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NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL.

BY
NATHANIEL MOETON,
SECKETART TO THE COTJKT FOK THE JURISDICIION OF NEW-PLIMOUTD.
SIXTH EDITION.

GOVERNOR BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH COLONY;
PORTIONS OF PRINCE'S CHRONOLOGY; GOVERNOR
BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE ; GOV. WINSLOW'S
VISITS TO MASSASOIT ;
WITH
NUMEROUS MARGINAL NOTES
AND AN

APPENDIX,

CONTAINING NUMEEOUS ARTICLES RELATING TO THE LABORS,
PRINCIPLES, AND CHARACTER OP THE PURITANS
AND PILGRIMS.

Itur in antiquam sylvam.

BOSTON:
CONGREGATIONAL BOAED OF PUBLICATION.
16 TEBMONT TEMPLE. •
1855.

Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1864, by
SEWALL HAEDING,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts.

'^^l: 'C, l«>

CAMBRIDGE:
ALLEN ASD FAENHAM, PRINTERS.

Copy of tha Title-Page of the First Edition.

NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL:
OK,
A BEIEF RELATION
OP THE
• MOST MEMORABLE AND REMARKABLE PASSAGES
OP THE
PEOVIDENCE OF GOD,
MANIFESTED TO THE
PLANTERS OF NEW-ENGLAND IN AMERICA
WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE
TO THE
FIRST COLONY THEREOF,
^ CALLED
NEW-PLIMOUTH.
AS ALSO A KOSnNATION OP DIVERS OP THE MOST EMINENT
INSTRUMENTS DECEASED, BOTH OP CHUP.CH AND COM
MONWEALTH, IMPROVED IN THE FIRST BEGINNING
AND AFTER PROGRESS OF SUNDRY OP THE RE
SPECTIVE JURISDICTIONS IN THOSE PARTS;
IN REFERENCE UNTO SUNDRY EXEM
PLARY PASSAGES OF THEIR LIVES,
AND THE TIME OF THEIR
DEATH.

Published for the use and benefit of, present and future, generations,
BY NATHANIEL MORTON,
SECKETART TO THE COURT, FOR THE JURISDICTION
OF UEW-PLIMOUTH.

Deut. xxxii. 10. — He found him in a desert land, in the waste howling wilderness
he led him about ; he instructed him, he kept him as the apple of his eye.
Jer. ii. 2, 3. — I remember thee, the kindness of thy youth, the love of thine espou
sals, when thou wentest after me in the wildemesa, in the land that was not
sown, &c.
Deut. viii. 2, 16. — And thou shalt remember all the way which the Lord thy God
led thee this forty years in the wilderness, &c.

CAMBRIDGE : 1
PRINTED BY S. G. AND M. d. FOR JOHN USHER OF BOSTON.
1669.

TO THE READER.
It is much to be desired there might be extant A Compleat History of
the United Colonies of New-England, that God may have the praise of his
goodness to his People here, and that the present and future Generations
may have the benefit thereof. This being not attainable for the present, nor
suddenly to be expected, it is very expedient, that (while sundry of the
Eldest Planters are yet living) Records and Memorials of Remarkable Provi
dences be preserved and published, that the true Originals of these Planta
tions may not be lost, that New-England, in all times to come, may remem
ber the day of her smallest things, and that there may be a furniture of
Materials for a true and full History in after-times.
For these and such-like Reasons we are willing to Recommend unto the
Reader this present Narrative as a Useful Piece. The Author is an ap
proved godly man, and one of the first Planters at Plimouth. The Work
itself is Compiled with Modesty of Spirit, Simplicity of Stj'le, and truth of
Matter, containing the Annals of New-England for the space of 47 years,
with special reference to Plimouth Colony, which was the first, and where
the Author hath had his constant abode : And (yet so far as his Intelli
gence did reach) relating many remarkable Passages in the several Colonies:
and also making an honourable mention of divers of the most Eminent Ser
vants of God that have been amongst us in several parts of the Country,
after they had finished their course. We hope that the Labour of this good
man will find a general Acceptance amongst the People of God, and also be
a means to provoke some or other in the rest of the Colonies (who have had
knowledge of things from the beginning) to contribute their Observations
and Memorials also ; by which means what is wanting in this Narrative may
be supplied by some others : and so in the issue, from divers Memorials
there may be matter for a just History of New-England in the Lord's good
time. In the mean time, this" may stand for a Monument, and be deservedly
acknowledged as an Ebenezer, that Hitherto the Lord hath helped us.
March 26, 1669. John Higginson,*
Thomas Thacher.^
* Minister of Salem, died Dec. 9, 1708, in the 93d year of his age.
t First minister of the Old South Church, in Boston, died October 15, 1678.

EDITOR'S PREFACE.

It is the design of the Congregational Board of Publica
tion to publish, not only the writings of eminent men relating
to Christian doctrine, but such books, experimental and his
torical, as give a practical illustration of the influence of
these doctrines upon those who embrace them. With this
view the Society have selected for 'publication, the New
England's Memorial, a time-honored book, and long accred
ited as an impartial history of the first half century of the
Pilgrim Fathers and the Pilgrim churches. The hfe and
character of the writer and his public station were such, that
&om the, first, the public mind was prepared to give full
credit to his statements. Many facts and circumstances, not
known, or not noticed by him, and now considered as essen
tial to a full knowledge and illustration of the reUgious char
acter of the Pilgrim Fathers, have been collected from other
sources, and are inserted in the notes and appendix of this
edition. It had come to be pretty generally known that Governor
Bradford had written a history of the Pilgrims, and of the
colony from 1602 to 1647, not only from what the author of
the Memorial says, but from the testimony of Governor
Hutchinson, who used it in writing his history, as also of
Rev. Mr. Prince, who used it in compiling his annals. It con
tained 270 pages quarto, and must have been of great value,

vi EDITOR'S PREFACE.
but the most diligent search of historians and antiquarians
to find it entire, has failed. Mr. Prince says, " Morton's His
tory from the beginning of the Plymouth people to the end
of 1646, is chiefly Gov. Bradford's manuscript abbreviated."
An important part of this manuscript was copied by Secre
tary Morton himself, and placed upon the Chmch Records
at Plymouth, as appears from a marginal note on the first
page of said records. A part of this has been published by
Rev. Mr. Young, in his Chronicles. "We publish in this edi
tion such parts of this record as are not contained in the
Memorial, which certainly adds much weight to the state
ments of Morton, and gives additional interest and authen
ticity to the pilgrim history. Gov. Bradford's qualifications
and character were such that his narrative is fully reliable.-
" No man stands better than he on the roUs of history, civil
or ecclesiastical."
We have added such other articles as seemed desirable to
make this volume a complete narrative of the events of the
time included, viz. : Gov. Bradford's Dialogue between the
young men and ancient men, the two visits of Gov. Winslow
to Massasoit, the labors of the early settlers for the instruc
tion of the Indians, the Faith and Order of the Leyden-Ply-
mouth Church, and large extracts from Rev. Mr. Hunter's
recent work, showing more conclusively than has heretofore
been done, the early residence of Brewster and Bradford, and
the location of their first place of separate worship.
The Memorial was first published in 1669, in the lifetime
of the author, Nathaniel Morton, who, three years after the
settlement of Plymouth, being then eleven years of age, came
thither from his native town in the north of England, with
his father and mother. (She was the sister of Gov. Brad
ford.) In 1645, he was elected clerk of the Colony Court,
and held that office forty years, till the time of his death.

EDITOR'S PREFACE. vii
His work was printed at Cambridge in a small quarto vol
ume, and the Colony of Plymouth defrayed part of the ex
penses. A second edition was printed in Boston in 1721,
with a supplement by Josiah Cotton, Esq. ; a third in New
port in 1772 ; a fourth edition at Plymouth, 1826. A fifth
edition was prepared by Hon. John Davis, and pubhshed in
Boston in 1826. We have revised and compared the text of
this last with the first edition, and prepared, from the origi
nal sources, many new explanatory notes.
Messrs. Thatcher and Higginson, eminent divines, it wiU
be noticed in the original preface, speak of the author as a
godly man, and that the work is compiled of truthful mat
ter, and the author acknowledges his indebtedness to the
manuscript of Governors Bradford and Winslow, though he
himself collected all the papers which he thought could be of
any use to the colony.
We have deemed it appropriate and fitting to publish some
historical and explanatory, account of the principles and polity
of their order and the usages of their churches, as embraced
and practised by Robinson, his associates and successors,
that we may have in the same volume a more extended nar
rative of the principles and motives of these renowned men.
And here we acknowledge our indebtedness to the Hon.
Zachariah Eddy of Middleboro', for the historical notice of
the Leyden Church, which migrated to Plymouth, and its in
fluence in the gathering of similar churches at home and
abroad, which, with other important matter, we annex as an
appendix to this history. Mr. Eddy has given great atten
tion to this subject for many years, and is well versed in the
history of that church, its principles and usages, and the sub
sequent progress of Independency in England and in this
country. We are indebted to him also for some of the notes
in this volume. '

viii EDITOR'S PREFACE.
In regard to their origin, it is not easy to fix upon the pre
cise time when the Puritans first existed as a distinct party.
They are called Puritans, who would have the church thor
oughly reformed, that is, purged from aU those inventions
which have been brought into it since the age of the Apos
tles, and reduced entirely to the Scripture purity.
Bancroft and some others have supposed that the refusal of
Hooper to be consecrated in vestments, as the Bishop of
Gloucester, marks the era when the Puritans first existed as
a separate party.
From documents more recently discovered, it seems that
their origin may be traced to the days of Wicklifle.
" The struggle between the old and the new Theology,"
says Macauley, "was long and the event was somewhat
doubtful. Henry the VIII. attempted to constitute an An
glican Church, difiering from the Roman Catholic, on the
point of supremacy only. By the agency of Cranmer, a
compromise was made, and to this, day, the constitution, the
doctrines, and the services of the Engfish Church retain the
visible marks of the compromise from which she sprang.
She occupies a middle position between the churches of
Rome and Geneva. The controversy was not yet settled.
As the priest of the established church was from interest,
from principle, and from passion, zealous for the royal prerog
atives ; the Puritan was from interest, from principle, and from
passion hostile to them. During the greater part of the
reign of Elizabeth, the Puritans in the House of Commons
felt no disposition to array themselves in systematic opposi
tion to the government. But the leaven was at work, and
the opposition which had, during forty years, been silently
gathering and husbanding sti-ength, in the Parfiament of
1601, fought its first great battle.
« The political and reHgious schism which had originated in

EDITOR'S PREFACE. ix
the 16th century was, during the first quarter of the
17th century, constantly widening. Theories tending to
Turkish despotism were in fashion at Whitehall. Theories
tending to republicanism were in favor with a large portion
of the House of Commons. The Prelatists who were zeal
ous for prerogative, and the Puritans who were zealous for
the privileges of Parliament, regarded each other with
animosity." Those who with the spirit of Wickliffe, Huss, and Calvin,
presumed to assert their rights, were met with the same vio
lent opposition as were their prototypes. An Ecclesiastical
Court of High Commission was established consisting of
forty-four persons, — twelve bishops, and the others privy
counsellors, clergymen, and civilians, for the detection and
punishment of non-conformity to the established church.
Individuals were condemned and hung for distributing tracts
on religious liberty. But the Puritans were not to be thus
subdued, for they were conscientious and intrepid men.
They could not be compelled by threats, imprisonment, or
death, to compromise their principles. Compromise was re
garded by them as apostasy. Neither the offer of pardon?
nor the pains of a lingering death could induce them to
waver or hesitate. They were the implacable adversaries of
religious oppression. They admitted of no hierarchy in the
church, — of no parliament or king to interpret for them the
word of God, which they made their only standard, and,
under its guide, conformed their ecclesiastical discipline to
republican simplicity. Separate congregations were formed,
and secession from the established church was advocated.
The government became alarmed, and penalties were inflicted,
but all to no purpose, except to give more publicity to the
sentiments of the Puritans, and to increase their number, un
til it was said in Parliament " that there were in England

X EDITOR'S PREFACE.
twenty thousand of those who frequented conventicles." After
forty years of persecution the number of non-conformists
was found to be greatly increased, and their opposition to the
estabhshed church had become irreconcilable. They had
become a strong political party, and ventured openly to de
mand a reform in the church. On the accession of King
James hopes were indulged of a more lenient administration,
but only to be disappointed. Petitions for the redress of
abuses were denied, and religious assemblies and free dis
cussion prohibited. But such pressure only increased their
numbers, until the Houses of Commons became their ally in
the defence of liberty against despotism. On the other
hand, the enmity and violence of the King and the church
were increased, and in 1604, it is said three hundred Puritan
ministers were silenced, imprisoned, or exiled ; yet the party
was not destroyed, but continued to be the sole guardians of
civil and religious liberty.
The separation was becoming more marked. A congre
gation of Independents had been formed in the north of
England, and as early as 1592, a petition was presented to
the Crown for permission to go to America, there to enjoy the
civil and ecclesiastical privileges for which they were con
tending. We are indebted to Rev. John Waddington, pastor of the
Pilgrim Church, Southwark, London, for an exact copy of
the original petition (above alluded to) of the Separatists.
This was recently discovered by Mr. Waddington. And
being an interesting document, which should be preserved, we
insert it here.
" To the Right Honorable, tlie Lords of her Majesty's most Honorable Privy Counca.-
"Whereas, we her Majesty's natural born subjects, true
and loyal— now lying many of ns in other countries as men

EDITOR'S PREFACE. xi
exiled her Highness' Dominions, and the rest which remain
within Her Grace's land greatly distressed through imprison
ment and other great troubles sustained only for some mat
ters of conscience, in which our most lamentable estate, we
cannot in that measure perform the duty of subjects as we
desire : and also whereas means is now offered for our being
in a foreign and far country which lieth to the west from
hence, in the province of Canada, where by the providence
of the Almighty, and her Majesty's most gracious favor, we
may not only worship God as we are in conscience persuaded
by His Word — but also do unto her Majesty and our coun
try great good service, and in time also greatly annoy that
bloody and persecuting Spaniard about the Bay of Mexico.
Our most humble suit is, that it may please your honors to
be a means unto her excellent Majesty, that with her most
gracious favor and protection we may peaceably depart
thither, and there remaining to be accounted her Majesty's
faithful and loving subjects — to whom we owe all duty and
obedience in the Lord, promising hereby and taking God to
record, who searcheth the hearts of all people — that where
soever we become we will by the grace of God live and die
faithful to her Highness and this land of our nativity.
"Endorsed: —
"The HU3IBLE Petition op hek Highness' FAixHrnL snBJECTS,
EALSELT CALLED BkOWNISTS. NOV. 1592."
We shaU expect other documents throwing light upon the
history of our Puritan ancestors from the same individual,
who is finding many original manuscripts in relation to them,
and who expresses his confident " belief that with adequate
care and attention the course of the hidden church from
which the Pilgrims sprang may be traced from the days of
Wickliffe, and that papers are in existence that will show the

xu EDITOR'S PREFACE.
gradual development of the principles which lie not only at
the foundation of American greatness — but which will tend
to secure for humanity in its widest range, the freedom, peace,
security, and happiness — that by possibility, can have no
existence without them."
In principle, they were Calvinists and Protestants, renounc
ing human authority in matters of faith, and claiming the
liberty to form their views and regulate their practice accord
ing to their own judgment of the W«rd of God. Their un
shaken confidence in the doctrines they embraced, sustained
them in their sufferings, and disposed them to persevere until
their departure from England ; and their arrival in Holland
marked the beginning of the adventures and pilgrimage
recorded in the following pages, in which the reader wiU have
an interesting portion of the history of these world-renowned
men. A reliable English writfr has said : " The Puritans saved
England in the 17th century from a relapse into Popery.
On this account, they deserved to be honored and loved by
the Protestants of the present day. In aU probability the
salvation of England from such a relapse in the 19th century
will depend, under God, upon the men who imbibe their sen
timents and emulate their piety and heroism. From the
beginning, Puritanism has been the soul of English Protes
tantism, and therefore its history deserves to be diligently
studied, and its spirit gratefully revered by aU who really
value the cause of the Reformation."
If so much can be said of the influence of the Puritans in
Old England, how much more of their influence in New
England. To them we are indebted for both our ecclesias
tical and civil institutions. And if these institutions are to
be preserved and perpetuated in their simplicity and purity
for another century, it will be from the remains of Puritan
integrity and influence.

EDITOR'S PREFACE. xiii
Stoughton, in his Spfritual Heroes, says : —
" Men who have no sympathy with their bold and ardent
spirit, and their fearless love of what they felt to be right,
have charged them with pride, but the truth is, that deep hu
mility was a distinguished element of their character. In
matters of conscience they asserted their independence of
the creature, because they cherished an unwavering reliance
on their Creator."
" To say," observes Dr. Arnold, " that the Puritans were
wanting in humility, because they did not acquiesce in the
state of things which they found around them, is a mere ex
travagance arising out of a total misapprehension of the
nature of humility, and of the merits of the feeling of ven
eration. " AU earnestness and depth of character is incompatible
with such notion of humility. A man deeply penetrated
with some great truth, and compelled, as it were, to obey it,
cannot listen to every one who may be indifferent to it or
opposed to it.
" There is a voice to which he already owes obedience,
which he serves with the humblest devotion, which he wor
ships with the most intense veneration. It is not that such
feelings are dead in him, but that he has bestowed them on
one object, and they are claimed for another. This charge of
want of humility is one frequently brought by weaker and
baser minds against the stronger and nobler, not seldom by
those who are at once arrogant and indifferent against those
who are, in truth, as humble as they are zealous." Such is
the noble vindication of the Puritans, by the distinguished
Arnold, Professor of History, in that University where the
men in question have been so often maligned. And Stough
ton, in his Sketches of the Puritans, says, " Their stern moral
B

XIV EDITOR'S PREFACE.
grandeur illuminates the sixteenth century with a solemn
light which excites awe, while it inspires admiration."
An ample roll of serious thought is opened when, from the
eminence of prosperity where we stand, we go back to the
lonely graves, whither was followed one after another good
man, " that had done and suffered much for the Lord Jesus'
and the gospel's sake, and borne his part in weal and woe
with this poor, persecuted church in England, Holland, and
this wilderness, and done the Lord and them faithful service
in his place and calling." And even those specimens of ele
giac poetry which this rich volume furnishes, though doubt
less not the most harmonious offspring of the muse, have to
our view the better merit of the solemn, hopeful, affectionate
spirit of noble natures.
The Memorial and Bradford's history exhibit the charac
teristics of strong-hearted and venerable men and women.
There are strong reasons why all the people of om- land
should read these memorials, and make themselves familiar
with the character of their pious ancestors, whose principles
made them what they were, and became the basis of all our
good institutions.
We cannot better express our views of the importance of
the subject-matter before us, than by inserting here a few
brief extracts from distinguished men relating to Plymouth
and the Pilgrims. This will also give the reader, the judg
ment and testimony of others, in regard to the importance of
that portion of our history comprised in this volume.
President Dwight says, "Plymouth was the first town
built in New England by civilized men ; and those by whom
it was built were inferior in worth to no body of men whose
names are recorded in history during the last 1700 years. A
kind of venerableness, arising from these facts, attaches to

EDITOR'S PREFACE. XV
this town which may be termed a prejudice. Still, it has its
foundation in the nature of man, and will never be eradicated
either by philosophy or ridicule. No New Englander who is
wilHng to indulge his native feeUng, can stand upon the rock
where our ancestors set the first foot after their amval on the
American shore, without experiencing emotions very different
from those which are excited by any common object of the
same nature. No New Englander could be willing to have
that rock buried and forgotten. Let him reason as much, as
coldly, and as ingeniously as he pleases, he will stiU regard
that spot with emotions whoUy different from those which
are excited by other places of equal or even superior im
portance." *
" Two hundred years ago the colony of Plymouth was one
of the most important on the North American continent.
Its chief town was the equal in rank with New Amsterdam
and Boston. Its governors and magistrates were statesmen
whose names are immortal. The acts of its Council, the
wars in which it was engaged, the famines and pestilences it
endured, and every event that affected its welfare and pros
perity, are matters of which we read in the histories of the
nation. The classic names of Athens and Sparta, and even
of Rome itself, are not more familiar to the memory, than is
that of Plymouth ; and in the time to come there is no spot
upon the earth that will possess in the hearts of men an inter
est more universal and enduring than the Rock at which
ended the long and weary voyage of the passengers of the
Mayflower. We have all heard and read of Plymouth ; the
very mention of its name sounds in our ears like the key-note
of a national anthem of liberty.
" Five millions of us claim to have descended from its early
* Travels, Vol. II. 110.

xvi EDITOR'S PREFACE.
colonists ; there is hardly a day in aU the year, in which we
do not hear, or utter an allusion to Plymouth, or the Pilgrim
Fathers, in sermon, oration, speech, or conversation, — we
boast of the religion of the Puritans, and assert, what no one
^can deny, that the Pilgrim Fathers shaped the model which
has given the form to our free institutions and government,
and acknowledge the town of Plymouth to have been the
birthplace of our nation." *
" We are singularly fortunate in having om- whole national
rise and progress lie within the fimits of recorded time.
What would be the price of -Cadmus' journal upon the land
of lost gods and godlike men, of Romulus' assignment of
the two acres of land to each primeval citizen ? Undoubt
edly we owe as much to the settlers of Plymouth and Salem,
as Greece and Rome professed to owe to their fabulous dy
nasties of kings. Bradford and Winthrop were in all respects
quite as praiseworthy persons as Theseus and Numa.
" Plymouth is the oldest of the New England colonies, and
to its early success may be traced the origin of all the others.
It is the place where civilization and Christianity were first
introduced into New England. It has been the scene of
many a trial, and of the fulfilment of many a high resolve.
It was here that the government, based on the will of the
governed, was first established on the American continent,
and the great principle, that all should obey such laws as a
majority of the people should make, distinctly acknowledged.
No people had so fuUy appreciated the rights of each
member of the state; none had felt so deeply the great
cause of humanity, or entertained such cheering hopes of
human improvement. They were men of strong minds, and
made a proper estimate of the value of their pohtical and

* Harper's Magazine, Dec. 1853.

EDITOR'S PREFACE. xvii
religious principles. They placed but little value on wealth
or rank. They acted from higher motives than these afford.
They had among them men of preeminent talents and char
acter. As a civil magistrate, Bradford, the father of the col
ony, would by his sound good sense and elevated patriotism,
have done honor to any age. Of the services of Brewster,
we can hardly make too high an estimate. For twenty-four
years he was the spiritual father and guide of the colony.
He came with the Pilgrims, and with them he was willing to
endure and suffer. Success was never to be despaired of
when Standish led the way. The Winslows, AUerton, Alden,
Hatherly, Prince, and Hinkley, were aU good men and true,
who in their efforts and sacrifices, had no other object in view
than their country's good, and the progress of truth and right
eousness. In their intercourse with the Indians, the people
of the colony set a bright example of humanity, and the same
sense of justice is here witnessed that pervaded all their pub
lic and private acts. Not a foot of soil was taken from them
without their consent. Their treaty with Massasoit was
most scrupulously observed. In their conduct toward the
Quakers, they were comparatively mild and humane, pre
ferring to let their errors be promulgated, and die unmolested,
rather than make them martyrs by the prison or the gal
lows." *
Mistakes have sometimes been made by not distinguishing
between the two colonies. During the time covered by the
Memorial, Plymouth was a separate colony, and was gov
erned by officers of their choice, and had not been united
with Massachusetts, and was not until 1692. The planters
of Massachusetts were not Pilgrims, but their proper desig
nation was that of Puritans. The Pilgrims were " the old

* North American Review, Vol. L. p. 336, and on.
B'

xviii EDITOR'S PREFACE.
comers," the immigrants in the three first ships to Plymouth;
the fugitives, the exiles, the wanderers, and the final settlers
oh the Rock.
"Through scenes of gloom and misery, the Pilgrims
showed the way to an asylum for those who would go to the
wilderness for the purity of religion, or the liberty of con
science. Accustomed in their native land to no more than a
plain country hfe, and the innocent trade of husbandry, they
set the example of colonizing New England, and formed the
mould for the civil and religious character of its institutions.
Enduring every hardship themselves, they were the servants
of posterity, the benefactors of succeeding generations. In
the history of the world many pages are devoted to com
memorate the heroes who have besieged cities, subdued
provinces, or overthrown empires. A colony is a better
offering than a victory; the citizens of the United States
should rather cherish the memory of those who founded
a state on the basis of democratic liberty, — the fathers of
the country, — the men who, as they first trod the soil of the
new world, scattered the seminal principles of repubhcan
freedom and national independence." *
" The Pilgrims were actuated by that principle which has
given the first impulse to all the great movements of the
modern world, — I mean profound religious faith." " This is
the spirit which in all ages has wrought the moral miracles
of humanity."!
" The Pilgrim Fathers cannot be remembered too often or
reverenced too deeply ; — and that not as a mere matter of
respect and gratitude to the dead, but for the improvement
and instruction of the living. Rarely, indeed, has there been
a moment in our history, when it was more important than

* Bancroft's History, Vol. I. 322. j Edward Everett.

EDITOR'S PREFACE. xix
at this moment that the American people should remember,
not merely the rock on which the Pilgrims landed, but the
Rock in which they trusted, and should cherish and hold fast
the principles which fitted them to become the fathers and
founders of a great country. It will be well if we do not
forget that the only safe and sure progress is the ' Pilgrim's
Progress ; ' — a progress begun, continued, and ended in the
fear of God, in respect for government, in the love of freedom,
and in justice to all mankind. Let the descendants of the
Pilgrims see to it, that their lives and practice are in keeping
with the origin of which they are so justly proud, let them
prove their title to hail from Plymouth Rock, not merely by
genealogies and pedigrees, but by emblazoning the virtues
and principles of the Pilgrims upon their own character and
conduct. Then will our country be secure." *
" The Sons and Daughters of New England. — May their
contributions to the true glory of the republic be ever exhib
ited in an unwavering fidelity to those principles of thek Pil
grim fathers that were founded upon the RocK."f
We have made these quotations from distinguished men,
(and we might add many others,) as evidence of the high and
universal veneration with which are regarded the Character
and Principles of our Pilgrim Fathers. In issuing this
volume, we desire to perpetuate to future generations the
knowledge of these men — their sufferings, their self-denial,
their perseverance, which were the result of their unshaken
confidence in God — their " firm belief that the Lord was
with them, and that he would graciously prosper their en
deavors, according to the simplicity of their hearts." They
uttered these words with sincerity, embarked in a just cause,
and succeeded. We may hope that many by reading this
* Robert C. "Winthrop. f Gov. Clifford.

XX EDITOR'S PREFACE.
volume, will cherish their memory, imbibe their spirit, and
perpetuate their principles. Nothing seems to bring us so
near to them as to read the history of their doings written in
their own style by those of their own time and number.
We seem to be in their company and to join in their con
sultations and their prayers while they contemplate their
removal to America. We sympathize in their crosses, and
few comforts. We admire their pious magnanimity and con
stancy, and almost feel their sufferings. May it be the means
of deepening our convictions of the importance of their relig
ious principles, and of the desirableness of that strong and
living faith which sustained their hearts, impelled them for
ward in their pilgrimage, and enabled them to say, " as sor
rowful, yet always rejoicing."
Their history serves as a powerful illustration of the truth
and efficacy of their principles, and furnishes an example
worthy of our grateful admiration.
" O ye, who proudly boast.
In your free veins the blood of sires like these,
Look to their Uneaments. Dread lest ye loose
Their likeness in your sons. Should Mammon cKno-
Too close around your heart, or wealth beget
That bloated luxm-y wliich eats the core
From manly virtue, or the tempting world
Make faint the Christian purpose in your soul.
Turn ye to Plymouth rock, and where they knelt,
Kneel, and renew the vow they breathed to God."
Boston, 1855.

CONTENTS

New England's Memorial, or a brief relation of the
most remarkable passages of the providence of
God manifested to the Planters of New England m
America, with special reference to the first col
ony thereof, called New Plimouth .... 1-228
Gov. Bradford's History of Plymouth Colony . . 229
Morton's Preface  231-233
Introduction to the Ecclesiastical History of the
Church of Christ at Plymouth in New England . 235-242
Chapter I. Beginning of the Pilgrim movement . . . 243-246
Chapter H. Of their departure into Holland, and their trou
bles thereabout, with some of the many difficulties they found 247-251
Chapter HI. Of their settling in Holland, and their manner
of living and entertainment there  252-257
Chapter IV. Showing the reasons and causes of their removal 258-262
Chapter V. Showing what means they used for preparation
to this weighty voyage  263-283
New England Chronology, by Thomas Prince . . . 285-320
Governor Bradford's Dialogue  321
Morton's Preface  323-325
A Dialogue, or the sum of a conference between some young
men born in New England and sundry ancient men that
came out of Holland and Old England .... 327-356

XXU CONTENTS.
Visits to Massasoit  ^^^
L A journey to Pakanokit, the habitation of the great King Mas
sasoit ; as also our message, the answer and entertainment
we had of him ......¦• 359—367
n. Winslow's second journey to Pakanokit, to visit Massasoit m
his sickness .......•• 367—375

APPENDIX.

The labors of the Pilgrims and early settlers of the Plymouth
Colony, for the instruction and conversion of the Indians
The Eaith and Order of the Leyden-Plymouth Church ; and their
influence on other churches in England, and in this country .
Congregationalism in Massachusetts
Congregationalism in England
The Address of Rev. Robert Vaughan
The Savoy Platform 
Discipline and Order of the English Churches
Principles of Church Order and Discipline .
The PhiUips Family 
The Articles of Faith and Covenant of 1629, and of 1
Extracts from Rev. Joseph Hunter's recent work, entitled Collec
tions concerning the church or congregation of Protestant Sep
aratists formed at Scrooby, in North Nottinghamshire, in the time
of King James I 
Gov. Winslow's account of the natives of New England
A Description of Plymouth, by De Rasieres, an ambassador from
the Dutch at Manhattan, in 1627 

636

379-399
400-438439-444 444-447 448-451451-452 452
453^56457-458
459-464

465-485
486^94
495-500

J(EW E}(GLAND'S MEMORIAL.

TO THE
EIGHT WORSHIPFUL, THOMAS PRINCE, ESQ.,
GOVERNOR OF THE JURISDICTION OF KEW PLIMOUTH ;
WITH
THE WORSHIPFUL, THE MAGISTRATES,
HIS ASSISTAITTS IX THE SAID G0VEKN3IENT :
N. M. u-isheth Peace and Prosperity in this life, and Eternal Happiness ia that
which is to come.

Right Worshipful,
The consideration of the weight of duty that lieth upon us,
to commemorize to future generations the memorable pas
sages of God's providence to us and our predecessors in the
beginning of this plantation, hath wrought in me a restless
ness of spirit, and earnest desire, that something might be
achieved in that behalf, more (or at least otherwise) than as
yet hath been done. Many discouragements I have met with,
both from within and without myself; but reflecting upon the
ends I have proposed to myself in setting out in this work, it
hath afforded me some support, viz. the glory of God, and the
good of present and future generations. Being also induced
hereunto by the consideration that yourselves (especially some
of you) are fuUy acquainted with many of the particulars,
1

2 EPISTLE DEDICATORY.
both concerning persons and things, inserted in the following
narrative, and can, on your own knowledge, assert them for
truth. Were it so, that any other had travelled in this kind,
in such a way as might have conduced to a brief and satis
factory intelhgence in particulars relating to the premises,
I would have spared this labor, and have satisfied myself in
perasal of their works, rather than to have set pen to paper
about the same ; but having never seen nor heard of any, es
pecially respecting this our plantation of New Plimouth,
which God hath honored to be the first in this land, I have
made bold to present your Worships with, and to publish to
the world, something of the very first beginnings of the great
actions of God in New England, begun at New Plimouth :
wherein, the greatest part of my intelligence hath been bor
rowed from my much honored uncle, Mr. William Bradford,
and such manuscripts as he left in his study, from the year
1620 unto 1646 ; whom had God continued in this world
some longer time, and given him rest from his other more
important affairs, we might probably have had these things
from an abler pen, and better digested, than now you may
expect. Certain diurnals of the honored Mr. Edward Wins
low have also afforded me good light and help : and what
from them both, and otherwise I have obtained, that I judged
suitable for the following discourse, I have with care and
faithfulness related ; and have therein more solicitously fol
lowed the truth of things (many of which I can also assert
on my own knowledge) than I have studied quaintness in ex
pressions. I should gladly have spoken more particularly of the neigh
boring united colonies, whose ends and aims in their trans
planting of themselves and families, were the same with ours
viz. the glory of God, the propagation of the gospel, and en
largement of his Majesty's dominions; but for want of intel
ligence, and that I may not prevent a better pen, I shall only
make mention of some of their worthies that we have been
most acquainted with.
I shall not insist upon the clime nor soil of the counh-y its
commodities, or discommodities ; nor at large on the natives

EPISTLE DEDICATORY. 3
or their customs and manners, all of which have been aheady
declared by Capt. Smith, Mr. Higginson, Mr. WiUiams, Mr.
Wood, and others. What it is, and what my aims at God's
glory, and my good affection to the place and people of whom
I treat, may make it, I present your Worships with, humbly
craving your favorable aspect, and good acceptance of my
poor endeavors ; and that myself and it may find protection
and shelter under the wings of your pious patronage, to de
fend us against such critical and censorious eyes and tongues,
as may either carp at my expressions, or misconstrue my in
tentions. The ample experience I have had of your unde
served favor and respect to me, in my many years service of
the public, and my observation in that time, that you have
desired something of this nature might be done, hath encour
aged me hereunto. Your good acceptance whereof, shall
ever oblige me to answerable returning of gratitude, and ad
minister to me further cause of thankfulness, that God hath
given me an habitation under your just and prudent adminis
trations ; and wish for a succession of such as may be skilful
to lead our Israel in this their peregrination ; and when God
shall take you hence, to receive the crown of your labors and
travels. So prayeth. Your Worship's humble servant,
Nathaniel Morton.

TO THE

CHRISTIAN READER.

grace and peace be multiplied ; with profit by this FOLLOVfING
narration.

Gentle Reader,
I have for some length of time looked upon it as a duty
incumbent, especially on the immediate successors of those
that have had so large experience of those many memorable
and signal demonstrations of God's goodness, viz. the first
beginners of this plantation in New England, to commit to
writing his gracious dispensations on that behalf ; having so
many inducements thereunto, not only otherwise, but so plen
tifully in the sacred Scriptures, that so, what we have seen,
and what our fathers have told us, we may not hide from our
children, showing to the generations to come the praises of
the Lord. Psal. Ixxvui. 3, 4. That especially the seed of Abra
ham his servant, and the children of Jacob his chosen, may
remember his marvellous works (Psal. cv. 5, 6) in the begin
ning and progress of the planting of New England, his won
ders, and the judgments of his mouth ; how that God brought
a vine into this wilderness ; that he cast out the heathen and
planted it; that he made room for it, and caused it to
take deep root, and it filled the land ; so that it hath sent
forth its boughs to the sea and its branches to the river. Psal.
Ixxx. 8, 9. And not only so, but also that He hath guided his
people by his strength to his holy habitation, and planted
them in the mountain of his inheritance, (Exod. xv. 13,) in
respect of precious gospel enjoyments. So that we may not
1*

6 TO THE CHRISTIAN READER.
only look back to former experiences of God's goodness to
our predecessors,* (though many years before,) and so have
our faith strengthened in the mercies of God for our times ;
that so the church being one numerical body, might not only
even for the time he spake with us in our forefathers, (Hos.
xii. 4,) by many gi-acious manifestations of his glorious attri
butes, wisdom, goodness, and truth, improved for their good,
but also rejoice in present enjoyments of both outward and
spiritual mercies, as fruits of their prayers, tears, travels, and
labors ; that as especially God may have the glory of all, unto
whom it is most due ; so also some rays of glory may reach
the names of those blessed saints that were the main instru
ments of the beginning of this happy enterprise.
So then, gentle Reader, thou mayest take notice, that the
main ends of pubhshing this small history, is, that God may
have his due praise, his servants, the instruments, have their
names embalmed, and the present and future ages may have
the fruit and benefit of God's great work, in the relation of
the first planting of New England. Which ends, if attained,
will be great cause of rejoicing to the publisher thereof, if
God give him Hfe and opportunity to take notice thereof.
The method I have observed, is (as I could) in some meas
ure answerable to the ends aforenamed, in inserting some
acknowledgment of God's goodness, faithfulness, and truth
upon special occasions, with allusion to the Scriptures ; and
also taking notice of some special instruments, and such main
and special particulars as were perspicuously remarkable, in
way of commendation in them, so far as my intelligence
would reach ; and especially in a faithful commemdrizing,
and declaration of God's wonderful works for, by, and to his
people, in preparing a place for them by driving out the hea
then before them ; bringing them through a sea of troubles ;
preserving and protecting them from, and in those dangers
that attended them in their low estate, when they were stran
gers in the land ; and making this howling wilderness a cham
ber of rest, safety, and pleasantness, whilst the storms of his

* Psal. Ixvi. 6.

TO THE CHRISTIAN READER. 7
displeasure have not only tossed, but endangered the over
whelming of great states and kingdoms, and hath now made
it to us a fruitful land, sowed it with the seed of man and
beast ; but especially in giving us so long a peace, together
witb the gospel of peace, and so great a freedom in our civil
and religious enjoyments; and also in giving us hopes that
we may be instruments in his hands, not only of enlarging
of our prince's dominions, but to enlarge the kingdom of the
Lord Jesus, in the conversion of the poor blind natives.
And now, com-teous Reader, that I may not hold thee too
long in the porch, I only crave of thee to read this following
discourse with a single eye, and with the same ends as I had
in penning it. Let not the smallness of our beginnings, nor
weakness of instruments, make the thing seem little, or the
work despicable; but on the contrary, let the greater praise be
rendered unto God, who hath effected great things by small
means. Let not the harshness of my style, prejudice thy
taste or appetite to the dish I present thee with. Accept it
as freely as I give it. Carp not at what thou dost not ap
prove, but use it as a remembrance of the Lord's goodness, to
engage to true thankfulness and obedience ; so may it be a
help to thee in thy journey through the wilderness of this
world, to that eternal rest which is only to be found in the
heavenly Canaan, which is the earnest desire of
Thy Christian friend,
Nathaniel Morton.

NEW E^fGLAND'S MEMORIAL;

A BEIEF EELATION OF THE MOST EEMARKABLE PASSAGES OF THE
PEOVIDENCE OF GOD, MANIFESTED TO THE PLANTEES
OF NEW ENGLAND, IN AMEEICA.

AND FIKST, OF THE EEGINXING OP THE FIKST PLANTATION IN N. E.,

NEW PLIMOUTH.

It is the usual manner of the dispensation of the majesty
of heaven, to work wonderfully by weak means for the effect
uating of great things, to the intent that he may have the
more glory to himself. Many instances hereof might be pro
duced, both out of the sacred Scriptures, and common expe
rience ; and amongst many others of this kind, the late happy
and memorable enterprise of the planting of that part of
America called New England, deserveth to be commemorized
to future posterity.
In the year 1602, divers godly Christians of our English
nation, in the north of England, being studious of reforma
tion, and therefore not only witnessing against human inven
tions, and additions in the worship of God, but minding most
the positive and practical part of divine institutions, they en
tered into covenant to walk with God, and one with another.

10 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1610-
in the enjoyment of the ordinances of God, according to the
primitive pattern in the word of God.* But finding by ex
perience they could not peaceably enjoy their own liberty in
their native country, without offence to others that were differ
ently minded, they took up thoughts of removing themselves
and their famihes into the Netherlands, which accordingly
they endeavored to accomplish, but met with great hindrance;
yet after some time, the good hand of God removing obstruc
tions, they obtained their desires ; arriving in Holland, they
settled themselves in the city of Leyden, in the year 1610,
and there they continued divers years in a comfortable con
dition, enjoying much sweet society and spiritual comfort in
the ways of God, living peaceably amongst themselves, and
being courteously entertained and lovingly respected by the
Dutch, amongst whom they were strangers, having for their
pastor Mr. John Robinson, a man of a learned, polished, and
modest spirit, pious and studying of the truth, largely accom
plished with suitable gifts and quaUfications to be a shepherd
over this flock of Christ ; having also a fellow helper with
him in the eldership, Mr. WiUiam Brewster, a man of ap
proved piety, gravity, and integrity, very eminently furnished
with gifts suitable to such an office.
But notwithstanding their amiable and comfortable carry
ing on (as hath been said) although the church of Christ on
earth in Holy Writ is sometimes called heaven ; yet there is
always, in their most perfect state here in this lower world,
very much wanting as to absolute and perfect happiness,
* Gov. Bradford's History takes no notice of the year of this Federal
Incorporation, which Secretary Morton here places in 1602. Prince supposes
Morton had the account either from some other writings of Gov. Bradford,
the journals of Gov. Winslow, or from oral conference with them, or other of
the first planters, with some of whom he was contemporary.
And these are the Christian people who were the founders of the Plymouth
church and colony ; who seem to be some of the first in England, that were
brave enough to improve the liberty wherewith the divine Author of our
religion has made us free, and observe his institutions as their only rule in
church order, discipline, and worship ; for which they dearly sufifered,
and left their native country, and who laid the first foundations for the New
England settlements.

1610.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 11
which is only reserved for the time and place of the full en
joyment of celestial glory ; for, although this church was at
peace, and in rest at this time, yet they took up thoughts of
removing themselves into America, with common consent.
The proposition of removing thither being set on foot, and
prosecuted by the elders upon just and weighty grounds ; for
although they did quietly and sweetly enjoy their church liber
ties under the States, yet they foresaw that Holland would be
no place for their church and posterity to continue in com
fortably, at least in that measure that they hoped to find
abroad ; and that for these reasons following, which I shall
recite as received from themselves.
First. Because themselves were of a different language
from the Dutch where they lived, and were settled in their way,
insomuch that in ten years time, whilst their church sojourned
amongst them, they could not bring them to reform the neg
lect of observation of the Lord's day as a sabbath, or any
other thing amiss among them.
Secondly. Because their countrymen, who came over to
join with thfem, by reason of the hardness of the country,
soon spent their estates, and were then forced either to return
back to England, or to live very meanly.
Thirdly. That many of their children, through the extreme
necessity that was upon them, although of the best disposi
tions and graciously inclined, and willing to bear part of their
parents' burdens, were oftentimes so oppressed with their
heavy labors, that although their spirits were free and willing,
yet their bodies bowed under the weight of the same, and
became decrepid in their early youth, and the vigor of nature
consumed in the very bud. And that which was very lamen
table, and of aU sorrows most heavy to be borne, was that
many by these occasions and the great licentiousness of youth
in that country, and the manifold temptations of the place,
were drawn away by evil examples into extravagant and
dangerous courses, getting the reins on their necks, and de
parting from their parents. Some became soldiers, others
took upon them far voyages by sea, and other some worse
courses, tending to dissoluteness and the destruction of their

12 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 11610.
souls, to the great grief of their parents, and the dishonor of
God ; and that the place being of great licentiousness and
liberty to children, they could not educate them, nor could
they give them due correction without reproof or reproach
from their neighbors.
Fourthly. That their posterity would in few generations
become Dutch, and so lose their interest in the English nation ;
they being desirous rather to eiilarge his Majesty's dominions,
and to live under their natural prince.
Fifthly and lastly. And which was not the least, a great
hope and inward zeal they had of laying some good founda
tion, or at least to make some way thereunto for the propa
gating and advancement of the gospel of the kingdom of
Christ in those remote parts of the world, yea, although they
should be but as stepping-stones unto others for the perform
ance of so great a work.*
These and such like were the true reasons of their removal,
and not as some of their adversaries did, upon the rumor
thereof, cast out slanders against them ; as if the state were
weary of them, and had rather driven them out, (as heathen
histories have feigned of Moses and the Israelites when they
went out of Egypt,) than that it was their own free choice
and motion.
I will therefore mention a particular or two, to evince the
contrary. And first. Although some of them were low in their estates,
yet the Dutch observing that they were diligent, faithful, and
careful of their engagements, had great respect to them, and
strove for their custom.
Again, secondly, the magistrates of the city of Leyden
where they lived, about the time of their coming away, in the
public place of justice, gave this commendable testimony of
them, in reproof of the Walloons, who were of the French
church in the city: These EngHsh (said they) have fived

* This hath been graciously answered since, by moving the hearts of many
of his servants to be very instrumental in this work with some good success,
and hopes of further blessing in that respect. — M.

1620.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 13
now amongst us ten years, and yet we never had any suit
or accusation against them, or any of them, but your strifes
and quarrels are continual.
The reasons of their removal above named being debated
first in private, and thought weighty, were afterwards pro
pounded in pubhc ; and after solemn days of humiliation ob
served both in public and private,* it was agreed, that part of
the church should go before their brethren into America, to
prepare for the rest; and if in case the major part of the
church did choose to go over with the first, then the pastor to
go along with them ; but if the major part stayed, that he
was then to stay with them.
They having employed sundry agents to treat with several
merchants in England, who adventured some considerable
sums in a way of valuation to such as went personally on in
the voyage; the articles of agreement about the premises
 • 
* They first keep a day of solemn prayer, Mr. Robinson preaching a very
suitable sermon, from 1 Sam. xxii. 3, 4 ; strengthening them against their
fears, and encouraging them in their resolutions. — Neiv Eng. Chron. p. 155.
The fests and feasts of the Episcopal Church had been cast ofi" by Mr.
Robinson from the first, and he and his church observed such days only when
the dispensations of Divine Providence seemed to indicate their propriety.
The church at Leyden observed no holidays, except fasts and thanksgivings,
and the Sabbath. They held several seasons of fasting and prayer, prepara
tory to their great enterprise, within a few months of leaving Holland. And
when they arrived at Plymouth, they observed such seasons as suited to ben
efit themselves and their posterity.
The magistrates of Plymouth oflicially ordered such days to be kept, as
early as 1623 ; and in 1637 an ordinance was passed, " that it be in the power
of the governor and assistants to command solemn days of humiliation, and
also for thanksgiving, as occasion shall be oflfered." The deputies sometimes
acted with the governor in designating such days. In 1682, servile work
and sports were prohibited on these days, under the same penalty as breach
of Sabbath. This was continued as long as Plymouth was a separate colony.
On the settlement of the ministry at Salem, Gov. Endicott ordered a fast, as
was done on a like occasion at Charlestown. The magistrates of Boston
ordered a fast in 1634, and continued the exercise of that authority till 1692,
after which these celebrations were ordered many times, with the concur
rence of the representatives. — Col. Christian Antiquities.
Many occasional fasts have been appointed and kept with great solemnity
by the church at Plymouth, as appears from their records.
2

14 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1620.
being fuUy concluded with the said merchants, and sundry
difficulties and obstructions removed, having also^ obtained
letters patent for the northern parts of Vkginia, of King James
of famous memory,* aU things were got ready and provided, a
small ship was bought and fitted out in Holland, of about
sixty tons, called the Speedwell, as to serve to transport some
of them over, so also to stay in the country, and attend upon
fishing, and such other afikirs as might be for the good and
benefit of the colony, when they came thither. Another ship
was hired at London, of' burden about nine score, called the
Mayflower, and all other things got in readiness ; so being
prepared to depart, they had a solemn day of humiliation, the
pastor teaching a part of the day very profitably, and suitably
to the jiresent occasion.f The rest of the time was spent in
pouring out of prayers unto the Lord, with great fervency,
mixed with abundance of tears. And the time being come
that they must depart, tljey were accompanied with most of
their brethren out of the city, unto a town called Delft Haven,^
where the ship lay ready to receive them, so they left that
goodly and pleasant city, which had been then- resting-place
above eleven years ; but they knew that they were pilgrims
and strangers here below, and looked not much on these
thi ngs, but lifted up their eyes to heaven, their dearest country,
* Robert Cushman and John Carver were their first agents, in 161 7, to the
Virginia Company, and to obtain securit}- from the king for religious free
dom in their proposed settlement. In February, 1619, Mr. Cushman and
Mr. Bradford were despatched on the same business. After Ions; attend
ance they obtained a patent, and *turned to Leyden in the autumn of that
year ; but this patent was never used. King James, by patent makes a
division of the country into two colonics ; the southern between 34 and 41
degrees north, he grants to the London Company ; the northern between 38
and 45 degrees north, he grants to the Plymouth Company. The Leyden
agents negotiated with the London Company. — New Eng. Chron. p. 112.
¦j- The text of Scripture was Ezra viii. 21. — M.
X This was in June or July, 1620. From Leyden to Delft Haven was
twenty-four miles, the Delft being eight miles from the port. It seems their
brethren went with them to that place, and the final separation there was
very painful. "A flood of tears was poured out, and they were not able to
speak to one another for the abundance of sorrow to part." — Chr. Pil. 384.

1620; I NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 15
where God hath prepared for them a city, Heb. xi. 16, and
therein quieted their spirits.
When they came to the place, they found the ship and all
things ready ; and such of their friends as could not come
Avith them, followed after them, and sundry came from Am
sterdam to see them shipped, and to take their leave of them.
One night was spent with little sleep with the most, but with
friendly entertainment, and Christian discourse, and other
real expressions of true Christian love. The next day the
wind being fah, they went on board, and their friends with
them, where truly doleful was the sight of that sad and mourn
ful parting, to hear what sighs and sobs, and prayers did
sound amongst them ; what tears did gush from every eye,
and pithy speeches pierced each others' heart, that sundry of
the Dutch strangers, that stood on the Key as spectators,
could not refrain from tears. Yet comfortable and sweet it
was, to see such lively and true expressions of dear and un
feigned love. But the tide (which stays for no man) calling
them away, that were thus loth to depart, their Reverend Pas
tor falling down on his knees, and they aU with him, with
watery cheeks commended them with most fervent prayers
unto the Lord and his blessing ; and then with mutual em
braces, and many tears, they took their leave one of another,
which proved to be the last leave to many of them. Thus
hoisting sail with a prosperous gale of wind, they came in a
short time to Southampton, where they found the bigger ship
come from London, being ready with all the rest of their
company, meeting each other with a joyful welcome and
mutual congratulation.
At their parting, their pastor, Mr. John Robinson, wi'ote a
letter to the whole company, which I thought meet here to insert,
being so fruitful in itself, and suitable to their occasions.
Loving Christian Friends,
I do heartily, and in the Lord salute you, as being those
with whom I am present in my best affections, and most
earnest longing after you, though I be constrained for awhile
to be bodily absent from you : I say constrained ; God know-

16 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1620
ing how willingly, and much rather than otherwise, I would
have borne my part with you in this first brunt, were I not by
strong necessity held back for the present. Make account of
me in the mean time as a man divided in myself, with great
pain, and as (natural bonds set aside) having my better part
with you. And although I doubt not but in your godly wis
doms you both foresee and resolve upon that which concern-
eth your present state and condition, both severally and
jointly; yet have I thought it but my duty to add some further
spur of provocation to them that run well aheady, if not be
cause you need it, yet because I owe it in love and duty.
And first, as we *are daily to renew our repentance with our
God, especially for our sins known, and generally for our un
known trespasses ; so doth the Lord call us in a singular
manner, upon occasions of such difficulty and danger as lieth
upon you, to both a narrow search and careful reforma
tion of your ways in his sight, lest he calling to remembrance
our sins forgotten by us, or um-epented of, take advantage.
against us, and in judgment leave us for the same, to be swal
lowed up in one danger or other. Whereas, on the contrary,
sin being taken away by earnest repentance, and the pardon
thereof from the Lord sealed up to a man's conscience by his
spirit, great shall be his security and peace in all dangers,
sweet his comforts in aU distresses, with happy deliverance
from all evil, whether in life or death. Now next after this
heavenly peace with God and our own consciences, we are care
fully to provide for peace with aU men, what in us lieth, es
pecially with our associates ; and for that watchfulness must
be had, that we neither at all in ourselves do give, no, nor
easily take offence being given by others. Wo be to the
world for offences, for although it be necessary, considering
the mahce of Satan and man's corruption, that offences come,
yet wo unto the man, or woman either, by whom the offence
cometh, saith Christ, Math, xviii. 7, and if offences in the un
seasonable use of things, in themselves indifferent, be more to
be feared than death itself, as the apostle teacheth, 1 Cor. ix.
15, how much more in things simply evil, in which neither
the honor of God, nor love of man is thought worthy to be

1620.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 17
regarded ? Neither yet is it sufficient that we keep ourselves
by the gi-ace of God from giving of offence, except withal we
be armed against the taking of them when they are given by
others ; for how imperfect and lame is the work of grace in
that person, who wants charity to cover a multitude of
offences ? As the Scripture speaks. Neither are you to be ex
horted to this grace, only upon the common grounds of Chris
tianity, which are, that persons ready to take offence, either
want charity to cover offences, or wisdom duly to weigh hu
man frailties ; or lastly, are gross though close hypocrites, as
Christ our Lord teacheth, Math. vii. 1-3, as indeed, in my
own experience, few or none have been found which sooner
give offence, than such as easily take it ; neither have they
ever proved sound and profitable members in societies, who
have nourished this touchy humor. But besides these, there
are divers motives provoking you above others to great care
and conscience this way ; as first, there are many of you
strangers as to the persons, so to the infirmities one of anoth
er, and so stand in need of more watchfulness this way, lest
when such things faU out in men and women as you sus
pected not, you be inordinately affected with them, which
doth require at your hands much wisdom and charity for the
covering and preventing of incident offences that way. And
lastly, your intended course of civil community will minister
contmual occasion of offence, and wiU be as fuel for that fire,
except you diligently quench it with brotherly forbearance.
And if taking offence causelessly or easily at men's doings, be
so carefully to be avoided, how much more heed is to be
taken that we take not offence at God himself? Which yet
we certainly do, so oft as we do murmur at his providence in
our crosses, or bear impatiently such afflictions as wherewith
he pleaseth to visit us. Store up therefore patience against
the evil day ; without which, we take offence at the Lord
himself in his holy and just works. A further thing there is
carefuUy to be provided for, namely, that with your common em
ployments, you join common affections truly bent upon the
general good, avoiding, as a deadly plague of your both com
mon and special comforts, all retiredness of mind for proper
2*

18 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1620.
advantage, and all singularly affected every manner of way.
Let every man repress in himself, and the whole body in each
person, as so many rebels against the common good, all pri
vate respects of men's selves, not sorting with the general
convenience. Aiid as men are careful not to have a new
house shaken with any violence, before it be well settled, and
the parts firmly knit ; so be you, I beseech you, brethren, much
more careful that the house of God (which you are, and are
to be) be not shaken with unnecessary novelties, or other
oppositions at the first settling thereof.
Lastly, whereas you are to become a body politic, using
amongst yourselves civil government, and are not furnished
with persons of special eminency above the rest, to be chosen
by you into office of government; let your wisdom and godhness
appear not only in choosing such persons as do entirely love,
and will promote the common good ; but also in yielding unto
them all due honor and obedience in their lawful administra
tions, not beholding in them the ordinariness of their persons,
but God's ordinance for your good ; not being like the foolish
multitude, who more honor the gay coat, than either the vh-
tuous mind of the man, or the glorious ordinance of God.
But you know better things, and that the image of the Lord's
power and authority, which the magistrate beareth, is honor
able, in how mean persons soever ; and this duty you may
the more willingly, and ought the more conscionably to per
form, because you are (at least for the present) to have them
for your ordinary governors, which yourselves shall make
choice of for that work.
Sundry other things of importance I could put you in mind
of, and of those before mentioned in more words ; but I wiU
not so far wrong your godly minds, as to think you heedless
of these things, there being also divers amongst you so well
able to admonish both themselves and others of what concern-
eth them. These few things, therefore, and the same in few
Words, I do earnestly commend to your care and conscience,
joining therewith my daily incessant prayers unto the Lord,
that he who hath made the heavens and the -earth and sea,
and all rivers of waters, and whose providence is over aU

1620.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 19
his works, especially over all his dear children for good, would
so guide and guard you in your ways as inwardly by his
spirit, so outwardly by the hand of his power, as that you,
and we also for and with you may have after matter of prais
ing his name all the days of your and our lives. Fare you
well m him in whom you trust, and in whom I rest.
An unfeigned well wilier to your happy success in this
hopeful voyage.* John Robinson.
Upon the receipt of this letter, the company were called
together ; and it was publicly read amongst them, which had
good acceptance with aU, and after fruit with many.

Of the tkoubles that befel the first planters upon the
COAST OF England, and in their voyage in coming over into
New England, and their arrival at Cape Cod, alias Cape
James. All things being got ready, and every business despatched,
they ordered and distributed their company for either ship (as
they conceived for the best) and chose a governor, and two
or three assistants for each ship, to order the people by the
way, and to see to the disposing of the provision, and such
fike affairs ; all which was not only with the hieing of the
masters of the ships, but according to their desires ; which
being done, they set sail fi-om Southampton the fifth of
August, 1620. But alas, the best enterprises meet oftentimes
with many discouragements ; for they had not sailed far, be
fore Mr. Reynolds, the master of the lesser ship, complained
that he found his ship so leaky, he durst not put further to
sea ; on which they were forced to put in at Dartmouth, Mr.
* See Appendix for further farewell advice in his sermon, July, 1620, in
which, while he exhorts them to take heed what they receive as truth, he
would have them receive all truth that yet may be developed by a faithful
study of the word of God.

20 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1620.
Jones, the master of the biggest ship, likewise putting in
there with him, and the said lesser ship was searched and
mended, and judged sufficient for the voyage, by the work
men that mended her ; on which both the said ships put to
sea the second time, but they had not sailed above an hun
dred leagues, ere the said Reynolds again complained of his
ship being so leaky, as that he feared he should founder in
the sea, if he held on ; and then both ships bore up again, and
went in at Plimouth; but being there searched again, no
great matter appeared, but it was judged to be the general
weakness of the ship. But the true reason of the retarding
and delaying of matters was not as yet discerned ; the one of
them respecting the ship (as afterwards was found), was, that
she was over-masted, which, when she came to her trim, in
that respect she did well ; and made divers profitable and
successful voyages. But secondly, and more especially by
the deceit of the master and his company, who were hired to
stay a whole year in the country ; but now fancying dishke,
and fearing want of victuals, they plotted this stratagem to
free themselves, as afterwards was known, and by some of
them confessed ; for they apprehended that the greater ship
being of force, and in whom most provisions were bestowed,
that she would retain enough for herself, whatsoever became
of them and the passengers. But so strong was self-love and
deceit in this man, as he forgot all duty and former kindness,
and dealt thus falsely with them. These things thus falling
out, it was resolved by the whole company to dismiss the les
ser ship and part of the company with her, and that the other
part of the company should proceed in the bigger ship ; which
when they had ordered matters thereunto, they made another
sad parting, the one ship, namely, the lesser, going back for
London, and the other, namely, the Mayflower, Mr. Jones
being master, proceeding on the intended voyage.
These troubles being blown over, and now aU being com
pact together in one ship, they put to sea again with a pros
perous wind;* but after they had enjoyed fair winds for a

* September 6.— Mourt's Rel. Bradford's 3L S. History.

1620.1 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 21
season, they met with many contrary winds and fierce storms,
with which their ship was shrewdly shaken, and h(>r upper
works made very leaky, and one of the main beams of the
midships was bowed and cracked, which put them to some
fear that she would not be able to perform the voyage ; on
which the principal of the seamen and passengers had serious
consultation what to do, whether to return, or hold on. But
the ship proving strong under water, by a screw the said
beam was brought into his place again ; which being done,
and well secured by the carpenter, they resolved to hold on
their voyage, and so after many boisterous storms in which
they could bear no sail, but were forced to lie at hull many
days together ; after long beating at sea, they fell in with the
land called Cape Cod,* the which being made, and certainly
known to be it, they were not a little joyful. After some
little defiberation had amongst themselves with the master of
the ship, they tacked about to stand to the southward, to find
some place about Hudson's river, (according to their first in
tentions,) for their habitations : but they had not sailed that
course above half a day, before they fell amongst perilous
shoals and breakers, and they were so far entangled therewith,
as they conceived themselves in great danger ; and the wind
shrinking upon them withal, they resolved to bear up again
for the cape aforesaid : the next day, by God's providence,
they got into the cape harbor. Thus they arrived at Cape
Cod, alias Cape James, in November, 1620, and being brought
safe to land, they fell upon their knees, and blessed the God
of heaven, who had brought them over the vast and furious
ocean, and defivered them from many perils and miseries.f

* Cape Cod, so called at the first by Capt. Gosnold and his company,
Anno, 1602, because they took much of that fish there; and afterwards
called Cape James, by Capt. Smith. The point of the cape is called Point
Care, and Tucker's Terror ; and by the French and Dutch, Mallacar, by
reason of the perilous shoals. — M.
f They made the land November 9, and anchored in Cape Cod harbor on
the 11th; on the same day they landed 15 or 16 men well armed, to procure
wood and reconnoitre the place. They found neither house nor person ; but
laded their boat with juniper (red cedar.) — Mourt's Rel.

22 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1620.
Nevertheless, it is to be observed, that their putting into
this place was partly by reason of a storm by which they
were forced in, but more especially by the fraudulency and
contrivance of the aforesaid Mr. Jones, the master of the ship ;
for their intention, as before noted, and his engagement, was
to Hudson's river ; but some of the Dutch having notice of
their intentions, and having thoughts about the same time of
erecting a plantation there fikewise, they fraudulently hued
the said Jones, by delays, while they were in England, and
now under pretence of the danger of the shoals, &c., to dis
appoint them in their going thither." But God outshoots
Satan oftentimes in his own bow; for had they gone to
Hudson's river, as before expressed, it had proved very dan
gerous to them ; for although it is a place far more commo
dious, and the soil more fertile, yet then abounding -^dth a
multitude of ^ pernicious savages, whereby they would have
been in great peril of their lives, and so the work of trans
planting the gospel into these parts much endangered to have
been hindered and retarded ; but God so disposed, that the
place where they afterwards settled was much depopulated
by a great mortality amongst the native^, which fell out about
two years before their arrival, whereby he made way for the
carrying on of his good purpose in promulgating of his gospel
as aforesaid.
But before we pass on, let the reader, with me, make a
pause, and seriously consider this poor people's present con
dition, the more to be raised up to admiration of God's good
ness towards them in their preservation ; for being now passed
the vast ocean, and a sea of troubles before in then' prepa
ration, they had now no friends to welcome them, no inns
to entertain or refresh them, no houses, much less towns, to
repair unto to seek for succor. The barbarians that Paul the
apostle fell amongst in his shipwi-eck, at the isle Melita,
showed him no small kindness. Acts xxviii., but these savage
barbarians, when they met ^\dth them (as after will appear).

* Of this plot between the Dutch and Mr. Jones, I have had late and cer
tain intelligence. — M.

1620.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 23
were readier to fill their sides full of arrows, than otherwise ;
and, for the season it was winter, and they that know the
winters of the country, know them to be sharp and violent,
subject to cruel and fierce storms, dangerous to travel to
known places, much more to search unknown coasts. Be
sides, what could they see but a hideous and desolate wilder
ness, fuU of wild beasts and wild men ? And what multi
tudes of them there were, they then knew not ; neither could
they, as it were, go up to the top of Pisgah, to view from this
wilderness a more goodly country to feed their hopes ; for
which way soever they turned their eyes (save upward to
heaven), they could have little solace or content in respect of
any outward object, for summer being ended, all things stand in
appearance with a weather-beaten face, and the whole country
fuU of woods and thickets, represented a wild and savage
hue ; if they looked behind them, there was the mighty ocean
which they had passed, and was now as a main bar and gulf
to separate them from all the civil parts of the world. The
master of the ship and his company pressing with speed to
look a place for a settlement at some near distance, for the
season was such that he would not stir from thence until a
safe harbor was discovered by them with their boat ; yea, it
was sometimes threatened, that if they would not get a place
in time, that they and their goods should be turned on shore,
and that the ship would leave them ; the master expressing
himself, that provisions spent apace, and that he would keep
sufficient for himself and his company for their return. It is
true indeed, that the love and affections of their brethren they
left behind them in Holland were cordial and entire towards
them, but they had little power to help them or themselves ;
what could now sustain them but the spirit of God and his
grace ? Ought not, and may not the children of these fathers
rightly say, our fathers were Englishmen, which came over
this great ocean, and were ready to perish in this wilderness ;
but they cried unto the Lord, and he heard their voice, and
looked on their adversity. Let them therefore praise the
Lord, because he is good, and his mercy endureth for ever ; yea,
let them who have been the redeemed of the Lord, show how

24 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1620.
he hath defivered them from the hand of the oppressor, when
they wandered in the desert wilderness out of the way, and
found no city to dwell in ; both hungry and thirsty, their soul
was overwhelmed in them : let them therefore confess before
the Lord his loving-kindness, and his wonderful works before
the children of men, Psal. cvii. 1, 2, 4, 5, 8.*

Of the first planters, their combination, bt entering into a
BODY politic together ; "WITH THEIR PP.OCEEDINGS IN DISCOVERT
OF A PLACE FOR THEIR SETTLEMENT AND HABITATION.
Being thus fraudulently dealt with (as you have heard),
and brought so far to the northward, the season being sharp,
and no hopes of their obtaining their intended port; and
thereby their patent being made void and useless, as to
another place : being at Cape Cod upon the eleventh day of
November, 1620, it was thought meet for their more orderly
carrying on of their affairs, and accordingly by mutual consent
they entered into a solemn combination, as a body politic, to
submit to such government and governors, laws and ordi
nances, as should by a general consent, from time to time, be
made choice of, and assented unto. The contents whereof
foUoweth.f In the name of God, amen. We whose names are under
written, the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign Lord, King

* Many attempts had been made to settle this rough and northern country;
first by the French, who would fain account it part of Canada, and then by
the English, and both from mere secular views. But such a train of crosses
accompany the designs of both these nations, that they seem to give it over
as not worth the planting, till a pious people of England, not allowed to wor
ship their Maker according to his institutions only, without the mixture of
human ceremonies, are spirited to attempt the settlement, that here they
might enjoy a worship purely scriptural and leave the same to their
posterity. — New Eng. Chron. p. 98.
t This was the first foundation of the government of New Plimouth. — M.

1620.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 25
James, by the gi-ace of God, of Great Britain, France, and
Ireland, King, Defender of the faith, etc. Having undertaken
for the glory of God, and advancement of the Christian faith,
and the honor of our King and country, a voyage to plant the
first colony in the northern parts of Virginia ; do by these
presents solemnly and mutually, in the presence of God and
one another, covenant and combine ourselves together into a
civil body pofitic, for our better ordering and preservation,
and furtherance of the ends aforesaid ; and by virtue hereof,
do enact, constitute, and fi-ame such just and equal laws, or
dinances, acts, constitutions, and officers, from time to time, as
shaU be thought most meet and convenient for the general
good of the colony ; unto which we promise all due submis
sion and obedience. In witness whereof, we have hereunto
subscribed our names, at Cape Cod, the eleventh of Novem
ber, in the reign of our sovereign Lord King James, of Eng
land, France, and Ireland, the eighteenth, and of Scotland the
fifty-fourth. Anno Dom. 1620.*
* " By this instrument they formed themselves into a proper democracy,
and if they had gone no further, perhaps they would have done but little
towards preserving order. But one great reason of this covenant seems to
have been of a mere moral nature, that they might remove all scruples of
inflicting necessary punishments, even capital ones, seeing all had voluntarily
subjected themselves to them. They seem cautiously to have preserved as
much of their natural liberty as could be consistent with the maintenance of
government and order. This was rational, and every thinking man, when he
quitted the state of nature, would do the same. Lord Chief-Justice Holt said,
in the case of Blankard v. Galdy, that in case of an uninhabited country,
found out by English subjects, all laws in force in England, are in force there,
and the court agreed with him. Until they should agree upon laws suited to
their peculiar circumstances, our Plymoutheans resolved to make the laws of
England their rule of government ; and it seems they difiercd much in this
respect from the Massachusetts colonists, and never established any distinct
code or body of laws of their own, but in such cases where the common law
and the statutes of England could not well reach and afibrd them help in
emern-ent difficulties, they added some particular municipal laws of their
own, following the advice of Pacuvius to his neighbors of Capua, ' not to
cashier their old magistrates till they could agree upon better to place in
their room.' " — 2 Hutch. 409-412. 3

26

NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL.

[1620.

John Carver,
William Bradford,
Edward Winslow,
William Brewster,
Isaac Allerton,
Miles Standish,
John Alden,
Samuel Fuller,
Christopher Martin,
William MuUins,
William White,
Richard Warren,
John Howland,
Stephen Hopkins,

Edward TiDy,
John Tilly,
Francis Cooke,
Thomas Rogers,
Thomas Tinker,
John Ridgdale,
Edward Fuller,
John Turner,
Francis Eaton,
James Chilton,
John Craxton,
John Billington,
Joses Fletcher,
John Goodman,

Digery Priest,
Thomas Williams,
Gilbert Winslow,
Edmund Margeson,
Peter Brown,
Richard Bitteridge,
George Soule,
Richard Clark,
Richard Gardiner,
John Allerton,
Thomas English,
Edward Doten,
Edward Leister.*

After this they chose Mr. John Carver, a man godly and

* The following corrected list is from Prince's Annals, p. 172. Morton
has given the names in the following order : but their names connected with
their titles and families, I take from the list at the end of Gov. Bradford's
folio manuscript. Only this I observe that out of modesty he omits the title
of Mr. to his own name, which he ascribes to several others.
Those with this mark {*) brought their wives with them ; those with this
(t), for the present, left them either in Holland or England. Some left be
hind them part, and others all their children. Those with this mark (ss)
deceased before the end of March.

NAMES.
1. Mr. John Carver,*
2. William Bradford,*
3. Mr. Edward Winslow,*
4. Mr. William Brewster,*
5. Mr. Isaac Allerton,*
6. Capt. Miles Standish,*
7. John Alden,
8. Mr. Samuel Fuller,!
9. Mr. Christopher Martin,* ss 4
10. Mr. William MuUins,* ss
11. Mr. William White,* ss
12. Mr. Richard Warren,t
13. John Howland,'

NO. IN

8

14.

2

15.

5

16.

6

17.

6

18.

2

19.

1

20.

2^

21.

ss4

22.

5

23.

5 =

24.

1

25.

26.

NAMES.
Mr. Stephen Hopkins,*
Edward Tilley,* ss
John Tilley,* ss
Francis Cook,f
Thomas Rogers, ss
Thomas Tinker,* ss
John Ridgdale,* ss
Edward Fuller,* ss
. John Turner,* ss
Francis Eaton,*
James Chilton,* ss
John Crackston, ss
John Billington,*

NO. IN
FAMILY. 8*
4 3 2
2328

3 2 =
4

1 One of these was a servant, who died before their arrival.
2 Besides the son bom in Cape Cod harbor, named Perenrine.
5 He was of Gov. Carver's family. "^
* One of these was born at sea, and therefore named Oceanus.
* Mr. Morton calls him Craxton.

1620.]

NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL.

27

wefi approved amongst them, to be their governor for that
year. Necessity now caUing them to look out a place for habi
tation, as well as the master's and manners' importunity urging
them thereunto ; while their carpenter was trimming up of
their boat, sixteen of their men tendered themselves to go by
land and discover those nearest places, which was accepted ;
and they being well armed, were sent forth on the sixteenth
of November, 1620,* and having marched about a mile by the
seaside, they espied five Indians, who ran away from them,
and they followed them aU that day sundry miles, but could

NO

IN

NO. IN
NAMES.
FAMILT.
NAMES.
FAMILY.
27.
Moses Fletcher, ss
1
35.
George Soule,*
28.
John Goodman, ss
36.
Richard Clarke, ss
1
29.
Degory Priest, ss
2
37.
Richard Gardiner,
1
30.
Thomas Williams, ss
38.
John Allerton, ss
1
31.
Gilbert Winslow,
39.
Thomas English, ss
1
32.
Edmund Margeson, ss
40.
Edward Dorey,*
}•
33.
Peter Brown,
41.
Edward Leicester,
34.
Richard Britterige, ss
3
101
So then just 100 who sailed from Plymouth in England, and just as many
arrived in Cape Cod harbor.
The following number of deaths occurred during the following winter up
to the end of March: in December 6, in Januarys, in February 17, in
March 13 ; making 44 in all : of whom were —
Subscribers to the foregoing agreement ....
Dorothy, wife of Gov. Bradford, 
Rose, wife of Capt. Standish, 
Mary, wife of Mr. Allerton, 
EUzabeth, wife of Bdward Winslow, 
Women, children, and servants, names not known
21 4
19
44
* Capt. Standish commanded on this expedition ; among his associates
were William Bradford, Stephen Hopkins, and Edward TiUey.
1 Mr. Morton seems to mistake in calling him Jose.
2 Mr. Morton calls him Digery.
3 Mr. Morton calls him Bitteridge,
* He was of Gov. Winslow's family.
6 Mr. Morton seems to mistake in calling him Doten.
^ They were of Mr. Hopkins's family.
28 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1620.
not come to speech with them ; so night coming on, they be
took themselves to their rendezvous, and set out their sentinels,
and rested in quiet that night ; and the next morning they
foUowed the Indians' traclis, but could not find them nor their
dwellings, but at length lighted on a good quantity of clear
ground near to a pond of fresh water,* where formerly the
Indians had planted Indian corn, at which place they saw
sundry of their graves ; and proceeding further they found
new stubble where Indian corn had been planted the same
year; also they found where lately an house had been, where
some planks and a great kettle was remaining, and heaps of
sand newly paddled with their hands, which they digged up
and found in them divers fair Indian baskets filled with corn,
some whereof was in ears, fair and good, of divers colors,
which seemed to them a very goodly sight, having seen none
before,! of which rarities they took some to carry to their
friends on shipboard, like as the Israelites' spies brought from
Eshcol some of the good fruits of the land ; but finding little
that might make for their encouragement as to situation, they
returned, being gladly received by the rest of their com
pany. After this, their shallop being ready, they set out the second
time for a more full discovery of this place, especially a place
that seemed to be an opening as they went into the said har
bor some two or three leagues off, which the master judged
to be a river ; about thirty of them went out on this second
* In Truro.
t The place where the graves were seen is no\j^nown by the name of the
Great Hollow ; south of the Great Hollow is a hill terminating in a cliflf, now
called the Hopkins' Cliff, supposed to be the place where they found the bas
kets of Indian corn, and on that account named Cornhill.
" The basket was round, and narrow at the top. It held three or four
bushels, which was as much as two of us could lift up from the ground, and
was very handsomely and cunningly made. We were in suspense what to
do with it and the kettle ; and at length, after much consultation, we con
cluded to take the kettle, and as much of the corn as we could carry away
with us, and when our shallop came, and if we could find any of the people,
we would give them the kettle again, and satisfy them for their corn.''  Mass.
Hist. Coll. vol. viii. p. 209, 210.

1620.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 29
discovery, the master of the ship going with them ; but upon
the more exact discovery thereof, they found it to be no har
bor for ships, but only for boats. There they also found two
of their houses covered with mats, and sundry of their imple
ments in them ; but the people ran away and could not be
seen. Also there they found more of their corn and beans of
various colors ; the corn and beans they brought away, pur
posing to give them full satisfaction when they should meet
with any of them.* And here is to be noted, a special and
a great mercy to this people, that here they got them seed
to plant them corn the next year, or otherwise they might
have starved, for they had none, nor any fikelihood to get any
until the season had been past, (as the sequel did manifest,)
neither is it likely that they had had this, if the first discovery
had not been made, for the ground was now all covered with
snow, and hard frozen ; but the Lord is never wanting unto
those that are his, in their greatest needs. Let his holy name
have all the praise.
Having thus discovered this place, it was controverted
amongst them what to do, touching their abode and settling
there. Some thought it best for many reasons to abide there.
1st. Because of the convenience of the harbor for boats,
though not for ships.
2d. There was good corn ground ready to their hands, as
was seen by experience in the goodly corn it yielded, which
again would agree with the ground, and be natural seed for
the same.
3d. Cape Cod was like to be a place for good fishing, for
they daily saw great whales of the best kind for oil.
4th. The place was fikely to be healthful, secure, and de-
fensible.f 5th, and lastly. The especial reason was, that now the

* About six months after they gave them full satisfaction to their con
tent.— M.
f It has been supposed by some that our ancestors were not fortunate in
the selection of their plantation, and that they would have found much better
land on the other side of the bay. But this is a mistake, for no part of
3*

30 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1620.
heart of the winter and unseasonable weather was come upon
them, so as they could not go upon coasting and discovery
without danger of losing both men and boat, upon which
they would foUow the overthrow of all, especially considering
what variable winds and sudden storms do there arise ; also
cold and wet lodging had so tainted their people, as scarce
any of them were free from vehement coughs, as if they
should continue long, it would endanger the lives of many,
and breed diseases and infection amongst them. Again,
that as yet they had some provisions, but they would quickly
be spent, and then they should have nothing to comfort them
in their labor and toil that they were like to undergo. At the
first it was also conceived, whilst they had competent victuals,
that the ship would stay, but when that grew low, they
would be gone, and let them shift for themselves.
Others again urged to go to Agawam, alias Angawam,* a
place about twenty leagues off to the northward, which they
had heard to be an exceUent harbor for ships, better ground
and better fishing.
Massachusetts could be better suited to their condition. Had they settled
down upon a hard and heavy, though rich soil, what could they have done
with it ? They had no plows, nor beasts of the plow, and yet their chief
subsistence was to be derived from the ground. The Plymouth lands were
free, light, and easy of tillage, but hard enough for poor pilgrims to dig and
plant. And there is perhaps no place in New England where Indian corn
could have been raised to better advantage with the same labor. The land
yielded well, being new and unworn. And for fish, they could scarcely have
been better supplied ; and the forests were as well supplied with game as
elsewhere. Here they were also favored by the Prince of the country. The
character of Massasoit was humane, and his friendship sincere. The treaty
which he made with them, he faithfully performed all his life long, whereas,
in other locations, they might have fallen by savage violence. And, more
over. Divine Providence seems to have opened the door to the pilgrims at
Plymouth by removing the native inhabitants, so as to make a place for their
settlement there.
For many particulars relative to this expedition contained in Mourt's
Relation, but omitted in this narrative, see Mass. Hist. Coll. vol. viii.
p. 203-213.
* This was probably Ipswich ; although this was the Indian name of part
of Wareham, and the village there is still so called.

1620.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 31
Secondly. For any thing they knew there might be hard by
us a better seat, and it would be a great hinderance to seat
where they should remove again.
But to omit many reasons and replies concerning this
matter, it was in the end concluded to make some discovery
within the bay, but in no case so far as Angawam. Besides,
Robert Coppin, their pilot, made relation of a great navigable
river and good harbor in the other headland of the bay, almost
right over against Cape Cod, being in a right line not much
above eight leagues distant, in which he had once been, and
beyond that place they that were to go on discovery, were
enjoined not to go.*
The month of November being spent on these affairs, and
having much foul weather ; on the 6th of December they
concluded to send out their shallop again on a third discovery.
The names of those that went on this discovery, were Mr.
John Carver, Mr. William Bradford, Mr. Edward Winslow,
Capt. Miles Standish, Mr. John Howland, Mr. Richard War
ren, Mr. Stephen Hopkins, Mr. Edward Tilly, Mr. John Tilly,
Mr. Clark, Mr. Coppin, John AUerton, Thomas English,
Edward Doten, with the master gunner of the ship, and three
of the common seamen ; these set sail on Wednesday the
sixth of December, 1620, intending to circulate the deep bay
of Cape Cod, the weather being very cold, so as the spray of
the sea lighting on their coats, they were as if they had been
glazed, notwithstanding that night they got down into the
bottom of the bay, and as they drew near the shore they saw
some ten or twelve Indians, and landed about a league off
them, (but with some difficulty, by reason of the shoals in
that place,) where they tarried that night.
In the morning they divided their company to coast along,
some on shore and some in the boat, where they saw the

* About this time Mrs. Susanna White was delivered of a son, who was
named Peregrine ; he was the first of the English that was born in New
England, and still surviveth, [A. D. 1669,] and is the Lieutenant of the mil
itary company of Marshfield. — M. He died at Marshfield, July 20, 1704,
aged 83 years.

32 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1620.
Indians had been the day before cutting up a fish fike a
grampus ; and so they ranged up and down all that day ; but
found no people, nor any place they liked, as fit for their set
tlement ; and that night they on shore met with their boat at a
certain creek where they make them a barricade of boughs
and logs, for their lodging that night, and, being weary, betook
themselves to rest.* The next morning, about five o'clock,
(seeking guidance and protection from God by prayer,) and
refreshing themselves, in way of preparation, to persist on
their intended expedition, some of them earned their arms
down to the boat, having laid them up in their coats from
the moisture of the weather; but others said they would not
carry theirs until they went themselves. But presently all on
a sudden, about the dawning of the day, they heard a great
and strange cry, and one of their company being on board,
came hastily in, and cried, Indians ! Indians ! and withal,
their arrows came flying amongst them ; on which all their
men ran with speed to recover their arms ; as by God's good
providence they did. In the mean time some of those "that
were ready, discharged two muskets at them, and two more
stood ready at the entrance of their rendezvous, but were
commanded not to shoot until they could take full aim at
them ; and the other two charged again with all speed, for
there were only four that had arms there, and defended the
barricade which was first assaulted. The cry of the Indians
was dreadful,! especially when they saw their men run out of
their rendezvous towards the shallop, to recover their arms;
the Indians wheehng about upon them ; but some running
out with coats of mail, and cuttle-axes in their hands, they
soon recovered their arms, and discharged amongst them, and
soon stayed their violence. Notwithstanding there was a
lusty man, and no less valiant, stood behind a tree within
half a musket shot, and let his arrows fly amongst them ; he
was seen to shoot three arrows, which were aU avoided, and

* This is thought to be a place called Namskeket.  M.
t " Their note was after this manner, Woach, woach, ha hach woach."
Hist. Coll. vol. viii. p. 219.

1620.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 33
stood three shot of musket, until one taking fuU aim at him,
made the bark or splinters of the tree fly about his ears ; after
which he gave an extraordinary shriek, and away they went
aU of them ; ' and so leaving some to keep the shafiop, they
followed them about a quarter of a mile, that they might con
ceive that they were not afraid of them, or any way dis
couraged. f
Thus it pleased God to vanquish their enemies, and to give
them deliverance, and by his special providence so to dispose,
that not any one of them was either hurt or hit, though their
an-ows came close by them ; and sundry of their coats, which
hung up in the barricade, were shot through and through.
For which salvation and defiverance they rendered solemn
thanksgiving unto the Lord.
From hence they departed, and coasted all along, but dis
cerned no place fikely for harbor, and therefore hasted to the
place the pilot (as aforesaid) told them of, who assured them
that there was a good harbor, and they might fetch it before
night; of which they were glad, for it began to be foul
weather. After some hours saifing it began to snow and rain, and
about the middle of the afternoon the wind increased, and
the sea became very rough, and they broke their rudder, and
it was as much as two men could do to steer the boat with a
couple of oars ; but the pilot bid them be of good cheer, for
he saw the harbor ; but the storm increasing, and night draw
ing on, they bore what sail they could to get in while they
could see, but herewith they brake their mast in three pieces,
and their sail fell overboard in a very grown sea, so as they
had like to have been ea.st away ; yet by God's mercy they
recovered themselves, and having the flood with them, struck
into the harbor. But when it came to, the pilot was deceived,
and said. Lord be merciful to us, my eyes never saw this place

* " We took up eighteen of their arrows, which we had sent to England,
by Master Jones ; some whereof were headed with brass, others with hart's
horn, and others with eagle's claws." — Hist. Coll. vol. viii. p. 219.
f This place, on this occasion, was called the First Encounter. — M.

