment. On the 18th of February, Lord Moira inquired whether this measure of interference had been settled by Ministers before Mr. Pole's late de parture for Ireland ? Lord Liverpool repUed, that " the departure of Mr. Pole was whoUy unconnected with the mea sure, which was then not at all in the contempla tion of Ministers ; indeed, they knew nothing of the matter till Thursday last. Tbe intelligence, however, was accompanied with reasons fpr the procedure, fpunded on various sources of informa tion, sorae of them of a secret nature, which proved that a systematic attempt was making for a violation of the law, and the Government of Ire land felt it to be such as to justify it in having recourse to this means of preventipri." He con cluded with coupling the rioble Earl's motion' with another, for a copy of the letter of the Se cretary of the Roman Catholic Committee^ He afterwards (22nd); ppposed the motion of Lord Lansdown for papers on this subject, on the ground that the House vvas already possessed of aU the necessary information. 2 c 2 388 MEMOIRS OF .The Lord Chancellor, in defending. the mea sure generally, confessed that " this letter appear ed' to him to be put together in a loose and care less raanner." Mr. Pole, in endeavouring to explain his con duct in the House of Coraraons, principally endea voured to show in what respect the proceeding of the CathoUc Coraraittee of 1809, which had not been interfered with, differed from those which had produced this act of Government. The Earl of Liverpool was next engaged in advocating a measure raore directly connected with his departraent. A resolution was brought up frora the Coraraons for granting a sum not exceeding two raiUions to the Regent, to enable him to take a certain nuraber of Portuguese troops into British pay, and to afford such farther assistance to the Portuguese nation, as the cir curastances of the campaign raay render neces sary. The Marquess WeUesley introduced this reso lution in the House of Lords ; when Lord Gren vUle again objected to the entire poUcy of Minis ters. " He thought the horae defence was neg lected for the sake of subsidizing foreign troops ; and adverted to the deficiency in the Irish reve nue, and other financial difficulties of the nation, as rauch raore loudly deraanding attention." Lord Liverpool stated, in reply, that " raost LORD LIVERPOOL. 389 important benefits had resulted from our taking the Portuguese troops into pay, and the great exertions that were making by that nation in the comraon cause," He said that " an erroneous opi nion had gone forth, that the subsidy was to be remitted to Portugal in bills or specie ; whereas a great part of it would be sent out in articles of clothing, araraunition, &c, to enable the Portu guese army to keep the field," He also combated the assertion, that that kingdom was almost en tirely in the possession of the French, whereas in four of its provinces there was not a French sol dier. On the whole, he maintained that " the war in the peninsula was generaUy and deservedly popular ;" and said that the " longer the contest lasted in that quarter, the better for us, since it removed hostiUties frora our own doors." We have noticed the report of the Bullion Committee, and the avowal of a depreciation in the currency which it contained. Ministers evin ced a degree of pusiUanimity in hesitating to act upon that unquestionable fact until its conse quences becarae serious. Lord King, arid some other large land-owners, refused to receive their rents except in gold ; and guineas were exten sively bought at from .twenty-three to twenty- seven shiUings, by agents of Government, to remit to the Peninsula. At this crisis Lord Stanhope (June 27) pre- 390 MEMOIRS OF sented a bUl in the House of LoMs, to make it Ulegal for aimy person to give more money for giiinieas^ half-guineas, &c. than their lawful value, He disclaimed all party or person.^ motives in bringing forward this measure, and concluded witii moving that the biU be read. The Earl of Liverpool " did justice to the in.teiin. tions pf the noble mover, but was not wiUhii|[ to admit the necessity of this biU, as he thought that the j^ample pf the nobleman alluded tp, as de^^ manding gold from hfe tenants, was not likely to be iraitated. Although, therefore, he would not oppose the bill in its present stage, he should raove for its postponement at the second read ing-" Government, however, at that period thougH proper, on the wbole^ to adopt the biU ; white Lord Holland, Lord Lauderdale^ and Lord GrenviUe strenuously opppsed it, Lord Liverpool said, that " though he had at first thought that, upon the whole, it would be better tp leave the law as it stood, yet when. he attended tp the principle pf the measure under consideration, and particularly to the principles lOf those who opposed it, he liegan to feel that the remedy should be upheld." He noticed some of the arguments th^t had been used by the prece^. ding speakers ; and with respect to the assertion, th^f gold enough could bp had if we were wiUing LORD LIVERPOOL. 