34 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1620.
before : and he and the master's mate would have run the
boat ashore in a cove full of breakers before the wind,* but a
lusty seaman, who steered, bid them that rowed, if they were
men, about with her, else they were all cast away, the which
they did with all speed ; so he bid them be of good cheer, and
row hard, for there was a fair sound before them, and he
doubted not but they should find one place or other where they
might ride in safety. And although it was very dark, and
rained sore, yet in the end they got under the lee of a small
island, and remained there aU night in safety.f But they
knew not this to be an island until the next morning, but
were much divided in their minds, some would keep the boat,
doubting they might be amongst the Indians, others were so
wet and cold they could not endure, but got on shore, and
with much difficulty got fire, and so the whole were refreshed,
and rested in safety that night. The next day rendering
thanks to God for his great deliverance of them, and his con
tinued merciful good providence towards them ; and finding
this to be an island, it being the last day of the week, they
resolved to keep the sabbath there.
On the second day of the week following,:^ they sounded
the harbor, and found it fit for shipping, and marched into the

* This was between the place called the Gurnet's Nose and Sagaquab
by the mouth of Plymouth harbor. — M.
t This was afterwards called Clark's Island, because Mr. Clark, the mas
ter's mate, first stepped on shore thereon. — M.
t " On Monday we found a very good harbor for our shipping. We
marched also into the land and found divers cornfields and little running
brooks ; a place Yerj good for situation. This harbor is a bay greater than
Cape Cod [harbor] compassed with goodly land, and in the bay two fine
Islands uninhabited, wherein are nothing but woods, oaks, pines, walnut,
beech, sassafras, vines, and other trees which we know not. This bay is a most
hopeful place ; innumerable store of fowl and excellent good ; and cannot
but be fish in their seasons ; skate, cod, turbot, and herring we have tasted
of; abundance of muscles, the greatest and best we ever saw ; crabs and
lobsters in their time infinite : it is in fashion like a sickle or fish-hook." —
Mass. Hist. Coll. vol. viii. p. 220.
After making the researchest examinations, which have been related, the
Pilgrims fixed on Plymouth, called by the natives Patuxct, for their perma-

1620.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 35
land, and found divers cornfields, a'nd little running brooks, a
place (as they supposed) fit for situation, at least it was the
best that they could find, and the season and their present
necessity made them glad to accept of it. So they returned
nent home ; and on a day corresponding with the twenty-second day of
December, according to the present way of reckoning time, effected a land
ing, which has ever since been commemorated by their posterity. There
were incidents connected with the disembarkation, preserved by tradition,
•which we cannot detail here, but must refer the curious to the books of the
antiquarians. But the " Rook " on which they first planted their feet for
permanent settlement, (whether it were Miss Chilton or John Alden who
made the first successful leap,) is well ascertained, and will probably never
be forgotten. Indeed the sight of it commands an annual pilgrimage as a
memento of the faith, patience, inflexible virtue, and persevering labor of
" The Forefathers,'' who, as President Dwight says, " Were inferior to no
body of men -whose names are recorded in history during the last 1700
years." De Tocqueville says, " This Rock has become an object of venera
tion in the United States. I have seen bits of it carefully preserved in sev
eral towns of the Union. Does not this sufficiently show that all human power
and greatness is in the soul of man ? Here is a stone which the feet of the
outcasts pressed for an instant, and this stone becomes famous ; it is treasured
by a great nation ; its very dust is shared as a relic. And what has become
of the gateways of a thousand palaces ? who cares for them? "
When the purposes of commerce and navigation called for a location upon
the " Rock," the inhabitants of the place removed a considerable part of it,
which is now resting in the front of " Pilgrim Hall," with an iron inclosure,
bearing the names of the " Pilgrim Fathers of our race." The Hall is built of
rough granite, 70 feet by 44, and contains many deposits of the heirlooms of
the Pilgrims, and other memorials of the olden time, and affords convenient
rooms for the annual celebrations. A picture of the landing and full length
portraits of the boat's company, and of their friend Samoset, adorns one side
of the hall, the gift of the artist. Col. Seargeant.
It is in contemplation to erect a monument to the memory of the Fathers,
the expense of which is not to exceed $100,000, at the place of the original
landing, and where the most considerable part of the " Rock " still rests ; and
generous subscriptions are already made for that purpose. The celebration
of the landing on " Forefathers' Day," is not only attended at Plymouth, but
at Boston, New York, Cincinnati, New Orleans, Charleston, Buffalo, Detroit,
and perhaps some other places.
We have said the " Rock" is well ascertained. At the commencement of
the present century, an aged Deacon of the Plymouth Church was living,
•who remembered " Elder Founce," the son of a Pilgrim, and who died in
1746, aged ninety-nine years, and who well remembered many of the "First

36 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1620.
to their ship with this news to the rest of then- people, which
did much comfort their hearts.*
On the fifteenth of December they weighed anchor, to go to
the place they had discovered, and arrived the sixteenth day
in the harbor they had formerly discovered, and afterward
took better view of the place, and resolved where to pitch
their dwellings ; and on the five and twentieth day of Decem
ber began to erect the first house for common use, to receive
them and their goods. And after they had provided a place
for their goods and common store (which was long in un
lading for want of boats, and by reason of foulness of the
winter weather, and sickness of divers) they began to build
some small cottages for habitation, as time would admit;
and also consulted of laws and orders both for their civil and
military government, as the necessity of their present con
dition did require.! But that which was sad and lamentable,
in two or three months' time half their company died, es
pecially in January and February, being the depth of winter,
wanting houses and other comforts, being infected with the
scurvy and other diseases, which this long voyage and their
incommodate condition had brought upon them, so as there

Comers," and knew the " Rock," on which they first landed. When so aged
that he could not be abroad, the Elder was informed that the " Rock " was
covered, or about to be covered, by the erection of a store and wharf; and he
was so aflPected by the information, that he wept grievously. Out of respect
to the feelings of the Elder, and perhaps veneration for the place, the "Rock "
was not covered. The writer of this note had these facts of the Deacon
himself, and they are also substantially so related by Dr. Holmes. — Annals,
vol i. p. 168.
* December 4, dies Edward Thomson, servant of Mr. White. The
first that dies since their arrival. December 6, dies Jasper, a boy of Mr.
Carver's. December 7, Dorothy, wife of Mr. William Bradford ; she fell
from the ship and was drowned, while her husband was alsgent on this explor
ing expedition. — New Eng. Chron. 165.
t Here, as in subsequent parts of the Memorial, the inquisitive reader will
desire to see a more extended and full account of the daily employments of
the Pilgrims, we refer him to the Appendix, where we have extracted
from Prince's Chronology and Bradford's History all such matter as may be
needful to give information additional to what is contained in the Memorial.

1620.J NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 37
died, sometimes two, sometimes three, on a day, in the afore
said time, that of one hundred and odd persons, scarce fifty
remained. Amongst others in the time fore named, died Mr.
William Mullins, a rnan pious and well deserving, endowed
also with a considerable outward estate ; and had it been the
will of God that he had survived, might have proved an useful
instrument in his place, with several others who deceased in
this great and common affliction, whom I might take notice
of to the lilvc effect. Of those that did survive in this time of
distress and calamity that was upon them, there was some
times but six or seven sound persons, who (to their great com
mendation be it spoken) spared no pains night nor day to be
helpful to the rest, not shunning to do very mean services to
help the weak and impotent.* In which sickness the seamen
shared also deeply, and many died, to about the one half of
them before they went away. Thus being but few, and very
weak, this was an opportunity for the savages to have made
a prey of them, who were wont to be most cruel and treacher
ous people in all these parts, even like lions ; but to them
they were as lambs, God striking a dread in their hearts, so
that they received no harm from them. The Lord also so
disposed, as aforesaid, much to waste them by a great mor
tality, together with which were their own civil dissensions,
and bloody wars, so as the twentieth person was scarce left
alive when these people arrived, there remaining sad specta
cles of that mortality in the place where they seated, by many
bones and skulls of the dead lying above ground ; whereby it
appeared that the fiving of them were not able to bury their
dead. Some of the ancient Indians, that are surviving at the
writing hereof, do aSxra, that about some two or three years
before the first English arrived here, they saw a blazing star,
or comet ! which was a forerunner of this sad mortality, for
* Two of the seven, says Mr. Bradford, were Mr. Brewster, their reverend
elder, and Mr. Standish, their captain. — New Eng. Chron.
f This seemeth to be the same that was seen about that time in
Europe. — M. 4

38 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL, [1620.
soon after it came upon them in extremity.* Thus God
made way for his people, by removing the heathen, and plant
ing them in the land ; yet we hope in mercy to some of the
posterity of these blind savages, by being a means, at least
stepping-stones, for others to come and preach the gospel
among them ; of which afterwards in its more proper place.
But to return.
The Indians, after their arrival, would show themselves afar
off, but when they endeavored to come near them they would

* In 1617 the country of the Pawkunnawkuts was nearly depopulated by
the great plague. It is certainly remarkable that the Pilgrims should have
selected a location which was made vacant for them by the hand of Provi
dence, while unaware of the fact. The fact itself is also remarkable, as it
opened a way for colonizing the country, which we cannot suppose could
have been done by so small a number of persons, if the immediate region had
been filled with savages. But the wasting sickness among them can hardly
be connected with the comet which appeared in 1618 ; the sickness was three
or four years at least before the arrival of the Pilgrims. The pestilence was
not extensive; it was not on the Cape, nor far into Massachusetts, and scarcely
reached the interior. As to the suggestion of a special providence in this
sickness, Hutchinson says, " Should we not go into the contrary extreme if
we were to take no notice of the extinction of this people in all parts of the
continent ? In some, the English have made nse of means the most likely to
have prevented it, but all to no purpose. They waste, they moulder away,
they disappear."
The poets knew how to use this superstition of the baneful influence of
comets to advantage : — - Like a comet burned,

That fires the length of Ophiuchus huge
In th' arctic sky, and from its horrid hair
Shakes pestilence and war." Milton.
" Comets, importing change of time and states,
Brandish your crystal tresses in the sky." Shakspeake.
Mr. Oliver was the first among us who seems to have viewed the " mys
terious strangers " with a true philosophical spirit and ken : " they are now
received with a cordial welcome, and are looked upon with cahn com
placence." — Trea. Com.

1620.] NEW ENGLAND'S JIEMORIAL. 39
run away. But about the sixteenth of March, 1621, a certain
Indian called Samoset, came boldly among them and spoke
to them in broken English, which yet they could well under
stand, at which they marvelled ; but at length they under
stood that he belonged to the eastern parts of the country,
and had acquaintance with sundry of the Engfish fishermen,
and could name sundry of them, from whom he learned his
language. He became very profitable to them, in acquaint
ing them with many things concerning the state of the country
in the eastern parts, as also of the people here ; of their names,
number, and strength, of their situation and distance from
this place, and who was chief amongst them. He told them
also of another Indian called Squanto, alias Tisquantum, one
of this place, who had been in England, and could speak bet
ter English than himself: and after courteous entertainment
of him he was dismissed. Afterwards he came again with
some other natives, and told them of the coming of the great
Sachem, named Massasoiet,* who (about fom- or five days
* Gov. Winslow spells his name Massassowat ; he resided at Sowams, or
Sowampset, at the confluence of two rivers in Rehoboth or Swazey, though
occasionally at Mont Haup, or Mount Hope, the principal residence of his
son Phillip. The region round about was called Pawcawnawkit, or Paca-
noiket, and the Sachemdom by that name included the whole of what is now
the Old Colony. He was called King (or Sachem) of the Wompanaogs, the
first being the name of the territory and the last the people. The first we
learn of him is in 1619, when Capt. Dermer met him at Namasket, and de
livered to him the kidnapped Tisquantum. We next find him with the pil
grims, and the manner of the meeting is specially described in the Appendix,
from Prince. The treaty which he made with them, mentioned in the text,
was faithfully kept, and he was their fast friend while he lived. We have an
account of two visits at his place, first by Gov. Winslow and Mr. Hopkins,
and afterwards by Gov. Winslow and Mr. Hampden, of which some account
may be given in the Appendix. It seems that, in about ten years he changed
his name to Woosamequen, and in 1639 this treaty, or league, was renewed
by his special desire, his son Wamsutta, or Mooanam (the heir apparent),
being a party ; he was afterwards named Alexander. Governor Hutchinson
says, Massasoit died about the year 1656, and Wamsutta succeeded him
in the Sachemdom. As he is said to have been " in his best years " when
the treaty was made, he must have been full 70 years of age when he
died. We have the authority of Mr. Callender for the place of this Sachem's
residence, (p. 30).

40 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1620.
after) came, with the chief of his friends and other attendants,
with the aforesaid Squanto, with whom (after friendly enter
tainment and some gifts given him) they made a league of
peace with him, which contmued with him and his successors
to the time of the writing hereof. The terms and conditions
of the said league are as followeth ; *
I. That neither he nor any of his, should injm-e or do hurt
to any of their people.
IL That if any of his did any hurt to any of theirs, he
should send the offender that they might punish him.
III. That if any thing were taken away from any of theirs,
he should cause it to be restored, and they should do the like
to his.
IV. That if any did unjustly war against him, they would
aid him ; and if any did war against them, he should aid
them. V. That he should send to his neighbor confederates, to in
form them of this, that they might not wrong them, but might
be likewise comprised in these conditions of peace.
VI. That when his men came to them upon any occasion,
they should leave their arms (which were then bows and
arrows) behind them.
VII. Lastly. That so doing their sovereign Lord King
James would esteem him as his friend and ally.
AU which he liked well, and withal at the same time ac
knowledged himself content to become the subject of om-
sovereign Lord the King aforesaid, his heirs and successors;
and gave unto them aU the lands adjacent, to them and their
heirs for ever.
After these things he returned to his place called Sowams,
about forty miles distant from Plimouth, but Squanto ! con-

* Of this see more in the year 1639. — M.
f He is variously called Squanto, Squantum, and Tisquantum. There is
some disagreement in the narratives of the contemporary writers in respect to
this chief, which shows either that some of them are in error, or that there
were two of the same name, — one carried away by Waymouth, and the other
by Hunt. From a critical examination of the accounts, it is believed there
was but one, and that he was carried away by Waymouth, as Sir Ferdinand

1620.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 41
tinued with them, and was their interpreter, and proved a
special instrument sent of God for their good, beyond expecta
tion; he directed them in planting their corn, where to take
their fish, and to procure their commodities ; and also was
their pilot to bring them to unknown places for their profit,
and never left them until his death. He was a native of this
place where Pfimouth is, and scarce any left besides himself.
He was carried away (with divers others) by one named
Hunt, a master of a ship, who thought to sell them for slaves
in Spain, but he got away for England, and was entertained
by a merchant in London,* and employed to Newfoundland
and other parts ; and at last brought hither into these parts
by one Mr. Dermer, a gentleman employed by Sir Ferdinando
Gorges and others, for discovery and other designs in these
parts ; of whom I shaU say something, because it is mentioned
in a book set forth, anno 1622, by the president and council
for New England, that he made the peace between the sav
ages of those parts and the Engfish, of which this plantation
(as it is intimated) had the benefit : and what a peace it was
may appear from what befell him and his men.

Gorges relates. He says, " It so pleased our great God that Waymouth on
his return to England, came into the harbor of Plymouth, where I then com
manded. Three of whose natives, namely, Manlda, Skettwarroes, and Tis
quantum, I seized upon. They were all of one nation, but of several parts
and several families." It is impossible that Sir Ferdinando should have been
mistaken in the names of those he received from Waymouth. The names of
those carried off by Hunt are not given, or but few of them, nor were they
kidnapped until nine years after Waymouth's voyage. It is therefore possible
that Squantum having returned home from the service of Gorges, went again to
England ¦with some other person, or perhaps even with Hunt. But we are
inclined to think there was but one of the name, and his being carried away
an error of inadvertence.
Squanto died December, 1622, while acting as pUot for the colonists. He
desired the Governor to pray for him, that he might go to the Enghshman's
God. To him the Pilgrims were greatly indebted, though he often, through
shortsio-htedness, gave them, as well as himself, great trouble, as will appear
in the lives of Massasoit and Hobamak. — Drake's Hist, of the Indians,
p. 71-79.
* This merchant's name was Mr. Slaney. — M.
4*

42 NEW ENGLANT)'S MEMORIAL. [1620.
This Mr. Dermer was here the same year that these people
came, as appears by a relation written by him, bearing date
June 30, anno 1620, and they arrived in the country in the
month of November following, so that there was but four
months difference. In which relation to his honored friend,
he hath these passages of this very place where New Plimouth
is ; "I will first begin (saith he) with that place from whence
Squanto, or Tisquantum, was taken away, which in Captain
Smith's map is caUed Pfimouth,* and I would that Pfimouth
had the like commodities. I would that the first plantation
might here be seated, if there come to the number of fifty per
sons, or upwards ; otherwise at Charlton, because there the sav
ages are less to be feared. The Pocanakets, which live to the
west of Plimouth, bear an inveterate mafignity to the English,
and are of more strength than aU the savages from thence to
Panobskut. Their desire of revenge was occasioned by an
Englishman, who having many of them on board, made great
slaughter of them with their murderers and small shot, when
(as they say) they offered no injury on their parts. Whether
they were English or no, it may be doubted ; yet they believe
they were, for the French have so possessed them : for which
cause Squanto cannot deny but they would have killed me
when I was at Namassaket,! had not he entreated hard for
me. The soil of the borders of this great bay may be com
pared to most of the plantations which I have seen in Vir
ginia. The land is of divers sorts ; for Patukset ^ is an heavy
but strong soil ; Nauset § and Satuket || are for the most part
a blackish and deep mould, much fike that where groweth

* This name of Plimouth was so called not only for the reason here named,
but also because Plimouth in O. E. was the last town they left in their native
country ; and for that they received many kindnesses from some Christians
there. — M.
t This Indian settlement was in Middleborough, about 15 miles from
Plymouth. t This description of the soU could apply to only small parts of Plymouth,
in low places.
§ Nauset — Eastham.
II Satuket, or Sawkatucket, the west part of Brewster.

1620.] ' NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 43
the best tobacco in Vkginia. In the bottom of the bay is
great store of cod, bass, or mullet, etc." And above all he
commends Pacannaket " for the richest soil, and much open
ground, likely and fit for English grain. Massachusetts is
about nine leagues from Pfimouth, and situate in the midst.
Between both is many islands and peninsulas, very fertile
for the most part." With sundry such relations which I for
bear to transcribe, being now better known than they were to
him. This gentleman was taken prisoner by the Indians at Man-
namoset, (a place not far fi'om Plimouth, now well known,)
he gave them what they demanded for his fiberty ; but when
they had got what they desired, they kept him still, and en
deavored to kill some of his men, but he was freed by seizing
on some of them, and kept them bound tfil they gave him a
canoe load of corn : of which see Purch. fib. 9, fol. 1778. But
this was anno 1619.
After the writing of the former relation, he came to the isle
Capewak,* which fieth south from this place, in the way to
Virginia, and the aforesaid Squanto with him ; where he
going on shore amongst the^Indians to trade as he used to do,
was assaulted and betrayed by them, and all his men slain,
but one that_ kept the boat ; but himself got on board very
sore wounded, and they had cut off his head upon the cuddy
of the boat, had not his man rescued him with a sword, and
so they got him away, and made shift to get into Virginia,
where he died, whether of his wounds, or the diseases of the
country, or both, is uncertain. By all which it may appear
how far this people were from peace, and with what danger
this plantation Avas begun, save as the powerful hand of the
Lord did protect them.
These things were partly the reasons why the Indians kept
aloof, as aforesaid, and that it was so long ere they could
come to speech with any of them. Another reason (as after
wards themselves made known) was, how that about three
years before these first planters arrived, a certain French ship

* Now called Martin's Vineyard.

44 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1620.
was cast away at Cape Cod, but the men got on shore, and
saved their fives, and much of then- victuals and other goods ;
but afterwards the Indians heard of it, and gathered together
from these parts, and never left watching and dogging them
until they got advantage, and IdUed them aU but three or four,
which they kept and sent from one Sachem to another to
make sport with them, and used them worse than slaves ;
and they conceived this ship was now come to revenge it.
Two of the said French so used were redeemed by the afore
said Mr. Dermer, the other died amongst the Indians ; and as
the Indians have reported, one of them lived amongst them
until he was able to discourse with them, and told them, that
God was angry with them for their wickedness, and would
destroy them, and give their country to another people, that
should not live like beasts as they did, but should be clothed,
etc. But they derided him and said, that they were so many
that God could not kill them. His answer was, that though
they were never so many, God had many ways to destroy
them that they knew not.* Shortly after his death came the
plague, a disease they never heard of before, and mightily
swept them away, and left them as dung upon the earth (as
you have heard). Not long after came the Engfish to New
Plimouth, and theji several of the Indians began to mind the
Frenchman's words, thinking him to be more than an ordi
nary man. And as the first part of his speech had proved tme,
they began to be apprehensive of the latter, namely, the loss
of their country. This relation the first planters at Plimouth,
after they came to be acquainted with them, several of them
heard from divers of their ancient and gravest Indians, and
have often seen the place where the French were surprised
and taken; which place beareth the name of Frenchman's
Point with many to this day. This relation, for the verity
thereof, being also very observable, was thought meet to be
here inserted, and let me add a word hereunto ; that it is very
observable likewise, that God hath very evidently made way for

* A memorable passage of God's punishing of the heathen for their noto
rious blasphemy, and other sins. — M.

1620.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 45
the English, by sweeping away the natives by some great mor-
tafities ; as first, by the plague here in Pfimouth jurisdiction ;
secondly by the smaUpox in the jurisdiction of the Massa
chusetts, a very considerable people a Httle before the Engfish
came into the country ; as also at Connecticut, very full of
Indians a little before the English went into those parts ; and
then the Pequots by the sword of the Engfish (as will appear
in its place) and the country now mostly possessed by the
Engfish. I might also mention several places in the jurisdic
tion of New Pfimouth, peopled with considerable companies
of proper able men, since the first planters thereof came over,
even ia our sight, before they were in a capacity to improve
any of their land, that have by the same hand of Providence
been cut off, and so their land even cleared for them, and now
so replenished with their posterity, that places are too sti-ait
for them. By fittle and fittle (saith God of old to his people)
will I drive them out fi-om before thee, tfil thou be increased,
and inherit the land, Exod. xxui. 28-30.
But before I pass on, let the reader take notice of a very
remarkable particular, which was made known to the planters
at Plimouth, some short space after their arrival, that the
Indians, before they came to the English to make friendship
with them, they got aU the powaws in the country, who, for
three days together, in a horrid and devfiish manner did curse
and execrate them with their conjurations ; which assembly
and service they held in a dark and dismal swamp.* But to
return. The spring being now come, it pleased God that the mor
tality which had taken away so many of the first planters at
Plimouth ceased, and the sick and lame recovered apace,
which was, as it were, new life put into them ; they having
borne this affliction with much patience, being upheld by the
Lord. And thus we are come unto the twenty-fifth of March,
1621.!

* Behold how Satan labored to hinder the gospel from coming into New
England. — M.
! See Prince, Chron. in Appendix, for the time.

46

NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL.

[1621.

1621.*
This year several of the Indian Sachems (besides Mas
sasoiet, before named) came into the government of New
Pfimouth, and acknowledged themselves to be loyal subjects
of our sovereign Lord King James, and subscribed unto a
writing to that purpose with their own hands ; the tenor of
which said writing followeth, with then- names annexed there
unto. It beuig conceived, by some that are judicious, that it
may be of use in succeeding times, I thought meet here to
insert it. September 13, Anno Dom. 1621.
Know afi men by these presents, that we, whose names are
underwritten, do acknowledge ourselves to be the royal sub
jects of King James, King of Great Britain, France, and
Ireland, defender of the faith, etc. In witness whereof, and
as a testimonial of the same, we have subscribed our names
or marks, as followeth : —

Ohquamehud, Cawnacome,Obhatinnua,

Nattawahunt, Cauniatant,ChikJcatahak,

Quadaquina,
Huttmoiden, Apannow.

Now FOI.LO'WETH SEVERAL PASSAGES OP THE PROVIDENCE OF GOD
TO, AND THE FURTHER PROGRESS OP, THE PIKST PLANTERS AT PlI-
MOUTH, APPERTAINING TO THE YEAR 1621.
Thby now began to hasten the ship away, which tarried so
long by reason of the necessity and danger that lay on them,
because so many died both of themselves and the ship's com
pany fikewise ; by which they became so few, as the master
durst not put to sea until those that fived recovered of their
sickness and the winter over.

* See in Appendix, Prince Chronology for this year.

1621.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 47
The spring of this year they planted their first corn in New
England, being instructed in the manner thereof by the fore-
named Squanto ; they likewise sowed some English grain
with fittle success, by reason partly of the badness of the seed,
and lateness of the season, or some other defect not then
discerned. In the month of April, in this year, their governor, Mr.
John Carver, feU sick, and within a few days after died,
whose death was much lamented, and caused great heaviness
amongst them, and there was indeed great cause. He was
buried in the best manner they could, with as much solemnity
as they were in a capacity to perform, with the discharge of
some voUeys of shot of aU that bare arms. This worthy gen
tleman was one of singular piety, and rare for humility, as
appeared by his great condescendency, when as this poor
people were in great sickness and weakness, he shunned not
to do very mean services for them, yea the meanest of them.
He bare a share likewise of their labor in his own person, ac
cordingly as their extreme necessity required ; who being one
also of a considerable estate, spent the main part of it in this
enterprise, and from first to last approved himself not only as
their agent in the first transacting of things, but also aU along
to the period of his life, to be a pious, faithful, and very bene
ficial instrument, and now is reaping the fruit of his labor
with the Lord.*
His wife, who was also a gracious woman, lived not six
weeks after him ; she being overcome with excessive grief for
the loss of so gracious an husband, likewise died.
In some short distance of time after this, Mr. William Brad
ford was chosen Governor of Plimouth in his stead, being not
* Gov. Carver was taken sick in the field, while they were engaged in
their planting. Many able pens have been employed in portraying his
character. One of his grandsons lived to the age of one hundred and two
years ; and about the middle of the last century (1775) that descendant, with
his son, grandson, and great-grandson, were all at the same time at work, in
the same field, whilst an infant of the fifth generation was within the house at
Marshfield. — Belknap's Amer. Biog. ii. 216.

48 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1621.
as yet well recovered of his weakness, having been at the
point of death, and Mr. Isaac AUerton fikewise was chosen
to be his assistant.
The second of July in this year they sent Mr. Edward
Winslow and Mr. Stephen Hopkins, unto the great Sachem
Massasoit aforesaid, with a gratuity, to congratulate with
him and to view his country, and likewise to take notice of
what strength of men he had, etc., having Squanto for their
guide, who found his place to be about forty miles from New
Plimouth, his people few in comparison of what they had
been, by reason of the mortafity amongst the Indians fore-
mentioned. These brought word, upon their return, of the
Narragansets, a people that lived on the other side of that
great bay, which are a people strong and many in number,
fiving compact together, and had not at aU been touched
with the wasting plague before specified. They also brought
a full intelligence in reference unto the particulars they were
sent about, and so returned in safety.
Thus their peace being well established with the natives
about them, which was much furthered by an Indian named
Hobamak,* who came to five amongst the English, he being
a proper lusty young man, and one that was in account
amongst the Indians in those parts for his valor, continued
faithful and constant to the English until his death. He,
with the said Squanto, being sent amongst the Indians about
business for the English, were surprised by an Indian Sachem
named Corbitant, who was no friend to the English ; he met
with him at Namassaket, and began to quarrel with him, and
offered to stab Hobamak, who, being a strong man, soon
cleared himself of him ; and with speed came and gave intel
ligence to the Governor of Pfimouth, saying he feared that
Squanto was slain, for they were both threatened, and for no
other cause, but that they were friends to the English, and

* Hobamak was a Chief Captain of Massasoit ; he continued to live with
the English till his death, and gave some good hopes that his soul went to
rest. — N. E. First Fruits.

1621.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 49
serviceable to them. On which it was thought meet to vin
dicate their messengers, and not to suffer them to be thus
wronged, and it was concluded to send some men to Namas
saket well armed, and to fall upon them ; whereupon four
teen men being well prepared, were sent, under the conduct
of Capt. Miles Standish, who, when they came thither, beset
the house, and the said captain entered into the same to look
for the said Corbitant, but he was fled, and so they missed of
him ; but understood that Squanto was alive ; so they with
held and did no hurt, save three of the natives, pressing out
of the house when it was beset, were sorely wounded ; which
they brought home to their town with them, and were dressed
by their surgeon and cured.
After this they had many congratulations from divers Sa
chems, and much firmer peace, yea those of the isle of Cape
wak sent to make friendship with them, and this Corbitant
himself used the mediation of Massasoit to make his peace,
but was shy to come near them a long time after.
After this, on the eighteenth of September, they sent out
their boat to the Massachusetts with ten men, and Squanto
for their interpreter, to discover and view that bay, and to
trade with the natives ; and found kind entertainment with
them, who expressed themselves to be much afraid of the
Tarateens, a people in the eastern part of New England,
which used to come in harvest time and take away their corn,
and many times kill some of their people ; who after they had
accomplished their business, returned in safety, and made
report of the place, wishing they had been there seated. But
the Lord, who assigns to all men the bounds of their habita
tions, had appointed it for another end and use.
And thus they found the Lord to be with them in aU their
ways, and to bless their outgoings and incomings ; for which
let his holy name have the praise for ever.
Being now weU recovered in respect of health (as hath been
said), they began to fit up their buildings against winter, and
received in their first harvest, and had great plenty of fowl
and fish, to their great refreshing.
About the ninth of November came in a small ship, to
5

50 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1621.
them unexpected,* in which came Mr. Robert Cushman, who
was both a godly man, and an active and faithful agent, and
useful instrument in the common interest of this first design ;
and there came with him in that ship thirty-five persons, to
remain and live in the plantation ; which did not a little re
joice the first planters. And these when they came on shore,
and found all weU, and saw plenty of provisions beyond their
expectation, were also satisfied and no less glad ; for coming
in at Cape Cod, before they came to Plimouth, and seeing
nothing there but a barren place, they then began to think what
should become of them, if the people were dead, or cut off by
the Indians ; and began to consult upon some passages,
which some of the seamen had cast out, to take the sails from
the yards, lest the ship should get away and leave them;
but the master hearing thereof, gave them good words, and
told them, if any thing but well should have befaUen the peo
ple at Plimouth, he hoped he had provisions enough to carry
them to Virginia, and whilst he had any, they should have
their part, which gave them good satisfaction.
This ship stayed at Pfimouth not above fourteen days, and
returned ; and soon after her departure, the people called the
Narragansets, aforesaid, sent messengers unto the plantation,
with a bundle of arrows, tied together with a snake's skin,
which their interpreter Squanto told them was a threatening,
and a challenge ; upon which the governor of Plimouth sent
them a rough answer, namely, that if they loved war rather
than peace, they might begin when they would, they had
done them no wrong, neither did they fear them, nor should
they find them unprovided ; and by another messenger sent
the snake's skin back again, with buUets in it, but they would
not receive it, but sent it back again. It is probable the rea
son of this then- message to the English was then- own am
bition, who, since the death of so many Indians, thought io
domineer and lord it over the rest, and conceived the Engfish

* This ship was called the Fortune, in which came no provisions, which
was one cause of a great famine that befel the plantation of New Plimouth
soon after. — M.

1622.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 51
would be a bar in the way, and saw that Massasoit took shel
ter already under their wings. But this made the English
more carefully to look to themselves, so they agi-eed to close
their dwellings with a good strong pale, and made flankers in
convenient places, with gates to shut, which were every night
locked, and a watch kept, and when need required, there was
also warding in the daytime ; and the company was, by the
governor and captain's advice, divided into four squadrons,
and every one had their quarter appointed them, unto which
they were to repair ; and if there should be any cry of fire, a
company was appointed for a guard with muskets, whilst
others qu^enched the fire ; the same to prevent Indian treach
ery. And herewith I shall end the passages of this year.

1622.*
At the spring of this year, the English having certified the
Indians of the Massachusetts, that they would come again
unto them, they accordingly prepared to go thither ; but upon
some rumors which they heard from Hobamak their friend
forenamed, who feared that the Massachusetts were joined
with the Narragansets, and might betray them if they were
not careful; and intimated also his jealousies of Squanto, by
what he gathered from some private whisperings between him
and other Lidians, that he was not reaUy cordial to the Eng
fish in what he pretended, made them cautious. Notwith
standing, they sent out their boat, with ten of their principal
men, about the beginning of April, and both Squanto and
Hobamak with them, in regard of the jealousy between them ;
but they had not been gone long, ere that an Indian belong
ing to Squanto's family came running, seeming to be in great
fear, and told them that many of the Narragansets, with
Corbitant, (and he thought Massasoit,) was coming against
them; at which they betook themselves to their arms, and
supposing that the boat was not yet out of caU, they caused
* See Prince's Chron. for this year in the Appendix.

52 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1622.
a piece of ordnance to be discharged, to call them in again ;
but this proved otherwise, for no Indians came. After this
they went to the Massachusetts, and had good trade, and re
turned in safety, God be praised.
But by the former passages and things of fike nature, they
began to see that Squanto sought his own ends, and played
his own game, by putting the Indians in fear, and drawing
gifts from them to enrich himself; making them befieve he
could stir up war against them when he would, and make peace
for them when he would; yea, he made them believe that the
English kept the plague buried in the ground ;* and could send
it amongst whom they would, which did much terrify the In
dians ; and made them more depend on him and seek more
to him than to their great sachem Massasoit; which procured
him envy, and had fike to have cost him his life ; for after
the discovery of these practices, the said Massasoit sought it
both privately and openly ; which caused him to stick close
to the English, and never after durst go from them until his
death. They also made good use of the emulation that grew
between Hobamak and him, which made them both carry
more squarely ; and the governor seemed to countenance the
one, and their captain the other ; by which they had the bet
ter intelligence, and made them both the more diligent.
About the latter end of May they espied a vessel at sea,
which at the first they thought to be a Frenchman, but it
proved one that belonged to Mr. Thomas Weston, a mer
chant ; which came from a ship which he and another had
sent out on fishing to a place called Damarel's Cove, in the
eastern parts of New England. This boat brought seven
men, and some letters, but no provisions to them, of which
they were in continual expectation from England, which ex
pectations were frustrated in that behalf; for they never had
any supply to any purpose after this time, but what the Lord
helped them to raise by their industry among themselves ; for
all that came afterwards was too short for the passengers that
came with it.

* This was said to be a barrel of gunpowder buried in the ground. — M.

1622.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 53
After this the same year, the above-named Mr. Thomas
Weston, who had formerly been one of the merchant adven
turers to the plantation of New Pfimouth (but had now broken
off and deserted the general concerns thereof ) sent over two
ships, the one named the Sparrow,* the other the Charity, on
his own particular interest ; in the one of them came sixty
lusty men, who were to be put on shore at Plimouth, for the
ship was to go with other passengers to Virginia ; these were
courteously entertained (with the seven men forenamed, be
longing to the said Weston), at Plimouth aforesaid, until the
ship returned from Virginia, which was the most part of that
summer ; many of them being sick, and all of them destitute
of habitation, and unacquainted with this new beginning ; at
the ship's return from Virginia, by the direction of the said
IVIr. Weston, their master, or such as he had set over them,
they removed into the Massachusetts Bay, he having got a
patent for some part there, yet they left all then- sick folks at
Pfimouth, until they were settled and fitted for housing to re
ceive them. These were an unruly company, and no good
government over them, and by disorder feU into many wants
as afterwards wiU appear.
But before I pass on, I may not omit the mentioning of a
courteous letter that came in the vessel above named, in
which the above said seven men came, being directed to the
governor of Plimouth, with respect unto the whole planta
tion, from a captain of a ship at the eastward, who came
thither on a fishing voyage ; the which for the ingenuity of
the man, and his courtesy therein expressed, may not unfitly
be here inserted, being inscribed as followeth : —
To ALL, HIS GOOD FeIENDS IN PlIMOUTH,
Friends, countrymen, and neighbors, I salute you, and wish
you all health and happiness in the Lord. I make bold with
these few fines to trouble you, because unless I were inhuman,
I can do no less. Bad news doth spread itself too far, yet I
¦wiU so far inform, that myself with many good friends in the

* According to Prince, the Swan.
5*

54 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1622.
south colony of Virginia have received such a blow, that four
hundred persons large will not make good our losses. There
fore I do entreat you, although not knowing you, that the old
rule which I learned when I went to school, may be sufficient,
that is, " Happy is he who other men's harms do make to be
ware." And now again and again, wishing aU those that
wilfingly would serve the Lord, aU health and happiness in
this world, and everlasting peace in the world to come.
I rest yours, John Hudston.
In the same vessel the governor returned a thankful answer,
as was meet, and sent a boat of their own with them, which
was piloted by them ; in which Mr. Edward Winslow was
sent to procure what provisions he could of the ship, who
was kindly received by the aforesaid gentleman, who not
only spared what he could, but wrote to others to do the fike ;
by which means the plantation had a good quantity of pro
visions.* This summer they built a fort with good timber, both
strong and comely, which was of good defence, made with a
flat roof and battlements ; on which fort their ordnance was
mounted, and where they kept constant watch, especiaUy in
time of danger. It served them also for a meeting-house,
and was fitted accordingly for that use. It was a great work
for them to do in their weakness, and times of want ; but the
danger of the time required it ; there being continual rumors
of the Indians, and fears of their rising against them, es
peciaUy the Narragansets ; and also the hearing of that great
and sad massacre in Virginia above named.!

* Although this was not much amongst them all, yet it was a very season
able blessing and supply, they being now in a low condition for want of
food. — M.
t Here, in the first edition of Morton, is an account of a severe drought, of
a fast, and of a thanksgiving. But it seems from Prince that Morton was
mistaken in regard to the date of these occurrences, and that they took place
the next year. Following Prince therefore, as has Judge Davis in his
edition, we transfer two paragraphs that were originally here inserted to
their proper location in 1623.

1622.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 55
Now the welcome harvest approached, in the which aU had
some refreshment, but it arose but to a fittle in comparison of
a whole year's supply ; partly by reason they were not yet weU
acquainted with the manner of the husbandry of the Indian
corn (having no other), and also their many other employ
ments ; but chiefly their weakness for want of food, so as to
appearance, famine was fike to ensue, if not some way pre
vented. Markets there was none to go unto, but only the
Indians; but they had no trading stuff. But behold now
another providence of God ; a ship came into the harbor, one
Capt. Jones being chief in her, set out by some merchants to
discover aU the harbors between Cape Cod and Vu-ginia, and
to ti-ade along the coast. This ship had store of English
beads (which were then good trade), and some knives, but
would seU none but at dear rates, and also a good quantity
together ; yet they were glad of the occasion, and fain to buy
at any rate : they were fain to give after the rate of cent, per
cent., if not more, and yet pay away coat beaver at three
shilfings per pound. By this means they were fitted again to
trade for beaver and other things, and so procured what corn
they could.
But here let me take fiberty to make a little digression.
There was in the ship sent by Mr. Weston forenamed (in
which his men came) a gentleman named Mr. John Porey, he
had been secretary in Virginia, and was now going home
passenger in this ship. After his departure he wrote a letter
to the governor of Plimouth, in the postscript whereof he hath
these expressions foUowing : —
" To yourself and Mr. Brewster I must humbly acknowl
edge myself many ways indebted, whose books I would have
you think very weU bestowed, who esteems them such jewels.
My haste would not suffer me to remember, much less to beg
Mr. Ainsworth's elaborate work on the five books of Moses ;
both his and Mr. Robinson's do highly commend the authors,
as being most conversant in the Scriptures of all others ; and
what good who knows it may please God to work by them
through my hands, though most unworthy, who find such

56 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORLAlL. [1622.
high content in them. God have you all in his keeping.
Your unfeigned and firm friend, John Porey.
August 28, 1622."
These things I here insert, partly for the honor's sake of
the author's memory, which this gentleman doth so inge
niously aclcnowledge, and also the credit and good that he
procured unto the plantation of Plimouth after his return, and
that amongst those of no mean rank. But to return.
Mr. Weston's people forenamed, who were now seated in
the bay of the Massachusetts, at a place caUed by the Indians
Wesagusquaset,* and by disorder (as it seemed) had made
havoc of their provision ; they began now to conceive that
want would come upon them ; and hearing that their neigh
bors at Plimouth had bought trading stuff, as aforesaid,
and intended to trade for corn, they vinrote to the governor,
and desired that they might join with them, and they would
employ their small ship ! in this service ; and also requested
to lend or seU them so much of their trading stuff as their
part might come to ; which was agreed unto on equal terms ;
so they went out in the expedition, with an intention to go
about Cape Cod to the southward, but meeting with cross
winds, and other crosses, went in at Mannomoik,^ where the
aforesaid Squanto, being then- guide and interpreter, fell sick,
and within a few days died. A little before his death, he de
sired the governor of Pfimouth (who then was there) to pray
for him, that he might go to the Englishman's God in heaven ;
and bequeathed divers of his things to sundry of his Engfish
friends, as remembrances of his love ; of whom they had a
great loss.§
Here they got a considerable quantity of corn, and so re
turned. After these things, John Saunders, who was left
chief over Mr. Weston's men at Wesagusquaset, in the month

* Now by the English called Weymouth. — M.
t The^Swan. % Chatham.
§ His conduct was generally good, and his services useful to the infant
colony.

1623.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 57
of February, sent a messenger, showing the great wants they
were faUen into, and would have borrowed corn of the Indians,
but they would lend him none ; and desired advice whether
he might take it from them by force to succor his men, until
return from the eastward, whither he was now going. But
the governor and the rest dissuaded him by all means from it,
for it might so exasperate the Indians, as might endanger
their safety, and aU of them might smart for it ; for they had
already heard how they had wronged the Indians, by stealing
their corn, etc., so as the natives were much incensed against
them ; yea, so base were some of their own company, as they
went and told the Indians, that their governor was purposed
to come and take their corn by force, which, with other things,
made them enter uito a conspiracy against the English. And
herewith I end the relation of the most remarkable passages
of God's providence towards the first planters, which feU out
in this year. 1623.
Mr. Weston's people forenamed, notwithstanding aU helps
they could procure for supply of provisions, feU into great ex
tremity; which was occasioned by their excessive expence
while they had it, or could get it; and after they came
into want, many sold away their clothes and bed coverings ;
others were so base as they become servants to the Indians,
and would cut them wood, and fetch them water for a cap
fuU of corn ; others feU to stealing, both night and day, from
the Indians, of which they grievously complained. In the
end they came to that misery that some starved and died with
hunger ; and one, in gathering of sheU-fish, was so weak, as he
stuck fast in the mud, and was found dead in the place ; and
most of them left their dweJfings, and were scattered up and
down in the woods by the water-side, where they could find
groundnuts and clams, here six and there ten, by which their
carriages they became contemned and scorned of the Indians,
insomuch as they began greatly to insult over them in a most

58 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1623.
insolent manner, so as if they had set on such victuals as
they had gotten to dress it, when it was ready the Indians
would come and eat it up ; and when night came, when as
possibly some of them had a sorry blanket, or such like, to lap
themselves in, the Indians would take it, and let the other fie
aU night in the cold, so as their condition was very lamen
table ; and in the end they were fain to hang one of their
company, whom they could not reclaim from stealing, to give
the Indians content.
Whilst things went on in this manner with them, the gov
ernor and people of Plimouth had notice that the sachem
Massasoit, their friend, was sick, and near unto death, and
they sent to visit him, and sent him some comfortable things,
which gave him content, and was a means of his recovery ;
upon which occasion he discovered the conspiracy of these
Indians, how they were resolved to cut off Mr. Weston's com
pany,* for the continual injuries they had done them, and
would now take opportunity of their weakness, and do it ;
and for that end had conspfi-ed with other Indians their
neighbors thereabout. And thinking the people here would
revenge their death, they therefore thought to do the fike by
them, therefore [advised] to prevent it, and that speedily, by
taking some of the chief of them before it was too late, for he
assured them of the truth thereof.
This did much trouble them, and they took it into serious
consideration, and found upon examination, and other evi
dences to give light thereunto, that the matter was really so,
as the said sachem had told them. In the mean time came
an ! Engfishman from the Massachusetts, from the said com-

* The conspiracy, as related to Winslow, was to an alarming extent,
embracing tribes in every direction. The Massachusetts Indians were the
principals, and had engaged, it was said, those of Nauset, Pamet, Succonet,
Mattachiest, Manomet, Agawaywam, and the isle of Capawack to cooperate
with them.
•]¦ This man's name was Phinehas Pratt, who has penned the particulars of
his perilous journey, and some other things relating to this tragedy.  M-
This man was living in 1677, when Mr. Hubbard wrote his history.

1623.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 59
pany in misery, as hath been above related, with a pack at his
back ; and although he knew not a foot of the way, yet he
got safe hither, but lost his way, which was weU for him, for
he was pursued by two Indians, who by God's providence,
missed of him by that means; and he related how all things
stood with them there, and that he durst stay no longer, for
he apprehended by what he observed they would be all slain
erelong. This made them make the more haste, and they
despatched a boat away with some men, under the conduct
of Capt. Standish, who found them in a miserable condition ;
out of which he rescued them, and helped them to some re
lief, cut off some of the chief conspirators against them, and
according to his order, offered to bring them all to Plimouth,
to be there until Mr. Weston came, or some other way should
be presented for their help. They thanked him and the rest,
but they rather desired that he would help them with some
corn, and they would go with their small ship to the east
ward, to look out a way for themselves, either to have relief
by meeting with Mr. Weston, or if not, to work with the
fishermen for their supply, and their passage for England ; so
they 'shipped what they had of any worth, and he helped
them with as much corn as he could, and saw them out of the
bay under sail, and so came home, not taking the worth of a
penny of any of them.
This was the end of these that sometimes boasted of their
strength, being aU able, lusty men, and what they would do
and bring to pass, in comparison of the people at Plimouth,
who had many women and children, and weak ones ; and
said at their first arrival, when they saw the wants at Plim
outh, that they would take another course and not fall into
such a condition as this simple people were come to. But a
man's way is not in his own power ; God can make the weak
stand. Let him that thinketh he standeth (in such respect as
well as other), take heed lest he faU.*
Shortly after, Mr. Weston came over with some of the
fishermen, where he heard of the ruin of his plantation, and

* Here see the effects of pride and vainglory. — M.

60 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1623.
got a boat, and with a man or two came to see how things
were ; but by the way (for want of skill), in a storm, he cast
away his boat in the bottom of the bay, between Merrimack
and Piscataqua, and hardly escaped with fife ; and afterwards
feU into the hands of the Indians, who pillaged him of aU
that he had saved from the sea, and stripped him of aU his
clothes to his shirt. At last he got to Piscataqua, and bor
rowed a suit of clothes, and got means and came to Plimouth.
A strange alteration there was in him, to such as had seen
and known him in his former flourishing condition ; so uncer
tain are all things of this uncertain world.
But to return to the state and condition of the planters at
Pfimouth, all this while no supply heard of, so they began to
think how they might raise as much corn as they could ; so
as they might not languish in misery as formerly they had
done, and at the present they did, and it was thought the
best way, and accordingly given way unto, that every one
should plant corn for his own particular, and in that regard
provide for themselves, and, in other respects, continue the
general course and way as before ; and so they ranged aU
their youth under some family, and set upon such a course,
which had good success, for it made all hands very industri
ous, so as much corn was planted.
This course being settled, by that time all their corn was
planted, all their victuals was spent, and they were only to
rest on God's providence ; many times at night not knowing
where to have- any thing to sustain nature the next day, and
so, (as one well observed,) had need to pray that God would
give them their daily bread, above all people in the world ;
yet they bear those wants with great patience and alacrity of
spirit, and that for so long a time as the most part of two
years. Which brings to mind what Peter Martyr writes in
his magnifying of the Spaniards : (in his first Decade, p. 208).
" They (said he) led a miserable fife for five days together,
with parched grain of maize only, and that not to satiety ; "
and then concludes, that " such pains, such labors," he thought
" none living, who is not a Spaniard, could have endured."
But alas ! those men when they had maize (that is Indian

1623.] NT;W ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 61
corn) they thought it as good as a feast, and wanted, not
only for five days together, but sometimes for two or three
months together, and neither had bread or any kind of corn.
Indeed, in another place in his second Decade, p. 94, he
mentions how others of them were worse put to it, where they
were fain to eat dogs, toads, and dead men, and so almost all
of them died. From these extremities the Lord in his good
ness preserved both their lives and healths ; let his holy name
have the praise. Yet let me here make use of his conclusion,
which in some sort may be appfied to this people, that " with
their miseries they opened a way to those new lands ; and
after storms, with what ease, other men came to inhabit in
them, in respect to the calamities these men suffered ; so as
they seemed to go to a bride feast, where aU things are pro
vided for them."
They having one boat left, and she none of the best, with a
net which they bought, improved them for the taking of bass,
which proved a good help to them, and when those failed
they were fain all hands to go dig sheU-fish out of the sands
for their fiving ; in the winter season groundnuts and fowl
were the principal of their refreshing, until God sent more set
tled and suitable supplies, by his blessing upon their industry.*
At length they received some letters from the adventurers,
which gave them intelligence of a ship set out to come hither
unto Pfimouth, named the Paragon. This ship was bought
by Mr. John Pierce, and set out on his own charge, upon hopes
of great matters ; the passengers and goods, the company sent
in her, he took in for freight, for which they agreed with him
to be delivered here ; this was he in whose name their first
patent was taken, for this place where Plimouth is, by reason
of acquaintance, and some aUiance that some of their friends
had with him, but his name was only used in trust, but when

* " We begin to set our com, the setting season being good, till the latter
end of May. But by the time our corn is planted, our victuals are spent ;
not knowiniT at night where to have a bit in the morning, and have neither
bread nor corn for three or four months together ; yet bear our wants with
cheerfulness and rest on Providence." — Gov. Bradford's MS.
6

62 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1623.
he saw they were here hopefully seated, and by the success God
gave them, had obtained favor of the council of New England,
he goes and sues to the said council, for another patent of
much larger extent, in their names, which was easily obtained,
but he meant to keep it to himself, and to aUow them what
they pleased to hold of him as tenants, and sue to his courts
as chief lord. But the Lord marveUously crossed him in his
proceedings ; for when the ship above named set out from the
Thames, she sprang aleak by that time she got to the Downs,
and also by reason of a chop that accidently befeU one of her
^cables, it broke in a stress of wind whfie she there rode, and
;Was in danger to have been driven on the sands, and there
upon was constrained to return back to London, and there
arrived in fourteen days after, and was haled up into the dock,
and an hundred pounds more bestowed on her to mend her
leaks and bruises, which she received in the aforesaid storm ;
and when she was again fitted for the voyage, he pestered his
ship, and takes in more passengers, and those some of them
not very good, to help to bear his losses, and sets out the
second time ; and when he was half-way, or thereabouts, to
New England, was forced back again by an extreme tempest,
wherein the goodness and mercy of God appeared in their
preservation, being one hundred and nine souls. This ship
suffered the greatest extremity at sea, at her second setting
forth, as is seldom the fike heard of. It was about the mid
dle of February that the storm began, and it continued for
the most part of fourteen days, but for two or three days and
nights together, in most violent exti-emity. At the beginning
of the storm, their boat being above decks, was thrown over
board; they spent then- mainmast, their roundhouse was
beaten off with the storm, and aU the upper works of their
ship ; he that stood to give direction for the guiding of her
before the sea, was made fast, to prevent his washing over
board, and the seas did so overrake them, as that many times
those upon the deck knew not whether they were mthin
board or without; and by her extreme leaking, being a very
rotten ship, and the storm increasing, she was once very near
foundering in the sea, so as they thought she would never

1623.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 63
rise again: notwithstanding the Lord was pleased of his
great mercy to preserve them ; and after great weather-beat
ing and exfi-aordinary danger, they arrived safe at Portsmouth
in Hampshire, to the wonderment of aU that beheld in what
condition they were, and heard what they had endured.*
Upon the return of the said Mr. John Pierce for England,
(he being personally in this his ship in the so sad storm) ;
the other merchant adventurers got him to assign over the
grand patent to the company, which he had taken in his own
name, and made quite void their former patent.
About the latter end of June, came in a ship ! at Pfimouth
with Capt. Francis West, who had a commission to be ad-
mfi-al of New England, to restrain interlopers, and such fish
ing ships as came to fish and trade without license from the
council of New England, for which they should pay a great
sum of money ; but he could do no good of them, for they
were too strong for him, and he found the fishermen to be re-
firactory, and their owners, upon complaint made to the Par
fiament, procured an order that fishing should be free. He
told the governor of Plimouth that they spoke with a ship at
sea, and were on board her, that was coming to the said
plantation of Pfimouth, in which were sundry passengers,
and they marveUed she was not arrived, fearing some mis
carriage ; for they lost her in a storm that fell shortly after
they had been on board; which relation fiUed them full of
fears, yet mixed with hope. The master of the ship had two
hogsheads of peas to sell, but seeing their wants, held them
at nine pounds sterfing and hogshead, and under eight he
would not take, and yet would have beaver at an underrate ;
but they told him they had fived so long without, and would
do still, rather than give so unreasonably; so the said ship
went from Pfimouth to Vu-ginia.
J It may not here be omitted, that notwithstanding all their
* This relation was made by Mr. William Pierce, the master of the said
ship, and some passengers of good credit. — M.
t This was the ship called the Paragon aforesaid.
t The two foUowing paragraphs were inserted by Morton as belonging to
the previous year. See note on page 54.

64 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1623.
great pains and industry, and the great hopes they had of a
large crop, the Lord seemed to threaten them with more and
sorer famine by a great drought, which continued from the
third week in May, untfi the middle of July, without any
rain, and with great heat of weather for the most part, inso
much that their corn began to wither away, although it was
planted with fish, according to the usual manner in those
times ; yet at length it began to languish sore, and some of
the dryer grounds was parched like withered hay, part whereof
was never recovered. Upon which they set apart a solemn
day of humfiiation, to seek the Lord by humble and fervent
prayer in this great distress ; * and he was pleased to give
them a gracious and speedy answer, both to their own and
the Indians' admiration, that lived amongst them ; for all the
morning and the greatest part of the day, it was clear weather,
and very hot, and not a cloud nor any sign of rain to be seen,
yet towards evening it began to be overcast, and shortly after
to rain, with such sweet and gentle showers, as gave them
cause of rejoicing and blessing God. It came without either
wind or thunder, or any violence, and by degrees in that
abundance, as that the earth was thoroughly wet and soaked
therewith, which did so apparently revive and quicken the
decayed corn and other fruits, as was wonderful, and made
the Indians astonished to behold.! ^ little before the Lord
sent this rain of liberalities upon his people, one of them hav
ing occasion to go to the house of the aforenamed Hobamak,
the Indian, he, the said Hobamak, said unto him, " I am much
troubled for the English, for I am afraid they woU lose all
then- corn by the drought, and so they will be aU starved ; as
for the Indians, they can shift better than the Engfish, for
they can get fish to help themselves." But afterwards the
same man having occasion to go again to his house, he said

* It is mentioned by Smith, that the religious exercises on this occasion,
continued eight or nine hours. • — Netv England's Trials.
f This is a specimen of their constant recognition of Divine Providence of
their faith and prayer ; as also of God's readiness to hear and answer those
who sincerely repair to Him in time of need.

1623.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 65
to him, " now I see that the Enghshman's God is a good God,
for he hath heard you, and sent you rain, and that without
storms and tempests and thunder, which usuaUy we have with
our rain, which breaks down our corn, but yours stands whole
and good still ; surely your God is a good God ; " or with
words to the like effect.*
And after this gracious return of prayers, in this so season
able a blessing of the rain, the Lord sent them such seasonable
showers, with interchange of warm weather, as (through his
blessing) caused in its time a fruitful and liberal harvest, to
their great comfort and rejoicing; for which mercy, in time
convenient, they also solemnized a day of thanksgiving unto
the Lord.
About fourteen days after came in the ship, called the Ann,
whereof Mr. WiUiam Pierce was master. Two of the prin
cipal passengers that came in this ship were Mr. Timothy
Hatherly, and I\Ir. George Morton; the former, namely, Mr.
Timothy Hatherly, soon after his arrival met with some
cross providences by burning of his house, whereby he was
much impoverished and much discouraged, and returned the
winter foUowing for England ; and afterwards the Lord was
pleased to renew his estate, and he came again into New
England, and proved a very profitable and beneficial instru
ment, both in church and commonwealth, being one of the
first beginners, and a good instrument to uphold the church
and town of Scituate ; and also served God and the jurisdic
tion of Plimouth in the place of magistracy, and retained his
integrity in the profession of the ways of Christ unto old age ;
stiU surviving at the penning hereof.
The latter of the two forenamed, namely, Mr. George
* The person that made this relation is still surviving, (1669,) and a prin
cipal man in the jurisdiction of New Plimouth.- — M.
John Alden must have been the person here intended. He was one of the
signers of the original compact in 1620, being then about twenty-two years
of age. He died at Duxbury, in 1687, eighteen years after the first pubhca-
tion of the Memorial, in the eighty-ninth year of his age ; having been an
assistant in the administration of every governor for sixty-seven years. —
Hist. Coll. ii. 6. Allen's Biog. and Hist. Did.
6*

66 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1623.
Morton, was a pious, gracious servant of God, and very faith
ful in whatsoever public employment he was betrusted withal,
and an unfeigned weU wiUer, and, according to his sphere and
condition, a suitable promoter of the common good and
growth of the plantation of New Pfimouth ; laboring to still
the discontents that sometimes would arise amongst some
spirits, by occasion of the difficulties of these new beginnings;
but it pleased God to put a period to his days soon after his
arrival in New England, not surviving a fuU year after his
coming ashore. With much comfort and peace he feU asleep
in the Lord, in the month of June, anno 1624.
About ten days after the arrival of the ship called the Ann,
above named, there came in another small ship of about forty-
four tons, named the James, Mr. Bridges being master thereof;
which said ship the Ann had lost at sea by reason of foul
weather; she was a fine new vessel, buUt to stay in the
country. One of the principal passengers that came in her
was Mr. John Jenny, who was a godly, though otherwise a
plain man, yet singular for pubficness of spirit, setting himself
to seek and promote the common good of the plantation of
New Plimouth; who spent not only his part of this ship
(being part owner thereof) in the general concernment of
the plantation, but also afterwards was always a leading man
in promoting the general interest of this colony. He fived
many years in- New England, and feU asleep in the Lord,
anno 1644. In the two ships last named, came over many
other persons, besides those before recited, who proved of
good use in their places.
These passengers, seeing the low and poor condition of
those that were here before them, were much daunted and
dismayed, and, according to their divers humors, were diversely
affected. Some wished themselves in England again ; others
feU on weeping, fancying their own misery in what they saw
in others; other some pitying the distress they saw theur
friends had been long in, and stiU were under. In a word, aU
were fuU of sadness; only some of then old friends rejoiced
to see them, and that it was no worse with them, for they
could not expect it should be better, and now hoped they

1623.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 67
should enjoy better days together. And truly it was no mar
vel they should be thus affected, for they were in a very low
condition, both in respect of food and clothing at that time.
To consider seriously how sadly the Scripture speaks of
the famine in Jacob's time, when he said to his sons, go buy
us food, that we may live and not die ; and that the famine
was great and heavy in the land, and yet they had great herds
and store of cattle of sundry kinds, which, besides their flesh,
must needs produce other useful benefits for food, and yet it
was accounted a sore affliction. But the misery of the plant
ers at Plimouth, at the first beginning, must needs be very
great therefore, who not only wanted the staff of bread, but
all the benefits of cattle, and had no Egypt to go to, but God
fed them out of the sea for the most part ; so wonderful is his
powerful providence over his in all ages ; for his mercy endur
eth for ever.
About the middle of September arrived Capt. Robert
Gorges, in the bay of the Massachusetts, with sundry passen
gers and famifies, intended there to begin a plantation, and
pitched upon that place, which Mr. Weston forenamed had
forsaken. He had a commission from the councU of New
England to be general governor of the country ; and they
appointed, for his council and assistants, Capt. Francis West,
the aforesaid admiral, Christopher Levet, Esq., and the gov
ernor of Plimouth for the time being. Also they gave him
authority to choose such others as he should find fit. Also
they gave, by their commission, fuU power to him and his
assistants, or any three of them, (whereof himself was always
to be one,) to do and execute what to them should seem good,
in all cases, capital, criminal, and civil ; with divers other in
structions ; of which, and his commission, it pleased him to
suffer the governor of Pfimouth to take a copy.
He, meeting with the aforesaid Mr. Weston at Plimouth,
caUed him before him and some other of the assistants, vidth
the governor -of Plimouth aforesaid, and charged him with
the ill carriage of his men at the Massachusetts, by which
means the peace of the country was disturbed, and himself
and the people which he had brought over to plant in that

68 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORL^. [1628.
bay, thereby much prejudiced. To which the said Weston
easfly answered, that what was done in that behalf, was done
in his absence, and might have befaUen any man. He left
them suflficientiy provided, and conceived they would have
been weU governed; and for any error committed he had
sufficiently smarted.
Another particular was, an abuse' done to his father. Sir
Ferdinando Gorges, and to the state. The thing was this ;
he used him and others of the council of New England, to
procure him a license for the transporting of many great pieces
of ordnance for New England, pretendmg great fortification
here in the country ; for which when he had obtained, he sold
them beyond sea for his private profit. At which the state
was much offended, and his father suffered a shrewd check,
and he had order to apprehend him.*
The said Weston excused it as well as he could, but could
not whoUy deny it ; but after much speech about it, by the
mediation of the governor of Plimouth, and some other
friends, the said Capt. Gorges was inclined to gentleness,
(though he apprehended the abuse of his father deeply,)
which when the said Weston perceived, he grew the more
presumptuous, and gave such cutting and provoking speeches,
as made the said captain rise up in great indignation and
distemper, vowing, that he would either curb him, or send
him home for England. At which the said Weston was
daunted, and came privately to the governor of Pfimouth, to
know whether they would suffer him to send him for England?
It was answered him, they could not hinder it ; and much
blamed him, that after they had pacified things, he should
thus break out by his own foUy and rashness, and bring
trouble upon himself and others. He confessed it was his
passion, and prayed the governor aforesaid to entreat for him,
and procure a pacification for him if he could ; the which at

* The said Mr. Thomas Weston was a man of 'parts, and a merchant of
good account in London. Sometune after these passages, he went for En<T-
land, and died in the city of Bristol ; he proved but a staff of reed to the
plantation of Plimouth. — M.

1623.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 69
last he did obtain with much difficulty. So he was called
again, and the said Capt. Gorges was content to take his own
bond' to be ready to make further answer, when either he or
the lords of the council should send for him ; and at last he
took only his own word, and so there was a friendly parting
on aU hands.
Soon after this, the said Capt. Gorges took his leave and
went to the Massachusetts by land, being very thankful for
his kind entertainment. His ship stayed at Plimouth, and
fitted for to go to Virginia, having some passengers to deliver
there, and with her returned sundry of those from Plimouth,
which came over on their particular account ; some out of
discontent and dishke of the country, and others by reason of
fire that burnt their houses and afi their provisions, so as they
were necessitated thereunto.
* This fire was by some of the seltmen, that were roystering
in an house where it first began, making a great fire, the
weather being cold, which broke out of the chimney into the
thatch, and burnt three houses, and consumed aU their goods
and provisions. The house in which it began, was right
against the storehouse at Plimouth, which they had much
ado to save ; in which was the common store of the provisions
of the plantation, which had it been lost, the same had been
overthrown ; but through God's mercy it was saved by the
difigence of the people, and care of the governor and those
about him. Some would have had the goods thrown out,
but if they had, there would have been much lost by the rude
company belonging to the two forenamed ships, which were
almost aU on shore at this time ; but a trusty company were
placed within, as weU as such as were meanwhile employed
in quenching the fire without, that if necessity required, they
might have them all out with speed ; for they suspected some
malicious deafing, if not plain treachery ; and whether it was
only suspected or no, God knows ; but this is certain, that
when the tumult was greatest, there was a voice heard (but
from whence it came is uncertain), that bade them look weU

* This was on the fifth of November, 1624. — M.

70 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1624.
about them, for aU were not friends that were then about
them.* And soon after, when the vehemency of the fire was
over, smoke was seen to arise within a shed that was joined
to the end of the aforesaid storehouse, which was wattled up
with boughs, in the withered leaves whereof the fure being kin
dled ; which some running to quench, found a long firebrand
of about an eU long, lying under the waU on the inside, which
could not come thither by casualty, but must be laid there by
some hand, in the judgment of aU that saw it. But God
kept them from this danger, whatever might be intended.
But to return again, to speak something of the aforesaid
Capt. Gorges, after he had been at the eastward, and expedited
some occasions there, he and some that depended upon him
returned for England, having scarcely saluted the country in
his government, finding the state of things not to answer his
quality and condition ; hil people dispersed themselves, some
for England, others for Virginia, some few remained, and
v/ere helped with supplies from Pfimouth. Amongst the rest
the said captain brought over a minister with him, one Mr.
Mon-el, who retm-ned for England about a year after him, he
took ship at Plimouth, and had a certain power and authority
of supeiintendency over other churches granted him, and in
structions for that end ; but he never showed it, or made any
use of it, but only spoke of it to some of Pfimouth, at his
going away. This was in effect the end of the second plan
tation, in the forenamed place caUed Wesagusquaset.
There were also some scattering beginnings made in other
places, as at Piscataqua, by Mr. David Thompson, and at
Monhegin, and some other places, by sundry others.

1624.
The time of new election of officers being come, for this
year at Pfimouth, the number of their people being increased,
and their troubles and occasions therewith; the governor

* A very remarkable preservation. — M.

1624.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 71
desired them to change the persons, as weU as renew the
election, and also to add more assistants to the governor for
help and counsel, and the better carrying on of public affairs,
showing that it was necessary it should so be ; for if it were
an honor or benefit, it was fit that others should be made
partakers of it ; if it was a burden (as doubtiess it was) it
was but equal that others should help to bear it, and that this
was the end of yearly elections.*
The conclusion was, that whereas there was before but one
assistant, they now chose five, giving the governor a double
voice ; ! and afterwards they increased them to seven, which
course hath continued in that colony until this day.ij:

* January 1, 1624, Lord Sheffield grants a patent to Robert Cushman
and Edward Winslow, and associates of Cape Ann, for the Plymouth Colo
nists. He empowers them to build a town, and, through permission from him,
to enact laws for the colony.
January 24. Robert Cushman in London, sends word to Mr. Bradford,
that the adventurers had sent a carpenter to build ships, a person to make
salt, and a preacher. The preacher is John Lyford, whose coming was pro
moted by members of the company, who opposed the emigration of Robinson.
He also remarks, " We have taken a patent for Cape Anne." Under this
patent a colony was established at Cape Anne, in the spring of the year 1624,
which is now expanded into the commonwealth of Massachusetts. It was dated
January 1, 1623, O. S. The original was recently discovered, by J. Win-
gate Thornton, Esq., and will soon be published, edited by him. Under it
Ro^er Conant was appointed governor. The mutations of the companies in
England do not affect the historical identity of the colony, nor the chrono
logical order of the incidents in its civil history, which may be considered
independently of the authority under which they transpired, and merely with
reference to its internal history. In this view the reader will readily trace
the series of governors or rulers of the people, from Roger Conant, governor
at Cape Anne, under the grant of Lord Sheffield, through John Endicott,
the first governor under the Massachusetts Charter, and Winthrop, the
second governor under this charter, and Sir William Phlpps, Knight, the
first governor under the third, or Provincial Charter of 1692.
f Governor Bradford's request was not granted, he was reelected,
J " This spring the people requesting the governor to have some land for
continuance, and not by yearly lot as before ; he gives every person an acre,
to them and theirs, as near the town as can be ; and no more till the seven
years expire, that we may keep close together for greater defence and safety."
— Bradford's MS. Hist. Prince's Chron. 226.

72 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORLAL. [1624.
In the month of March, in this year, Mr. Edward Winslow
anived at Pfimouth, in New England, having been employed
as agent for that plantation, on sundry occasions, with the
merchant adventurers in England, who brought a considera
ble supply with him, the ship being bound on a fishing voy
age ; and with him came Mr. John Lyford, a minister, which
was sent over by some of the adventurers.
There came over fikewise in this ship, three heifers and a
bull, which were the first neat cattle that came into New
England. The aforesaid John Lyford, when he came first on shore,
saluted them of the plantation of Pfimouth with that rever
ence and humfiity, as is seldom to be seen ; and indeed made
them ashamed, he so bowed and cringed unto them, and
would have kissed their hands, if they would have suffered
him ; yea, he wept and shed many tears, blessing God that
had brought him to see their faces ; and admiring the things
they had done in their wants, as if he had been made aU of
love, and the humblest person in the world ; but in the end
proved more like those mentioned by the Psalmist, Psal. x. 10,
that crouched and bowed, that heaps of the poor may fall by
them ; or lUie unto dissembling Ishmael, who when he had
slain Gedafiah, went out weeping, Jer. xfi. 6 ; and met those
that were coming to offer incense in the house of the Lord,
saying, come to Gedafiah, when he meant to slay them.
They gave him the best entertainment they could, in aU sim
plicity, and as their governor had used, in all weighty affairs,
to consult with their elder, Mr. Brewster, together with his
assistants, so now he caUed Mr. Lyford also on such like
occasions. After some short time, he desired to join himself
a member to their church, and was accordingly received ; he
made a large confession of his faith, and an acknowledgment
of his former disorderly walking, and his being entangled with
many corruptions, which had been a burden to his conscience,
and blessed God for this opportunity of freedom and fiberty,
with many more such like expressions. In some short time
he fell into acquaintance with Mr. John Oldham, who was a
copartner with him in his after courses ; not long after, both

1624.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 73
Oldham and he grew very perverse, and showed a spirit of
great malignity, drawing as many into a faction as they
could ; were they never so vile and profane, they did nourish
and abet them in all then- doings, so they would but cleave to
them, and speak against the church. So as there was nothing
but private meetings and whisperings amongst them, they
feeding themselves and others with what they should bring to
pass in England, by the faction of their friends there ;* which
brought others as weU as themselves into a fool's paradise,
yet they could not so carry closely, but both much of their
doings and sayings were discovered, although outwardly they
set a fair face on things.
At length when the ship he came in was ready to return
for England, and it was observed that Lyford was long in
writing, and sent many letters, aijd could nor forbear to com
municate to his intimates such things as made them laugh in
then- sleeves, and thought he had done their errand sufficiently.
The governor and some of his friends, knowing how things
stood in reference to some known adversaries in England, and
what hurt these things might do, took a boat and went out
with the ship a league or two, and called for all Lyford's and
Oldham's letters. Mr. WiUiam Pierce being master of the
ship, and knew weU their evil dealings, (both in England and
here,) afforded them aU the assistance he could ; he found
about twenty of Lyford's letters, many of them large and full
of slanders and false accusations, tending not only to their
prejudice, but ruin and utter subversion. Most of them they
let pass, only took copies of them, but some of the most ma
terial they sent true copies of them and kept the originals,
lest he should deny them, and that they might produce his
own hand against him. Amongst these letters they found
the copies of two letters which were sent in a letter of his to
Mr. John Pemberton, a minister, and a great opposite to the
plantation ; these two letters, of which he took copies, were
one of them written by a gentleman in England, to Mr.

* That is, some of the adventurers, who proved in the issue adversaries to
the plantation. — M. 7

74 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1624.
Brewster here, the other by Mi-. Winslow to Mr. Robinson in
HoUand; at his coming away, as the ship lay at Gravesend,
they lying sealed in the great cabin, whUst Mr. Winslow was
busy about the affairs of the ship, this sly merchant opens
them, takes copies of them, and seals them up again, and not
only seals the copies of them thus. To his friend and their
adversary, but adds thereto in the margin many scurrfious
and flouting annotations. In the evening the governor re
turned, and they were something blank at it ; but after some
weeks, when they heard nothing, were then as brisk as ever
thinking nothing had been known, but aU was gone current,
and that the governor went out but to despatch his own
letters. The reason why the governor and the rest concealed these
things, was to let things ripf n, that they might the better dis
cover their intents, and see who were their adherents ; because,
amongst the rest, they found a letter of one of then- confeder
ates, in which was written, that Mr. Oldham and Mr. Lyford
intended a reformation in church and commonwealth, and as
soon as the ship was gone they intended to join together and
have the sacrament ; a few of Oldham's letters were found in
the aforesaid search, being so bad a scribe as his hand was
scarce legible, yet he was as deep in the mischief as the other;
and thinking they were now strong enough, they began to
pick quarrels at every thing. ' Oldham being called to watch,
(according to order,) refuseth to come, fell out with the cap
tain, caUed him rascal, and beggarly rascal, and resisted him,
and drew his knife at him, though he offered him no wrong,
nor gave him any ill terms, but with aU fairness required him
to do his duty ; the governor hearing the tumult, sent to quiet
it ; but he ranted with great fm-y, and caUed them aU traitors ;
but being committed to prison, after a while he came to him
self, and with some slight punishment was let go upon his
behaviour, for further censure. But to cut things short, at
length it grew to this issue, that Lyford, with his accompfices,
without either speaking one word either to the governor,
church, or elder, withdrew themselves, and set up a pubfic
meeting apart on the Lord's day, with sundry such insolent

1624.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 75
carriages, too long here to relate, beginning more publicly to
act that which they had been long plotting.
It was now thought high time, to prevent further mischief,
to caU them to account ; so the governor called a court, and
summoned the whole company together, and they charged
Lyford and Oldham with such things as they were guilty of
respecting the premises ; but they were stiff, and stood reso
lutely upon the denial of most things, and required proof; they
first alleged what was wi-it compared with their practices
here ; that it was evident they joined in plotting against them,
and disturbed theu- peace in their civil and church state,
which was most injurious, for both they and all the world
knew they came hither to enjoy the liberty of their con
sciences, in the free use of God's ordinances, and for that end
had ventm-ed their lives, and passed through much hardship
hitherto, and they and their friends had borne the charge of
these beginnings, which was not small, and that he, namely,
Lyford, for his part, was sent over on this charge, and both
he and his great family was maintained on the same ; and
for him to plot against them, and seek their ruin, was most
unjust and perfidious.
But Lyford denied, and made strange of sundry things laid
to his charge. Then his letters were produced, at which he
was stiuck mute. Oldham began to be furious, and to rage,
because they had intercepted then- letters, provoked the people
to mutiny in such words as these ; my masters, where are
your hearts ? Now show your courage ; you have often com
plained to me so and so, now is the time, if you wiU do any
thing, I wiU stand by you, etc., thinking that every one know
ing his humor that had fooled and flattered him, or otherwise,
or that in their discontent uttered any thing unto him, would
now side with him, in open rebellion ; but he was deceived,
for not a man opened his mouth, all were silent.
Then the governor took pains in convicting Lyford of his
hypocrisy and treachery, in abusing his friends, in taking
copies of their letters in an underhand way, and sending them
abroad to their disgrace, etc., and produced them, and his
own letters under his own hand, which he could not deny.

76 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1624.
and caused them to be read before aU the people ; at which
aU his confederates were blank, and had not a word to say.
But after a while, he began to say, that sundry had made
some complaint unto him, and informed him of divers things,
which being there present, and the particulars named to them,
they denied.
Then they dealt with him about his dissembfing in the
church, and that he professed to concur with them in aU
things, and what a large confession he had made at his ad
mittance, and that he held not himself a minister, till he had
a new calling, etc., and yet now he contested against them,
and drew a company apart, and sequestered himself, and
would go about to administer the sacraments by his former
calling, without ever acquainting them with it. In conclusion
he was fuUy convicted, and burst out into tears, and confessed,
he feared he was a reprobate, his sins were so great that he
doubted that God would not pardon them, he was unsavory
salt, etc., and that he had so wronged them, as he could
never make them amends; confessing all he had written
against them was false and naught, both for matter and man
ner ; and all this he did with as much fulness as words and
tears could express.
After theu- trial and conviction, the court sentenced them
to be expelled the plantation ; John Oldham presently to de
part, though his wife and family had liberty to stay all win
ter, or longer, untU he could make provision to remove them
comfortably.* Lyford had liberty to stay six months ; it was
with some eye to his release, if he carried himself well in the
mean time, and that his repentance proved sound. Lyford
acknowledged his censure was far less than he deserved,
and afterwards he confessed his sin pubficly in the chm-ch,
with tears, more largely than before. I shaU here relate it as
I find it penned by some who took it from his own mouth as
himself uttered it.
Acknowledging that he had done very evU, and slanderously

* " There was some friendly correspondence between the colony and
Oldham, before his death." — Marginal note in Bradford's record.

'^25.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 77
abused them; and thinking most of the people would take
part with him, he thought to have carried all by violence and
strong hand against them ; and that God might justiy lay
innocent blood to his charge, for he knew not what hurt might
have come by these his writings, and blessed God that they
were stayed ; and that he spared not to take knowledge from
any of any evU that was spoken, but shut his eyes and ears
against aU the good ; and that if God should make him a
vagabond in the earth, as was Cain, it was but just; and he
confessed three things to be the causes of these his doings,
pride, vainglory, and self-love ; amplifying these heads with
many other expressions in the particulars of them, so as they
began to conceive good thoughts of him, upon his repentance,
and admitted him to teach amongst them as before ; yea,
sundry tender-hearted persons amongst them were so taken
A-A-ith his signs of sorrow and repentance, as they professed
they would fall on their knees to have his censure remitted
and released. But that which made them aU stand amazed
in the end (and may do aU others who shall come to hear the
same, for a rarer precedent can scarce be named), was, that
after two months' time, all his former confessions, convictions,
and pubfic acknowledgments, both in the presence of God
and his church, and the whole company, with so many tears,
and censures of himself, he should go again to justify what
he had done ; for secretly he wrote a second letter to the ad
venturers in England, in which he justified aU his former
writings, save in some things which tended to their damage.*

1625.
At the time of their election court, John Oldham came
again amongst them ; and though it was a part of his cen
sure, for his former mutiny, not to return without leave first
obtained, yet he presumed, without leave at all, to come,
being set on and hardened by the iU counsel of others ; and

* The copy of this letter is extant, but too large to be here inserted. — M.
ri *

78 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1625.
not only so, but suffered his unruly passion to run beyond the
bounds and limits of aU reason and modesty, insomuch that
some strangers that were with him were ashamed of his out
rages, and rebuked him, but all reproofs were but oU to the
fire, and made the flame of his choler the greater. He called
them all to naught in his fury, an hundred rebels and ti-aitors ;
but in conclusion, they committed him until he was tamer,
and then appointed a guard of muslieteers, which he was to
pass through, and every one was ordered to give him a blow
on his hinder parts, with the butt end of his musket, and then
he was conveyed to the water-side, where a boat was ready
to carry him away, with this fareweU, Go and mend your
manners.* After the removal of his family he fell into some straits,
and about a year after intended a voyage to Virginia ; and
so it pleased God that himself and sundry passengers being
in the bark, they were in great danger, so as they despaked
of life, and feU to prayer, and to examination of their hearts
and consciences, and confessed such sins as most burdened
them, and the said John Oldham did make a free and large
confession of the wrongs he had done to the church and peo
ple at Plimouth, in many particulars; and that as he had
sought their ruin, so God had now met with him-, and might
destroy him ; yea, he feared that they aU fared the worse for
his sake : he prayed God to forgive him, and made vows, that
if the Lord spared his fife he would become otherwise. This
was reported by some of good credit, not long since fiving ia
the Massachusetts Bay, that were themselves partners in the
same danger, which was on the shoals of Cape Cod.
It pleased God to spare their lives, but they lost their voy-

* " While this is doing, Mr. Winslow and Mr. William Pierce land from
England, and bid them spare neither him (Oldham) nor Lyford, for they
had played the villains with us ; and their friends in England had the like
bickerings with ours there about Lyford's calumnious letters, etc."
Mr. Winslow made so surprising a discovery of Lyford's carrian-e when
minister in Ireland, for which he had been forced to leave the kin<rdom, as
struck all his friends mute, made them ashamed to defend him, and he was
condemned as unmeet to bear the ministry more. — Prince's Chron. 232.

1625.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 79
age ; and some time afterwards, the said Mi-. John Oldham
carried himself fairly towards them, and acknowledged the
hand of God to be with them, and seemed to have an honor
able respect of them ; and so far made his peace with them,
as he had liberty to go and come at his pleasure, and in some
time after went on trading in a smaU vessel amongst the
Indians, and being weakly manned, upon some quarrel be
twixt them, they slew him with a hatchet ; this death being
one gi-ound of the Pequot war, of which afterwards- in its
proper place.*
The time being expired that Mr. John Lyford's censure
was to take place, he was so far from answering their hopes
by amendment, as he had" doubled his evil, as before men
tioned. But first behold the hand of God concerning him,
wherein that of the Psalmist is verified, Psal. vii. 15. He
hath made a pit, and digged it, and is faUen into the pit that
he made. He thought to bring shame and disgrace upon
them, but instead of that opens his own to aU the world ; for
his wife, who was a prudent, sober woman, taking notice of
his false and deceitful carriage about the premises, in grief of
mind expressed her fears, that God would bring upon him
and famUy, some sad judgment for these and other of his
wicked practices, and related that he had a bastard, by anoth
er woman, before marriage with her, which he denied to her
with an oath, but it afterwards appeared to be so ; and
another miscarriage of the like nature, more odiously circum
stanced, was also discovered, for which he was forced to leave
Ireland, and so came New England to be troubled with him.
Being banished hence, he went first to Nantasket, then to
Salem, and after to Virginia, where he shortly after died.
I have been too tedious in my relating the plots of these
Machiavefians : but to conclude, the reader may take notice,
that God observed and brought to nought their wicked de
vices, was a defence to the innocent, and caught them in the
snares they privily laid for them, punishing one sin by another,
* He was a man of parts, but high-spirited, and extremely passionate,
which marred all in point of right improvement of them. — M.

80 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1625-
until he had accompfished the freedom of his Israel, by the
overthrow of his and their enemies ; for which his mercy, let
his holy name be praised for evermore.
This storm was blown over, yet sundry sad effects foUowed,
for the company of the merchant adventurers break in pieces
hereupon, and the greatest part wholly deserted the colony,
but yet God took care of it ; for although sundry of them feU
off and adventured no more towards the support thereof, but
rather proved manifest adversaries thereunto, than otherwise ;
and the rest partly because they were grown (some of them)
low in their estates, and there being smaU hopes of returns to
their expectations; although courteous in words and weU
wishes, yet afforded fittle or no help after this, so that the
plantation was fain to stand on their own legs, being indeed
marvellously supported by the Lord, for it pleased him so to
bless then- endeavors, as that they raised great crops of Indian
corn (about this time), so as they had enough and to spare,
and began to have thoughts of improving part of it in a way
of trading with the Indians, and having only two shallops
and no bigger vessels, they laid a deck on one of them in the
midships, to preserve the corn dry from weather, and so sent
her laden with corn, to a place called Kennebeck, about fifty
leagues off to the eastward ; * and notwithstanding they were
strangers to the way, and place of trade, and to the people,
and having no seamen, and, at that season, being the latter
end of the year and drawing on to winter ; yet it pleased God
to preserve them, and so to bless their endeavors, as that they
returned in safety, and with good success, it being the first
enterprise they achieved in this kind, at least so far, and it
proved an inlet to a further trade, which was greatly beneficial
to them afterwards.
And here I may not omit the observable dispensation of
God's providence, respecting his dealing with the adventurers
aforementioned, in reference unto two ships they sent unto
these parts about that time, on a fishing voyage only upon
then- own account, having left the plantation to shift for them-
* See Prince for the time.

1625.] ^ NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 81
selves ; one of these ships was a smaU one, namely, the James,
forenamed, which was weU laden with cor-fish, and in her a
great quantity fikewise of beaver and other furs,* which was
sent by the plantation to the adventurers, and returned for
England ; the other ship was also laden with good dry fish,
and she also retm-iied with her ; being thus well freighted,
they went together lovingly and joyfully away, the greater
ship towing the lesser at her stern all the way over bound,
and had such fair weather as they never cast her off till they
were shot deep into the Engfish channel, almost within sight
of Plimouth, and yet there she was unhappily taken by a
Turkish man-of-war, and carried into Sallee, where the mas
ter and men were made slaves, and many of the beaver skins
were sold for fourpence apiece. Thus were all their hopes
dashed in this respect, and the joyful news they went to carry
home, turned into heavy tidings. Some thought this an
hand of God for some unkindness showed to the plantation,
by exaction upon them in reference to a parcel of goods they
a fittle before had sent over to them on extreme rates ; but
God's judgments are unsearchable, neither ought we to be
too bold therewith. But, however, it shows us the uncertainty
of all human things, and what little cause there is in joying
in them, or trusting to them.
In the bigger of these ships Capt. MUes Standish went
over as agent in the behalf of the plantation, in reference unto
some particulars yet depending betwixt them and the adven
turers ; as also to the honorable council of New England ; and
notwithstanding some difficulty he met with in his occasions
by reason of the pestilence which was then so hot in the city
of London,! yet he accomplished his business so as he left
things in a fair way for future composition, betwixt the said
merchant adventurers and the plantation ; and he spake also
with some of the honorable council, aforenamed, who prom-

* Eicht hundred weight of beaver, with other furs, a good quantity. — M.
I "From December 22, 1624, to December 23, 1625, there die of the plague
in London and Westminster, forty-one thousand, three hundred and thir
teen." — Prince.

82 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1626.
ised all helpfulness to the plantation, that lay in them.
About this time it pleased the Lord lilcewise to give peace,
health, and good success on their endeavors, his holy name be
praised. 1626.
About the beginning of April, they heard of Capt. Stan-
dish's arrival, and sent a boat to fetch him home ; welcome
he was, but the news he brought was sad in many regards,
not only in regard to the forementioned losses which their
friends had, and some of them dead of the plague, but also
that Mr. John Robinson, their pastor was dead, which struck
them with much sorrow and sadness, as they had great cause ;
his and their adversaries had been long and continually plot
ting how they might hinder his coming into New England,*
but now the Lord had appointed him to a greater journey, at
less charge, to a better place.
* Hutchinson, ii. 454, says that " he was prevented by disappointments from
those in England who undertook to provide for the passage of him and his
congregation." It appears that, " Sir Ferdinando Gorges and others were at
this time determined that New England should be settled under Episcopacy ;
and though they would allow and encourage the people to settle here, they
were unwilling that any Puritan ministers should accompany them. The
bishops had prevented the crown from granting liberty to the petitions from
Leyden ; and it was accounted a great matter in 1621, to obtain a cautious
allowance of indulgence under the authority of the president and council for
the affairs of New England. But they took care to obstruct the coming over
of so important a man as Mr. Robinson, a great man, and father of the
Independents." Mr. Robinson's own judgment in the case is thus expressed, in a letter to
Elder Brewster, dated at Leyden, December 20, 1623. After speaking of the
adventurers and classifying them, he says in relation to the body of them,
" I persuade myself that for me they of all others are unwilling I should be
transported, especially such as have an eye that way themselves, . . . and
for those adversaries, if they have but half their wUl to their malice, they will
stop my course, when they see it intended." Sherley, who was one of the
adventurers, incurred the ill-wiU of his associates by favoring the removal.
" The sole cause," he observed in a letter to the Plymouth people in 1627,
" why the greater part of the adventurers malign me, was, that I would not
side with them against you and the coming over of the Leyden people."

1626.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 83
But before I pass things concerning this worthy servant of
Christ, Mr. John Robinson, I shaU here insert the honorable
testimony that Mr. Wfiliam Bradford, senior, hath left behind
him, concerning him, being gi-eatly acquainted with his worth
and excellency.
Saith he, such was the mutual love and reciprocal respect
that this worthy man had to his flock and his flock to him,
that it might be said of them, as it was once said of that
famous Emperor Marcus Aurelius, and the people of Rome,
That it was hard to judge whether he delighted more in
having such a people, or they in having such a pastor. But
to return.*
Capt. Standish likewise brought the sad news of the death
* Mr. John Robinson died at Leyden, on the 1st of March, 1625, in the
fiftieth year of his age. It is but the truth to say, that many tens of thou
sands of Christian men hold his name in honorable remembrance. He yet
lives, by his example, and by the influence of his sacrifices and toils ; and in
the third century after his death, he enjoys the singular distinction of being
equally honored in the east and the west — in two countries separated by a
mighty ocean.
It was four or five years after the death of Mr. Robinson, before provision
could be made for the removal of his wife and children to Plymouth. In 1629
thirty-five families were transported from Leyden to New England, at the
heavy expense of £500, paid by the brethren in the colony. Another com
pany came over the next year, at a still greater expense. In one of these
companies were the wife and children of Mr. Robinson.
• We have the names of but two of his children, John and Isaac. John
settled at, or near Cape Ann, Isaac settled near Plymouth, at Scituate, where
he was a freeman in 1633. He removed in 1639 to Barnstable. The
descendants of Robinson are numerous, scattered over New England and
other States of the Union, and in various respectable and useful stations in
life. (See life of Robinson, prefixed to his works.)
ROGER WHITE TO GOVERNOR BRADPORD.
To his loving friend, Mr. William Bradford, governor of Plimouth, in New England,
these he, etc.
Loving and kind Eeiends, etc.,
I know not whether ever this will come to your hands, or miscarry, as
other of my letters have done ; yet, in regard of the Lord's dealing with us
here, I have had a great desire to write unto you, knowing your desire to
bear a part with us, both in our joys and sorrows, as we do with you.

84 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1626.
of Ml-. Robert Cushman, their ancient friend, whom the Lord
took away also, this year, about the same time, who was as
These, therefore, are to give you to understand, that it hath pleased the
Lord to take out of this vale of tears, your and our loving and faithful pastor,
and my dear and reverend brother, Mr. John Robinson, who was siek some
eight days, beginning first to be sick on a Saturday morning ; yet the next day,
being the Lord's day, he taught us twice, and the week after grew every day
weaker than other, yet felt no pain but weakness, all the time of his sickness.
The physic he took wrought kindly, in man's judgment, yet he grew every
day weaker than other, feelinglittle or no'pain, yet sensible till the very last. He
fell sick the 22d of February, and departed this life on the 1st of March. He
had a continual inward ague, but, I thank the Lord, was free of the plague,
so that all his friends could come freely to him ; and if either prayers, tears,
or means would have saved his life, he had not gone hence. But he having
faithfully finished his course, and performed his work which the Lord had
appointed him here to perform ; he now rests with the Lord, in eternal hap
piness ; we -wanting him, and all church governors, not having one at present
that is a governing officer among us. Now for ourselves here left, (I mean
the whole church,) we stiU, by the mercy of God, continue and hold close
again together in peace and quietness, and so I hope we shall do, though we be
very weak ; wishing, (if such were the will of God,) that you and we were
again together in one, either there or here ; but seeing it is the will of the Lord,
thus to dispose of things, we must labor with patience to rest contented, till
it please the Lord otherwise to dispose of things.
For news at present here, is not much worth the writing ; only as in Eng
land we have lost our old king James, who departed this life about a month
ago, so here we have lost Grave Maurice, the old prince here, who both de
parted this life since my brother Robinson ; and as in England we have a
new king, Charles, of whom there is great hope of good, so here likewise -^e
have made Prince Hendrick, general, in his brother's place, who is now with
the Grave of Mansfield with a great army, close by the enemy, to free Breda,
if it be possible, which the enemy hath besieged now some nine or ten
months ; but how it will fall out at last, is yet uncertain. The Lord give
good success, if it be his will. The king is making ready about one hundred
sail of ships ; the end is not yet certain, but they will be ready to go to sea
very shortly. The king himself goes to see them once in fourteen days. And
thus fearing lest this will not come to your hands, hoping as soon as I hear of
a convenient messenger to write more at large, and to send you a letter
which my brother Robinson sent to London, to have gone to some of you, but
coming too late, was brought back again. And so for this time I cease fur
ther to trouble you, and rest Your assured loving friend,
Roger White.
Leyden, April 28, 1625.

1627.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 85
their right hand with their friends the adventurers, and for
divers years had done and agitated all their business with
them, to their great advantage, of whom, occasionally, there
hath been honorable mention formerly made in this book.*
About this time they received divers letters from their
firiends at Leyden, in HoUand, fuU of sad lamentation for
their heavy loss by the death of their pastor, Mr. Robinson,
above named ; and although their wills were good to come
over to their brethren in New England, yet they saw no prob-
abifity of means how it might be effected, but concluded, as
it were, that all their hopes were cut off, and many, being
aged, began to drop away by death. All which things before
related, being wefi weighed and laid together, it could not
but stiike them with great perplexity, and to look humanly on
the state of things, as they presented themselves at this time,
it is a marvel it did not whoUy discourage and sink them, but
they gathered up their spirits, and the Lord so helped them,
whose work they had in hand, as now, when they were very
low, they began to rise again ; and being stripped, in a man
ner, of aU human helps and hopes, he brought things about
otherwise in his divine providence, so as they were not only
upheld and sustained, but their proceedings both honored and
imitated by others, as by the sequel wUl appear.!

1627.
This year they sent Mr. Isaac Allerton for England, and
gave him orders to make a composition with the adventurers,
in reference unto some particulars betwixt the plantation and

* In Gov. Bradford's letter book is a letter from four of the adventurers
to the " General Society of Plymouth," written 18th December, 1624, prob
ably by Mr. Cushman, which gives much insight into their affairs, es
pecially relative to their connection with the adventurers, and evidences
the good sense and excellent spirit of the writer.
Descendants of Cushman are numerous in Plympton, Duxbury, and
Middleborough. ¦f See Prince's Chron. in Appendix, for further particulars.
8

86 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1627.
them, which Capt. Standish had begun, as is before hinted,
and at the ordinary season of the year, for the expectation of
ships, he returned with some success in the business he was
employed. Likewise this year they began to make some distribution
of lands, having had hitherto but to every person one acre
aUowed him, as to propriety, besides their homesteads, or
garden-plots, the reason was that they might keep together,
both for more safety and defence, and the better improve
ment of the general employments ; which condition of theirs
brings to mind that which may be read in Pfiny, Lib. 18,
chap. 2, of the Roman's first beginnings in Romulus's time,
how every man contented himself with two acres of land, and
had no more assigned them ; and, chap. 3, it was thought a
great reward to receive, at the hands of the people of Rome,
a pint of corn ; and long after, the greatest present given to a
captain, that had got a victory over their enemies, was as
much ground as he could tiU in one day ; and he was not
accounted a good, but a dangerous man, that would not eon-
tent himself with seven acres of land ; as also how they did
pound their corn in mortars, as these people were forced to
do, many years before they could get a mill.
Notwithstanding, as aforesaid, so smaU a portion of land
served them at the first, yet afterwards for divers reasons mov
ing thereunto, they were necessitated to lay out some larger
proportions to each person ; yet resolving to keep such a mean
in distribution of lands, as should not hinder their growth by
others coming to them, and therefore accordingly aUotted to
every one in each famUy, twenty acres, to be laid out five
acres in breadth, by the water-side, and four acres in length.
I may not omit the inserting of a particular, that fell out
this year, in reference unto a ship with many passengers in
her, and some considerable goods, which was bound for
Virginia, who had lost themselves at sea, either by the
insufficiency of the master, or his illness, for he was sick and
lame of the scurvy, so as he could but lie in the cabin door,
and give direction, and, it should seem, was badly assisted
either with mate or mariners, or else the fear of, and the un-

1627.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 87
rufiness of the passengers was such, as they made them steer
a course between the south-west and north-west, that they
might fall in with some land ; whatever it was they cared not,
for they had been six weeks at sea, and had no beer nor
water, nor wood left, but had burnt up all their empty casks,
only one of the company had a hogshead of wine or two,
which was also almost spent, so as they feared they should be
starved at sea, or consumed with diseases, which made them
run this desperate course. But it pleased God, that although
they came so near the shoals of Cape Cod, or else ran stumbling
over them in the night, they knew not how, they came before
a smaU harbor, that lieth about the middle of Mannamoiet
Bay, to the southward of Cape Cod, and. with a small gale
of wind, and about high water, touched upon a bar of sand
that fieth before it, but had no hurt, the sea being smooth ; so
they laid out an anchor ; but towards evening the wind sprang
up at sea, and was so rough as they brake their cable, and
beat them over the bar into the harbor, where they saved then-
lives and goods ; for, although with much beating they had
sprung a butt end of a plank, yet they soon got over, and ran
upon a dry flat within the harbor, close to a beach, and at
low-water, got out their goods, and were not a little glad that
they had saved their lives. But when they had refreshed
themselves, not knowing where they were, nor what to do,
were much troubled, but soon after some Indians came
towards them in canoes, which made them stand upon their
guard, but when they heard some of them speak English,
they were not a little revived ; especially when they heard
them ask, whether they were not the governor of Phmouth's
men, or friends, and that they would bring them to the Eng
fish houses, or carry their letters ; and when they had feasted
these Indians, and given them many gifts, they sent two men,
and a letter with them to the governor of Plimouth, by which
he had intelligence of their condition, and took order for their
supply ; they hoping, by mending of their ship, to recover her
to go to sea again, and accordingly did mend her ; but after
wards having but bad mooring, was put on shore again, and
suffered so much shipwreck as she never got off more, but aU

88 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1627.
the company were forced to repair to Plimouth, where they
continued the best part of the year, being courteously enter
tained, and so were dispersed ; the greatest part of them went
to Virginia, and some remained in the country. The chief
amongst them were Mr. FeUs, Mr. Sibsey, and the master's
name was Johnston, a Scotchman.
This year the plantation of Pfimouth received messages
from the Dutch plantation, sent unto them from the governor
there, written both in Dutch and French. The sum of the
letters forementioned were, to congratulate the English here,
taking notice of much that might engage them to a friendly
correspondency and good neighborhood, as the propinquity of
their native country, their long continued frien4,ship, etc., and
desires to faU into a way of some commerce and trade with
them.* To which the governor and council of Pfimouth returned
answerable courteous acceptance of their loving propositions,
respecting their good neighborhood in general, and particularly
for commerce. And accordingly the Dutch, not long after,
sent their secretary, Mr. Isaac de Rosier, with letters and
goods, who laid the foundation of a trade that continued be
tween them many years after, to their mutual benefit. They
also brought the English acquainted with the trading of
Wampampeag,! until then little known to us, nor esteemed
by us, but was after of good valuation and profitable. Al
though for the space of twenty years, it was of great esteem
* The Dutch had trading in those southern parts divers years before the
English came, but they began no plantation until after the English came and
were here seated. — M.
f Wampampeag. The Indians are ignorant of Europe's coin, yet they
give a name to ours and call it moneash. Their own is of two sorts, one
white, which they make of the stem or stock of the periwinkle when the shell
is broken off; of this sort are their small beads which they make with holes
to string the bracelets, and are current with the English for a penny. The
other is black, which is made of the shell of a fish, and of this sort thr^ pass
for a penny. One fathom of their stringed money is worth five shillings.
The white money they call wampum, the black suchawhock. The black
fathom is two fathom white. They hang strings of their money about their
necks, and curiously make girdles of it. — Will's Key. Hist. Coll. ill. 231.

1628.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 89
among the natives in divers parts of the country, so as it made
the Indians, in these parts, rich, proud, and powerful; yet
until they had store of it, they could not attain English
ammunition, but were fain to improve their own artUlery of
bows and arrows ; but when as they learned to make store of
wampum, they furnished themselves with guns, powder, and
shot, which no laws can restrain, by reason of the baseness of
sundry unworthy persons, both Engfish, Dutch, and French,
which may turn to the ruin of many ; for hitherto the Indians
of these parts had no pieces, nor other arms but their bows
and arrows and clubs, nor in many years after ; neither durst
they scarce handle a gun ; though out of kelter, it was a ter
ror to them ; but those Indians to the eastern parts, which
had commerce with the French, got pieces of them, and they
in the end made a common trade of it, and in time our Eng
fish fishermen, led with the fike covetousness, followed their
example for their own gain ; but upon complaint against
them, it pleased the king's majesty to prohibit the same by a
strict proclamation, commanding that no sort of arms or am
munition should by any of his subjects be traded with them.

1628.
This year died Mr. Richard Warren, who hath been men
tioned before in this book, and was an useful insti-ument;
and during his life bore a deep share in the difficulties and
troubles of the first settlement of the plantation of New
Pfimouth.* Whereas about three years before this time there came
over one Capt. WoUaston,! a man of considerable parts, and

* The widow of Richard Warren died in 16 73, aged 90. They had seven
children, two sons and five daughters. The late Hon. James Warren, of
Plymouth, was a descendant from Richard Warren.
¦(¦ This gentleman's name is here occasionally used, and although he came
over in the year 1625, yet these passages ia reference to Morton, fell out
about this year, and therefore referred to this place. — M.
8*

90 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1628.
with him three or four more of some eminency, who brought
with them a great many servants, with provisions and other
requisites for to begin a plantation, and pitched themselves
in a place within the Massachusetts Bay, which they caUed
afterwards by their captain's name. Mount WoUaston ; which
place is since caUed by th^name of Braintree. And amongst
others that came with hin^ there was one Mr. Thomas Mor
ton, who should seem had some smaU adventure of his own
or other men's amongst them, but had little respect, and was
slighted by the meanest servants they kept. They having
continued some time in New England, and not finding things
to answer their expectation, nor profit to arise as they looked
for, the said Capt. WoUaston takes a great part of the ser
vants, and transports them to Virginia, and disposed of them
there, and writes back to one Mr. Rasdale, of his chief part
ners, and accounted their merchant, to bring another part of
them to Virginia likewise, intending to put them off there, as
he had done the rest ; and he with consent of the said Ras
dale, appointed one whose name was FUcher to be his fieuten-
ant, and to govern the remainder of the plantation, untU he or
Rasdale should take further order thereabout.
But the aforesaid Morton, having more craft than honesty,
having been a pettifogger at Furnival's Inn, he in the other's
absence, watches an opportunity, commons being but hard
among them, and got some strong drink, and other junketsj
and made them a feast, and after they were merry, he began
to teU them he would give them good counsel ; you see, said
he, that many of your feUows are carried to Vu-ginia, and if
you stay stiU until Rasdale's return, you will also be carried
away and sold for slaves with the rest ; therefore I would advise
you to thrust out this Lieut. FUcher, and I, having a part in
the plantation, wiU receive you as my partners and consociates,
so may you be free from service, and we wiU converse, plant,
trade, and five together as equals, or to the like effect. This
counsel was easily foUowed, so they took opportunity and
thrust Lieut. FUcher out of doors, and would not suffer him
to come any more amongst them, but forced him to seek

1628.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 91
bread to eat and other necessaries, amongst his neighbors, tiU
he could get a passage for England.*
After this they feU to great licentiousness of fife, in aU pro-
faneness, and the said Morton became lord of misrule, and
maintained, as it were, a school of Atheism, and after they
had got some goods into their hands, and got much by trad
ing with the Indians, they spent it as vainly in quaffing and
drinking both wine and strong fiquors in great excess, as some
have reported, ten pounds' worth, in a morning, setting up a
may-pole, drinking and dancing about it, and frisking about
it fike so many fairies, or furies rather, yea, and worse prac
tices, as if they had anew revived and celebrated the feast of
the Roman's goddess. Flora, or the beastly practices of the
mad Bacchanalians. The said Morton, likewise, to show his
poetry, composed sundry rhymes and verses, some tending to
lasciviousness, and others to the detraction and scandal of
some person's names, which he affixed to his idle or idol may
pole ; they changed also the name of their place, and instead
of caUing it Momit WoUaston, they called it the Merry
Mount, as if this jollity would have lasted always. But this
continued not long, for shortly after that worthy gentleman,
Mr. John Endicot, who brought over a patent under the broad
seal of England, for the government of the Massachusetts,
visiting these parts, caused that may-pole to be cut down,
and rebuked them for their profaneness, and admonished them
to look to it that they walked better ; so the name was again
changed, and caUed Mount Dagon.
Now to maintain this riotous prodigafity and profuse ex
pense, the said Morton thinking himself lawless, and hearing
what gain the fishermen made of trading of pieces, powder,
and shot; he, as head of this consortship, began the practice
of the same in these parts ; and first he taught the Indians
how to use them, to charge and discharge them, and what
proportion of powder to give the piece, according to the size
or bigness of the same, and what shot to use for fowl, and
what for deer; and having instructed them, he employed

See the sad effects of the want of good government. — M.

92 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1628.
some of them to hunt and fowl for him ; so as they became
somewhat more active in this employment than any of the
English, by reason of their swiftness of foot, and nimbleness
of body, being also quicksighted, and by continual exercise,
weU knowing the haunt of aU sorts of game ; so as when
they saw the execution that a piece would do, and the benefit
that might come by the same, they became very eager after
them, and would not sticlt to give any price they could attain
to for them ; accounting their bows and arrows but baubles
in comparison of them.
And here we may take occasion to bewail the mischief
which came by this wicked man, and others like unto him ;
in that, notwithstanding aU laws for the restraint of selfing
ammunition to the natives, that so far base covetousness pre
vailed, and doth stiU prevaU, as that the savages become
amply furnished with guns, powder, shot, rapiers, pistols, and
also well skilled in repafi-ing of defective arms; yea some
have not spared to teU them how gunpowder is made, and
aU the materials in it, and that they are to be had in their
own land, and would, no doubt, in case they could attain to
making of saltpetre, teach them to make powder; and what
mischief may faU out to the English in those parts thereby,
let this pestilent fellow Morton, aforenamed, bear a gi-eater
part of the blame and guilt of it to future generations. But
lest I should hold the reader too long in the relation of the
particulars of his vile actings, when as the English that then
lived up and down about the Massachusetts, and m other
places, perceiving the sad consequences of his ti-ading, so as
the Indians became furnished with the English arms and
ammunition, and expert in the improving of them, and fear
ing they should, at one time or another, get a blow thereby ;
also, taking notice that if he were let alone in his w-ay, they
should keep no servants for him, because he would entertain
any, how vUe soever ; sundry of the chief of the straggling
plantations met together, and agreed, by mutual consent, to
send to Pfimouth, who were then of more sti-ength to join
with them, to suppress this mischief; who, considering the
particulars, proposed to them to join together to take some

1628.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 93
speedy course to prevent, if it might be, the evU that was
accruing towards them ; and resolved, first, to admonish him
of his wickedness respecting the premises, laying before him
the injury he did to their common safety, and that his acting
concerning the same was against the king's proclamation ;
but he insolently persisted on in his way, and said the king
was dead, and his displeasure with him, and threatened them
that if they came to molest him, they should look to them
selves ; so that they saw there was no way but to take him
by force ; so they resolved to proceed in such a way, and ob
tained of the governor of Plimouth, to send Capt. Standish,
and some other aid with him, to take the said Morton by
force, the which accordingly was done ; but they found him
to stand stiffly on his defence, having made fast his doors,
armed his consorts, set powder and shot ready upon the table,
scoffed and scorned at them, and he and his accomplices being
filled with strong drink, were desperate in their way ; but he
himself coming out of doors to make a shot at Capt. Stand
ish, he stepping to him, put by his piece and took him, and
so little hurt was done ; and so he was brought prisoner to
Pfimouth, and continued in durance, till an opportunity of
senduig him for England, which was done at their common
charge, and letters also with him, to the honorable council for
New England, and returned again into the country in some
short time, with less punishment than his demerits deserved,
as was apprehended.
The year foUowing he was again apprehended, and sent for
England, where he lay a considerable time in Exeter gaol ;
for, besides his miscarriage here in New England, he was
suspected of having murdered a man that had ventured
moneys with him when he first came into New England ; and
a warrant was sent over from the lord chief-justice to appre
hend him ; by virtue thereof he was, by the governor of the
Massachusetts, sent into England, and for other of his misde
meanors amongst them in that government, they demolished
his house, that it might no longer be a roost for such unclean
birds. Notwithstanding he got free in England again, and
¦wrote an infamous and scurrUous book against many godly

94 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1629.
and chief men of the country, full of lies and slanders, and
full fraught with profane calumnies against their names and
persons, and the ways of God. But to the intent I may not
trouble the reader any more with mentioning of him in this
history ; in fine, sundry years after he came again into the
counti-y, and was imprisoned at Boston, for the aforesaid
book and other things, but denied several things therein,
affirming his book was adulterated. And soon after being
grown old in wickedness, at last ended his life at Piscataqua.
But I fear I have held the reader too long about so unworthy
a person, but hope it may be useful to take notice how
wickedness was beginning, and would have further proceeded,
had it not been prevented timely.

1629.
This year sundry ships came out of England, and arrived
at Neumkeak,* where Mr. John Endicot had chief command ; !
and by infection that grew among the passengers at sea, it
spread also among them on shore, of which many died, some

* Now called Salem. — M.
"August, 1629. Thirty-five of our friends, with their families, from
Leyden, arrived at Plimouth. They shipped at London in May, with the
ships that came to Salem, which bring over many pious persons to beoin the
churches there. So that their being long kept back is now recompensed by
heaven with a double blessing ; in that we not only enjoy them beyond our
expectation, when all hope seemed to be cut off, but with them many more
godlj' friends, as the beginning of a larger harvest for Christ, in the increase
of his people and churches in these parts of the earth, to the admiration of
many, and almost the wonder of the world. The charge is reckoned on the
several families ; some fifty pounds, some forty, some thirty, as their number
and expenses were ; which our undertakers pay for gratis, besides giving them
houses, preparing them grounds to plant on and maintain them with corn,
etc., above thirteen or fourteen months, before they have a harvest of their
own production." — Bradford in Prince, 265.
t Mr. Endicot, with a small company, was sent to carry on the plantation
at Naumkeak. He sailed from England, June 20, and arrived at Naumkeak,
in August, 1628. Mr. Conant had before removed thither, from Cape Ann.
The next year, 1629, five ships came. Mr. Higginson arrived in Juue.

1629.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEBIORIAL. 95
of the scurvy, and others of infectious fevers. Mr. Endicot
understanding that there was one at Pfimouth that had skill
in such diseases, sent thither for him ; at whose request he
was sent unto them. And afterwards acquaintance and
Christian love and correspondency came on betwixt the said
governor and the said Endicot; which was furthered by
congratulatory letters that passed betwixt each other ; one
whereof, because it shows the beginning of their Christian
feUowship, I shaU here insert.

Tlie copy of a letter from Mr. Endicot to Mr. Bradford, as followeth, :
Right Worshipful Sir,
It is a thing not usual, that servants to one master, and of
the same household, should be strangers ; I assure you I de
sire it not ; nay, to speak more plainly, I cannot be so to you.
God's people are aU marked with one and the same mark, and
have, for the main, one and the same heart, guided by one and
the same spirit of truth ; and where this is, there can be no dis
cord; nay, here must needs be a sweet harmony; and the
same request, with you, I make unto the Lord, that we may,
as Christian brethren, be united by an heavenly and unfeigned
love, bending all our hearts and forces in' furthering a work
beyond our strength, with reverence and fear, fastening our
eye^ always on him that is only able to direct and prosper all
our ways. I acknowledge myself much bound to you for
your kind love and care in sending Mr. Fuller amongst us,
and rejoice much that I am by him satisfied touching your
judgment of the outward form of God's worship ; it is, as far
as I can gather, no other than is warranted by the evidence
of truth, and the same which I have professed and maintained
ever since the Lord in mercy revealed himself unto me, being
far from the common report that hath been spread of you,
touching that particular ; but God's children must not look
for less here below ; and it is a great mercy of God that he
strength eneth them to go through with it. I shaU not need,
at this time, to enlarge unto you, for (God wiUing) I pur-

96 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORLAL. [1629.
pose to see your face shortly ; in the mean time, I humbly
take my leave of you, committing you to the Lord's blessing
and protection, and rest your assured loving friend,
John Endicot.*
Neumkeak, May 11, 1629.

* Shortly after writing this letter, came these people before mentioned,
and quickly grew into church order, and set themselves to walk in all the
ways of God, as will appear by the following narrative, and the letter from
Mr. Gott, which we here insert.
To the worshipful, his worthy and much respected friend, Mr. Bradford, Governor of
Plymouth, these :
Most ¦worthy and much respected friend, Mr. Bradford ;
I, with my wife, remember our service unto you and yours, thanking you
most humbly for your great kindness, when we were at Plimouth with you :
Sir, I make bold to trouble you with a few Unes, for to certify you, how it
hath pleased God to deal with us, since you heard from us ; how, notwith
standing all opposition, that hath been here and elsewhere, it hath pleased
God to lay a foundation, the which I hope is agreeable to his word, in every
thing. The 20th of July, it pleased God to move the heart of our governor,
to set it apart for a solemn day of humiliation for the choice of a pastor and
teacher ; the former part of the day being spent in praise and teaching ; the
latter part was spent about the election, which was after this manner ; the
persons thought on (who had been ministers in England) were demanded
concerning their callings ; they acknowledged there was a twofold calling,
the one an inward calling, when the Lord moved the heart of man to take
that caUing upon him, and fitted him with gifts for the same ; the second (the
outward calling) was from the people, when a company of believers are joined
together in covenant, to walk together in all the ways of God, every member
(being men) are to have a free voice in the choice of their officers, etc. Now,
we being persuaded that these two were so qualified as the apostle speaks of
to Timothy, where he saith a bishop must be blameless, sober, apt to teach,
etc., I think I may say as the eunuch said unto Philip, what should let him
from being baptized, seeing there was water, and he believed ; so these two
servants of God clearing all things by their answers, (and being thus fitted,)
we saw no reason but that we might freely give our voices for their election
after this trial. Their choice was after this manner, every fit member wrote,
in a note, his name whom the Lord moved him to think was fit for a pastor,
and so fikewise, whom they would have for teacher; so the most voice was
for Mr. Skelton to be pastor, and Mr. Higginson, to be teacher ; and they
accepting the choice, Mr. Higginson, -with three or four more of the gravest

1629.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 97
^ In the three ships that came over this year to Salem, in the
month of June, besides many godly Christians, there came
over three ministers, two of them, Mr. Skelton and IMr. Hig
ginson, were non-conformists, who, having suffered much in
their native land upon that account, they came over with a
professed intention of practising church reformation ; the third
minister, Mr. Bright, was a conformist, who, not agreeing
in judgment with the other two, removed to Charlestown,
where also, not agreeing with those godly Christians there,
that were for reformation, after one year's stay in the country,
he retm-ned for England : but Mr. Higginson and Mr. Skel
ton, in pm-suance of the ends of their coming over into this
wilderness, acquainted the governor, Mr. Endicot, and the
rest of the godly people whom they found inhabitants of the
place, and the chief of the passengers that came over with
them, with their professed intentions, and consulted with them
about settling a reformed congregation; from whom they
found a general and hearty concurrence, so that, after some
conference together about this matter, they pitched upon
the 6th of August for their entering into a solemn covenant
with God and one another, and also for the ordaining of their
ministers ; of which they gave notice to the church of Plim
outh, that being the only church that was in the country
before them. The people made choice of Mr. Skelton for
members of the church, laid their hands on Mr. Skelton, using prayers there
with. This being done, then there was imposition of hands on Mr. Higgin
son. Then there was proceeding in election of elders and deacons, but they
were only named, and laying on of hands deferred, to see if it pleased God
to send us more able men over ; but since Thursday, (being, as I take it, the
5th of August,) is appointed for another solemn day of humihatioii for the
full choice of elders and deacons, and ordaining them ; now, good sir, I hope
that you and the rest of God's people (who are acquainted with the ways of
God), with you, will say that here was a right foundation laid, and that these
two blessed servants of the Lord came in at the door, and not at the window.
And thus I have made bold to trouble you with these few lines, desiring you
to remember us to Mr. Brewster, Mr. Smith, Mr. Fuller, and the rest of the
church ; so I rest, at your service in what I may till death,
Charles Gott.
Salem, July 30, anno 1629. 9

98 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1629.
their pastor, and Mi-. Higginson for their teacher.* And ac
cordingly it was desired of Mr. Higginson to draw up a con
fession of faith and covenant in scripture language ; which
being done, was agreed upon. And because they foresaw
that this wilderness might be looked upon as a place of
liberty, and therefore might in time be troubled with erro-

* April 8. — At another meeting of the Massachusetts Company in Lon
don, l\Ir. Francis Higginson, Mr. Samuel Skelton, another non-conformist
minister of Lincolnshire, and Mr. Francis Bright, entertained by said com
pany, as ministers for the plantation, to labor both among the English and
Indians. Mr. Higginson, having eight children, is to have ten pounds a year
more than the others ; Mr. Ralph Smith, a minister, is also to be accommo
dated In his passage thither.
April 16. — Sixty women and maids, twenty-six children, and three hun
dred men, with victuals, arms, apparel, tools, and one hundred and forty head
of cattle, etc., in the lord-treasurer's warrant (to go to New England).
It is interesting to notice with what care they provided for the ministrj'.
The following is a true note of the allowance that the New England Company
gave by common consent and order of their court and council, granted unto
Mr. Francis Higginson, minister, for his maintenance in New England,
April 8, 1629.
1. Imprimis, that £30 in money shall be forthwith paid him by the com-
panye's treasurer towards the chardges of fitting himself with apparell and
other necessaryes for his voyage.
2. Item, that £10 more shall be paid over by the said treasurer, towards
the providing of books for present use.
3. Item, that he shall have £30 yearly paid him for three years, to beo-inne
from the tyme of his first arrival in New England ; and so to be accounted
and paid him at the end of every yeare.
4. Item, that during the said tyme the company shall provide for him and
his family necessaryes of diett, housing, and firewood ; and shall be att
charges of transporting him into New England. And at the end of the said
three years, if he shall not like to continue there any lonn-er, to be at the
charge of transporting him back for England.
5. Item, that In convenient tyme an house shall be built, and certaj-ne
lands allotted thereunto, which during his stay in the country and continu
ance in the ministry, shall bee for his use ; and after his death, or removal, the
same to be for succeeding ministers.
6. Item, at the expiration of the said three years an hundred acres of land
shall be assigned to him and his heirs for ever.
7. Item, that in case he shall depart this life in that country, the said com
pany shall take care for his widow during her widowhood and aboade in that

1629.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 99
neous spirits, therefore they did put in one article into the
confession of faith, on purpose, about the duty and power of
the magistrate in matters of religion. Thirty copies of the
aforesaid confession of faith and covenant being written out
for the use of thu-ty persons, who were to begin the work.
When the 6th of August came, it was kept as a day of
fasting and prayer, in which, after the sermons and prayers
of the two ministers, in the end of the day, the aforesaid con
fession of faith and covenant being solemnly read, the fore-
named persons did solemnly profess their consent thereunto ;
and then proceeded to the ordaining of Mr. Skelton pastor,
and Ml-. Higginson teacher of the church there. Mr. Bradford,
the governor of Pfimouth, and some others with him, coming
by sea, were hindered by cross winds, that they could not be
there at the beginning of the day, but they came into the as
sembly afterward, and gave them the fght-hand of feUowship,
wishing aU prosperity, and a blessed success unto such good
beginnings. After-which, at several times, many others joined
to the church in the same way. The confession of faith and
covenant, forementioned, was acknowledged only as a direc
tion,* pointing unto that faith and covenant contained in the
Holy Scripture, and therefore no man was confined unto that
form of words, but only to the substance, end, and scope of
the matter contained therein. And for the circumstantial
manner of joining to the church, it was ordered according to
the wisdom and faithfulness of the elders, together with the
fiberty and abUity of any person.
country and plantation, and the like for his children whilst they remain upon
the said plantation.
8. Item, that the milk of two kyne shall be appointed towards the chardges
of diett for him and his familye as aforesaid, and half the increase of calves
during the said three years: But the said two kyne, and the other half of
the increase to return to the company at the end of the said three years.
9. Item, that he shall have liberty of carrying over bedding, linen, brass,
iron, pewter, of his owne, for his necessary use during the said tyme.
10. Item, that if he continue seven years upon the said plantation, that
then one hundred acres of landmore shall be allotted him for him and his
for ever.
* For a copy of this confession and covenant, see the Appendix, A.

100 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1629.
Hence it was, that some were admitted by expressing their
consent to that written confession of faith and covenant;
others did answer to questions about the principles of religion
that were pubficly propounded to them ; some did present
their confession in writing, which was read for them ; and
some, that were able and willing, did make their confession
in their own words and way ; a due respect was also had
unto the conversations of men, namely, that they were with
out scandal.y But some of the passengers that came over at
the same time, observing that the ministers did not at all use
the book of common prayer, and that they did administer
baptism and the Lord's supper without the ceremonies, and
that they professed also to use discipline in the congregation
against scandalous persons, by a personal application of the
word of God, as the case might require, and that some that
were scandalous were dwiied admission into the church, they
began to raise some trouble ; of these Mr. Samuel Brown
and his brother were the chief, the one being a lawyer, the
other a merchant, both of them amongst the number of the
first patentees, men of estates, and men of parts and port in
the place. These two brothers gathered a company together,
in a place distinct from the public assembly, and there, sun
dry times, the book of common prayer was read unto such as
resorted thither. The governor, Mr. Endicot, taking notice of
the disturbance that began to grow amongst the people by
this means, he convented the two brothers before him. They
accused the ministers as departing' from the orders of the
church of England, that they were separatists, and would be
anabaptists, etc., but for themselves, they would hold to the
orders of the church of England. The ministers answered
for themselves, they were neither separatists nor anabaptists,
they did not separate from the church of England, nor fi-om
the ordinances of God there, but only from the corruptions
and disorders there ; and that they came away from the com
mon prayer and ceremonies, and had suffered much from
their non-conformity in their native land, and therefore being
in a place where they might have then- liberty, they neither
could nor would use them, because they judged the imposi-

1629.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 101
tion of these things to be sinful corruptions in the worship of
God. The governor and council, and the generality of the
people, did weU approve of the ministers' answer ; and there
fore finding those two brothers to be of high spuits, and their
speeches and practices tending to mutuiy and faction, the
governor told them,.that New England was no place for such
as they ; and therefore he sent them both back for England,
at the return of the ships the same year ; and though they
breathed out threatenings both against the governor and min
isters there, yet the Lord so disposed of aU, that there was no
further inconvenience foUowed upon it.
/ The two ministers there being seriously studious of refor
mation, they considered of the state of their children, together
with their parents ; concerning which, letters did pass between
Mr. Higginson and Mi-. Brewster, the reverend elder of the
chm-ch at Plimouth, and they did agree in their judgments,
namely, concerning the church membership of the children
with their parents ; and that baptism was a seal of their mem
bership ; only when they were adult, they being not scan
dalous, they were to be examined by the church officers, and
upon their approbation of their fitness, and upon the children's
pubfic and personaUy owning of the covenant, they were to
be received unto the Lord's supper. Accordingly, Mr. Hig-
ginson's eldest son, being about fifteen years of age, was
owned to have been received a member together with his
parents, and_being privately examined by, the pastor, Mr.
Skelton, about his knowledge in the principles of religion, he
did present him before the church when the Lord's supper
was to be administered, and the child, then publicly and per
sonally owning the covenant of the God of his father, he was
admitted unto the Lord's supper ; it being then professedly
owned, according to 1 Cor. vii. 14 ; that the children of the
church are holy unto the Lord as well as their parents, ac
cordingly the parents owning and retaining the baptism,
which they themselves received in their infancy, in their na
tive land, as they had any children born, baptism was admin
istered unto them, namely, to the children of such as were
members of that particular church. \

102 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1629
Mr. Higginson lived but one year after the settfing of the
church there, departed this life about the same time the next
year, in the month of August, 1630.* Mr. Skelton lived untU
the year 1634, when he also quietly slept in the Lord, and
were both bm-ied at Salem. As it is an honor to be in Christ
before others, as in Rom. xvi., so also to be first in the Lord's
work, and to be faithful in it, as these two holy men were,
who made such a beginning in church reformation, as was
afterwards followed by many others.
In the year 1634, Mr. Roger Wilfiams removed from Plim
outh to Salem ; he had lived about three years at Plimouth,
where he was well accepted as an assistant in the ministry to
Mr. Ralph Smith, then pastor of the church there, but by de-
gi-ees venting of divers of his own singular opinions, and seek
ing to impose them upon others, he not finding such a con
currence as he expected, he desired his dismission to the
church of Salem, which though some were unwilling to, yet
through the prudent counsel of Mr. Brewster, the ruling elder
there, fearing that his continuance amongst them might cause
divisions, and there being many abler men in the bay, they
would better deal with him than themselves could, and fore
seeing, what he professed he feared concerning Mr. WiGiams,
which afterwards came to pass, that he would run the same
course of rigid separation and anabaptistry, which Mr. John
Smith, the se-baptist at Amsterdam had done ; the church of
Plimouth consented to his dismission, and such as did adhere
to him were also dismissed, and removed with him, or not long
after him, to Salem. He came to Salem in the time of Mi-.
Skelton's weakness, who lived not long after Mr. Williams was
come, whereupon after some time, the church there caUed him

* Rev. Francis Higginson received his education at Emanuel College,
Cambridge. His talents, acquirements, and character brought him the offer
of some of the best livings in England, but his scruples of non-conformity
would not suffer him to accept them. He was a man of eminent talents, in
dued with grace, apt to teach, mighty in the Scriptures, learned in the tono-ues,
able to convince gainsayers. He was courteous and obliging, and uncom
monly popular as a preacher. He died at the age of forty-three. — Annals
of Salem, p. 43.

1629.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 103
to office ; but he having in one ji-ear's time, fiUed that place with
principles of rigid separation, and tending to anabaptistry, the
prudent magisti-ates of the Massachusetts jurisdiction sent to
the church of Salem, desiring them to forbear calling him to
office, which they hearkening to, was a cause of much dis
turbance ; for Mr. WUliams had begun, and then being in
office, he proceeded more vigorously to vent many dangerous
opinions, as amongst many others these were some ; that it
is not lawful for an unregenerate man to pray, nor to take an
oath, and in special, not the oath of fidelity to the civil gov
ernment ; nor was it lawful for a godly man to have com
munion, either in family prayer, or in an oath, with such as
they judged unregenerate ; and therefore he himself refused
the oath of fidefity, and taught others so to do ; also, that it
was not lawful so much as to hear the godly ministers of Eng
land, when any occasionaUy went thither, and therefore he
admonished any church members that had done so, as for
heinous sin ; also he spake dangerous words against the
patent, which was the foundation of the government of the
Massachusetts colony ; also he affirmed, that the magistrates
had nothing to do in matters of the first table, but only the
second ; and that there should be a general and unlimited
toleration of aU refigions, and for any man to be punished for
any matters of his conscience, was persecution.
And further, he procured the church of Salem's consent
unto letters of admonition, which were written and sent by
him, in their name, to the churches at Boston, Charlestown,
Newtown, (now Cambridge,) etc., accusing the magistrates,
that were members of the respective churches, of sundry
heinous offences, which he laid unto their charge ; and though
divers did acknowledge their error and gave satisfaction, yet
Mr. Wilfiams himself, notwithstanding all the pains that was
taken with him by Mr. Cotton, Mr. Hooker, and many others,
to bring him to a sight of his errors and miscarriages, and,
notwithstanding aU the court's gentie proceedings with him,
he not only persisted, but grew more violent in his way, in
somuch as he staying at home in his own house, sent a letter,
which was delivered and read in the pubfic church assembly.

104 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1629.
the scope of which was to give them notice, that if the church
of Salem would not separate not only from the churches of
Old England, but the churches of New England too, he would
separate from them. The more prudent and sober part of the
church, being amazed at his way, could not yield unto him ;
whereupon he never came to the church assembly more, pro
fessing separation from them as antichristian, and not only so,
but he withdrew aU private religious communion from any
that would hold communion with the church there, inso
much as he would not pray nor give thanks at meals with
his own wife nor any of his family, because they went to
the church assemblies. Divers of the weaker sort of the
church members, that had been thoroughly leavened with
his opinions, of which number were divers women that were
zealous in their way, did by degrees faU off to him, inso
much as he kept a meeting in his own house, unto which a
numerous company did resort, both on the Sabbath day and
at other times in way of separation from, and opposition to
the church assembly there ; which the prudent magisti-ates
understanding, and seeing things grow more and more towards
a general division and disturbance, after all other means used
in vain, they passed a sentence of banishment against him
out of the Massachusetts colony, as against a disturber of the
peace, both of the church and commonwealth,*
After which Mr. WiUiams sat down in a place caUed Prov
idence, out of the Massachusetts jurisdiction, and was fol
lowed by many of the members of the church at Salem, who
did zealously adhere to him, and who cried out of the perse-

* The Plymouth colonists seemed to have more consistent views of religious
liberty and toleration than the Massachusetts'. Gov. Hutchinson says, " When
Mrs. Hutchinson and her adherents were banished from that colony, they
applied to the colony of Plymouth for leave to settle upon Aquidnick, or
Rhode Island, which was then acknowledged to be within Plymouth patent,
and it was readily granted, although their tenets were no more approved by
Plymouth than Massachusetts. Some of the Quakers also fled to Plymouth
bounds, and probably saved their lives, for although they made laws severe
enough against erroneous opinions, yet in no case capital. — See Gov. Hutch.
Hist. vol. 2, p. 421.

1629.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 105
cution that was against him ; some others also resorted to
him from other parts. They had not been long there together,
but from rigid separation they feU to anabaptistry, renouncing
the baptism which they had received in their infancy, and
taking up another baptism, and so began a church in that
way ; but Mr. Wilfiams stopped not there long, for after some
time he told the people that followed him, and joined with
him in a new baptism, that he was out of the way himself,
and had misled them, for he did not find that there was any
upon earth that could administer baptism, and therefore their
last baptism was a nuUity, as well as their first ; and therefore
they must lay down aU, and wait for the coming of new
apostles ; and go they dissolved themselves and turned Seek
ers, keeping that one principle, that every one should have
fiberty to worship God according to the light of their own
consciences ; but otherwise not owning any chm-ches or or-
duiances of God anywhere upon earth.
Thus much was thought meet to be inserted here concern
ing the great and lamentable apostasy of Mr. WUfiams, that
it may be a warning to aU others to take heed of a gradual
declining from, and forsaking the churches of Christ, and
ordinances of God in them, lest they be left of God to run
such a course as he hath done; wherefore let him that
thinks he stands, take heed lest he fall, 1 Cor. x. 12 ; as also
to be a motive to the saints to remember him unto God in
their fervent prayers for his return, he having been sometimes
an able dispenser of the word of God, and, in several respects
of an exemplary conversation.
And yet that there may be a standing evidence of the care
that was had in those times to prevent the growth of errors,
and of the exercises of the communion of churches for that
end, it is thought meet further to insert this passage ; that
before the putting forth of the civil power of the magistrate
for the removing of Mr. Williams from Salem, and besides
other means also used, there was a public admonition sent in
writing from the church of Boston to the church of Salem, for
the reducing of Mr. Williams, and the erring part of the
church. The title of the writing was.

106 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1629.

Errors in doctrine maintained by some of the brethren of the church of Salem,
tending to the disturbance of religion and pieace, in family, church, and
commonwealth, namely,
1. That it is not lawful to call upon an unregenerate man
to pray for himself
2. It is not lawful for a regenerate man to pray with his
carnal family.
3. It is not lawful for magistrates to take an oath of fidelity
from unregenerate men.
4. It is not lawful for magistrates to take an oath of fidelity
from the body of their subjects, though regenerate, and mem
bers of churches.
5. It is not lawful for magisti-ates to punish the breaches of
the first table, unless thereby the civil peace of the common
wealth be disturbed.
Whence also it foUows, and is confessed,
That a chm-ch whoUy decfining into arianism, papism,
famUism, or other heresies, being admonished, and convinced
thereof by other churches, and not reforming, may not be re
formed by the civil magistrate, in away of civU justice, unless
it break the civil peace.
These errors were solidly confuted, and the contrary ti-uths
asserted, by the word of God, in that writing which was sub
scribed by John Cotton, Teacher of the church of Boston.
Thomas Oliver, ) -^.,7 ^., , ,
Thomas Leverett, j Elders of the same church.
Mr. Wilson the pastor of the chm-ch being at that time
absent upon a voyage to England.*

* As of Gorton, so of Roger Williams, the early narratives vary, and it is
difficult for us, at this day, to form a correct estimate of the character of these
men. Some allowance is doubtless to be made from the false notions then
generally prevalent on toleration, and the connection of civil and religious
affairs, as also from the excitement arising from their peculiar state and cir-

1630.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 107

1630.
This year it pleased God, of his rich grace, to transport
over into the bay of the Massachusetts divers honorable per
sonages, and many worthy Christians, whereby the Lord
began in a manifest manner and way to make known the
great thoughts which he had of planting the gospel in this
remote and barbarous wUderness, and honoring his own way
cumstances. Looking at them from our standpoint, we qualify somewhat the
early statements on both sides. While we are led to believe that Roger
Williams's conduct was sometimes censurable, and that he gave just occasion
for suspicions and complaints, we must also think that the complaints and
treatment of him were quite too severe. With his faults, it must be admitted
also, that there was much to approve and to admire in his character. On
the question of religious Kberty and toleration, he was doubtless greatly in
the advance of his day.
But he advanced some sentiments on religious subjects, and in regard to
the patent, which occasioned him great opposition and trouble. And as
Judge Davis says, " His opinions had reference to topics of so much interest,
that we must expect to meet a bias of considerable strength in those who
oppose, and in those who defend him.'' Gov. Bradford's statement regarding
Williams is as reliable and correct probably as any that can be found. On
the whole he thought well of WiUiams.
As found on the church records at Plymouth, Bradford says, " Roger
Williams, a man godly and zealous, having many precious parts, but very
unsettled in judgment, came over first to the Massachusetts, but upon some
discontent, left the place and came hither (to Plymouth), when he was freely
entertained according to our poor ability, and exercised his gifts among us,
and after some time, was admitted a member of the church, and his teaching
well approved, for the benefit whereof I still bless God, and am thankful to
him even for his sharpest admonitions and reproofs, so far as they agree with
the truth. He this year fell into some strange opinions, and from opinions to
practice, which caused some controversy between the church and him, and
in the end some discontent on his part, by occasion whereof he left them
something abruptly ; yet afterwards sued for his dismission to the church of
Salem, which was granted with some caution to them concerning him ; but
he soon fell into more things there both to their and the government's trouble
and disturbance. I shall not need to name particulars, they are too well
known now to all, though for a time the church here went under some hard
censures by his occasion from some that afterwards smarted themselves, but
he is to be pitied and prayed for, and so I shall leave the matter, and desire

108 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1630.
of instituted worship, causing such and so many to adhere
thereunto, and fall upon the practice thereof ; among the rest,
a chief one amongst them was that famous pattern of piety
and justice, Mr. John Winthrop, the first governor of the
jurisdiction, accompanied with divers other precious sons of
Sion, which might be compared to the most fine gold.*
Amongst whom, also, I might name that reverend and worthy
man, Mr. John Wilson, eminent for love and zeal ; he fike
wise came over this year, and bare a great share of the diffi
culties of these new beginnings, with great cheerfulness and
alacrity of spirit. They came over with a fleet of ten ships,
three of them arriving first at Salem, in which several of the
chiefest of them came, who repaired, sundry of them, in some
short time, into the bay of the Massachusetts; the other
seven ships arrived at Charlestown, where it pleased the Lord
to exercise them with much sickness, and being destitute of
housing and shelter, and lying up and down in booths, some
of them languished and died. Yea, it pleased God to take
away amongst the rest that blessed servant of Christ, Rlr.
Isaac Johnson, with his lady, soon after their arrival, with
suUdry other precious saints.

the Lord to show him his errors, and reduce him into the way of truth, and
give him a settled judgment and constancy in the same, for I hope he be
longs to the Lord."
For further particulars of Williams, see Hutchinson's Hist. vol. i. 40, 41,
113,131; Winthrop's Journal; Mass. Hist. Coll.; Callender's Hist. R.I. ;
Felt's Eccl. History of New England and Memoir, by Prof. Knowles.
* March 8; 1630. Mr. Sherley of London writes to Gov. Bradford,
" Those who came in May and those now sent, must some while be charge
able to you and us.'' " This is another company of our Leyden friends, who
arrived at the latter end of May, and the charge of this last company comes
to above £550, for transporting them from Holland to England, their lyino-
there, with clothing and passage hither, besides the fetching them from
Salem and the bay, where they and their goods- are landed, all which the
New Plymouth undertakers pay gratis, besides providing them housing, pre
paring them ground, and maintaining them with food sixteen months before
they have a harvest of their own, which comes to near as much more ; a rare
example of brotherly love and Christian care in performing their promises to
their brethren, even beyond their power." — Bradford in Prince, 272.

1630.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 109
This sickness being heavy upon them, caused the principal
of them to propose to the rest to set a day apart to seek the
Lord, for the assuaging of his displeasure therein, as also for
direction and guidance in the solemn enterprise of entering
into church fellowship ; which solemn day of humiliation was
observed by all, not only of themselves, but also by their
brethren at Plimouth in their behalf ; * and the Lord was en
treated not only to assuage the sickness, but also encouraged
their hearts to a beginning, and in some short time after to a
further progress in the great work of erecting a way of wor
shipping of Christ in church fellowship, according to primitive
institution. Those choice and eminent servants of Christ did
not despise their poor leaders and fellow-soldiers that they
found in the same work of the Lord with them, at Plimouth,
but treated them as brethren, much pitying their great straits
and hardships they had endured in the first beginning of
planting this wUderness, promising aU helpfulness even out of
then- own estates, according to their power ; and their said
brethren at Plimouth were persuaded they spake as they
thought in their hearts ; for, such was the simplicity of those
times, as that divers faces were not carried under a hood ;
pride, covetousness, profaneness, and sinful self, were ashamed
to be seen, except in obscure places and persons. O poor
New England ! consider what thou wast, and what thou now
art! Repent and do thy first works, saith the Lord! So
may thy peace be as a river, and thy righteousness as the
waves of the sea, Isa. xlviii. 18, 19. So be it. But to
return. The first that began in the work of the Lord above men
tioned, were their honored governor, Mr. John Winthrop, Mr.
Johnson, forenamed, that much honored gentleman, Mr. Tho
mas Dudley, and Mr. John Wilson, aforesaid; these four
were the first that began that honorable church of Boston,
unto whom there joined many other. The same year also

* The day of humiliation was Friday, July 30. Mr. Winslow and Mi-.
Fuller, beino- on a mission at Salem, from Plymouth church, with Mr. Aller
ton, write to their friends on this subject, July 26, 1630. — Hist. Coll. ill. 76.
10

110 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1630.
Mr. George PhiUips,* who was a worthy servant of Christ and
dispenser of his word, began a church fellowship at Water-
town ; as did also Mr. Maverick and Mr. Warham at Dor
chester, the same day.
Thus, out of smaU beginnings, greater things have been
produced by his hand that made all things of nothing ; and,
as one small candle may fight a thousand, so the fight here
kindled hath shone unto many, yea, in some sort, to our
whole nation. Let the glorious name of Jehovah have aU the
praise in all ages.!
* See Appendix for his descendants.
f Mr. Prince transcribes from " The Book of Charters," a patent granted
January 13, 1630, from " the Council for New England," to " William Brad
ford and his associates and assigns, all that part of New England between
Cohasset rivulet towards the north, and Narraganset river towards the south,
the Western Ocean towards the east, (the Atlantic was then so called,) and
between a straight line directly extending up into the main land towards
the west, from the mouth of Narraganset river to the utmost bounds of a
country in New England called Pacanokit, alias Sawamset westward, and
another like straight line extending directly from the mouth of Cohasset
river towards the west, so far into the main land westward, as the utmost
limits of the said Pacanokit or Sawamset entered;" also a tract of land
fifteen miles on each side of Kennebeck river, which they afterwards sold.
The patent recites that the grantees " had lived nine years in New Eng
land, had planted a town called New Plymouth, at their own charges, and
by the special providence of God, and their extraordinary care and industry,
had increased their plantations to near three hundred people, and are, on all
occasions, able to relieve any new planters, or others of his majesty's subjects
who may fall on that coast." It gives them " all the right and interest which
the said council had or ought to have thereto, with liberty to trade with the
natives, and fish in the seas adjoining," and " liberty to make orders, ordi
nances, and constitutions not contrary to the laws of England, for their better
government, and to put the same in execution, by such officei-s as they shall
authorize and depute." — Prince, 268, 269.
The reader will be very Hkely to inquire what " right and interest " this
council had, which they here undertook to convey ? The following is taken
from Prince, 180 : — -
"Nov. 3, about a week before of their (the Pilgrims) arriving at Cape Cod,
king James signs a patent for the incorporation of the adventurers to the
northern colonies of Virginia, between 40 and 48 degrees north, being the duke
Lenox. The marquises of Buckingham and Hamilton, the earls of Arundel
and Warwick, and Sir F. Gorges, with thirty-four others, and their succes-

1632.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. HI

1631.
This year the reveren.d and useful instrument Mr. John
Efiot came over, and not long after Mr. Weld, who began a
church society at Roxbury; as likewise good old Mr. Ma
verick, and Mr. Warham began one at Dorchester.*

1632.!
This year one Sir Christopher Gardiner, being, as himself
said, descended of the house of Gardiner, bishop of Winches-

sors, styling them ' The Council established at Plymouth, In the county of
Devon, for the planting, ruhng, ordering, and governing. New England in
America,' which is the great and civil basis of all the future patents and plan
tations which divide this country."
" Oct 1630. The first execution in Plymouth colony ; which is a matter
of great sadness to us, is of one John Billington, for waylaying and shooting
John Newcomen, a young man, in the shoulder, whereof he died. The said
Billington was one of the profanest among us. He came from London, and
I know not by what friends, shuffled into our company. We used all
due means about his trial ; he was found guilty both by grand and petty
jury, and we took the advice of Mr. Winthrop and others, the ablest gentle
men in Massachusetts Bay, who all concurred with us that he ought to die,
and the land be purged from blood." — - Ibid. 320.
* The Rev. John Warham, first minister of Windsor, Ct., was an eminent
preacher at Exeter ; the Rev. John Maverick, lived about forty miles from that
city. Mr. Maverick died at Boston, in February, 1636 ; a large part of his
society had, just before, removed to Windsor, in Connecticut, and it was his in
tention to follow them. Mr. Warham accompanied those of his people who
removed to Connecticut, and died at Windsor in 1 6 70. "I suppose,'' says Dr.
Mather, " the first preacher that ever preached with notes, in our New England ,
was the reverend Warham, who, though he were sometimes faulted for it, by
some judicious men, who had never heard him, yet, when once they came to
hear him, they could not but admire the notable energy of his ministry. He
was a more vigorous preacher than the most of them, who have been ap
plauded for never looking into a book in their lives." — - Allen's Biog. Diet.,
Hist. Coll. ix. 127-199; Life of John Eliot; Hist. Coll. viii. 5-36.
f This year (1632), the general court of Plymouth colony make an extra
ordinary act, that whoever refuses the office of governor shall pay twenty

112 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1632.
ter, who was so great a persecutor of God's saints in Queen
Mary's days, arrived in New England ; he being a great trav
eller received his first honor of knighthood at Jerusalem, being
made a knight at the sepulchre there. He came into these
parts in pretence of forsaking the world, and to live a private
life in a godly course, not unwUfing to put himself upon any
mean employment, and take any pains for his living, and
sometimes offered himself to join to the church in sundry
places ; he brought over with him a servant or two, and a
comely young woman, whom he called his cousin ; but it was
suspected that, after the Italian manner, she was his concu
bine. He living at the Massachusetts, for some miscarriages
for which he should have answered, fled away from authority,
and got amongst the Indians in the jurisdiction of New
Plimouth. The governor of the Massachusetts sent after him,
but could not get him, and promised some reward to those
that should find him. The Indians came to the governor of
Plimouth, and told where he was, and asked if they might kiU
him, but the said governor told them no, they should not kill
him by no means, but if they could take him alive and bring
him to Plimouth, they should be paid for their pains ; they
said he had a gun and a rapier, and he would kill them if
they went about it, and the Massachusetts Indians said they
might kiU him, but the governor aforesaid told them no, they
should not kill him, but watch their opportunity and take him
and so they did, for when they light on him by a river side,
he got into a canoe to get from them, and when they came
near him, whUst he presented his piece at them to keep them
off, the stream carried the canoe against a rock, and threw
both him and his piece, and the rapier into the water, yet he
got out, and having a little dagger by his side, they durst not
close with him ; but getting long poles, they soon beat the
dagger out of his hand ; so he was glad to yield, and they

pounds sterling, unless he were chosen two yea.rs going, and whoever refuses
the office of councillor or magistrate, ten pounds." — Prince, 411.
" Mr. Bradford having been governor near twelve years, now, by impor
tunity, gets off(1633)." — P)-mce, 411, 423.

1632.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 113
brought him to the governor at Pfimouth, but his hands and
arms were swelled very sore with the blows they had given
him ; so he used him kindly, and sent him to a lodging where
his arms were bathed and anointed, and he was quickly weU
again, and blamed the Indians for beating him so much.
They said they did but a fittle whip him with sticks. In his
lodging, those that made his bed found a fittle note-book, that
by accident had sfipped out of his pocket, or some private
place, in which was a memorial what day he was reconciled
to the Pope or church of R,ome, and in what university he
took his scapula, and such and such a degree ; it being
brought to the governor, he kept it and sent it to the governor
of the Massachusetts, with word of his taking, who sent
for him ; but afterwards he went for England and showed his
mafice against New England, but God prevented him; of
which I thought meet to insert a letter from Mr. Winthrop,
governor of the Massachusetts, to Mr. Bradford, the governor
of Pfimouth, in reference to this matter, as also the copy of
an order relating to the same as followeth. And first of the
letter : —
Sir, Upon a petition exhibited by Sir Christopher Gardiner, Sir
Ferdinando Gorges, Captain Mason, etc., against you and us,
the cause was heard before the Lords of the Privy CouncU,
and afterwards reported to the king; the success whereof
makes it evident to all, that the Lord hath care of his people
here ; the passages are admirable and too long to write. I
heartUy wish for an opportunity to impart them unto you,
being many sheets of paper; but the conclusion was, against
aU men's expectation, an order for our encouragement, and
much blame and disgrace upon the adversaries, which calls
for much thankfulness from us aU, which we purpose, God
willing, to express in a day of thanksgiving to our merciful
God,* (I doubt not but you wiU consider if it be not fit for you
* The thanksgiving proposed by Governor Winthrop, was kept on the
19th of June. — Winth. Jour. 10*

114 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1632.
to join in it,) who, as he hath humbled us by his late cor
rection, so he hath lifted us up by an abundant rejoicing in
our deliverance out of so desperate a danger; so as that
which our enemies built their hopes upon to ruin us by, he
hath mercifully disposed to our great advantage, as I shaU
further acquaint you when occasion shaU serve. The copy
of the order foUows.
At the Court at Whitehall, January 19, 1632.
SigUlum Crescent.
Lord Privy Seal, M-. Trevors,
Earl of Dorset, Mr. Vice Chamberlain,
Lord Viscount Falkland, Mr. Secretary Cook,
Lord Bishop of London, Mr. Secretary Windebank.
Lord Cottington,
Whereas his majesty hath lately been informed of great
distraction and much disorder in the plantations in the parts
of America, called New England, which if they be ti-ue, and
suffered to run on, would tend to the dishonor of this Idng-
dom, and utter ruin of that plantation ; for prevention whereof,
and for the orderly settling of government, according to
the intention of those patents which have been granted by
his majesty, and from his late royal father, king James ; it
hath pleased his majesty, that the lords and others of his
most honorable privy council should take the same into con
sideration ; their lordships, in the first place, thought fit to
make a committee of this board, to take examination of the
matters informed ; which committee having called divers of the
principal adventurers in that plantation, and heard those that
are complainants against them ; most of the things informed
being denied, and resting to be proved by parties that must be
caUed from that place, which requu-ed a long expense of time,
and at present their lordships finding they were upon despatch
of men, victuals, and merchandise for that place, all which
would be at a stand if the adventurers should have discour
agement, or take suspicion that the state here had no good

1633.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 115
opinion of that plantation ; their lordships not laying the
fault or fancies (if any be) of some particular men upon the
general government, or principal adventurers, which in due time
is further to be inquired into ; have thought fit, in the mean
time, to declare, that the appearances were so fair, and hopes
so great, that the country would prove both beneficial to this
kuigdom, and profitable to the particulars, as that the adven
turers had cause to go on cheerfully with their undertakings,
and rest assured, if things were carried as was pretended
when the patents were granted, and accordingly as by the
patents it is appointed, his majesty would not only maintain
the liberties and privileges heretofore granted, but supply any
thing further that might tend to the good government, pros
perity, and comfort of his people there of that place, etc.*
William Trumball.
1633.
This year IVIr. Edward Winslow was chosen governor of
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth ; and Mr. William Brad
ford, Capt. Miles Standish, Mr. John Howland, Mr. John
Alden, Mr. John Doan, Mr. Stephen Hopkins, and Mr. Wil
liam Gilson, were chosen to be his assistants in govern
ment.!

* See Prince, October 25, 1632.
•j- " Mr. Edward Winslow chosen governor of Plimouth, Mr. Bradford hav
ing been governor about ten years, and now by importunity got off." — Winth.
Jour. 47.
The great swamp mentioned in this narrative was in Pembroke. The
great river is supposed to be what is now called North river. Ludham's ford
was probably in Hanover, about fourteen miles from Plymouth. Massagas-
cus was probably written WIssagasscus ; and indicates the place which was
commonly called Wessagussett. In August, 1635, " Wessagasscus was made
a plantation, and Mr. Hall a minister, and twenty-one families with him,
allowed to sit down there — after called Weymouth." ¦ — Winth. Jour. 84.
The tei-m prophesying, in the sense intended by Governor Winthrop, in his
account of the religious exercises at Plymouth, has become obsolete. It
originated in the reign of Elizabeth, when the Puritans maintained frequent
religious exercises, in which texts of Scripture were interpreted or discussed,

116 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1633.
The plantation of Plimouth, having had some former con
verse with the Dutch, as hath been hinted, they seeing them
seated in a barren quarter, told them of a river caUed by them
the fresh river,* which they often commended unto them for
a good place, both for plantation and trade, and wished them
to make use of it ; but their hands being fuU otherwise, they
let it pass ; but afterwards, there coming a company of In
dians into these parts, that were driven out of their country
by the potency of the Pequots, they soficited them to go
thither. These Indians not seeing them very forward to en
tertain the motion, which they moved with great ardency,
they solicited them of the government of the Massachusetts
in like sort, but they being then not fit to entertain the motion,
in respect that they were newly come into the country, did not
much regard it. Notwithstanding, some of the chief made a
motion to join some here in a way of trade at the same river ;
on which a meeting was appointed to treat concerning the
same matter, and some of Plimouth appointed to give them
meeting, which they did, but they cast in the way many fears
of -danger and loss, and the like, on which they of the Massa
chusetts declined the thing, and did not proceed therein.
Whereupon those of Plimouth went alone, and prepared a
frame of an house, and stowed it into a bark, ready to rear at
then- landing, and went up the said river and reared their said
house, and fenced it about with a palisado, which was done
with gi-eat difficulty, not only of the Dutch, but also of the
Indians ; notwithstanding the place they possessed themselves
of was such as the Dutch had nothing to do with, and like
wise was bought of the Indians which they carried with
them. And this was Pfimouth's entrance there, who deserved
to have held it, and not by friends to have been thrust out, as
in a sort they afterwards were.
This year it pleased God to visit Plimouth with an infectious

one speaking to the subject, after another, in an orderly method. This was
called prophesying, in reference to 1 Cor. xv. 31. Ye all may prophesy,
that all may learn, and all may be comforted. — Neal's Hist. Puritans, i. 184.
* Which is the same called Connecticut river. — M.

1633.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 117
fever, of which many fell very sick, and upwards of twenty
died, men, women, and chUdren, and sundry of them were of
their ancient friends ; * amongst the rest, Mr. Samuel Fuller
then died, after he had much helped others, and was a com
fort to them ; he was their surgeon and physician, and did
much good in his place, being not only useful in his faculty,
but otherwise, as he was a godly man, and served Christ in
the office of a deacon in the church for many years, and for
ward to do good in his place, and was much missed after
God removed him out of this world.
This sickness caused much sadness amongst them, and, ac
cording to their duty, they besought the Lord by fasting and
and prayer, and he was entreated of them, and towards win
ter the sickness ceased. This sickness, being a kind of pesti
lent fever, swept away also many of the Indians from places
near adjoining to Plimouth.
It is to be observed, that the spring before this ' sickness,
there was a numerous company of flies, which were like for
bigness unto wasps or bumblebees ; they came out of fittle
holes ui the ground, and did eat up the green things, and
made such a constant yelUng noise as made the woods ring
of them, and ready to deafen the hearers ; they were not any
of them heard or seen by the English in the country before
this time ; but the Indians told them that sickness would fol
low, and so it did, very hot, in the months of June, July, and
August of that summer.!

* One of these " ancient friends," who died at this time, was Mr. Thomas
Blossom. — Prince, ii. d6. Some of his letters from Leyden maybe seen
in Hist. Collections, vol. iii. On his arrival at Plymouth, he was elected a dea
con of the church. — Cation's Hist, of Plymouth Church ; Hist. Coll.iv. 111.
Mr. Cotton places his death, with that of his associate, Mr. Masterton, before
1630. But Mr. Prince, who quotes Governor Bradford's MS. relative to the
sickness of 1633, is probably correct.
f Prince says, " they are known by the name of locusts.'' The prevailing
opinion is, that they make their appearance Sepiem decenially, and this
seems to be confirmed by long observation. Their chrysalis state seems not
to be known, and probably they have several transmutations during the long
interval of their appearance. By what means they make " such a yelling

118 NEAV ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1634.
This year there arrived in New England, those three
worthy instruments, Mr. John Cotton, Mr. Thomas Hooker,
and Ml-. Samuel Stone, who were gospel preachers, of excel
lent worth and use in then places, untU God took them out
of the world unto himself.
This year likewise, Mr. WiUiam Collier arrived with his
family in New England, who, as he had been a good bene
factor to the colony of New Plimouth, before he came over,
having been an adventurer unto it at its first beginning, so,
also, he approved himself a very useful instrument, in that
jurisdiction, after he arrived, being frequently chosen, and for
divers years serving God and the country in the place of
magistracy, and lived a godly and holy life, until old age,
which to him is a crown of glory, being found in the way of
righteousness.* ' 1634.
This year Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen governor of the
jurisdiction of New Plimouth. His assistants in government
were Mr. WiUiam Bradford, Mr. Edward Winslow, Capt.
Miles Standish, Mr. WiUiam Colfier, Mr. John Alden, Mr.
John Howland, and Mr. Stephen Hopkins.
In the spring of this year there feU a very great sickness of
the smallpox amongst the Indians, so as they died most mis
erably of it ; for a sorer disease cannot come amongst them,
noise" seems not to be well agreed. But as to their " eating up the green
things," this is a mistake. They pitch upon the young branches of oak trees
generally, and with a kind of chisel in their posterior, they penetrate and
split the limb and deposit their ova in the pith, and in a short time the limb
breaks, and the leaves die, and give the appearance of being eaten. The
end of the limb falls to the ground, the ova produces the worm, which enters
the earth, and the locusts in due time return. It does not appear that they
have any kind of nourishment during their appearance, unless it be the dew
or rain. See Dobson's Encycloptedla.
* " This year a small gleano of rye was brought to the court, (in Massa
chusetts,) as the first-fruits of English graine, at which the poor people
greatly rejoiced, to see the land would bear it." — Johnson's Wond. Work.
Prou. 61.

1634.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 119
and they dread it more than the plague itself; for, usuaUy,
those of them which have this disease, have them in abun
dance, and for want of bedding and linen, and other neces
saries, fall into a lamentable condition ; for, as they lie on
their hard mats, the pock breaking and running one into
another, their sldn cleaving by reason thereof to the mats
they lie on, when they turn them, much of theu- skin flays off
at once, and they wiU be all on a gore of blood, most sad and
grievous to behold ; and then, being very sore, what with
cold and other di^^empers, they die like rotten sheep.
This year one Capt. Stone, who had sometimes lived at
Christophers, in the West Indies, came into these parts ; of
whom I have nothing to speak in the way of commendation,
but rather the eontiary. After he had been to and fro in the
country, he returned towards Virginia, with one Capt. Nor
ton ; and so it was, that, as they returned, they went into
Connecticut river, where the Indians killed the said Stone as
he lay in his cabin, and threw a covering over him. They
likewise kiUed all the rest of his company, but the said Capt.
Norton, he defending himself a long time in the cook-room of
the bark, untU, by accident, the gunpowder took fire, which
for readiness he had set in an open thing before him, which
did so burn and scald him, and blind his eyes, as he could
make no longer resistance, but was slain also by them, and
they made a prey of his goods.
It is to be observed, that the said Stone, being at the Dutch
plantation, in the fore part of this year, a cei-tain bark of
Plimouth being there likewise on trading, he kept company
with the Dutch governor, and made him drunk, and got leave
of him, in his drunkenness, to take the said bark, without any
occasion or cause given him ; and so, taking his time when
the merchant and some of the chief of the men were on shore,
with some of his own men, made the rest of them weigh an
chor, and set sail to carry her away to Virginia ; but some of
the Dutch seamen, who had been at Plimouth, and received
kindness, seeing this horrible abuse, got a vessel or two and
pursued them, and brought them back. After this he came into
the Massachusetts Bay, where they commenced suit against

120 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1634.
him ; but by the mediation of some it was taken up,* and
afterwards, in the company of some gentlemen, he came to
Pfimouth, and was kindly entertained; but-revenge boifing in
his breast, as some conceived, he watched a season to have
stabbed the governor, and put his hand to his dagger for that
end, but by God's providence, ordering the vigilance of some
that were about him, he was prevented ; but God met with
him for these and other wickednesses, as hath been before
related.!  • 
* Captain Standish repaired to Boston, to accuse Stone of piracy, and the
offender was required to give surety to appear in the Admiralty in England.
"But after," says Gov. Winthrop, "those of Plimouth, being persuaded it
would turn to their reproach, and that it would be no piracy, we withdrew
the cognizancy.''— Winth. Jour. 50.
t Mr. Bradford and Mr. Winslow, two of the magistrates of Plymouth,
with Mr. Smith, their pastor, came to Boston by water, to confer with some
of our magistrates and ministers about their case of Kennebeck. There met
hereabout Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Cotton, and Mr. Wilson, and after they had
sought the Lord, they fell first upon some passages which they had taken
some offence at, but those were soon cleared. Then for the matter itself, it
fell into these two points : first, whether their right of trade there were such,
as they might lawfully hinder others from coming there : second, admitting
that, whether in point of conscience they might so far stand upon their right
as to take away or hazard any man's life in defence of it.
For the first, their right appeared to be good ; for that, besides the king's
grant, they had taken up that place as vacuum domicilium, and so had con
tinued without interruption or claim of any of the natives, for divers years,
and also had, by their charge and providence, drawn down thither the great
est part of the trade, by carrying wampampeage thither, which none of the
English had known the use of before. For the second, they alleged, that
their servant did kill Hookin to save other of their men, whom he was ready
to have shot. Yet they acknowledged that they did hold themselves under
guilt of the breach of the sixth commandment, in that they did hazard man's
life for such a cause, and did not rather wait to preserve their right by other
means, which they rather acknowledged ; because they wished it were not
done ; and hereafter they would be careful to prevent the like. — Winthrop's
Hist. N E. p. 162.
" One pleasant passage," says Gov. Winthrop, " happened, which was
acted by the Indians this year. Mr. Winslow coming in his bark from Con
necticut to Narraganset, and left her there, and intending to return by land,
he went. to Osamequin, the Sagamore, his old ally, who offered to conduct
him to Plymouth ; but before they took their journey, Osamequin sent one of

1635.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 121

1635.
This year Mr. William Bradford was chosen governor of
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. Edward Winslow,
Mr. Thomas Prince, Mi-. WUfiam Colfier, Capt. Miles Stan
dish, ]\L-. John Alden, Rlr. John Howland, and Mr. Stephen
Hopkins, were chosen to be his assistants in government.
This year Mr. Edward Winslow took a voyage for Eng
land, on pubfic occasions, and it came to pass that he had
occasion to answer some complaints made against the country
at the councU board ; more chiefly concerning the Massachu
setts jurisdiction, which he did to good effect, and further
prosecuted such things as might tend to the good of the
whole ; in particular, he preferred a petition to the right hon
orable the lords commissioners for the plantations in America,
in reference unto some injuries done by the French and Dutch
unto the counti-y ; which petition found good acceptance, and
was in a way to a satisfactory answer. But sundry adversa
ries interposed, whose ends were the subversion and over
throw of the churches, at least to disturb their peace, and hin
der their growth ; but, by God's providence, it so fell out in
the end, that although those adversaries crossed the petition
from taking any further effect, in the end principally intended
in it ; yet by this, as a means, the whole plot was discovered,
and those adversaries came to nothing. The particulars
whereof are too long here to be inserted.
This year, on Saturday, the fifteenth day of August, was
such a mighty storm of wind and rain, as none now living in
these parts, either English or Indian, had seen the like ; being
fike unto those hurricanes, or tuffins, that writers mention to

his men to Plimouth, to tell them that Mr. Winslow was dead, and directed
him to show how and where he was killed ; whereupon there was much fear
and sorrow at Plimouth. The next day, when Osamequin brought him home,
they asked him why he sent such word, etc., he answered that it was their
manner to do so, that they might be more welcome when they came home." —
Winth. Hist. N. E. p. 165. 11

1636.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 123

1636.
This year JNIr. Edward Winslow was chosen governor of
the jurisdiction of Plimouth ; and Mi-. WiUiam Bradford, Mr.
Thomas Prince, Mr. WUfiam Colfier, Mr. John Alden, Mr.
Timothy Hatherly, Mr. John Brown, and Mr. Stephen Hop
kins, were chosen to be his assistants in government.
This year the towns on the river of Connecticut began to
be planted,* and in transporting of goods thither, from the
Massachusetts Bay, two shaUops were cast away, loaded with
goods to go thither, in an easterly storm, at the mouth of
Plimouth harbor ; the boat's men were aU lost, not so much
as any of their bodies found for burial, they being five in num
ber in both boats. The principal of them was one Mr. WiUiam
Cooper, an ancient seaman, of known skiU, having formerly
been master of a ship, and had gone great voyages to the
East Ladies, and to other parts; but the night being dark
and stormy, they ran upon the skirt of a flat that lieth near
the mouth of the harbor, and so were overraked ; the goods
came on shore along the harbor, and the governor caused a
careful course to be taken for the preservation of them, in the
behalf of the right owners, who afterwards received so many
of them as were saved.
Now followeth the ti-agedy of the war that fell betwixt the
English and the Pequots, which I will relate according to my
best intelhgence ; in order whereunto I thought good to men-
mind, about the issue of the voyage, that he, with another, would needs go
the journey by land, and so he escaped perishing with some of his pious and
precious friends by sea. — Young's Chron. Mass. 594. See also Ibid. p. 486
-495 for a full account of this shipwreck.
* " Mr. Hooker, pastor of the church at Newtown, and the rest of his con
gregation, went to Connecticut; his wife was carried in a horse-litter; and
they took 160 cattle, and fed of their milk by the way." — Winth. Hist. N E.
p. 223. There was a previous emigration in 1635, from Dorchester and
Watertown. Hartford was settled by the company from Newtown. The
Watertown people seated themselves at Wethersfield. Those from Dorches
ter selected a place afterward called Windsor.

124 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1636.
tion some particulars first, that by discerning the whole mat
ter, in the several parts and circumstances, the more of the
mercy and goodness of God may be taken notice of to his
praise, for destroying so proud and blasphemous an enemy.*
In the year 1634, the Pequots, a stout and warlU<e people,
who had made war with sundry of their neighbors, and being
puffed up with many victories, grew now at variance with the
Narragansets, a great people bordering upon them. These
Narragansets held correspondence and terms of friendship
with the Engfish of the Massachusetts. Now the' Pequots
being conscious of the guilt of Capt. Stone's death, whom
they knew to be an Englishman, as also those that were with
him, and being faUen out with the Dutch, lest they should
have over many enemies at once, sought to make friendship
with the English of the Massachusetts, and for that end, sent
both messengers and gifts unto them, as appears by some
letters sent from the governor of the Massachusetts to the
governor of, Pfimouth, as followeth : —
Dear and worthy Sir,
To let you know something of our affairs, you may under
stand that the Pequots have sent some of theirs to us, to desire
our friendship, and offered much v^ampum and beaver, etc.
The first messengers were dismissed without answer; with
the next we had divers days' conference, and taking the advice
of some of our ministers, and seeking the Lord in it, we con
cluded a peace and friendship with them, upon these condi
tions. That they should deliver up to us those men who were
guilty of Stone's death, etc., and if we deshed to plant in
Connecticut, they should give up their right to us, and we
would send to trade with them as our friends, which was the
chief thing we aimed at, they being now at war with the
* The Pequots wore the most warlike tribe of New England. Those who
wish to examine the history of this truly barbarous war in which the whole
l^ribe was extirpated, may find it well written in Trumbull's History of Con
necticut, ch. 5. See also Holmes's Annals, p. 297 ; and Hist. Coll. p. 273-293.
The tribe inhabited the present county of New London, Conn., and their fort
was on the river, between Stonington and Groton.

1636.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 125
Dutch, and the rest of their neighbors. To this theyreadUy
agreed ; and that we should mediate a peace between them
and the Narragansets, for which end they were content we
should give the Narragansets part of the present they would
bestow on us ; for they stood so much on their honor, as they
would not be seen to give any thing of themselves. As for
Capt. Stone, they told us there were but two left of those
who had any hand in his death, and that they killed him in
a just quarrel ; for, said they, he surprised two of our men,
and bound them, to make them by force to show him the
way up the river, and he, with two others, coming on shore,
nine Indians watched them, and when they were asleep in
the night they killed them, to deliver their own men ; and
some of them, going afterwards to the bark, it was suddenly
blown up. We are now preparing a bark to send unto
them.* Yours, ever assured,
John Winthrop.
Boston, March 12, 1634.
Not long after these things, Mr. John Oldman, of whom
much is spoken before, being now an inhabitant of the Mas
sachusetts, went, with a small vessel, and slenderly manned,
on trading on'those south parts ; and, upon a quarrel between
him and the Indians, was cut off by them, in such manner as
hath been forenoted, at an island called by the Indians Man-
isses, by the English, Block Island. This, with the former,
about the death of Stone, and the baffling of the Pequots
with the English of the Massachusetts, moved them to take
revenge, and to require satisfaction for these wrongs ; but it
took little effect ; some of the murderers of Mr. Oldham fled
to the Pequots, and although the English went to the Pequots,
and had some parley with them, yet they did but delude them ;
and the Engfish returned without doing any thing to purpose.

* And in another letter he saith, " our bark is lately returned from the
Pequots, and our men put off but little commodities, and found them to be a
\&ry false people, so we mean to have no more to do with them.'' — M.
11*

126 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1637.
being frustrated of their opportunity by their deceit. After
the Engfish of the Massachusetts were returned, the Pequots
took their time and opportunity to cut off some of the Eng
lish at Connecticut, as they passed up and down upon their
occasions ; and tortured some of them, in putting them to
death in the most barbarous manner, and most blasphemously,
in this their cruelty, bade them call upon their God, or mocked
and derided them when they so did ; and, not long after, as
saulted them at their houses and habitations, as will appear
more fuUy in the ensuing relation.