391 to pay the price for it, he observed that " one of the inpst extensive and respectable merchants perhaps in the wprld, whp was not much in the practice of supporting Ministers, had asserted that if he wanted ten thousand pounds in gold he shpuld not know whence to procure it," He de fended the great exertions which the present Ministry had raade in the war ; and Concluded with saying, that " considering the consequences which might follow frora the exaraple which had been pointed out, it would be unwise to reject the bUl," The noble mover of the measure now said, that " when he came down to the House, he supposed that Ministers would throw out his biU ; but the arguments of his noble friends, the Opposition, bad, it seemed, made converts of them — a task which he certainly could not without their aid have accoraplished ; he had, therefore, to return thanks [bowing] to their Lordships right and left," On a division there appeared for the se cond leading ofthe bill 36, against it 12. Lord Liverpool afterwards proposed a clause for taking from landlords the summary mode of distress, if payment should be offered in bank-t notes, and that the bill should not extend to Ire land ; which were agreed to. Parliament was prorogued on the 24th of July, when the Prince Regent's speech, delivered by 392 MEMOIRS OF coraraission, expressed great satisfaction with the measures of the session. The campaign in the Peninsula, the only thea tre on which the contest for European liberty was StiU maintained, coraraenced this year very early. In January, the French, under Marshals Suchet and Soult, becarae raasters of Tortosa and Oli- ven9a. On the 25th of February an arraaraent was serit out frora Cadiz, under the coraraand of Lieutenant-general Sir Thoraas GraTiara, who dis erabarked a body of English, Spaniards, and Por tuguese, at Algesiras. The object of the expe dition was to attack the French who were em ployed in the siege ; and the landing being ef fected on the 28th, the allied array arrived, on the raorning of the 5th of March, on the ridge of Barossa, about four railes to the southward of the river of Santi Petri, Here the French array con sisted of about 8000 raen, forraed in two divisions, and in a high state of discipline and equipment. The allied force scarcely amounted to 6000 men, of whom about one half were English, A bat tery of ten pieces of cannon, under the direction of Major Duncan, opened on the French centre ; and on the right and left the enemy soon gave way; losing on this occasion 3000 in killed and wounded, their araraunition, six pieces of cannon, and an eatgle. LORD LIVERPOOL. 393 General BeUegarde, chief of the staff, an aid- de-camp of Marshal Victor, and several other officers, were kiUed, and many were wounded and taken prisoners, among wbom was the General of division Rufin, who soon after died. The loss of the allies amounted to about 1240 kiUed and wounded. At about the same tirae that our arras were thus successful on the heights of Barossa, Marshal Massena, not being able to procure provisions, coramenced his retreat frora Santarera, where he had not ventured to attack Lord Wellington ; who had drawn ample supplies from Portugal. He was closely followed by his Lordship, whose van attacked the rear of the French, on the llth of March, and gained a considerable advantage. But this success was more than counterbalanced by the loss of Badajos, which was taken by the Duke of Dalraatia, the sarae day. Lord WeUington now raade arrangements for the blockade of Almeida, and after repulsing an attack from the French on the 7th of April near OUven^a, took a position whence he could invest that place and Badajos. On the 15th of AprU the fortress of Oliven9a surrendered to the aUied arras ; but on the 12th of May, the re-advance of Marshal Soult was an nounced by General Blake, and the coraraanders 394 MEMOIRS OF resolved to give battle to the enemy. With this view the siege of Badajos was raised, and the array took a strong position fronting the banks of the Albuera. Early on the raorning of the l6th of Mayj the French passed the streara, designing to attack the Spaniards under Blake, and to tum the right wing of the alUes. After an obstinate resistance the enemy repassed the Albuera with precipita tion. Soiilt is said to have acknowledged, " that in the long course of his raiUtary service, he had never before witnessed so desperate and sangui nary a contest." In this battle were six different nations en gaged. British, French, Spaniards, Portuguese, Germans, and Poles : the French army consisted of near 30,000 raen, of which nuraber 4000 were cavalry : the alUes had about an equal number of infantry, but not above 2000 cavalry. Their total in kiUed and wounded amounted to about 6000 raen ; that of the French must have been greater. Before day-break on the 18th, Marshal Soult be* gan his retreat to SeviUe. In September, the French reinforcements enabled Marmont to ap pear in the field at the head of 60,000 men, and Lord WeUington retired behind the Coa. Between Great Britain and the United States the disputes sti!l remained unadjusted. Early