1637.
In the forepart of this year, the Pequots feU openly upon
the English at Connecticut, in the lower parts of the river, and
slew sundry of them, as they were at work in the fields, both
men and women, to the great terror of the rest; and went
away in great pride and triumph with many threats. They
also assaulted Saybrook fort, at the mouth of the river of
Connecticut, although it was strong and weU defended. It
struck them with much fear and astonishment, to see their
bold attempts in the face of danger, which made them in aU
places to stand upon their guard, and to prepare for resistance,
and earnestly to solicit their friends and confederates in the
Massachusetts Bay, to send them speedy aid, for they looked
for more forcible assaults. Mr. Vane, being then governor of
that jurisdiction, vwit from their general court to the governor
and court of New Plimouth, to join with them in this war, to
which they were cordially wUling. In the mean time, before
things could be prepared for to set out, the Pequots, as they
had done the winter before, sought to make peace with the
Narragansets, and used many pernicious arguments to move
them thereunto, as that the English were strangers, and began
to overspread their country, and would deprive them thereof
in time, if they were suffered to grow and increase ; and if
the Narragansets did assist the English to subdue them, that
did but make way for their own overthrow ; for if they were

1637.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 127
rooted out, the English would soon take occasion to subjugate
them ; and if they would hearken to them, they should not
need to fear the sti-ength of the English ; for they would not
came to open battle with them, but fire their houses, kiU their
cattle, and lie in ambush for them, as they went abroad upon
then- occasions, and all this they might easily do with little
danger to themselves. The which course being held, they
weU saw the English would not long subsist, but they would
either be starved with hunger, or forced to forsake the country ;
with many like things, insomuch that the Narragansets were
once wavering, and were half minded to have made peace with
them, and joined against the English ; but again, when they
considered how much wrong they had received from the
Pequots, and what an opportunity they had now, by helping
the Engfish to right themselves, revenge was so sweet to them,
as it prevailed above aU the rest; so as they resolved to join
with the English against them, and so did. The court of
Pfimouth agreed to find fifty men at their own charge, and
with as much speed as possible they could get them in readi
ness, under sufficient leaders, and provided a bark to carry
then- provisions, and to tend upon them on all occasions, and
when they were ready to march with a supply from the bay,
they had word sent them to stay, for the enemy was as good
as vanquished, and there would be no need.
I shaU not take upon me exactly to describe their proceedings
in this war, because possibly it hath been done by themselves
that were actors therein, and best knew the circumstances of
things ; I shaU therefore set them down in the main and gen
eral, according to my best intelligence.
From Connecticut, who were most sensible of the hurt
sustained, and the present danger, they set out a party of
men, and another party met them from the Massachusetts
Bay, at the Narragansets, who were to join them. The
Narragansets were very earnest to be gone, before the Eng
fish were well rested and refreshed, especially some of them
which came last. It should seem their desire was come upon
the enemy suddenly and unexpectedly. There being a bark
of Pfimouth newly put in there, which was come from Con-

128 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1637.
necticut, they did encourage them to lay hold of the oppor
tunity of the Indians' forwardness, and to show as great for
wardness as they, for it would encourage them, and expedi
tion might turn to their gi-eat advantage. So they went on,
and so ordered their march, as the Indians brought them to
the fort of their enemy, in which most of their chief men were,
before day; they approached the same with great silence,
and surrounded it both with English and Indians, that they
might not break out, and so assaulted them with great cour
age, shooting among them, and entered the fort with great
speed ; and those that first entered found sharp resistance from
the enemy, who both shot and grappled with them ; others
ran into their houses, and brought out fire and set them on
fire, which soon took in their mats, and their houses standing
close together, with the wind all was soon on a flame, and
thereby more were burnt to death than were otherwise slain.
It burnt their bowstrings, and made them unserviceable.
Those that escaped the fire were slain with the sword ; some
hewed to pieces, some run through with their rapiers, so as
they were quickly dispatched, and very few escaped. The
number they thus destroyed, was conceived to be above four
hundred. At this time it was a fearful sight to see them thus
frying in the fire, and the streams of blood quenching the
same; and horrible was the stink and scent thereof; but the
victory seemed a sweet sacrifice, and they gave the praise
thereof to God, who had wrought so wonderfully for them,
thus to enclose their enemies in their hands, and give them
so speedy a victory over so proud, insulting, and blasphemous
an enemy. The Narragansets, all this while, stood round
about aloof, off from all danger, and left the whole execution
to the Engfish, except it were the stopping any that brake
away, insulting over their enemies in their ruins and misery,
when they saw them dancing in the fire; calling by a word
in their own language, signifying, O brave Pequots ! which
they used familiarly amongst themselves in their own praises,
in songs of triumphs after their victories.
After this service was thus happUy accomplished, the Eng-
gUsh marched to the water-side, where they met with some of

1637.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 129
their vessels, by whom they were refreshed and supplied with
victuals and other necessaries ; but in their march, the rest of
the Pequots drew into a body, and followed them, thinking to
have some advantage against them by reason of a neck of
land ; but when they saw the English prepare for them, they
kept aloof, so as they neither did hurt nor would receive any.
And after the English their refreshing and repairing together
for further counsel and directions, they resolved to pursue
their victory, and foUow the war against the rest; but the
Narragansets most of them forsook them, and such of them
as they had with them for guides or otherwise, they found
very cold or backward in the business, either out of envy, or
that they thought the English would make more profit of the
victory than they were wilfing they should, or else deprive
them [of that advantage that they desired in making the
Pequots become tributaries unto them, or the like.
For the rest of this tragedy, I shaU only relate the same as
in a letter from Mr. Winthrop to Mr. Bradford, as fol
loweth : —
Worthy Sir,
I received your loving letter, but straightness of time for
bids me, for my desire is to acquaint you with the Lord's
great mercy towards us, in our prevailing against his and our
enemies, that you may rejoice and praise his name with us.
About fourscore of our men, having coasted along towards
the Dutch Plantation, sometimes by water but most by land,
met here and there with some Pequots, whom they slew, or
took prisoners. Two sachems they took and beheaded ; and
not hearing of Sasacus, the chief sachem, they gave a prisoner
his life to go and find him out; he went and brought them
word where he was ; but Sasacus suspecting him to be a spy,
after he was gone, fled away with some twenty more to the
Mohawks, so our men missed of him ; yet dividing themselves,
and ranging up and down, as the providence of God guided
them, for the Indians were all gone, save three or four, and
they knew not whither to guide them, or else would not;

130 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1637.
upon the thirteenth of this month, they lighted upon a great
company, namely, eighty strong men, and two hundred
women and children, in a small Indian town, fast by a hideous
swamp, which they all slipped into, before our men could get
to them.
Our captains were not then come together ; but there was
Mr. Ludlow and Capt. Mason, with some ten of their men,
and Capt. Patrick, with some twenty or more of his, who, shoot
ing at the Indians, Capt. Trask, with fifty more, came soon
in at the noise. Then they gave order to surround the swamp,
it being about a mile round ; but Lieut. Davenport, and some
twelve more, not hearing that command, fell into the swamp
amongst the Indians. The swamp was so tliick with shrubs,
and boggy withal, that some stuck fast, and received many
shot. Lieut. Davenport was dangerously wounded about his arm-
hole, and another shot in the head, so as fainting, they were
in gi-eat danger to have been taken by the Indians ; but sergeant
Riggs and sergeant Jeffery, and two or three more, rescued them,
and slew divers of the Indians with their swords. After they
were drawn out, the Indians desu-ed parley, and were offered by
Thomas Stanton, our interpreter, that if they would come out
and yield themselves, they should have their lives that had
not their hand in the English blood. Whereupon the sachem
of the place came forth, and an old man or two, and their
wives and chUdren, and so they spake two hours, tiU it was
night. Then Thomas Stanton was sent to them again, to
call them forth, but they said they would sell their lives there ;
and so shot at him so thick, as, if he had not been presently
relieved and rescued, on his crying out, they would have
slain him.
Then our men cut off a place of swamp with their swords,
and cooped up the Indians into a narrow compass, so as they
could easier kill them through the thickets. So they con
tinued all the night, standing about twelve foot one from
another, and the Indians, coming up close to our men, shot
then- arrows so thick, as they pierced their hat-brims, and

1637.J NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 131
their sleeves and stockings, and other parts of their clothes ;
yet so miraculously did the Lord preserve them, as not one
of them was wounded, save those three who rashly went into
the swamp as aforesaid. When it was near day it grew
very dark, so as those -of them that were left, dropped away,
though they stood but twelve or fourteen foot asunder, and
were presently discovered, and some kUled in the pursuit. In
the searching of the swamp the next morning, they found
nine slain, and some they puUed up, whom the Indians had
buried in the mire ; so as they do think that of all this com
pany not twenty did escape, for they afterwards found some
who died in the flight, of their wounds received. The pris
oners were divided, some to those of the river, and the rest to
us of these parts. We send the male children to Bermuda,
by Mr. WiUiam Pierce, and the women and maid children
are disposed about in the towns. There have been now slain
and taken in aU, about seven hundred, the rest are dispersed,
and the Indians, in aU quarters, so terrified, as all their friends
are afraid to receive them. Two of the sachems of Long
Island came to Mr. Stoughton, and tendered themselves to be
under our protection ; and two of the Nepannet sachems have
been with me to seek our friendship. Among the prisoners
we have the wife and chUdren of Mononotto, a woman of a
very modest countenance and behavior. It was by her me
diation, that the two English maids were spared from death,
and were kindly used by her. One of her first requests was,
that the English would not abuse her body, and that her chil
dren might not be taken from hej-. Those which were wounded
we fetched soon off, by John GaUop, who came with his boat
in a happy hour, to bring them victuals, and to carry their
wounded men to the bark, where our chief surgeon was, with
]\Ir. WUson, being about eight leagues off. Our people are
all in health, the Lord be praised. And although they had
marched in their arms all the day, and had been in fight aU
the night, yet they professed they found themselves so, as they
could willingly have gone to such another business. The
captains report, we have slain thnteen sachems, but Sasacus

132 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1637.
and Mononotto are still living. This is the substance of what
I have received, though I am forced to omit many consider
able circumstances. So being in much straightness of time,
the ships being to depart within this four days, and in them
the Lord Lee and Mr. Vane; I here break off, and with
hearty salutation, etc., I rest. Your assured friend,
John Winthrop.
July 28, 1637.
To conclude the discourse of this matter, this Sasacus, the
Pequot sachem, being fled to the Mohawks, they cut off his
head, and some other of the chief of them, whether to satisfy
the English, or rather the Narragansets, who, as I heard,
hired them to do it, or for their own advantage, I know not.
And thus this war took end ; the body of this people were
wholly subdued, and their country taken from them, and such
of its inhabitants as had escaped the heat of our revenge, by
fire and sword, being nevertheless at the dispose of the con
querors, whereby the English, appointed some to the Narra
gansets and some to the Monhegans, under Unkas their
sachem, who had been faithful and serviceable to them in this
war ; yet the Narragansets were not pleased that themselves
had not the sole government of the captives, and have since
been continually quarrelling with the Monheags, and have
sometimes been plotting against the English also ; but to
conclude, the Pequots have since been taken under the im
mediate government of the English colonies, and live in their
own country, being governed by such of their own, as are by
the English substituted and appointed for that purpose.
This year Mr. WUliara Bradford was chosen governor of
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth ; and Mr. Edward Winslow,
Mr. Timothy Hatherly, Mr. WiUiam CoUier, Mr. Thomas
Prince, Capt. Miles Standish, and M-. John Jenny, were cho
sen to be his assistants in government.
This year Mr. TheophUus Eaton and Mr. John Davenport,
accompanied with divers other Christians of special eminency,

1637.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 133
began the fourth of the united colonies in New England
caUed New Haven,* where they erected a church of Christ,
which continue in gospel order until this day, in an amiable
and exemplary manner ; notwithstanding they have met with
divers losses and crosses, both of eminent and useful instru
ments, as also of a great part of their estates, as in special by
the loss of Mr. Lamberton's ship. Of which said plantation
and colony, I have little to insert, for want of more full and
certain intelhgence.
About this time there arose great troubles in the country,
especiaUy at Boston, by the broaching of antinomian and
familistical opinions ; the chief sect-leader thereof was one
Mrs. Hutchinson. These carried on their abominable tenets,
with such subtilty, under a pretence of advancing free grace,
and crying up the covenant of grace, and down the covenant
of works ; as they took away, by their assertions, gi-ace from
the covenant ; yea, so close was this mystery of iniquity car
ried on, as that some of the prudentest of the orthodox party,
could not discern it at the first ; but at length, the folly of
those that were principal therein was made manifest unto aU
men. The evU consequences thereof faced very sadly, so as
it influenced into their civU state, and caused great disturb
ance ; but by God's blessing on the improvement of the faith
ful endeavors of his servants, the messengers of the churches,
who were caUed together as a synod to help in the case ;
together with the prudence and industry of sundry principal
ones amongst them, both in church and state at other times,
a right understanding of some few things, in difference
amongst the sincere and godly, was procured.! The ring-
* Called by the Dutch Rocabert, and by the Indians Quinnapiuk. — M.
This colony was united with Connecticut in 1662. Mather says, " Annex
ation had the concurrence of some leading men, though the minds of some
others were so uneasy about coalition, that it was some time after the arrival
of the charter (1665) before the union took place; for the colony,like Jeph-
thah's dauo-hter, took time to bewail its condition, before it would quietly be
complied withal."
t " Behold what a great matter a little fire kindleth." " The contention,"
12

134 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1637.
leaders of the faction being thus detected were censured, not
only by the church, but by the civU power, and were also con
demned to exile ; who, not knowing where they might sit
down safely, made requests unto the government of Pfimouth,
that they might be at an island, that they had not hitherto
improved, caUed by the Indians Aquetnet, and, by the Eng
lish inhabiting it, Rhode Island, which the government of
Plimouth, aforesaid, considering they were their countrymen
and fellow-subjects that were thus distiessed and destitute of
habitation, although they had then- errors in as great disfike
as those from whence they came, yet pitying them in their
present straits, granted their request; so these, having there
seated themselves, and finding that it was a very fruitful and
pleasant place, such indeed as that colony or jurisdiction hath
not any the fike left within their patent, they soon drew many
says Dr. Mather, "spread itself into families, and from thence into all the
general affairs of the public."
The questions were about the order of things in our union with our Lord
Jesus Christ : about the influence of our faith in the application of his
righteousness : etc. Gov. Hutchinson says, the town and country was dis
tracted with these subtleties, and every man and woman who had brains
enough to form some imperfect conception, inferred and maintained some
other point, such as these, "A man is justified before he believes ; " " faith is
no immediate cause of justification." The fear of God and love of our neigh
bor seemed to be laid by and out of the question. The whole church at Bos
ton, with few exceptions, was under the influence of Mrs. Hutchinson. The
account of her trial discovers nothing but what might be expected from a
high degree of enthusiasm. Mr. Cotton seems to have been in danger when
she was on trial. Not long after, in a sermon at a fast, he confessed and be
wailed the churches, and his own security and credulity, by means of which
so many dangerous errors had spread, and showed how he came to be de
ceived. (See Hutchinson, 59-74.) Many of the church were disfranchised
and banished. Mrs. Hutchinson with others went to Rhode Island. The
greater part were permitted to return, and filled places of honor and trust in
church and state. Mrs. Hutchinson and her numerous family removed to
some part of New York, where they, all but one, were slain by the Indians.
Gov. Hutchinson says, " It is evident not only by her trial, but by many other
public proceedings, that inquisition was made into men's private judgments,
as well as into their declarations and practice." — vol. i. p. 75. See also
Winth. Jour., Mather's lilag., Cal. Hist, and Dr. Elliot's Eccl. Hist.

1637.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 135
more unto them, not only to fiU up that island, but have also
seated two more towns on the main ; ' therein, as is judo-ed,
encroaching upon the rights of the aforesaid colony of Plim
outh, and have of late through misinformation obtained a pa
tent, not only for the places forementioned, but have also ex
tended it into the heart and bowels of the known and pos
sessed rights of the said colony, endeavoring to requite their
kindness, as sometimes it is said the hedgehog did by the
friendly coney. But it is our great happiness, that as God
takes notice from on high of the unrighteousness and oppres
sion of the sons of men, so he hath given us a gracious Prince,
who minds the peace of his meanest subjects, from whose
justice and prudence we do confidently expect relief, and on
that assurance, do resolve, by God's help, to contain ourselves
from seeking to vindicate our wrongs in such a way as their
injurious dealings might provoke unto.
This year there was a hideous monster born at Boston, in
New England, of one Mrs. Mary Dyer, a copartner with the
said Mis. Hutchinson, in the aforesaid heresies ; the said
monster, as it was related to me, was without head, but horns
fike a beast, scales or a rough skin .like the fish, called the
thornback ; it had legs and claws like a fowl, and in other
respects as a woman child ; the Lord declaring his detestation
of their monstrous errors, as was then thought by some, by
this prodigious birth.
Not long before these troubles, there arrived at Boston, one
Samuel Gorton, who from thence came to Plimouth ; and
upon his first coming thither, gave some hopes that he would
have proved an useful instrument, but soon after, by little
and fittle, discovered himself to be a proud and pestUent se-

* Roo-er Williams obtained a patent for Providence Plantations in 1643,
but it did not extend into the heart or bounds of Plymouth colony. Probably
the secretary wrote by anticipation. In 1663 the colony of "Rhode Island
and Providence Plantations" obtained a charter which did so extend, by
which Bristol, Tiverton, Little Compton, and a great part of Swanzey and
Barrinn-ton, which were before within the chartered limits of the Old Colony,
were made part of that government. See Hutch. Hist. Mass. and Hazard's
Collections.

136 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1637.
ducer, and deeply leavened with blasphemous and famifistical
opinions ; and observing such fictions to be spread by some
of his sph-it already in the country, he takes his opportunity
to begin to sow such seed at Plimouth, whereby some were
seduced, in special one John Weeks and his wife, who in some
short time became very atheists, looking for no more hap
piness than this world affords, not only in practice such, but
also in opinion. But the said Gorton falling into some con
troversy with one Mr. Ralph Smith, was summoned to the
court held at Pfimouth, the fourth of December, 1638, to an
swer the said Mr. Smith's complaint ; and there he carried so
mutinously and seditiously, as that he was for the same, and
for his turbulent carriages towards both magistrates and min
isters, in the presence of the court, sentenced to find sm-eties
for his good behavior, during the time he should stay in the
jurisdiction, which was fimited to fourteen days, and also
amerced to pay a considerable fine. In some short time after
he departed to Rhode Island, and in like manner, or worse,
demeaned himself there, so as they were forced to sentence
him to suffer corporal punishment by whipping, and they
banished him likewise off the island. And fi-om thence, he,
with divers of his accomplices, went to Providence, and there
he and they can-ied so in outrage and riotously, as they were
in danger to have caused bloodshed, so as the inhabitants,
some of them, namely, Mr. Roger Wilfiams and others, were
constrained to soficit the government of the Massachusetts
for aid, to help them against their insolencies ; and for that
end some of them desired to come under their jurisdiction,
and were accepted. Moreover, several of the poor neighbor
ing natives were so injuriously wronged by the said Gorton
and his company, they seeking to bereave them of their just
rights of land by surreptitious ways ; ' in special, Ponham and
Sokanoko, two petty sachems living not far off from Provi-

* The answer of Mr. E. Winslow to Gorton's Pamphlet, entitled Sim
plicity's Defence against the seven-headed Policy, will give the reader a full
and particular intelligence concerning all the transactions of those matters,
and likewise of their damnable errors. — M.

1637.] NEW ENGLANT)'S MEMORIAL. 137
deuce, who were bereaved of their just rights in lands, by
improving the tyranny of Miantonimok, the then chief sachem
of the Narragansets, for the procuring thereof, which necessi
tated the said under sachems to make their appeal to the
court of the Massachusetts for help in their oppressed condi
tion, subjecting themselves and their lands unto their jurisdic
tion likewise ; which caused the said government to require
their appearance at Boston, to answer the complaints of those
oppressed English and Indians. But notwithstanding they
several times sent to them, with sdl gentleness and courteous
expressions, they neither appeared, nor sent satisfying reasons
for th^ir absence ; but instead thereof, many insolent, proud,
railing, opprobrious returns; so that the said government
saw there was no remedy, but to send force to constrain them
to come ; which they accordingly performed, and committed
the said Gorton and several of them to ward. And during
the time of their imprisonment, they carried still very proudly
and audaciously towards all in place of authority, sparing not
to reproach, abuse, and ti-aduce the most honorable and rev
erend both in church and state; and which is yet worse,
spared not blasphemously to fly upon the Lord Jesus him
self, his word and ordinances, in such a manner as scarce
in any age any heretics or apostates have done the like ; not
only abandoning and rejecting all civil power and authority,
except moulded according to their own fancies, but belching
out errors in their familistical aUegories, if I may so caU them,
as, to sjDcak with holy reverence, they rendered the Lord
Christ no other than an imagination ; shunning not, blas
phemously, to say, that Christ was but a shadow, and resem
blance of what is done in every Christian; that Christ was
incarnate in Adam, and was the image of God wherein Adam
was created ; and that his being born afterwards of the Vir
gin Mary, and suffering, was but a manifestation of his suffer
ing in Adam ; that man's losing God's image was the death
of Christ ; that Christ is the covenant properly, and, that faith
and Christ are aU one. They caU the holy word, and sermons
of salvation, tales ; the Lord's supper, an abomination, and a
speU ; baptism, vanity and abomination ; the ministers of the
12*

138 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORLAD. [1637.
word, necromancers ; and by other opprobrious terms vilify
and traduce them. Much more might be spoken and men
tioned of this stuff, which they have not been ashamed to
divulge ; but a little is enough, save but to give the reader to
see the Lord's goodness towards his poor people in New Eng
land, that hath delivered us, and saved us of his grace from
their pernicious, destructive ways, and hath so detected their
folly, as it is made manifest to all men. In fine, the said
Gorton and his feUow-prisoners were, several of them, sen
tenced to remain in durance, in several of the towns in the
jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, for six months, and after
wards banished.
He was a subtle deceiver, courteous in his carriage to aU,
at some times, for his own ends, but soon moved with passion,
and so lost that which he gained upon the simple. To shut
up what I have to say concerning him, which is sad, he is
since become a sordid man in his fife, as he hath been de
clared to be in his cursed principles and opinions, and hath
not shunned to say and affirm, that all the felicity we are fike
to have, we must expect in this life and no more, and there
fore advised one, with whom he had some speech, to make
much of herself, for she must expect no more but what she
could enjoy in this fife, or words to the same effect. Thus
evil men and deceivers grow worse and worse, Seceiving and
being deceived. 2 Tim. iii. 13.*
* Gorton. There is some disagreement in the narratives of early historians
respecting this man. Judge Eddy, when secretary of the state of Rhode
Island, says, that he had read the records of the colony from the beginning
till after the death of Gorton ; that from the first establishment of the govern
ment, he was almost constantly in oflice, and that during his long life, there
is not an instance of any reproach or censure cast upon him, or any com
plaint against him.
Mr. Callender, who wrote more than a century ago, says, " it is hard to
tell what Gorton's religious sentiments were, as he wrote in a mysterious dia
lect, but that there is sufficient reason why we cannot and ought not to believe
all that has been fathered upon him," and he says, " the treatment of him in
Massachusetts was severe and scandalous." Gov. Hutchinson says, "the
sentence against him was cruel." In a letter to Secretary Morton, after the
Memorial was printed, Gorton very solemnly denies that he ever called the

1638.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. ]39

1638.
This year Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen governor of the
jurisdiction of New Pfimouth. Mi-. WiUiam Bradford, Mr.
Edward Winslow, Capt. Miles Standish,' Mr. John Alden,
Mi-. John Jenny, Mr. John Atwood, and Mr. John Brown,
were chosen to be his assistants in government.
This year three men were executed for robbing and mur
dering an Indian near Providence, which, besidd^ the evi
dence that came against them, they did in substance confess
against themselves, and were condemned by legal trial. Some
have thought it great severity to hang three English for one
Indian; but the more considerate wUl easily satisfy them
selves for the legality of it; and, indeed, should we suffer
their murderers to go unpunished, we might justly fear that
God would suffer them to take a more sharp revenge. By
such arguments was the government of Plimouth moved by
the government of the Massachusetts to do justice in the case.
And here may be noted, that the Massachusetts refused this
trial, as being committed in the jurisdiction of Plimouth;
and they of Rhode Island, having apprehended them, de
fivered them to the aforesaid jurisdiction of Plimouth, on the
same grounds.
This year, about the second of June, there was a great and
fearful earthquake. It was heard before it came with a rum
bling noise, or low murmur, like unto remote thunder. It
came from the northward, and passed southwards. As the
noise approached near, the earth began to quake ; and it came

Holy Word and sermons of salvation tales, or any of the ordinances of the
Lord an abomination, or holy ministers necromancers. " I appeal," says
he, " to God, the judge of all secrets, that there was never such a thought
entertained in my heart." We will not decide on these conflicting state
ments, but refer the reader to Neal's Hist, of Purit. i. p. 227; Callender's
Hist. 38 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. ix. 35, 36 ; Hutch. Hist. Mass. vol. i. 112-118.
Gorton lived to a great age, officiated as a minister, and published several
books. He died in 1676.

140 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORLA.L. [1639.
at length with that violence as caused platters, dishes, and
such like things which stood upon shelves, to clatter and faU
down ; yea, people were afraid of their houses ; and it was so,
as that some, being without doors, could not stand, but were
fain to catch hold of posts and pales to prevent them from
falfing. About half an hour after, or less, came another noise
and shaking, but not so loud nor so strong as the former. It
was not only on the land, but at sea also ; for some ships
that were on the sea-coast were shaken by it. So powerful
is the mighty hand of the Lord, as to cause both the earth
and sea to shake, and the mountains- to tremble before him.
His way is in the whirlwind, and the storm, and the clouds
are the. dust of his feet ; the rocks are thrown down before
him. Who can stand before his indignation ? and who can
abide in the fierceness of his anger ? Nahum i, 3-6.*

1639.
This year Mr. William Bradford was chosen governor of
Plimouth. Mr. Thomas Prince, Capt. MUes Standish, Mr.
John Alden, Mr. John Brown, Mr. WUfiam CoUier, Mr.
Timothy Hatherly, and Mr. John Jenny, were chosen assist
ants. This year Harvard College was erected at Cambridge, in
New England, which was so caUed in remembrance of a
worthy gentleman, who liberally contributed towards the
charge of the erecting of it-!
* " Between three and four in the afternoon, being clear weather,- the
wind westerly, there was a great earthquake. It came with a noise like a
continued thunder, or the rattling of coaches in London, but was presently
gone. It was at Connecticut, at Narraganset, at Piscat, and all the parts
round about. It shook the ships which rode in the harbor, and all the islands.
The noise and shaking continued about four minutes. The earth was unquiet
twenty days after by times." — Winth. Jour.
\ " After God had carried us safe to New England, and we had builded
our houses, provided necessaries for our livelihood, reared convenient places
for God's worship, and settled the civil government, one of the next thinn's
we longed for, and looked after, was, to advance learning, and perpetuate it

1639.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 141
This year the great sachem Woosamequen, sometimes
called Massasoiet, and Mooanam his son, came into the
court held at Plimouth, in New England, on the five and
twentieth day of September, in their own proper persons,' and
desired that the ancient league and confederacy formerly made
with the government of Plimouth aforesaid, wherein he ac
knowledged himself subject to the king of England, and his
successors, may stand and remain inviolable. And the said
Woosamequen, and Mooanam his son,* for themselves and
their successors, did faithfully promise to keep and observe
the covenants and conditions therein expressed and contained,
which, on their parts, are likewise to be kept and observed.
And the said Woosamequen, and Mooanam his son, did then
also promise to the whole court aforesaid, that he nor they
shall or wUl needlessly or unjustly raise any quarrels, or do
any wrong to other natives, to provoke them to war against
him ; and that he or they shall not give, sell, or convey any of
his or their lands, territories, or possessions whatsoever, to
any person or persons whomsoever, without the piivity and
consent of the government of Pfimouth, aforesaid, other than
to such as the said government shaU send or appoint. AU
which conditions the said Woosamaquen and Mooanam his
to posterity, dreading to leave an illiterate ministry to the churches, when
our present ministers shall lie in the dust ; and as we were thinking, and
consulting how to effect this great work, it pleased God to stir up the heart
of one Mr. Harvard, (a godly gentleman, and a lover of learning, there living
among us,) to give one half of his estate (it being in all about one thousand
seven hundred pounds) towards the erecting of a college, and all his hbrary.
After him another gave three hundred pounds. Others after them cast in
more ; and the public hand of the state added the rest. The college was (by
common consent) appointed to be at Cambridge, (a place very pleasant and
accommodate) and is called (according to the name of the first founder)
Harvard College." — J/isf. Coll. i. 242.
* He that is here called Mooanam, is the same that, afterwards, was called
Wamsutta ; it being usual for the Indians to change their names. — M. He
was afterwards called Alexander.
"A printing-house was begun at Cambridge, March, 1639, by one Daye.
The first thing which was printed was the Freeman's oath. The next year
¦was an Almanack, made for New England, by Mr. Pierce, mariner ; the next
was the Psalms, newly turned into metre." — Winth. Jour.

142 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1642.
son, for themselves and their successors, did then faithfully
promise to observe and keep. And the whole court, in the
name of the whole government, for each town respectively,
did 'then likewise ratify and confirm the aforesaid ancient
league and confederacy. And did also further promise to the
said Woosamequen, and Mooanam his son, and their succes
sors, that they shaU and will from time to time defend the said
Woosamequen, and Mooanam his son, and their successors,
when need and occasion shall require, against all such as shaU
unjustly rise up against them to wrong or oppress them
unjustly. 1640.
Mr. WUfiam Bradford was elected governor of the jurisdic
tion of Plimouth. Mr. Thomas Prince, Mr. WUfiam Collier,
Mr. John Brown, Capt. Miles Standish, Mr. Timothy Hath
erly, and Mr. Edmund Freeman, were elected assistants.

1641.
This year Mr. William Bradford was elected governor of
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. Edward Winslow,
Mr. Thomas Prince, Mr. WiUiam Colfier, Capt. Miles Stan
dish, Mr. Timothy Hatherly, Mr. John Brown, and Mr. Ed
ward Freeman, were chosen assistants to him in govern
ment. 1642.
This year Mr. WiUiam Bradford was elected governor of
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. Edward Winslow,
Mr. Thomas Prince, Mr. WUfiam CoUier, Mr. Timothy
Hatheriy, Mr. John Brown, Mr. WUfiam Thomas, and Mr.
Edmund Freeman, were elected assistants to him in govern
ment. In reference unto the three years last specified, although I
have no special providence to take notice of, particularly to

1642.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 143
assign to each of them, save the continuance of God's mercy
and goodness in the annual election of godly and able magis
trates in the jurisdiction of Plimouth, as is before noted ; yet
notwithstanding we are to take notice of the continued peace
and plenty, with which not only these three years, restrictively
considered, but also for many years together, both before and
after them. New England was so marveUously gratiated.
But that which is more, that about these times the Lord was
pleased of his great goodness, richly to accomplish and adorn
the colony of Plimouth, as well as other colonies in New Eng
land, with a considerable number of godly and able gospel
preachers, who then being dispersed and disposed of, to the
several churches and congregations thereof, gave light in a
glorious and resplendent manner, as burning and shining
lights. Which mercy and transcendent favor, had not sin
and Satan's envy interposed, might have rendered them
greatly happy and prosperous ; it being observed, that where
gospel dispensation flourisheth, there prosperity, in other re
spects, may usuaUy be expected.
In reference unto the honor of God, and due respects unto
such worthy instruments, I thought meet to nominate some of
the specialist of them, namely : —
Mr. Charles Chauncy, Mr. WUliam Hooke, Mr. Nicholas
Stieet, Mr. John Laythrop, Mr. John Mayo, Mr. John Reyner,
Mr. Ralph Partridge, Mr. Samuel Newman, Mr. WiUiam
Leverich, Mr. Richard Blinman, Mr. Edward Bulkly, Mr.
John MiUer, Mr. Marmaduke Matthews,* with some others

* Of Mr. Chauncey an account is given in the Appendix, in connection
with the Plymouth church, to which he preached several years, and was after
wards president of Harvard College.
Of Mr. Hooke and Mr. Street, a fuU account may be found in " The Taun
ton Ministry," vol. i. Mr. Hooke was their first pastor, and after seven years
became pastor in New Haven, and afterwards returned to England, where
he experienced the special favor of Cromwell. Mr. Street succeeded Mr.
Hooke at Taunton, and also at New Haven. Dr. Bacon speaks of him as
" pious, judicious, and modest, and no inferior preacher."
Mr. Lathrop is afterwards spoken of in the Memorial, and in the Appendix ;
he was pastor at Southwark, England, and at Scituate in Plymouth colony.

144 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1643.
that might be named. These some of them staid not long
ere they removed, some into the neighbor colonies, some
into Old England, and others to their eternal rest, whereby
the said jurisdiction was wanting, in a great measure, for
some time, of such a blessing. Howbeit, the Lord hath since
gi-aciously raised up a supply to divers of the said congrega
tions, and more may be expected according to his promises.

1643.
This year Mr. WiUiam Bradford was elected governor of
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth ; and Mr. Edward Winslow,
Mr. Thomas Prince, Mr. WUfiam CoUier, Mr. Timothy Hath
erly, Mr. John Brown, Mr. Edmund Freeman, and Mr.
WiUiam Thomas, were chosen his assistants in government.
This year, about the eighteenth day of April, died Mr.
William Brewster, the rufing elder of the church of Christ at
Plimouth ; concerning whom, I could say much of mine own
knowledge ; but I shall content myself only to insert the hon
orable testimony that Mr. WUliam Bradford, deceased, hath
left written with his own hand, concerning him.
Saith he, my dear friend, Mr. WUfiam Brewster, was a man

and removed with the church to Barnstable. (See notice of him under the
year 1653.)
Mr. Mayo was pastor in Barnstable, and afterwards teacher in the second
church, Boston.
Of Mr. Reyner an account is given in the notice of the Plymouth church,
of which he was pastor.
Mr. Partridge was first pastor in Duxbury. Mather says, " we had been
hunted like a partridge on the mountains, by the ecclesiastical settlers, and
had no defence, neither beak nor claw, but a flight over the ocean."
Mr. Newman was the first minister of Rehoboth, and was the author of a
concordance, " which he revised by the light of pine knots."
Mr. Bhnman was minister of Marshfield, their first. He preached at sev
eral other places, and returned to England.
Mr. Miller and Mr. Matthews were both settled at Yarmouth.
Mr. Bulkley was settled at Marshfield after Mr. Blinman.
Biographies of these ministers are in the IMagnalia, and Biog. Diet.

1643.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 145
that had done and suffered much for the Lord Jesus, and the
gospel's sake, and hath borne his part in weal and woe, with
this poor persecuted church, above thirty-six years, in Eng
land, Holland, and in this wilderness ; and done the Lord
and them faithful service in his place and calling. And not
withstanding the many troubles and sorrows he passed
through, the Lord upheld him to a great age ; he was four
score and four yeai-s of age when he died. He had this bless
ing added by the Lord to all the rest, to die in his bed in
peace amongst the midst of his friends, who mourned and
wept over him, and ministered what help and comfort they
could unto him ; and he again recompensed them while he
could. His sickness was not long, and until the last day
thereof, he did not wholly keep his bed ; his speech dontinued
untU somewhat more than half a day before his death, and
then failed him, and about nine or ten of the clock that even
ing he died without any pangs at all. A few hours before,
he drew his breath short, and some few minutes before his
last, he drew his breath long, as a man fallen into a sound
sleep, without any pangs or gasping, and so sweetly departed
this life unto a better.
I would now demand of any, what he was the worse for
former sufferings? What, do I say worse? No, he was
the better ; and they now added to his honor. It is a mani
fest token, saith the apostle^ 2 Thess. i. 5-7, of the righteous
judgment of God, that we might be counted worthy of the
kingdom of God, for which we also suffer ; seeing it is a right
eous thing with God, to recompense tribulation to them that
trouble you, and to you that are troubled, rest with us, when
the Lord Jesus shall be revealed from heaven with his mighty
angels. And if you be reproached, saith the apostle Peter, 1
Pet. iv. 14, for the name of Christ, happy are ye, for the spirit
of glory and of God shall rest upon you. What though he
wanted the riches and pleasures of the world in this life, and
pompous monuments of his funeral ? yet the memorial of the
just shall be blessed, when the name of the wicked shaU rot,
Prov. X. 17, with their marble monuments. He was well
educated in learning, as at inferior schools, so also at the uni-
13

146 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1643.
versify ; "' and from thence went to the court, and there served
Mr. Davison, a godly gentleman, and secretary of state to
Queen Elizabeth, and attended him on his embassage into
HoUand, and was employed by him in matters of great trust ;
as in keeping of the keys of the cautionary towns defivered up
to him for her majesty, and things of the fike nature. His
master would always in private confer with him as a friend
or equal. He afterwards fived in good esteem in his own
country, and did much good, untU the troubles of those times
inforced his remove into Holland, and so into New England,
and was in both places of singular use and benefit to the
church and people of Pfimouth, whereof he was ; being emi
nently qualified for such work as the Lord had appointed him
unto ; of which, should I speak particularly, as I might, I
should prove tedious ; I shall content myself, therefore, only
to have made honorable mention in general of so worthy a
man. And. here I might take occasion to mention, with admira
tion, the marvellous providence of God, that notwithstanding
the many changes and hardships that this people, namely, the
first planters at New Pfimouth, went through, and the many
enemies they had, and difficulties they met withal, that so
many of them should live unto very old age. It was not only
this reverend man's condition, but many more of them did
the like ; some dying before and about this time, and some
living, who attained to sixty years of age, and to sixty-five,
divers to seventy, and some to more than eighty, as he did.
It must needs be more than ordinary, and above natural rea
son that so it should be ; for it is found in experience, that
changing of ah, famine, and unwholesome food, much drink
ing of water, sorrows and tioubles, etc., aU of them are ene
mies to health, causes of much diseases, consumers of natm-al

* Elder Brewster had a considerable library. The books were appraised,
after his decease, by Gov. Bradford, Mr. Prince, and Rev. Mr. Reyner. The
whole number was two hundred and seventy-five, of which sixty-four were
in the learned languages. They were valued at forty-three pounds. (See
more of Brewster in Appendix.)

1643.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 147
vigor and the bodies of men, and shortness of fife ; and yet,
of aU these things they had a large and long part, and suffered
deeply in the same. They went from England to HoUand,
where they found both worse air and diet than that they
came from ; from thence, enduring a long imprisonment in
the ships at sea, into New England, and how it hath been
with them here hath already been shown ; and what crosses,
troubles, fears, wants, and sorrows they have been liable unto,
is easily to be discerned, so as in some sort they may say with
the apostle, 1 Cor. xi. 26, 27, " They were in journeys often,
in perils of waters, in perUs of robbers, in perils of their own
nation, in perils amongst the heathen, in perils in the wilder
ness, in perils in the sea, in perils amongst false brethren ; in
weariness, in painfulness, in watching often, in hunger, in
thfi-st, in fasting often, in cold and nakedness." What was
it then that upheld them ? It was God's visitation that pre
served their spirits ; he that upheld the apostle upheld them,
2 Cor. iv. 9, " They were persecuted, but not forsaken ; cast
down, but perished not; as unknown, and yet known; as
dying, and behold we live ; as chastened, and yet not killed."
God, it seems, would have aU men behold such works of
his providence, as these are towards his people, that they, in
lUte cases, might be encouraged to depend upon him in their
tiials, and also bless his name when they see his goodness
towards others. " Man lives not by bread only." Deut. viii.
3. It is not by dainty fare, peace, rest, and heart's ease, in
enjoying contentments and good things of this world only,
that preserves health and prolongs life. God, in such exam
ples, would have the world take notice that he can do it with
out them ; and if the world wUl shut their eyes, and take no
notice thereof, yet he would have his people to see and con
sider it. Daniel could be in better liking with pulse, than
with the king's dainties. Jacob, though he went from one
nation to another people, and passed through famine, fears,
and many afflictions, yet he lived unto old age, and died
sweetly, and rested in the Lord, as many others of God's ser
vants have done, and stiU do, through God's goodness, not
withstanding aU the malice of their enemies, " When the

148

NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL.

[1643.

branch of the wicked shall be cut off before his day, and the
bloody and deceitful man shaU not five out half his days."
Job XV. 32 ; Psal. Iv. 23.*
By reason of the plotting of the Narragansets, ever since
the Pequot war, the Indians were drawn into a general con
spiracy against the English in all parts, as was in part dis
covered the year before, and now made more plain and evi
dent, by many discoveries and free confessions of sundry In
dians upon several occasions, from divers places, concurring
in one ; with such other concurring circumstances as gave the
English sufficiently to understand the truth thereof, and to
think of means how to prevent the same. In which respect,
together with divers other and more weighty reasons, the four

* The editorhere extracts from " The View of Pfimouth," and from Judge
Davis's note on the death of Elder Brewster, a list of names which exhibit

the longevity of some of the first settlers of Plymouth, who arri
year 1631.

TIME OF DECEASE.

1664 William Brewster, ....
1664 Julian Kempton (widow of Manasses),
1667 Gabriel Hallowell, ....
1668 John Downham (Deacon),
1670 Alice Bradford (widow of the governor)
1672 John Howland, ....
1673 Thomas Prince, ....
1673 Elizabeth Warren (widow of Richard)
1675 Ann Tupper (Sandwich), .
1675 Dorothy Brown (Swanzey),
16 76 Thomas Tupper (Sandwich)
1678 Edward Bangs (Eastham),
1685 Nathaniel Morton (Secretary),
1687 Robert Finney (Deacon),
1683 Mary Carpenter,
1689 George Watson,
1689 Priscilla Cooper,
1691 Thomas Cushman (Elder),
1692 John Downham (son of the Deacon),
1697 Thomas Clark (mate of the Mayflower),
1699 Mary Cushman (widow of the Elder),
1704 George Bonham, ....

ved before the

AGE. 80 8183
8080 80 73
90 979097
86 73
80 9086 9184 799890 95

1643.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 149
colonies, namely, the Massachusetts, Plimouth, Connecticut,
and New Haven, entered into a more near union and con
federation, the nineteenth day of May, 1643. And the ar
ticles of the said confederation were signed by the commis
sioners of the said jurisdictions respectively, by which were
authorized thereunto, namely : —
John Winthrop, governor of the Massachusetts, Thomas
Dudley, Edward Winslow, WiUiam CoUier, Edward Hop
kins, Thomas Grigson, Theophilus Eaton, George Fenwick.*

TIME OF DECEASE. AGE.
1705 Samuel King,  90
1710 Phebe Finney (widow of the Deacon), ... 91
1688 Samuel Eddy,  87
1682 Elizabeth Eddy,  81
We find a similar longevity among the first planters in Massachusetts, and
of the other New England Colonies ; a few instances will be mentioned.
In Massachusetts.AGE. AGE.
Richard Bellingham, . 82 Rev. Thomas Parker, . 82
Ezekiel Chever, . 94 President Chauncey, . 82
Simon Bradstreet, . . 94 Rev. Nehemiah WaUer, . 84
Rev. John Higginson, . 93 Rev. John Ward, . 88
Rev. John Elliot, . . 86 Rev. Samuel Whiting, . 83
Rev. Thomas Mayhew, 93 Rev. John Woodbridge, 82
In Rhode Island.
Roger Williams, . . 84 William Coddington, . 78
Samuel Gorton, . . 80
In Connecticut.
Rev. James Fitch, . . 80 Major John Mason, . . 78
In the succeeding generation, instances of greater longevity have occurred.
Elder John Faunce, of the first generation from the first planters, died at
Plymouth, in 1745, aged 99. His daughter. Patience Kempton, died at New
Bedford, in 1779, aged 105 years and six months. Ephralm Pratt, grandson
of Joshua Pratt, one of the first comers at Plymouth, died at Shutesbury,
county of Worcester, in 1804, aged 116. Ebenezer Cobb, who was born in
Plymouth, and died in Kingston in 1801, aged 107 years and eight months,
was of the third generation.
* A confederation of the New England colonies, for mutual aid and de
fence in matters of general concern, had been for several years in agitation
13*

1 50 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1644.
The said articles at large, with sundry other particulars
appertaining thereunto, together with the particulars concern
ing the plotting contrivements, menacings, and insolencies of
the Narragansets against the English, together vidth the pro
vision and preparation made by the English for an expedition
against them, with the yieldings and compliance of the said
Nan-agansets to the English, composition and articles of agree
ment made with them, etc., these are aU to be seen as they
are at large extent in the records of the commissioners for the
united colonies of New England, whereunto I refer the
reader.* 1644.
This year Mr. Edward Winslow was elected governor of the
jurisdiction of New Pfimouth. Mr. WUfiam Bradford, JNIr.
Thomas 'Prince, Mr. WUfiam CoUier, Mr. Timothy Hath
erly, Mr. John Brown, Mr. WUfiam Thomas, and Mr. Ed
mund Freeman, were elected his assistants in government.
This year Mr. John Atwood died. He was a godly man,
singularly endowed with the grace of patience, and having a
large estate, became a useful benefactor to the colony of New
Pfimouth. He departed this life expressing great faith in
before it was accomplished. It was not only domestic, but foreign enemies
that induced this confederation, which may well be called the embryo of the
Constitution of the United States. The names of the first commissioners from
Plymouth, were Gov. Winslow and Mr. Collier. They met, at first, once
a year, alternately at Boston, Plymouth, Hartford, and New Haven, but
afterwards, once in three years. The articles of confederation may be seen
in Hutch, vol. i. 118-119. It is said the union subsisted until 1686, when
the charters of the colonies were vacated.
These commissioners were made the dispensers of the bounty of the Society
for propagating the Gospel among the Indians, of which there is an account
in the Appendix ; and the English government countenanced and encour
aged both objects. The letters of Charles the Second take notice of this con
federacy without any objection to its establishment. — Ibid. It seems to
have been a kind of Congress : the representation was two from each colony.
— Trumb. Hist, of Conn. i. p. 124 ; Winth. Jour.
* See Acts of the Commissioners for the United Colonics of New Eno-land,
Anno 1644, and 1645. — M.

1645.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 151
Christ, and a cheerful expectation of the restoration of his
body at the general resurrection in glory.
This year many of the town of Plimouth, by reason of
some sti-aits that were upon them, took up thoughts of remov
ing to some other place, for their better accommodation, and
for that end made a more exact and particular discovery of a
place called by the Indians Nauset ; which place being pur
chased by them of the Indians, divers of the considerablest of
the church and town removed thither, and erected a town,
which is now caUed by the name of Eastham.*

1645.
This year Mr. WiUiam Bradford was elected governor of
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. Edward Winslow,
Mr. Thomas Prince, Mr. WiUiam Collier, Capt. Miles Stan
dish, Mr. Timothy Hatherly, Mi-. John Brown, and Mr. Ed
mund Freeman, were elected his assistants in government.
The commissioners of the united colonies of New England
were called together this year, before their ordinary time of
meeting,! partly in regard of some differences between the
French and the government of the Massachusetts, about their
aiding of Monsieur Latere and Monsieur de Aulney, and
partly about the Indians, who had broken their former agree
ments about the peace concluded the year before ; as concern
ing such conclusions and determinations which passed in this
* This place was called Nauset, and the east side of the town still retains
that name. The church having caused an exploration of the place, and
made the purchase of the land of the natives, the court granted or confirmed
to " the church, or those of them who go to dwell at Nauset, all the tract of
land lying between sea and sea, from the purchased bounds of Namsheket
to Herringbrook, at Billingsgate." The first settlers were but seven fam
ilies, of which Gov. Prince was one, and though the removal was much re
gretted by the church, it became the means of securing the friendship and
improvement of the numerous Indians in the vicinity, so that they took no
part in the subsequent wars against the English. The church at Eastham
was the third from the Plymouth church. — Hist. East. 12, 13.
t This meeting was held the 28th of July, 1645. — M.

152 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1646.
meeting, in reference to the premises, I shaU refer the reader
unto the acts of the said commissioners for that year, as they
are recorded at large.*

1646.
This year Mr. WUliam Bradford was chosen governor of
the jurisdiction of Plimouth ; and Mr. Edward Winslow, Mr.
Thomas Prince, Mr. WiUiam Collier, Capt. Miles Standish,
Mr. Timothy Hatherly, and Mr. Edward Freeman, were
elected his assistants in government.
About the middle of May, this year, there came three men-
of-war into Pfimouth harbor, under the command of Captain
Thomas Cromwell, who had taken several prizes from the
Spaniards, by commission from the earl of Warwick. They
were fuU of moneys, silks, and other rich goods, some of
which they left behind them. They were a company of lusty,
stout men, but very unruly and hard to govern ; notwith
standing the care and vigilance both of such as were in au
thority of Plimouth, and also of their own commanders, who
could hardly restrain them, especiaUy from inordinate di-ink-
ing and quarreUing. It proved fatal to one of them, who
being quarrelling with one of their own company, and being
commanded by their own captain to forbear, he giving very
provoking language, and also attempting to draw upon his
captain ; he took his rapier from him, and struck him on the
head with the hilt, of which wound, three or four days after,
he died. The captain was tried by a councU of war, and ac
quitted by the largeness of his commission.
This year Mr. Edward Winslow went for England, upon
occasion that some discontented persons, under the govern
ment of the Massachusetts, sought to trouble their peace, and
disturb, if not innovate their government, by laying many
scandals upon them, and intended to prosecute against them

* See Hutch. Hist. Mass. i. 120-127; Winth. Hist. N. E. 267. For par
ticulars relating to the interposition of the commissioners between the Nar
ragansets and the Mohegans, see Hutch. Hist. Mass. i. 129, etc.

1647.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 153
in England, by petitioning and complaining to the parlia
ment. Also Samuel Gorton and his company, made com
plaint against them ; so as they made choice of Mr. Winslow
to be their agent to make their defence, and gave him com
mission and instiuctions for that end, in which he so carried
himself, as did well answer their ends, and cleared them from
any blame and dishonor, to the shame of their adversaries.
After this he fell upon other employment in England, which
detained him there, so as he returned not again to New Eng
land any more, whose absence hath been much to the weak
ening of the government of New Plimouth, who had large ex
perience of his help and usefulness amongst them in govern
ment, etc., of whom I have more to insert, in honor of so wor
thy a gBntleman, in its more proper place.

1647.
Mr. WiUiam Bradford was elected governor of the juris
diction of New Plimouth. Mr. Edward Winslow, Mr.
Thomas Prince, Mr. WiUiam CoUier, Mr. Timothy Hath
erly, Capt. MUes Standish, Mr. John Brown, and Mr.
WiUiam Thomas, were elected his assistants in government.
This year the whole land, but more especially the church
and town of Hartford on Connecticut, sustained a great and
more than ordinary loss, by the death of that most "eminent
servant of Jesus Christ, Mr. Thomas Hooker, who, in the
month of July in this year, changed this life for a better ; con
cerning whose piety, learning, and singular dexterity in preach
ing the gospel with answerable success, the many souls
-wrought upon by his ministi-y, in both Old England and
New, do give forth a large testmiony ; and withal, as an ad
dition to the former, those learned and profitable works pen
ned by him for the refutation of error, and guiding and con
firming of the saints in the ways of Christ. In which respects,
with others, his name wUl five and is embalmed ; and doth
remain, and wUl be as a precious ointment in the chm-ches,
and amongst the saints in present and future ages.

154 KEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1647.
This special servant of Christ, as he served his master with
great zeal, love, wisdom, and sincerity, so he ended his fife with
much comfort and serenity f so as it is rare that was said of
him, that the peace which he had in believing, thirty years
before his death, was firm, and not touched by the adversary,
until the period of his life ; and with much joy and peace in
befieving, he feU asleep in the Lord, and was honorably
buried at Hartford on Connecticut.
In whose memorial, I shaU here insert the funeral elegies of
two eminent divines, written upon his death.
On my reverend and dear brother, Mr. nomas Hooker, late pastor of the
church at Hartford on Connecticut.
To see three things was holy Austin's wish,
Rome In her flower, Christ Jesus in the flesh.
And Paul i' the pulpit : lately men might see,
Two first, and more, in Hooker's ministry.
Zion in beauty is a fairer sight.
Than Rome in flower, with all her glory dight :
Yet Zion's beauty did most clearly shine
In Hooker's rule and doctrine ; both divine.
Christ in the spirit is more than Christ in flesh.
Our souls to quicken, and our states to bless !
Yet Christ in spirit brake forth mightily.
In faithful Hooker's searching ministry.
Paul in the pulpit. Hooker could not reach.
Yet did he Christ in spirit so lively preach ;
That living hearers thought he did inherit
A double portion of Paul's lively spirit.
Prudent in rule, in argument quick, full ;
Fervent in prayer, iiMcreaohing powerful ;
That well did learned Ames record bear,
The like to him he never wont to hear.
'Twas of Geneva's worthies said, with wonder,
(Those worthies three) Farell was wont to thunder ;
Yiret, like rain, on tender grass to shower ;
But Calvin, lively oracles to pour.

1647.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 155
All these in Hooker's spirit did remain,
A son of thunder, and a shower of rain,
A pourer forth of lively oracles.
In saving souls, the sum of miracles.
Now blessed Hooker, thou art set on high.
Above the thankless world, and cloudy sky ;
Do thou of all thy labor reap the crown.
Whilst we here reap the seed which thou hast sown.
J. C*
A lamentation for the death of that precious and worthy minister of Jesus
Clirut, Mr. Thomas Hooker, who died July 7, 1647, as the sun was setting.
The same hour of the day died blessed Calvin, that glorious light.
Come sighs, come sorrows, let 's lament this rod.
Which hath bereaved us of this man of God ;
A man of God, who came from God to men.
And now from them is gone to God again.
Bid joy depart, bid merriment be gone ;
Bid friends stand by, sit sorrowful alone.
But ah ! what sorrow can be to sufiice.
Though heaven and earth were filled with our cries.
The clouds were turned into drops of tears.
The mourning for to last an age of years ?
'Twere all too little to lament his death.
Whose life so precious was for heaven and earth.
Job wish'd his day might quite forgotten be.
Which brought him forth this world's light first to see.
O let not the day be numbered in th' year.
That took this light out of our hemisphere.
A fatal day, a day of sad presage
To us survivors of this present age.
* Mr. Hooker died at Hartford, of an epidemical fever, in the sixty-second
year of his age. The elegiac lines, recited in the Memorial, were written by
the Rev. John Cotton. A full account of Mr. Hooker is given in the Mag-
nalia, with a tribute to his memory in Latin verse, by Mr. Elijah Corlet, an
eminent schoolmaster at Cambridge. Mr. Hooker's writings were in such
repute, that Mr. John Higginson, says Dr. C. Mather, transcribed from his
manuscripts nearly two hundred sermons, which were sent to England for
publication : "But by what means I know not," he adds, " scarce half of them
have seen the light to this day." — Magnal. iii. 57-68.

156 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1647.
The hour of thy decease, when sun went down.
When light turn'd dark, when heavens began to frown ;
'Tis ominous to us who saw his light.
That grace provok'd should turn our day to night ;
And gospel's light which shineth from on high.
Should clouded be, and darkened in our sky.
O happy days, when such lights shine on earth !
O bitter days, when they are hid beneath !
This is our grief, he who late shin'd on high.
Is hid in grave, and now beneath doth lie.
Let Hartford sigh, and say, I've lost a treasure ;
Let all New England mourn at God's displeasure,
In taking from us one more gracious
Than Is the gold of Ophir precious.
Sweet was the savor which his grace did give.
It season'd all the place where he did live.
His name did as an ointment give its smell.
And all bear witness that it savored well.
Wisdom, love, meekness, friendly courtesy,
Each moral virtue, with rare piety.
Pure zeal, yet mixt with mildest clemency.
Did all conspire in this one breast to lie.
Deep was his knowledge, judgment was acute.
His doctrine solid, which none could confute.
To mind he gave light of intelligence.
And searched the corners of the conscience.
To sinners stout, which no law could bring under.
To them he was a son of dreadful thunder.
When all strong oaks of Bashan us'd to quake.
And fear did Lebanus his cedars shake ;
The stoutest hearts he filled full of fears.
He clave the rocks, they melted into tears.
Yet to sad souls, with sense of sin cast down.
He was a son of consolation.
Sweet peace he gave to such as were contrite ;
Their darkness sad he turned to joyous light.
Of preaching he had learu'd the rightest art.
To every one dividing his own part.
Each ear that heard him said. He spake to me :
So piercing was his holy ministry.
His life did shine, time's changes stain'd it not.
Envy itself could not there find a spot.
Had he survived to finish works begun,
'T had been a blessing to all Christendom.

1647.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 157
Then should the world have known what God had show'd him.
And what themselves for all his works had ow'd him.
But this unthankful age is now cut short
Of that rich ti-easure, 'cause they car'd not for 't :
O that his love may turn us, yet to prize
The blessings yet enjoyed ; herein be wise ;
Lest that which he not long ago foretold.
Be now in us fulfiU'd as 't was of old.
That wantonness of churches, would bereave
Them of their ministers, without their leave,
God plaguing this his messenger's contempt.
With this soul 'stroying plague and punishment.
But whatsoever wrath doth us abide,
WTiatever plague for sin doth us betide ;
Y'et thou, O blessed saint, art now at rest,
I' th' bosom of thy Christ, which is the best ;
Bathing in rivers of divine pleasure.
Which is at God's right hand, most sweet and pure ;
Tasting the fruit of all thy labors spent.
To honor God, which was thy whole intent.
From God thou camest forth, who sent thee hither.
And now hath called thee back to live together.
Him didst thou serve while life and breath did last.
With him now blest, while life and breath is past.
Sense of our loss would call thee back again.
But out of love, we bid thee there remain,
Till we yet left behind our course fulfil.
To meet thee on the top of Zion's hill ;
When thou and we shall both rejoice together.
So fast united as no death shall sever ;
Both to sing praises to our heavenly king.
Who hath us saved from death's poisonous sting,
And will restore our bodies from the grave.
Which them to dust of death consumed have ;
Making them shine Hke brightness of the sun
With glory, ne'er to end when once begun.
Let heaven and earth, angels and men him praise.
Sounding his glory past all length of days.
P. B.*

* These initials, probably, were meant to indicate the Rev. Peter Bulkley,
first minister of Concord. 14

158 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1649.

1648.
This year Mr. WiUiam Bradford was elected governor of
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth ; and Mr. Thomas Prince,
Mr. WiUiam CoUier, Capt. Miles Standish, Mr. Timothy
Hatherly, Mr. John Brown, and Mr. WiUiam Thomas, were
chosen assistants to him in government.''

1649.
This year Mr. William Bradford was elected governor of
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. Thomas Prince, Mi-.
WiUiam Collier, Capt. Miles Standish, Mr. Timothy Hath
erly, Mr. John Brown, and Mr. WiUiam Thomas, were
chosen his assistants in government.
This year Mr. John Winthrop, governor of the jurisdiction
of the Massachusetts, deceased, the twenty-sixth day of
March, about ten of the clock. He was singular for piety,
wisdom, and of a public spirit. He brought over a great es
tate into the country, and partly by his fiberality, and partly
by the unfaithfulness of his baUy, spent the most part of it ;
so as when he died, he was but low in that respect ; and yet
notwithstanding, very much honored and beloved of the most,
and continued in the place of governor, for the most part,
until his death, which was much lamented by many. He
was a man of unbiased justice, patient in respect of personal
wrongs and injuries, a great lover of the saints, especiaUy able
ministers of the gospel ; very sober in desiring, and temperate
in improving earthly contentments ; very humble, com-teous,
and studious of general good. His body was, with great

* The synod which was convened in 1646, and had continued its meet-
inn's, by adjournments, was dissolved in this year. The Cambridge Platform
of Church Discipline was composed and adopted by this assembly.

1649.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 159
solemnity and honor, buried at Boston, in New England, the
third of April, 1649.*
This year some part of the country was much troubled with
innumerable hosts of caterpiUars, which destroyed the fruits
of the earth, in divers places, and did eat off the leaves of
ti-ees, so as they looked as bare as if it had been winter ; and
in some places did eat the leaves from off the pease-straw,
and did not eat the pease. It pleased God to give them a
check, and a rebuke, so as they hurt but in some places, and
of his goodness in a short time removed them.
This year, August 25, that faithful and eminent servant of
Christ, ]\L-. Thomas Shepard, died, who was a soul-searching
minister of the gospel, and pastor of the church of Christ at
Cambridge. By his death, not only that church and people,
but also aU New England, sustained a very great loss. He
not only preached the gospel profitably and very successfuUy,
but also hath left behind him divers worthy works of special
use, in reference unto the clearing up the state of the soul to
God ward; the benefit thereof, those can best experience,
who are most conversant in the improvement of them, and
have God's blessing on them therein to their soul's good. His
body was honorably buried at Cambridge in New England.!
" Blessed are the dead, that die in the Lord, for their works
do follow them." Rev. xiii. 13.
This year there passed an act of parliament in England,
for the promoting and propagating the gospel of Jesus Christ
among the Indians in New England. In reference unto the
furtherance and advancement of so good a work, a corpora
tion of sixteen select men were appointed, consisting of a
president, treasurer, and assistants, called by the name of the
President and Society for the propagation of the Gospel in
* Gov. Winthrop died at the age of sixty-three. His life and character
are ably delineated in the American Biography, vol. ii. 337-358. See Mag-
nalia, ii. 13.
f Mr. Shepard arrived at Boston in 1635, and succeeded Mr. Hooker, at
Newtown, (afterward Cambridge,) on the removal of Mr. Hooker to Con
necticut. He died in the forty-fourth year of his age. See Life of Shepard
prefixed to his works, published by Cong. Board of Pub.

160 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1649.
New England ; to receive such sums of money, as from time
to time was, or should be collected and raised, by the liberal
contributions of such as whose hearts God was pleased to stir
up to so glorious a work. And it was by the same parlia
ment enacted, that the commissioners for the united colonies
of New England, for the time being, by themselves or such as
they shall appoint, shaU have power and authority to receive
and dispose of the said moneys brought in and paid to the
said treasurer for the time being ; or any other moneys, goods,
or commodities, acquired and delivered by the care of the
said corporation at any time ; whose receipt or receipts of
such person or persons so authorized by them, shall be a
sufficient discharge to the said corporation and treasurer.
The particulars of such orders and instructions, with which
the said act is invested, the reader may be more amply satis
fied in, by the perusal thereof, as it is extant, bearing date,
July 27, 1649.
Moreover, let the reader take notice of the special favor of
Almighty God, in moving the heart of the king's majesty,
since his restitution to his crown and regal dignity, particu
larly of his royal favor to countenance this work, and to secure
what hath been, and what may be given toward this work,
by a legal settlement, which before was wanting ; so as the
said glorious design hath been vigorously carried on, both in
Old England and in New, by such active and faithful instiu-
ments as God hath raised up and improved therein, with some
considerable success. The work coming on to such perfec
tion, as that the Holy Bible is translated and printed in the
Indian language, whereby the glad tidings of the gospel is,
and may be communicated to them with the greater facility ;
some souls also of them being gained, as may be hoped, to
believe on the Lord Jesus for life everlasting ; and daUy hopes
of further and greater success in that behalf, for which un
speakable riches of his grace, let his holy name have aU the
praise throughout all ages.
The principal instruments improved in preaching the gos
pel of Christ unto the Indians, are, Mr. John Elliot, sen., Mr.
John EUiot, jun., Mr. Thomas Mayhew, Mr. Pierson, Mr.

1650.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 161
Brown, Mr. James, and Mi-. Cotton, besides divers of their
own nation, whose names and number I know not.*

1650.
This year Mr. William Bradford was elected governor of
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. Edward Winslow,
Mr. Thomas Prince, Mr. William CoUier, Capt. MUes Stan
dish, Ml-. Timothy Hatheriy, Mr. John Brown, and Mr. WU
fiam Thomas, were chosen assistants to him in government.
This year there was more than ordinary mortafity in the
country, especially about Boston, and mostly among then-
children. (New diseases the fruits of new sins.) Since which
time, several diseases have been in the country more frequently
than formerly ; as namely, gripings in the bowels, with vio
lent vomiting and purging, which hath taken away many ; as
also a disease in the mouth or throat, which hath proved mor
tal to some in a very short time ; as also great distempers of
colds, etc., which ought to be awakening dispensations, to
gether with others, to cause us to consider and examine

* The reader will be interested to learn more fully the disposition and
labors of these men in regard to the natives. Mr. Symonds, a gentleman of
rank and influence, from Essex in England, addressed a letter to Gov.
Winthrop in 1646, expressing what he regarded as the divine purposes in the
settlement of New England, one of which was the conversion of the natives
to the Christian faith and practice. Many good and benevolent men in this
country and in England had been deeply impressed with the obligations ex
pressed in the Massachusetts charter, to incite the natives of the country to
the knowledge and obedience of the only true God and Saviour of mankind,
and the Christian faith. And Gov. Hutchinson regarded the long neglect of
attempts in this direction as inexcusable. And the Indians themselves asked,
" how it happened, if Christianity were of such importance, that, for six and
twenty years, the English had said nothing to them about it ? " But at length
good men were impressed with a sense of their obligation in this matter, and
this work was commenced and pursued with true Christian zeal and fidelity.
And the history of these early Indian missions are instructive and suggestive
in reo-ard to the Aborigines remaining in the land. We therefore here
refer the reader to an interesting article in the Appendix, which contains
a condensed narrative of the labors of these excellent men with the Indians.
14*

162 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1652.
whether we have not provoked the Lord with some general
and unwonted sins ; inasmuch as he is pleased to exercise
the country oftentimes with unwonted afflictions and punish
ments. 1651.
This year Mi-. WUfiam Bradford was elected governor of
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. Thomas Prince, Mr.
WiUiam CoUier, Capt. Miles Standish, Mr. Timothy Hath
erly, Mr. John Brown, Mr. John Alden, and Capt. Thomas
WiUet, were chosen his assistants in government.
This year Mr. WUliam Thomas expired his natural life in
much peace and comfort. He served in the place of magistiacy,
in the jurisdiction of Plymouth, divers years ; he was a weU
approved and a wellgrounded Christian, well read in the Holy
Scriptures, and other approved authors, and a good lover and
approver of godly ministers and good Christians, and one
that had a sincere desire to promote the common good, both
of church and state. He died of a consumption, and was
honorably buried at Marshfield, in the jurisdiction of New
Plimouth. 1652.
This year Mr. WiUiam Bradford was elected governor of
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth ; and Mr. Thomas Prince,
Capt. Miles Standish, - Mr. Timothy Hatherly, Mi-. John
Brown, Mr. John Alden, Capt. Thomas Willet, and Lieut.
Thomas Southworth, were chosen to be his assistants in gov
ernment. This year that blessed servant of God, Mr. John Cotton,
died. He was sometimes preacher of God's word at Boston,
in Lincolnshire, and frorn thence came over into New Eng
land, in the year 1633, and was chosen teacher of the first
church of Christ at Boston. (Of Mr. Cotton's life, Mr. Norton
hath penned a book, whereunto I refer the reader for more fuU
relation of the same.) For which function and office he was
greatly enriched with gifts and abUities, being an able ex-

1652.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 163
pounder and faithful applier of the word of God ; furnished
also with wisdom and prudence to go before the church, in
the ordering of the affairs thereof; endowed also with meek
ness of spirit, whereby he was fitted to compose such differ
ences as did at any time arise amongst them. He was very
patient also in respect unto personal wrongs and injuries done
unto himself, yea, towards his sharpest antagonists. An in
fluence of good, not only flowed from him unto the church
over whom he was set, but also into all the churches in New
England, as necessity required. About the time of his sick
ness, there appeared in the heavens, over New England, a
comet, giving a dim light ; and so waxed dimmer and dim
mer, untU it became quite extinct and went out ; which time
of its being extinct, was soon after the time of the period of
his life : it being a very signal testimony, that God had then
removed a bright star, a burning and a shining light out of
the heaven of his chm-ch here, unto celestial glory above.
He was buried at Boston, in New England, with great honor
and lamentation, in the year above written.
Upon whose never enough deplored death, were made these
verses foUowing : —
A Funeral Elegy upon the death of the truly Reverend Mr. John Cotton, late
teacher of the church of Christ at Boston, in New England.
And after Winthrop's, Hooker's, Shepard's hearse.
Doth Cotton's death call for a mourning verse ?
Thy will be done. Yet Lord, who dealest thus.
Make this great death expedient for us.
Luther pulled down the Pope, Calvin the Prelate slew :
Of Calvin's lapse, chief cure to Cotton 's due.
Cotton, whose learning, temper, godliness.
The German Phcenix, lively did express.
Melanchthon's all, may Luther's word but pass ;
Melanchthon's all, in our great Cotton was.
Than him in flesh, scarce dwelt a better one ;
So great 's our loss, when such a spirit 's gone.
Whilst he was here, life was more life to me ;
Now he is not, death hence less death shall be.
That comets, great men's deaths do oft forego.
This present comet doth too sadly show.

164 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1652.
This prophet dead, yet must in's doctrine speak,
This comet saith, else must New England break.
Whate'er it be, the heavens avert it far.
That meteors should succeed our greatest star.
In Boston's orb, Winthrop and Cotton were ;
These lights extinct, dark is our hemisphere.
In Boston once how much shin'd of our glory.
We now lament, posterity will story.
Let Boston live, who had and saw their worth;
And did them honor, both in life and death.
To him New England trust in this distress.
Who will not leave his exiles comfortless.
J. N.*

Upon the tomb of the most Reverend Mr. John Cotton, late teacher of the
church of Boston, in New England.
Here lies magnanimous humility.
Majesty, meekness. Christian apathy
On soft affections ; liberty in thrall ;
A noble spirit, servant unto all.
Learning's great masterpiece ; who yet could sit
As a disciple at his scholar's feet.
A simple serpent, or serpentine dove.
Made up of wisdom, innocence, and love.
Neatness embroider'd with itself alone ;
And civils canonized in a gown :
Embracing old and young, and low and high ;
Ethics embodied in divinity.
Ambitious to be lowest, and to raise
His brethren's honor on his own decays.
Thus doth the sun retire into his bed,
That being gone, the stars may show their head.
Could wound at argument without division ;
Cut to the quick, and yet make no incision ;
Ready to sacrifice domestic notions
To churches peace and minister's devotions.
Himself indeed (and singular in that)
Whom all admired, he admired not.
Liv'd like an angel of a mortal birth,
Convers'd in heaven while he was on earth :

* Probably the Rev. John Norton, at that time minister of Ipswich, and
who succeeded Mr. Cotton, as minister of the first church in Boston.

1652.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 165
Though not, as Moses, radiant with light.
Whose glory dazzled the beholders' sight ;
Yet so divinely beautified, you'd count
He had been born and bred upon the mount.
* A living, breathing Bible ; tables, where
* Both covenants at large engraven were ;
* Gospel and law in's heart had each its column,
* His head an index to the sacred volume.
* His very name a title-page ; and next,
* His life a commentary on the text.
* O what a monument of glorious worth,
* When in a new edition he comes forth,
* Without erratas, may we think he'll be,
* In leaves and covers of eternity !
A man of might at heavenly eloquence,
To fix the ear and charm the conscience ;
As if ApoUos were revived in him.
Or he had learned of a Seraphim.
Spake many tongues in one : one voice and sense
AVrought joy and sorrow, fear and confidence.
Rocks rent before him, blind received their sight ;
Souls levell'd to the dunghill, stood upright.
Infernal furies burst with rage to see
Their pris'ners captiv'd into liberty.
A star, that in our eastern England rose.
Thence hurry'd by the blast of stupid foes.
Whose foggy darkness, and benumbed senses,
Brook'd not his dazzling fervent influences.
Thus did he move on earth from east to west ;
There he went down, and up to heaven for rest.
Nor from himself, whilst living, doth he vary,
His death hath made him an ubiquatary :
Where is his sepulchre is hard to tell.
Who in a thousand sepulchres doth dwell ;
(Their hearts, I mean, whom he hath left behind,)
In them his sacred relique 's now enshrin'd.
But let his mourning flock be comforted.
Though Moses be, yet Joshua is not dead :
I mean renowned Norton ; worthy he
Successor to our Moses is to be,
O happy Israel in America,
In such a Moses, such a Joshua.
B. W.*
* The Rev. Benjamin Woodbridge, D. D., the first graduate of Harvard
College. He returned to England, and succeeded the Rev. Dr. Twiss, at

166 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1653.

1653.
This year Mr. William Bradford was elected governor of
the jurisdiction of New Pfimouth. Mr. Thomas Prince, Capt.
MUes Standish, Mr. Timothy Hatheriy, Mr. John Brown, Mr.
John Alden, Capt. Thomas WUlet, and Lieut. Thomas Souih-
worth, were chosen his assistants in government.
Mr. Thomas Dudley, who was a principal founder and piUar
of the colony of the Massachusetts, in New England, and sun
dry times governor and deputy-governor of that jurisdiction,
died at his house in Roxbury, July 31, in the seventy-seventh
year of his age. He was a person of quick understanding,
and solid judgment in the fear of the Lord. He was a lover
of justice, order, the people. Christian religion, the supreme
virtues of a good magistiate. 1. His love to justice appeared
at all times, and in special upon the judgment-seat, without
respect of persons in judgment; and in his own particular
transactions with all men, he was exact and exemplary. 2.
His zeal to order appeared in contriving good laws, and faith
fully executing them upon criminal offenders, heretics, and
underminers of true religion. He had a piercing judgment to
discover the wolf, though clothed with a sheepsldn. 3. His
love to the people was evident in serving them in a pubfic
capacity many years, at his own cost, and that as a nursing
father to the churches of Christ. 4. He loved the true Chris
tian religion, and the pure worship of God, and cherished, as
in his bosom, aU godly ministers and Christians. He was ex
act in the practice of piety, in his person and family, all his
life. In a word, he fived desired, and died lamented by aU
good men.
The verses following were found in his pocket after his

Newbury. His professional and literary character and acquirements were in
hiffh estimation in both countries. The lines distinguished by asterisms, are
quoted by Mr. Allen, in his biographical account of Mr. Cotton, with a con
jecture, that they probably suggested to Dr. Franklin his celebrated epitaph
upon himself.

1653.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 167
death, which may further illustrate his character, and give a
taste of his poetical fancy ; wherein, it is said he did excel.
Dim eyes, deaf ears, cold stomach show
My dissolution is in view ;
Eleven times seven near lived have I,
And now God calls, I willing die :
My shuttle's shot, my race is run.
My sun is set, my deed is done ;
My span is measur'd, tale is told.
My flower is faded and grown old.
My dream is vanlsh'd, shadow's fled.
My soul with Christ, my body dead ;
FareweU dear wife, children and friends,
Hate heresy, make blessed ends ;
Bear poverty, live with good men.
So shall we meet with joy again.
Let men of God in courts and churches watch
O'er such as do a toleration hatch ;
Lest that ill egg bring forth a cockatrice,
To poison all with heresy and vice.
If men be left, and otherwise combine.
My epitaph 's, I died no libertine.*
This year Mr. John Laythrop did put off his earthly taber
nacle. He was sometimes preacher of God's word in Egerton
in Kent, from whence he went to London, and was chosen
pastor of a church there. He was greatly troubled, and im
prisoned, for witnessing against the errors of the times. Dur
ing the time of his imprisonment, his wife feU sick, of which
sickness she died. He procured liberty of the bishop to visit
his wife before her death, and commended her to God by
prayer, who soon after gave up the ghost. At his return to
prison, his poor children, being many, repaired to the bishop
to Lambeth, and made known unto him their miserable con
dition by reason of their good father, his being continued in
close durance ; who commiserated their condition so far, as to
* Mr. Dudley was an estimable character, though sometimes unduly severe.
His want of toleration was characteristic of the age. But, says Dr. Holmes,
" With strong passions he was still placable and generous."

168 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1655.
grant him liberty, who soon after came over into New England,
and settled for some time at the town of Scituate, and was
chosen pastor of their church, and faithfully dispensed the
word of God amongst them. And afterwards, the church
dividing, a part whereof removed to Barnstable, he removed
with them, and there remE^ined until his death. He was a
man of a humble and broken heart and spirit, lively in dispen
sation of the word of God, studious of peace, furnished with
godly contentment, wUling to spend, and to be spent, for the
cause of the church of Christ. He fell asleep in the Lord,
November 8, 1653.* 1654.
This year Mr. WUliam Bradford was elected governor of
the jurisdiction of New Pfimouth. Mr. Thomas Prince, Capt.
MUes Standish, Mr. WiUiam Colfier, Mr. Timothy Hatheriy,
Mr. John Brown, Mr. John Alden, and Capt. Thomas WUlet,
were chosen assistants to him in government.

1655.
This year Mr. William Bradford was elected governor of
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth ; and Mr. Thomas Prince,
Mr. WUliam CoUier, Mr. Timothy Hatherly, Capt. Miles Stan
dish, Mr. John Brown, Mr. John Alden, and Capt. Thomas
Willet, were chosen assistants to him in government.
This year that worthy and honorable gentleman, Mr. Ed
ward Winslow, deceased ; of whom I have had occasion to
make honorable mention formerly in this discourse. He was
the son of Edward Winslow, Esq., of the town of Draught-
wich,! in the county of Worcester. He, travelling into the

* The Rev. John Lothropp, (as the name is written by himself,) arrived
at Boston in 1634, and, soon afterward, settled in the ministry at Scituate.
His removal to Barnstable was in 1639. The name is variously spelt. Rev.
Dr. Lathrop of Boston, was his great grandson. See Mass. Hist. Coll. vol. i.
f Droltwick.

1655.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 169
low countries, in his journeys feU into acquaintance with the
church of Leyden, in HoUand, unto whom he joined, and with
whom he continued until they parted to come into New Eng
land, he coming with that part that came first over, and be
came a very worthy and useful instrument amongst them,
both in place of government and otherwise, untU his last voy
age for England, being sent on special employment for the
government of the Massachusetts, as is aforementioned in this
book ; and afterwards was employed as one of the grand com
missioners in that unhappy design against Domingo in His-
paniola, who taking gi-ief for the ill success of that enterprise,
on which, together with some other infirmities that were upon
him, he feU sick at sea, betwixt Domingo and Jamaica, and
died the eighth day of May, which was about the sixty -first
year of his fife, and his body was honorably committed to the
sea, with the usual solemnity of the discharge of forty-two
pieces of ordnance.
One of the company, who was employed in taking notice
of the particulars of that tragedy, gave such testimony of the
said Mr. Winslow, as foUoweth in this poem.
The eighth of May, west from 'Spaniola shore,
God took from us our grand commissioner,
Winslow by name, a man of chiefest trust.
Whose life was sweet, and conversation just ;
Whose parts and wisdom most men did excel ;
An honor to his place, as all can tell.*

* The Memorial and all our historians exhibit Gov. Winslow as a man of
activity and well directed energy. His writings respecting the early concerns
of the country, the natives, and the church, are interesting and reliable. He
managed the foreign relations of the colonies with so much ability, that Crom
well claimed his services in the government of England, and appointed him
on several important commissions, in the performance of one of which. In the
West Indies with Admiral Penn, he died. His home and family estate here
were in Marshfield, and it was held in the family for more than two centu
ries. It afterwards became the property and home of the late Daniel Web
ster. His descendants are very numerous.
15

170 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1656.

1656.
Mr. William Bradford was chosen governor of the jurisdic
tion of Plimouth. Mr. Thomas Prince, Mr. WUfiam CoUier,
Mr. Timothy Hatherly, Capt. Miles Standish, Mr. John Alden,
Capt. Thomas WiUet, and Capt. James Cudv/orth, were
chosen his assistants in government.
This year Capt. Miles Standish expired his mortal life. He
was a gentleman, born in Lancashire, and was heir apparent
unto a great estate of lands and livings, surreptitiously de
tained from him; his great grandfather being a second or
younger brother from the house of Standish. In his younger
time he went over into the low countries, and was a soldier
there, and came acquainted with the church at Leyden, and
came over into New England, with such of them as at the
first set out for the planting of the plantation of New Pfim
outh, and bare a deep share of their first difficulties, and was
always very faithful to their interest. He growing ancient,
became sick of the stone, or stranguary, whereof, after his
suffering of ;iiuch dolorous pain, he feU asleep in the Lord,
and was honorably buried at Duxbury.*
* Standish. There is little recorded of Standish after his prowess had
brought the Indians to submission. Often when military action was expect
ed and soldiers called for, he was appointed generalissimo, and he was active
in military life until within three years of his death. He was also one of the
assistants or council during most of his life. There is a traditionary anecdote
relative to Capt. Standish and his friend John Alden. " The lady who had
gained the affections of the captain is said to have been Priscilla Mullins. John
Alden was sent to make proposals in behalf of Standish. The messenger,
though a pilgrim, was then young and comely, and the lady expressed her
preference by the question, Prithee, John, why do you not speak for your
self? The captain's hope was blasted, and the frank overture soon ended in
the marriage of John Alden and Priscilla Mullens, from whom it is said, are
descended all of the name of Alden in the United States.''
Standlsh's descendants are very numerous in the Old Colony and elswhere.
It is said, " Duxborough have a manor in England as their right of inheri
tance, and has for a long time been held in abeyance for the heirs at law."

1657.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 171

1657.
This year Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen governor of the
jurisdiction of New Pfimouth. Mr. WUliam Collier, Mr.
Timothy Hatherly, Mr. John Alden, Capt. Thomas WiUet,
Capt. James Cudworth, Capt. Josiah Winslow, and Lieut.
Thomas Southworth, were chosen his assistants in govern
ment.* This year it pleased God to put a period to the fife of his
precious servant, Mr. William Bradford, who was the second
governor of the jurisdiction of New Plimouth, and continued
in the same place for the most part of his time, with little in
termission. Concerning whom the following poems made,
the one by himself, and the other by such as were well ac
quainted with his worth and exceUency, wUl give a large tes
timony thereof.
Certain verses left by the honored William Bradford, Esq. governor of the
jurisdiction of Plimouth, penned by his own hand, declaring the gracious
dispensations of God's providence towards Mm in the time of his life, and his
preparation and fitledness for death.
From my years young in days of youth,
God did make known to me his truth,
And call'd me fi-om my native place
For to enjoy the means of grace.
In wUderness he did me guide,
' And in strange lands for me provide.
In fears and wants, through weal and woe,
A pilgrim, passed I to and fro :
Oft left of them whom I did trust ;
How vain it is to rest on dust !
A man of sorrows I have been,
And many changes I have seen.
Wars, wants, peace, plenty, have I known ;
And some advanc'd, others thrown down.
The humble poor, cheerful and glad ;
Rich, discontent, sower and sad :

* This election was on the 5th of June. Gov. Bradford died in May, the
month before.

172 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1657.
When fears and sorrows have been mixt.
Consolations came betwixt.
Faint not, poor soul, in God still trust.
Fear not the things thou suffer must ;
For, whom he loves he doth chastise.
And then all tears wipes from their eyes.
Farewell, dear children, whom I love,
Your better Father is above :
When I am gone, he can supply ;
To him I leave you when I die.
Fear him in truth, walk in his ways,
And he will bless you all your days.
My days are spent, old age Is come,
My strength it fails, my glass near run.
Now I will wait, when work is done.
Until my happy change shall come.
When from my labors I shall rest.
With Christ above for to be blest.

By the honored Major Josias Winsloiv, on the said Mr. William Bradford,
as followeth : —
WILLIAM BRADFORD, Anage.
I made law for bridl'.
For law I made bridl'.
See how God honored hath this worthj^s name,
To make it spell his virtue, and proclaim
His rare endowments, us'd for God and us :
Now such as honor God, heJU honor thus.
Both just and gentle, merciful and just ;
And yet a man, and yet compos'd of dust!
Yes, God within these slender walls can find
A noble, virtuous, studious, active mind.
God was the guider of his childhood, youth ;
God did preserve him ever in the truth.
And gave him grace to own him when but young.
Whom afterward he made a champion strong,
Foi' to defend his people, and his cause.
By wisdom, justice, prudence, and by laws ;
And, most of all, by his own good example,
A pattern fit to imitate most ample.

1657.] NEW ENGLAND'S JIEMORIAL. 173
If we should trace him from the first, we find
He flies his country, leaves his friends behind.
To foUow God, and to profess his ways.
And here encounters hardships many days.
He is content, with Moses, if God please,
Renouncing honor, profit, pleasure, ease.
To suffer tossings, and uusettlements.
And if their rage doth rise, to banishments.
He weighs it not, so he may still preserve
His conscience clear, and with God's people serve
Him freely, 'cording to his mind and will,
If not in one place, he'll go forward still.
If God have work for him in th' ends of th' earth.
Safe, danger, hunger, colds, nor any dearth ;
A howling wilderness, nor savage men.
Discourage him, he'll follow God again :
And how God hath made him an instrument
To us of quiet peace and settlement ;
I need not speak ; the eldest, youngest know,
God honor'd him with greater work than so.
To sum up all, in this he still went hence,
This man was wholly God's : his recompense
Remains beyond expression, and he is
Gone to possess it in eternal bliss.
He's happy, happy thrice ; unhappy we
That still remain more changes here to see :
Let's not lament that God hath taken him
From troubles hence, in seas of joys to swim.
Let's not lament his gracious life is ended.
And he to life of glory is attended ;
Nor let us grieve that now God's work is done.
In making him a happy blessed one.
But let's bewail that we have so neglected
Duty to God, or men have disrespected ;
With earnest lamentations let's lament;
And, whilst we may, let's seriously repent.
15*

174 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1657.
That we have not improved as we might.
For God, and for ourselves, this worthy wight ;
And now that God hath Moses tak'n away.
Let's pray that he would give us Joshua;
To go before the camp, and to subdue
God's and his people's foes, whatever crew
Oppose our journeys to that land of rest,
Which 'tUl obtain'd, we're never truly blest.
And for our better progress in this course,
Let now our great necessity enforce
Each man to study peace, and to improve
His greatest strength to reunite, in love,
The hearts and the afiections of us all ;
Lest by our faults, God's work to th' ground should fall.
Why mourns the people thus for me, since I
I n heavens dwell, shall to eternity ?
L et not so many tears fall from my fiiends ;
L ive holy, happy, God will recompense
I nto your bosoms all your love again,
A nd your afiections whilst I did remain
M ongst you, but now you must refrain.
B ear up your hearts, dear hearts, when thoughts of me
R un in your minds, with this the time will be,
A nd every hour brings it on apace,
D ear friends, when we for ever shall embrace.
F arewell but for a season then, farewell ;
O ur next embraces shall the rest excel,
R est happy, children, friends, and tender wife,
D eath but begins the godly's happy life.*

* This is what is called " Anagram," one of the species of false wit, ridi
culed by Addison, Spectator, No. 60. It was the invention of the monks,
who, in their cloisters were hard pushed for employment. It consists in " the
transmutation of one word into another, or turning the same letters into differ
ent words." Thus Gov. Bradford's name is transmuted " I made law for
bridle." Invention in that age, both here and in England, was strained to
its utmost extension to make a good Anagram, (one way of conjuring or for
tune telling,) generally to please, or flatter, or ridicule. Our author calls
his rival " an Anagram of a man," because his limbs seemed to be displaced,
or not in their proper places. Much of this, and also acrostic, another species

1657.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 175

A few verses more, added by one that teas well acquainted ivith the worth of
the said Mr. William Bradford.
The ninth of May, about nine of the clock,
A precious one God out of Plimouth took ;
Governor Bradford then expired his breath,
Was call'd away by force of cruel death.
A man appro v'd in town, in church, in court,
WTio so behav'd himself in godly sort.
For the full space of thirty-seven years.
As he was means of turning many fears
Away from thee, poor Plimouth, where he spent
The better part of time that God him lent.
Well skiU'd he was in regulating laws.
So as by law he could defend the cause
Of poor distressed plaintifl^, when he brought
His case before him, and for help besought.
Above all other men he loved those
Who gospel truths most faithfully unclose.
Who were with grace and learning fully fraught.
Such as laboriously the gospel taught.
Willing also to own, in his due place.
The meanest saint, expressing gifts of grace.
Sweet Brewster, he is gone some time before ;
Wise Winslow, whose death we lament so sore ;
And faithful Standish, freed from horrid pain,
To be with Christ, in truth, the greatest gain :
Now blessed, holy Bradford, a successor
Of blessed, holy Bradford, the confessor.
Is gone to place of rest, with many more
Of precious ones, whom I might name, great store ;
And conunendation of each one have given ;
But what needs that ? their names are writ in heaven.
And now, dear Lord, let us our time improve.
To be with thee in prayer much above.

of false wit, may be found in Mather, and some other early New England
¦writers. Addison mentions a minister who anagrammatized from this text,
"Adam, Seth, Enoch," transmuting the words and letters so as to reveal great
mysteries, and give important instructions ; and Mather says, " Mr. Wilson,
with his quiet wit upon names, would often fetch or even force devout instruc
tions out of his Anagrams.

176 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1657.
O save thy people ; help in time of need ;
When all means fail, be thou in room and stead
Of other helps, who fail when needed most ;
When greatest need, they then give up the ghost.
And let thy servants their time stiU employ,
That in the end they may attain such joy
As may a fruit of true believing be.
That we with Christ may reign eternally.
This worthy gentleman was interred with the greatest so
lemnities that the jurisdiction to which he belonged was in a
capacity to perform, many deep sighs, as weU as loud voUeys
of shot declaring that the people were no less sensible of their
own loss, who were surviving, than mindful of the worth and
honor of him that was deceased.* You might now easUy
discern a heavy heart in the mournful countenance of every
sober-minded and considerate man ; for as you have heard, in
the three or four years last past, God was pleased greatly to
weaken this poor tottering colony of Plimouth, by taking
away several of the most useful props thereof, both in chm-ch
and civil state ; some others, who had been of singular use,
now stooping under the infirmities of old age, could not be so
serviceable as in times past ; and others removed so far from
the centre of the government, that they could not, without
great difficulties, attend their pubfic concerns, nor could pos
sibly so constantly as our necessities required, which did
greatly aggravate our troubles ; we were become weak when
we had need of the greatest strength ; had lost many of our
chieftains, when we stood in need of the best conduct and
guidance. For, besides the tioubles and changes that attend
ed our native countiy, and might caU for great circumspection .
* Gov. Bradford died. May 9, 1657, in the sixty-ninth year of his age;
"lamented," says Dr. C. Mather, "by all the colonies of New England, as a
conunon father to them all." His talents, well-tempered spirit, and acquire
ments, are celebrated by the same learned author. The Dutch tongue, he
observes, was almost as vernacular to him as the Enghsh. " The French
tongue he could also manage ; the Latin and the Greek he had mastered, but
the Hebrew he most of all studied, because, he said, he would see, with his
own eyes, the ancient oracles of God, in their native beauty." — Magnal. ii. 5.

1657.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 177
in our walking in relation unto them ; we had also, at this
very time, some amongst us, that gi-owing weary of the long
peace and concord we enjoyed, and hoping to fish better in
troubled waters, when their bait might be taken in, and the
hook not easUy discerned, would wUlingly have been ringing
the changes in this jm-isdiction ; also pretending a great zeal
for fiberty of conscience, but endeavoring to inti-oduce such a
liberty of will as would have proved prejudicial, if not de
structive, to civU and church societies ; and at the same time
there arrived in the said colony many of that pernicious sect
called Quakers, whose opinions are a composition of many
errors, and whose practices tend greatly to the disturbance
both of church and state ; many unstable people amongst us
were leavened with their errors, and proved very troublesome
to this as well as other colonies in New England.* But the
Lord many times defighteth to appear in the mount of his peo
ple's miseries, distiesses, and troubles, that his power and wis
dom may appear when they are weakest, and that they may
know that their salvation is from him. At such a time, and
when the condition of this colony was such as hath been de
clared, God was pleased to mind it, even in its low estate,
and when he had taken to himself not only our Moses, but

* Dr. C. Mather says, " That the more sensible men that go under the
name of Quakers, found the old Foxian Quakerism so indefensible, that they
have of later time, set themselves to refine it, with such confessions and con
cessions of truth, as that, in their system. It is quite another thing than it once
was." — Mag. vii. 24.
The proceedings against the Quakers were far less severe in Plymouth
colony than in Massachusetts. In regard to their persecution. Cotton Mather
says, " Kany man will appear in the vindication of it, let him do as he pleases,
for my part I will not." Mr. Clarkson's Portraiture of Quakerism, and his
Memoirs of William Penn, give a full view of the tenets and character of this
Christian Sect. See also a Review of the Life of Penn in the 1 2th vol. of the
Christian Observer, containing a discussion of the opinions of the sect, with
references to the early extravagancies of some of its members. Some of the
later Quakers, at least, do not disbelieve so much as Morton ascribes to those
who first settled here. See Vindication, annexed to the Philadelphia edition
of Mosheim's Eccl. Hist.