in the year Mr. Forster was sent over as envoy ex- LORD LIVERPOOL. traordinary : but nothing material was effected by this mission. In the month of May an acci dental encounter occurred hetween the Little Belt, a king's ship of eighteen guns, and an Arae rican fiigate of forty-four guns. The two Go vernments equally disavowed intentional hostility ; but all these tilings tended to increase irritation. On the meeting of Congress on the 4th of No^ vember. President Maddison announced " the ne cessity of putting the United States into an armour and attitude demanded by the crisis, and cor responding with the national spirit and expec tation !" The most splendid naval achievement of the year was the conquest of the Isle of Java, by an armament fitted out from Madras, under the aus pices of Lord Minto. The Prince Regent's speech on the opening of ParUament, 7th January, 1812, expressed his deep sorrow at the continuance of his Majesty's indisposition, and at the unhappy disappointment of those hopes of his Majesty's early recovery, which had been cherished by his family and pepple. Parliament was congratulated on the complete success of the measures which had been pursued for tbe defence and security of the king doni of Portugal., The surprise pf General Girard's division by General Hill was noticed as a brUliant and important enterprise ; and the 396 MEMOIRS OF consuraraate judgraent and skiU displayed by Lord WeUington in the direction of the carapaign received its fiiU praise. The perseverance and gaUantry of the Spaniards, and the fitness of the new systera of warfare to the actual condition of the Spanish nation, are adduced as reasons for continuing to afford the raost effectual aid to the Spanish people. The possession of the Islands of Bourbon and the Mauritius, and of the settlement of Batavia, were noticed as giving great addi tional security to the British comraerce and pos sessions in the East Indies. The speech recom raended to the attention of ParUaraent the pro priety of providing such raeasures for the future government of the British possessions in India, as should secure their internal prosperity, and enable us to derive frora those flourishing domi nions the utraost degree of advantage. It re gretted, that though the affair of the Chesapeake had been finaUy settled, various iraportant sub jects of difference with the Governraent of the United States still reraained unadjusted, and stated, that the Prince Regent would continue to eraploy such raeans of conciUation as were con sistent with the honour and dignity of his Majes ty's crown, and with the due raaintenance of the raaritirae and coraraercial rights of the British Erapire. LORD LIVERPOOL, 397 Lord GrenviUe was again foremost in the ranks of Opposition, He once more condemned in toto the poUcy of Ministers, and particularly caUed upon the House of Lords to consider the porten tous way in which the state of Ireland was alluded to in the speech : the attention of Parlia ment was in no way directed to the oppressions and grievances of that country, but only to the revenue that might be derived from it. The Earl of Liverpool maintained, in reply, that " the system thus conderaned had justified itself by experience ; and professed his own readi ness, and that of his colleagues, to defend their conduct when the day should come for canvassing the subject. He thought there was nothing in the address which could prevent any member from concurring in the assurance given to the Regent of assistance in the discharge of his ardu ous duties," The most iraportant subject which carae under the consideration of Parliaraent this session, was the state of Ireland, On the 31st of January, 1812, Lord Fitzwilliara, in the House of Peers, moved for a Coraraittee of the whole. House to take into consideration the state of that country. After a long debate, in which the usual arguraents for Catholic Eraancipation were eloquently urged, the motion was rejected by a majority of 82, the 398 MEMOIRS OF numbers being 162 aad 79- The sarae motion was raade in the House of Coraraons, by Lord Morpeth. The debate continued two days, and the motion was lost by a majority of 94, the numbers being 229 and 125. • The internal tranquiUity of the country was, upon the whole, little disturbed at this period ; but towards the close of the last year, serious tu raults had broken out in the districts of the hosiery manufactory,, particularly in the couaty of Not- tiwghara ; occasioned by an iraproveraent which was introduced into the machinery for weavii^ stockings, and the discharge of many workmen which took place in consequence. They met in large nurabers to destroy the new weaving-frames : and this became the pretext of so much disorder^ that Ministers, felt it their duty to make the deliberate breaking of the fraraes a capital fe lony, , ., On the 27th of February, the bUl for effecting this was ordered for a second reading in th§ House of Lords, when the Earl of Liverpool stated its nature and necessity, Lord Byron, on this occasion, rose and described, in what is called a maiden speech, the distxessjip which had driven the poor raanufacturers to acts of outrage. " He expressed his detestation of the sanguinary spirit of a raeasure which, he con tended, had only been resorted to in consequence LORD LIVERPOOL. 