178 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1657.
many of the elders and worthies of our Israel, he hath not
hitherto left us without a Joshua, to lead us in the remaining
part of our pUgrimage. When the usual time for the renewing
of our election, of such as should govern us, came, Rlr. Thom
as Prince was, by a unanimous vote,'' chosen governor; and
although men's spu-its were so distempered, as I have related,
and it might have been expected that they would have been
much divided in their choice ; yet God, who disposeth the lot
that is cast into the lap, so disposed that aU their votes cen
tered there ; a good demonstration that he was chosen of God
for us, and by his blessing made an insti-ument of much peace
and settlement in this place, and to this people, in these times
of trouble and confusion. The Lord also directing the free
men of this jurisdiction, at the same time, in their election, to
the choice of a discreet and able council, to be assistant unto
our said honored governor, in this so weighty a work, divers
of them being descended of seveBal of the honored magistrates
deceased, not only bearing their names, but having a large
measure of their spirit bestowed on them, befitting them for
such work ; so as through the goodness of God, those storms
that seemed to threaten the subversion of our all, and did at
first prevail, to the distm-bing and shaking of many towns and
chm-ches, and to the great discouragement of the ministers in
divers places, do seem to be pretty weU blown over ; such un
comfortable jars, as have been sometimes thought incurable,
seem to be thoroughly reconcUed and healed ; our towns, for
the most part, suppfied with godly and able ministers, and we
sit under our vines and fig-trees in peace, enjoying both civU
and reUgious fiberties ; for which goodness of the Lord, let
his holy name be praised ; and may he grant us so to improve
our present opportunities, as he may have some suitable re
turns, and we may have cause to hope in his grace for the
continuance of such favors.
This year that much honored and worthy gentieman, Mr.
Theophilus Eaton, governor of New Haven, deceased, who
was very eminent, both on a refigious and civU account. His
death proved a great blow to that jm-isdiction, and was

1657.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 179
seconded, not long after, with the loss of another precious
man amongst them, namely, Mr. Francis Newman.*
In this year, 1657, in the month of November, M-. Garret
set sail on a voyage for England, from Boston ; in whose
ship, amongst many considerable passengers, there went Mr.
Thomas Mayhew, jun., of Martin's Vineyard, who was a
very jDrecious man.! H^ was well sldlled, and had attained
to a great proficiency in the Indian language, and had a great
propensity upon his spu-it to promote God's glory in their
conversion, whose labors God blessed for the doing of much

* INIr. Eaton was one of the original patentees of Massachusetts, and soon
after his arrival at Boston, in 1637, was chosen one of the magistrates of the
Colony. He was one of the founders of New Haven, and waS'annually elected
governor until his death. His family was numerous, sometimes containing
not less than thirty persons, and was governed with singular good order and
regularity. He died in the sixty-seventh year of his age. A handsome
monument was erected to his memory, at the public expense, which is still in
good preservation ; the following lines are inscribed upon it : —
Eaton, so meek, so wise, so fam'd, so just,
The Phcenix of our world here hides his dust.
His name forget. New England never must. Trumb. Connec. i. 240.
Governor Hopkins of Connecticut, son-in-law of Governor Eaton, died
about the same time, in England. To this gentleman. New England is in
debted for his liberal bequests. His whole estate in this country, which was
very considerable, was given away to charitable purposes. — Trumb, Connec.
I. 241.
•j- In noticing the labors of the missionaries among the Indians, in the
Appendix, young Mayhew, his father, son and grandson, are mentioned, and
some account given of them and their successful efforts to christianize the
Indians on Martha's Vineyard. In view of them and their great work and
merit, we may well adopt the sentiments of Dr. Elliot : —
" If any of the human race ever enjoyed the luxury of doing good, if any
Christian ever could declare what it is to have peace, not as the world gives,
but which surpasses the conceptions of those who look not beyond this
world, — we may believe this was the happiness of the May hews." This can
scarcely be called eulogy. We find nothing to qualify it. " They that turn
many to righteousness shall shine like the stars forever and ever."
Several very promising, well educated young men perished in the ship
with young Mayhew.

180 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1658.
good amongst them ; in which respect he was very much
missed amongst them, and bewaUed by them, as also in refer
ence unto the preaching of God's word amongst the English
there. The loss of him was very great. Many other sad
losses befel sundry others in the country, by the loss of that
ship, both in their estates and dear relations, to the great gi-ief
and saddening of the hearts of many.
1658.
This year Mr. Thomas Prince was elected governor of the
jurisdiction of New Pfimouth. Mi-. WiUiam Collier, Mr.
John Alden, Capt. Thomas Willett, Capt. Josias Winslow,
Lieut. Thomas Southworth, Mr. WUfiam Bradford,* and Mr.
Thomas Hinkley, were elected his assistants in government.

* William Bkadfokd was the son of Gov. Bradford — the oldest son
by his second wife. He was born at Plymouth, June 17, 1624. He settled
in Kingston. He married, 1652, his first wife, Alice Richards, of Weymouth.
He had two other wives and fifteen children. In 1658, the year after the
death of his father, he was chosen one of the seven assistants of Gov. Prince,
and was annually rechosen for more than thirty years, until Plymouth Colony
was merged in Massachusetts. After the death of Capt. Standish in 1656,
he became the principal commander of the Plymouth forces. When the
commissioners of the three united colonies raised troops to prosecute the war
with Bang Philip, he was the commander of the two Plymouth companies.
All the troops being assembled at Petaquamsoot, in what is now South Klni's-
ton, on the west side of Narraganset Bay, they commenced their march at an
early hour, December 1 9, 1 6 75, in a deep snow, in order to attack the enemy,
who were fortified in a swamp about fifteen miles distant, After mid-day,
the assault was made on a pahsaded fort. After a fierce battle of three
hours, the fort was taken, five or six hundred wigwams burnt, and the
Indians killed, captured, or dispersed. The Enghsh loss was sixty-five killed,
among them five or six captains, and 150 wounded. The Indian loss was
. reckoned at a thousand, including the captured. Maj. Bradford was wounded
by a ball which he carried in his body to his death. As the army returned
to Wickford the same night, the wounded men, some of whom died on the
way, endured great suffering, before their wounds could be dressed. From
Wickford, Maj. Bradford was removed to Newport, from which place he
wrote a letter to his minister, Mr. Cotton, dated January 20, 16 76, in which
he said — "I find some strength returning, and hopes of future returning to
see you with the rest of my dear friends ; however, I do desire to rest in

1658.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 181
This year there was a very great earthquake in New Eng
land. Also Mr. Ralph Partridge died in a good old age, having,
for the space of forty years, dispensed the word of God with
a very little impediment by sickness. His pious and blame
less fife became very advantageous to his doctrine ; he was
much honored and loved by aU that conversed with him. He
was of a sound and solid judgment in the main truths of
Jesus Christ, and very able in disputation to defend them ;
he was very singular in this, that, notwithstanding the paucity
and poverty of his flock, he continued in his work amongst

God's good pleasure. I pray, sir, be my continual remembrance to the throne
of grace. Here are many sick upon this Island and many die.'' Before the
end of June he was able to take the command of 200 troops, one third
Indians, and to march to Pocasset, or Tiverton, where Awashonks, the squaw
Sachem, surrendered as she had previously agreed, with ninety of her people.
On the 12th of August, King Philip was slain near Mount Hope. After this
Maj. Bradford lived many years. He died February 20, 1704, nearly eighty
years old. His residence was on the north side of Jones river, in Kingston.
According to his request, his body was interred by the side of his father in
Plymouth. On his monument at " Burying Hill," the following lines are
inscribed : — " He lived long, but still was doing good ;
And in his country's service lost much blood.
After a life well-spent, he 's now at rest ;
His very name and memory is bleat."
WilHam Bradford, his grandson, was Senator of the United States from
Rhode Island. He lived at Mount Hope, and died in 1808, leaving many
descendants. ,
From Gov. Bradford have sprung many hundred descendants, among
whom are many distinguished men, as Col. Gamaliel Bradford of Duxbury,
who commanded a regiment in the Revolutionary War, and his son Alden
Bradford, Secretary of Massachusetts, and author of several historical works.
William Allen, D. D., now living at Northampton, and late president of
Bowdoin College. Rev. Thomas Robbins, D. D., of Hartford, once settled
in the old Colony, but of late Secretary of Connecticut Historical Society,
and much devoted to antiquarian researches.
An ample genealogy of the various families of the Bradfords may be found
in the N. E. Historical Register for January and July, 1850, drawn up by a
descendant — Gen. G. M. Fessenden of Warren, R. L
16

182 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1658.
them to the end of time. He went to his grave in peace, as
a shock of corn fully ripe, and was honorably buried at Dux
bury. In whose remembrance, one who was a true admirer of
his worth, presented these at his funeral.
Not rage, but age ; not age, but God's decree.
Did call me hence, my Saviour Christ to see.
And to embrace, and from his hand receive
My crown of Glory. Oh ! who would not leave
A flattering world, nay friends, or what's most dear.
The saint's communion that 's enjoyed here.
At once to have God, Christ, saints, angels, all.
To make complete, and sum our joys total ?
Now I behold God's glory face to face ;
Now I sit down with Christ, who've run my race ;
Now I sing praise to God, and to the Lamb ;
Now I companion to the angels am.
Now I behold, with greatest joy, my sons
And daughters all ; I mean converted ones ;
Which I was instrumental in my place.
To bring to God, but all of his free grace.
How am I changed that of late was weak.
Above the force of Satan now to break ?
How am I changed, son of sorrow late.
But now triumphing in my heavenly state.
How was I vex'd with pains, with griefs molested ?
How, in a moment, am I now invested
With royal robes, with crowns, with diadems.
With God's eternal love ? Such precious gems
He hath in store for them his saints that are ;
For such indeed he counts his jewels rare.
Oh ! brethren, sisters, neighbors, country, friends,
I'm now above you ; hark to them God sends.
As yet surviving in their worthy charge ;
Whose work it is God's vineyard to enlarge.
God and my conscience your experience knows,
Whilst I was with you I was one of those
That labored faithfully God's vineyard in,
Sowing his seed, and plucking up of sin.
Now is the harvest to myself indeed ;
The Lord grant a supply of one to feed
Your souls with heavenly food, and one to lead
In ways of God, until his courts you tread.

1658.] NEW ENGLAND'S 5IEM0RIAL. 183
Next to God's love, my flock, love one another ;
And next to Christ, preserve love to thy brother.
Let ever precious be in your esteem
God's holy word ; and such as slight it deem
Of serpent's brood ; whatever they pretend.
By no means to such blasphemies attend.
Decline all wand'rings, lest from all you stray.
If stept aside, return in this your day.
Keep close to God, so he that is most high
Shall you preserve as apple of his eye ;
And give you peace on earth, tranquillity,
Mansions in heaven to eternity ;
Where we, that death doth for a time now- sever.
Shall meet, embrace, and shall not part forever.
R un Is his race,
A nd his work done,
L eft earthly place,
P atridge is gone,
H e 's with the Father and the Son.
P ure joys and constant do attend
A 11 that so live, such is their end.
R eturn he shall with Christ again,
, T o judge both just and sinful men.
R ais'd is this bird of paradise ;
I oy heaven entered breaks the ice.
D eath underfoot he trodden hath ;
G race is to glory straightest path,
E ver enjoys love free from wrath.
This year, on the last day of July, it pleased God that, by
thunder and fightning, one John Phifips, of Marshfield, in the
jurisdiction of New Pfimouth, was suddenly slain.
Also, in the month of August, it pleased God to take
away, by death, Mr. WiUiam Paddy, who was a precious
servant of Christ, endued with a meek and quiet spirit, of a
courteous behavior to aU men, and was very careful to nourish
an intimate communion with God. He was instrumental in
his place for common good, both in church, (being sometimes
by office a deacon of the church of Plimouth,) and in other
respects very officious, as occasion did require. He having a
great temporal estate, was occasioned thereby to have abun-

184 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1659.
dance of business upon him, but when he was to put off his
earthly tabernacle, he laid aside aU his earthly incumbrances
and occasions, even as one would have taken off a garment,
and laid it down ; and without any trouble of spirit, on that
behalf, prepared himself for his journey to the everlasting
mansions, prepared for him by his Lord and Master in the
highest heavens, whereof he was well assured ; as to the like
effect he spake to Mr. Norton, near unto the period of his life ;
and so falling asleep in the Lord, he was buried at Boston,
with honor and great lamentation, in the year and month
above mentioned.
One, who was well acquainted with his worth and gracious
endowments, presented this following, as a testimonial of his
good respects for him.
Weep not dear, wife, children, nor dear friends,
I live a life of joys that never ends.
L ove God, and fear him to end of your days ;
L ive unto him, but die to sin always.
I n heavenly place of bhss my soul doth rest,
A mong the saints and angels I am blest ;
M uch better here, than in the world at best.
P raising my God is now my great employ,
A bove such troubles as did me annoy.
D id but my friends know what I here possess,
D oubtless it would cause them to mourn the less ;
Y our souls with mine e'er long shall meet in bliss.

1659.
This year Mr. Thomas Prince was elected governor of the
jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. William Collier, Mr.
John Alden, Capt. Thomas Willet, Major Josias Winslow,
Lieut. Thomas Southworth, Mr. WiUiam Bradford, and Mr.
Thomas Hinkley, were chosen assistants to him in govern
ment. Having noted before, that in the year 1657, there arrived in
the colony of New Plimouth, many of the pernicious sect,
called Quakers ; the reader may take notice, that by this time.

1659.] NEW ENGLANT)'S MEMORIAL. 185
for some years after, New England, in divers parts of it,
abounded with them, and they sowed their corrupt and dam
nable doctrines, both by word and ^^^:itings, almost in every
town of each jurisdiction, some whereof were, "that all men
ought to attend the fight within them, to be the rule of their
lives and actions;" and, "that the Holy Scriptures were" not
for the enfightening of man, nor a settled and permanent rule
of life." They denied the manhood of the Lord Jesus Christ,
and affirmed, " that, as man, he is not in heaven." They
denied the resurrection from the dead. They affu-med, " that
an absolute perfection in holiness or grace, is attainable in
this fife." They placed their justification upon their patience
and suffering for their opinions, and on their righteous life and
retfi-ed demurity, and affected singularity both in word and
gesture. As to civil account, they aUowed not nor practised any
civU respect to man, though superiors, either in magistratical
consideration, or as masters or parents, or the ancient, neither
by word nor gesture. They deny also the use of oaths for the
deciding of civil contioversies, with other abominable opinions,
dreams, and conceits, which some of them have expressed,
tending to gross blasphemy and atheism.
This efficacy of delusion became very prevalent with many,
so as the number of them increased, to the great endangering
of the subversion of the whole, both of church and common
wealth, notwithstanding the endeavors of those in authority to
suppress the same, had not the Lord declared against them,
by blasting their enterprises and contrivements, so as they
have withered away in a great measure; sundry of their
teachers and leaders, which have caused them to err, are de
parted the country, and we trust the Lord will make the folly
of the remainder manifest to all men more and more. Error
is not long-lived ; the day will declare it. Let our deliverance
from so eminent a danger be received amongst the principal
of the Lord's gracious providences, and merciful loving-kind
nesses towards New England ; for the which let present and
future generations celebrate his praises.
This year that learned and godly servant of God, Mr. John
16*

186 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1660.
Dunster, feU asleep in the Lord. He was some time president
of Harvard College, at Cambridge, in New England, in which
he approved himself to the satisfaction of such as were in
those affairs concerned. Afterwards he came into the juris
diction of New Pfimouth, and lived awhile in the town of
Scituate, and was useful in helping to oppose the abominable
opinions of the Quakers, forementioned, and in defending the
truth against them. He deceasing in the said town of Scit
uate, his body was embalmed, and removed unto Cambridge,
aforesaid, and there honorably buried.*

1660.
This year Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen governor of the
jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. WiUiam Colfier, Mr. John
Alden, Capt. Thomas Willet, Major Josias Winslow, Capt.
Thomas Southworth, Capt. WUfiam Bradford, and Mr. Thom
as Hinkley, were chosen assistants to him in government.
This year James Pierce, a young man that belonged to
Boston, coming on fishing, and upon occasion putting into
Plimouth harbor, it pleased God that a storm of thunder and

* President Dunster was celebrated, particularly, for his accurate knowl
edge of the Hebrew language. The New England version of the Psalms,
on which the Rev. Mr. Weld and Eliot, of Roxbury, and the Rev. Mr. Mather,
of Dorchester, had jointly labored, was revised and refined by President Dun-
.ster. Dr. C. Mather, though he could not commend the poetry of this per
formance, observes, that he had never seen a translation " nearer the Hebrew
Original." In New England's First-Fruits, published in London, 1643, Pres
ident Dunster's ofiicial character and mode of instruction, are mentioired with
approbation. Until the monument, which Mr. Alden suggests is contem
plated, shall be erected, we must be content with the Epitaph, which we find
in the Magnalla, originally composed for Henry Rentz, and appHed by Dr.
Mather to President Dunster.
" Prajco, Pater, Servns ; sonui, fovui, coluiq :
Sacra, Scholam, Christum ; voce, rigovc, fide.
Eamara, Animam, Corpus; dispergit, recreat, abdit;
Virtus, Cliristus, Humus ; laude, salute, sinu."
Magnal. iii. 99-101. Hist. Coll. i. 143.

1662.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 187
fightning arose, and by a blow thereof he was slain of a sud
den, being much scorched and burnt thereby, although his
clothes were made fast and close about him ; so strange was
this great work to the wonderment of all that beheld it.

1661.
This year Mr. Thomas Prince was elected governor of the
jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. WUliam CoUier, Mr. John
Alden, Capt. Thomas Willet, Major Josias Winslow, Capt.
Thomas Southworth, Capt. WUfiam Bradford, and Mr.
Thomas Hinkley, were chosen assistants to him in govern
ment. 1662.
This year Mr. Thomas Prince was elected governor of the
jurisdiction of New Pfimouth. Mr. William Colfier, Mr. John
Alden, Capt. Thomas WiUet, Major Josias Winslow, Capt.
Thomas Southworth, Capt. William Bradford, and Mr.
Thomas Hinkley, were chosen assistants to him in govern
ment. This year, upon occasion of some suspicion of some plot
intended by the Indians against the English, Philip the sa
chem of Pocanaket, otherwise eaUed Metacom, made his ap
pearance at the court held at Pfimouth, August 6, did ear
nestly desire the continuance of that amity and friendship
that hath formerly been between the goyernor of Pfimouth
and his deceased father and brother ; and to that end the said
Philip doth for himself and his successors desire, that they
might for ever remain subject to the king of England, his
heirs and successors ; and doth faithfuUy promise and engage,
that he and his, will truly and exactly observe and keep in
violable, such conditions as formerly have been by his pred
ecessors made ; and particularly that he wUl not at any time,
needlessly or unjustly, provoke or raise war with any of the
natives ; nor at any time give, seU, or anyway dispose of any

188 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1662.
lands (to him or them appertaining) to any strangers, or to any
without our privity or appointment, but wiU in all things
endeavor to carry peaceably and inoffensively towards the
English. And the said court did also express their wiUingness to con
tinue with him and his, the abovesaid friendship, and do on
their part promise, that they wUl afford them such fi:iendly as
sistance, by advice and otherwise, as they justly may ; and
we will require our Englibh at aU times to carry friendly
towards them. In witness ^hereof, ihe said Philip the sachem
hath set to his hand, as also Vis uncle, and witnessed unto by
sundry other of his chief menX
Witness, John Sausamen, The mark fi, of Philip,
The mark td of Francis afias Metacom.*
the sachem of Nauset.

* Metacom was the Indian name of Philip, the warrior. He had an elder
brother, whose name was Wamsutta. Soon after the death of their father,
(1656,) they desired the English to give them new names, which they did.
Wamsutta, who inherited the sachemdom, was called Alexander, and Meta
com, Philip. Alexander reigned but a short time, his death having been
hastened by the suspicions of treachery which he knew the English enter
tained of him. The circumstances of his death were peculiar, and may be
found in Mather's Relation, p. 70, 71. It seems by the text that Philip, on
the death of his brother, repaired to the English, desiring the continuance of
the friendship and league, which had existed between the Pilgrims and Mas
sasoit, his father, and Alexander, after his father's death. It has been sup
posed that he did this the more effectually to conceal the hostile designs
which he, even then, began to cherish against the English, excited, as some
think, by the treatment which liis brother had received from them. But this
was in 1662, and the war broke out in 1675, — an interval of too much
length to support the opinion.
Sassamon, the witness, was called Philip's secretary, — that is, wrote his
letters, having been educated among the English in Massachusetts. He con
tinued with him tUl the year before the war, when he left him, and, as it is
said, made known Philip's designs against the English ; in consequence of
which (the historians relate), PhiUp caused him to be seized and slain. He
was found concealed under the ice in Assowamsett pond. The murderers were
apprehended and tried, " de meditate linguce," as foreigners were tried at the
common law, one half of the jurymen being Indians ; and they were found

1662.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 189
This year, on the 26th of January, at the shutting in of the
evening, there was a very great earthquake, in New England,
and the same night another, although something less than the
former. And again on the 28th of the same month there was
another about nine of the clock in the morning.*

guilty and executed. As one of the culprits was a counsellor of Phihp, his
punishment exasperated him to hasten on the contemplated war with the
English. A sore war it proved to them and to his own people ; to him and
his people, indeed, total overthrow.
* In some countries earthquakes are very terrific and disastrous, and there
have always been fears and agitations among the people when slight shocks
have been felt in New England. Although twenty or more of them have
been noticed, not more than four or five have been severe enough to excite
much attention — those of 1638, 1658, 1663, 1727, and 1755. Of that in
1727, the Hon. Paul Dudley gave an account to the Royal Society, which
was published in their Transactions, and much information respecting it
may be obtained from the sermons on the subject, preached by several New
England ministers. The last great earthquake in New England, that of
November 18, 1755, was fully described, with the addition of valuable
philosophical comments, by Professor Winthrop, in his Lecture at Harvard
College, which was published, with the addition of copious notes, and an
Appendix. The latter had reference to a theory of earthquakes, suggested
by the Rev. Mr. Prince, which Dr. Winthrop considered altogether unten
able ; and to some strictures, made by Mr. Prince, on the Professor's manner
of treating the subject, in his lecture. Dr. Williams' Observations and Con
jectures on the Earthquakes of New England, published in the first volume
of the Memoirs of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, present a
valuable collection of facts, diligently collected by the writer from various
sources, with ingenious disquisitions, and judicious reflections on this obscure,
but interesting subject. It is also said that a large portion of the shakes
which have been thought earth quakes are mere aerial explosions or concus
sions, and are more properly air quakes.
As to the author's theory on these phenomena, we shall not undertake to
give judgment upon it. Shakspeare has probably given the philosophy of his
times upon them : —
"Diseased nature oftentimes breaks forth
In strange eruptions ; oft the teeming earth
Is with a kind of cholic pinched and vexed,
By the imprisoning of unruly winds
Within her womb ; which for enlargement striving.

190 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1662.'
Forasmuch as I have had special occasion several times in
this history to mention divers earthquakes that have been in
New England, they being great and terrible works of God,
and are usually ominous to some strokes and visitations of
his hand unto places and people where they are ; and some
times the Lord in the very acting of his power in them, hath
declared his severity to the children of men, to their great
overthrow and confusion ; I thought it necessary, before I
pass on, a fittle to point at some few particulars, to work and
induce us to a profitable remembrance of them ; it being very
considerable that is said by a useful author, in taking notice
of the wisdom of God, in preparing the earth to be a fit
habitation for man to dwell in, addeth withal, that as if man
were not always worthy to tread upon so solid a foundation,
we see it ofttimes quake and shake, and rock and rend itself,
as if it showed that he which made it, threatened by this

Shakes the old beldame earth, and topples down
Steeples and moss-grown towers."
So also says a more ancient philosopher than Shakspeare : —
" Ventos iu causa esse non dubium reor."
The modern philosophers have been fertile in their theories ; some con
sider the shock as produced by central fires, some by subterraneous waters
breaking into the hollow places in the earth ; some by the fortuitous con
currence of discordant mineral substances ; some by electrical actions in
the bowels of the earth; some think the shock is produced by a combination
of these and such like causes. Probably a more satisfactory view of the sub
ject may be attained by the advance of geological science. Gibbon thinks
there is no science which can fathom the cause, and e.xhorts the philosophers
to the exercise of modesty, although he gives intimations in favor of some of
the causes which have been mentioned. It is now generally considered that
the crust of the earth has not yet been entirely cooled and settled, and that
the earth itself is still in a forming state, but that the violent phenomena are
gradually diminishing. In New England, however, the agitations have not
been violent, and it is not known that any lives have been destroyed by
them, or that they have occasioned any material damage. The agitations
and outbreaks of the passions of men in riots and insurrections, are far more
to be feared than the throes and upheavings of " the old beldame earth."

1662.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 191
trembling the impiety of the worid, and the ruin of those that
dwell on the earth. ^
In order unto that which I have nominated in this behalf
and more principally intend, let us take notice, that writers
have rendered the cause of earthquakes to be, that when it
happeneth that air and windy spirits and exhalations are
shut up in the caverns of the earth, or have such passage as
is too narrow for them, they then striving to break their
prisons, shake the earth, and make it tremble. They speak
fikewise of the several kinds of them : As,
First, When the whole force of the wind driveth to one
place, there being no eontiary motion to let or hinder it ; many
hUls and buildings have been rushed down by this kind of
earthquake, especiaUy when the wind causing it was strong ;
for if it be a feeble wind, it only looseneth or unfasteneth
foundations, if less feeble, then, without further harm, the
earth only shakes, fike one sick of an ague.
Secondly, The second is a swelling of the earth ; the which,
when the wind is broken out of its prison, the earth returns
to its place again.
Thirdly, A third kind is, a gaping, rending or cleaving of
the earth one part from another, so that sometimes whole
towns, cities, rocks, hUls, rivers, and some parts of the sea
have been swaUowed up, and never seen more.
Fourthly, A fourth kind is, shaking, that causeth sinldng,
and is far different from the former ; for now the earth spfit-
teth not, but sinketh ; this being in such places, where, though
the surface of the ground be solid, yet it hath but a salt
foundation, which being moistened by water driven through
it by the force of the shaking exhalation, is turned into water
also.* Fifthly, A fifth kind of earthquake is contrary to the for
mer ; for, as before the ground sinks down, so now it is cast
up, like as in the second kind aheady mentioned, only this is
the difference, that now it retm-neth not to its place again,

* Thus was the Atlantick Ocean caused to be a sea, as Plato aflirmeth,
who lived three hundred and sixty-six years before Christ was born. — M,

192 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1662.
but remains a great mountain. And note, that if such a
rising be in the sea, it not only cause^ overflowings, but pro-
duceth fikewise many islands such as were never seen before.
These particulars are treated of at large by approved
authors, and here only hinted, to the intent that we may take
notice of the special providence of God to New England in
this behalf, that we have not as yet felt the misery of the
worst of the kinds of earthquakes forenamed, nor swaUowed
up in them, but those who have been sensible of have been
rather gentle warnings unto us, to shake us out of our earthly-
mindedness, spiritual security, and other sins, lest the Lord
do come against us with judgments of this kind, in the sorest
and worst sort of them, or otherwise by removing the present
blessing of godly government from us.
Notwithstanding that which hath been said, the efficient
cause is supernatural, as either principaUy God, or instiu-
mentaUy the angels, although naturally the wind shut up
within the pores and bowels of the earth, as is before noted.
If the effects of them usually are such, as by them is some
times a discovery of the channels of water and foundations
of the world, the removing of mountains from one place to
another, the cleaving of rocks and opening of graves and
gates, yea, the throwing down of many famous buildings and
cities, and some swallowed up, and many thousands of people
desti-oyed thereby ; the turning of plain land into mountains ;
the throwing down of mountains and raising up of islands
in the sea, the breaking out of rivers where there were none
before ; the discovery of burning mountains where there were
none seen before. Famines and pestilences, of which par
ticulars divers instances might be produced out of the Sacred
Scriptures, and several other authors. Exod. xix. 18 ; Psal.
xxix. 6 : civ. 32 ; Matt, xxviii. 2 ; Psal. xviii. 15 ; Zech. xiv.
4 ; Rev. vi. 12, 14 ; Matt, xxvii. 51 ; Acts. xvi. 26. Ought we
not then to fear and tremble before so great a God, who, (as
one saith,) by his handmaid nature doth so terribly shake the
earth, as no land can be sure, no place so strong that can
defend us ? Nay, the more strong, the more dangerous ; for
the higher, the greater the faU. Let us therefore say with the

1663.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 193
wise man, Eccl. in. 14, I know that whatsoever God doth,
shall stand forever ; nothing can be put to it, nor any thing
taken from it, and God doth it, that men should fear before
him. This year Mr. John Brown ended this life ; in his younger
years travelling into the low countries, he came acquainted
with, and took good liking to, the reverend pastor of the
church of Christ at Leyden, as also to sundry of the brethren
of that church ; which ancient amity induced him (upon his
coming over to New England) to seat himself in the jurisdic
tion of New Pfimouth, in which he was chosen a magistrate ;
in which place he served God and the country several years ;
he was weU accomplished with abilities to both civil and
religious concernments, and attained, through God's grace,
unto a comfortable persuasion of the love and favor of God
to him ; he falfing sick of a fever, with much serenity and
spiritual comfort fell asleep in the Lord, and was honorably
buried at Wannamoiset near Rehoboth, in the spring of the
year abovesaid.* 1663.
This year Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen governor of the
jurisdiction of New Pfimouth. Mr. William Collier, Mr.
John Alden, Capt. Thomas Willet, Major Josias Winslow,
Lieut. Thomas Southworth, Capt. William Bradford, Mr.
Thomas Hinkley, were chosen his assistants in government.
This year Mr. Samuel Newman, teacher of the church of
Christ at Rehoboth, changed this life for a better. He was
sometimes preacher of God's word at Weymouth, in the
jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, and from thence removed
to Rehoboth, where he continued in the work of the ministry
untU the end of his days. He was a lively dispenser of the
word of God, and of a pious fife, very hospitable, and at the

* Mr. Brown lived in Rehoboth. He was a shipwright, and several of the
sons of Samuel Eddy were apprenticed to him as early as 1645, 1647; the
indentures are recorded in the Old Colony records. He was also one of the
commissioners of the colony, from 1644 to 1655.
17

194 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1663.
close of his life very full of joy and comfort ; and with cheer
fulness of spirit resigned himself up to the Lord, and his
spirit into the arms of his blessed Redeemer, desiring that the
holy angels might do their office in transporting his soul into
everlasting bliss and happiness. He feU asleep in the Lord
on the fifth of July, 1663..
This year also it pleased God to put a speedy period to the
life of Mr. John Norton, who was a burning and a shining
light ; and although the church of Boston, in a more special
manner, felt the smart of this sudden blow, yet it reflected
upon the whole land. He was singularly endowed with the
tongue of the learned, enabled to speak a word in due season,
not only to the wearied soul, but also a word of counsel to a
people in necessity thereof, being not only a wise steward of
the things of Jesus Christ, but also a wise statesman ; so that
the whole land sustained a great loss of him. At his first
coming over into New England, he arrived at Plimouth,
where he abode the best part of one winter, and preached the
gospel of the kingdom unto them ; and ever after, to his dying
day, retained a good affection unto them. From thence he
went to Boston, and from thence to Ipswich, in New England,
where he was chosen the teacher of their church ; and after
the death of worthy Mr. Cotton, he was solicited, and at length
obtained, to return to Boston, and there served in that office
until his death. He was chosen by the jurisdiction of the
Massachusetts, together with the much honored Mr. Simon
Bradstreet, to go over into England, as agents in the behalf
of that jurisdiction, unto his Majesty and the Privy Council,
upon business of gi-eatest trust and concernment ; and soon
after his return, it pleased God, suddenly and unexpectedly,
to take him away by death, on the fifth day of April, 1663.
His body was honorably buried at Boston.* On whose much
lamented death, take this foUowing elegy.

* Mr. Norton was born in 1606. He arrived at Plymouth in October,
1635. He was an eminent scholar. Dr. Elliot quotes Mr. Fuller's approba
tion of his Latin letter to AppoUonius, in answer to his question relative to
church government. He was the author also of a Latin letter to Sir. Dury,

Ifies.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 195

An elegy on the death of that eminent minister of the gospel, Mr. John Norton,
the reverend teacher of the church of Christ at Boston, who exchanged this
life for a better, April 5, 1663.
Ask not the reason why tears are our meat.
And none but mourners seen in ev'ry street ?
Our crown, alas, is fallen from our head ;
We find it off: woe to us, Norton's dead.
Our breach is like the sea, no healing's known :
To comfort Slon's daughter is there none ?
Oh teach your daughters wailing every one.
Their neighbors' deepest lamentation.
Oh that mine eyes a fountain were of tears !
I'd day and night in mourning spend my years.
My father ! father ! Israel's chariot thou.
And horsemen wert ! Sons of the prophets now.
Weep since your master from your head is taken :
This father of the muses hath forsaken
His study here, not liking our dark room,
Doth choose those mansions in his Father's home.
The schoolmen's doctors, whomsoe'er they call
Subtile, seraphic, or angelical :
Dull souls ! their tapers burnt exceeding dim ;
They might to school again to learn of him.
Lombard must out of date : we now profess
Norton the master of the sentences.
Scotus a dunce to him : should we compare
Aquinus here, none to be named are.
Of a more heavenly strain his notions were.
More pure, sublime, scholastical, and clear ;
More like the apostles Paul and John, I wist,
Was this our orthodox evangelist.
And though an exile from his native land.
As John in Patmos was ; yet here the hand
Of Christ leads forth, more clearly to espy
The New Jerusalem in her bravery.
Who more acute in judgment was than he ?
More famous too for heavenly policy ?

who was exerting himself for a pacification of all the reformed churches,
which has been much celebrated. It was signed by more than forty New
England ministers.

196 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1663.
He was a wise and faithful counsellor,
One of a thousand, an interpreter.
Mighty in word and prayer, who could have
Whate'er almost from heaven he did crave :
On him, with things without (which I'll not name)
The care of all the churches daily came.
He car'd thus naturally : Oh hear that rod.
Which us bereaved of such a man of God !
Zealous for order, very critical
For what was truly congregational.
A pillar of our church and state was he,
But now no more, no more his face we see !
Who thought more fit of all his tribe to stand
Before our king, for favor for our land,
Lately ? but now translated is to rest.
This agent of New England's interest.
When last he preach'd, he us the pattern gave
Of all that worship Christ in's church would have ;
God then him up into the mount did call,
To have the vision beatifical.
As Thomas to the twelve said. Come let's go
And die with him ; I'd almost said so too :
I'll yet a while in tears sow, that I may,
With him, in joyful reapings live for aye.
A tomb now holds his soul's beloved shrine,
Of th' Holy Ghost, a temple most divine.
And well New England's heart may rent at this !
Wonder not reader, I so greatly miss
Fit words, his worth, our loss and grief to fame.
When as no epitaph can declare the same. T. S.*

Not long after, namely, in the month of July, foUowed the
death of that eminent servant of God, Mr. Samuel Stone,
who was another star of the first magnitude in the firmament
of New England. He was a learned, solid, and judicious
divine, equaUy able for the confirmation of the truth, and con
futation of errors. His ministry was with much conviction
and demonstration, and when he set himself to application,
* Mr. Thomas Shepard, the eldest son of the Rev. Thomas Shepard of
Cambridge, and was minister of Charlestown.

1663.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 197
very powerful. He was teacher to the church of Hartford
fourteen years, together with Mr. Hooker, and sixteen years
after him, thirty years in all. He died on the twentieth of
July, and was honorably bm-ied at Hartford.

A Threnodia upon our churches second dark eclipse, happening July 20, 1663,
by death's interposition between us and that great light and divine plant, Mr.
Samuel Stone, late of Hartford, in New England.
Last spring this summer may be autumn styl'd.
Sad withering fall our beauties which despoil'd ;
Two choicest plants, our Norton and our Stone,
Your justs threw down ; remov'd, away are gone.
One year brought Stone and Norton to their mother,
In one year, April, July, them did smother.
Dame Cambridge, mother to this darling son ;
Emanuel, Northampt' that heard this one,
Essex, our bay, Hartford, in sable clad.
Come bear your parts in this Threnodia sad.
In losing one, church many lost : O then
Many for one come be sad singing men.
May nature, grace and art be found in one
So high, as to be found in few or none.
In him these three with full fraught hand contested,
With which by each he should be most invested.
The largest of the three, it was so great
On him, the stone was held a light compleat,
A stone more than the Ebenezer fam'd ;
Stone splendent diamond, right orient nam'd ;
A cordial stone, that often cheered hearts
With pleasant wit, with Gospel rich imparts ;
Whetstone, that edgify'd th' obtusest mind ;
Loadstone, that drew the iron heart unkind ;
A pond'rous stone, that would the bottom sound
Of Scripture depths, and bring out Arcan's found ;
A stone for kingly David's use so fit.
As would not fail Goliah's front to hit ;
A stone, an antidote, that brake the course
Of gangrene error, by convincing force ;
A stone acute, fit to divide and square ;
A squared stone became Christ's building rare.
A Peter's living, lively stone (so reared)
As 'Hve, was Hartford's life ; dead, death is fear'd.
17*

198 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1664.
In Hartford old. Stone first drew infant breath.
In New, effused his last ; O there beneath
His corps are laid, near to his dariing brother,*
Of whom dead oft he sighed. Not such another.
Heaven is the more desirable, said he.
For Hooker, Shepard, and Hayne's company.

E. B.f

1664.

This year Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen governor of the
jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. WiUiam Colfier, Mr.
John Alden, Capt. Thomas WUlet, Major Josias Winslow,
Lieut. Thomas Southworth, Capt. WUliam Bradford, and
Mr. Thomas Hinkley, were chosen assistants to him in
government. J
This year a blazing star, or comet, appeared in New Eng
land, in the ninth, tenth, eleventh, and the beginning of the
twelfth month. Concerning which it hath been observed,
that such was its motion, that, in all fikelihood, it was visible
to aU the inhabitants of the earth ; and that, also, in its motion,
the blaze of it did turn to aU the quarters of the world ; and
that by its turning according to the several aspects it had to
the sun, it was no fiery meteor caused by exhalation, but that
it was sent immediately by God to awake the secure world.§
I wiUingly close with that which Mr. Samuel Danforth
hath religiously observed, as to the theological application of
this strange and notable appearance in the heavens, that
indeed by the testimony of the Sacred Scriptures, and the

* Mr. Hooker. — M. -f Supposed to be Edward Bulkley.
I The line between Massachusetts and Plymouth was amicably settled this
year, by a committee from each colony. It is the same which separated the
old county of Suffolk from the counties of Plymouth and Bristol. — Hutch, i.
209. § The theory of comets, so interesting in the science of Astronomy, was
now approaching to a high degree of improvement. More enlarged and
just conceptions on this subject now prevail. The science of Astronomy has
removed those crude and alarming apprehensions that formerly prevailed,
and those mysterious strangers now receive a cordial welcome.

1664.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 199
common histories of former ages, comets do usually precede
and portend great calamities and notable changes.
To add a few more instances to those the said author hath
weU observed : —
When the Emperor Jovian attained to the empire, (suc
ceeding the apostate Julian, under whom the church suffered
much persecution,) and that under him both church and com
monwealth were lUie to have had a flourishing time, had he
not been taken away by sudden death ; then also appeared a
comet, showing that further trouble was yet to be expected
to the church. — [Socrates, lib. 4, cap. 22.]
Again, other authors make mention of a strange comet,
that was seen in the year of Christ 410, being like a two-
edged sword, which portended many mischiefs and calami
ties, that happened both in the east and west, and such
great slaughters of men were, about those days, as no age
ever afforded the fike. AU Europe was in a manner undone ;
no smaU part of Asia was affiighted ; and Africa also was
not void of those evUs, as war, famine, drought, and pesti
lence, aU of them stiove, as it were, to trouble the whole
world. Also, in the years 1400, 1401, 1402, and 1403, comets ap
peared, and great calamities foUowed ; sundry unheard of
diseases were felt, rivers dried up, and plagues were increased.
Tamerlain, king of the Scythians and Parthians, with an
innumerable host, invaded Asia, caUing himself, The wrath
of God, and the desolation of the earth. — [Read Carion, lib.
5, page 854.]
Also, in the year 1529, appeared four comets ; and in the
years 1530, 1532, and 1533, were seen, in each year, one.
Languet saith, that there were three within the space of
two years, upon which these, and the fike calamities, followed,
namely, a great sweating sickness in England, which took
away great multitudes of people. The Turk in the quarrel
of John Vuavoida, who laid claim to the crown of Hungaria,
entered the said kingdom with two hundred and fifty thou
sand fighting soldiers, committing, against the inhabitants

200 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1664.
thereof, most harsh and unspeakable murders, rapes, viUanies,
and cruelties.
Great famine and death in Venice, and the countries there
abouts, which swept away many ; the sweating sickness in
Brabant, and in a great part of Germany.
Great wars likewise about the Dukedom of MUlain, between
the Emperor Charles the Fifth, and Francis, the French King.
About that time, also, aU Lusitania, or Portugal, was struck
with an earthquake, insomuch that at Ulisippo, or Lisbon,
above a thousand houses were thrown down, and sixty more
so shaken that they were ready to fall; with many other
evils that befel those parts about that time.
And to observe what hath faUen out since this last comet
appeared, wiU not be unuseful, either in Europe or America.
In Europe, the great contest between our own nation and
the Dutch, which hath threatened bloody war; and what will
be in the conclusion is known only to God. Besides other
contests between the Dutch and some other of their neigh
bors ; as also the pestilence, very hot both in England and
HoUand. In America, the late and sad blow that our countiymen,
at the Isle of Christopher's, received from the French.* And
as to ourselves in New England, although, through the
mercy of our good God, there is no breaking in, nor going
out into captivity, nor complaining in our stieets; yet we
have been threatened with invasion by foreign force, and
sometimes in expectation thereof ; as also we are not to slight
the hand of God in his late sore stiokes in taking away so
many by thunder and lightning, to the great amazement and
terror of many. As also, God's continued sti-okes in drought,
blasting, and mUdew, with which much of the fruits of the
* This passage has reference to the expulsion of the English from the
island of St. Christopher's by the French. "About two hundred and fifty of
the inhabitants (of that island) which had been taken by the French, arriv
ing in the spring of 1666, and more being daily expected, provision was made
by the court for the relief and support of such as were necessitous." — Hutch.
i. 236.

1664.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 201
earth have been destroyed. AU which, considered, ought to
induce us to search and try our ways, and to enter into a
strict and serious examination of our hearts and lives, and
having found out what those sins are that are most provoking
to the Majesty of Heaven, we may reform them, whether in
church, in state, in famUy, or in persons ; that so he may not
stir up all his wrath, but yet may delight over us to do us
good, from the beginning of the year to the end thereof.
This year it pleased God to smite the fruits of the earth,
namely, the wheat, in special, with blasting and mUdew,
whereby much of it was utterly spoiled, and became profitable
for nothing, and much of it worth fittle, being light and
empty. This was looked at, by the judicious and conscien
tious of the land, as a speaking providence against the un-
thankfulness of many for so great a mercy, and their murmur
ing, expressed in their words, by sfighting and undervaluing
terms of it ; as also against voluptuousness, and abuse of the
good creatures of God, by ficentiousness in drinking, and
fashions in apparel ; for the obtaining whereof, a great part
of this principal grain was oftentimes unnecessarUy expended.
This so sad a dispensation, with other particulars, occasioned
the observation of some days in a way of humUiation before
the Lord, somewhat more frequently than ordinary. Let it
also be observed, that yet in judgment he remembered mercy,
by affording a plentiful harvest of other sorts of grain, so as
the country suffered not in respect of the want of bread this
year, but had plenty thereof
This year also, his Majesty's commissioners, namely. Col.
Richard NicoUs, Sir Robert Carr, knight, George Cartwright,
Esq., and Samuel Maverick, Esq., arrived at Boston, in New
England, in the month of July ; the tenor of whose commis
sion was, in special, to reduce the Dutch at the Manhato's to
his Majesty's obedience ; which, in some short time, was
accomplished; and the place and jurisdiction thereof, sur
rendered up unto his Majesty's said commissioners, who styled
it by the name of New York, and placed a government over
it of his Majesty's subjects, the aforesaid Colonel Richard
Nichols being governor in chief there. And whereas they

202 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1664.
were likewise commissioned to hear and determine such dif
ferences as might be amongst the colonies, in respect unto
the bounds of their jurisdictions ; some such differences were
by them heard, and in special betwixt Plimouth and Rhode
Island, and such settlement therein concluded as they were
capacitated unto. As also sundry propositions were by them
made to several of the respective jurisdictions, which, together
with the agitations concerning them, and the answers unto
them, are elsewhere extant.* They fikewise presented the
honored governor of the jurisdiction of Pfimouth, as to the
colony, with a gracious letter from his Majesty, the contents
whereof are as followeth : —

To our trusty and well-beloved, our Govethor and Council of Neio Plimouth,
greeting : —
Charles Rex,
Trusty and weU-beloved, we greet you weU. We need not
enlarge upon our care of, and affection to that our plantation
of New Plimouth, when we give you such a testimony and
manifestation of it, in the sending of those gentlemen, per
sons weU known unto us, and deserving from us, our trusty

* These commissioners were empowered " to visit the several colonies of
New England, to hear and determine complaints and appeals, in matters
civil, military, and criminal ; and to provide for the peace and security of the
country, according to their good and sound discretion, and to such instruc
tions as they should receive from the king." See Hazard's Coll. ii. 638. Col
onel NicoUs had three hundred troops under his command, with four frigates,
for the reduction of the Dutch at Manhattan. Gov. Stuyvesant surrendered
the fort and town of New Amsterdam, on the 27th of August. The place
then received the name of New York, in honor of the Duke of York. On
the 24th of September, Fort Orange capitulated, and was afterwards called
Albany. Thomas Clark and John Pynchon, fi-om Massachusetts, attended
the commissioners by appointment from the general court. They were also
joined by Gov. Winthrop, and several of the magistrates and principal gen
tlemen of Connecticut. From Plymouth colony they were attended by
Thomas Willet, who appears by letters now existing, to have greatly recom
mended himself to the commissioners by his activity and intelligence. Mr.
Willet was the first mayor of New York, after the conquest.

1664.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 203
and well-beloved Col. Richard NicoUs, Sir Robert Carr,
knight, George Cartwright, Esq., and Samuel Maverick, Esq.,
our commissioners to visit you, and other our plantations in
those parts of New England, and to give us a fuU and par
ticular information and account of your present state and
condition, and how the same may be advanced and improved
by any further acts of grace and favor from us toward you ;
and that both you and all the world may know and take
notice, that we take you mto our immediate protection, and
wiU no more suffer you to be oppressed or injured by any
foreign power, or iU neighbors, than we would suffer our
other subjects that five upon the same continent with us, to
be so injm-ed and oppressed. And as our care and protec
tion wiU, we doubt not, be sufficient, with God's blessing, to
defend you from foreign force ; so our care and circumspec
tion is, no less, that you may five in peace amongst your
selves, and with those our other subjects who have planted
themselves in your neighbor colonies, with that justice, af
fection, and brotherly love, which becomes subjects born
under the same prince, and in the game country, and of the
same faith and hope in the mercies of our Lord and Saviour
Jesus Christ. And to the end there may be no contentions
and differences between you, in respect of the bounds and
jurisdiction of your several colonies ; the hearing and deter-
muiing whereof we have referred to our commissioners, as
the right appears by clear evidence and testimony before
them, or that they can settle it by your mutual consent and
agreement ; otherwise, in cases of difficulty, they shall present
the same to us, who wiU determine according to our own
wisdom and justice. The address you formerly made to
us, gave us so good satisfaction of your duty, loyalty, and
affection to us, that we have not the least doubt that you
wUl receive those commissioners in such manner as becomes
you, and as may manifest your respect and affection towards
us, from whom they are sent. They wiU let you know the
resolution we have to preserve all your liberties and privUeges,
both ecclesiastical and civU, without the least violation;
which we presume wUl dispose you to manifest, by aU ways

204 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIA^. [1665.
in your power, loyalty and affection to us, that aU the world
may know that you do look upon yourselves as being as
much our subjects, and fiving under the same obedience
under us, as if you continued in your natural countiy. And
so we bid you fareweU.
Given at our court, at WhitehaU, AprU 23, 1654, in the
sisteenth year of our reign.
By his Majesty's special command, Henry Bennet.*
After the said his Majesty's commissioners had visited
several of the jurisdictions of New England, and were cour
teously entertained in every of them, the said honorable
Colonel Richard NicoUs is settled at New York, for the
present, being governor there, as is before noted. George
Cartwright, Esq., went for England, in the latter end of the
year, with Mr. Benjamin GiUam, and was taken by the Dutch,
and afterwards, with some difficulty, arrived in England. Sir
Robert Carr is, at the present, at Delaware, and Mr. Samuel
Maverick, at Boston.! . 1665.
This year Mr. Thomas Prince was elected governor of the
jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. WiUiam Collier, Mr.
John Alden, Major Josias Winslow, Capt. Thomas South-
worth, Capt. William Bradford, Mr. Thomas Hinkley, and
Mr. James Brown, were chosen assistants to him in govern
ment.

* In Hutchinson's CoUection of Papers, is a copy of the commissioners'
narrative and report of their proceedings to the king.
f The said Sir Robert Carr, since that, went for England, in the year
1667. He arrived at Bristol, and died there June 1, the next day after he
came ashore. About that time it was thought, by such as were judicious, that
through the instigation of the said Maverick, (whose spirit was full of malig
nity against the country,) our both civil and religious liberties were much
endangered ; and the rather for that, probably, there would have been a con
currence of divers ill affected in the land, had not the Lord prevented. — M.

1665.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 205
In the spring of this year, that honorable gentleman, Mr.
John Endicot, governor of the jurisdiction of the Massachu
setts, changed this life for a better. He was a very virtuous
gentleman, and was greatly honored and beloved of the most,
as he weU deserved. He arrived at Salem in the year 1628,
and had the chief command of those that, at the first, there
seated, and bare a deep share of the difficulties of those first
beginnings, which were great, by reason especially of the gi-eat
sickness and mortality that was then amongst them, as hath
been before noted. There he continued, until the jurisdiction
of the Massachusetts saw reason to desire his removal to
Boston, for the more convenient administration of justice, as
governor of the said jurisdiction, to which he was frequently
elected, for many years together, with little intermission ; and
in which honorable service he served God and the country,
untU old age, and the infirmities thereof, coming upon him,
he feU asleep in the Lord, and was, with great honor and
solemnity, interred at Boston.*
This year it pleased God to cause a sad dispensation of
his hand to pass before us, in reference to the sudden death
of Captain Davenport, who, in the month of July, was slain,
as he lay on his bed, with a blow of thunder and lightning.
He was a man of some eminency, being betrrfsted with the
command of the castle in the Massachusetts ; at which said
castle he was slain as aforesaid. The more ought this so sad
stioke of God to be considered, and laid to heart, and im
proved for our humiliation, and the amendment of our lives
before the great and terrible God, who so aloud spake unto
us in this so sad and awing a providence.
This year it pleased the Lord again to strike the wheat of
this country, in a more general way, than the last year, with
blasting and mUdew, whereby the greatest part of it was
spoUed, and the ploughman's hopes, in that respect, very much

* Mr. Endicot died on the fifteenth of March, in the seventy-seventh year
of his age. There is a good portrait of him in one of the apartments of the
State House in Boston. There also may be seen the pictures of Winthrop,
Leverett, Bradstreet, and the Rev. John Higginson.
18

206 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1666.
frustrated. Howbeit, the Lord stUl mixed with this affliction
very much mercy, in sparing the other grain, whereby the
country was in some good measure supplied.

1666.
This year Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen governor of the
jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. John Alden, Major
Josias Winslow, Capt. Thomas Southworth, Capt. WUliam
Bradford, Mr. Thomas Hinkley, Mr. James Brown, and
Lieut. John Freeman, were chosen to be his assistants in
government. This year it pleased God to go on in a manifestation of his
displeasure against New England, in a very remarkable man
ner, by striking dead, in a moment, by a blow of thunder,
three persons in the town of Marshfield, in the jm-isdiction
of New Pfimouth, in the month of June, namely, one named
William Shhtfiff, and a woman and a youth ; which sad dis
pensation of God's hand, being considered, with some cir
cumstances, gave cause to the beholders to be much aston
ished; the said Shirtliff having his wife by the hand, and
sitting by her to cheer her, in respect that the said storm was
so fierce, he was slain, and she preserved, though in some
measure scorched with the lightning ; yea, he had one of his
children in his arms, and himself slain, and the child preserved.
We have fikewise received intelligence of four more, that
about that time were slain by thunder and lightning, about
Piscataqua, and divers more hurt. At the time of this storm
of thunder and fightning, in the which those of Marshfield
died, there arose likewise a very great whirlwind, that,
where it came, it tore up trees by the roots, though through
mercy it did little other hurt.
It was a gi-eat while, and many years spent, since the
English came into these parts, before any very considerable
hurt was done by thunder and lightning, to either man, or
beast, appertaining to them, although, sometimes, very fierce
storms of that kind, as frequently as in these times. But

1666.] NTJW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 207
now, how doth the Lord go on gradually, in this, as in other
judgments, here in New England; first, by striking cattle, and
then one person at a time, and this year divers, to the number
of seven, besides some cattle also.
Thus God thundereth marvellously with his voice, he
worketh great things which we know not. [Job xxxvii. 5,
and xxxviu. 35, and xl. 8.] He can send the lightnings that
they may walk, and say, Lo here we are. Hath any an arm
like God ? Or can any thunder with a voice like him ? By
this his terrible voice he breaketh the cedars, and divideth the
flames of fire, [Psalm xxix. 5, 7,] which he commissionates
to do his pleasure, sometimes not only striking cedars, but
great oaks, in a wonderful manner, sometimes beasts, some
times men and women. K God's judgments have thus been
abroad in the earth, how ought the inhabitants of New Eng
land to learn righteousness ? [Isa. xxvi. 9.] How easUy can
the Lord stain the pride of our glory with a stroke of his
hand ? Let not the famUiarness or frequency of such provi
dences, cause them to be neglected by us, to improve them
as God would have us, to fear before him, [Eccles. viii. 13,]
and to turn from such iniquities, especially, as are most dis
pleasing unto him, and to hold our fives in our hands,
and to be in a readiness for his pleasure, lest knowing not
our time, as the fishes that are taken in an evU net, and as
the birds that are caught in the snare, [Eccles. ix. 12,] so
we shall be snared in an evU time, when it falleth suddenly
upon us.
This year the Lord threatened the countiy with that infec
tious and contagious disease, the smaUpox, which began at
Boston, whereof some few died ; but through his great mercy
it is stayed, and none of late have died thereof.
This year the Lord likewise threatened, and, in some
measure, executed his displeasure upon the country by
drought ; but, through his mercy, hath, of late, sent plenty of
rain, for the recovering of the fruits of the earth. Although
it is to be observed, that soon after a day of humUiation
was observed, by some congregations, for the blessing of rain,
in the drought above mentioned, that sad stroke by the

208 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1666.
thunder and lightning, at Marshfield, feU out ; so that we
may say with the Psalmist unto the Lord, By terrible things
in righteousness thou hast answered us, O God of our salva
tion. Also this year there hath been some ground of fear of in
vasion by foreign enemies ; but hitherto the Lord hath kept
us. This year much of the wheat is destioyed with blasting
and mildew, as also some other grain, by worms, and the
drought aforementioned ; but the Lord hath sent much rain
for the recovery of the remainder, through his great mercy.*
This year, about the middle of July, Mr. Thomas Prince,
governor of the jurisdiction of Plimouth, Capt. Thomas
Southworth, Mr. John Efiot, sen., Mr. John Eliot, jun., Mr.
Samuel Arnold, Mr. John Holmes, Mr. WUfiam Brimsmead,
and Mr. Thomas Cushman, gave meeting to Mr. Richard
Bourn, of Sandwich, in reference to the taking notice of
what proficiency the Indians, under the instruction of the said
Mr. Bourn, have attained unto, in the knowledge of God in
Christ, and their interest in him by faith ; and to make such
professions or confessions as they should openly make thereof,
to the glory of God, and the satisfaction of the saints, in
order unto their joining into church fellowship.
And the Lord was pleased to come in unto some of them,
so as they gave good satisfaction unto the said honored and
judicious persons forenamed, then assembled, in reference to
the premises ; so that it was concluded by them, that what
had passed from the Indians, in that behalf, should be drawn
up in writing, and copies thereof exhibited to the churches of
the jurisdiction of Plimouth, such of them as are neighboring
near unto them, and if nothing should be then objected, that
then, in due and convenient time, they should be permitted
and encouraged to enter into church fellowship, as aforesaid.
Now, although I doubt not but the passages of these things

* This is the third year in succession, marked by the blasting of the growth
of wheat, a calamity which is first noticed, in the Memorial, in 1664. The
people were discouraged from sowing wheat.

1667.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 209
wUl be, in due time, published by a better pen ; yet I have
made bold here to insert so much as I have been informed of
them, in regard that they are the ffi-st-fruits of the jurisdic
tion of New Pfimouth, that have come on to so good perfec
tion in this kind.
This year, in the month of December, it pleased God to
take unto himself, by death, that worthy servant of Christ,
Mr. WUliam Thompson, who was a fively dispenser of the
word of God, and very affectionate in the delivery thereof
It pleased God to bless his labors to the conversion of many
souls. He was sometime, together with Mr. Knowles, sent
unto Virginia, by the elders of the churches of the Massa
chusetts, being requested by a message, sent by some in
Virginia, for some help in preaching God's word amongst
them. The fruit and benefit of whose labors therein still
remaineth upon the souls of some eminent in this land. He
was elected and ordained to be pastor of the church of Christ
at Brainteee, in New England; in which office he served
Christ many years, untU old age coming upon him, and the
prevaifing of his melancholy distemper, did in a manner
whoUy disable him from that service ; and Satan taking ad
vantage thereby, he was under sad desertions and trouble of
spirit. At which time the reverend elders and others of the
aforesaid jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, were very officious
for his recovery, and, in sense of his sad condition, offered up
many prayers to God for him, and, in God's good time, they
received a gracious answer ; so as, in his weakness and sick
ness, it pleased God to come in unto his soul, and to remove
the cloud of darkness that was upon his spirit, so that with
much peace and comfort he fell asleep in the Lord, and was
honorably buried at Braintree. " Mark the upright man, and
behold the just ; for the end of that man is peace."
1667.
Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen governor of the jurisdic
tion of New Pfimouth. Mr. John Alden, Major Josias Wins
low, Capt. Thomas Southworth, Capt. WUfiam Bradford, Mr.
18*

210 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1667
Thomas Hinkley, Mr. John Freeman, and Mr. Nathaniel
Bacon, were chosen assistants to him in government.
This year, on the last day of November, being the last day
of the next week, there was heard several loud noises, or
reports, as if it had been guns discharged in the air, first one,
distinctly, and in a short time, as it had been a volley of shot
discharged. It was especially heard and observed at Nan
tasket, and related by sundry of them of good credit.
In the spring following, in the beginning of March, there
appeared a sign in the heavens, in the form of a spear, some
thing thicker in the midst than at either end, of a whitish,
bright color ; it was seen, several nights together, in the west,
about an hour within the night ; it stood stooping, and the
one end pointing to the setting of the sun, and so settled
downward, by little and fittle, until it quite vanished, and
descended beneath our horizon. God awaken us that we be
not heedless spectators of his wonderful works.*
This year, the seventh of August, it pleased the Lord to
call home to himself, the reverend, ancient, and godly pastor
of the church at Boston, Mr. John Wilson. He was a ti-uly
reverend and holy man of God. He came to New England
in the year 1630. He was instrumental in the ffi-st begin
nings of the church of Boston, having been the pastor of it
three years before Mr. Cotton, twenty years with him ; ten
years with Mr. Norton, and four years after him ; thirty-seven
in all. And in aU the changes of time that passed over him,
he was fuU of faith and prayer, and eminent for sincerity
and humility, being ever low in his own eyes, and for the
grace of love, he had largeness of heart as the sand of the
sea, to do good to all. He was very charitable where was
any signs and hopes of good ; and yet, withal, very zealous
against known and manifest evUs. He was orthodox in his

* This appearance is supposed to have been the zodiacal light, though
some thought it the tail of a comet which was below the horizon. It was seen
in several other places. All such unusual appearances were supposed to fore
bode evil. No doubt imagination assisted in giving it the spear-pointing
form.

1667.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 211
judgment, and very holy in his conversation. Very few that
ever went out of the world so generally beloved and reverenced
as this good man. He was a good man indeed, and fuU of
the Holy Ghost. He lived to a good old age, and was full
of days, and full of honor, being in the seventy-ninth year of
his age, when the Lord took him to himself. He was interred
with much honor and lamentation.
In the time of his languishing sickness, he was visited by
the elders round about, especiaUy on the sixteenth of May,
the day after the court of election, when there being a general
meeting of all the elders of the churches, at his house, they
requested Mr. Wilson (because they knew not whether ever
they should have the like opportunity to hear him speak
again, and having been, from the first, a pillar amongst them,
and of much experience in his observation of the state of
things) that he would solemnly declare unto them, what he
conceived to be those sins amongst us, which provoked the
displeasure of God against the country. He then told them,
that he had, divers times, and long feared these sins foUowing,
as chief, among others, which God was greatly provoked
with, namely. Separation, Anabaptism, and Korahism.
This latter he did explain thus, namely, when people rise
up as Korah, against then- ministers or elders, as if they took
too much upon them, when, indeed, they do but rule for
Christ, and according to Christ;- yet, saith he, it is nothing
for a brother to stand up, and oppose, without Scripture or
reason, the doctrine and word of the elder, saying, I am not
satisfied, etc., and hence, if he do not like the administration,
be it baptism, or the fike, he wUl then turn his back upon
God and his ordinances, and go away, etc. And, saith he,
for our neglect of baptizing the chUdren of the chhrch, those
that some caU grandchildren, I think God is provoked by it.
Another sin I take to be, the making fight of, and not sub
jecting to the authority of Synods, without which the churches
cannot long subsist. And so for the magistrates being GaUio
like, either not caring for these things, or else not using their
power and authority for the maintenance of the truth, and

212 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1667.
gospel and ordinances of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ,
and for the bearing thorough witness against the eontiary.
Should the Lord leave them hereunto, how miserable a people
should we be !
At night, the assembly being dismissed with prayer, Mr.
Wilson did, (being desired by them so to do,) in a solemn
manner, bless the elders, making a short prayer, saying, " I
am not like long to be with you ; the Lord pardon ns, and
heal us, and make us more heavenly, and take us off fi-om the
world, and make us burning and shining lights, by our
heavenly doctrine and example. And I beseech the Lord,
with all my heart, to bless you, and to bless his churches, and
to bless all his people, and to bless all your famUies, and to
bless your wives, and to bless all your children, and your
children's children ; and make us all more and more meet for
our inheritance, and bring us aU to it in his good time," etc.
These words, with some few other, he spake with great affec
tion, and with tears; and all the ministers wept with him,
and they took their leave of him, even as children of their
father, who having blessed them, was about to die.
Upon the death of that reverend, aged, ever honored, and gracious servant of
Christ, Mr. John Wilson, pastor of a church in Boston. Interred August
8, 1667. Ah ! now there 's none who does not know.
That this day in our Israel,
Is fall'n a great and good man too,
A Prince, I might have said as well :
A man of princely power with God,
For faith and love of princely spirit ;
Our Israel's chariots, horsemen good.
By faith and prayer, though not by merit.
Renown'd for practick piety
In Englands both, from youth to age ;
In Cambridge, Inns-Court, Sudbury,
And each place of his pilgrimage.
As humble as a little child.
When yet in real worth high-grown :
Himself a nothing stiU he stil'd.
When God so much had for him done

1667.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 213
In love, a none-such ; as the sand.
With largest heart God did him fill ;
A bounteous mind, an open hand.
Affection sweet, all sweet'ning still.
Love was his life ; he dy'd in love ;
Love doth embalm his memory ;
Love is his bliss and joy, above
With God now who is love for ay :
A comprehending charity
To all, where ought appear'd of good ;
And yet in zeal waS|jione more high
Against th' apparent serpent's brood.
To truth he ever constant was.
In judgment wond'rous orthodox ;
In truth's cause never fearing face.
As if he were another Knox.
The prelates and their impositions
Did never him conformist make,
But to avoid those superstitions.
Great worldly hopes did he forsake.
When in New England, error's wind
From sundry other quarters blew ;
No one could him conforming find,
Nought from the line of truth him drew.
Firm stood he 'gainst the familist,
And Antinomian spirit strong ;
He never loVd the Sep'ratist,
Nor yet the Anabaptist's throng.
Neither the tolerator's strain.
Nor Quaker's spirit could he brook ;
Nor bow'd to the Morelhan train.
Nor children's right did overlook.
Nor did he slight our liberties.
In civil and in church concerns.
But precious were they in his eyes.
Who stood among their fixed friends.
Grave saint in England twice did give
This farewell word to him ; While you
Shall in that place (New England) live,
No hurt shall happen thereunto.
Strange word, and strangely verify'd !
He this day goes to's grave in peace,
What changes sad shall us betide.
Now he is gone, we cannot guess !
What evil are we hast'ning to !

214 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1667.
Lord spare thy people, but awaken.
When such away do from us go.
That yet we may not be forsaken !
He a first corner-stone was laid
In poor New England's Boston's wall :
Death pulls this out, the breach is wide :
Oh let it not now tumble all !
He 's now at rest and reigns in bliss ;
In conflicts we are left behind.
In fears and straits ; how shall we miss
His faith, prayer, zeal, and peaceful mind.
Lord, pour a double portion
Of his sweet, gracious, pious spirit.
On poor survivors ; let each one
Somewhat thereof at least inherit !
Gains, our host, ah now is gone !
Can we e'er look for such another ?
But yet there is a mansion,
Where we may all turn in together.
No moving inn, but resting-place.
Where his blest soul is gathered ;
Where good men going are a pace
Into the bosom of their Head.
Ay, thither let us haste away.
Sure heaven will the sweeter be,
(If there we ever come to stay)
For him, and others such as he.
J. M.

Upon the death of that most reverend man of God, Mr. John Wilson, pastor of
the first church in Boston, in New England; whose decease tvas August 7,
1667.
JOHN WILSON,
ANAGE.
JOHN WILSON,
Oh change it not ! No sweeter name or thing,
Throughout the world, within our ears shall ring.
Whoso of Abr'am, Moses, Samuel reads.
Or of Elijah, or Elisha's deeds.
Would surely say their spirit and power was his.
And think there were a Metempsychosis,

NEW ENGLAND'S IMEJIORIAL. 215
Yea, like John Baptist in the wilderness.
So was our John in Patmos here, no less.
John, the divine, resembling therefore rather,
And of New England's prophets was the father,
John, the divine, whose hfe a revelation
Of faith and love, and Christ to admiration,
John, the divine, whom Jesus lov'd most dear,
Sweet'ned with leaning on his bosom here :
This is that John, whose death who doth not moan.
Hath sure no heart of flesh, but one of stone.
He had the countries faith, and love, and zeal.
Even grace enough for church and common-weal ;
WTiereby was propt up all the fabrick still.
That else had tumbled down our Sion hUl.
Of meerly men deserving glory more.
You '11 find nor martyr, nor a confessor,
Inspir'd he was with the prophetick spirit
Of all the prophets, which he did inherit.
'Twixt an apostle and evangelist.
His order standeth iu the heavenly list.
If Paul himself among us dead had been.
More tears or sorrow could not have been seen.
They wept not more for this, that they should see
His face no more, than now we mourners be.
For heavenly poems most angelical.
Composing volumes with delight, were all
But gathered up in one, we should espy
Enough to fill an university.
And were another psalm-book made by thee,
(jMictam of John) their title it should be.
As aged John th' apostle us'd to bless
The people, which they judg'd their happiness :
So we did count it worth our pilgrimage
Unto him, for his blessing in his age ;
Yet then, no babe more longing for the breast,
Than he to take within the church his rest.
To have the sincere milk of God's good word,
Which to his soul all comfort did afford.
Not heat, nor cold, nor rain, nor snow, must bar ;
But everywhere becomes an auditor.
Who ever labored in the ministry.
More given, than he, to hospitality ?
To strangers, widows, fatherless, and all ;
To friends and foes he was most liberal.

216 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1668.
Of all his prayers, sermons, travels, pains.
He is ascended heaven to reap the gains.
Oh for a double portion of thy spirit !
No richer treasure would we all inherit.
Mcestus apposuit. T. S.*

1668.
This year it pleased God to visit New England with the
manifestation of his displeasure, by the death of three emi
nent instruments ; the first whereof was that worthy servant
of Christ, Mr. Samuel Shepard, pastor of the church of
Christ in Rowley, in New England, who deceased in the
spring of this year, in the midst of his days, and in the begin
ning of his work in the ministry.! The second, that worthy
man of God, Mr. Henry Flint, teacher of the church of Christ
at Braintree, in New England, who ended his mortal life the
27th of April, in this year ; a man of known piety, gravity,
and integrity, and well accomplished with other qualifications
fit for the work of the ministiy. The third and last, but not
the least, that supereminent minister of the gospel, (rightly
so caUed,) Mr. Jonathan Mitchell, pastor of the church at
Cambridge, in New England, who laid down his earthly
tabernacle on the nuith of July, in this year. Of whose rare
endowments, and the great loss the whole land sustained by
his death, take this following brief account.
Mr. Jonathan Mitchell was born at Halifax, in Yorkshire,
in England, of pious and wealthy parents, who coming over
to New England, brought him over young ; his education in
learning was perfected at Harvard College, in Cambridge,
where he attained to such a degree in knowledge, that he
was soon called to be a fellow of the college, and, within a
* These lines were written by the Rev. Thomas Shepard. — Magnal. iii. 49.
¦\ Mr. Shepard was second son of Rev. Mr. Shepard of Cambridge. He
graduated at Harvard College, in 1658, and was ordained at Rowley, about
six years before his death. — Eliot's Biog. Diet.

1668.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 217
few years after, his lustre did so shine, that the church at
Hartford, upon Connecticut river, made application to him in
order to supply the place of that eminent servant of Christ,
Mr. Thomas Hooker, a little before deceased ; but the church
at Cambridge, (by the advice of their worthy pastor, Mr.
Thomas Shepard, then living,) not wiUing to part with so
great a ti-easure, became competitor with Hartford, and gave
him a call to them. This loving strife, between the two
churches of Hartford and Cambridge, about him, was, in a
short time, decided by the awful hand of God, in the death
of that eminent and glorious star, Mr. Thomas Shepard,
pastor at Cambridge; which place being wholly destitute,
and Hartford being supplied with a teacher, namely, that
worthy of the Lord, Mr. Samuel Stone, the balance was cast
for Cambridge, and in the year 1650, he was called and
ordained their pastor. It was an eminent favor of God to
that church, to have this great breach thus made up, with a
man so much of the spirit and principles of their former pas
tor, and so exceUently quafified with respect to the College :
for, reason and prudence requireth, that the minister of that
place be more than ordinarily endowed with learning, gravity,
wisdom, orthodoxness, ability, sweet and excellent gifts in
preaching, that so the scholars which are devoted and set
apart, in order to be preachers of the gospel, might be seasoned
with the spirit of such an Elijah ; in which regard, this holy
man of God was eminently furnished, and his labors wonder-
fuUy blessed ; for very many of the scholars, bred up in his
time, (as is observed,) do savor of his spirit, for grace and
manner of preaching, which was most attractive. He fived
pastor of the church about eighteen years, and was most in
tense and faithful in declaring much of the counsel of God.
He went through a great part of the body of divinity ; made
a very exceUent exposition of the book of Genesis, and part
of Exodus ; and defivered many fruitful and profitable ser
mons on the four first chapters of John; and, in his monthly
lectures, which were abundantly frequented, he preached of
man's misery by sin, and recovery by Christ Jesus ; and died
in the third part of it, namely, concerning man's obedience in
19

218 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1668.
Christ ; besides many other exceUent truths, by him taught,
upon divers occasions. In all his labors, God was wonder
fully present with him. He was a person that held very near
communion with God ; eminent in wisdom, piety, humUity,
love, self-denial, and of a compassionate and tender heart ;
surpassing in public-spiritedness ; a mighty man in prayer,
and eminent at standing in the gap ; he was zealous for order,
and faithful in asserting the truth, against aU oppugners of it.
In a word, he was a man whom God had richly furnished,
and eminently fitted for his work; fived desired, and died
lamented, by aU good Christians that knew him. It pleased
God upon the ninth of July, 1668, in a hot and burning
season, (but much more hot in the heat of God's anger to
New England,) to take him to rest and glory, about the 43d
year of his age. His race was but short, but the work he did
was very much. The elegies foUowing may give the reader
a further account of what esteem he was.*
Upon the death of that truly godly, reverend, and faithful servant of Clirist,
Mr. Jonathan Mitchell, pastor of the Church at Cambridge, who deceased
Julys, 1668. What shall we say ? Of sad effects what fear ?
Four splendent stars extinguish'd in one year !
Two old, one young, and this of middle age ;
A brightest light, most eyes who did engage,
The Lord in's temple is, earth silence keep ;
Dispute not over bold this judgment deep.
A mourning great, each eye distilUng streams :
Sad sighs and sobs in most men's mouths their themes.
And who can blame it ? for this we well may.
If love, if fear, if temple-shakes bear sway.
The wife hath lost her head, four hopeful stems
A father ; Cambridge too their crowning gems ;
Neighbors, a useful light ; elders, a brother.
Whose head and mouth made him, to most, a father.
Sad Cambridge, when thou lost thy Thomas dear,
God pitied thee, and gave a right compeer ;
* There is an elaborate life of this eminent man in the Magnalla, (iv. 166
-185,) which is faithfully abridged in the History of Cambridge. — Hist. Coll.
viii. 47-51.

1668.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 219
This Jonathan thy Mitchell, one in whom
Was much of el, a Michael judged by some.
Right strong in school, in desk of brightest shine ;
Artist, good linguist, high orthodox divine ;
Of judgment deep ; of memory how large !
Invention quick, grave, pleasant ; who can charge
Thee, in thy theory or practic, with dark fail ?
Humble, sincere, whose love cords did avail.
Much good by him, you Cambridge have received.
He gone, by you his relicts see reliev'd.
A royal quEere, 'twas when Jonathan dead.
And royal act, Jonathan's stems to feed.
E. B.*

To the memory of that learned and reverend 2Ir. Jonathan Mitchell, late min
ister of Cambridge, in New England, interred July 10, 1668.
Quicquid agimus, quicquid patimur venit ex alto.
The country's tears, be ye my spring ; my hiU,
A general grave ; let groans inspire my quill.
With an heart rending sense, drawn from the cries.
Of orphan churches, and the destinies
Of a bereaved house : let children weep.
They scarce know why[; and let the mothers steep
Her lifeless hopes in brine ; the private friend
O'erwhelmed with grief, falter, his comforts end,
By a warm sympathy let fev'rish heat
Roam thi'ough my verse unseen ; and a cold sweat
Limning despair attend me ; sighs diffuse
Convulsions through my language, such as use
To type a gasping fancy ; lastly shroud
Religion's splendor in a mourning cloud.
Replete with vengeance for succeeding times.
Fertile in woes, more fertile in their crimes.
These are my muse, and these inspire the sails
Of fancy with their sighs instead of gales.
Reader, read rev'rend Mitchell's life, and then
Confess the world a Gordian knot again.
Read his tear-delug'd grave, and then decree
Our present woe and future misery ;
* The Rev. Edward Bulkley of Concord, is supposed to be intended by
these initials.

220 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1668.
Stars falling speak a storm. When Samuel dies.
Steel may expect Philistia's cruelties.
So when Jehovah's brighter glory fled
The temple, Israel was captive led.
Geneva's triple light made one divine ;
But here that vast triumvirate combine
By a blest Metempsychosis, to take
One person for their larger Zodiac.
In sacred censures. Parrel's dreadful scroll
Of words, broke from the pulpit to the soul.
(Indulgent parents when they spare, they spoil,
Old wounds need vinegar as well as oil.
Distasteful cates with miseries do suit ;
The Paschal lamb was eat with bitter fruit) ;
In balmy comforts, Viret's genius came
From the wrinkled Alps to woo the western dame ;
And courting Cambridge, quickly took from thence,
Her last degrees of rhetoric and sense.
Calvin's Laconics through his doctrines spread.
And children's children with their manna fed.
His exposition Genesis begun.
And fatal Exodus eclips'd his sun.
Some say that souls of sad presages give ;
Death-breathing sermons taught us last to live.
One sows, another reaps, may truly be.
Our grave instruction and his elegy.
His system of religion half unheard,
Full double in his preaching life appear'd.
Happy that place where rulers deeds appear,
r th' front of battle, and their words I' the rear.
He's gone, to whom his country owes a love.
Worthy the prudent serpent and the dove.
Religion's Panoply, the sinner's terror.
Death summon'd hence sure by writ of error.
The Quaker trembling at his thunder, fled.
And with Caligula resum'd his bed.
He by the motions of a nobler spirit,
Clear'd men, and made their notions swine inherit.
The Munster goblin by his holy flood,
Exorcis'd, like a thin Phantasma stood.
Brown's babel shatter'd by his lightning fell ;
And with confused horror pack'd to hell.
The Scripture with a commentary bound,
(Like a lost calice) in his heart was found.
Wlien he was sick, the air a fever took.
And thirsty Phoebus quaft the silver brook.

1668-] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 221
When dead the spheres in thunder clouds and rain,
Groan'd his elegium, mourn'd and wept our pain,
Let not the brazen Schismatic aspire ;
Lot's leaving Sodom, left them to the fire.
'Tis true, the bee's now dead, but yet his sting,
Death-s to their dronish doctrines yet may brinn-.
EPITAPinUM.
Here lies within tllis comprehensive span.
The churches, courts, and countries Jonathan,
He that speaks Mitchell, gives the schools the lie ;
Friendship in him gain'd an ubiquity.
F. D.
Vivet post funera virtus.

An epitaph upon the deplored death of that supereminent minister of the
gospel, Mr. Jonathan Mitchell.
Here lies the darling of his time,
Mitchell expired in his prime ;
Who four years short of forty-seven.
Was found fuU ripe and pluck'd for heaven.
Was ftiU of prudent zeal and love.
Faith, patience, wisdom from above ;
New England's stay, next age's story ;
The churches gem ; the college glory.
Angels may speak him ; ah ; not I,
(Whose worth's above Hyperbole)
But for our loss, wer't in my power,
I 'd weep an everlasting shower. J. S.'
A fourth minister that died this year was Mr. John Efiot,
jun., born at Roxbury, in New England, eldest son of the Rev.
Mr. John Efiot, teacher of the church there. He was educated
at Cambridge, in the Latin school, and in the CoUege, until
he became master of arts ; and a few years after was called
to be pastor of a church within the bounds of Cambridge,
upon the south side of Charles river. He was a person excel
lently endowed, and accompfished with gifts of nature, learn-

* Probably Eev. John Sherman, minister of Watertown.
19*

222 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1668.
ing, and grace; of comely proportion, ruddy complexion,
cheerful countenance ; of quick apprehension, sofid judgment,
excellent prudence ; learned both in tongues and arts for one
of his time, and studiously intense in acquiring more knowl
edge. His abUities and acceptation in the ministry did excel ;
his piety, faith, love, humifity, self-denial, and zeal, did emi
nently shine upon all occasions. He had (under the conduct
of his father) by his dUigence, industry, and zeal, (for the
good of souls,) attained to such skiU in the Indian language,
that he preached to the Indians sundry years ; traveUing many
miles in a day once a fortnight, to dispense the gospel to them.
The Indians have often said, that his preaching to them was
precious and desirable ; and consequently their loss, and the
obstruction in that work, much to be lamented. In a word,
there was so much of God in him, that aU the wise and godly
who knew him, loved and honored him in the Lord, and
bewailed his death ; which fell upon the 13th day of October,
1668, and of his age about thirty-five years.
I shaU close up this small history with a word of advice to
the rising generation, that as now their godly predecessors
have had large experience of the goodness and faithfulness of
God, for the space of near forty-six years, (some of them,)
and have passed under various dispensations, sometimes under
great afflictions, otherwhile the sun shining upon their taber
nacles in ways of peace and prosperity ; and yet notwith
standing, through the grace of Christ, the most of them have
held their integrity in his ways ; that so, such as succeed them
would follow their examples so far as they have foUowed
Christ ; that it might not be said of them, as it is to be feared
it may be, by what yet appears amongst many of them, that
indeed God did once plant a noble vine in New England, but
it is degenerated into the plant of a strange vine, Jer. ii. 21.
It were well that it might be said that the rising generation
did serve the Lord aU the days of such as in this our Israel
are as Joshua's amongst us. Josh. xxiv. 31. And the elders
that over-fived him, which have known all the works of the
Lord, which he hath done for their fathers. But if yet, not-

1668.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORLAL. 223
withstanding, afterwards, such shaU forget, and not regard
those, his great works, here presented before them, besides
many more, that I hope by some others may come to their
view ; be they assured, he wiU destroy them, and not build
them up, Psal. xxvifi. 5. Oh, therefore, let the truly godly
in this land, be incited by the example of Moses, as the mouth
of the church, to pray earnestly and incessantly unto the Lord,
that his work may yet appear to his servants, and his glory
unto their chUdren, Psal. xc. 16 ; Isa. xfiv. 3, 4. And that he
would pour out his spirit upon his church and people in New
England, and his blessing upon their offspring, that they may
spring up as among the grass, and as the wiUows by the water
courses; that so great occasion there may be thereby of
taldng notice thereof in succeeding generations, to the praise
and glory of God. So be it.

SUPPLEMENT TO
NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL,
BY ANOTHER HAND.*

1669.
This year, 1669, was rendered sorrowful and remarkable,
by the death of Capt. Thomas Southworth, who, fuU of faith
and comfort, expired at Pfimouth, December the 8th, being
about fifty-three years old, after he had served God in his
generation, faithfuUy, both in a pubfic, and private station.
Thomas Prince, Esq., was again chosen governor of this
colony for this year, and so annually to the year 1672 ; and,
March 29, 1673, finished his course, in the seventy-third year
of his life ; having been a worthy, pious gentleman, and very
capable of the office of governor, which he sustained about
eighteen years, being therein a terror to evU doers, and an
encourager of those that did weU ; and was honorably interred
at Pfimouth, AprU 8, 1673.
To whom succeeded as governor, at the next election, June
3, 1673, the Hon. Josias Winslow, Esq., son of the same

* The author of this Supplement, was the Hon. Josiah Cotton, of Plymouth,
son of the Rev. John Cotton, sometime minister of that town. His mother,
Joanna, was a daughter of Dr. Brian Rossiter, of Guilford, in Connecticut.
He graduated, at Harvard CoUege, in 1698, and died in 1756, aged 77.

226 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. " [1669.
Governor Winslow, in whose time, namely, June 24, 1675,
broke out the Indian war by Phifip, chief sachem of Pocka-
nockett, afias Mount Hope, wherein God, for our sins, was
pleased to render the Indians a great scourge to his people in
this, and the other colonies of New England, both in their
persons and estates. The war being attended with the usual
barbarity of the heathen, burning of houses, murdering of
men, women, and chUdren ; desolation of towns and settle
ments ; tedious and terrible captivities, and continual fears
and dangers ; the Indians spreading themselves far and near,
and effecting with their hands the revenge and mafice of their
hearts, untU that God Almighty regarding our prayers, and
succeeding our endeavors, put a stop unto the outiages of the
heathen, in the year 1676, when PhiUp, the perfidious aggres
sor in the war, was slain on his own plantation near Mount
Hope, (now Bristol,) by one of his own countiymen ; and
others who had a great hand in our distiesses, brought to con
dign punishment, or forced to fly their own country.
Thus God preserved the vine, which his own right hand
had planted, and has enlarged om borders, by giving to us the
heritage of the heathen, which they justly forfeited by their
unreasonable rebelfion.
Oh ! that the people of this, and the other colonies, would
praise the Lord for his goodness, and wonderful works unto
them, that so he may not be provoked to kindle such a fire
amongst them.
But a more particular account of this war has been faith
fuUy recorded by the Rev. Mr. Hubbard, and Dr. Increase
Mather, and others, to which I refer the reader.
This Governor Winslow was annuaUy chosen to that office
to the year 1680 ; and in December, 1680, after many escapes
in perUous fights and dangerous voyages, death arrested him,
at his seat in Marshfield, within the jurisdiction of New
Pfimouth, in the fifty-second year of his age. He was a
worthy and weU-accomplished gentleman, deservedly beloved
by the people, being a tone friend to their just fiberties, gen
erous, facetious, affable, and sincere, qualities incident to the
famUy.

1669.] NEW ENGLAND'S IMEMORIAL. 227
In 1681, June 7th, Thomas Hinckley, Esq., was chosen
governor, and by annual election, continued to 1686.
In the year 1685, the government being much enlarged
through the divine benediction upon their labor and industiy ;
the colony was divided into three counties, namely. The
county of Pfimouth, of which the shire town is Pfimouth.
The county of Barnstable, the shire town Barnstable.
The county of Bristol, Bristol being the shire town.
In the county of Pfimouth, are now ten towns, namely,
Plymouth, Duxbury, Marshfield, Scituate, Bi-idgewater,Abing-
ton, Pembroke, Plimpton, Middleborough, and Rochester.
In the county of Barnstable, are eight towns, namely.
Sandwich, Barnstable, Yarmouth, Harwich, Eastham, Truro,
Falmouth, and Chatham.
Li the county of Bristol, are twelve towns, namely, Bristol,
Rehoboth, Swanzey, Taunton, Dighton, Norton, Barrington,
Freetown, Tiverton, Dartmouth, Little Compton, and Attle-
borough. In December, 1686, Sir Edmund Andross an-ived at Boston
with a large commission from his Majesty, King James the
Second, comprehending the governments of the Massachu
setts, Pfimouth, Rhode Island, Connecticut, etc., who con
tinued our governor tiU the happy and glorious Revolution
under King WiUiam and Queen Mary of blessed memory.
In AprU, 1689, Sir Edmund Andross being dismissed from
his government, each colony reassumed their former powers,
and Mr. Hinckley was annuaUy elected governor to the year
1691. Our last election of governor, deputy governor, and assist
ants, being June 2, 1691, the said Mr. Hinckley was chosen
governor, and WiUiam Bradford, Esq., deputy governor, John
Freeman, Daniel Smith, Barnabas Lothrop, John Thatcher,
John Walley, John Cushing, assistants^; and Mr. Samuel
Sprague, secretary.
And note, that Constant Southworth, James Brown, and
James Cudworth, first chosen, between the year 1670 and
1675, assistants in government, are the only assistants, whose

NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1669.
names are not mentioned in this book, and therefore here
inserted. In the year 1690, was the unsuccessful attempt on Canada,
in which Plimouth bore its part both of charge and loss.
And in the same year the Massachusetts sending over
their agents to England, with whom went the Rev. Mr.
Ichabod WiswaU from Plimouth Colony, obtained of King
WiUiam and Queen Mary, a charter, containing many valu
able privileges, wherein Plimouth (with some other addi
tions) was united to the Massachusetts, and incorporated into
one real province, by the name of the Massachusetts Bay,
in New England ; the King reserving to himself and succes
sors, the power of appointing governor, lieutenant-governor,
and secretary ; and, consonant to this new constitution. Sir
William Phips, knight, being commissioned our first governor,
arrived at Boston with the new charter. May, 1692 ; under
which constitution we have ever since continued.