399 of the neglect of Government to apply timely re medies for the evil."* The bUl, however, passed, and these outrages subsided. The disputes with America, destined only to be settled by the sword, w^re incidentally brought into discussion this session, by a message of the President of the United States to Congress. Without any previous communication with the British authorities, the President stated to that body, that " a Captain Henry had been sent by the Governor of the British territories of North America into the adjacent states, in order to foment discontents for the puipose of detaching them .from the Union." This appearing in the American newspapers. Lord HoUand, April 28th, rose in the House of Lords, and, after mentioning the fact of the message, said, " that he hoped the noble Lord opposite would be able to satisfy the * Lord Byron took grjeat pains in the composition of this- speech, and is said to have delivered it with considerable energy. He once more addressed the House in favour of Catholic Emancipation, as it is termed ; and a third and last time, when he presented a petition of Major Cartwright's on reform, " But if he had nerve he had not steadmess enough for a poUtical life in England, He seems always to have felt it was not his forte, and says he could never have adhered to any party. The late Lord Londonderry, he told Captain Medwin, however, was the only public character which he ever detested." — London Encyclop. Art. Byron, 400 MEMOIRS OF pubUc by a contradiction of the assertion it con tained," The Earl of Liverpool could have no hesitation in answering, that " no person had been employed by this Government to foment discontents in the United States ; and that no intention existed on the part of Government to raake any atterapt to se parate the Union." He said, that " Captain Henry was not eraployed by Governraent at aU ; and . he supposed that Sir Jaraes Craigg could have em ployed him only to obtain information with a view to the defence of Canada, in case of a war." Lord Holland, however, persisted in giving credit to the charge : and again introduced the subject on a raotion for papers. May Sth. He said, "the proposition he should subrait to their Lordships had no reference whatever to the line of policy proper to be pursued with respect to the United States, but was grounded on the general relations of all civilized states ; he could not, therefore, understand upon what objections an opposition to his motion (which had been inti raated) could be founded. It went to the crimi nation of no raan, or set of raen, but upon the necessity of vindicating the Govemment of this country from What he trusted was an unfounded charge raade against it." His Lordship then re ferred to certain points of the papers corarauni cated to Congress, and to that part of the instruc- LORD LIVERPOOL, 401 tions to Captain Henry which mentioned the in closure of credentials to him, and spoke of the probability of the FederaUsts no longer submitting to the situation in which they had been placed by Government, but eventually looking up to the English for their assistance. He proceeded to show the dishonourableness of such conduct, and the improbability that Sir J, Craig would have so employed Henry without instructions from his Government, or transmitting to it the communi cations he had received ; and he adverted to the fact, that when Henry clairaed his reward, he presented a meraorial to the office of Lord Liver pool, referring to Sir J. Craig for his conduct, and had, in consequence, received a letter to General Prevost, the successor of Sir J. Craig, recoramending him to a valuable office in the country which he governed. In answer to this, the Earl of Liverpool reca pitulated his former stateraent, " that the Go vernment here had no knowledge of the eraploy raent of the person in question, until raany raonths after the transaction. It was true, that a person named Levates, going, in 1808, from Canada to the United States on his own business, had, of his own accord, opened a correspondence with the Governor of Canada, for the purpose of affording inforraation ; and his Lordship justified this pro ceeding by a detail ofthe raenacing attitude with 2 D 402 MEMOIRS OF respect to the British American possessions thenf assuraed by the United States, Sir J. Craig sent Henry thither in Febmary 1809. Much of what appeared in the papers was false and un founded ; but as far as authentic instruction, went, he raust contend that the directions were not for the purpose of exciting discontent, but wholly for obtaining necessary infcrraation. With respect to the remuneration of Captain Henry, as he had a recoraraendation frora Sir J. Craig, backed by sorae very respectable persons in London, and it appeared that he had been: meally eraployed in services for which a rerauneration had been pro mised, he (the Secretary), had held it his duty to act as was raentioned in the correspondence with Sir G. Prevpst. It was not afterwards deemed consistent with deUcacy to say any thing which raight in the least have reflected upon the cha racter of Sir Ji. Craig, who had returned home from his governraent under a mortal distemper, and had survived but a few months. He could not. approve the course adopted by the noble Baron, but thought it should be left to; Govem ment to pursue the proper measures to explain and set forth the subject in its true light. Nor could he approve of the conduct of the Araerican executive, which, without demanding explana* tion, or making any notification to the British Minister, had at once laid the papers before Congress. " L0R6 LIVERPOOL. 4(fH Lord HbB^nd's motiori, thiough str6ngl|3^ ^o poi'ted by Lbrd G^ey, #as negatived by a' iriEi-' jMtf of 7^ t6 27. Eafly in tlie sTesMori- the Council apiWi:rit6d tO a^i^t iU6 Queeri' I'epbrted', " that all tMs ^hy^i- cians attending Hrs Majesty dgr^e iri' sta'ting thiat th^y think his' Majesty's complete and' firial re- co'^ery irilprobabfe." Mr. Perceval therefore pro posed arid* carried a plan fof the farther ai-range- irierit Of the royal household; and r^CdmmendlSdf various additions to tM civil list for the suppol't ofthe' siSj5arate Establishment of the Regent. At thiM^ period th^' Administration was weaken ed by the secession of Marquisss Wellesley. The pri^ri'Cij^al metivB he assigned for this step was tbte difference of opinion subsisting- bfetWe"6ri- him self and the ether p&rty pf th'e Cabinet as' te th% scale on which the war in the PeiiirisUlai should be carried on. A stateifient, pubUshed by his friiSrids, added that he had repeatedly yiel^detf' witli reluctance to the opinion of his CoUeagu^es' on various other points ; and that he Could not, iri fifae, pay ariy deference to Mr. PerCeV'araS a Premier, without irijui'y to the public service. He signified his interition of withdrawing on the 16th of January, but observed^ that' he Would cdflsUlt the Prince Regent's wi^h, dnd the cori- vCrilerice df the public service, as t'o' the exact tilriei Mr. Perceval now naturaUy e^plo^e'd himself 2 D 2 404 MEMOIRS OF in looking around for a successor to his Lordship ; and the year of restrictions on the power of the Regent drew to a close. To pursue this part of the history of the Adrainistration to its issue. Lord Wellesley, we raay add, was pressed by the Prince Regent to retain his situation in the public service ; and at the expiration of the re strictions, to state his raind on the general sub ject of the forraation of a new Ministry. He now, therefore, declared that " in his judgraent it ought to be forraed on an interraediary principle, between instant concession, and eternal exclusion with respect to the Roraan Catholics ; and on an understanding that the war should be carried on with adequate vigour." He added that " he should be ready to serve with Mr. Perceval on such a basis; but would never again serve under him in any circurastances. The sequel was, that in two days afterwards Lord Wellesley received, through the Chancellor, the Prince Regent's ac ceptance of his resignation, and deUvered up the Seals on February 19- A few days before this, his Royal Highness had addressed to his late lamented brother, the Duke of York, a letter explanatory of his sentiments respecting the servants of the Crown at the pre sent crisis. As a document proceeding from so high a quarter, and of great interest at the time, we subjoin it entire. LORD LIVERPOOL. 405 LETTER FROM HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT, TO HIS LATE ROYAL HIGHNESS THE DUKE OF YORK. " My dearest Brother, — As the restrictions on the exercise of the royal authority wUl shortly expire, when I must make my arrangements for the future administration of the powers with which I am invested, I think it right to commu nicate to you those sentiments which I was with held from expressing at an earlier period of the session, by my earnest desire, that the expected motion on the affairs of Ireland might undergo the deliberate discussion of Parliaraent, unmixed with any other consideration. " I think it hardly necessary to call your recol lection to the recent circumstances under which I assumed the authority delegated to me by Parliament. At a moment of unexampled diffi culty and danger, I was called upon to make a selection of persons to whom I should entrust the ftmctions of the executive government, " My sense of duty to our royal father solely decided that choice ; and every private feeling gave way to considerations which admitted of no doubt or hesitation, ¦ I trust I acted in that re spect as the genuine representative of the august person whose functions I was appointed to dis charge ; and I have the satisfaction of knowing. 406 ?H^!S(ipf]^S OF that such was the opinion of persons, for whose judgment and honourable principles I entertain the highest respect. " In various instances, as you weU know, where ph^ la)v of th/e }§ft sessipn left me at fuU Uberty, I waved any personal gra