GOY. BRADFORD'S HISTORT

PLYMOUTH COLONY.

20

For a more complete account of the church which went into exile in
Holland, and its pilgrimage to Plymouth, we here give such portions of Gov.
Bradford's History, found upon the church records at Plymouth, as are not
found in the preceding pages of the Memorial.

MORTO'N'S PREFACE.

Christian Reader: —
I have looked at it as a duty incumbent on me to commit
to writing the first beginnings and after progress of the Church
of Christ at Plymouth in New England ; forasmuch as I
cannot understand that there is any thing particularly extant
concerning it, and almost aU the members of the said church,
both elders and others, being deceased, by whom inteUigence
of matters in that behalf might be procured. I dare not
charge the reverend elders of that church who are gone to
their rest, with any neglect on that behalf; for when they
were in HoUand, they were necessitated to defend the cause
of Christ by writing against opposites of several sorts ; so as
such like employs, together with the constant and faithful
discharge of the duties of their offices, probably took up the
greatest part of their time ; and since the church parted, and
a considerable part thereof came unto this going down of
the sun, it might be neglected partly on the account that
divers writings, some whereof being put forth in print, did
point at and in a great measure discriminate the affairs of
the church ; forasmuch as then the small commonwealth, in
our first beginning at New Plymouth, consisted mostly of
such as were members of the church which was first begun
and afterwards carried on in Leyden, in Holland, for about
the space of twelve years, and continued and carried on at
Plymouth, in New England, a small part whereof remaineth

232 MORTON'S PREFACE.
untU this day. If any thing was done on this kind by those
worthy leaders, I suppose the blame is rather to be laid on
those which had the first view of their studies, and had their
books and writings in custody after their decease ; for I am
persuaded that such was their faithfulness and prudence, as
that they did not whoUy neglect this matter.
Some years since it pleased God to put an impulse upon
my spirit to do something in a historical way concerning New
England, more especially with respect to the Colony of New
Plymouth ; which was entitled " New England's Memorial ; "
in which I occasionally took notice of God's great and
gracious work in erecting so many churches of Christ in this
wUderness. But it was judged by some that were judicious
that I was too sparing and short in that behalf; the consider
ation whereof put me on thought of recollecting something
more particularly relating to the church of Plymouth. But
it pleased the Lord so to dispose, that having accomplished
my desires, some time after the finishing of this work I was
solicited to lend it to a reverend friend at Boston, where it
•was burned in the first fire that was so destructive at Boston,
in the year 1676. Yet, notwithstanding, I have, through the
goodness of God, crowded through many difficulties to
achieve it the second time ; and, for that end, did once again
repair to the study of my much honored uncle, WUliam
Bradford, Esquire, deceased, for whose care and faithfulness
in such fike respects we stand bound ; as firstly and mostly
to the Lord, so secondarily to him and his, whose labors in
such respect might fitly have been published to the world, had
they not been involved in and amongst particulars of other
nature. Gentle reader, I humbly crave thy patience, and acceptance
of this smaU tieatise, so as to read it over considerately;
wherein so doing thou wilt discern much of the goodness,
mercy, and power of God ; who as at the first brought this
fabric of the world out of the womb of nothing, hath brought
so many famous churches of Christ out of so smaU begin
nings ; with many other useful considerations that thou

MORTON'S PREFACE. 233
mayest meet with in the serious perusal thereof. So leav
ing thee and this smaU work to the blessing of the only
wise God, I remain thine in Christ Jesus,
Nathaniel Morton.
Plymouth, in New England, January ISth, 1680.

20'

INTRODUCTION.

AN INTRODUCTION TO THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF THE
CHURCH OF CHRIST AT PLYMOUTH, IN NEW
ENGLAND, AS FOLLOWETH.*
It is weU known to the godly and judicious, how that ever
since the first brealdng out of the fight of the gospel in
our honorable nation of England, — which was the first of
nations whom the Lord adorned therewith, after that gross
darkness of Popery, which had covered and overspread the
Christian world, — what wars and oppositions ever since
Satan hath *raised, maintained, and continued against the
saints from time to time, in one sort or other ; sometimes by
bloody death and cruel torments, otherwhiles imprisonments,
banishments, and other hard usages ; as being loth his king
dom should go down, the tiuth prevail, and the churches of
God revert to their ancient purity, and recover their primitive
order, liberty, and beauty. But when he could not prevaU by
these means against the main truths of the gospel, but that
they began to take rooting in many places, being watered
with the blood of the martyrs and blessed from heaven with
a gracious increase ; he then began to take him to his ancient
stratagems, used of old against the first Christians ; that when
by the bloody and barbarousness of the heathen emperors he
could not stop and subvert the course of the gospel, but that
* This was originally penned by Mr. William Bradford, governor of New
Plymouth. — Side note by Morton.

236 INTRODUCTION. [1553-1558.
it speedily overspread with a wonderful celerity to the then
best known parts of the world, he then began to sow enrors,
heresies, and wonderful desertions amongst the professors
themselves, working upon their pride and ambition, with
other corrupt passions incident to aU mortal men, yea to the
saints themselves in some measure ; by which woful effects
foUowed, as not only bitter contentions and heart-burnings,
schisms, with other horrible confusions, but Satan took occa
sion and advantage thereby to foist in a number of vUe cere
monies, with many unprofitable canons and decrees, which
have since been as snares to many peaceable poor souls even
to this day; so, as in the ancient times the persecution by the
heathen and their emperors was not greater than of the Chris
tians, one against another, the Arians' and other their accom
plices' against the orthodox and true Christians (as witnesseth
Socrates in his second book, saith he) " was no less than that
of old practised towards the Christians when they were com
pelled and drawn to sacrifice to idols ; for many endured sun
dry kinds of torments, others racking, and dismembering of
then- joints, confiscating of then- goods, some bereaved of their
native soil, others departed this fife under the hands of the
the tormentor, and some died in banishment, and never saw
their countiy again."
The like method Satan hath seemed to hold in these latter
times, since the truth began to spring and spread after the
great defection made by Antichrist, the Man of Sin. For to
let pass the many examples in sundry nations, in several
places of the world, and instances of our own, when as the old
serpent could not prevail by those fiery flames, and other his
cruel tragedies, which he by his insti-uments put in ure every
where in the days of Queen Mary and before, he then began
another kind of war, and went more closely to work, not only
to oppugn, but even to ruinate and destioy the kingdom of
Christ by more secret and subtile means, by kindling the
flames of contention and sowing the seeds of discord and bit
ter enmity amongst the professors and seeming reformed them
selves. For when he could not prevail by the former means
against the principal doctiines of faith, he bent his force

1553-1558.] INTRODUCTION. 237
against the holy discipline and outward regimen of the king
dom of Christ, by which those holy doctrines should be con
firmed, and ti-ue piety maintained amongst the saints and
people of God.
Mr. Fox recordeth how that, besides those worthy martyrs
and confessors which were burned in Queen Mary's days,
and otherwise tormented, many, both students and others,
fled out of the land, to the number of eight hundred, and be
came several congregations at Wesel, Frankfort, Basle, Em-
den, Markpurge, Stiasburg, and Geneva, etc. Amongst
whom, especiaUy those at Frankfort, began a bitter war of
contention and persecution about the ceremonies and service-
book, and other popish and antichristian stuff, the plague of
England to this day, which are like the high places in Israel
which the prophets cried out against, and were their ruin ;
which the better part sought, according to the purity of the
gospel, to root out and utterly destroy, and the other part,
under veiled pretences, for their own ends and advancement,
sought as stiffly to continue, maintain, and defend ; as ap-
peareth by the Discourse thereof published in print anno 1575,
a book that deserves better to be known and considered than
it is.* The one side labored to have the right Avorship of
God and discipline of Christ established in the church accord
ing to the simplicity of the gospel, without the mixture of
men's inventions, and to have and to be ruled by the laws of
God's word, dispensed in those offices and by those officers of
pastors and teachers and elders, according to the Scriptures.
The other party, though under many colors and pretences,
endeavored to have the episcopal dignity, after the popish
manner, with their large power and jurisdiction, still retained,
with aU those court canons and ceremonies, together with all
* "A Brief Discourse of the troubles begun at Frankfort, in Germany, anno
Domini 1554, about the Book of Common Prayer and Ceremonies, and con
tinued by the Englishmen there to the end of Queen Mary's reign ; in the
which Discourse the gentle reader shall see the very original and beginning
of all the contention that hath been, and what was the cause of the same.
1575." Two editions of this book are iu the Library of the Mass. Hist.
Society.

238 , INTRODUCTION. [1558.
such livings, revenues, and subordinate officers, with other
such means as formerly upheld their antichristian greatness,
and enabled them with lordly and tyrannous power to perse
cute the poor servants of God.
This contention was so great, as neither the honor of God,
the common persecution, nor the mediation of Mr. Calvui
and other worthies of the Lord in those places, could prevaU
with those thus episcopaUy minded ; but they proceeded by
ill means to disturb the peace of this poor persecuted church,
so far as to charge very unjustly and ungodlUy (yet prelate
like) some of then- chief opposers with rebelfion and high
treason against the Emperor, and other such crimes. And
this contention died not with Queen Mary, nor was left be
yond the seas. But at her death, these people returning into
England, under gracious Queen Elizabeth, many of them
preserved aspired to bishoprics and other promotions, accord
ing to their aims and desfi-es ; so that inveterate hatred against
the holy discipfine of Christ in his church hath continued to
this day ; insomuch that, for fear it should prevaU, aU plots
and devices have been used to keep it out, incensing the
Queen and State against it as dangerous to her common
wealth ; and that it was most needful for the fundamental
points of religion should be preached in those ignorant and
superstitious times, and to win the weak and ignorant, they
might retain divers harmless ceremonies ; and though it were
to be wished that divers things were reformed, yet this was
not a season for it ; and many the like, to stop the mouths of
the more godly, to bring them on to yield to one ceremony
after another and one corruption after another ; by these wiles
beguUing some and corrupting others, untU at length they
began to persecute all the zealous professors in the land, (al
though they knew fittle what this discipline meant), both by
word and deed, if they would not submit to their ceremonies
and become slaves to them and then- popish trash, which have
no ground in the word of God, but are relics of the man of
sin. And the more the light of the gospel grew, the more
they urged their subscriptions to these corruptions, so as not
withstanding all their former pretences and fair colors, they

1558.] INTRODUCTION. 239
whose eyes God had not justiy blinded might easUy see
whereto these things tended. And to cast contempt the more
upon the sincere servants of God, they opprobriously and
most injuriously gave unto and imposed upon them that name
of Puritans,* which is said the Novatians, out of pride, did
assume and take unto themselves. And lamentable it is to
see the effects which have followed. Religion hath been dis
graced, the godly grieved, afflicted, persecuted, and many ex
iled ; sundry have lost their lives in prisons and other ways.
On the other hand, sin hath been countenanced, ignorance,
profaneness, and atheism increased, the Papists encouraged
to hope again for a day.
This made that holy man Mr. Perkins cry out in his Ex
hortation unto Repentance, on Zephaniah ii., " Religion,"
saith he, " hath been amongst us this thirty-five years. But
the more it is pubfished, the more it is contemned and re
proached of many, etc. Thus not profaneness nor wicked
ness, but refigion itself is a byword, a mocking-stock, and
matter of reproach, so that in England at this day, the man
or woman that begins to profess refigion and to serve God,
must resolve with himself to sustain mocks and injuries, even
as though he fived amongst the enemies of refigion ; and this
common experience hath been too apparent."
But before I pass on, I cannot omit an observation worthy
to be noted, which was observed by the author, namely, Mr.
WiUiam Bradford, as foUoweth.
Saith he : FuU fittle did I think that the downfaU of the
bishops, with their courts, canons, and ceremonies, had been
so near when I first began this writing, which was about the
year 1630, and so pieced at leisure times afterwards, or that
I should have lived to have seen or heard of the same. But
it is the Lord's doing, and ought to be marveUous in our eyes.
" Every plant which mine heavenly father hath not planted,"

* A writer quoted by Prince, says, " they are called Puritans who would
have the church thoroughly reformed ; that is, purged from all those inven
tions which have been brought into it since the age of the Apostles, and re
duced entirely to the Scripture purity." See Prince, p. 282-307.

240 INTRODUCTION. [1558.
saith our Saviour, " shaU be rooted up." Matt. xv. 13. " I
have snared thee, and thou art taken, O Babel, (bishops,) and
thou wast not aware : thou art found and also caught, because
thou hast striven against the Lord." Jer. 1. 24. But wiU
they needs strive against the truth, against the servants of the
Lord, what ! and against the Lord himself ? Do they provoke
the Lord to anger ? Are they strongeir than he ? 1 Cor. x.
22. No, no, they have met with their match. Behold, I
come against thee, O proud men, saith the Lord God of
hosts ; for thy day is coming, even the time that I wffl visit
thee. Jer. 1. 31. May not the people of God now say, and
these poor people among the rest. The Lord hath brought
forth our righteousness ; come, let us declare in Zion the work
of the Lord our God. Jer. li. 10. Let aU flesh be stiU
before the Lord, for he is raised up out of his holy place.*
Zech. u. 13.
This poor people may say among the thousands of Israel,
When the Lord brought again the captivity of Zion, we were
like them that dream. The Lord hath done great things for
us, whereof we rejoice. They that sow in tears shaU reap in
joy. They went weeping and carried precious seed ; but they
shall return with joy, and bring their sheaves. Ps. exxvi. 1-6.
Do ye not now see the fruits of your labors, O aU ye ser
vants of the Lord that have suffered for his truth, and have
been faithful witnesses of the same? And ye fittle handful
amongst the rest, the least amongst the thousands of Israel ?
You have not had a seedtime, but many of you have seen a
joyful harvest. Should ye not then rejoice, yea, again, rejoice,
and say, HaUelujah! salvation, and glory, and honor, and
power, be to the Lord our God ; for true and righteous are
his judgments. Rev. xix. 1, 2.
But thou wilt ask. What is the matter ? What is done ? —
Why, art thou a stranger in Israel, that thou shouldest not
know what is done ? Are not those Jebusites overcome, that

* This elevation of spirit was a considerable time after the first penning
of these writings, but here entered because of the suitableness of the matter
going before it. — Morton's Note.

1558.] INTRODUCTION. 241
have vexed the people of Israel so long, even holding Jerusa
lem even untU David's days, and been as thorns in their sides
so many ages, and now began to scorn that not any David
should meddle with them ; they began to fortify their tower,
as that of the old Babylonians. But these proud Anakims
are now thrown down, 20^ their glory laid in the dust. The
tyrannous bishops are ejected, their courts dissolved, their
canons forceless, their service-books cashiered, their ceremo
nies useless and despised, their plots for Popery prevented,
and aU their superstitions discarded, and returned to Rome,
from whence they came ; and the monuments of idolatry
rooted out of the land, and the proud and profane supporters
and cruel defenders of these, as bloody papists, wicked
atheists, and their mafignant consorts, marvellously over
thrown. And are not these great things ? Who can deny it ?
But who hath done it ? Even he that sitteth on the white
horse, who is called Faithful and True, and judgeth and
fighteth righteously, whose garments are dipped in blood, and
his name was«called The Word of God; for he shall rule
them with a rod of iron ; for it is he that treadeth the wine
press of the fierceness and wrath of God Almighty ; and he
hath upon his garment and upon his thigh a name written,
The King of Kings and Lord of Lords. HaUelujah ! Rev.
xix. 11, 15 ; Anno Dom. 1646.
See how this holy man's spirit was elevated and his heart
raised up in praising of the Lord in consideration of the
downfaU of the proud prelacy ; as he and many more of the
saints had good reason, who felt the smart of their bitter and
cruel tyranny ; who are, indeed, a limb of Antichrist. And
if the generafity of the saints had been thus sensible of this
great and marveUous work of God, possibly that proud hie
rarchy had not got up so soon again as they have done, soon
after this good* man's departure out of this world! Never
theless, we doubt not but that God wiU bring them down in
his good time. For undoubtedly all those that will not that
the Lord Jesus should reign over them, but instead thereof
exercise, an usurped lordly power over the poor saints of God,
21

242 INTRODUCTION. [1558.
shaU be brought and slain before him, and (without repent
ance) shaU, together with the beast and false prophet, be
thrown into the lake burning with fire and brimstone. Rev.
xix. 20. When Babylon cometh into remembrance before
God, then shall the saints with the angel say. Thou art just
and holy, because thou hast judg^ these things; for they,
namely, the whore of Rome (and the prelates their adherents),
have shed the blood of thy saints. Give them blood to drink ;
for they are worthy. Rev. xvi. 5, 6.
The exordium being concluded, I shaU come more nearer
my intended purpose, namely, in reference unto the church of
Christ at Plymouth in New England, first begun in Old Eng
land, and carried on in HoUand and at Plymouth aforesaid.

CHAPTER I.

BEGINNING OP THE PILGRIM MOVEMENT.
When, by the travail and dUigence of some godly and
zealous preachers, and God's blessing on their labors, as in
other places of the land, so in the north parts, many became
enfightened by the word of God, and had their ignorance and
sins discovered by the word of God's grace, and began, by his
grace, to reform their fives and make conscience of their ways,
the work of God was no sooner manifest in them, but pres
ently they were both scoffed and scorned by the profane mul
titude, and the ministers urged with the yoke of subscription,
or else must be silenced ; and the poor people were so vexed
with apparrators and pursuivants and the Commission Courts,
as truly their affliction was not small. Which, notwithstand
ing, they bare sundry years with much patience, until they
were occasioned, by the continuance and increase of these
troubles, and other means which the Lord raised up in those
days, to see further into these things by the light of the word
of God ; how that not only those base beggarly ceremonies
were unlawful, but also that the lordly tyrannous power of
the prelates ought not to be submitted to, which those con
trary to the freedom of the gospel would load and burden
men's consciences with, and by their compulsive power make
a profane mixture of persons and things in the worship of
God ; and that their offices and callings, courts and canons,
etc., were unlawful and antichristian, being such as have no

244 THE PILGRIMS PERSECUTED. [1603.
warrant in the word of God, but the same that were used in
Popery, and stiU retained; of which a famous author thus
writeth in his Dutch commentaries : —
" At the coming of King James out of Scotland into Eng
land, the new king," saith he, " found there established the re
formed religion, according to the reformed religion of King Ed
ward the Sixth, retaining or keeping stUl the spiritual state of
the bishops, etc., after the old manner, much varying and differ
ing from the Reformed Churches of Scotland, France, and
the Netherlands, Emden, Geneva, etc., whose reformation is
cut or shapen much nearer the first churches, as it was used
in the Apostles' times." *
So many, therefore, of these professors as saw the evU of
these things in these parts, and whose hearts the Lord had
touched with heavenly zeal for his truth, they shook off this
yoke of antichristian bondage, and, as the Lord's free people,
joined themselves, (by a covenant of the Lord,) into a church
estate, in the fellowship of the gospel, to waUi in aU his ways,
made known, or to be made known unto them, according to
their best endeavors, whatsoever it should cost them.-j- And
that it cost them much pains, trouble, sorrow, affliction, and
persecution, and expense of their estates, etc., this ensuing
history will declare.
These people became two distinct bodies or churches, in
regard of distance of place, and did congregate severally, for
they were of several towns and villages, some in Nottingham
shire, some in Lancashire, J and some of Yorkshire, where they
bordered nearest together. In the one of these churches, be
sides others of note, was Mr. John Smith, a man of able gifts,
and a good preacher, who afterwards was chosen their pastor.
But these afterwards falling into some errors in the lo^v
* The Reformed Churches shapen much nearer the primitive pattern than
England ; for they cashiered the bishops, with their court canons and cere
monies at the first, and left them amongst the Popish trash to which they
appertain. — Morton's Note.
t See pages 9 and 10.
f Prince has it Lincolnshire, which is probably correct.

1606.] THE PILGRIMS PERSECUTED. 245
countries, there for the most part buried themselves and their
names.* But in this other church, which must be the subject of our
discourse, besides other worthy men, was Mr. Richard Clifton,
a grave and reverend preacher, who by his pains and diligence
had done much good, and under God had been a means of
the conversion of many ; and also that famous and worthy
man, Mr. John Robinson, who afterwards was their pastor
for many years, untU the Lord took him away by death ; and
also Mr. William Brewster, a reverend man, who afterwards
was chosen an elder of the church, and fived with them until
old age and death.
But, after these things, they could not long continue in any
peaceable manner, but were hunted and persecuted on every
side, so as their former afflictions were but as molehills to
mountains in comparison to these which now came upon
them. For some were taken and clapped up in prisons, others
had their houses beset and watched night and day, and hardly
escaped their hands ; and the most were fain to fly and leave
then- houses and habitations, and the means of their fivelihood.
Yet these, and many other sharper things which afterward be-

* Rev. Joseph Hunter, F. S. A., a distinguished antiquarian, says, in re
gard to the precise locality, that after a diligent scrutiny, he finds no place
that answers this definition exactly except Scrooby, in Nottinghamshire, and
the principal mansion of that village, the house which had been for centuries
a palace of the Archbishop of York, but which was in those days held under
one of the many leases of Episcopal lands, granted by Archbishop Sandys.
No spot could better answer to Bradford's description than this. And that
no hesitation may remain on this point, we find a Brewster assessed to a sub
sidy, granted to Queen Elizabeth on the township of Scrooby-cum-Rauskill,
and that in 1608, when a fine was imposed upon William Brewster, by the
commissioners for ecclesiastical causes, he is described as being of Scrooby.
A collateral evidence is, that the village of Austerfield, the birthplace and
residence of William Bradford, is within two or three miles of Scrooby ; and
Bradford we know became a convert from listening to the preaching of
Clyfton, who was the leading pastor of this little congregation. The soul of
this small, but ever famous confederacy, says a late writer, was William
Bkewstek. We may add, that his excellent spirit and influence were alike
exhibited in William Bradford. 21*

246 RESOLVED TO GO INTO HOLLAND. [1607.
fel them, were no other than they looked for, and therefore
were the better prepared to bear them by the assistance of
God's grace and spirit. Yet seeing themselves thus molested
and that there was no hope of their continuance there, by a
joint consent they resolved to go into the low countries, where
they heard was freedom of refigion for all men, as also how
sundry fi:om London and other parts of the land, that had
been exiled and persecuted for the same cause, were gone
thither, and lived at Amsterdam, and in other places of the
land. So after they had continued together about a year, and
kept their meetings every Sabbath in one place or another,
exercising the worship of God amongst themselves, notwith
standing all the difigence and malice of their adversaries,
they seeing they could no longer continue in that condition,
they resolved to get over into HoUand, as they could, which
was in the year 1607 and 1608 ; of which more in that which
foUoweth.

CHAPTER II.

OF THEIR DEPARTURE INTO HOLLAND, AND THEIR TROUBLES
THEREABOUT, WITH SOME OP THE MANY DIEEICULTIES THEY
POUND AND MET WITHAL.
Being thus constiained to leave their native country, their
lands and fivings, and all their friends and familiar acquaint
ance, it was much, and thought marveUous by many. But
to go into a countiy they knew not, but by hearsay, where
they must learn a new language, and get their livings they
knew not how, it being a dear place, and subject to the
miseries of war, it was by many thought an adventure almost
desperate, a case intolerable, and a misery worse than death ;
especiaUy seeing they were not acquainted with trades nor
traffic, (by which the country doth subsist,) but had only been
used to a plain countiy life and the innocent trade of hus
bandry. But these things did not dismay them, (although
they did sometimes trouble them,) for their desires were set
on the ways of God, and to enjoy his ordinances. But they
rested on his providence, and knew whom they had believed.
Yet this was not all. For although they could not stay, yet
were they not suffered to go ; but the ports and havens were
shut against them, so as they were fain to seek secret means
of conveyance, and to fee the mariners, and give extraordi
nary rates for their passages. And yet were they oftentimes
betrayed, many of them, and both they and their goods inter
cepted and surprised, and thereby put to great trouble and
charge ; of which I wiU give an instance or two, and omit
the rest.

248 THE PILGRIMS IMPRISONED. [1608.
There was a great company of them purposed to get pas
sage at Boston, in Lincolnshire ; and for that end had hired
a ship wholly to themselves, and made agreement with the
master to be ready at a certain day, and take them and their
goods in at a convenient place, where they accordingly would
all attend in readiness. So after long waiting and large ex
penses, though he kept not the day with them, yet he came
at length, and took them in, in the night. And when he had
them and their goods aboard, he betiayed them, having before
hand complotted -with the searchers and other officers so to
do ; who took them and put them into open boats, and there
rifled and ransacked them, searching them to their shirts for
money, yea, even the women, further than became modesty ;
and then carried them back into the town, and made them a
spectacle and wonderment to the multitude, which came
flocking on aU sides to behold them. Being thus by the
catchpole officers rifled and stripped of their money, books,
and much other goods, they were presented to the magistrates,
and messengers sent to inform the Lords of the CouncU of
them ; and so they were committed to ward. Indeed, the
magistrates used them courteously, and showed them what
favor they could ; but could not deliver them untU order came
from the Council table. But the issue was, that after a
month's imprisonment the greatest part were dismissed, and
sent to the places from whence they came ; but some of the
principal [men] were stiU kept in prison, and bound over to the
assizes. The next spring after, there was another attempt made, by
some of these and others, to get over at another place ; and
it so fell out that they fighted of a Dutchman at Hull, having
a ship of his own belonging to Zealand. They made agree
ment with him, and acquainted him with their condition,
hoping to find more faithfulness in him than in the former,
of their own nation. He bade them not fear ; for he would
do well enough. He was by appointment to take them in
between Grimsby and HuU, where was a large common, a
good way distant from any town. Now against the prefixed
time, the women and children, with the goods, were sent to

1608.] SECOND EMBAfKATION AND STORM. 249
the place in a smaU bark, which they had hired for that end,
and the men were to meet them by land. But it so fell out
that they were there a day before the ship came ; and the sea
being rough, and the women very sick, prevailed with the
seamen to put into a creek hard by, where they lay on ground
at low water. The next morning the ship came ; but they
were fast, and could not stir untU about noon. In the mean
time, the shipmaster, perceiving how the matter was, sent his
boat to be getting the men aboard, whom he saw walking
about the shore. But after the first boat-fuU was got aboard,
and she was ready to go for more, the master espied a great
company, both horse and foot, with biUs and guns and other
weapons ; for the country was raised to take them. The
Dutchman seeing that, swore his country's oath (" sacra
ment ") and having the wind fair, weighed his anchor, hoisted
saUs, and away.
But the poor men which were got on board were in great
distiess for their wives and children, which they saw thus to
be taken, and were left destitute of their helps, and themselves
also not having a cloth to shift them with, more than they had
on their backs, and some scarce a penny about them, all they
had being on board the bark. It drew tears from their eyes,
and any thing they had they would have given to have been
on shore again. But all in vain ; there was no remedy ; they
must thus sadly part ; and afterwards endured a fearful storm
at sea, being fourteen days or more before they arrived at
their port; in seven whereof they neither saw sun, moon, nor
stars, and were driven to the coast of Norway ; the mariners
themselves often despairing of fife, and once with shrieks and
cries gave over aU, as if the ship had been foundered in the
sea, and they sinking without recovery. But when man's
hope and help wholly failed, the Lord's power and mercy
appeared for their recovery ; for the ship rose again, and gave
the mariners courage again to manage her ; and if modesty
would suffer me, I might declare with what fervent prayers
they cried unto the Lord in this great distress, especially some
of them, even without any great distraction. When the
water ran into their very ears and mouths, and the mariners

250 AFFLICTION OF THOsf LEFT BEHIND. [1608.
cried out, " We sink, we sink," they cried, if not with miracu
lous, yet with a great height of divine faith, " Yet, Lord, thou
canst save ; yet. Lord, thou canst save ; " with such other ex
pressions as I wUl forbear. Upon which the ship did not only
recover, but shortly after the violence of the storm began to
abate, and the Lord fiUed their afflicted minds with such
comforts as every one cannot understand, and in the end
brought them to their desired haven ; where the people came
flocking, admiring their deliverance, the storm having been
so long and sore, in which much hurt had been done, as the
master's friends had related unto him in their congratulations.
But to return to the others where we left. The rest of the
men that were in the greatest danger made shift to escape
away before the troop could sm-prise them, those only staying
that best might, to be assistant to the women. But pitiful it
was to see the heavy case of these poor women in this dis
tress ; what weeping and crying on every side ; some for their
husbands that were carried away in the ship, as it was before
related ; others not knowing what should become of them and
then- little ones ; others melted in tears, seeing their poor little
ones hanging about them, crying for fear and quaking with
cold. Being thus apprehended, they were hurried from one
place to another, and from one justice to another, untU, in
the end, they knew not what to do with them. For to im
prison so many women and innocent children for no other
cause, many of them, but that they \yould go with their hus
bands, seemed to be unreasonable, and all would cry out of
them ; and to send them home again was as difficult, for they
aUeged (as the tiuth was) they had no homes to go to, for
they had sold or otherwise disposed of their houses and fiv
ings. To be short, after they had been thus turmoiled a good
while, and conveyed from one constable to another, they were
glad to be rid of them in the end upon any terms, for all were
wearied and tired with them ; though, in the mean time, the
poor souls endured misery enough ; and thus in the end neces
sity forced a way for them.
But that I be not tedious in these things, I wiU omit the
rest, although I might relate other notable passages and

1608.] RESULT OF THEIR TRIALS. 251
troubles which they endured and underwent in these their
wanderings and tiavels, both at land and sea. But I haste
to other things. Yet I may not omit the fruit that came
hereby. For by these so public tioubles in so many eminent
places their cause became famous, and occasioned many to
look into the same ; and their godly carriage and Christian
behavior was such as left a deep impression in the minds of
many. And though some few shrunk at those first conflicts
and sharp beginnings, (as it was no marvel,) yet many more
came on with fresh courage, and greatly animated others ; and
in the end, notwithstanding all these storms of opposition,
they aU got over at length, some at one time and some at
another, and met together again, according to their desires,
with no smaU rejoicing.

CHAPTER III.

OF THEIR SETTLING IN HOLLAND, AND THEIR MANNER OF LIVING
AND ENTERTAINMENT THERE.
Being now come into the Low Countiies, they saw many
goodly and fortified cities, strongly walled, and guarded with
troops of armed men. Also they heard a strange and un
couth language, and beheld the different manners and cus
toms of the people, with their strange fashions and attires ;
aU so far differing from that of their plain countiy villages,
wherein they were bred and born and had so long lived, as it
seemed they were come into a new world. But those were not
the things they much looked on, or long took up their thoughts ;
for they had other work in hand, and another kind of war to
wage and maintain. For though they saw fair and beautiful
cities, flowing with abundance of aU sorts of wealth and
riches, yet it was not long before they sa-sv the grim and
grizzled face of poverty coming on them like an armed man,
with whom they must buckle and encounter, and from whom
they could not fly. But they were armed with faith and
patience against him and all his encounters ; and though they
were sometimes foUed, yet by God's assistance they prevailed
and got the victory.
Now when Mr. Robinson, Mr. Brewster, and other princi
pal members were come over, (for they were of the last, and
stayed to help the weakest over before them,) such things
were thought on as were necessary for their settling and best
ordering of the church affairs. And when they had lived at
Amsterdam about a year, Mr. Robinson, their pastor, and

1609.] REMOVAL TO LEYDEN. 253
some others of best discerning, seeing how Mr. John Smith
and his company was already fallen into contention with the
church that was there before them, and no means they could
use would do any good to cure the same ; and also that the
flames of contention were like to break out in that ancient
church itself, (as afterwards lamentably came to pass ;) which
things they prudently foreseeing, thought it was best to
remove before they were any way engaged with the same ;
though they well knew it would be much to the prejudice of
their outward estate, both at present and, in likelihood, in the
future ; as indeed it proved to be.
For these and some other reasons they removed to Leyden,
a fair and beautiful city, and of a sweet situation, but made
more famous by the university wherewith it is adorned, in
which of late it had been by so many learned men ; ' but
wanting that traffic by sea which Amsterdam enjoyed, it was
not so beneficial for their outward means of living and
estates. But being now here pitched, they feU to such ti-ades
and employments as they best could, valuing peace and their
spiritual comfort above any other riches whatsoever ; and at
length they came to raise a competent and comfortable living,
and with hard and continual labor. Being thus settled, after
many difficulties, they continued many years in a comfortable
condition, enjoying much sweet and delightful society and
spu-itual comfort together, in the ways of God, under the able
ministry and prudent government of Mr. John Robinson and
Mr. WiUiam Brewster, who was an assistant unto him in the
place of an elder, unto which he was now called and chosen
by the church ; so as they grew in knowledge and other gifts
and graces of the spirit of God ; and lived together in peace,
and love, and hofiness. And many came unto them from
divers parts of England, so as they grew a great congrega-
* The university of Leyden was estabhshed in 1575. It has been at times
one of the most celebrated in Europe ; and from its reputation the city itself
was called the Athens of the West, and the North Star of Holland. Ar-
minius, Episcopius, Grotius, Lipsius, Junius, Vossius, Descartes, Scaliger,
Salmasius, and Booerhave, were among its distinguished professors and
scholars.
22

254 JOHN ROBINSON'S CHARACTER. [1609-1617.
tion. And if at any time any differences did arise or offences
broke out, (as it cannot be but that sometimes there wiU, even
amongst the best of men,) they were ever so met with and
nipped in the head betimes, or otherwise so well composed,
as still love, peace, and communion was continued, or else
the church pm-ged of those that were incm-able and incor
rigible, when, after much patience used, no other means
would serve ; which seldom comes to pass.
Yea, such was the mutual love and reciprocal respect that
this worthy man had to his flock, and his flock to him, that it
might be said of them, as it was once said of that famous
emperor, Marcus Aurelius, and the people of Rome, that it
was hard to judge whether he delighted more in having such
a people, or they in having such a pastor. His love was
great towards them, and his care was always bent for their
best good, both for soul and body. For, besides his singular
abilities in divine things, wherein he exceUed, he was able also
to give direction in civil affairs,* and to foresee dangers and
inconveniences ; by which means he was very helpful to their
outward estates ; and so was every way as a common father
unto them. And none did more offend him than those that
were close and cleaving to themselves, and retu-ed from the
common good ; as also such as would be stiff and rigid in
matters of outward order, and inveigh against the evU of
others, and yet be remiss in themselves, and not so careful to
express a virtuous conversation. They, in lUte manner, had
ever a reverent regard unto him, and had him in precious
estimation, as his worth and wisdom did deserve; and al
though they esteemed him highly whilst he lived and labored
amongst them, yet much more after his death, when they
came to feel the want of his help, and saw, by woful ex
perience, what a treasure they had lost, to the grief of their

* It has been common both in Old and New England for the clergy to
take an interest in public affairs. The efBcient agency which the Congrega
tional ministers exerted in our early settlements in giving shape and character
to both our literary and civil institutions is well known. Their patriotic
exertions will never be forgotten.

1609-1617.] THE PILGRIMS LIVE IN PEACE. 255
hearts and wounding of their souls ; yea, such a loss as they
saw could not be repaired ; for it was hard for them to find
such another leader and feeder in all respects, as the Tabo-
rites to find another Ziska.* And although they did not call
themselves orphans, as the other did, after his death, yet they
had cause as much to lament, in another regard, their present
condition and after usage.
But to retiirn. I know not but it may be spoken to the
honor of God, and without prejudice to any, that such was
the humble zeal and fervent love of this people (whilst they
thus fived together) towards God and his ways, and the
single-heartedness and sincere affection one towards another,
that they came as near the primitive pattern of the first
churches as any other church of these latter times have
done, according to their rank and quality. But seeing it is
not my purpose to ti-eat of the several passages that befell
this people whilst they thus lived in the Low Countries, (which
might worthily require a large treatise of itself,) but to mani
fest something of their beginning and after progress in New
England, which I principaUy scope and aim at ; yet, because
some of their adversaries did, upon the rumor of their re
moval, cast out slanders against them, as if that State had
been weary of them, and had rather driven them out, (as the
heathen histories did feign of Moses and the Israelites when
they went out of Egypt,) than it was their own free choice
and motion, I wiU therefore mention a particular or two to
show the contrary, and that good acceptation they had in the
place. And first, although it was low with many of them, yet their
word would be taken amongst the Dutch when they wanted
money, because they had found by experience how careful
they were to keep their words,f and saw them so painful and
dUigent in their calfings,, that they strove to get their custom.

* See Gieseler's Eccles. Hist. iii. 359, and Encyc. Amer. articles Ziska
and Huss.
t A great honor to the Gospel. — Morton's Note.

256 THE ARMINIAN CONTROVERSY. [1612.
and to employ them above others in their work, for their
honesty and dUigence.
Again ; the magistrates of the city, about the time of their
coming away, or a little before, in the public place of j ustice,
gave this commendable testimony of them, in reproof of the
Walloons, who were of the French church in the city.
" These English," said they, " have lived amongst us now
this twelve years, and yet we never had any suit or accusation
come against any of them. But your strifes and quarrels
are continual," etc.
In these times, also, were the great troubles raised by the
Arminians ; who, as they greatly molested the whole State,
so this city in particular, in which was the chief university ;
so as there were daUy and hot disputes in the schools there
abouts. And as the students and other learned were divided
in their opinions herein, so were the two professors or divinity
readers themselves, the one daily teaching for it, and the other
against it ; which grew to that pass, that few of the disciples
of the one would hear the other teach. But Mr. Robinson,
although he taught thrice a week himself, and wrote sundry
books,* besides, his manifold pains otherwise, yet he went
constantly to hear their readings, and heard as well one as
the other. By which means he was so weU grounded in the
controversy, and saw the force of all their arguments, and
knew the shifts of the adversary; and being himself very
able, none was fitter to buckle with them than himself, as
appeared by sundry disputes ; so as he began to be terrible to
the Arminians ; which made Episcopius, the Arminian pro
fessor, to put forth his best strength, and set out sundry theses,
which by public dispute he would defend against all men.
Now Polyander, the other professor, and the chief preachers
of the city, desired Mr. Robinson to dispute against him.
But he was loth, being a stranger. Yet the other did im
portune him, and told him that such was the ability and
nimbleness of wit of the adversary, that the truth would suf-
* See Robinson's Works.

1613.] THE TRUTH VICTORIOUS. 257
fer if he did not help them ; so as he condescended, and pre
pared himself against the time. And when the time came,
the Lord did so help him to defei;d the truth and foil his ad
versary, as he put him to an apparent nonplus in this great
and pubfic audience. And the like he did two or three times
upon such like occasions ; the which, as it caused many to
praise God that the truth had so famous a victory, so it pro
cured him much honor and respect from those learned men
and others which loved the truth.
Yea, so far were they from being weary of him and his
people, or desiring their absence, as that it was said by some,
of no mean note, that were it not for giving offence to the
State of England, they would have preferred him otherwise,
if he would, and aUowed them some public favor. Yea,
when there was speech of their removal into these parts,
sundry of note and eminency of that nation would have had
them come under them ; and for that end made them large
offers. Now although I might aUege many particulars and exam
ples of the like kind to show the untruth and unlikelihood of
this slander, yet these shall suffice, seeing it was believed of
few, being only raised by the malice of some who labored
their disgrace.

22'

CHAPTER IV.

SHOWING THE REASONS AND CAUSES OF THEIR REMOVAL.
After they had lived in this city about eleven or twelve
years, (which is the more observable, being the whole time of
that famous truce between that State and the Spaniards,)
and sundry of them were taken away by death, and many
others began to be well stricken in years, the grave mistress
experience having taught them many things, these prudent
governors, with sundry of the sagest members, began both
deeply to apprehend their present dangers and wisely to
foresee the future, and think of timely remedy. In the agita
tion of their thoughts and much discourse of particulars here
about, they began to incline to this conclusion of removal to
some other place ; not out of any newfangledness, or other
such like giddy humor, by which men are many times ti-ans-
ported, to their great hurt and danger, but for sundry weighty
and solid reasons, the chief of which I wUl here recite and
briefly touch.
1. And first, they found and saw by experience the hard
ness of the place and country to be such, as few in comparison
would come to them, and fewer that would bide it out and
continue with them. For many that came to them, and many
more that desired to be with them, could not endure the great
labor and hard fare, with other inconveniences, which they
underwent and were contented with. But though they loved
their persons, and approved their cause, and honored their
sufferings, yet they left them as it were weeping, as Orpah did

1617.] REASONS FOR REMOVAL. 259
her mother-in-law Naomi, or as those Romans did Cato in
Utica, who deshed to be excused and borne with though they
could not aU be Catos. For many, though they desired to
enjoy the ordinances of God in their purity, and the liberty
of the Gospel with them, yet, alas, they admitted of bondage,
with danger of conscience, rather than to endure these hard
ships ; yea, some preferred and chose prisons iji England
rather than this liberty in HoUand, with these affiictions.
But it was thought that if a better and easier place of living
could be had, it would draw many and take away these dis
couragements ; yea, their pastor would often say that many
of those that both writ and preached now against them, if
they were in a place where they might have liberty, and five
comfortably, they would then practise as they did.
2. They saw that although the people generally bore all
their difficulties very cheerfully and with a resolute courage,
being in the best of their stiength, yet ofd age began to come
on some of them ; and their great and continual labors, with
other crosses and sorrows, hastened it before the time ; so as
it was not only probably thought, but apparently seen, that
within a few years more they were in danger to scatter by
necessity pressing them, or sink under their burdens, or both ;
and therefore, according to the divine proverb, that " a wise
man seeth the plague when it cometh, and hideth himself,"
Prov. xxii. 3, so they, like skilful and beaten soldiers, were
fearful either to be entrapped or surrounded by their enemies,
so as they should neither be able to fight nor fly ; and there
fore thought it better to dislodge betimes to some place of
better advantage and less danger, if any could be found.
3. As necessity was a taskmaster over them, so they were
forced to be such not only to their servants, but in a sort to
their dearest chUdren ; the which, as it did a little wound the
tender hearts of many a loving father and mother, so it pro
duced also many sad and sorrowful effects. For many of
their children, that were of best dispositions and gracious
inclinations, having learned to bear the yoke in their youth,
and willing to bear part of their parents' burden, were often
times so oppressed with their heavy labors, that although their

260 REASONS FOR REMOVAL. [1617.
minds were free and wUling, yet their bodies bowed under the
weight of the same, and became decrepit in then- early youth ;
the vigor of nature being consumed in the very bud, as it
were. But that which was more lamentable, and of all sor
rows most heavy to be borne, was thatmany of their children,
by these occasions, and the great licentiousness of youth in
the country, and the manifold temptations of the place, were
drawn away by evil examples unto extravagant and dangerous
courses, getting the reins on their necks, and departing from
their parents. Some became soldiers, others took them upon
far voyages by sea, and other some worse courses tending to
dissoluteness and the danger of their souls, to the great grief
of their parents and dishonor of God ; so that they saw their
posterity would be in danger to degenerate and be corrupted.
4. Lastly, (and which was not the least,) a great hope and
inward zeal they had of laying some good foundation, or at
least to make some way thereunto, for the propagating and
advancing the Gospel of the kingdorn of Christ in these
remote parts of the world ; yea, though they should be but
as stepping-stones unto others for performing of so great a
work. These, and some other like reasons,* moved them to under
take this resolution of their removal, the which they after
ward prosecuted with so great difficulties ; as by the sequel
will appear.
The place they had thoughts on were some of those un
peopled countries of America, which are fruitful and fit for
habitation, being devoid of all civU inhabitants, where there
are only salvage and brutish people, which range up and down
little otherwise than the wild beasts. This proposition being
made public, and coming to the scanning of all, it raised
many variable opinions amongst men, and caused many fears

* Edward Winslow, in his Brief Narrative, gives three other reasons ;
first, their desire to live under the protection of England and to retain the
language and the name of Englishmen ; second, their inability to "ive their
children such an education as they had themselves received ; and third, their
grief at the profanation of the sabbath in Holland.

1617.] REASONS AGAINST REMOVAL. 261
and doubts amongst themselves. Some, from their reasons
and hopes conceived, labored to stir up and encourage the
rest to undertake and prosecute the same ; others, again, out
of their fears, objected against it, and sought to divert from
it, alleging many things, and those neither unreasonable nor
un probable ; as that it was a great design, and subject to
many inconceivable perils and dangers ; as, besides the
casualties of the seas, (which none can be freed from,) the
length of the voyage was such as the weak bodies of men
and women and such other persons, worn out with age and
tiavail, (as many of them were,) could never be able to
endure; and yet if they should, the miseries of the land
which they should be exposed unto would be too hard to be
borne, and lUtely, some or all of them, to consume and utterly
to ruinate them. For there they should be liable to famine,
and nakedness, and the want, in a manner, of all things. The
changing of the air, diet, and drinking of water would in
fect their bodies with sore sicknesses ; and all those which
should escape or overcome these difficulties should yet be
in continual danger of the savage people, who are cruel,
barbarous, and treacherous, being most furious in their rage
and mercUess where they overcome, not being content only to
kUl and take away life, but delight to torment men in most
bloody manner that may be, flaying men alive with the shells
of fishes, cutting off the joints and members of others by
piecemeals, and broifing them on the coals, and causing men
to eat the coUops of their flesh in their sight whilst they
live ; with other cruelties horrible to be related. And surely
it could not be thought but the hearing of these things could
not but move the bowels of men to grate within them, and
make the weak to quake and tremble. It was further ob
jected, that it would require greater sums of money to fur
nish such a voyage and to fit them with necessaries, than
their estates would amount to. And yet they must as well
look to be seconded with supplies, as presently to be trans
ported. Also, the like precedents of ill success and lament
able miseries befallen others in the like designs, were easy
to be found and not forgotten to be alleged; besides their

262 THE OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. [1617.
own experience in their former troubles and hardships in
their removal into Holland, and how hard a thing it was for
them to live in that strange place, although it was a neigh
bor country, and a civil and rich commonwealth.
It was answered, that all great and honorable actions were
accompanied with great difficulties, and must be both enter-
prised and overcome with answerable courages. It was
granted the dangers were great, but not desperate, and the
difficulties were many, but not invincible ; for although there
were many of them likely, yet they were not certain. It might
be that some of the things feared might never befall them ;
others, by providence, care, and the use of good means, might
in a great measure be prevented ; and all of them, through
the help of God, by fortitude and patience, might either be
borne or overcome. True it was that such attempts were not
to be made and undertaken but upon good ground and reason,
not rashly or lightly, as many have done for curiosity or hope
of gain, etc. But their condition was not ordinary. Their
ends were good and honorable, their caffing lawful and urgent,
and therefore they might expect a blessing of God in their
proceeding ; yea, although they should lose their lives in this
action, yet they might have comfort ui the same ; and their
endeavors would be honorable. They fived here but as men
in exile and in a poor condition ; and as great miseries might
possibly befall them in this place ; for the twelve years of
truce were now out, and there was nothing but beating of
drums and preparing for war, the events whereof are always
uncertain. The Spaniard might prove as cruel as the sav
ages of America, and the famine and pestilence as sore here
as there, and fiberty less to look out for remedy.
After many other particular things answered and alleged
on both sides, it was fully concluded by the major part to put
this design in execution, and to prosecute it by the best
means they could.

CHAPTER V.

SHOWING WHAT MEANS THEY USED FOR PREPARATION TO THIS
WEIGHTY VOYAGE.
And fu-st, after then- humble prayers unto God for his direc
tion and assistance, and a general conference held therea
bouts, they consulted what particular place to pitch upon and
prepare for. Some, and none of the meanest, had^ thoughts
and were earnest for Guiana, or some of those fertile places
in those hot climates. Others were for some parts of Vir
ginia,* where the English had aheady made entiance and
beginning. Those for Guiana alleged that the country was rich, fruit
ful, and blessed with a perpetual spring and a flourishing
greenness ; where vigorous nature brought forth all things in
abundance and plenty, without any great labor or art of man ;
so as it must needs make the inhabitants rich, seeing less pro
vision of clothing and other things would secure them than
in more colder and less fruitful countries must be had. As
also that the Spaniards, having much more than they could
possess, had not yet planted there, nor anywhere very near
the same.
But to this it was answered, that out of question the coun
try was both fruitful and pleasant, and might yield riches
and maintenance to the possessors more easily than to others ;

* The successful colonization of Virginia commenced in 1607, at James
town. — See Bancroft, i. 125 ; Grahame's History of the United States, i. 39.

264 THEY CONCLUDE TO SETTLE IN VIRGINIA. [1617.
yet, other things considered, it would not be so fit. And
first, that such hot countries are subject to grievous diseases,
and many noisome impediments, which other more temper
ate places are free fi-om, and would not so well agree with
our English bodies. Again, if they should there five and do
well, the jealous Spaniard would never suffer them long, but
would displant and overthrow them, as he did the French in-
Florida,* who were settled further from his richest countries ;
and the sooner, because they should have none to protect
them, and their own strength would be too smaU to resist so
potent an enemy and so near a neighbor.
On the other hand, for Virginia it was objected, that if they
fived amongst the English which were there planted, or so
near them as to be under their government, they should be
in as great danger to be troubled and persecuted for their
cause of religion, as if they lived in England, and it might
be worse ; and if they lived too far off, they should neither
have succor or defence from them.
And at length the conclusion was, to live in a distinct body
by themselves, under the general government of Virginia ;
and by their friends to sue to His Majesty that he would be
pleased to grant them free liberty, and freedom of refigion.
And that this may be obtained they were put in good hope
by some great persons of good rank and quality that were
made their friends.
Whereupon two were chosen and sent into England, at the
charge of the rest, to solicit this matter ; who found the Vir
ginia Company very desirous to have them go thither, and
wilfing to grant them a patent, with as ample privileges as
they had or could grant to any, and to give them the best
furtherance they could ; and some of the chief of the Com
pany doubted not to obtain their suit of the king for liberty
in religion, and to have it confirmed under the king's broad
seal, according to their desires. But it proved a harder piece
of work than they took it for. For although many means
were used to bring it about, yet it could not be effected ; for
* See Bancroft, Hist. U. S. i. 67-70.

1618.] THE AGENTS RETURN UNSUCCESSFUL. 265
there were divers of good worth labored with the king to
obtain it, amongst whom was one of his chief secretaries ;
and some other wrought with the archbishop to give way
thereunto. But it proved all in vain. Yet thus far they pre
vailed in sounding His Majesty's mind, that he would con
nive at them, and not molest them, provided they carried
. themselves peaceably. But to allow or tolerate them by his
public authority under his seal, they found it would not be
granted. And this was all that the chief of the Virginia
Company, or any other of their best friends, could do in the
case. Yet they persuaded them to go on, for they presumed
they should not be troubled. And with this answer the mes
sengers returned, and signified what diligence had been used,
and to what issue things were come.
But this made a damp in the business, and caused some
distraction. For many were afraid that if they should unset
tle themselves, put off their estates, and go upon these hopes,
it might prove dangerous, and but a sandy foundation. Yea,
it was thought they might better have presumed hereupon,
without making any suit at aU, than, having made it, to be
thus rejected. But some of the chiefest thought otherwise,
and that they might weU proceed hereupon, and that the
King's Majesty was wiUing enough to suffer them without
molestation, though for other reasons he would not confirm it
by any pubfic act ; and furthermore, if there was no security
in this promise intimated, there would be no greater certainty
in a further confirmation of the same. For if afterward there
should be a purpose or desire to wrong them, though they had
a seal as broad as the house floor, it would not serve the turn,
for there would be means enough found to recall or reverse it.
And seeing, therefore, the course is probable, they must
rest herein on God's providence, as they had done in other
things. Upon this resolution other messengers were despatched to
end with the Virginia Company as well as they could, and to
procure a patent with as good and ample conditions as they
might by any good means attain ; as also to treat and con
clude with such merchants and other friends as had mani-
23

266 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS [1617.
fested their forwardness to provoke to and adventure in this
voyage. For which end they had instructions given them
upon what conditions they should proceed with them ; or else
to conclude nothing without further advice. And here it wiU
be requisite to insert a letter or two that may give light to
these proceedings.
A copy of a Letter from Sir Edioin Sands \_Sandys'\ directed to Mr. John
Robinson and Mr. William Brewster.
After my hearty salutations, — The agents of your con
gregation, Robert Cushman and John Carver, have been in
communication with divers select gentlemen of His Majesty's
CouncU for Virginia ; and by the writing of seven articles,
subscribed with your names, have given them that good de
gree of satisfaction which hath carried them on with a reso
lution to set forward your desire in the best sort that may be
for your own and the pubfic good ; divers particulars whereof
we leave to their faithful report, having carried themselves
here with that good discretion as is both to their own and
their credit from whom they came. And whereas, beuig to
tieat for a multitude of people, they have requested further
time to confer with them that are to be interested in this
action about the several particulars which in the prosecution
thereof wUl faU out considerable, it hath been very vdUingly
assented unto ; and so they do now return unto you. If
therefore it may please God so to direct your desires as that
on your parts there faU out no just impediments, I trust by
the same direction it shaU fikewise appear that on our parts
all forwardness to set you forward shaU be found in the best
sort which with reason may be expected. And so I betake
you with this design, (which I hope verily is the work of
God,) to the gracious protection and blessing of the Highest.
Your very loving friends,
Edwin Sandys.*
London, November 12, 1617.
* Sir Edwin Sandys was one of the principal members of the Virginia
Company. He was the son of Archbishop Sandys, and a favorite pupil of

1617.] WITH THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 267
Their answer was as followeth.
Right Worshipful,
Our humble duties remembered in our own, our messengers',
and our church's name, with all thankful acknowledgment
of your singular love, expressing itself, as otherwise, so more
'especiaUy in your great care and earnest endeavor of our
good in this weighty business about Vu-ginia, which the less
able we are to requite, we shaU think ourselves the more
bound to commend in our prayers unto God for recompense ;
whom as for the present you rightly behold in our endeavors,
so shall we not be wanting on our parts, (the same God as
sisting us,) to return all answerable fruit and respect unto the
labor of your love bestowed upon us. We have, with the best
speed and consideration withal that we could, set down our
requests in writing, subscribed, as you willed, with the hands of
the greatest part of our congregation, and have sent the same
unto the CouncU by our agent, a deacon of our church, John
Carver, unto whom we have also requested a gentleman of
our company to adjoin himself; to the care and discretion of
which two we do refer the prosecuting of the business. Now
we persuade ourselves, right worshipful, that we need not to
provoke your godly and loving mind to any further or more
tender care of us, since you have pleased so far to interest us
in yourself, that, under God, above aU persons and things in
the world we rely upon you, expecting the care of your love,
the counsel of your wisdom, and the help and countenance of

the judicious Hooker. In Parliament, he was " a member of great authority,"
according to Hume, and taking the. popular side was in 1614 committed by
James to the Tower for his free speech. Anthony Wood says he was " a per
son of great judgment and of a commanding pen, a sohd statesman, ingenio
et gravitate morum insignis." He was the author of " Europce Speculum ; or
a View or Survey of the state of Religion in the western part of the World,''
and of a metrical version of the Book of Job, the Psalms of David, and other
poetical parts of Holy Writ. He died in 1629. See Hume's England, vi-
39, 97, (Pickering's ed.) ; Hallam's England, i. 391-393.

268 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS [1617.
your authority. Notwithstanding, for your encouragement
in the work so far as probabifities may lead, we wiU not for
bear to mention these instances of inducement.
1. We verily befieve and trust the Lord is with us, unto
whom and whose service we have given ourselves in many
trials, and that he will graciously prosper our endeavors ac
cording to the simplicity of our hearts therein.
2. We are well weaned from the deficate mUk of our mother
country, and inured to the difficulties of a strange and hard
land, which yet, in great part, we have by patience over
come. 3. The people are, for the body of them, industrious and
frugal, we think we may safely say, as any company of people
in the world.
4. We are kmt together as a body in a more strict and
sacred bond and covenant of the Lord, of the violation whereof
we make [great] conscience ; and by vu-tue whereof we do
hold ourselves straitly tied to all care of each other's good,
and of the whole by every, and so mutual.
5. And lastly, it is not with us as with other men, whom
smaU things can discourage, or small discontentments cause
to wish themselves at home again. We know our entertain
ment in England and Holland. We shall much prejudice
both our arts and means by removal ; where, if we should be
driven to return, we should not hope to recover our present
helps and comforts, neither indeed look ever to attain the fike
in any other place during our lives, which are now drawing
towards their periods.
These motives we have been bold to tender unto you,
which you in your wisdom may also impart to any other our
worshipful friends of the Council^ with you, of all whose godly
dispositions and loving towards our despised persons we are
most glad, and shall not fail by all good means to continue
and increase the same. We shall not be further troublesome,
but do, with renewed remembrance of our humble duties to
your worship, and (so far as in modesty we may be bold) to
any other of our well-wiUers of the CouncU with you, we take

1617.] WITH THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 269
our leaves, committing your persons and counsels to the guid
ance and protection of the Almighty.
Yours, much bounden in all duty,
John Robinson,
William Brewster.
Leyden, the 15t7i of December, 1617.
I found annexed unto the foregoing letters these foUowing
fines, written by Mr. Bradford with special reference unto the
fom-th particular on the other side written.
O sacred bond ! Whilst inviolably preserved, how sweet
and precious were the fruits that flowed from the same. But
when this fidefity decayed, then their ruin approached. Oh
that these ancient members had not died or been dissipated,
(if it had been the wUl of God,) or else that this holy care
and constant faithfulness had stiU lived and remained with
those that survived, that were in times afterwards added unto
them. But, alas! that subtile serpent hath slily wound in
himself, under fair pretences of necessity and the like, to un
twist these sacred bonds and ties, and as it were insensibly,
by degrees, to dissolve or in a great measure to weaken the
same. I have been happy, in my first times, to see and with
much comfort to enjoy the blessed fruits of this sweet com
munion. But it is now a part of my misery in old age to find
and feel the decay and want thereof, in a great measure, and
with grief and sorrow of heart to lament and bewail the same ;
and for others' warning and admonition, and my own humUia
tion, do I here note the same.
Thus much by way of digression. For further fight in
these proceedings forenamed, see some other letters and notes,
as foUoweth. 27(13 copy of a letter sent to Sir John Worsingham \_Wolslenholme'].
Right Worshipful,
With due acknowledgment of our thankfulness for your
singular care and pains in the business of Virginia, for our
and (we hope) the common good, we do remember our hum-
23*

270 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS [1618.
ble duties unto you, and have sent, as is desired, a further
explanation of our judgments in the three points specffied
by some of His Majesty's honorable Privy Council. And al
though it be grievous unto us that such unjust insinuations
are made against us, yet we are most glad of the occasion of
making our just purgation unto the so honorable personages.
The declarations we have sent inclosed; the one more
brief and general, which we think the fitter to be presented ;
the other something more large, and in which we express
some small accidental differences, which, if it seem good un
to you and other of your worship's friends, you may send
instead of the former. Our prayer unto God is, that your
worship may see the fi-uit of your worthy endeavors, which
on our part we shall not fail to fm-fher by aU good means.
And so praying that you would, with aU conveniency that
may be, give us knowledge of the success of the business
with His Majesty's Privy CouncU, and accordingly what
your further pleasure is, either for our dfi-ection or furtherance
in the same, so we rest Your worship's, in aU duty,
John Robinson,
William Brewster.
Leyden, January 27, 1617, old style.
The first brief note teas this.
Touching the ecclesiastical ministiy, namely, of pastors for
teaching, elders for ruling, and deacons for distiibuting the
church's contribution, as also for the two sacraments, bap
tism, and the Lord's supper, we do wholly and in aU points
agree with the French Reformed Churches, according to their
pubfic confession of faith ; though some small differences.
The oath of Supremacy we shaU wUlingly take, if it be
required of us, if that convenient satisfaction be not given
by our taking the oath of Allegiance.
John Robinson,
William Breavster.

1618.] WITH THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 271
Tlie second was iJiis.
Touching the ecclesiastical ministry, (as in the former,
etc.) we agree, in all things, with the French Reformed
Churches, according to their public Confession of Faith ;
though some small differences be to be found in our practices,
not at aU in the substance of the things, but only in some
accidental circumstances ; as
1. Their ministers do pray with their heads covered ; we
uncovered. 2. We choose none for governing elders but such as are
able to teach ; which abifity they do not requfi-e.
3. Their elders and deacons are annual, or at the most for
two or three years ; ours perpetual.
4. Our elders do administer their office in admonitions and
excommunications, for public scandals, publicly and before
the congregation ; theirs more privately and in their con
sistories. 5. We do administer baptism dhly to such infants as
whereof the one parent, at the least, is of some church, which
some of their churches do not observe ; although in it our
practice accords with their public Confession and the judg
ment of the most learned amongst them.
Other differences, worthy mentioning, we know none.
(Subscribed,)
John Robinson,
William Brewster.
Part of another letter from him that delivered these.
London, Feb. 14, 1617.*
Your letter to Sir John Wolstenholme I defivered, almost
as soon as I had it, to his own hands, and stayed with him
the opening and reading thereof. There were two papers
inclosed. He read them to himself, as also the letter ; and
in the reading he spake to me and said, " Who shall make
them ? " viz. the ministers. I answered his worship that the
* 1618, new style.

272 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS [1618.
power of making was in the Church,* to be ordained by the
imposition of hands by the fittest instruments they have. It
must either be in the Church, or from the Pope ; and the
Pope is Antichrist. " Ho ! " said Sir John, " what the Pope
holds good, (as in the Trinity,) that we do well to assent to.
But," said he, " we wUl not enter into dispute now ; " and as
for your letters, he wordd not show them at any hand, lest he
should spoil all. He expected you should have been of the
Archbishop's mind for the calfing of ministers ; but it seems
you differed. I could have wished to have known the con
tents of your two inclosed, at which he stuck so much, es
pecially the larger. I asked his worship, what good news he
had for me to write to-morrow. He told me, " [Very] good
news ; for both the King's Majesty and the bishops have con
sented." He said he would go to Mr. ChanceUor, Sir Fulke
GreviUe, as this day, and next week I should know more. I
met with Sir Edwin Sandys on Wednesday night. He
wished me to be at the Virginia Court the next Wednesday,
where I purpose to ba» Thus loth to be troublesome at
present, I hope to have something next week of certainty con
cerning you. I commit you to the Lord.
Yours, S. B.
These things being long in agitation, and messengers pass
ing to and again about them, after all their hopes they were
long delayed by many obstacles that fell in the way. For at
the return of these messengers into England, they found
things far otherwise than they expected. For the Virginia
Council was now so disturbed with factions and quarrels
amongst themselves, as no business could weU go forward;
the which may the better appear in one of the messengers'
letters, as followeth. To his loving friends.
I had thought long since to have \Yi-ii unto you ; but could
not effect that which I aimed at, neither can yet set things
* See Morton's Memorial, pp. 97-100.

1619.] WITH THEIR AGENTS IN ENGLAND. 273
as I wished. Yet, notwithstanding, I doubt not but Mr.
Brewster hath written to Mr. Robinson ; but I think myself
bound also to do something, lest I be thought to neglect you.
The main hinderance of om- proceedings in the Virginia
business is the dissensions and factions, as they term it,
amongst the Council and Company of Virginia, which are
such as that ever since we came up no business could by
them be despatched. The occasion of this ti-ouble amongst
them is, that a while since Sir Thomas Smith, repining at
his many offices and troubles, wished the Company of Vir
ginia to ease him of his office in being treasurer and governor
of the Virginia Company. Whereupon the Company took
occasion to dismiss him, and chose Sir Edwin Sandys treas
urer and governor of the Company, he having sixty voices.
Sir John Wolstenholme sixteen voices, and alderman John
son twenty-four. But Sir Thomas Smith, when he saw
some part of his honor lost, was very angry, and raised
a faction to cavU and contend about the election, and
sought to tax Sir Edwin with many things that might both
disgrace him and also put him by his office of governor.
In which contentions they yet stick, and are not fit nor ready
to intermeddle in any business ; and what issue things will
come to, I know not, nor are we yet certain. It is most like
Su- Edwin wUl carry it away ; and if he do, things will go
weU in Virginia ; if otherwise, they wiU go ill enough always.
We hope in two or three Court days things will settle. Mean
space I think to go down into Kent, and come up again
about fourteen days or three weeks hence ; except either by
these aforesaid contentions, or by the ill tidings from Vir
ginia, we be wholly discouraged ; of which tidings as fol
loweth. Capt. Argall is come home this week. He, upon notice of
the intent of the CouncU, came away before Sir George
Yardly [Yeardly] came there, and so there is no small dissen
sion. But his tidings is ill, although his person be welcome.
He saith Mr. Blackwell's ship came not there until March ;
but going towards winter they had stUl north-west winds.

274 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS [1619.
which carried them to the southward beyond their course ;
and the master of the ship and some six of the mariners
dying, it seemed they could not find the Bay, tUl after long
seeldng and beating about. Mr. BlackweU is dead, and Mr.
Maggner, the captain. Yea, there are dead, he saith, a hun
dred and thu-ty persons, one and other, in the ship. It is said
there was in aU a hundred and eighty persons in the ship, so
as they were packed together fike herrings. They had
amongst them a flux, and also want of fresh water ; so as it
is here rather wondered that so many are afive, than that so
many are dead. The merchants here say it was Mr. Black-
well's fault to pack so many in the ship ; yea, and there was
great murmuring and repining amongst them, and upbraiding
of Mr. BlackweU for hisdealing and disposing of them, when
they saw how he had disposed of them, and how he insulted
over them. Yea, the streets at Gravesend rang of their ex
treme quarreUing, crying out one of another, " Thou hast
brought me to this. I may thank thee for this." Heavy
news it is, and I would be glad to hear how far it will dis
courage. I see none here discouraged much, but rather desire
to learn to beware by other men's harms, and to amend that
wherein they have failed ; as we desire to serve one another
in love, so take heed of being enthralled by other imperious
persons, especiaUy if they be discerned to have an eye to
themselves. It doth often trouble me to think that in this
business we are to learn, and none to teach. But better so
than to depend upon such teachers as Mr. BlackweU was.
Such a stratagem he made for Mr. Johnson and his people at
Emden; much was their subversion. But though he then
eleanlily yet unhonestly plucked his neck out of the collar, yet
at last his foot is caught.
Here are no letters come. The ship Captain Argall came
in is yet in the west parts. All that we hear is but his report.
It seemeth he came away secretly. The ship that Mr. Black
weU went in will be here shortly. It is as Mr. Robinson once
said ; he thought we should hear no good of them.
Mr. Brewster is not well at this time. Whether he wUl go

1619.] WITH THEIR AGENTS IN ENGLAND. 275
back to you or go into the north, I yet know not. For my
self, I hope to see an end of this business ere I come, though
I am sorry to be thus from you. If things had gone roundly
forward, I should have been with you within this fourteen
days. I pray God direct us, and give us that spu-it which is
fitting for such a business.
Thus having summarily pointed at things which Mr.
Brewster, I think, hath more largely writ of to Mr. Robinson,
I leave you to the Lord's protection.
Yours, in aU readiness, etc.
Robert Cushman.
London, May the 8th, 1619.
A word or two, by way of digression, touching this Mr.
BlackweU. He was an elder of the church of Amsterdam, a
man weU known of most of them. He decfined from the
truth with Mr. Johnson and the rest, and went with him when
they departed asunder in that woful manner which brought
so great dishonor to God, scandal to the truth, and outward
ruin to themselves, in this world. But I hope, notwithstand
ing, through the mercies of the Lord, their souls are now at
rest with God, in the heavens, and that they are arrived in the
haven of happiness, though some of their bodies were thus
buried in the terrible seas, and others sunk under the burden
of bitter afifictions. He, with some others, had prepared for
to go to Virginia ; and he with sundry godly citizens being
at a private meeting (I take it, at a Fast) in London, being
discovered, many of them were apprehended, whereof Mr.
BlackweU was one. But he so glossed with the bishops, and
either dissembled or flatly denied the truth which formerly he
had maintained ; and not only so, but unworthily betrayed
and accused another godly man who had escaped, that so he
might sfip his own neck out of the coUar, and to obtpn his
own freedom brought others into bonds. Whereupon he so
won the bishops' favor, (but lost the Lord's,) as he was not
only dismissed, but in open court the Archbishop gave him
great applause and his solemn blessing to proceed in his

276 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS. [1619.
voyage. But if such events follow the bishops' blessing,
happy are they that miss the same. It is much better to keep
a good conscience and have the Lord's blessing, whether in
life or death. But see how that man, apprehended by Mr.
Blackwell's means, writes to a friend of his.
Right dear friend and Christian brother, Mr. Carver, I salute
you and yours in the Lord.
Sir, as for my own present condition, I doubt not but you
well understand it by our brother Masterson, who should have
tasted of the same cup, had his place of residence and his
person been as well known as myself. Somewhat I have
written to Mr. Cushman how the matter stiU continues. I
have petitioned twice to Mr. Sheriff, and once to my Lord
Cook, and have used such reasons to move them to pity, that
if they were not overruled by some others, I suppose I should
have soon gained my liberty ; — as that I was a man fiving
by my credit, in debt to divers in our city, living in more than
ordinary charges in a close and tedious prison ; besides great
rents abroad, all my business lying stUl, my own servant
lying lame in the country, my wife being also great with
child ; and yet no answer untU the Lords of His Majesty's
Council gave consent. Howbeit, Mr. BlackweU, a man as
deep in this action as I, was delivered at a cheaper rate
with a great deal less ado, yea, with an addition of the Arch
bishop's blessing. I am sorry for Mr. BlackweU's weakness.
I wish it may prove no worse ; but yet he and some others of
them were not sorry, but thought it was for the best that I
was nominated ; not because the Lord sanctifies evil to good,
but that the action was good, yea, for the best. One reason
I well remember he used was, because this trouble would in
crease the Virginia plantation ; that now people began more
generally to incfine to go ; and if he had not nominated some
such ^s I, he had not been free, being it was known that many
citizens, besides themselves, were there. I expect an answer
shortly what they intend concerning me. I pm-pose to write
to some other of you, by whom you shaU know the certainty

1619.J THE PILGRIMS OBTAIN A PATENT. 277
Thus not having further at present to acquaint you withal,
commending myself to your prayers I cease, and commit
you and us aU to the Lord.
Your friend and brother, in bonds,
Sabin Starsmore.
From my Chamber in Wood-street Counter, Sept. 4th, 1618.
But thus much by the way, which may be of good use.*
But at last, after aU these things, and their long attendance,
they had a patent gi-anted them, and confirmed under the
Company's seah But these divisions and distractions had
shaken off many of their pretended friends, and disappointed
them of many of their hoped for and proffered means. By
the advice of some friends this patent was not taken in the
name of any of their own company, but in the name of Mr.
John Wuicob, a refigious gentleman, then belonging to the
Countess of Lincoln, who intended to go with them. But
God so disposed as he never went, nor they ever made use of
this patent, which had cost them so much labor and charge ;
as by the sequel wUl appear.
This patent being sent over for them to view and consider,
as also the passages about the propositions between them and
such merchants and friends as should either go or adventure
with them, and especially with them on whom they did chiefly
depend for shipping and means, whose proffers had been
large, they were requested to fit and prepare themselves with
all speed.
A right emblem it may be of the uncertain things of this
world, that when men have toiled themselves, they vanish
into smoke.
Upon a receipt of these things by one of their messengers,
they had a solemn meeting and a day of humiliation, to seek

* I have been the larger in these things, that the rising generation may
seriously take notice of the many diificultles their poor leaders underwent in
the first enterprises towards coming into New England.
24

278 THE PILGRIMS KEEP A FAST. [1620.
the Lord for his direction. And their pastor took this text.
" And David's men said unto him, See, we be afraid here in
Judah. How much more, if we come to Keilah, against the
hosts of the Phifistines. Then David asked counsel of the
Lord again." 1 Sam. xxui. 3, 4. From which text he taught
many things very aptly, and befitting their present occasion
and condition, to stiengthen them against their fears and per
plexities, and encouraging them in their resolutions.
In the foregoing five chapters the reader may take a view
of some of the many difficulties our blessed predecessors went
through in their first achievement of this weighty enterprise
of removal of om- church into these American parts. The
immediate following relations in Mr. Bradford's book, out of
which divers of these matters are recollected, do more es
peciaUy concern the conditions of their agreement with sev
eral merchant adventurers towards the voyage, etc., as also
several letters sent to and fro from friend to friend relating to
the premises, which are not so pertinent to the nature of this
smaU history. Wherefore I shall here omit to insert them,
judging them not so suitable to my present purpose; and
here also cease to foUow the foregoing -method by way of
chapters. As Morton chose here to omit a portion of Bradford's History, relating to
transactions with the merchant adventurers, we here quote from Hubbard's
History a few paragraphs which seem essential to the completeness of the
narrative. " Soon after this their agents were sent into England again,
to conclude of articles and propositions between them and
such merchants and friends as should either go or adventure
with them, and those who in order to their removal had sold
out their estates, put their moneys into a common stock,
which was to be disposed of by those appointed to make gen
eral provision. Mi-. Weston was one who had interested him
self much in their affahs, undertaking to provide shipping for
their transportation, but about this time they were informed

1620.] THE PILGRIMS MEET WITH DISCOURAGEMENTS. 279
by Mr. Weston and others, that sundry honorable lords and
worthy gentlemen had obtained a large patent from the King
for the more northerly part of America, distinct from the Vir
ginia patent, and whoUy excluded from their government, and
to be caUed by another name, namely. New England. Unto
which Mr. Weston and the chiefest of them began to incfine,
thinking it was best for them to go thither ; as for other reasons,
so chiefly for the hope of present profit, to be made by fishing
on that coast. But in all business the active part is most
difficult, especiaUy when there are many agents that may be
concerned. So it was found in them ; for some of them who
should have gone in England, feU off and would not go.
Other merchants and friends, that proffered to adventure their
money, withdrew and pretended many excuses ; some dis-
fildng they went not to Guiana ; others would do nothing
unless they went to Virginia ; and many who were most re-
fied on refused to adventure if they went thither. In the
midst of these difficulties, they of Leyden were driven to great
stiaits ; but at the length, the generafity was swayed to the
better opinion. Howbeit, the patent for the northern part of
the country not being fully settled at that time, they resolved
to adventure with that patent they had, intending for some
place more southward than that they fell upon in their voy
age, at Cape Cod, as may appear afterwards.
The conditions, on which those of Leyden engaged with
the merchants, the adventurers, were hard enough at the first
for the poor people, that were to adventure their persons as weU
as their estates. Yet were their agents forced to change one
or two of them, to satisfy the merchants, who were not willing
to be concerned with them ; although the altering them with
out their knowledge or consent was very distasteful to them,
and became the occasion of some contention amongst them
afterwards. They are these that follow.
1. The adventurers and planters do agree, that every person
that goeth, being sixteen years old and upward, be rated at
ten pounds, and that ten pounds be accounted a single share.
2. That he that goeth in person, and furnisheth himself out
with ten pounds, either in money or other provisions, be ac-

280 THE CONDITIONS OF THE PARTNERSHIP [1620.
counted as having twenty pounds in stock, and in the division
shaU receive a double share.
3. The persons transported and the adventurers shall con
tinue their joint-stock and partnership the space of seven
years, except some unexpected impediments do cause the
whole company to agree otherwise ; during which time all
profits and benefits that are gotten by trade, traffic, teucking,
working, fishing, or any other means, of any other person or
persons, shall remain still in the common stock untU the
division. 4. That at their coming there they shaU choose out such a
number of fit persons as may furnish their ships and boats
for fishing upon the sea ; employing the rest in their several
faculties upon the land, as building houses, tiUing and plant
ing the ground, and making such commodities as shall be
most useful for the colony.
5. That at the end of the seven years, the capital and "the
profits, namely, the houses, lands, goods, and chattels, be
equally divided among the adventurers. If any debt or detri
ment concerning this adventure.
6. Whosoever cometh to the colony hereafter, or putteth
any thing into the stock, shaU at the end of the seven years
be allowed proportionally to the time of his so doing.
7. He that shall carry his wife, or children, or servants, shaU
be allowed for every person, now aged sixteen years and up
ward, a single share in the division ; or if he provide them
necessaries, a double share ; or if they be between ten years
old and sixteen, then two of them to be reckoned for a person,
both in transportation and division.
8. That such chUdren that now go and are under the age
of ten years, have no other share in the division than fifty
acres of unmanured land.
9. That such persons as die before the seven years be ex
pired, their executors to have their parts or share at the divis
ion proportionably to the time of their life in the colony.
10. That all such persons as are of the colony are to have
meat, drink, and apparel, and all provisions, out of the com
mon stock and goods of the said colony.

1620.] WITH THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS. 281
The difference between the conditions thus expressed and
the former, before their alteration, stood in these two points ;
first, that the houses and lands improved, especially gardens
and home fields, should remain undivided, wholly to the plant
ers, at the seven years' end ; secondly, that the planters should
have two days in the week for their own private employment,
for the comfort of themselves and their famifies, especially
such as had them to take care for.
The altering of those two conditions was very afflictive to
the minds of such as were concerned in the voyage. But Mr.
Cushman, their principal agent, answered the complaints
peremptorUy, that unless they had so ordered the conditions,
the whole design would have faUen to the ground ; and neces
sity, they said, having no law, they were constrained to be
silent. The poor planters met with much difficulty both be
fore and after the expiring of the seven years, and found much
trouble in making up accounts with the adventurers about the
division ; at which time, though those that adventured their
money were no gi-eat gainers, yet those that adventured their
fives in carrying on the business of the plantation were by
much the greatest sufferers.
[Mr. Robinson -writes to Mr. Carver, and complains of Mr.
Weston's neglect in getting shipping in England ; for want
of which they are in a piteous case at Leyden. And S. F.,
E. W., W. B., and J. A., write from Leyden to Mr. Carver
and Cushman, that the coming of Mr. Nash and their pUot is
a great encouragement to them.
Mr. Cushman, in a letter from London to Mr. Carver at
Southampton, says that Mr. Crabe, a minister, had promised
to go, but is much opposed, and like to fail ; and in a letter
to the people at Leyden, that he had hired another pilot, one
Mr. Clark, who went last year to Virginia ; that he is getting
a ship, hopes he shall make aU ready at London in fourteen
days, and would have Mr. Reynolds tarry in Holland, and
bring the ship there to Southampton.] *
* These last two paragraphs are from Prince.
Here follows in Bradford's History the same description of their departure
24*

282 ROBINSON'S LETTER TO CARVER. [1620.

A brief Letter written by Mr. John Robinson to Mr. John Carver, at their part
ing aforesaid, in which the tender love and godly care of a true pastor
appears.
My Dear Brother, —
I received inclosed your last letter and note of information,
which I shall carefully keep and make use of, as there shall
be occasion. I have a true feefing of your perplexity of mind
and toil of body ; but I hope that you, having always been
able so plentifully to administer comfort unto others in then-
trials, are so well furnished for yourself, as that far greater
difficulties than you have yet undergone (though I conceive
them to be great enough) cannot oppress you, though they
press you, as the Apostle speaketh. " The spu-it of a man
(sustained by the Spirit of God) will sustain his infirmity."
I doubt not so wiU yours ; and the better much, when you
shaU enjoy the presence and help of so many godly and wise
brethren, for the bearing of part of your burden; who also
wiU not admit into their hearts the least thought of suspicion
of any the least negfigence, at least presumption, to have been
in you, whatsoever they think in others. Now what shall I say
or write unto you and your good wife, my loving sister?
Even only this ; I desire, and always shaU, mercy and blessing
unto you fi-om the Lord, as unto my own soul ; and assure
yourself that my heart is with you, and that I will not fore-
slow my bodily coming at the first opportunity. I have
written a large letter to the whole,* and am sorry I shaU not
rather speak than -wn-ite to them ; and the more, considering
the want of a preacher, which I shaU also make some spur to
my hastening towards you. I do ever commend my best
affection unto you ; which if I thought you made any doubt
of, I would express in more, and the same more ample and
full words. And the Lord, in whom you trust, and whom

from Leyden, their embarkation from Delft Haven, and their subsequent
trials, as is found in the Memorial, which need not be repeated. See pages
13-24. * See this letter in Memorial, p. 15-19 of this volume.

1620.] ROBINSON'S LETTER TO CARVER. 283
you serve ever in this business and journey, guide you with
his hand, protect you with his wing, and show you and us
his salvation in the end, and bring us, in the mean while,
together in the place desu-ed (if such be his good will) for his
Christ's sake. Amen. Yours,
John Robinson.
July 27th, 1620.
This was the last letter that Mr. Carver lived to see from
him.*

* The remainder of Bradford's History as found on the Church Records
is in the Memorial. See pages 19-24.

NEW ENGLATO CHRONOLOGY,

THOMAS PRINCE.

Me. Prestce having read all the contemporary histories of the first thirteen
years of the settlement at Plymouth, put the whole in the form of Annals ;
and we have here extracted so much as seemed desirable to make this vol
ume a full and complete narrative of the events of the time included.

NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY.

1621.
January 1. Monday, the people at Plymouth go betimes
to work, and the year begins with the death of Degory Priest.
January 3. Some abroad see great fires of Indians and go
to their cornfields, but discover none of the savages, nor have
seen any since we came to this harbor.
January 4. Captain Standish, with four or five more, go
to look for the natives where their fires were made, find some
of their houses, though not lately inhabited, but none of the
natives. January 8. Francis BiUington having the week before
fi-om the top of a tree on a high hUl discovered a great sea,
as he thought, goes this day with one of the master's mates
to view it ; travel three mUes to a large water divided into
two lakes ; the bigger five or six mUes in compass with an
islet in it of a cable's length square. The other three miles
ui compass, and a brook issuing from it, find seven or eight
houses, though not lately inhabited ; and this day dies Mr.
Christopher Martin.
January 9. We labor in building our town in two rows of
houses for greater safety ; divide by lot the ground we build
on ; agree that every man shaU buUd his own house, that they
may make more haste than when they work in common.
January 12. At noon, John Goodman and Peter Brown
gathering thatch abroad, and not coming home after their two
companions, put us in great sorrow; master Leaver with
three or four more go to seek them, but can hear nothing of

288 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1621.
them ; next day, thinking the Indians had surprised them, we
arm out ten or twelve men after them, who go searching
seven or eight mUes, but return without discovery, to our
great discomfort.
January 13. Having the major part of our people ashore,
we purpose there to keep the pubfic worship to-morrow.
January 14. Lord's Day morning at six o'clock, the wind,
being very high, we on shipboard see our rendezvous in
flames ; and because of the loss of the two men, fear the
savages had fired it, nor can we come to help them for want
of the tide tiU seven o'clock ; at landing, hear good news of
the return of our two men, and that the house was fired by
a spark flying into the thatch, which instantly burnt it up ;
the greatest sufferers are Governor Carver and Mr. Bradford.
The two men were lost in the woods on Friday noon ; ranged
all the afternoon in the wet and cold ; at night it snowing,
freezing, and being bitter weather, they walked under a tree
till morning, then tiavelled by many lakes and brooks ; in the -
afternoon, from a high hUl they discover the two isles in our
harbor, and at night get home faint with ti-avel and want of
food and sleep, and almost famished with cold.
January 21. We keep our pubfic worship ashore.
January 29. Dies Rose, the wife of Captain Standish.
January 31. This morning the people aboard the ship see
two savages, (the first that we see at this harbor,) but cannot
speak with them.
N. B. This month eight of our number die.
February 9. This afternoon, our house for our sick people
is set a fire by a spark lighting on the roof
February 16. One of our people a fowling by a creek
about a mUe and a half off, twelve Indians march by him
towards the town ; in the woods he hears the noise of many
more, Ues close tiU they are passed by, then hastens home
and gives the alarm ; so the people abroad return, but see
none ; only Captain Standish and Francis Cook, leaving their
tools in the woods, and going for them, find the savages had
took them away ; and towards night a great fire about the
place where the man saw them.

1621.] NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 289
February 17. This morning we first meet for appointing
mifitary orders, choose Miles Standish for our captain, give
him power accordingly ; and while we are consulting, two
savages present themselves on the top of the hill over against
us about a quarter of a mile off, making signs for us to come
to them, we send Captain Standish and Mr. Hopkins over
the brook towards them, one only with a musket, which he
lays down in sign of peace and parley, but the Indians would
not stay their coming; a noise of a great many more is
heard behind the hill, but no more come in sight.
February 21. Die Mr. WiUiam White, Mr. WiUiam Mul-
fins, with two more. And the 25th dies Mary, the wife of
Mr. Isaac Allerton.
N. B. This month, seventeen of our number die.
March 7. The governor with five more go to the Great
Ponds ; and we begin to sow our garden seeds.
March 16. This morning, a savage boldly comes alone
along the houses stiaight to the rendezvous, surprises us with
calling out. Welcome Englishmen I Welcome Englishmen I
having learned some broken Engfish among the fishermen at
Monhiggon ; the first Indian we met with, his name Samoset,
says he is a sagamore or lord of Moratiggon, lying hence a
day's saU with a great wind, and five days by land, and has
been in these parts eight months ; we entertain him, and he
informs us of the country ; that the place we are in is called
Patuxet, that about four years ago all the inhabitants died of
an extraordinary plague, and there is neither man, woman,
nor child remaining ; as indeed we find none to hinder our
possession, or lay claim to it. At night we lodge and watch
him. March 17. This morning we send Samoset to the Massa-
soits, our next neighbors, whence he came. The Nausites
near southeast of us being those by whom we were first en
countered as before related, are much incensed against the
English ; about eight months ago slew three Englishmen, and
two more hardly escaped to Monhiggon ; they were Sir F.
Gorges' men, as our savage tells us. He also tells us of the
fight we had with the Nausites, and of our tools lately taken
25

290 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1621.
away, which we requhed him to bring. This people are iU
affected to us because of Hunt, who carried away twenty
from this place we now inhabit, and seven from the Nausites
as before observed. He promises within a night or two to
bring some of the Massasoits, with beaver skins to trade.
March 18. Samoset returns with five other men, who
bring our tools with some skins and make show of friendship ;
but being the Lord's day, we would not trade, but entertain
ing them, bid them come again and bring more, which they
promise within a night or two ; but Samoset tarries with us.
March 21. This morning, the Indians not coming, we send
Samoset to inquire the reason. In his absence, two or three
savages present themselves on the top of the hiU against us,
with a show of daring us ; but Capt. Standish and another
with their muskets going over, the Indians whet their arrows
and make show of defiance ; but as our men advance they
run away.
March 22. About noon, Samoset returns with Squanto,
the only native of this place, one of the twenty Hunt had
carried to Spain, but got into England, fived in CornhiU,
London, with Mr. John Slanie, merchant, and can speak a
little Engfish, with three others ; bring a few sldns and sig
nify that their great Sagamore Massasoit, the greatest king
of the Indians bordering on us, is hard by, with his brother
Quadequina and their company. After an hour, the Idng
comes to the top of an hiU over against us, with a train of
sixty men. We send Squanto to him, who brings word that
we should send one to parley with him. We send Mr. Ed
ward Winslow to know his mind, and signify that our gov
ernor desires to see him and tiuck and confirm a peace.
Upon this the king leaves Mr. Winslow in the custody of
Quadequina and comes over the brook with a train of twenty
men, leaving their bows and arrows behind them. Captain
Standish and Master WUliamson with six musketeers meet
him at the brook, where they salute each other, conduct him
to a house wherein they place a green rug and three or four
cushions; then instantly comes our governor, with drum,
trumpet, and musketeers ; after salutations, the governor kiss-

1621.] NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 291
ing his hand, and the king kissing him, they set down, the
governor entertains him with some refreshments, and then
they agree on a league of fi-iendship.*
After this, the governor conducts him to the brook, where
they embrace and part ; we keeping six or seven hostages for
our messenger. But Quadequina coming with his troop, we
entertain and convey him back, receive our messenger, and
return the hostages.
March 23. This morning, diverse Indians coming over
teU us, the king would have some of us come and see him ;
Captain Standish and Mr. Isaac AUerton go venturously to
them, whom they welcome after their manner; and about
noon, they return to their place called Sowams, about forty
mUes off to the westward. The king is a portly man, in his
best years, grave of countenance, spare of speech. And we
cannot but judge he is wiUing to be at peace with us, espec
ially because he has a potent adversary the Narragansets,
who are at war with him, against whom he thinks we may
be some sti-ength, our pieces being terrible to them. But
Samoset and Squanto tarry.
This day we meet on common business, conclude our mil
itary orders, with some laws convenient for our present state,
and choose or rather confirm Mr. Carver our governor for the
foUowing year.
March 24. Dies Elizabeth, the -wife of Mr. Edward
Winslow. The first offence since our arrival is of John Billington who
came on board at London, and is this month convented be
fore the whole company for his contempt of the captain's
lawful command with opprobrious speeches, for which he is
adjudged to have his neck and heels tied together ; but upon
humbling himself and craving pardon, and it being the first
offence, he is forgiven.
This month thirteen of our number die. And in three
months past, dies half our company ; the greatest part in the
depth of winter, wanting houses and other comforts, being
* See terms of league page 40.

292 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1621.
infected with the scurvy and other diseases, which their long
voyage and unaccommodate condition brought upon them;
so as there die sometimes two or three a day, of one hun
dred persons scarce fifty remain; the living scarce able to
bury the dead, the well not sufficient to tend the sick ; there
being in their time of greatest distress but six or seven, who
spare no pains to help them; two of the seven were Mr.
Brewster their reverend elder, and Mr. Standish then- captain.
The like disease fell also among the sailors, so as almost
half of their company also die before they sail.
But the spring advancing it pleases God the mortality be
gins to cease, and the sick and lame recover, which puts new
life into the people, though they had borne their sad afflic
tion with as much patience as any could do.
April 5. We despatch the ship with Captain Jones, who
this day sails from New Plymouth, and May 6 arrives in
England. After this we plant twenty acres of Indian corn, wherein
Squanto is a great help, showing us how to set, fish, dress,
and tend it, of which we have a good increase ; we likewise
sow six acres of barley and peas ; our barley indifferent good,
bnt our peas parched up with the sun.
May 12. The first marriage in this place, is of Mr. Ed
ward Winslow to Mrs. Susanna White, widow of Mr. Wil
liam White.
June 18. . The second offence is the first duel fought in
New England, upon a challenge of single combat with sword
and dagger between Edward Doty and Edward Leister, ser
vants of Mr. Hopkins ; both being wounded, the one in the
hand, the other in the thigh, they are adjudged by the whole
company to have their head and feet tied together, and so to
lie for twenty -four hours, without meat or drink, which is be
gun to be inflicted, but within an hour, because of their
great pains, at their own and their master's humble request,
upon promise of better carriage, they are released by the
governor. July 2. We agree to send Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr.
Steven Hopkins with Squanto to see our new friend Massa-

1621.] NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 293
soit at Pakanokit, to bestow some gratuities on him, bind him
faster to us, view the country, see how and where he lives,
his strength, etc. (See Memorial, page 48.)
Tuesday. At nine this morning, we set out, travel fifteen
miles westward to Namasket by three in the afternoon. The
people entertain us with joy, give us bread they caU Maizum,
and the spawn of shads, which they now have in great plenty,
and we eat with spoons. By sunset we get eight miles fur
ther to a Ware, where we find many of the Namascheuks, i. e.
Namasket men, a fishing, having caught abundance of bass ;
who welcome us also, and there we lodge. The head of this
river is said to be not far fi-om the place of our abode, upon
it are and have been many towns ; the ground very good on
both sides, for the most part cleared ; thousands of men have
lived here, who died of the great plague which befeU these
parts about three years before our arrival ; the living not being
able to bury them, and their skuUs and bones appear in»many
places where their dweUings had been. Upon this river Mas
sasoit fives ; it goes into the sea at Narraganset Bay, where
the Frenchmen use so much. Next morning we travel six
mUes by the river to a known shoal place, and it being low-
water, put off our clothes and wade over; thus far the tide
flows. We observe few places on the river but what had
been inhabited, thdugh now greatly wasted by the plague
aforesaid. And so we travel to Pacanokit, where Massasoit
kindly welcomes us and gratefully receives our presents, as
sures us he wiU gladly continue the peace and friendship, tells
us the Narragansets live on the other side of that great bay,
are a strong people, and many in number, live compactly, and
were not touched with that wasting sickness ; desires us not
to let the French trade with them ; and there we lodge. Next
day, being Thursday, many of their sachems or petty governors
come to visit us ; we see their games for skins and knives,
and there lodge again. Friday morning, before sunrise, we
take our leave, Massasoit retaining Squanto to procure truck
for us, appoints Tockamahamon in his place, whom we had
found faithful before and after upon all occasions. That night
we reach to the Ware, and the next night home.
25*

294 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1621.
July e. John Billington, a boy, being lost in the woods,
the governor causes him to be inquired for among the natives ;
at length Massasoit sends word he is at Nauset. He had
wandered five days, lived on berries, then light of an Indian
plantation, twenty miles south of us caUed Manomet, and
they conveyed him to the people who first assaulted us, but
the governor sends ten men in a shaUop with Squanto and
Tockamahamon, to fetch him.
The first day the shaUop sails for the harbor at Cummaquid,
but night coming on, we anchor in the midst of the bay,
where we are dry at low-water. Next morning the Indians
on the other side of the channel invite us to come and eat
with them ; as soon as our boat floats, six of us go ashore,
leaving four of them pledges in the boat, the rest bring us to
their sachem, whom they caU lyanough, a man not above
twenty-six years of age, but personable and courteous, who
gives .us plentiful and various cheer. After dinner we take
boat for Nauset, lyanough and two of his men with us. But
the day and tide failing, we cannot get in with our shallop.
lyanough with his men go ashore, and we send Squanto to
tell Aspinet, the sachem of Nauset, our errand. After sunset,
Aspinet comes with a gi-eat train of a hundred with him
bringing the boy, one bearing him through the water, delivers
him to us. The sachem makes his peace'with us. We give
him a knife, and another to him who first entertained the boy.
At this place we hear the Narragansets had spoiled some of
Massasoit's men and taken him, which strikes us with some
fear ; and setting saU, carry lyanough to Cummaquid, and
get home the next day night. Those people also come and
make their peace, and we give them full satisfaction for the
corn we had formerly found in their counti-y.
Hobamak a Pinese, or chief captain of Massasoit, also
comes to dwell among us, and continues faithful as long as
he lives.
At our return from Nauset, we find it true that Massasoit
is put from his country by the Narragansets, and word is
brought us that Coubatant or Corbitant, a petty sachem un
der Massasoit, ever feared to be too conversant with the Nar-

1621.] NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 295
ragansets, and no friend to the English, is at Namasket, seek
ing to draw the hearts of Massasoit's subjects from him,
speaks disdainfully of us, storms at the peace between Nau
set, Cummaquid, and us, and at Squanto the worker of it, as
also at Tokamahamon and Hobamak. However, Squanto
and Hobamak go privately to see what is become of their
king, and lodge at Namasket, but are discovered to Corbitant,
who besets the house, threatens to kill Squanto and Hoba
mak for being friends to us, seizes Squanto and holds a knife
at his breast, offers to stab Hobamak, but being a stout man
clears himself, concludes Squanto killed, and flies to our gov
ernor with the uiformation.
August 13. At this the governor assembles our company,
and taking counsel, it is conceived not fit to be borne ; for if
we should suffer our friends and messengers thus to be
wronged, we shaU have none to cleave to us, or give us intelli
gence, or do us any service, but would next fall upon us, etc.
We therefore resolve to send ten men to-morrow with Hoba
mak, to seize our foes in the night ; if Squanto be killed, to
cut off Corbitant's head ; but hurt only those who had a hand
in the murder, and retain Nepeof another sachem in the con
federacy, till we hear of Massasoit.
August 14. Capt. Standish with fourteen men and Hoba
mak set out in a rainy day, lose their way in the night, wet,
weary, and much discouraged. But finding it again, beset
Corbitant's house at midnight, where three Indians are sorely
wounded in trying to break away, but find him gone, and
Tokamahamon and Squanto safe. Corbitant having only
threatened Squanto's life and made an offer to stab him.*
Next morning we march into the midst of the town, Hoba
mak teUing the Indians what we only intended, they bring
the best food they have, and we breakfast at Squanto's house ;
whither aU whose hearts are upright to us come ; but Corbi
tant's faction fled away. We declare that if Massasoit does
not return in safety from Narraganset, or if Corbitant should
make any insurrection against him, or offer violence to Squan
to, Hobamak, or any of Massasoit's subjects, we would re-
* Seepp. 48, 49.

296 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1621.
venge it to the utter overthrow of him and his. With many
friends attending us, we get home at night, bring with us the
three wounded savages, whom we cure and send home.
After this we have many gratulations from divers sachems,
and much firmer peace. Yea those of the Isle of Capawak
send to secure our friendship, and Corbitant himself uses the
mediation of Massasoit to be reconcUed. Yea Canonicus,
chief sachem of the Narragansets, sends a messenger to treat
of peace.
Though we are told the Massachusetts often threaten us,
yet the company think good to send among them, to discover
the bay, see the countiy, make peace, and trade with the na
tives. The governor chooses ten men with Squanto and two
other savages to go in the shaUop.
September 18. At midnight, the tide serving, we set saU.
Next day get into the bottom of Massachusetts Bay, about
twenty leagues north from Plymouth, and anchor. Next
morning, we land under a cliff. The sachem of this place is
Obbatinewat, and though he lives in the bottom of this bay,
yet is subject to Massasoit; uses us kindly, and teUs us he
dare not now remain in any settled place for fear of the Tar-
ratines, who five to the eastward, are wont to come, at har
vest, and take away their corn, and many times kill them ;
and that the squaw sachem or Massachusetts queen is an
enemy to him. He submits to the king of England, upon our
promising to be his safeguard against his enemies. We cross
the bay, which is very large, and seems to have fifty islands.
Next morning, aU but two go ashore, march three mUes into
the country, where corn had been newly gathered. A mile
hence their late king Nanepashemet had lived ; his house was
built on a large scaffold, six foot high, and on the top of a
hill. Not far hence in a bottom we come to a fort he had
built ; the palisades thfi-ty or forty foot high ; a trench about
it breast high ; but one way in, over a bridge. In the midst
of the palisades stands the frame of a house, where he lies
buried. A mUe hence we come to such another, but on the
top of a hiU, where he was kiUed. The natives at fu-st fly from
us, but are at length induced to meet us here, and entertain

1621.] NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 297
US in the best manner they can. Having ti-aded with us, and
the day near spent, we return to the shallop. Within this
bay the savages say are two rivers, one of which we saw, hav
ing a fair entiance ; better harbor for shipping cannot be than
here ; most of the islands have been inhabited, being cleared
from end to end ; but their inhabitants all dead or removed.
Having a fight moon, we set sail at evening, and before next
day noon get home with a considerable quantity of beaver,
and a good report of the . place, wishing we had been seated
there. All the summer no want, while some were trading, others
were fishing cod, bass, etc. We now gather in our harvest ;
and as cold weather advances, come in store of water fowl
wherewith this place abounds, though afterwards they by
degrees decrease ; as also abundance of wild turkies with
venison, etc. Fit our houses against winter, are in health and
have all things in plenty.
November 9. Arrives a ship at Cape Cod, and the tenth
the Indians bring us word of her being near, but think her a
Frenchman, upon her making for our bay, the governor orders
a piece to be fired, to call home such as are abroad at work,
and we get ready for defence, but unexpectedly find her a
fi-iend, of fifty-five ton, caUed the Fortune, in which comes
1VL-. Cushman with thirty-five persons, to five in the planta
tion, which not a little rejoices us. But both ship and pas
sengers poorly furnished with provisions ; so that we are
forced to spare her some to carry her home, which threatens
a famine among us, unless we have ^, timely supply. She
sailed from London the beginning of July, could not clear
the channel until the end of August, and brings a letter for
Mr. Carver from Mr. Weston, dated London, July 6, wherein
he writes, we (that is, the adventurers) have procured you a
Charter, the best we could, better than your former, and with
less limitation. She finds all our people she left in April, in
health, except six who died, and stays a month ere she sails
for England.
December 11. We have buUt seven dwelling-houses ; four
for the use of the plantation, and have made provision for

298 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1622.
divers others. Both Massasoit, the greatest king of the
natives and aU the princes and people round us have made
peace with us, seven of them at once sent their messengers
for this end. And as we cannot but account it an extiaordi-
nary blessing of God in directing our course for these parts,
we obtained the hojaor to receive aUowance of our possessing
and enjoying thereof under the authority of the President
and CouncU for the affairs of New England.
December 13. The ship sails, namely, the Fortune, laden
•with two hogsheads of beaver and other skins, and good
clapboards as fuU as she can hold ; the freight estimated near
five hundred pounds ; Mr. Cushman returning in her, as the
adventm-ers had appointed for their better information. But
in her voyage as she draws near the Engfish coast, is seized
by the French, carried to France, into the Isle Deu, kept there
fourteen or fifteen days, robbed of all she had worth taking ;
then the people and ship released, get to London, February
14 or 17.
Upon her departure, the governor and his assistant dispose
the late comers into several famUies, find thek provisions wiU
now scarce hold out six months at half aUowance, and there
fore put them to it, which they bear patiently.

1622.
Soon after the ship's departure, that great people of the
Narragansets, said ¦\p^ be many thousands strong, can raise
above five thousand fighting men, notwithstanding they
desired and obtained peace with us in the foregoing summer,
begin to breathe forth many threats against us ; so that it is
the common talk of all the Indians round us, of their prepara
tions to come against us. At length Canonicus, their chief
sachem, in a braving manner sends us a bundle of arrows
tied with a snakeskin, which Squanto tells us is a chaUenge
and threatening. Whereupon our governor with advice of
others, sends them an answer, that if they had rather war
than peace, they might begin when they would ; we had done

1622.] NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 299
them no -wrong, nor do we fear them, nor should they find us
unprovided. By another messenger we send back the snake-
skin charged with powder and bullets ; but they refuse to
receive it, and return it to us. Since the death of so many
Indians they thought to lord it over the rest, conceive we are
a bar in their way, and see Massasoit aheady take shelter
under our wings.
This makes us more carefuUy to look to ourselves, and
agree to inclose our dwelfings with stiong pales, flankers,
gates, etc.
February. We impsde our town, taking in the top of the
hiU under which our own town is seated ; make four bulwarks
or jetties, whence we can defend the whole town, in three
whereof are gates, which are locked every night ; a watch
and ward kept in the day. The governor and captain divide
the company into four squadrons with commanders, every
one its quarter assigned, to repair to in any alarm. And if
there be a cry of fire, a company is appointed for a guard
with muskets, whUe others quench it, to prevent treachery.
May. Our provision being spent, a famine begins to pinch
us, and we look hard for supply, but none arrives.
May e. We spy a boat at sea, which we take to be a
Frenchman, but proves a shaUop fiom a ship called the Spar
row, which Mr. Weston and Beachamp set out a fishing at
Damarin's Cove, forty leagues to the eastward, where this
year are thirty saU of ships a fishing. She brings a letter to
Mr. Carver from Mr. Wcston, of January 17, with seven pas
sengers on his account ; but no victuals, nor hope of any ;
nor have we ever any afterwards ; and by his letter find he
has quite deserted us, and is going to settle a plantation of
his own.
The boat brings us a kind letter from Mr. John Huddle-
ston, or Hudston, a captain of a ship, fishing at the eastward,
whose name we never heard before, to inform us of a massa
cre of four hundred Engfish by the Indians in Virginia,
whence he came. By this boat, the governor returns a grate
ful answer ; and with them sends Mr. Winslow in a boat of
ours to get provisions of the fishing ships ; whom Captain

300 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1622.
Huddleston receives kindly, and not only spares what he can,
but writes to others to do the fike. By which means he gets
as much bread as amounts to a quarter of a pound a person
per day, tiU harvest, and returns in safety. The governor
causing their portion to be daUy given them, or some had
starved. And by this voyage we not only got a present sup
ply, but also learn the way to those parts for our future
benefit. At Mr. Winslow's return, he finds the colony much weaker
than he left it. The want of bread had abated the strength
and flesh of some, had sweUed others ; and had they not
been where are diverse sorts of sheU fish, they must have
perished. These extiemities befell us in May and June ; and
in the time of these straits, and indeed before Mr. Winslow
went to Monhiggon, the Indians began to cast forth many
insulting speeches, glorying in our weakness, and giving out
how easy it would be ere long to cut us off; which occasions
us to erect a fort on the hill above us.
June e, or July b. Come into our harbor two ships of Mr.
Weston's, the Charity of one hundred tons, and Swan of
thirty, with his letter of April 10, and fifty or sixty men, sent
at his own charge, to settle a plantation for him in the Mas
sachusetts Bay, for which he had procured a patent, they
sailed from London about the last of April, the Charity, the
bigger ship, leaves them, having many passengers to carry to
Virginia. We allow this people housing, and many being
sick, they have the best means our place affords.
By Mr. Weston's ship comes a letter from Mr. John Pierce,
in whose name the Plymouth patent is taken ; signifying that
whom the governor admits into the association he wiU
approve. July 16. Our number is about one hundred persons, all in
health, [that is, free from sickness, though not from weak
ness,] near sixty acres of ground well planted with corn, be
sides gardens replenished with useful fruits.
This summer we build a timber fort, both sti-ong and
comely, with flat roof and battlements ; on which ordnance
are mounted, a watch kept, and it also serves as a place of
public worship.

1622.] NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 301
Mr. Weston's people stay here the most part of the sum
mer, while some seek out a place for them. They exceed
ingly waste and steal our corn, and yet secretly revile us. At
length their coasters return, having found in the Massachu
setts Bay a place they judged fit for settlement, named
Wichaguscusset, or Wesagusquasset, or Wessagusset, since
caUed Weymouth ; whither upon their ship (that is, the
Charity,) returning from Virginia, the body of them go, leav
ing their sick and lame with us tiU they had built some hous
ing, whom our surgeon by God's help, recovers gratis, and
they afterwards fetch home, nor have we any recompense for
this courtesy, nor desire it. They prove an unruly company,
have no good government over them ; by disorder will soon
faU to want if ]Mr. Weston come not quickly among them.
Nor had they been long from us ere the Indians fill our ears
with clamors against them, for stealing their corn, and other
abuses. Our crop proving scanty, partly through weakness for want
of food, to tend it, partly through other business, and partly
by much being stolen, a famine must ensue next year, unless
prevented. But
Aug. e. By an unexpected Providence, come into our
harbor two ships ; namely, the Sparrow, Mr. Weston's, who
having made her voyage of fish, goes to Virginia, where both
she and her fish are sold. The other called the Discovery,
Captain Jones, commander, on her way from Virginia, home
ward, being sent out by some merchants to discover the shoals
about Cape Cod, and harbors between this and Virginia.
Of her we buy knives and beads, which are now good trade,
though at cent per cent or more, and yet pay away coat
beaver at 'Ss. a pound (which a few years after yields 20s.)
By which means we are fitted to trade, both for corn and
beaver. In this ship comes Mr. John Porey, who had been secretary
in Virginia, and is going home in her ; who after his depart
ure sends the governor a letter of thanks, dated August 28 ;
wherein he highly commends Mr. Ainsworth's and Robinson's
26

302 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1623.
works. And after his return to England, does this poor plan
tation much credit among those of no mean rank.
Sept. e. or Oct. b. Mr. Weston's largest ship, the Charity,
returns to England, leaving his people sufficiently victualled.
The lesser, namely, the Swan, remains with his plantation
for their further help.
Nov. The governor goes with them, but seeing no passage
through the shoals of Cape Cod, puts into a harbor at Man-
amoyk. That evening the governor, with Squanto and
others, go ashore to the Indian houses, stay aU night, trade
with the natives, get eight hogsheads of corn and beans.
Here Squanto faUs sick of a fever, bleeding much at the nose,
which the Indians reckon a fatal symptom, and here in a few
days dies ; desiring the governor to pray that he might go
the Englishman's God in heaven, bequeathing his things to
sundry of his English friends, as remembrances of his love ;
of whom we have a great loss. Thence sail to the Massa
chusetts, find a great sickness among the natives, not unfike
the plague, if not the same ; must give as much for a quart
of corn as we used for a beaver skin. The savages renew
their complaints to our governor against those English.
Thence sail to Nauset, buy eight or ten hogsheads of corn
and beans, as also at Mattachiest ; but our shaUop being cast
away, we cannot get our corn aboard ; our governor causes it
to be stacked and covered ; and charging the Indians with it,
he procures a guide, sets out on foot, being fifty miles, receiv
ing aU respect from the natives by the way, weary and with
gaUed feet comes home ; three days after, the ship comes
also ; and the corn being divided, Mr. Weston's people return
to their plantation. 1623.
January. Captain Standish being recovered, takes another
shallop, sails to Nauset, finds the corn left there in safety,
mends the other shaUop, gets the corn aboard the ship ; but
it being very cold and stormy, is obliged to cut the shallops
from the stern of the ship, and loose them ; but the storm
being over, finds them. WhUe we lodge ashore, an Indian

1623.] NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 303
steals some tiifles out of the shaUop as she lay in a creek ;
which when the captain missed, he takes some of his com
pany, goes to the sachem, requires the goods, or would revenge
it on them before he left them. On the morrow, the sachem
comes to our rendezvous with many men, salutes the captain,
licking his hand and bowing down, delivers the goods, says
he had beaten the stealer, was very sorry for the fact, orders
the women to make and bring us bread, and is glad to be
reconciled ; so we come home and divide the corn as before.
After this the governor with another company goes to
Namasket, buys corn there ; where a great sickness rising
among the natives, our people fetch it home.
The governor also, with Hobamak and others, go to Mano
met, a town near twenty mUes south of Plymouth, stands on
a fresh river running into a bay towards the Narraganset
which cannot be less than sixty miles from thence. It will
bear a boat of eight or ten tons to this place ; hither the Dutch
or French or both used to come. It is from hence to the bay
of Cape Cod about eight miles, out of which bay the sea
flows into a creek about six miles, almost directly towards
the town. The heads of this creek and river are not far dis
tant. The sachem of this place is Caunacum, who, Septem
ber 13, last, with many others, owned themselves subjects of
King James, and now uses the governor very kindly ; the
governor lodging here in a very bitter night, buys corn, but
leaves it in the sachem's custody.
February. Having not much corn left. Captain Standish
goes again with six men in the shallop to Mattachiest, meet
ing with the fike extreme weather, being froze in the harbor
the first night, gets a good quantity of corn of the natives ;
through extremity is forced to lodge in their houses, which
they much press, with a design to kiU him, as after appeared.
For now begins a conspiracy among the Indians to destroy
the Engfish, though to us unknown ; but the captain ordering
his men to keep awake by turns, is saved. Here also an
Indian steals some tiifles, which the captain no sooner per
ceived, but though he had no more than six men with him,
yet draws them from the boat, besets the sachem's house.

304 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1623.
where most of the people were, and threatens to faU upon
them without delay, if they would not forthwith restore them ;
signifying that as he would not offer the least injury, so he
would not receive any, without due satisfaction. Hereupon
the sachem finds out the party, makes him return the goods ;
and this act so daunts their courage, that they dare not
attempt any thing against the captam ; but to appease his
anger, bring corn afresh to trade ; so as he lades his shallop
and comes home in safety.
March b. The captain having refreshed himself, takes a
shallop and goes to Manomet for the corn the governor had
bought. Being with two of his men far from the boat at
Caunacum's house, two natives come in from the Massachu
setts, the chief of whom is Wituwamet, a notable, insulting
Indian ; who had formerly imbrued his hands in the blood
both of French and English, derides our weakness and boasts
his valor. He came, as appears afterwards, to engage Cauna
cum in the conspiracy ; the weather being cold, they would
persuade the captain to send to the boat for the rest of his
company ; but he refusing, they help carry the corn. There
a lusty savage of Paomet, had undertaken to kUl him in the
rendezvous before they part ; upon which they intend to faU
on the other. But the night being exceeding cold, the captain
could not rest without turning his sides to the fire continually;
whereby the Indian missed his opportunity. The next day
would fain persuade the captain to go to Paomet, where he
had much corn, and the captain put forth with him ; but the
wind forcing them back, they come to Plymouth.
March. While the captain was at Manomet, news comes
to Plymouth that Massasoit is like to die, and that a Dutch
ship is driven ashore before his house so high that she could
not be got off till the tides increase. Upon which the gover
nor sends Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. John Hambden, a
gentleman of London, with Hobamak to visit and help him,
and speak with the Dutch. The first night we lodge at
Namasket. Next day at one, come to a ferry in Corbitant's
country, and three miles further to Mattapuyst, his dwelling-
place, though he be no friend to us, but find him gone to

1623.] NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 305
Pakanokit, about five or six miles off. Late within night
we get thither, whence the Dutch had departed about two in
the afternoon, find Massasoit exti-emely low, his sight gone,
his teeth fixed, having swallowed nothing for two days, but
using means, he surprisingly revives ; we stay and help him
two nights and two days ; at the end of the latter, taking our
leave he expresses his great thankfulness ; we come and lodge
with Corbitant, at IVIattapuyst, who wonders that we being
but two should be so venturous. Next day, on our journey,
Hobamak tells us, that at his coming away, Massasoit
privately charged him to tell Mr. Winslow, there was a plot
of the Massachusuks against Weston's people, and lest we
should revenge it, against us also ; that the Indians of Paomet,
Nauset, Mattachiest, Succonet, the Isle of Capawak, Mano
met, and Agawaywom are joined with them ; and advises
us by all means, as we value our fives and the lives of our
countrymen, to kill the conspirators at Massachusetts, and the
plot would cease ; and without delay, or it would be too late.
That night we lodge at Namasket, the next day get home ;
where we find Captain Standish had sailed this (^ay for the
Massachusetts, but conti-ary winds had driven him back, and
the Paomet Indian still soliciting the captain to go with him.
At the same time, Wissapinewat, another sachem, brother to
Obtakiest, sachem of the Massachusetts, reveals the same
thing. March 23. Being a yearly court day, the governor com
municates his intelhgence to the whole company, and asks
their advice ; who leave it to the governor, with his assistant
and the captain to do as they think most meet. Upon this,
they order the captain to take as many men as he thinks
sufficient, to go forthwith and fall on the conspirators, but for
bear tiU he makes sure of Wituwamet, the bloody savage,
before spoken of The captain takes but eight lest he should
raise a jealousy.
The next day comes one of Weston's men, through the
woods to Plymouth, though he knew not a step of the way,
but indeed had lost the path, which was a happy mistake ;
fof being pursued, the Indian thereby missed him but by fittle,
26*

306 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1623.
and went to Manomet ; the man makes a pitiful narration of
their weak and dangerous state, with the insults of the Indians
over them, and that to give the savages content, since Sanders
went to Monhiggon, they had hanged one who had stole their
corn, though he was bedrid,* and yet they were not satis
fied. Some died with cold and hunger; one in gathering
shell-fish, was so weak that he stuck in the mud and was
found dead in the place ; the rest were ready to starve, and
he dare stay no longer.
The next day the captain sails and arrives there, is sus
pected, insulted, and threatened by the savages. But at
length watching an opportunity, having Wituwamet and Pek-
suot, a notable Pinese, that is counseUor and warrior, with
another man, and a brother of Wituwamet, with as many of
his own men together, he falls upon and after a violent strug
gle slays the three former with their own knives, orders the
last to be hanged, goes to another place, kills another, fights
and makes the rest to fly, and Mr. Weston's men kiU two
more. But the captain releases the Indian women, would
not take their beaver coats, nor suffer the least discourtesy to
be offered Them.
While Capt. Standish was gone, the savage who went to
Manomet, returning through our town was secured till the
captain came back; then confessed the plot, and says that
Obtakiest was drawn to it by the importunity of his people ;
is now sent to inform him of the grounds of our proceeding,
and require him to send us the three Englishmen among
them. After some time, Obtakiest persuades an Indian wo
man to come and tell the governor, he was sorry they were
killed before he heard from us, or he would have sent them,
and desires peace.
But this action so amazes the natives, that they forsake
their houses, run to and fro, live in swamps, etc. ; which brings
on them sundry diseases, whereof many die ; as Caunacum,
sachem of Manomet ; Aspines, sachem of Nauset ; lyanough,
* "  In his stead did

Hang an old weaver that was bedrid." HUDIBRASS.

1623.] NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 307
sachem of Mattachiest ; and many others are stiU daily dying
among them. From one of those places a boat is sent to the
governor with presents to work their peace ; but not far from
Plymouth is cast away, when three are drowned, and one es
caping, dare not come to us.
April b. No supply being heard of nor knowing when to
expect any, we consider how to raise a better crop, and not
languish stiU in misery. We range all the youth under some
family, agree that every family plant for their own particular,
and trust to themselves for food, but at harvest bring in a
competent portion for the maintenance of public officers, fish
ermen, etc., and in aU other things go on in the general way
as before ; for this end assign every family a parcel of land
in proportion to their number, though make no division for
inheritance ; which has very good success, makes all indus-
ti-ious, gives content ; even the women and children now go
into the field to work, and much more corn is planted than
ever. Shortly after Mr. Weston's people went to the eastward,
he comes there himself with some of the fishermen, under
another name and disguise of a blacksmith ; where he hears
the ruin of his plantation ; and getting a shaUop with a
man or two comes on to see how things are ; but in a storm
is cast away in the bottom of the bay between Pascataquak
and Merrimak river, and hardly escapes with his life, after
wards he faUs into the hands of the Indians, who pillage him
of all he saved from the sea, and strip him of aU his clothes
to his shirt. At length he gets to Pascataquak, borrows a
suit of clothes, finds means to come to Plymouth, and desires
to borrow some beaver of us. Notwithstanding our straits,
yet in consideration of his necessity, we let him have one
hundred and seventy odd pounds of beaver, with which he
goes to the eastward, stays his small ship and some of his
men, buys provision and fits himself, which is the foundation
of his future courses ; and yet never repaid us any thing save
reproaches, and becomes our enemy on aU occasions.
April m. We begin to set our corn, the setting season
being good tiU the latter end of May. But by the time our

308 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1623.
corn is planted, our victuals are spent ; not knowing at night
where to have a bit in the morning, and have neither bread
nor corn for three or four months together, yet bear our wants
with cheerfulness and rest on providence.
Having but one boat left, we divide the men into several
companies, six or seven in each ; who take their turns to go
out with a net and fish, and return not tiU they get some,
though they be five or six days out ; knowing there is nothing
at home, and to return empty would be a great discourage
ment. When they stay long, or get but little, the rest go a
digging shell-fish ; and thus we live the summer ; only send
ing one or two to range the woods for deer, they now and then
get one, which we divide among the company ; and in the
winter are helped with fowl and groundnuts.
Now also we hear of the third repulse our supply had, of
their safe though dangerous return to England, and of their
preparing to come to us. Upon all which, another day is set
apart for solemn and public thanksgiving.
From the general, subscribed by thirteen, we have also a
letter wherein they say. Let it not be grievous to you, that
you have been instruments to break the ice for others who
come after with less difficulty ; the honor shall be yours to the
world's end; we bear you always in our breasts, and our
hearty affection is toward you aU, as are the hearts of hun
dreds more which never saw your faces, who doubtless pray
your safety as their own.
August 14. The fourth marriage is of Gov. Bradford to
Mi-s. Alice Southworth, widow.
September 10. The pinnace being fitted for trade and dis
covery to the southward of Cape Cod, is now ready to saU ;
and this day the Ann, having been hired by the company,
sails for London, being laden with clapboards, and aU the
beaver and other furs we have ; with whom we send Mr.
Winslow, to inform how things are and procure what we
want. Now our harvest comes, instead of famine we have plenty,
and the face of things is changed to the joy of our hearts ; nor
has there been any general want of food among us since to
this day.

1624.] NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 309
The pinnace being sent about the Cape to trade with the
Narragansets, gets some corn and beaver, yet makes but a
poor voyage ; the Dutch having used to furnish them with
cloth and better commodities, whereas she had only beads
and knives, which are not there much esteemed.
1624.
About this year, the fame of the plantation at New Ply
mouth being spread in aU the western parts of England, the
Reverend Mr. White, a famous Puritan minister of Dorches
ter, excites several gentlemen there to make way for another
settiement in New England ; who now on a common stock,
send over sundry persons to begin a plantation at Cape Ann,
employ Mr. John TiUy their overseer of planting, and Mr.
Thomas Gardener of the fishery for the present year.
March. By Mr. Winslow we have several letters ; (1) from
Mr. Robinson to the governor, dated Leyden, December 19,
[I suppose new style, but in ours December 9,] 1623, wherein
he writes with great concern and tenderness about our killing
the savage conspirators at the Massachusetts ; says, O how
happy a thing had it been that you had converted some be
fore you kUled any ! etc. (2) From the same to Mr. Brews
ter, dated Leyden, December 20, [I suppose new style, but in
ours December 10,] 1623, wherein he writes of the deferring
of their desired transportation through the opposition of some
of the adventm-ers ; five or six being absolutely bent for them
above all others, five or six are their professed adversaries, the
rest more indifferent, yet influenced by the latter, who above
aU others are unwiUing that he should be tiansported, etc.
(3) From R. C. [I conclude Mr. Cushman at London,] dated
January 24, 1623, 4, wherein he writes, they send a carpenter
to build two ketches, a lighter and six or seven shaUops, a
salt man to make salt, and a preacher, though not the most
eminent, for whose going (says he) Mr. Winslow and I gave
way to give content to some at London ; the ship to be laden
as soon as you can, and sent to Bilboa, to send Mr. Winslow
again ; we have taken a patent for Cape Ann, etc.

310 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1624.
This spring the people requesting the governor to have
some land for continuance, and not by yearly lot as before,
he gives every person an acre to them and theirs, as near the
town as can be, and no more tiU the seven years expire, that
we may keep close together for greater defence and safety.
The ship is soon discharged and sent to Cape Ann a fish
ing, and some of our planters to help build her stages to their
own hindeyance; but through the drunkenness of the master
which the adventurers sent, made a poor voyage, and would
have been worse, had we not kept one a trading there who
got some skins for the company.
The fishing masters sending us word, that if we would be
at the cost, they would help to weigh our pinnace near Da
marin's Cove, and their carpenter should mend her ; we there
fore sent, and with several ton of cask fastened to her at low-
water, they buoy her up, and hale her ashore, mend her, and
our people bring her to us again,
June 17. Born at Plymouth to. Governor Bradford, his son
William, who afterwards becomes deputy governor of the
colony. This month dies Mr. George Morton, a gracious servant of
God, an unfeigned lover and promoter of the common good
and growth of this plantation, and faithful in whatever public
employment he was intrusted with.
The ship carpenter sent us is an honest and very industri
ous man, quickly builds us two very good and strong shaUops,
with a great and strong lighter, and had hewn timber for two
ketches ; but this is spoilt ; for in the hot season of the year
he falls into a fever and dies, to our great loss and sorrow.
But the salt man is an ignorant, foolish, and self-willed
man ; who chooses a spot for his salt-works, vviU have eight
or ten men to help him, is confident the ground is good,
makes a carpenter rear a great frame of a house for the salt
and other like uses ; but finds himself deceived in the bot
tom ; wUl then have a fighter to carry clay, etc., yet aU in
vain ; he could do nothing but boil salt in pans. The next
year is sent to Cape Ann, and there the pans are set up by

1624.] NEW ENGLANT) CHRONOLOGY. 311
the fishery ; but before the summer is out, he burns the house,
and spoils the pans, and there is an end of this chargeable
business. July. Upon this the governor calls a court, summons the
whole company to appear, charges Lyford and Oldham with
plotting and writing against us, which they deny. The gov
ernor then produces their own letters, they are confounded
and convicted ; Oldham being outrageous would have raised
a mutiny, but his party leaves him, and the Com-t expels
them the colony; Oldham presently, though his wife and
family have leave to stay the winter, or tUl he can make pro
vision to remove them comfortably. He goes and settles at
Natasco, i. e. Nantasket, [at the enti-ance of the Massachu
setts Bay] where the Plymouth people had before set up a
buUding to accommodate their trade with the Massachusetts ;
and there Mr. Roger Conant and some others with their fam
Uies retu-e and stay a year and some few months. Lyford
has leave to stay six months, owns his fault before the court,
that all he had written is false, and the sentence far less than
he deserves ; afterwards confesses the same to the church
with many tears, begs forgiveness, and is restored to his
teaching. August 5. The ninth marriage at New Plymouth is of
Mr. Thomas Prince with Mrs. Patience Brewster, [he is af
terwards governor ; and by this only hint I find he was now
in the country.]
Aug. 22. At New Plymouth, there are now about one
hundred and eighty persons; some cattle and goats, but
many swine and poultry ; thirty-two dweUing houses ; the
town is impaled about half a mile in compass ; on a high
mount in the town, they have a fort well built with wood,
lime, and stone, and a fair watchtower. The place it seems
is healthful ; for in the three last years, notwithstanding their
great want of most necessaries, there hath not one died of
the first planters. And this year they have freighted a ship
of one hundred and eighty tons, etc.
The general stock already employed by the adventurers to
Plymouth, is about seven thousand pounds.

312 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1625.
At Cape Ann there is a plantation beginning by the Dor
chester men, which they hold of those of New Plymouth ;
who also by them have set up a fishing work.
1625.
This winter Mr. White with the Dorchester adventurers,
hearing of some religious persons lately removed from New
Plymouth to Nantasket from dislike of their rigid principles,
among whom was Mr. Roger Conant, a pious, sober, and
prudent gentleman, they choose Mr. Conant to manage their
affairs at Cape Ann, both of planting and fishing ; and Mr.
White engages Mr. Humphrey, their tieasurer, to signify to
him the same by writing. They also invite Mr. Lyford to be
minister to the plantation, and Mr. Oldham to manage their
trade with the natives.
But upon this decision the company of adventurers to
Plymouth break in pieces ; two thirds of them deserting us ;
yea, some of Lyford's and Oldham's friends set out a ship
a fishing, under one Mr. Hewes, and getting the start of ours
they take our stage and other provisions made for fishing at
Cape Ann the year before, to our great charge, and refuse to
restore it without fighting ; upon which we let them keep it,
and our governor sends some planters to help the fishermen
buUd another.
Yet some of the adventurers still cleavuig to us, they by
Mr. Winslow write on December 18, 1624, as follows : We
cannot forget you, nor our friendship and feUowship we have
had some years, our hearty affections towards you (unknown
by face) have been no less than to our nearest friends, yea to
our ownselves. As there has been a faction among us [at
London] more than two years, so now there is an utter breach
and sequestration. The Company's debts are not less than
1,400Z., and we hope you wUl do your best to free them. We
are still persuaded you are the people that must make a
plantation in those remote places when aU others fail. We
have sent some cattle, clothes, hoes, shoes, leather, etc., but in
another nature than formerly, having committed them to the

16S5.] NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 313
charge of Mr. Allerton and Winslow to seU, as our factors,
etc. The goods are ordered to be sold at seventy per cent.
advance, a thing thought unreasonable and a great oppres
sion. The cattle are the best commodity.
They send also two ships a fishing upon their own account ;
the one is the pinnace which had been sunk and weighed as
before ; the other a large ship, which makes a great voyage
of good dry fish, that would fetch 1,800Z. at Bilboa or St.
Sebastians, whither her owners had ordered her ; but there
being a rumor of a war with France, the master, timorous,
sails to Plymouth and Portsmouth, whereby he loses the op
portunity, to their great detriment. The lesser ship is filled
with goodly codfish taken on the bank, with eight hundred
weight of beaver, besides other fur from our plantation.
They go joyfuUy together homeward, the bigger ship towing
the lesser aU the way till they are shot deep into the English
channel, almost within sight of Plymouth ; when a Turkish
man-of-war takes the lesser and carries her off to Sally, where
the master and men are made slaves, and many of the beaver
skins sold for four pence apiece.
In the bigger ship Captain Standish goes out agent, both
to the remaining adventurers for more goods, and to the New
England Council to oblige the others to come to a composi
tion ; but arrived there in a bad time, the State being full of
trouble, and the plague very hot in London ; there die such
multitudes weekly that trade is dead, little money stirring,
and no business can be done. However, he engages several
of the CouncU to promise their helpfulness to our plantation ;
but our remaining adventurers are so much weakened by
their loss of the fish, and of the ship the Turks had taken,
they can do but little.
Meanwhile, God gives us peace and health with contented
minds ; and so succeeds our labors that we have corn sufficient
and some to spare, with other provisions ; nor had we ever
any supply [from England] but what we first brought with
us. After harvest we send a boat load of corn forty or fifty
leagues to the eastward up Kennebec river ; it being one of
those two shallops our carpenter built the year before, for we
27

314 NEW ENGLANT) CHRONOLOGY. [1627.
have no larger vessel. We had laid a deck over her midship
to keep the corn dry, but the men were forced to stand in aU
weathers without any shelter, and the time of year begins to
grow tempestuous, but God preserves and prospers them, for
they bring home seven hundred weight of beaver besides
other fur, having little or nothing but our corn to purchase
them. This voyage was made by Mr. Winslow and some
old standards, for seamen we have none.
December 23. From December 22, 1624, to this day, there
die of the plague in London and Westminster, 41,313.

1626.
About a year after we had sent Oldham away, as he is
sailing for Virginia, being in extreme danger, he makes a free
and large confession of the wrongs he had done the church
and people at Plymouth ; and as he had sought their ruin the
Lord might now destroy him ; beseeching God to forgive him,
making vows if he be spared to carry otherwise ; and being
spared he after carries fairly to us, owns the hand of God to
be with us, seems to have an honorable respect for us, and
we give him liberty to come and converse with us when he
pleases. April b. We hear of Captain Standish an-iving in a fish
ing ship, send a boat to fetch him, and welcome he is ; had
taken up for us 150?. though at 50 per cent. ; which, his ex
pense deducted, he laid out in suitable goods, and has pre
pared the way for our composition with the Company. But
the news he brings is sad in many regards ; not only of the
losses mentioned, whereby some of our fi-iends are disabled
to help us, and others dead of the plague ; but also that our
dear pastor Mr. Robinson is dead, about the fiftieth year of
his age, which strikes us with great sorrow. His and our
enemies had been continually plotting how they might hinder
his coming hither ; but the Lord has appointed him a better
place. Having now no business but trading and planting, we set

1627.] NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 315
ourselves to follow them. The people finding corn a com
modity, having sold it at six shillings a bushel, they use great
diligence in planting ; and the ti-ade being retained for the
general good, the governor and other managers apply it to
the best advantage. For wanting proper goods, and under
standing the plantation at Rlonhiggon, belonging to some
merchants of Plymouth [in England] is to break up, and
divers goods to be sold, the governor with Mr. Winslow take
a boat and with some hands go thither. Mr. David Thomp
son, who fives at Piscataway, going with us on the same de
sign, we agree to buy all their goods and divide them equally.
Our moiety comes to 400/. we also buy a parcel of goats
which we distiibute to our people for corn to their great con
tent. We fikewise buy the French goods aforesaid, which
makes our part arise to above 500/. and which we mostly pay
with the beaver and commodities we got last winter, and
what we had gathered this summer.
After harvest, -^dth our goods and corn, we get such store
of trade, as to discharge some other engagements, namely,
the money took up by Capt. Standish, with the remains of
former debts, to get some clothing for the people, and have
some commodities beforehand.
This year we send Mr. AUerton to England, to finish with
the adventurers, take up more money, and buy us goods.
Finding we run great hazards in going such long voyages
in a little open boat, especially in the winter season, we con
sider how to get a smaU pinnace. And having no ship-
buUder, but an ingenious housewright, who wrought with our
ship-carpenter, deceased, at our request he tries his skiU, saws
our bigger shaUop across the middle, lengthens her five or six
foot, stiengthens her with timbers, builds her up decks, and
makes her a convenient vessel. The next year we fit her
with saUs and anchors, and she does us service seven years.

1627.
Not many days after the governor came home, the people
at Monamoyack send him word that their ship being mended,

316 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1627.
a great storm drove her ashore, and so shattered her as to
make her wholly unfit for sea ; beg leave and means to trans
port themselves and goods to us, and be with us till they find
passage to Virginia. We readily help to transport and shel
ter them and their goods in our houses. The chief among
them are Mr. FeUs and Silsby, who have many servants.
Upon their coming to Plymouth and being somewhat settled,
seeing the winter before them, and like to be the latter end of
the year before they can get to Virginia, the masters desire
some ground to employ their servants, clear, plant, and help
bear their charge, which being granted, they raise a great deal
of corn.
This spring, at the usual season of the ships' coming, Mr.
Allerton returns, having taken up for us 200/. at thirty per
cent., laid them out in suitable goods and brings them to the
great content of the plantation. With no small trouble and
the help of sundry faithful friends who took much pains, he
made a composition with the adventurers on October 26 last,
which they signed November 15; a draught of which he
brings for our acceptance ; wherein we allow them 1,800/. pay
ing 200/. at the Royal Exchange every Michaelmas, the first
payment to be in 1628 ; in consideration of which the com
pany sell us all their shares, stocks, merchandises, lands, and
chattels, which is weU approved and agreed to by the whole
plantation ; though they scarce know how to raise the pay
ment, discharge their other engagements, and supply their
yearly wants ; seeing they are forced to take up moneys or
goods at such high interests ; yet they undertake it, and seven
or eight of the chief become jointly bound in behalf of the
rest to make said payments ; wherein we run a great venture,
as our condition is, having many other heavy burdens upon
us, and aU things in an uncertain state among us.
Upon this, to make all easy, we take every head of a family,
with every young man of age and prudence, both of the first
comers and those who have since arrived into partnership
with us ; agree the trade shall be managed as before, to pay
the debts, that every single freeman shaU have a single share,
and every father of a family also leave to purchase a share for

1627.] NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 317
himself, one for his wife, one for every child living with him ;
and every one shall pay his part toward the debts according
to the shares he holds ; which gives content to all. We ac
cordingly divide one cow and two goats by lot to every six
shares ; and swine, though more in number, in the same pro
portion ; to every share twenty acres of tiUable land by lot,
besides the single acres with the gardens and homesteads
they had before ; the most abutting on the water-side, five in
breadth and four in depth ; but no meadows laid out tiU many
years after, because being sti-ait of meadow it might hinder
additions to us ; though at every season aU are ordered where
to mow, in proportion to their number of cattle.
[May and June.] For greater convenience of trade, to dis
charge our engagements, and maintain ourselves, we build a
small pinnace at Monamet, a place on the sea, twenty miles
to the south ; to which by another creek on this side we trans
port our goods by water within four or five miles, and then
carry them overland to the vessel; thereby avoid our com
passing Cape Cod with those dangerous shoals, and make
our voyage to the southward with far less time and hazard.
For the safety of our vessel and goods we there also build a
house, and keep some servants ; who plant corn, rear swine,
and are always ready to go out with the bark ; which takes
good effect, and turns to advantage.
July. But besides the discharge of our heavy engagements,
our great concern is to help over our friends at Leyden ; who
as much desire to come to us as we desire their company.
The governor, therefore, with Mr. Edward Winslow, Thomas
Prince, Miles Standish, WUfiam Brewster, John Alden, John
Howland, and Isaac Allerton, now run a great venture ; and
hire the trade of the colony for six years, to begin the last of
next September ; and for this with the shaUop called the Bass
Boat, and pinnace lately built in Manomet, with the stock in
the storehouse, we this month undertake to pay the 1,800/.
with all other debts of the plantation, amounting to 600/.
more; bring over for them fifty pounds a year in hoes and
shoes, sell them for corn at six shillings a bushel ; and at the
end of the term return the trade to the colony.
27*

318 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1628.
The latter end of the summer the Virginia people at Plym
outh sell us their corn, go thither in a couple of barks ; and
afterwards several of them express their thankfulness to us.
And [now it seems] Mr. Lyford saUs with some of his people
also to Virginia, and there shortly dies.
With the return of the ships we send Mr. AUerton again to
England. 1st. To conclude our bargain with the company,
and deliver our nine bonds for the paying the 200/. at every
Michaelmas for nine years. 2d. To carry our beaver and
pay some of our late engagements ; for our excessive interest
still keeps us low. 3d. To get a patent for a fit ti-aduig place
on Kennebeck river ; especially since the planters at Pascato-
way and other places eastward of them, as also the fishing
ships envy our trading there, and threaten to get a patent to
exclude us ; though we fu-st discovered and began the same,
and brought it to so good an issue. 4th. To deal with some
of our special friends in London, to join with the said eight
undertakers, both for the discharge of the colony's debts, and
the helping our friends from Leyden.
Nov. 6. Mr. AUerton concludes our bargain with the com
pany at London, delivers our bonds and receives their deed.

1628.
Mr. AUerton having settled all things in a hopeful way, re
turns in the first of the spring with our supply for tiade. The
fishermen with whom he comes used to set forth in winter
and be here betimes. He has paid the ffi-st 200/. of our 1,800/.
to the adventurers ; as also all our debts to others, except Mr.
Sherley, Beachamp, and Andi-ews, to whom we now owe but
400 and odd pounds ; informs that our said three friends and
some others will join us in our six years' bargain, and will send
to Leyden for a number to come next year ; brings a competent
supply of goods, -with a patent for Kennebeck, but so sti-ait
and UI bounded as we are forced to get renewed and enlarged
the next year, as also that we have at home, to our great
charge. He fikewise brings us one Mr. Rogers, a young man,
for minister.

1628.] NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 319
The New Plymouth people having obtained their patent
for Kennebeck, now erect a house up the river, in a con
venient place for trade ; and furnish it both winter and sum
mer with corn and other commodities, such as the fishermen
had traded with ; as coats, shirts, rugs, blankets, biscuit, peas,
prunes, etc. ; what we could not get from England we buy of
the fishing ships, and so carry on the business as well as we
can. This year the Dutch send to us again from their plantation
both kind letters and diverse commodities ; as sugar, linen
stuffs, etc. ; come with their bark to our house at Monamet ;
their secretary Rasier comes with trumpeters, etc. ; but not
being able to travel to us by land, desires us to send a boat
wdthin side [the Cape] to fetch him ; so we send a boat to
Manonscusset, and bring him with the chief of his company
to Plymouth. After a few days' entertainment he returns to
his bark ; some of us go with him, and buy sundry goods.
After which beginning they often send to the same place, and
we trade together divers years, sell much tobacco for linens,
stuffs, etc., which proves a great benefit to us, till the Vir
ginians find out their colony.
But that which in time turns most to our advantage is,
their now acquainting and entering us in the trade of wam-
pam ; telling us how vendible it is at their fort Orania, and
persuading we shall find it so at Kennebeck. Upon this, we
buy about fifty pounds worth. At first it sticks, and it is two
years before we can put it off; till the inland Indians come to
know it, and then we can scarce procure enough for many
years together. By which and other provisions, we quite cut
off the trade both from the fishermen and straggling planters.
And strange it is to see the great alteration it in a few years
makes among the savages. For the Massahcusetts and others
in these parts had scarce any ; it being only made and kept
among the Pequots and Narragansets, who grew rich and
potent by it ; whereas the rest who use it not, are poor and
beggarly. Hitherto the natives of these parts have no other arms but
bows and arrows, nor many years after. But the Indians in

320 NEW ENGLAN-D CHRONOLOGY. [1629.
the eastern parts, having commerce with the French, first
have guns of them, and at length they make it a common
trade. In time, our English fishermen foUow their example ;
but upon complaint against them, the king by a stiict proc
lamation forbid the same, and commanded that no sort of
arms or munition be traded with them.

1629.
August. Thirty-five of our friends with their famifies from
Leyden arrive at New Plymouth. They were shipped at
London in May with the ships that came to Salem ; which
bring over many pious people to begin the churches there and
in the Massachusetts Bay. So their being thus long kept back
is now recompensed by Heaven vidth a double blessing ; in
that we not only enjoy them beyond our late expectation,
when aU hope seemed to be cut off, but with them many
more godly friends and Christian brethren, as the beginning of
a larger harvest to Christ, in the increase of his people and
churches in these parts of the earth, to the admiration of
many and almost wonder of the world.
The charge of our Leyden friends is reckoned on the sev
eral famifies ; some fifty pounds, some forty, some thirty, as
their number and expenses were ; which our undertakers pay
for gratis ; besides giving them houses, preparing them
grounds to plant on, and maintain them with corn, etc., above
thirteen or fourteen months before they have a harvest of their
own production.* * See notes on pages 110-112.

GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE

MORTON'S PREFACE.

Godly and Conscientious Reader,
It is a great part of the happiness of heaven, that the
saints iu celestial glory are and shaU be aU of one mind ; and
it is not unprobably gathered by the learned, that when " the
Lord shall, be one, and his name one," there shall be a joint
concurrence of the saints in and about the matters of God.
In the mean time, it is no smaU grief to every modest, mod
erate-minded Christian, to see such discord among the best
of saints ; whereas if the gxound of the difference were some
times weU scanned, it would appear to be more in circum
stance than in substance, more nominal, or respecting names
or abusive names given, than in substantial reafities. Rev.
Mr. Manton, in his sermon before the honorable House of
Commons, saith, " The devU getteth great advantages by
names amongst Christians, as Lutherans, Calvinists, Presby
terians, Independents, inventing," saith he, "either such as
may tend to contempt or derision, as of old Christians, of late
Puritans, or to tumult and division, as those names amongst
us, under which the members of Christ sadly gather into
bodies and parties."
Let me add hereunto, that the mischief of this also ap
peared when light sprung out of [the] darkness of Popery.
Then the godly were forced to sustain the name of Puritans
and the nickname of Brownists, so as many of the godly in

324 MORTON'S PREFACE.
our nation lay in obscurity under contempt of those names ; *
and afterwards, as fight appeared, notwithstanding became
one in the profession and practice of the truth respecting the
kingly office of Christ, wherein they seemingly differed but a
little before, both in New England and in Old England ; but
yet so as some estrangedness remains amongst those, al
though that in the main and substance of things they are of
one mind, and with oneness of heart and mouth do serve the
Lord, and do agree in and about the matters of the kingdom
of Christ on earth. Yea, and I doubt not but some such of
them as were of the eminentest on both sides, who are now
departed this life, do agree and have sweet communion with
each other in their more nobler part in glory.
I have lately met with a plain, weU composed, and useful
Dialogue, penned by that honored pattern of piety, William
Bradford, Esq. late Governor of the Jurisdiction of New
Plymouth Colony, which occasionally treats something of
this matter, together with and in defence of such as I may
without just offence term martyrs f of Jesus, and in de
fence of the cause they suffered for; it being no other in
effect but what our church and the churches of Christ in
New England do both profess and practise. I will not
defend, neither doth he, all the words that might fall from
those blessed souls in defence of the truth, who suffered
so bitterly as they did from such as erevvhile (if I mistake
not) were forced to fly into Germany for the cause of God
in Queen Mary's days, and returned again in the happy
reign of Queen Elizabeth, and turned prelates and bitter per
secutors. This thing considered, and other things also, if
some passages that fell from them might have been spared,
yet in many things we all offend, and " oppression will make
a wise man mad," saith Solomon. Such circumstantial

* These differences were partly blown up amongst these Christians by the
names of Brownist and Puritans. — Morton's Note.
¦\ Mr. Henry Barrow, Mr. John Greenwood, Sir. John Penry, Mr. Wil
liam Dennis, [Mr. John] Coping, and Ellas [Thacker] and several others
that suffered much, though not put to death. — Morion's Note.

MORTON'S PREFACE. 325
weakness will not unsaint a Christian, nor render him no
martyr, if his cause be good, as you wiU find it to be by the
perusing of this Dialogue, I doubt not ; but let it speak for
itself. Gentle reader, I hope thou wilt obtain a clear resolution
about divers things, whereof possibly thou wert in doubt of
formerly respecting the premises ; in the transcribing whereof
I have taken the best care I could to prevent offence and to
procure acceptance. K any good comes thereof, let God
have aU the praise.

28

GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE.

A DIALOGUE, OR THE SUM OF A CONFERENCE BETAVEEN SOME
YOUNG MEN BORN IN NEW ENGLAND AND SUNDRY ANCIENT
MEN THAT CAME OUT OF HOLLAND AND OLD ENGLAND, [WRIT
TEN] ANNO DOMINI 1648.

YOUNG MEN.
Gextlemex, you were pleased to appoint us this time to
confer with you, and to propound such questions as might
give us satisfaction in some things wherein we are ignorant,
or at least further fight to some things that are more obscure
unto us. Our first request, therefore, is, to know your minds
concerning the true and simple meaning of those of The
Separation, as they are termed, when they say the Church of
England is no Church, or no true Church.

ANCIENT MEN.
For answer hereunto, first, you must know that they speak
of it as it then was under the hierarchical prelacy, which since
have been put down by the State, and not as it is now
unsettled. 2. They nowhere say, that we remember, that they are no
Church. At least, they are not so to be understood ; for they
often say the contrary.

328 GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE.
3. When they say it is no true Church of Christ, they do
not at all mean as they are the elect of God, or a part of the
Catholic Church, or of the mystical body of Christ, or visible
Christians professing faith and holiness, (as most men under
stand the church) ; for which purpose hear what Mr. Robin
son in his Apology, page 53. " If by the Church," saith he,
" be understood the Catholic Church, dispersed upon the face
of the whole earth, we do willingly acknowledge that a sin
gular part thereof, and the same visible and conspicuous, is
to be found in the land, and with it do profess and practise,
what in us fies, communion in aU things in themselves lawful,
and done in right order."
4. Therefore thtey mean it is not a true church as it is a
National Church, combined together of all in the land pro
miscuously under the hierarchical government of archbishops,
their courts and canons, so far differing from the primitive
pattern in the Gospel.

YOUNG MEN.
Wherein do they differ then from the judgment or practice
of our churches here in New England ?

ANCIENT MEN.
Truly, for matter of practice, nothing at all that is in any
thing material ; these being rather more strict and rigid in
some proceedings about admission of members, and things
of such nature, than the other; and for matter of judgment,
it is more, as we conceive, in words and terms, than matter
of any great substance ; for the churches and chief of the
ministers here hold that the National Church, so constituted
and governed as before is said, is not aUowable according to
the primitive order of the Gospel ; but that there are some
parish assemblies that are true churches by virtue of an im
plicit covenant amongst themselves, in which regard the
Church of England may be held and called a true chmch.
Where any such are evident, we suppose the other wUl not

GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 329
disagree about an implicit covenant, if they mean by an im
plicit covenant that which hath the substance of a covenant
in it some way discernible, though it be not so formal or or
derly as it should be. But such an implicit as is no way
expficit, is no better than a Popish implicit faith, (as some of
us conceive,) and a mere fiction, or as that which should be
a man-iage covenant which is no way explicit.

YOUNG MEN.
Wherein standeth the difference between the rigid Brown
ists and Separatists and others, as we observe our ministers
in their \vritings and sermons to distinguish them ?

ANCIENT MEN.
The name of Brownists is but a nickname, as Puritan and
Huguenot, etc., and therefore they do not amiss to decline
the odium of it in what they may. But by the rigidness of
Separation they do not so much mean the difference, for our
churches here in New England do the same thing under the
name of secession from the corruptions found amongst them,
as the other did under the name or term of separation from
them. Only this decfines the odium the better. See Rever
end Mr. Cotton's Answer to Mr. Baylie, page the 14th.
That some which were termed Separatists, out of some
mistake and heat of zeal, forbore communion in lawful things
with other godly persons, as prayer and hearing of the word,
may be seen in what that worthy man, Mr. Robinson, hath
pubfished in dislike thereof. YOUNG MEN.
We are well satisfied in what you have said. But they
differ also about synods. 28*

330 GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE.

ANCIENT MEN.
It is true we do not know that ever they had any solemn
Synodical Assembly. And the reason may be, that those in
England living dispersed and could not meet in their ordinary
meetings without danger, much less in synods. Neither in
HoUand, where they might have more fiberty, were they of
any considerable number, being but those two churches, that
of Amsterdam and that of Leyden. Yet some of us know
that the church [of Leyden] sent messengers to those of Am
sterdam, at the request of some of the chief of them, both
elders and brethren, when in their dissensions they had de
posed Mr. Ainsworth and some other both of their elders and
brethren, Mr. Robinson being the chief of the messengers
sent ; which had that good effect, as that they revoked the
said deposition, and confessed their rashness and error, and
lived together in peace some good time after. But when the
churches want neither peace nor light to exercise the power
which the Lord hath given them, Christ doth not direct them
to gather into synods or classical meetings, for removing of
known offences either in doctrine or manners ; but only send-
eth to the pastors or presbyters of each church to reform
within themselves what is amongst them. " A plain pattern,"
saith Mr. Cotton in his Answer to Mr. Baylie, page 95, " in
case of public offences tolerated in neighbor churches, not
forthwith to gather into a synod or classical meeting, for re
dress thereof, but by letters and messengers to admonish one
another of what is behooveful ; unless upon such admonition
they refuse to hearken to the wholesome counsel of their
brethren." And of this matter Mr. Robinson thus writeth in
his book. Just, page 200, " The officers of one or many
churches may meet together to discuss and consider of mat
ters for the good of the church or churches, and so be caUed
a Church Synod, or the like, so they infringe no order of
Christ or liberty of the brethren ; " not differing herein from
Mr. Davenport and the principal of our ministers.

GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 331

YOUNG MEN. .
But they seem to differ about the exercise of prophecy, that
is, that men out of office, having gifts, may upon occasion
edify the church pubficly and openly, and applying the Scrip
tures ; which seems to be a new practice.

ANCIENT MEN.
It doth but seem so; as many things else do that have by
usurpation grown out of use. But that it hath been an an
cient practice of the people of God, besides the grounds of
Scripture, we wiU give an instance or two. We find in the
ancient Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius, lib. vi. cap. 19,
how Demetiius, bishop of Alexandria, being pricked with
envy against Origen, complaineth in his letters that there was
never such a practice heard of, nor no precedent to be found
that laymen in presence of bishops have taught in the church ;
but is thus answered by the bishop of Jerusalem and the
bishop of Cesarea : " We know not," say they, " why he re-
porteth a manifest untruth, when as there may be found such
as in open assembfies have taught the people ; yea, when as
there were present learned men that could profit the people,
and moreover holy bishops, who at that time exhorted them
to preach. For example, at Laranda Euelpis was requested
of Neon, at Iconium Paulinus was requested by Celsus, at
Synada Theodoras was requested by Atticus, who were godly
brethren, etc."*
The second instance is out of Speed's Cloud of Witnesses,
page 71. Saith he, " Rambam or Maymon records, that in
the synagogues, first, only a Levite must offer sacrffice;
secondly, but any in Israel might expound the law ; thirdly.

* See Doctor Fulke also on Romans the xi. in answer to the Rhemists. —
Bradford's Note.

332 GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE.
the expounder must be an eminent man, and must have leave
from the master of the synagogue ; and so contends that
Christ, Luke iv. 16, taught as any of Israel might have done
as well as the Levites ; and the like did Paul and Barnabas,
Acts xiii. 15."
If any out of weakness have abused at any time their
fiberty, it is their personal faulting, as sometimes weak
ministers may their office, and yet the ordinance good and
lawful. And the chief of our ministers in New England agree
therein. See Mr. Cotton's Answer to Bayfie, page the 27th,
2d part. " Though neither aU," saith he, " nor most of the
brethren of a church have ordinarily received a gift of pubfic
prophesying, or preaching, yet in defect of public ministiy, it
is not an unheard of novelty that God should enlarge private
men with public gifts, and to dispense them to edification ;
for we read that when the church at Jerusalem were aU scat
tered abroad, except the Apostles, yet they that were scattered
went everywhere preaching the word." Acts vui. 4 ; xi. 19 ;
XX. 21.
Mr. Robinson also, in his Apology, page 55, chapter 8, to
take off the aspersion charged on them, as if aU the members
of a chm-ch were to prophesy publicly, answers, " It comes
within the compass but of a few of the multitude, haply two
or three in a church, so to do ; and touching prophecy," saith
he, " we think the very same that the Synod held at Embden,
1571, hath decreed in these words : ' First, in all churches,
whether but springing up, or grown to some ripeness, let the or
der of prophecy be observed, according to Paul's institution.
Secondly, into the fellowship of this work are to be admitted
not only the ministers, but the teachers too, as also of the
elders and deacons, yea, even of the multitude, which are wUl
ing to confer their gift received of God to the common utUity
of the church ; but so as they first be allowed by the judg
ment of the ministers and others.' So we believe and prac
tice with the Belgic chm-ches, etc." See more in the imme
diate foUowing page.

GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 333

YOUNG MEN.

We cannot but marvel that in so few years there should be
so great a change, that they who were so hotly persecuted by
the prelates, and also opposed by the better sort of ministers,
not only INIr. Gifford, Mi-. Bernard, and other such like, but
many of the most eminent both for learning and godliness,
and yet now not only these famous men and churches in New
England so fuUy to close with them in practice, but aU the
godly party in the land to stand for the same way, under the
new name of Independents, put upon them.

ANCIENT MEN.
It is the Lord's doing, and it ought to be marveUous in our
eyes ; and the rather, because Mr. Bernard, in his book, made
their smaU increase in a few years one and the chief argument
against the way itself To which Mr. Robinson answered,
that " Religion is not always sown and reaped in one age ;
and that John Huss and Jerome of Prague finished their tes
timony a hundred years before Luther, and Wickliff, well-
nigh as long before them, and yet neither the one nor the
other with the like success as Luther. And yet," saith he,
" many are already gathered into the kingdom of Christ ; and
the nearness of many more throughout the whole land, (for
the regions are white unto the harvest,) doth promise within
less than a hundred years, if our sins and theirs make not us
and them unworthy of this mercy, a very plenteous harvest ; "
(Justif. fofio 62) ; as if he had prophesied of these times. Yea,
some of us have often heard him say that " even those minis
ters and other godly persons that did then most sharply oppose
them, if they might come to be from under the bishops, and
live in a place of rest and peace, where they might comfort
ably subsist, they would practice the same things which they
now did." And truly,' many of us have seen this abundantly
verified, not only in these latter times, but formerly.

334 GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE.
Dr. Ames" was estranged from and opposed Mr. Robinson ;
and yet afterwards there was loving compliance and near
agreement between them ; and, which is more strange, Mr.
Johnson himself, who was afterwards pastor of the church of
God at Amsterdam, was a preacher to the company of Eng
lish of the Staple at Middleburg, in Zealand, and had great
and certain maintenancef allowed him by them, and was
highly respected of them, and so zealous against this way as
that [when] Mr. Barrow's and Mr. Greenwood's Refutation of
Gifford was privately in printing in this city, he not only was
a means to discover it, but was made the ambassador's instru
ment to intercept them at the press, and see them burnt ; the
which charge he did so weU perform, as he let them go on
until they were wholly finished, and then surprised the whole
impression, not suffering any to escape ; and then, by the
magistrates' authority, caused them all to be openly burnt,
himself standing by untU they were all consumed to ashes.
Only he took up two of them, one to keep in his own study,
that he might see their errors, and the other to bestow on a
special friend for the like use. But mark the sequel. When
he had done this work, he went home, and being set down in
his study, he began to turn over some pages of this book, and
superficially to read some things here and there as his fancy
led him. At length he met with something that began to
work upon his spirit, which so wrought with him as drew him
to this resolution, seriously to read over the whole book ; the
which he did once and again. In the end he was so taken,
and his conscience was ti-oubled so, as he could have no rest
in himself until he crossed the seas and came to London to
confer with the authors, who were then in prison, and shortly
after executed. After which conference he was so satisfied

* William Ames was one of the most acute controversial writers of hisace.
He fled from persecution in 1609, was Theological Professor at Franeker for
twelve years, was a member of the Synod of Dort, and wrote several Treatises
besides his Medulla Theologlfe. He designed to come to New England, but
died in 1633.
f £200 per annum. — Bradford's Note.

GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 335
and confirmed in the truth, as he never returned to his place
any more at Middleburg, but adjoined himself to their society
at London, and was afterwards committed to prison, and then
banished ; and in conclusion coming to live at Amsterdam,
he caused the same books, which he had been an instrument
to burn, to be new printed and set out at his own charge.
And some of us here present testify this to be a true relation,
which we heard from his own mouth before many witnesses.

YOUNG MEN.
We have seen a book of ]\L-. Robert Bayfie's, a Scotchman,
wherein he seemeth to take notice of the spreading of the
truth under the notion of error, and casts all the disgraces he
can on it, and ranks it with others the foulest errors of the time,
and endeavors to show how like a smaU spark it revived out
of the ashes, and was brought from Leyden over the seas into
New England, and there nourished with much silence until it
spread to other places in the country, and by eminent hands
from thence into Old England.

ANCIENT MEN.
As we dare say Mi-. Bayfie intends no honor to the persons
by what he says, either to those here or from whence they
came, so are they far from seeking any to themselves, but
rather are ashamed that their weak working hath brought no
more glory to God ; and if in any thing God hath made any
of them instruments for the good of his people in any meas
ure, they desire he only may have the glory. And whereas
Mr. Baylie affirmeth that, however it was, in a few years the
most who settled in the land did agree to model themselves
after Mr. Robinson's pattern, we agree with reverend Mr.
Cotton, that, " there was no agreement by any solemn or com
mon consultation ; but that it is true they did, as if they had
agreed, by the same sphit of truth and unity, set up, by the

336 GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE.
help of Christ, the same model of churches, one fike to anoth
er ; and if they of Plymouth have helped any of the first
comers in their theory, by hearing and discerning their prac
tices, therein the Scripture is fulfiUed that the kingdom of
heaven is like unto leaven which a woman took and hid in
three measures of meal until all was leavened." Matth. xiii.
33. Answer to Mr. Baylie, page 17.
YOUNG MEN.
We desu-e to know how many have been put to death for
this cause, and what manner of persons they were, and what
occasions were taken against them by bringing them to their
end. ANCIENT MEN.
We know certainly of six that were publicly executed, be
sides such as died in prisons ; Mr. Henry Barrow, Mi-. Green
wood, (these suffered at Tyburn) ; Mr. Penry at St. Thomas
Waterings, by London ; Mr. William Dennis at Thetford, in
Norfolk; two others at St. Edmund's, in Suffolk, whose
names were Copping and Ellas [Thacker.] These two last
mentioned were condemned by cruel Judge Popham, whose
countenance and carriage was very rough and severe toward
them, with many sharp menaces. But God gave them cour
age to bear it, and to make this answer : —
" Bly Lord, your face we fear not.
And for your threats we care not, "^
And to come to your read service, we dare not."
These two last named were put to death for dispersing of
books. For Mr. Dennis, he was a godly man, and faithful in his
place ; but what occasion was taken against him, we know
not, more than the common cause.
For Mr. Penry, how unjustly he was charged, himself hath
made manifest to the world in his books, and that declaration

GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 337
which he made a little before his sufferings ; all which are ex
tant in print, with some of his godly letters.*
As for Mr. Barrow and Mr. Greenwood, it also appears by
their own -writings how those statutes formerly made against
the Papists were -wi-ested against them, and they condemned
thereupon ; as may be seen by then- examinations.

Y'OUNG MEN.
• But these were rigid Brownists, and lie under much asper
sion, and then- names much blemished and beclouded, not
only by enemies, but even by godly and very reverend men.
ANCIENT MEN.
They can no more justly be caUed Brownists, than the dis
ciples might have been caUed Judasites ; for they did as much
abhor Brown's apostasy, and profane course, and his defec
tion, as the disciples and other Christians did Judas's treach
ery. And for their rigid and roughness of spirit, as some of them,
especially Mr. Barrow, is taxed, it may be considered they
were very rigidly and roughly dealt with, not only by the
Lord's enemies and their enemies, but by some godly persons
of those times, differing in opinions from them ; which makes
some of us call to mind what one Dr. Taylor hath written in
a late book in these stirring times. " Such an eminent man,"
saith he, " hath had the good hap to be reputed orthodox by
posterity, and did condemn such a man of such an opinion,
and yet himself erred in as considerable matters ; but meeting
with better neighbors in his lifetime, and a more charitable
posterity after his death, hath his memory preserved in honor ;
and the other's name suffers without cause." Of which he
gives instances in his book entitled The Liberty of Prophesy
ing, page 33 and following.
We refer you to Mr. Robinson's Answer to Mr. Bernard,
* See Memoir of Penry, just published by the Cong. Board of Publication.
29

338 GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE.
where he charges him with blasphemy, raUing, scoffing, etc.
" For Mr. Barrow," saith Mr. Robinson, " as I say with Mr.
Ainsworth, that I will not justify all the words of another
man, nor yet mine own, so say I also with Mr. Smith, that
because I know not by what particular motion of the spirit
he was guided to write in those phrases, I dare not censure
him as you do ; especiaUy considering with what fiery zeal
the Lord hath furnished such his servants at all times, as he
hath stirred up for special reformation. Let the example of
Luther alone suffice, whom into what terms his zeal carried;
his writings testify ; and yet both in him and in Mr. Barrow
there might be with true spiritual zeal fleshly indignation
mingled." Answer to Mr. Bernard, folio 84.
And further in page 86 he saith, that " such harsh terms
wherewith he entertains such persons and things in the church
as carry with them most appearance of hofiness, they are to be
interpreted according to his meaning, with this distinction,
that Mr. Barrow speaks not of these persons and things sim
ply, but in a respect, and so and so considered ; and so no
one term given by Mr. Barrow but may, at the least, be toler
ated." YOUNG MEN.
But divers reverend men have expressed concerning this
matter that God is not wont to make choice of men infamous
for gross sins and vices before their calling, to make them any
instruments of reformation after their caUing, and proceed to
declare that Mr. Barrow was a great gamester and a dicer
when he fived in court, and getting much by play, would
boast of loose spending it with courtesans, etc.
ANCIENT MEN.
Truly, with due respect to such reverend men be it spoken,
those things might weU have been spared from putting in
print, especiaUy so long after his death, when not only he, but
aU his friends are taken out of the world that might vindicate
his name. That he was tainted with vices at the court be-

GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 339
fore his conversion and calling, it is not very strange ; and if he
had lived and died in that condition, it is like he might have
gone out of the world without any pubfic brand on his name,
and have passed for a tolerable Christian and member of the
church. He had hurt enough done him, whilst he fived, by
evU and cruel enemies ; why should godly men be prejudi-
cated to him after his death in his name ? Was not the Apos
tle Paul a persecutor of God's saints unto death ? And doth
not the' same Apostle, speaking of scandalous and lascivious
persons, say, " And such were some of you ; but ye are washed,
but ye are sanctified, but ye are justified in the name of the
Lord Jesus and by the spirit of our God." 1 Cor. vi. 11.
And if histories deceive us not, was not Cyprian a magi
cian before his conversion, and Augustine a Manichsean?
And when it was said unto him in the voice he heard, Tolle
et lege, he was directed to that place of Scripture, " Not in
gluttony and drunkenness, nor in chambering and wantonness,
nor in strife and envying; but put ye on the Lord Jesus
Christ, and take no thought for the flesh, to fulfil the lusts of
it." By which it may seem that if God do not make choice
of such men as have been infamous for gross vices before
their calfing, yet sometimes he is wont to do it, and is free to
choose whom he pleaseth for notable instruments for his own
work. As for other things that have been spoken of him and
Mr. Greenwood and Mr. Penry, we leave them as they are.
But some of us have reason to think there are some mistakes
in the relations of those things. Only we shall add other
public testimonies concerning them from witnesses of very
worthy credit, which are also in print.
First, from Mr. Phillips. A famous and godly preacher,
having heard and seen Mr. Barrow's holy speeches and prep
arations for death, said, " Barrow, Barrow, my soul be with
thine I " The same author also reports, that Queen Elizabeth
asked learned Dr. Reynolds what he thought of those two
men, Mr. Barrow and Mr. Greenwood ; and he answered her
Majesty that it could not avaU any thing to show his judg
ment concerning them, seeing they were put to death ; and
being loath to speak his mind further, her Majesty charged

340 GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE.
him upon his aUegiance to speak. Whereupon he answered,
that he was persuaded if they had lived, they would have
been two as worthy instruments for the church of God, as
have been raised up in this age. Her Majesty sighed, and
said no more. But after that, riding to a park by the place
where they were executed, and being wiUing to take further
information concerning them, demanded of the right honor
able the Earl of Cumberland, that was present when they
suffered, what end they made. He answered, " a very godly
end, and prayed for your Majesty, and the State," etc. We
may also add what some of us have heard by credible infor
mation, that the Qupen demanded of the Archbishop what he
thought of them in his conscience. He answered, "he
thought they were the servants of God, but dangerous to the
State." " Alas ! " said she, " shall we put the servants of God
to death ? " And this was the true cause why no more of
them were put to death in her days.j
YOUNG MEN.
Did any of you know Mr. Bai-row ? if we may be so bold
to ask, for we would wiUingly know what [was] his life and
conversation ; because some, we perceive, have him in pre
cious esteem, and others can scarce name him without some
note of obloquy and dislike. ANCIENT MEN.
We have not seen his person ; but some of us have been
weU acquainted with those that knew him familiarly both be
fore and after his conversion ; and one of us hath had con
ference with one that was his domestic servant, and tended
upon him both before and some while after the same.
He was a gentleman of good worth, and a flourishing
courtier in his time, and, as appears in his own ans*rers to
the Archbishop and Dr. Cousens, he was some time a student
at Cambridge and the Inns of Court, and accomplished with
sti-ong parts.

GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 341
We have heard his conversion to be on this wise. Walk
ing in London one Lord's day with one of his companions,
he heard a preacher at his sermon very loud, as they passed
by the church. Upon which Mr. Barrow said unto his con
sort, " Let us go in and hear what this man saith that is thus
earnest." " Tush," saith the other, " what ! shall we go to
hear a man talk ? " etc. But in he went and sat down. And
the minister was vehement in reproving sin, and sharply ap
plied tJK judgments of God against the same ; and, it should
seem, rouched him to the quick in such things as he was
guUty of, so as God set it home to his soul, and began to
work his repentance and conversion thereby. For he was so
stricken as he could not be quiet, untU by conference with
godly men and further hearing of the word, with dUigent read
ing and meditation, God brought peace to his soul and con
science, after much humiliation of heart and reformation of
life ; so as he left the court, and retired himself to a private
fife, sometime in the country and sometime in the city, giv
ing himself to study and reading of the Scriptures and other
good works very dUigently. And being missed at court by
his consorts and acquaintance, it was quickly bruited abroad
that Barrow was turned Puritan. What his course was after
wards, his -writings show, as also his sufferings and conference
with men of aU sorts do declare, until his life was taken from
him. And thus much we can further affirm, from those that well
knew him, that he was very comfortable to the poor and those
in distiess in their sufferings ; and when he saw he must die,
he gave a stock for the refief of the poor of the church, which
was a good help to them in their banished condition after
wards. Yea, and that which some will hardly befieve, he did
much persuade them to peace, and composed many differ
ences that were grown amongst them whilst he lived, and
would have, it is fike, prevented more that after fell out, if he
had continued. 29*

342 GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE.

YOUNG MEN.

We thank you for your pains. We hope it wiU extend
further than our satisfaction. We cannot but marvel that
such a man should be by so many aspersed.

ANCIENT MEN. t
It is not much to be marvelled at ; for he was most plain
in discovering the cruelty, fraud, and hypocrisy of .the enemies
of the truth, and searching into the corruptions of the time,
which made him abhorred of them ; and peradventure some
thing too harsh against the baitings of divers of the preachers
and professors that he had to deal with in those times, who
out of fear or weakness did not come so close up to the truth
in their practice as their doctrines and grounds seemed to
hold forth. Which makes us remember what was the an
swer of Erasmus to the Duke of Saxony, when he asked his
opinion whether Luther had erred. He answered, " his opin
ions were good, but wished he woiUd moderate his style,
which stirred him up the more enemies, no doubt."

YOUNG MEN.
We find in the writings of some such who were very emi
nent in their times for piety and learning, that those of the
Separation * found more favor in our native country than
those who were reproached by the name of Puritans ; and
after much discourse thereabouts, come to this conclusion,
that no comparison will hold from the Separatists to them
in their sufferings but a minori ; and then they go on and say
what a compulsory banishment has been put upon those
blessed and glorious lights, Rlr. Cartwright, Mr. Parker, Dr.
Ames, etc.

* For an account of the difference between the Puritans and the Separa
tists, see Prince's Annals, pp. 302-305.

GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 343

ANCIENT MEN.
Far be it from any of us to detract from or to extenuate
the sufferings of any of the servants of God, much less from
those worthies forenamed, or any others afterwards men
tioned. Yet, under favor, we crave pardon if we cannot con
sent to the judgment of such eminent ones for piety and
learning above hinted. We doubt not, but do easily grant,
that the sufferings of those reproached by the name of Puri
tans were great, especially some of them, and were better
known to those pious and learned [men] first above intimated,
than the sufferings of those that are reproached by the name
of Brownists and Separatists. But we shaU give you some
instances, and leave it to you and some others to consider of.
1. Though no more were publicly executed, yet sundry
more were condemned, and brought to the gallows, and as
cended the ladder, not knowing but they should die, and have
been reprieved, and after banished ; some of which we have
known and often spoken with.
2. Others have not only been forced into voluntary banish
ment, by great numbers, to avoid further cruelty, but divers,
after Ibng and sore imprisonment, have been forced to abjure
the land by oath, never to return without leave. In anno
1604 four persons at once were forced to do so at a public
Sessions in London, or else upon refusal they were to be
hanged. This their abjuration was done on the statute of
the 35 of Queen Elizabeth. Some of these we have also
known. 3. We find mention in a printed book of seventeen or
eighteen that have died in several prisons in London in six
years' time before the year 1592, besides what have been in
other parts of the land, and since that time, perishing by cold,
hunger, or noisomeness of the prison.
4. In the same year we find a lamentable petition, now in
print, of sixty persons committed unbailable to several pris
ons in London, as Newgate, the Gatehouse, Clink, etc., being
made close prisoners, allowing them neither meat, drink, nor

344 GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE.
lodging, nor suffering any whose hearts the Lord would stu
up for their relief, to have any access unto them ; so as they
complain that no felons, ti-aitors, nor murderers in the land
were thus dealt with ; and so after many other grievous com
plaints conclude vidth these words : " We crave for aU of us
but the liberty either to die openly, or to live openly in the
land of our nativity. If we deserve death, it beseemeth the
majesty of justice not to see us closely murdered, yea starved
to death with hunger and cold, and stifled in loathsome dun
geons. If we be guiltless, we crave but the benefit of our in
nocence, viz. that we may have peace to serve our God and
our Prince in the place of the sepulchres of our fathers."
And what number since those, who have been put unto
compulsory banishment and other hard sufferings, as loss of
goods, friends, and long and hard imprisonments, under which
many have died, — it is so well known, that it would make
up a volume to rehearse them, and would not only equalize
but far exceed the number of those godly called Puritans that
have suffered. Suppose they were but few of them ministers
that suffered, as above expressed ; yet their sorrows might be
as great, and their wants more, and their souls as much
afflicted, because more contemned and neglected of men.
But some have said they were excommunicated ; and that
was no great matter as excommunications went in those days.
So were these, not only while they were living, but some of
them many times after they were dead ; and as some of the
other were imprisoned, so were more of these. But it is
further said, all of them were deprived of their ministry ;
and so were these of their livelihood and maintenance, al
though they had no offices to lose. But those remained still
in the land, and were succoured and sheltered by good peo
ple in a competent -wise, the most of them, and sundry of
them fived as well, as may easily be proved, if not better,
than if they had enjoyed their benefices ; whereas the other
were, a great number of them, forced to fly into foreign lands
for shelter, or else might have perished in prisons ; and these
poor creatures endured, many of them, such hardships (as is
well known to some of us) as makes our hearts stUl ache to
remember.

GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 345
We some of us knew Mr. Parker, Doctor Ames, and Mr.
Jacob * in HoUand, when they sojourned for a time in Ley
den ; and aU three boarded together and had their victuals
dressed by some of our acquaintance, and then they fived
comfortable, and then they were provided for as became their
persons. And after Mr. Jacob returned, and Mr. Parker was
at Amsterdam, where he printed some of his books, and Mr.
Ames disposed of himself to other places, it was not worse
with him ; and some of us weU know how it fared then with
many precious Christians in divers times and places. To
speak the truth, the professors in England, though many of
them suffered much at the hands of the prelates, yet they had
a great advantage of the Separatists ; for the Separatists had
not only the prelates and their faction to encounter with, (and
what hard measure they met with at their hands, above the
other, doth sufficiently appear by what is before declared,) but
also they must endure the frowns, and many times the sharp
invectives, of the forward ministers against them, both in
pubfic and private ; and what influence they had upon the
spirits of the people, is weU enough known also ; by reason
hereof the ministers in foreign countries did look a-wry at
them when they would give help and countenance to the
other.

YOUNG MEN.
Indeed, it seems they have sometimes suffered much hard
ness in the Low Countiies, if that be true that is reported of
such a man as Mr. Ainsworth, that he should five for some
time with nine pence a week. To which is replied by
another, that if people suffered him to live on ninepence a
week, with roots boiled, either the people were grown extreme
low in estate, or the growth of their godfiness was come to a
very low ebb.

* See Appendix — Congregationalism in England.

346 GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE.

ANCIENT MEN.

The truth is, their condition for the most part was for
some time very low and hard. It was with them as, if it
should be related, would hardly be believed. And no marvel.
For many of them had lain long in prisons, and then were
banished into Newfoundland, where they were abused, and
at last came into the Low Countries, and wanting money,
tiades, friends, or acquaintances, and languages to help them
selves, how could it be otherwise ? The report of Mr. Ains
worth was near those times, when he was newly come out of
Ireland with others poor, and being a single young man and
very studious, was content with a little. And yet, to take
off the aspersion from the people in that particular, the chief
and true reason thereof is mistaken ; for he was a very mod
est and bashful man, and concealed his wants from others,
untU some suspected how it was with him, and pressed him
to see how it was ; and after it was known, such as were able
mended his condition ; and when he was married afterwards,
he and his famUy were comfortably provided for. But we
have said enough of these things. They had few friends to
comfort them, nor any arm of flesh to support them ; and if
in some things they were too rigid, they are rather to be pit
ied, considering their times and sufferings, than to be blasted
with reproach to posterity.

YOUNG MEN.

Was that Brown that fell away and made apostasy, the
first inventor and beginner of this way ?

ANCIENT MEN.

No, verily ; for, as one answers this question very well in a
printed book, almost forty years ago, that the prophets, apos
tles, and evangelists have in their authentic writings laid
down the ground thereof; and upon that ground is their

GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 347
building reared up and surely settled. Moreover, many of
the martyrs, both former and latter, have maintained it, as is
to be seen in The Acts and Monuments of the Church. Also,
in the days of Queen Elizabeth there was a separated church,
whereof Mr. Fitts was pastor, and another before that in the
time of Queen Mary, of which Mr. Rough was pastor or
teacher, and Cudbert Simpson a deacon, who exercised
amongst themselves, as other ordinances, so church censures,
as excommunication, etc., and professed and practised that
cause before INIi-. Brown wrote for it. But he being one that
afterwards wrote for it, they that first hatched the name of
Puritans and bestowed it on the godly professors that desired
reformation, they lUvCwise out of the same storehouse would
needs bestow this new livery upon others that never would
own it, nor had reason so to do. Mr. Cotton, likewise, in his
Answer to Mr. Bayfie, page fourth, shows how in the year
1567 there were a hundred persons who refused the common
fitm-gy, and the congregations attending thereunto, and used
prayers and preaching and the sacraments amongst them
selves, whereof fourteen or fifteen were sent to prison, of
whom the chiefest were Mr. Smith, Mr. Nixon, James Ireland,
Robert Hawkins, Thomas Rowland, and Richard Morecroft;
and these pleaded their separation before the Lord Mayor,
Bishop Sands, and other commissioners on June 20, 1567,
about eighty years ago, being many years before Brown.
Divers other instances might be given.

YOUNG MEN.
But if we mistake not, Mr. Brown is accounted by some of
good note to be the inventor of that way which is caUed
Brownism, from whom the sect took its name. Moreover, it
is said by such of note as aforesaid, that it is not God's
usual manner of deafing to leave any of the first pubfishers or
restorers of any truth of his to such fearful apostasy.

348 GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE.

ANCIENT MEN.
Possibly this speech might arise from a common received
opinion. But reverend Mr. Cotton, in his answer to Mr.
Baylie, saith, " the backsliding of Brown from that way of
Separation is a just reason why the Separatists may disclaim
denomination fi-om him, and refuse to be caUed Brownists,
after his name ; and to speak with reason," saith he, " if any
be justly to be called Brownists, it is only such as revolt from
Separation to formality, and from thence to profaneness."
Page 5.
To which we may add, that it is very injurious to caU
those after his name, whose person they never knew, and
whose writings few if any of them ever saw, and whose en-ors
and backslidings they have constantly borne witness against;
and w'hat truths they have received have been from the light
of God's sacred word, conveyed by other godly instruments
unto them ; though Brown may sometimes have professed
some of the same things, and now fallen from the same, as
many others have done. YOUNG MEN.
Seeing we have presumed thus far to inquire into these
ancienter times of you, and of the sufferings of the aforesaid
persons, we would likewise entreat you, though never so
briefly, to tell us something of the persons and carriages of
other eminent men about those times, or immediately after,
as Mr. Francis Johnson, Mr. Henry Ainsworth, Mr. John
Smith, Mr. John Robinson, Mr. Richard Clifton.
ANCIENT MEN.
Here are some in the company that knew them aU famifiar-
ly, whom we shaU desire to satisfy your request.
Those answered. We shaU do it most willingly; for we
cannot but honor the memory of the men for the good that

GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 349
not only many others but we ourselves have received by them
and their ministry ; for we have heard them aU, and lived un
der the ministi-y of divers of them for some years. We shaU
therefore speak of them in order briefly.
Mr. Johnson,
Of whom something was spoken before, was pastor of the
church of God at Amsterdam. A very grave man he was,
and an able teacher, and was the most solemn in all his ad
ministrations that we have seen any, and especiaUy in dis
pensing the seals of the covenant, both baptism and the Lord's
supper. And a good disputant he was. We heard Mr.
Smith upon occasion say, that he was persuaded no men liv
ing were able to maintain a cause against those two men,
meaning Mr. Johnson and Mr. Ainsworth, if they had not the
truth on their side. He, by reason of many dissensions that
feU out in the church, and the subtilty of one of the elders of
the same, came after many years to alter his judgment about
the government of the church, and his practice thereupon,
which caused a division among them. But he lived not
many years after, and died at Amsterdam after his return
from Embden. YOUNG MEN.
But he is much spoken against for excommunicating his
brother and his own father, and maintaining his wife's cause,
who was by his brother and others reproved for her pride in
apparel. ANCIENT MEN.
Himself hath often made his own defence, and others for
him. The church did, after long patience towards them and
much pains taken with them, excommunicate them for their
unreasonable and endless opposition, and such things as did
accompany the same ; and such was the justice thereof, as he
could not but consent thereto. In our time his wife was a
grave matron, and very modest both in her apparel and all
30

350 GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE.
her demeanor, ready to any good works in her place, and
helpful to many, especially the poor, and an ornament to his
caUing. She was a young widow when he married her, and
had been a merchant's wife, by whom he had a good estate,
and was a godly woman ; and because she wore such ap
parel as she had been formerly used to, which were neither
excessive nor immodest, for their chiefest exceptions were
against her wearing of some whalebone in the bodice and
sleeves of her gown, corked shoes, and other such like things
as the citizens of her rank then used to wear. And although,
for offence sake, she and he were wUfing to reform the fashions
of them so far as might be without spoifing of then- garments,
yet it would not content them except they came fuU up to
their size. Such was the strictness or rigidness (as now the
term goes) of some in those times, as we can by experience
and of our own knowledge show in other instances. We
shall for brevity sake only show one.
We were in the company of a godly man that had been a
long time prisoner at Norwich for this cause, and was by
Judge Cooke set at liberty. After going into the countiy he
visited his friends, and retm-ning that way again to go into the
Low Countries by ship at Yarmouth, and so desired some of
us to turn in with him to the house of an ancient woman in the
city, who had been very kind and helpful to him in his suffer
ings. She knowing his voice made him very welcome, and
those with him. But after some time of their entertainment,
being ready to depart, she came up to him and felt of his band,
(for her eyes were dim with age,) and perceiving it was some
thing stiffened with starch, she was much displeased, and re
proved him very sharply, fearing God would not prosper his
journey. Yet the man was a plain countryman, clad in grey
russet, without either welt or guard, (as the proverb is,) and the
band he wore scarce worth threepence, made of their own
homespinning; and he was godly and humble as he was
plain. What would such professors, if they were now living,
say to the excess of our times ?

GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 351

Mr. Henry Ainsavorth,
A man of a thousand, was teacher of this church at Amster
dam at the same time when Rlr. Johnson was pastor. Two
worthy men they were and of exceUent parts. He continued
constant in his judgment and practice unto his end in those
things about the church government, from which Mr. Johnson
swerved and feU. He ever maintained good correspondence
with Mr. Robinson at Leyden, and would consult with him
in all matters of weight, both in their differences and after
wards. A very learned man he was, and a close student,
which much impaired his health. We have heard some,
eminent in the knowledge of the tongues, of the university of
Leyden, say that they thought he had not his better for the
Hebrew tongue in the university, nor scarce in Europe. He
was a man very modest, amiable, and sociable in his ordinary
course and carriage, of an innocent and unblamable life and
conversation, of a meek spirit, and a calm temper, void of
passion, and not easily provoked. And yet he would be some
thing smart in his style to his opposers in his pubfic writings ;
at which we that have seen his constant carriage, both in pub
fic disputes and the managing of aU church affairs, and such
fike occurrences, have sometimes marvelled. He had an ex
ceUent gift of teaching and opening the Scriptures ; and
things did flow from him with that facUity, plainness, and
sweetness, as did much affect the hearers. He was powerful
and profound in doctrine, although his voice was not strong ;
and had this excellency above many, that he was most ready
and pregnant in the Scriptures, as if the book of God had
been written in his heart; being as ready in his quotations,
without tossing and turning his book, as if they had lain open
before his eyes, and seldom missing a word in the citing of
any place, teaching not only the word and doctrine of God,
but in the words of God, and for the most part in a con
tinued phrase and words of Scripture. He used great dex
terity, and was ready in comparing Scripture with Scripture,

352 GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE.
one with another. In a word, the times and place in which
he lived were not worthy of such a man.

YOUNG MEN.
But we find that he is taxed, in a book writ by George
Johnson, with apostasy and to be a man-pleaser, etc.

ANCIENT MEN.
Who can escape the scourge of tongues ? Christ himself
could not do it when he was here upon earth, although there
was no guUe found in his mouth ; nor Moses, although he
was the meekest man in the earth. For man-pleasing, they
that tax him [do it] because he concurred against their violent
and endless dissensions about the former matters. And for
his apostasy, this was aU the matter. When he was a young
man, before he came out of England, he at the persuasion of
some of his godly friends went once or twice to hear a godly
minister preach ; and this was the great matter of apostasy,
for which those violent men thought him worthy to be deposed
from his place, and for which they thus charge him. And
truly herein they may worthUy bear the name of rigid, etc.
Mr. John S.mith
Was an eminent man in his time, and a good preacher, and
of other good parts ; but his inconstancy, and unstable judg
ment, and being so suddenly carried away with things, did
soon overthrow him. Yet we have some of us heard him
use this speech : " Truly," said he, " we being now come into
a place of liberty, are in great danger, if we look not weU to
our ways ; for we are like men set upon the ice, and therefore
may easily slide and fall." But in this example it appears it
is an easier matter to give good counsel than to follow it, to
foresee danger than to prevent it : which made the prophet to
say, " O Lord, the way of man is not in himself, neither is
it in man to walk and to direct his steps." He was some

GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 353
time pastor to a company of honest and godly men which
came with him out of England, and pitched at Amsterdam.
He first feU into some errors about the Scriptures, and so into
some opposition with Mr. Johnson, who had been his tutor,
and the church there. But he was convinced of them by the
pains and faithfulness of Mr. Johnson and Mr. Ainsworth,
and revoked them ; but afterwards was drawn away by some
of the Dutch Anabaptists, Avho finding him to be a good
scholar and unsettled, they easily misled the most of his peo
ple, and other of them scattered away. He fived not many
years after, but died there of a consumption, to which he was
inclined before he came out of England. His and his people's
condition may be an object of pity for after times.
Mr. John Robinson *
Was pastor of that famous church of Leyden, in Holland ; a
man not easUy to be paralleled for all things, whose singular
virtues we shall not take upon us here to describe. Neither
need we, for they so well are known both by friends and ene
mies. As he was a man learned and of solid judgment, and
of a quick and sharp wit, so was he also of a tender con
science, and very sincere in aU his ways, a hater of hypoc
risy and dissimulation, and would be very plain with his best
friends. He was very courteous, affable, and sociable in his
conversation, and towards his own people especially. He
was an acute and expert disputant, very quick and ready, and
had much bickering with the Arminians, -Mio stood more in
fear of him than any of the university. He was never satis
fied in himself until he had searched any cause or argument
he had to deal in thoroughly and to the bottom ; and we
have heard him sometimes say to his famUiars that many
times, both in -writing and disputation, he knew he had suf
ficiently answered others, but many times not himself; and
was ever desirous of any fight, and the more able, learned.

* See Robinson's Life and Works, published by the Congregational Board
of Publication, 3 vols.
*30

354 GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE.
and holy the persons were, the more he deshed to confer and
reason with them. He was very profitable in his ministi-y
and comfortable to his people. He was much beloved of
them, and as loving was he unto them, and entirely sought
their good for soul and body. In a word, he was much es
teemed and reverenced of aU that knew him, and his abilities
[were acknowledged] both of friends and strangers. But we
resolved to be brief in this matter, leaving you to better and
more large information herein from others.
Mr. Richard Clifton
Was a grave and fatherly old man when he came first into
HoUand, having a great white beard ; and pity it was that
such a reverend old man should be forced to leave his coun
ti-y, and at those years to go into exile. But it was his lot ;
and he bore it patiently. Much good had he done in the
country where he lived, and converted many to God by his
faithful and painful ministiy, both in preaching and catechiz
ing. Sound and orthodox he always was, and so continued
to his end. He belonged to the church at Leyden ; but being
settled at Amsterdam, and thus aged, he was loath to remove
any more ; and so when they removed, he was dismissed to
them there, and there remained untU he died. Thus have we
briefly satisfied your desire. YOUNG MEN.
We are very thankful to you for your pains. We perceive
God raiseth up excellent instiuments in all ages to carry on
his own work ; and the best of men have their faifings some
times, as we see in these our times, and that there is no new
thing under the sun. But before we end this matter, we de
sire you would say soinething of those two churches that
were so long in exUe, of whose guides we have already heard.

GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 355

ANCIENT MEN.
Truly there were in them many worthy men ; and if you
had seen them in their beauty and order, as we have done,
you would have been much affected therewith, we dare say.
At Amsterdam, before thek division and breach, they were
about three hundred communicants, and they had for their
pastor and teacher those two eminent men before named, and
in om- time four grave men for ruling elders, and three able
and godly men for deacons, one ancient widow for a deacon
ess, who did them ser-vice many years, though she was sixty
years of age when she was chosen. She honored her place
and was an ornament to the congregation. She usually sat
in a convenient place in the congregation, with a little birchen
rod in her hand, and kept fittle children in great awe from dis-
turbuig the congregation. She did frequently visit the sick
and weak, especiaUy women, andf-as there was need, called
out maids and young women to watch and do them other
helps as their necessity did require ; and if they were poor,
she would gather refief for them of those that were able, or
acquaint the deacons ; and she was obeyed as a mother in
Israel and an officer of Christ.
And for the church of Leyden, they were sometimes not
much fewer in number, nor at aU inferior in able men, though
they had not so many officers as the other ; for they had but
one rufing elder with their pastor, a man well approved and
of great integrity ; also they had three able men for deacons.
And that which was a crown unto them, they lived together
in love and peace aU their days, without any considerable dif
ferences or any disturbance that grew thereby, but such as
was easily healed in love ; and so they continued until with
mutual consent they removed into New England. And what
their condition hath been since, some of you that are of their
children do see and can teU. Many worthy and able men
there were in both places, who lived and died in obscurity in
respect of the world, as private Christians, yet were they

356 GOV. BRADFORD'S DLALOGUB.
as knew them, whose virtues we with such of you as are their
chUdren do follow and imitate.

YOUNG MEN.
If we may not be tedious, we would request to know one
thing more. It is commonly said that those of the Separa
tion hold none to be true churches but their own, and con
demn aU the churches in the world besides ; which fieth as a
foul blot upon them, yea even on some here in New England,
except they can remove it.

ANCIENT MEN.
It is a manifest slander laid upon them ; for they hold aU
the Reformed Churches to be true churches, and even the
most rigid of them have ever done so, as appears by then-
Apologies and other writings ; and we ourselves some of us
know of much intercommunion that divers have held with
them reciprocaUy, not only with the Dutch and French, but
even with the Scotch, who are not of the best mould, yea and
with the Lutherans also ; and we befieve they have gone as
far herein, both in judgment and practice, as any of the
churches in New England do or can do, to deal faithfully and
bear witness against their corruptions.
Having thus far satisfied all your demands, we shaU here
break off this conference for this time, desiring the Lord to
make you to grow up in grace and wisdom and the true fear
of God, that in all faithfulness and humifity you may serve
him in your generations. YOUNG MEN.
Gentlemen, we humbly thank you for your pains with us
and respect unto us, and do further crave that upon any fit
occasions we may have access unto you for any further in
formation, and herewith do humbly take our leave. ¦

YISITS TO MASSASOIT.

VISITS TO MASSASOIT.

A JOURNEY TO PAKANOKIT, THE HABITATION OF THE GREAT KING
MASSASOIT; AS ALSO OUR MESSAGE, THE ANSWER AND EN
TERTAINMENT WE HAD OF HIM.*
It seemed good to the company, for many considerations,
to send some amongst them to Massasoit, the greatest com
mander amongst the savages bordering upon us ; partly to
know where to find them, if occasion served, as also to see
theu- strength, discover the countiy, prevent abuses in then-
disorderly coming unto us, make satisfaction for some con
ceived injuries to be done on our parts, and to continue the
league of peace and friendship between them and us. For
these and the like ends, it pleased the governor to make
choice of Steven Hopkins and Edward Winslow to go unto
him ; and having a fit opportunity, by reason of a savage
caUed Tisquantum, that could speak Engfish, coming unto
us, with aU expedition provided a horseman's coat of red cot
ton, and laced with a sfight lace, for a present, that both they
and their message might be the more acceptable amongst
them. The message was as follows : That forasmuch as his sub
jects came often and withoiit fear upon aU occasions amongst
* Written probably by Mr. Winslow.

360 VISITS TO MASSASOIT.
us, so we were now come unto him ; and in witness of the
love and good-wUl the Engfish bear unto him, the governor
hath sent him a coat, desiring that the peace and amity that
was between them and us might be continued ; not that we
feared them, but because we intended not to injure any, de
siring to live peaceably, and as with aU men, so especiaUy
with them our nearest neighbors. But whereas his people^
came very often, and very many together unto us, bringing
for the most part their wives and chUdren with them, they
were welcome ; yet we being but steangers as yet at Patuxet,
alias New Plymouth, and not knowing how our corn might
prosper, we could no longer give them such entertainment as
we had done, and as we desired still to do. Yet if he would
be pleased to come himself, or any special friend of his de
sired to see us, coming from him they should be welcome.
And to the end we might know them from others, our gover
nor had sent him a copper chain ; desiring if any messenger
should come from him to us, we might know him by bringing
it with him, and hearken and give credit to his message ac
cordingly ; also requesting him that such as have skins should
bring them to us, and that he would hinder the multitude
from oppressing us with them. And whereas, at our first
arrival at Paomet, caUed by us Cape Cod, we found there
corn buried in the ground, and finding no inhabitants, but
some graves of dead new buried, took the corn, resolving, if
ever we could hear of any that had right thereunto, to make
satisfaction to the fuU for it ; yet since we understand the
owners thereof were fled for fear of us, our desire was either
to pay them with the like quantity of corn, English meal, or
any other commodities we had, to pleasure them withal ; re
questing him that some of his men might signify so much
unto them, and we would content him for his pains. And
last of all, our governor requested one favor of him, which
was that he would exchange some of their corn for seed with
us, that we might make tiial which best agreed with the soU
where we five.
With these presents and message we set forward the 10th

VISITS TO MASSASOIT. 361
June,* about nine o'clock in the morning, our guide resolving
that night to rest at Namasket, a town under Massasoit, and
conceived by us to be very near, because the inhabitants
flocked so thick upon every slight occasion amongst us ; but
we found it to be some fifteen English miles. On the way
we found some ten or twelve men, women, and chUdren,
which had pestered us till we were weary of them, perceiving
that (as the manner of them all is) where victual is easilest to
be got, there they five, especially in the summer ; by reason
whereof, our bay affording many lobsters, they resort every
spring-tide thither ; and now returned with us to Namasket.
Thither we came about three o'clock after noon, the inhabi
tants entertaining us with joy, in the best manner they could,
giving us a kind of bread caUed by them maizium, and the
spawn of shads, which then they got in abundance, insomuch
as they gave us spoons to eat them. With these they boiled
musty acorns ; but of the shads we eat heartily. After this
they desired one of our men to shoot at a crow, complaining
what damage they sustained in their corn by them ; who
shooting some fourscore off and killing, they much admired
at it, as other shots on other occasions.
After this Tisquantum told us we should hardly in one day
reach Pakanokit, moving us to go some eight miles further,
where we should find more store and better victuals than
there. Being wiUing to hasten our journey, we went and
came thither at sunsetting, where we found many of the
Namascheucks (they so called the men of Namasket) fishing
upon a weir, which they had made on a river which belonged
to them, where they caught abundance of bass. These wel
comed us also, gave us of their fish, and we them of our vict
uals, not doubting but we should have enough wherever we
came. There we lodged in the open fields, for houses
they had none, though they spent the most of the summer
there. The head of this river is reported to be not far from
the place of our abode. Upon it are and have been many

* Morton in his Memorial says, July 2. See p. 48.
31

362 VISITS TO MASSASOIT.
towns, it being a good length. The gi-ound is very good on
both sides, it being for the most part cleared. Thousands of
men have lived there, which died in a great plague not long
since ; and pity it wa^ and is to see so many goodly fields,
and so well seated, without men to dress and n:ianure the
same. Upon this river dwelleth Massasoit. It cometh into
the sea at the Narraganset Bay, where the Frenchmen so
much use. A ship may go many mUes up it, as the savages
report, and a shallop to the head of it ; but so far as we saw,
we are sure a shallop may. But to return to our journey.
The next morning we brake our fast, took our leave, and
departed; being then accompanied with some six savages.
Having gone about six miles by the river side, at a known
shoal place, it being low-water, they spake to us to put off
our breeches, for we must wade through. Here let me not
forget the valor and courage of some of the savages on the
opposite side of the river ; for there were remaining alive only
two men, both aged, especiaUy the one, being above three
score. These two, espying a company of men entering the
river, ran very swiftly, and low in the grass, to meet us at the
bank ; where with shriU voices and great courage, standing
charged upon us with their bows, they demanded what we
were, supposing us to be enemies, and thinking to take ad
vantage on us in the water. But seeing we were friends,
they welcomed us with such food as they had, and we be
stowed a smaU bracelet of beads on them. Thus far we are
sure the tide ebbs and flows.
Having here again refreshed ourselves, we proceeded in
our journey, the weather being very hot for travel ; yet the
country so weU watered, that a man could scarce be dry, but
he should have a spring at hand to cool his thirst, besides
small rivers in abundance. But the savages will not wUl
ingly drink but at a spring head. When we came to any
smaU brook, where no bridge was, two of them desired to
carry us through of then- own accords ; also, fearing we were
or would be weary, offered to carry our pieces ; also, if we
would lay off any of our clothes, we should have them car
ried ; and as the one of them had found more special kind-

VISITS TO MASSASOIT. 363
ness from one of the messengers, and the other savage from
the other, so they showed their thankfulness accordingly in
affording us all help and furtherance in the journey.
As we passed along, we observed that there were few
places by the river but had been inhabited ; by reason whereof
much ground was clear, save of weeds, which gi-ew higher
than our heads. There is much good timber, both oak, wal
nut tree, fir, beech, and exceeding great chestnut trees. The
countiy, in respect of the lying of it, is both champaign and
hiUy, like many places in England. In some places it is very
rocky, both above-ground and in it ; and though the country
be wild and overgrown with woods, yet the trees stand not
thick, but a man may weU ride a horse amongst them.
Passing on at length, one of the company, an Indian,
espied a man and told the rest of it. We asked them if they
feared any. They told us that if they were Narraganset men
they woidd not trust them. Whereat we caUed for our
pieces, and bid them not to fear ; for though they were
twenty, we two alone would not care for them. But they
hailing him, he proved a friend, and had only two women
with him. Their baskets were empty; but they fetched
water in their bottles, so that we drank with them and de
parted. After we met another man, with other two women,
which had been at rendezvous by the saltwater; and their
baskets were fuU of roasted crab fishes and other dried shell
fish, of which they gave us ; and we eat and drank with
them, and gave each of the women a string of beads and
departed. After we came to a town of Massasoit's, where we eat
oysters and other fish. From thence we went to Pakanokit;"
but Massasoit was not at home. There we stayed, he being
sent for. When news was brought of his coming, our guide
Tisquantum requested that at our meeting we would dis
charge our pieces. But one of us going about to charge his
piece, the women and children, through fear to see him take
* Morton says, p. 48, that " they found his (Massasoit's) place to be about
forty miles from New Plymouth.''

364 VISITS TO MASSASOIT.
up his piece, ran away, and could not be pacified tiU he laid
it down again ; who afterward were better informed by our
interpreter. Massasoit being come, we discharged our pieces
and saluted him ; who, after their manner, kindly welcomed
us, and took us into his house, and set us down by him ;
where, having delivered our foresaid message and presents,
and having put the coat on his back and the chain about his
neck, he was not a little proud to behold himself, and his
men also to see their king so bravely attired.
For answer to our message, he told us we were welcome,
and he would gladly continue that peace and friendship
which was between him and us ; and, for his men, they should
no more pester us as they had done ; also, that he would send
to Paomet, and would help us with corn for seed, according
to our request.
This being done, his men gathered near to him, to whom
he turned himself and made a great speech ; they sometimes
interposing, and, as it were, confirming and applauding him
in that he said. The meaning whereof was, as far as we
could learn, thus : Was not he, Massasoit, commander of the
country about them ? Was not such a town his, and the
people of it ? And should they not bring their skins unto
us ? To which they answered, they were his, and would be
at peace with us, and bring their skins to us. After this man
ner he named at least thu-fy places, and their answer was as
aforesaid to every one; so that as it was defightful, it was '
tedious unto us.
This being ended, he lighted tobacco for us, and feU to dis
coursing of England and of the King's Majesty, marvelling
that he would live without a wife. Also he talked of the
Frenchmen, bidding us not to suffer them to come to Nan-a-
ganset, for it was King James's country, and he also was
King James's man. Late it grew, but victuals he offered
none ; for indeed he had not any, being he came so newly
home. So we desired to go to rest. He laid us on the bed
with himself and his wife, they at the one end and we at the
other, it being only planks laid a foot from the ground, and a
thin mat upon them. Two more of his chief men, for want

VISITS TO MASSASOIT. 365
of room, pressed by and upon us ; so that we were worse
weary of our lodging than of our journey.
The next day, being Thursday, many of their sachims, or
petty governors, came to see us, and many of their men also.
There they went to their manner of games for skins and
knives. There we chaUenged them to shoot with them for
skins, but they durst not; only they desired to see one of us
shoot at a mark, who shooting with haU-shot, they wondered
to see the mark so fuU of holes.
About one o'clock Massasoit brought two fishes that he
had shot ; they were like bream, but three times so big, and
better meat. These being boiled, there were at least forty
looked for share in them ; the most eat of them. This meal
only we had in two nights and a day ; and had not one of us
bought a partiidge, we had taken our journey fasting. Very
importunate he was to have us stay with them longer. But
we desired to keep the Sabbath at home ; and feared we
should either be light-headed for want of sleep, for what with
bad lodging, the savages' barbarous singing, (for they use to
sing themselves asleep,) fice and fleas within doors, and mos
quitoes without, we could hardly sleep all the time of our
being there ; we much fearing that if we should stay any
longer, we should not be able to recover home for want of
strength. So that on the Friday morning, before sunrising,
we took our leave and departed, Massasoit being both grieved
and ashamed that he could no better entertain us; and re
taining Tisquantum to send from place to place to procure
truck for us, and appointing another, called Tokamahamon,
in his place, whom we had found faithful before and after
upon all occasions.
At this town of Massasoit's, where we before eat, we were
again refreshed with a little fish, and bought about a handful
of meal of their parched corn, which was very precious at
that time of the year, and a small string of dried sheU-fish,
as big as oysters. The latter we gave to the six savages that
accompanied us, keeping the meal for ourselves. When we
drank, we eat each a spoonful of it with a pipe of tobacco,
instead of other victuals ; and of this also we could not but
31*

366 VISITS TO MASSASOIT.
give them so long as it lasted. Five mUes they led us to a
house out of the way in hope of victuals ; but we found no
body there, and so were but worse able to return home. That
night we reached to the weir where we lay before ; but the
Namascheucks were returned, so that we had no hope of any
thing there. One of the savages had shot a shad in the
water, and a small squirrel, as big as a rat, caUed a neuxis ;
the one half of either he gave us, and after went to the weir
to fish. From hence we wrote to Plymouth, and sent To
kamahamon before to Namasket, wilfing him from thence to
send another, that he might meet us with food at Namasket.
Two men now only remained with us ; and it pleased God
to give them good store of fish, so that we were well refreshed.
After supper we went to rest, and they to fishing again.
More they gat, and fell to eating afresh, and retained sufficient
ready roast for aU our breakfasts. ^^
About two o'clock in the morning, arose a great storm of
wind, rain, lightning, and thunder, in such violent manner
that we could not keep in our fire ; and had the savages not
roasted fish when we were asleep, we had set forward fasting ;
for the rain still continued with great violence, even the whole
day through, till we came within two miles of home. Being
wet and weary, at length we came to Namasket. There we
refreshed ourselves, giving gifts to aU such as had showed us
any kindness. Amongst others, one of the six that came
with us from Pakanokit, having before this on the way un
kindly forsaken us, marvelled we gave him nothing, and told
us what he had done for us. We also told him of some dis
courtesies he offered us, whereby he deserved nothing. Yet
we gave him a smaU trifle ; whereupon he offered us tobacco.
But the house being full of people, we told them he stole
some by the way, and if it were of that, we would not take
it ; for we would not receive that which was stolen, upon any
terras ; if we did, our God would be angry with us, and de
stroy us. This abashed him, and gave the rest great content.
But, at our departure, he would needs carry him on his back
through a river whom he had formerly in some sort abused.
Fain they would have had us to lodge there aU night, and

VISITS TO MASSASOIT. 367
wondered we would set forth again in such weather. But,
God be praised, we came safe home that night, though wet,
weary, and surbated.

winslow's second journey to PAKANOKIT, TO VISIT MASSASOIT
IN HIS SICKNESS.
During the time that the Captain was at Manomet, news
came to Plymouth that Massasoit was fike to die, and that
at the same time there was a Dutch ship driven so high on
the shore by stiess of weather, right before his dweUing, that
till the tides increased, she could not be got off. Now it
being a commendable manner of the Indians, when any, es
pecially of note, are dangerously sick, for all that profess
friendship to them to visit them in their extremity, either in
their persons, or else to send some acceptable persons to
them ; therefore it was thought meet, being a good and war
rantable action, that as we had ever professed friendship, so
we should now maintain the same, by observing this their
laudable custom ; and the rather, because we desired to have
some conference with the Dutch, not knowing when we should
have so fit an opportunity. To that end, myself having
formerly been there, and understanding in some measure the
Dutch tongue, the governor again laid this service upon my
self, and fitted me -with some cordials to administer to him ;
having one Master John Hamden, a gentleman of London,
who then wintered with us, and desired much to see the
countiy, for my consort, and Hobamak for our guide. So
we set forward, and lodged the first night at Namasket, where
we had friendly entertainment.
The next day, about one of the clock, we came to a ferry
in Corbatant's country, where, upon discharge of my piece,
divers Indians came to us from a house not far off. There
they told us that Massasoit was dead, and that day buried ;
and that the Dutch would be gone before we could get thither,
having hove off their ship already. This news stiuck us

368 VISITS TO MASSASOIT.
blank, but especially Hobamak, who deshed we might re
turn with aU speed. I told him I would first think of it.
Considering now, that he being dead, Corbatant was the
most like to succeed him, and that we were not above three
miles from Mattapuyst, his dwelfing-place, although he were
but a hollow-hearted friend towards us, I thought no time so
fit as this to enter into more friendly terms with him, and the
rest of the sachems thereabout ; hoping, through the blessing
of God, it would be a means, in that unsettled state, to settle
their affections towards us ; and though it were somewhat
dangerous, in respect of our personal safety, because. myself
and Hobamak had been employed upon a service against
him, which he might now fitly revenge ; yet esteeming it the
best means, leaving the event to God in his mercy, I resolved
to put it in practice, if Master Hamden and Hobamak
durst attempt it with me ; whom I found wiUing to that or
any other course might tend to the general good. So we
went towards Mattapuyst.
In the way, Hobamak, manifesting a troubled spirit, brake
forth into these speeches : Neen womasu sagimus, neen luo-
masu sagimus, etc. " My loving sachem, my loving sachem !
Many have I known, but never any like thee." And turning
him to me, said, whilst I lived, I should never see his like
amongst the Indians ; saying, he was no liar, he was not
bloody and cruel, like other Indians ; in anger and passion he
was soon reclaimed ; easy to be reconciled towards such as
had offended him ; ruled by reason in such measure as he
would not scorn the advice of mean men ; and that he gov
erned his men better with few strokes, than others did with
many ; truly loving where he loved ; yea, he feared we had
not a faithful friend left among the Indians ; showing how
he ofttimes restrained their malice, etc., continuing a long
speech, with such signs of lamentation and unfeigned sorrow,
as it would have made the hardest heart relent.
At length we came to Mattapuyst, and went to the sachimo
comaco, for so they call the sachem's place, though they call
an ordinary house witeo ; but Corbatant, the sachem, was

VISITS TO MASSASOIT. 369
not at home, but at Pakanokit, which was some five or six
miles off. The squaw sachem, for so they called the sa
chem's wife, gave us friendly entertainment. Here we in
quired again concerning Massasoit ; they thought him dead,
but knew no certainty. Whereupon I hired one to go with
aU expedition to Pakanokit, that we might know the certainty
thereof, and -withal to acquaint Corbitant with our there be
ing. About half an hour before sunsetting the messenger re
turned, and told us that he was not yet dead, though there
was no hope we should find him living. Upon this we were
much revived, and set forward with all speed, though it was
late within night ere we got thither. About two of the clock
that afternoon, the Dutchmen departed ; so that in that re-*
spect our journey was frustiate.
When we came thither, we found the house so full of men
as we could scarce get in, though they used their best dili
gence to make way for us. There were they in the midst of
their charms for him, making such a hellish noise, as it dis
tempered us that were well, and therefore unlike to ease him
that was sick. About him were six or eight women, who
chafed his arms, legs, and thighs, to keep heat in him. When
they had made an end of their charming, one told him that
his friends, the English, were come to see him. Having
understanding left, but his sight was wholly gone, he asked.
Who was come ? They told him Winsnow, for they cannot
pronounce the letter I, but ordinarily n in the place thereof.
He desired to speak with me. When I came to him, and
they told him of it, he put forth his hand to me, which I took.
Then he said twice, though very inwardly. Keen Winsnow ?
which is to say, " Art thou Winslow ? " I answered, Ahhe,
that is. Yes. Then he doubled these words ; Malta neen
wonckanet namen, Winsnow ! that is to say, " O Winslow, I
shaU never see thee again."
Then I caUed Hobamak, and desired him to teU Massasoit,
that the governor, hearing of his sickness, was sorry for the
same; and though, by reason of many businesses, he could not
come himself, yet he sent me with such things for him as he
thought most lUcely to do him good in this his extremity ;

370 VISITS TO MASSASOIT.
and whereof if he pleased to take, I would presently give him ;
which he desired ; and having a confection of many comfort
able conserves, etc., on the point of my knife I gave him some,
which I could scarce get through his teeth. When it was
dissolved in his mouth, he swallowed the juice of it ; whereat
those that were about him much rejoiced, saying he had not
swaUowed any thing in two days before. Then I desired to
see his mouth, which was exceedingly fui-red, and his tongue
swelled in such a manner, as it was not possible for him to
eat such meat as they had, his passage being stopped up.
Then I washed his mouth, and scraped his tongue, and got
abundance of corruption out of the same. After which I
^ave him more of the confection, which he swallowed with
more readiness. Then he desiring to drink, I dissolved some
of it in water, and gave him thereof. Within half an hour
this wrought a great alteration in him, in the eyes of all that
beheld him. Presently after his sight began to come to him,
which gave him and us good encouragement. In the mean
time I inquired how he slept, and when he went to stool. They
said he slept not in two days before, and had not had a stool
in five. Then I gave him more, and told him of a mishap
we had by the way, in breaking a bottle of drink, which the
governor also sent him, saying, if he would send any of his
men to Patuxet, I would send for more of the same ; also for
chickens to make him broth, and for other things, which I
knew were good for him ; and would stay the return of the
his messenger, if he desired. This he took marveUous
kindly, and appointed some, who were ready to go by two of
the clock in the morning ; against which time I made ready
a letter, declaring therein our good success, the state of his
body, etc., desiring to send me such things as I sent for, and
such physic as the surgeon durst administer to him.
He requested me, that the day following, I would take my
piece, and kill him some fowl, and make him some English
pottage, such as he had eaten at Plymouth ; which I prom
ised. After, his stomach coming to him, I must needs make
him some without fowl, before I went abroad, which some
what troubled me, being unaccustomed and unacquainted in

VISITS TO MASSASOIT. 371
such businesses, especially having nothing to make it com
fortable, my consort being as ignorant as myself; but being
we must do somewhat, I caused a woman to bruise some
corn, and take the flour from it, and set over the grit, or bro
ken corn, in a pipkin, for they have earthen pots of all sizes.
When the day broke, we went out, it being now March, to
seek herbs, but could not find any but strawberry leaves, of
which I gathered a handful, and put into the same ; and be
cause I had nothing to relish it, I went forth again, and
pulled up a sassafras root, and sliced a piece thereof, and
boiled it, tiU it had a good relish, and then took it out again.
The broth being boiled, I strained it through my handker
chief, and gave him at least a pint, which he drank, and liked
it very well. After this his sight mended more and more ;
also he had three moderate stools, and took some rest ; inso
much as we with admiration blessed God for giving his bless
ing to such raw and ignorant means, making no doubt of his
recovery, himself and all of them acknowledging us the in
sti-uments of his preservation.
That morning he caused me to spend in going from one to
another amongst those that were sick in the town, requesting
me to wash then- mouths also, and give to each of them some
of the same I gave him, saying they were good folk.. This
pains I took with wiUingness, though it were much offensive
to me, not being accustomed to such poisonous savors. After
dinner he desired me to get him a goose or duck, and make
him some pottage therewith, with as much speed as I could.
So I took a man with me, and make a shot at a couple of
ducks, some six score paces off, and killed one, at which he
wondered. So we returned forthwith, and dressed it, making
more broth therewith, which he much desired. Never did I
see a man so low brought, recover in that measure in so short
a time. The fowl being extraordinary fat, I told Hobamak I
must take off the top thereof, saying it would make him very
sick again if he did eat it. This he acquainted Massasoit
therewith, who would not be persuaded to it, though I
pressed it very much, showing the strength thereof, and the
weakness of his stomach, which could not possibly bear it.

372 VISITS TO MASSASOIT.
Notwithstanding, he made a gross meal of it, and ate as
much as would well have satisfied a man in health. About
an hour after he began to be very sick, and straining very
much, cast up the broth again ; and in overstraining himself,
began to bleed at the nose, and so continued the space of
four hours. Then they aU wished he had been ruled, con
cluding now he would die, which we much feared also.
They asked me what I thought of him. I answered, his
case was desperate, yet it might be it would save his life ; for
if it ceased in time, he would forthwith sleep and take rest,
which was the principal thing he wanted. Not long after
his blood stayed, and he slept at least six or eight hours.
When he awaked, I washed his face, and bathed and suppled
his beard and nose with a linen cloth. But on a sudden he
chopped his nose in the water, and drew up some therein,
and sent it forth again with such violence, as he began to
bleed afresh. Then they thought there was no hope ; but we
perceived it was but the tenderness of his nostril, and there
fore told them I thought it would stay presently, as indeed it
did. The messengers were now returned; but finding his
stomach come to him, he would not have the chickens kUled,
but kept them for breed. Neither durst we give him any
physic, which was then sent, because his body was so much
altered since our instructions; neither saw we any need, not
doubting now of his recovery if he were careful. Many,
whilst we were there, came to see him ; some by their report,
from a place not less than a hundred miles. To all that
came one of his chief men related the manner of his sickness,
hovir near he was spent, how amongst others his friends the
English came to see him, and how suddenly they recovered
him to this strength they saw, he being now able to sit up
right of himself
The day before our coming, another sachem being there,
told him that now he might see how hollow-hearted the Eng
lish were, saying if we had been such friends in deed, as we
were in show, we would have visited him in this his sickness,
using many arguments to withdraw his affections, and to per-

VISITS TO MASSASOIT. 373
suade him to give way to some things against us, which
were motioned to him not long before. But upon this his re
covery, he brake forth into these speeches : Now I see the
English are my friends and love me ; and whilst I live, I wiU
never forget this kindness they have showed me. Whilst we
were there, our entertainment exceeded all other strangers'.
Divers other things were worthy the noting ; but I fear I have
been too tedious.
At our coming away, he caUed Hobamak to him, and pri
vately (none hearing, save two or three other of his pnieses,*
who ai-e of his councU) revealed the plot of the Massacheu-
seucks, before spoken of, against Master Weston's colony,
and so against us ; saying that the people of Nauset, Paomet,
Succonet, Mattachiest, Manomet, Agowaywam, and the isle
of Capawack, were joined with them; himself also in his
sickness was earnestly solicited, but he would neither join
therein, nor give way to any of his. Therefore, as we re
spected the lives of our countrymen, and our own after safety,
he advised us to kiU the men of Massachuset, who were the
authors of this intended mischief. And whereas we were
wont to say, we would not strike a stroke till they first began ;
if, said he, upon this intelligence, they make that answer, tell
them, when their countrymen at Wichaguscusset are kiUed,
they being not able to defend themselves, that then it will be
too late to recover their lives ; nay, through the multitude of
adversaries, they shall with great difficulty preserve their own ;
and therefore he counseUed without delay to take away the
principals, and then the plot would cease. With this he
charged him thoroughly to acquaint me by the way, that I
might inform the governor thereof, at my first coming home.
Being fitted for our return, we took our leave of him ; who
returned many thanks to our governor, and also to ourselves
for our labor and love ; the like did aU that were about him.
So we departed.
That night, through the earnest request of Corbatant, who
until now remained at Sawaams, or Pakanokit, we lodged
* The same as pinse, words used by th'em to signify, a brave.
32

374 VISITS TO MASSASOIT.
with him at Mattapuyst. By the way I had much confer
ence with him, so likewise at his house, he being a notable
politician, yet fuU of merry jests and squibs, and never better
pleased than when the like are returned again upon him.
Amongst other things he asked me, if in case he were thus
dangerously sick, as Massasoit had been, and should send
word thereof to Patuxet for maskiet, that is, physic, whether
then Mr. Governor would send it ; and if he would, whether
I would come therewith to him. To both which I answered.
Yea ; whereat he gave me many joyful thanks. After that,
being at his house, he demanded further, how we durst, being
but two, come so far into the country. I answered, where
was true love, there was no fear ; and my heart was so up
right towards them, that for mine own part I was fearless to
come amongst them. But, said he, if your love be such,
and it bring forth such fruits, how cometh it to pass,.that
when we come to Patuxet, you stand upon your guard, with
the mouths of your pieces presented towards us? Where
upon I answered, it was the most honorable and respective
entertainment we could give them ; it being an order amongst
us so to receive our best respected friends ; and as it was
used on the land, so the ships observed it also at sea, which
Hobamak knew and had seen observed. But shaking the
head, he answered, that he fiked not such salutations.
Further, observing us to crave a blessing on our meat be
fore we did eat, and after to give thanks for the same, he
asked us, what was the meaning of that ordinary custom.
Hereupon I took occasion to tell them of God's works of
creation and preservation, of his laws and ordinances, espec
ially of the ten commandments ; aU which they hearkened
unto with great attention, and fiked well of; only the sev
enth commandment they excepted against, thinking there
were many inconveniences in it, that a man should be tied
to one woman; about which we reasoned a good time.
Also I told them, that whatsoever good things we had, we
received from God, as the author and giver thereof; and
therefore craved his blessing upon that we had, and were
about to eat, that it might nourish and sti-engthen our bod-

VISITS TO MASSASOIT. 375
ies ; and having eaten sufficient, being satisfied therewith, we
again returned thanks to the same our God, for that our re
freshing, etc. This all of them concluded to be very well ;
and said, they believed almost aU the same things, and that
the same power that we called God, they called Kiehtan.
Much profitable conference was occasioned hereby, which
would be too tedious to relate, yet was no less delightful to
them, than comfortable to us. Here we remained only that
night, but never had better entertainment amongst any of
them. The day foUowing, in our journey, Hobamak told me of
the private conference he had with Massasoit, and how he
charged hum perfectiy to acquaint me therewith, as I showed
before ; which having done, he used many arguments himself
to move us thereunto. That night we lodged at Namasket ;
and the day foUowuig, about the midway between it and
home, we met two Indians, who told us, that Captain Stand
ish was that day gone to the Massachusetts. But contrary
winds again drove him back ; so that we found him at home ;
where the Indian of Paomet stUl was, being very importunate
that the Captain should take the first opportunity of a fair
wind to go with him. But their secret and vUlanous pur
poses being, through God's mercy, now made known, the
Governor caused Captain Standish to send him away, with
out any distaste or manifestation of anger, that we might the
better effect and bring to pass that which should be thought
most necessary.

APPENDIX,

32*

APPENDIX

Page 161.

THE labors of THE PILGRIMS AND EARLY SETTLERS OF THE
PLYMOUTH COLONY FOE THE INSTRUCTION AND CONVERSION
OF THE INDIANS.
There is no account of any special effort to christianize the In
dians until after the banishment of Roger Williams (1636), when the
government of Plymouth Colony enacted laws, "providing for the
preaching of the gospel among them, and with the concurrence of
the chiefs, for constituting courts to punish misdemeanors." Similar
laws were afterwards passed in Massachusetts. Mr. "Williams was,
that year, " fourteen weeks among them in their smoky holes," learn
ing their language, and endeavoring to enlighten them in the things
of the kingdom. Mr. Mayhew began his labors on the Vineyard in
1643, but it was several years before he entered with systematic
earnestness in the great work which he ultimately accomplished.
Mr. Eliot preached his first sermon to them in 1646, but gathered no
church until 1660. Mr. Bourne began his labors as early as 1641,
but it was several years before it was generally known that he and
Mr. Tupper were " doing a gredt work " in Sandwich, and on the
Cape. Mr. Cotton began his labors on the Vineyard in 1663, and
having learned their language, often preached and taught there, and
also to their assemblies after his settlement in Plymouth in 1667.
Mr. Pierson, Mr. James, and Mr. Fitch, labored on Long Island and

380 APPENDIX.
in Connecticut. How much would have been done for the spiritual
good of the " sons of the forest," if Mr. Winslow, governor of Ply
mouth, had not devised the means of supporting these missionaries or
ministers, seems quite uncertain.
In 1649, Gov. Winslow was in England, as agent of the Colonies
in their concerns with the mother country, and perceiving that a door
was opening for successful labor among the Indians in the colonies,
" requested that some persons of known piety and integrity might be
constituted a corporation to receive and improve the free contribu
tions which might be made for the encouraging of the propagating
the gospel among them." A tract was circulated (sent from New
England) with the title of "The clear sunshine of the Gospel
breaking forth upon the Indians in New England." " Mr. Pelham
assisted Gov. Winslow in forwarding the collections, and in July,
1649, Parliament passed an act or ordinance for the advancement of
this good work." It would seem that the tract of Roger Williams
(mentioned hereafter) was very efficient in arousing the good people
of England to these measures. It was published in 1 643, and in
1644, "several noblemen and other members of Parliament, ad
dressed a letter to the Gov. and assistants of Massachusetts," in his
favor, in which they speak of " his industry and travels among the
Indians, and of his printed labors, the like whereof we have not seen
extant from any part of America." Kno. Will. 200. The preamble
to the act recites the " certain intelligence received " in respect to
labors by the " ministers and others," and that " fit instruments
should be encouraged in propagating the gospel to these poor
heathen;" and then enacts that Gov. Winslow and fifteen others
(then in England) " shall be a corporation for furthering so good a
work, and that a general collection be made for the furtherance of
the work through all England and Wales ; that the ministers read the
act to their people, and stir them up to liberal contributions." On
the restoration a new charter was obtained, " and commissioners were
appointed by the Corporation, and vacancies by death or otherwise,
have, from time to time, been filled until the present day. Perhaps
no fund of this nature has ever been more faithfully applied for the
purposes for which it was raised." Hutch, i. 151-155. There was
considerable opposition to the collections, "but subscriptions were
opened in London and in the army, by the promotion of Mr. Wins
low and Mr. Pelham, and an amount collected which gave a yearly
income of £700 or £800 sterling. The appropriations by the commis-

EPPOETS TO CHEISTIANIZE THE INDIANS. 381
sioners were for printing books in the Indian language, sustaining
preachers and teachers, and the education of Indian youth for the
ministry. In 1661, they disbursed for printing the Bible £237 5s.,
for Mr. Eliot's salary £50, for Mr. Mayhew's £30, for Mr. Bourne's
£25, and large sums for the education of young persons ; the whole
amounting to £728 8s. M. Probably this was a fair average of the
yearly disbursements." — Hist. Coll. i. 258.
In the tract before referred to (the Key, etc., 1643),* he gives a
very satisfactory account of the Indians, their habits and customs, a
vocabulary of their language, their religion and superstitions, and
adds, " to that point of their conversion, so much to be longed for,
and by all New England so much pretended ; and I hope in truth.
For myself, I have uprightly labored to suit my endeavors to my
pretences ; and of later times, to attain their language, I have ran
through varieties of intercourses with them, day and night, summer
and winter, by land and sea. Many solemn discourses I have had
with aU sorts of nations of them, from one end of the country to
another. I know there is no small preparation in the hearts of mul
titudes of them. I know their solemn confessions to myself, and one
to another of their lost wandering conditions. I know strong con
victions upon the consciences of many of them, and their desires ut
tered that way. I know not with how little knowledge and grace of
Christ the Lord may save, and therefore will neither despair nor re
port much." He relates the case of Wequash, the Pequot chief,
whom he early addressed on the subject of the Christian faith, and
whom, with some self-denial and inconvenience, he visited in his last
sickness ; from which it appears that his preaching had sunk deep
into the heart of the chief, and he seems to have died a believer.
— Mst. Coll. 206-229.
This was in- the year 1643, before which time we have no records
of labor of this kind. After this, Williams had the charge of State
affairs of the most trying kind. But he continued to preach as he
could, generally every Lord's day, though he did not believe he had
any commission to establish churches. Mr. Eliot and Mr. Gookins
he numbers among his most fast friends. Mr. Calender says (p. 57),
" Mr. Williams used to hold a public worship sometimes, though not

* In the biography of Eoger Williams, prefixed to the " Bloody Tenet," it is
said, " Ho taught the Indians Christianity, and was the first of the American Pil
grims to convey to these savage tribes the message of salvation."

382 APPENDIX.
weekly, and he used to go once a month to Mr. Smith's in the Narra
ganset, for the same end, and made many laudable attempts to in
struct the Indians." Dr. Bentley says (p. 84), " He understood the In
dians better than any man of his age ; he made not so many converts,
but he made more sincere friends." He closes his book by devout
ascriptions to the Most High, who has supported him in so many va
rieties of hardship and outward miseries, and in his converse with
barbarous nations, and prays that his " Key " may be the means of
opening a door of unknown mercies to them.
Mr. Richard Bourne and Mr. Thomas Tupper were long and faith
ful laborers for the temporal and spiritual welfare of the Indians " in
the Plymouth Patent." They were early emigrants, and seem to have
been among the first purchasers of the Sandwich lands, (in 1637,)
and the town having been incorporated they appear on the list of
Freemen (1641). They were gentlemen of wealth and earnest puri
tans ; and they forthwith took an interest in the conversion of the na
tives, who were very numerous in that region ; the pestilence which
swept away the Plymouth Indians not having reached that place. It
would seem that they lost no time in learning the language and enter
ing upon the work, " though not educated for the ministry, they turned
their attention to gospelizing the Indians.'' After laboring a few years
more privately, they both conducted public worship on Lord's day, in
the native congregations. " Mr. Tupper's attention was towards the
northward, and westward of Sandwich, where he founded a church
near Herring River, which was supplied by a succession of ministers
of his name; the last pastor, being his great-grandson, died in 1787.
His congregation was 180." — Hist. Coll. iii. 188, 189 ; Ibid. i. 201.
Mr. Bourne was a man of great energy of character, and a Chris
tian philanthropist. We find him in 1658 purchasing land for a per
manent location of a town for the " South Sea Indians," as the natives
there were called, and finally, in 1660, fixing upon Marshpee, and se
curing the lands there to them and their descendants for ever. Mr.
Hawley says, " There is no place I ever saw so adapted to an Indian
town as this. It is situated on the sound, in sight of the Vineyard,
cut into necks of land, and has two inlets from the sea ; well watered,
and three fresh ponds in the centre of the plantation, and in the two
salt water bays are plenty of fish, and in the rivers, trouts, herrings,
etc., and in the woods plenty of game, deer, etc. Mr. Bourne
was a man of that discernment, that he considered it as vain to
propagate Christian knowledge among any people without a ter-

EFFOETS TO CHEISTIANIZE THE INDIANS. 383
ritory where they might remain in peace from generation to gen
eration, and not be ousted. The deed was confirmed by the colony
court " so that no part or parcel of the lands could be bought by or
sold to any white person or persons without the consent of all the
Indians, not even with the consent of the general court." (Mr. Bourne
afterwards writes that the tract was five miles in width and ten miles
in length.) Mr. Bourne pursued his evangelical work and was fin.ally
ordained pastor of an Indian church in this place in 1670." He died
in l%8b. — mst.Coll. iii. 188-190.
" The church was formed of his own disciples and converts, and the
solemnities performed by the famous Mr. Eliot and other ministers."
A regular civil government was established in the plantation of which
Mr. Bourne's son and grandson were successively presidents; and the
pastor who succeeded Mr. Bourne was one of his Indian converts,
named Popnomet. In 1757 the commissioners of the corporation be
fore mentioned persuaded Rev. Gideon Hawley, who had been before
ordained as an evangelist and preacher to the western Indians, to
proceed to Marshpee, where he was installed, and was " occupied
there more than half a century in benevolent exertion to enlighten
the darkened mind, and promote the salvation of his Indian brethren.
As a missionary he was peculiarly qualified ; for there was a dignity
in his manner, and an authority in his voice, which had a great influ
ence with the Indians. The history of his precious labors is very in
teresting, and in estimation by all." — Al. B. Diet.; Hist. Coll.iv.
50-67. The tradition of his labors is very favorable. In 1694 there were
between eighty and ninety Indian houses in Marshpee, and probably
at least four hundred Indians, " All of whom valued themselves on
being Christians." The plantation still continues, but there is little
pure Indian blood in the population, so freely has been their inter
mixture with the negro race.
With considerable reluctance, "rather desiring his work should
speak for him," Mr. Bourne gives an account to Mr. Gookins of the
numbers and condition of the Indians under his ministration in 1674;
from which it appears that the plantation is of the extent before men
tioned, and secured to the Indians " under hand and seal ; " that he
lives on the plantation, and that the Indians in the villages which he
visits number about five hundred, and that he has four Indian assist
ants employed statedly, and four other occasional helpers. — Hist.
Coll. i. 196-199.
It seems to have been taken for granted by the historians that Mr.

384 APPENDIX.
Bourne and Mr. Tupper began their work subsequently to Mr. Eliot.
But none of them give the time of their commencement. When first
known out of their plantation, they had learned the language, were
preaching to the Indians, and had numerous converts. We may well
presume, from the facts we have, that their work [in fact] began as
early as their acquaintance with the savages there. Mr. Eliot seems
not to have known half the churches which were established in the
Old Colony in his time. He mentions but one ; it will hereafter ap
pear that there were four or five.
Christianity seems to have taken an earlier and deeper root among
the Indians on the islands than in any place in New England. The
Mayhews (father, son, grandson, great-grandson), may be said to be
(ecclesiastically) " a race of kings," — certainly of Patriarchs and
" men of God." The father, (Thomas,) was the " civil governor," and
on the death of his son, became also " the gospel minister of the Vine
yard and neighboring islands.'' In 1 642 they were established on that
island, and his son, who was a minister, forthwith began the study of
the Indian language, and the work of teaching the gospel to the nu
merous Indians there. Hiacoomes, one of them, soon became a con
vert and learned to read, and immediately began to make strong ap
peals to his brethren against their idolatry and superstitions, and to
make known to them the truths of the gospel. This was in 1645.
Young Mayhew, having obtained their affection and confidence and
learned their language, in the year 1646 commenced preaching and
public instruction. (The same year in which Mr. Eliot began a sim
ilar work.) " He had visited the natives in their abodes, slept in
their smoky wigwams, spent much of the nights in teaching them
Scripture history, and before the close of the year 1650, a hundred
Indians entered into solemn covenant to obey the Most High God, im
ploring his mercy through the blood of Christ. In 1652 there were
two hundred and eighty-two of the heathen who had embraced Chris
tianity, among whom were eight of their powaws or priests." Mr.
Mayhew's success encouraged him to make still greater efforts for
their good, and he sailed for England, to represent the case and con
dition of the natives to the Society for Propagating the Gospel, (which
has been mentioned,) in order to obtain the means of greater useful
ness. The ship in which he sailed foundered at sea, and he and all
on board perished. His age was thirty-seven.
The death of the son seemed to lay a necessity on the father, and
he, with Hiacoomes, undertook to fill up the vacancy — a labor which
called for all their resources. He preached to the English on the

EFFOETS TO CHRISTIANIZE THE INDIANS. 385
Island and to the natives, visiting them in the remote parts of the
Island, collecting them into congregations, and by his instructions pre
paring for them preachers, teachers, and rulers. In 1674 he writes
Mr. Gookin that " a church was gathered fifteen years before, which
church has now become three churches, having each a pastor and an
elder. The families are three hundred, and but one of them that
prays not to God. There are ten Indian preachers of good knowl
edge and holy conversation ; seven jurisdictions, and six meetings
every Lord's day. There is also a church in Nantucket, where there
are many praying Indians and three hundred families." — Hist. Coll. i.
205. Great caution was used in gathering churches and in the admission
of members ; in general several magistrates and ministers were pres
ent at the organizations of the churches, and the ordination of pastors
and elders. Mr. Eliot attended the examination of these at the Vine
yard. These churches subsisted longer and prospered better than
any Indian churches in New England, except that at Marshpee. Mr.
Mayhew, the father, died in 1681, aged 93. He had been assisted in
his labors by Mr. Cotton, afterward settled at Plymouth, from 1664
to 1667.
Hiacoomes seems to have been the best Indian preacher of whom
we have any account. As has been said, he began to teach his " cop
per-colored brethren in 1645 ; he met with great opposition and abuse
from the powaws. He greatly lamented the loss of young Mayhew,"
by whom he had been enlightened in the knowledge of the truth,
and whose instructions gave him the power of instructing others. In
1670, at the organization of the second church, he was ordained pas
tor, and Tackanash teacher, by Mr. Eliot and Mr. Cotton. At the
ordination of the successor of Tackanash he gave the charge, and was
one of them who imposed hands. He died in 1690, aged 80. " He
was a faithful and successful minister, slow of speech, grave in man
ners, and of blameless life, and sound in doctrine."
John, son of the last-mentioned Mr. Mayhew, was called to the min
istry by the English on the Island, at the age of 21 (1673), and hav
ing a perfect understanding of the Indian language, began, at the
same time, to preach to the Indians. He taught alternately in all their
assemblies, and assisted them in their ecclesiastical concerns. He died
in the sixteenth year of his ministry, leaving an Indian church of one
hundred communicants, and several well instructed teachers in the
different congregations. The church seems to have been the first
Indian church gathered in New England (1659). Experience, son
33

386 APPENDIX.
of the last mentioned, at the age of 21 (1694), began to preach to
this church, and took charge of five or six assemblies for worship.
Being well versed in the language, he was employed by the Society
for propagating the Gospel to make a version of the Psalms, and the
Gospel of John, which he did and which was published. He also
published an account of the converts, of thirty Indian ministers, and
eighty others, " worthy of remembrance on account of their piety."
It would seem that Mr. Mayhew, by his frequent visits to Nantucket,
was the instrument of gathering a church there. Their pastors and
teachers in the churches and assemblies, and also their "rulers, were
all native Indians."
Mr. John Cotton (son of the distinguished immigrant of that name)
went early in life to the Vineyard, and there preached to the English,
and having learned the Indian language, preached also to the natives.
After three years' labor he was called to settle in the ministry at
Plymouth, and after about a year's probation settled there in 1669.
It seems he continued his care and oversight of the Indians in the
Plymouth Colony after his settlement, and often preached in the dif
ferent congregations. He says, " I often preach at Katsaumat, at
Assawamit, Namasket, and Titicut (Middleborough). Pie mentions
also Coquit (Dartmouth), and Sakonet (Little Compton), and Acush-
nett (New Bedford). It seeitis that Mr. Bourne sometimes preached
at these places.'' — Hist. Coll.i. 198-200. He was able to give instruc
tion with great facility ; his knowledge of the language enabled him
to revise the Indian Bible of Mr. Eliot, and to be the editor of the
second edition in 1685. As many Indians attended the Courts at
Plymouth, he took that opportunity to preach to them.*
As has been said, Mr. Eliot began his missionary labors among the
Indians in 1646. All our histories give him full credit "as a work
man that needeth not to be ashamed : " his perseverance, self-denial,
and success were worthy of all praise. His qualifications were good,
his hardihood and fearlessness were great, and many were converted
by his instrumentality. But it requires some consideration before we
* It is not possible, in this summary, to give an adequate account of the unex
ampled labors and success of the Maj-hews, among the numerous Indians on
these islands. A very fall account of the " Indian converts, their lives and
dying speeches, their godly preachers and otlier good and religious men and
women," is given by Experience Mayhew, who preached the gospel on the islands.
Printed in London in 1727, p. 310. A book of much interest, and which richly
deserves a reprint. The lives and labors of the Mayhews, who preached to the
English and Indians on the islands, are added by Mr. Prince.

EFFOETS TO CHEISTIANIZE THE INDIANS. 387
agree to the eulogies of his descendant ; " that he was the most suc
cessful missionary that ever preached the gospel to the Indians."
Perhaps others were as well qualified, as persevering, as efficient and
successful as Mr. Eliot. But the reader must judge. He was more
favored by historians, and his labors are given more in detail. But
the practical results are recorded, and they are better evidence of the
work which was done than the particulars of the progress. Perhaps
his most laborious work was the translation of the Scriptures: but
they were revised by Mr. Cotton, and he was the editor of the second
edition. If the race of Indians had not so soon melted away, this
work might have been very useful. But it stands a monument of
labor, and of good designed, and of some good accomplished. The
corporation before mentioned incurred the expense and paid him a
salary. Like Mr. Bourne, he thought, the Indians, to be christianized,
should have a permanent location, and by the bounty of the society
and General Court, he caused lands to be purchased and one or more
towns to be built, and public worship to be established at Natick in
1651. After assisting to establish a church on the Vineyard, in
1659, he established one in Natick in 1660, in both of which great
care was taken that none but true converts should be admitted. It
seems he did not intermit his pastoral labors among his own people at
Roxbury, so that his labors were, in some sense, double. In this re
spect ]Mr. Bourne and Mr. Mayhew had the advantage, being devoted
to the single call of the natives, or at least having very few English
to instruct. It is said he visited the Indian congregations once in
two weeks, and passed much time with the natives in the wilderness ;
but the others were in the midst of them constantly, and some of
them brought up with them from infancy, and from the first were
conversant with their language and habits. Mr. Eliot's congrega
tions were all in Massachusetts proper ; but he occasionally visited
the Indian churches in the " Plymouth Patent," and the islands, to
assist in the gathering of the churches and the ordination of minis
ters. His salary from the corporation was fifty pounds, besides what
his own people paid him. He is said to have been generous, charita
ble, and hospitable, and attended to his charge to the end. Pie died
in 1690, aged eighty-six, having been for some years assisted by his
son, a very promising young man who early learned the Indian lan
guage, and bekig settled at Newton, preached, as it is said, once in
two weeks to the Indian congregations. There were fourteen villages,
and eleven hundred praying Indians in all, and two churches in 1674.
These were the " palmy days " of Mr. Eliot's labors. But for his

388 APPENDIX.
strenuous efforts, aided by Mr. Gookin, to prove the innocence of the
Indians and protect them, the whole of them would have been extir
pated in the war of 1775. As it was, they were much reduced, and
as he says " the congregations were contracted into four." It does
not appear that they afterwards much increased, though in 1687 the
congregations were five. The son died in 1668, aged 33.
It is difficult to conceive of a more thorough, efficient, and systematic
laborer among the Indians than was Rev. Samuel Treat of Eastham,
son of Gov. Treat of Connecticut. He began his labors about the
time of the height of Mr. Eliot's success in 1674. He was graduat
ed in 1669, and settled in Eastham in 1672. His field of labor was
the whole of the cape below Yarmouth. " Soon after his settlement,
he studied the Indian language, and devoted to the Indians in his
neighborhood much of his time and attention. Through his zeal and
attention and diligence many of the savages were brought into a state
of civilization and order, and not a few of them were converted to the
faith. In 1685, when an account of the praying Indians in the colony
was transmitted to England by Gov. Hinkley, it was found the pray
ing Indians within his parish amounted to five hundred, besides boys
and girls under twelve years of age, who were supposed to be three
times that number. Eight years after, at the request of President
Increase Mather, he wrote a letter, which, as it contains valuable in
formation, it may be proper to give entire." — (Hist. Eastham, 38.)
" Rev. and woetht Sir,
Being advertised that it would not be unreasonable or unserviceable
at this juncture, to give you a true and impartial account, both of the
number and present state of our Indians, and of the acceptation and
entertainment of the Gospel among them, and their professed subjec
tion thereto ; whereof, sir, you may be assured as follows : There are
five hundred Indians within the limits of our township, unto whom,
these many years past, I have, from time to time, imparted the gospel
of our Lord Jesus Christ, in their own language, and truly hope not
without success. I continue in the same service, earnestly imploring,
and not without hopes of a more plentiful outpouring of the spirit upon
them. I do verily not know, nor can I learn that there is so much as one
of these Indians that does obstinately absent from, but [they] do
jointly frequent and attend upon seasons of the preaching of the word,
and countenance the same, not only on Lord's day, but upon public
thanksgivings and fast-days.

EFFOETS TO CHEISTIANIZE THE INDIANS. 389
¦ ' They have four distinct assemblies, in four villages, belonging to
our township, in which they have four teachers of their own choice,
of the sober, well .iffected, and understanding persons among them,
who duly preach to them when I am not with them. These Indian
teachers repair to my house once a week, to be further instructed in
the concernments proper for their service and station.
There are, in the above said villages, four schoolmasters of the best
accomplishments for that service, who teach their youth to read and
write their own language.
There are also six justices of the peace, or magistrates, in these vil
lages, who regulate their civil affairs, and punish criminals and trans
gressors of the civil law. They have three stated courts, and their
inferior officers. Many of them are of a serious, civil, sober conver
sation and deportment, who are making essays towards a further pro
gressive step of obedience, and conformity to the rules of the gospel,
having a great desire to be baptized.
They are very serviceable by their labor to the English vicinity,
and have, all along, since the wars with their nation, been very friendly
to the English, and forward to serve them in that quarrel ; their de
portment, converse, and garb being more manly and laudable than any
other Indians that I have observed in the province.
But, sir, I would not be tedious ; only craving your interest at the
throne of grace, that we may be serviceable to the name and kingdom
of our Lord Jesus Christ.
Samuel Treat.
Eastham, August 23, 1693."
" Every month Mr. Treat visited and preached in their villages. At
other times the Indian teachers read to their congregations the ser
mons he had written for them. He translated the Confession of Faith
into the Nauset language for the edification and improvement of the
converts. Believing it would be impossible to make much impression
on their minds unless he could gain their affections, he treated them
with great affability and kindness, frequently visited them in their
wigwams, and with cheerfulness joined in their festivals. They ven
erated him as a pastor and loved him as a father.
" He was a laborious and faithful minister to his own people, and
had reason to bless God for the visits of the Holy Spirit on his labors
in the conversion of many of his hearers, by which many were added
to his church. He addressed his Maker with humble devotion, and
33*

390 APPENDIX.
his prayers were copious and fervent." — Hist. Coll. viii. 171, 172;
Hist. Eastham, 38-41.
By the specimens given in the Collections, he seems to have been
a rousing, terrific preacher. It is said, that " knowing the terrors of
the Lord, he persuaded men." He could speak and write the Nauset
language with great facility, and prosecuted his labors among them a
great number of years, with much success, and little or no interruption,
and sent letters into other parts of the colonies, urging the people to
prepare themselves for this work. " Pie died in 1717, aged 69, hav
ing labored in word and in doctrine more than forty-four years with
great faithfulness." — Ibid. 54.
" But neither his prayers nor his zeal in reforming and civilizing
them could save them from destruction. A blasting wind seems to
have smitten them as the Enghsh took possession of their country." —
Ibid. The missionary labors and success are very interesting, but the end
is very melancholy. We must, however, pursue the history a little fur
ther. It is said, and no doubt truly, that Christianity met with much
better success among the Indians of Plymouth Colony than among
those of Massachusetts. — Hist. Coll. i. 201.
Mr. Gookin, an assistant or magistrate of Massachusetts, was ap
pointed by the General Court superintendent to all the Indians in that
colony who submitted to the government ; and continued in that office
till his death in 1687. In 1674 he wrote " Historical Collections of
the History of the Indians in New England," which are published in
Vol. i. of the Collections of the Historical Society. The account is
very full ; their customs, religion, government, and the exertions
made to civilize them, and to bring them to an acquaintance with the
Christian religion ; also the degree of success which was attained.
There were at that time in that colony, fourteen villages of praying
Indians, numbering, according to his estimation, eleven hundred, and
he gives the names of the villages and the numbers in each. There
were also two churches. Pie received from Mr. Bourne and Mr.
Cotton some account of the praying Indians of the Plymouth colony
at the same time. The number communicated by Mr. Bourne, in
Sandwich and on the Cape, was at that period, four hundred and
sixty-two, and he gives the names of the villages and the number in
each. Mr. Cotton mentions the villages in the colony in which he
ministered, but does not give the numbers of the congregations. But
they are ascertainable from other sources : Kitteaummut, 40 ; Asso-

EFFOETS TO CHEISTIANIZE THE INDIANS. 391
wampset, Nemasket, and Titicut 120; Coquit 120; Acushnet 85;
Sakonett 90 ; Mattakeeset 40 ; besides the church under Mr. Tup
per's ministry in Manomet 180 =: 585, making in the " Plymouth
Patent," at that time, ten hundred and forty-seven. Mr. Gookin at
the same time received from Mr. Mayhew an account of the praying
Indians of the Vineyard and the islands. He says there are ten
Indian preachers and six meetings on Lord's day in the villages, and
in Nantucket three hundred attendants, and which in all, are esti
mated, from Mr. Mayhew's account, 1,500 on the Vineyard and
Chappequiddick, and three hundred on Nantucket.
There were two churches in Massachusetts, three on the Vineyard
and Chappequiddick, and two on Nantucket. He does not mention
the churches in Plymouth colony, but they are ascertained from other
sources, one at Marshpee (supra), one at Manomet, under Mr. Tup
per (i/i's^.CoS. iii. 188), one at Titicut, one at Dartmouth; but it is
not certain that they had all been constituted at this time, (1674). —
Hist. Coll. i. 205; iii. 150; x. 130-132. There were also ten or
twelve congregations in the villages.*
About this time Rev. Mr. Treat began his labors, and in about ten
years had added five hundred to the number of praying Indians in
the " Plymouth Patent ; " so that in 1685 Gov. Hinkley communicated
to the corporation in England, informing them that there were then in
that colony " fourteen hundred and thirty -nine christianized Indians,
besides boys and girls under twelve years of age, which were supposed
to be more than three times that number," (Hutch, i. 313,) and he
sets down fourteen villages in which they meet for public worship.
But it was far otherwise in the Massachusetts colony. " Philip's
war " was very disastrous to the labors of Mr. Eliot, and almost en
tirely suspended them. The irritation against the Indians was very
great, and jealousy and distrust of his converts were everywhere rife,
and the rage of the people was everywhere violent and alarming.
Mr. Gookin seems to be the only magistrate who endeavored to in
terpose and prevent the outbreak of the populace ; and he, with Mr.
Eliot, incurred much abuse for acting as the friend of the poor In
dians, who were suffering from both parties. Some were put to death
by Philip as traitors, some fell in battle, some were executed by the

* Mr. Eliot says, " there were ten places where they worshipped on the Vine
yard, five in Nantucket, and ten in Plymouth, and, since the war, contracted to
four in Massachusetts. — Hist. Coll. iii. 185.

392 APPENDIX.
civil magistrates, as the accomplices of Philip, and some in partisan
warfare excited by revenge on the loss of friends. The General
Court finally collected the remnant (about five hundred), and removed
them to the Islands in Boston Harbor or Bay, where they suffered
incredible hardships. Although they made attempts, after the war,
to renew their towns and fields, their despondency was such that their
"places of worship were contracted from fourteen to four;" so that
in 1698 the commissioners reported but two hundred and five Indians
in all Massachusetts proper.
The war had little or no effect upon the Plymouth Indians, and it
would seem, did not impede their Christian instruction or increase.
The most of them were remote from the war ; and generally friendly
to the English. "In 1793 there were within the limits of Eastham,
five hundred adult Indians to whom Mr. Treat preached, two hundred
and fourteen at Marshpee and places adjacent to whom Mr. Rowland
Cotton preached, and one hundred and eighty to whom Mr. Tupper
preached ; and five hundred more subject to the visitations of Mr.
John Cotton." — See Mr Mayhew's Narrative cited Hist. Coll. i. 201.
Also, Neal and Mather.
It is said that "in 1696 there were thirty Indian churches (includ
ing Plymouth and the Islands, which had become incorporated with
the Bay)." — Hist. Am. Miss. 8. But this is a great mistake. There
were thirty villages and meetings for worship and instruction ; five
in Massachusetts, ten in Plymouth, ten on the Vineyard, and five on
Nantucket. It is further said " there were three thousand converted
Indians.'' This is also a mistake. Gov. Hinkley says, " Their man
ner is not to accept of praying Indians or Christians, but such as do,
before some of the magistrates or civil rulers, renounce their former
heathenish manners and give up themselves to be praying Indians ;
neither do they choose any other than such to bear office among
them." It will presently be seen, that of the three thousand pray
ing Indians in 1698, twelve hundred and ninety were in Plymouth
Colony, fifteen hundred and eighteen on the islands, and two hundred
and five in " Massachusetts patent." " But few of the number were
admitted to the churches, which were formed with great solemnity
and much strictness of examination, and the terms of communion
were such that the numbers were not considerable." There were but
two churches in Massachusetts, three on the Vineyard, two at Nan
tucket, and four or five in Plymouth. The communicants in the re
spective churches, numbered from twenty to one hundred.
But it is proposed to close this account with the full report of

EFFOETS TO CHEISTIANIZE THE INDIANS. 393
the commissioners employed by the Society for propagating the Gos
pel among the Indians, made in pursuance of " a visitation in 1698,
by Rev. Grindal Rawson, pastor of the church in Mendon, and Rev.
Samuel Danforth, pastor of the church in Taunton, among the sev
eral plantations ; " men of high character, and versed in the language
of the Indians. " In pursuance of the orders and instructions given
us by the Plon. Commissioners for the propagation of the Gospel
among the Indians in the American plantations in New England and
parts adjacent, we have given the Indians in the several plantations
in the Province of Massachusetts Bay, a visit, and find as followeth : —
At Little Compton we find two plantations of Indians who keep
two distinct assemblies for the worship of God, (according to the best
information we could have,) and all constant therein. The first as
sembly dwells at Saconet ; Samuel Church, alias Sochawwahham,
has, for more than one year past, endeavored their instruction, and is
best capable of any in tjjat place to perform that service. He has
ordinarily forty auditors, many times more : of these above twenty
are men. Divers here are well instructed in their catechisms, and
above ten can read the Bible. Here are likewise two Indian rulers,
John Tohkukquonno and Jonathan George ; the first of which is a
man well spoken of.
At Cokesit, in Little Compton, Daniel Hinckley hath taught here
four years ; twice every Sabbath. Eleven families are his auditors ;
most of them here can read ; and many young ones, of whom we had
an instance, can say their catechisms. Of this company three per
sons are in full communion with the church settled at Nukkehkum-
mees. A person called Aham is schoolmaster here, and we are in
formed performs his work well. Here are also two persons improved
as rulers. Preaching here, the two fore-mentioned teachers, at our
direction, prayed very soberly and understandingly. They gave very
decent attendance, and were handsomely clothed in English apparel.
At Dartmouth, we found two assemblies of Indians. At Nukkeh-
kummees, William Simons (ordained by Japhet, of Martha's Vine
yard, three years since) is the pastor. In the church are forty com
municants ; part dwelling at Nukkehkummees, part in Assameekg,
Cokesit, Acushnet, and Assawampsit. Here are many that can read
well. The word is preached here twice every Sabbath. Twenty
families, in which are one hundred and twenty persons at least, are,
for the most part, constant hearers ; almost all the children can read.
Jonathan hath been their schoolmaster, but ceases now for want of
encouragement ; we propose his continuance, as a person well fitted

394 APPENDIX.
for the employment. William Simons informs that here are four per
sons chosen annually for rulers. They are well clothed, and give
good attendance while we dispensed the word to them ; their pastor
praying with good affection and understanding ; and is likewise well
reported of by the English.
At Acushnet, John Briant was their teacher for five or six years past.
Here are fourteen families, unto whom William Simons, once in a
month, ordinarily comes and preaches. Some of those who belong
to the church at Nukkehkummees, being settled here, viz. five men
and ten women. We find that scandals among them are reflected
upon ; if any exceed the bounds of sobriety, they are suspended un
til repentance is manifested. By the best intelligence we could arrive
to from sober English dwellers on the place, we understand they are
diligent observers of the Sabbath. They are generally well clothed,
diligent laborers, but for want of schooling their children are not so
well instructed as at other places ; though they earnestly desire a
remedy. At Major Winthrop's Island, Mr. John Weeks, an Englishman,
teaches them on the Sabbath. An Indian, named Asa, chief ruler
among them, and a person well reported of, teaches them when Mr.
Weeks cannot attend to it. Here are about nine families, most of which
can read well, are diligent in their callings, and generally belong to
the Church whereof Japhet is pastor at Martha's Vineyard. An
Indian called Sampson, attends their school every winter, and hath
the reputation of the most able among them for that service, taking
pains in catechising their children every week. Men, women, and
children are thirty persons in all. Half the Indian inhabitants of this
island have died in a few years past. Three families living at Sakon-
esit-point do attend to the meeting at Mr. Winthrop's Island. At an
island called Stocum's Island, we hear of seven families, most of
which can read, being lately moved thither from the Vineyard and
other places. We hear of some Indians at the furthermost islam!,
formerly called Sandford's Island, where there is an Indian teacher.
At Martha's Vineyard, viz. at Chilmark, alias Nashanekammuk :
here is an Indian church of which Japhet is pastor ; a person of the
greatest repute for sobriety and religion, and diligent in attending his
ministerial employment : unto whom is adjoined Abel, a ruling elder,
who likewise preaches to a part of the church, living at too great a
distance ordinarily to attend Japhet's ministry ; although they come
together to attend church administrations. In that place we find two
hundred and thirty-one persons, threescore and four in full commun-

EFFOETS TO CHEISTIANIZE THE INDIANS. 395
ion. Their children are well instructed, as we find by our examina
tion of them in their catechisms.
At Ohkonkemme, within the bounds of Tisbury, are threescore and
twelve persons, unto whom Stephen and Daniel, who are brothers,
are preachers ; well reported of for their gifts and qualifications.
Here we spent part of a Sabbath, and were joyful spectators of their
Christian and decent carriage; the aforesaid Daniel praying and
preaching not only affectionately but understandingly ; unto whom
also we imparted a word of exhortation in their own language, to
their contentment and declared satisfaction.
At Seconkgut, in aforesaid Chilmark also, which belongs to the
inspection of aforesaid Stephen and Daniel, are thirty-five persons, to
whom, for their greater ease, either the one or the other dispenses
the word.
At Gay-head, Abel and Elisha are preachers to at least two hun
dred and sixty souls ; who have here at their charge a meeting-house
already framed. We find that the Indians here, as also may be
affirmed of most of the Indians belonging to Martha's Vineyard
(Chaubaqueduck excepted), are well instructed in reading, well
clothed and mostly in decent English apparel.
At Edgartown, viz. at Sahnchecontuckquet, are twenty-five fami
lies, amounting to one hundred and thirty-six persons ; Job Russel is
their minister.
At Nunnepoag about eighty-four persons ; Joshua Tackquannash
their minister, Josiah Thomas their schoolmaster.
At Chaubaqueduck, about one hundred and thirty-eight persons ;
Maumachegin preaches to them every Sabbath. Josiah, by birth, is
their ruler or sachem.
At Nantuckquet, we find five congregations. The preachers unto
which are Job Muckemuck, who succeeds John Giles, deceased; John
Asherman, a person well reputed of; Quequenah, Notowah, a man
greatly esteemed by the English for his sobriety, Peter Hayt, a well
carriao'ed and serious man. Also Wonnoshon and Daniel Spotso,
Codpoganut and Noah (a person never known to be overtaken with
drink, but a zealous preacher against it). These are the constant
teachers. Among these are two churches, who have ordained officers,
in each of which are twenty communicants at least ; in which a com
mendable discipline is maintained, as persons of good reputation on
the place have informed us. The whole number of adult persons
here amount to about five hundred. Three schools were upheld
among them, though at present none, for want of primers. A good

396 APPENDIX.
meeting-house is building here, the frame whereof, at their desire
and charge, is already procured by the worshipful captain Gardner.
Here we preached to them in their own language, twice in one assem
bly, unto which they were generally convened on the Lord's day.
Three of their principal preachers were improved by us in prayer,
that we might discover something of -their abilities; in which we
found them good proficients ; the whole attending with diligence and
great seeming affection.
Sandwich : here we find two assemblies of Indians, to one whereof
Capt. Thomas Tupper, an Englishman, preaches every Sabbath day.
Here are likewise Indian preachers, whose abilities in prayer were
tried, viz. Ralph Jones (a person well reputed of for sobriety) and
Jacob Pledge. There are in number three hundred and forty-eight
persons, men, women, and children, generally well clothed. Preach
ing among these, in a small meeting-house, built for them after the
English fashion, we experienced their good attention, and had their
thankful acknowledgments. Their Indian rulers here are William
Nummuck, Ralph Jones, Jacob Pledge, and John Quoy.
At Mashpah, belonging to Sandwich, we found another assembly
of Indians, among whom the Rev. Rowland Cotton frequently dis
penses the word, unto whose good progress in the Indian language we
cannot but subjoin our attestation, having heard him dispense the
word to them ; among whom also we left a word of exhortation. They
are in general well clothed, being in number fifty-seven families, in
which are, from ten years old and upwards, two hundred and sixty-
three persons, divers of whom have the character of very sober men.
The Indian preacher here is Simon Papmonit, a person suitably
qualified as most among them for the work. Their rulers are Caleb
Papmonit, Caleb Pohgneit, Sancoshin, James Ketah. Here they
want a schoolmaster.
At Eastham and Harwich, Eastharbor, Billingsgate, and Monimoy,
are (as Mr. Treat informs us) five hundred persons. At Ponanumi-
cut, Thomas Coshaumag, preacher and schoolmaster. Their rulers,
William Stockman and Lawrence Jeffries. Families, twenty-two.
Moses teaches school here. At Eastharbor and Billingsgate, Daniel
Munshee, preacher; Daniel Samuel, ruler. About twenty houses, in
some of which two families.
At Monimoy, in which fourteen houses, John Kozens preacher and
schoolmaster. Rulers, John Quossen and Menekist. At Sahqua-
tucket, alias Harwich, fourteen families, to whom Manepeh preaches.
Joshua Shantam, ruled. Many among these, almost every head of

EFFOETS TO CHEISTIANIZE THE INDIANS. 397
families, are persons capable of reading Scripture, as we are in
formed. At Plymouth, namely, Kitteaummut, or Monimet Ponds, William
Nummuck has preached some time, but has removed, but his return
was earnestly desired. Here are ten families. Joseph Wauno and
John his brother, improved by IMajor Bradford to decide small differ
ences among them. Esther, John's wife, has sometimes been im
proved as a school dame ; and is willing still to be useful in that way.
Near Duxbury saw-mill we hear of three or four families ; a like num
ber at Mattakeest. At Kehtekticut are forty adults, to whom Charles
Aham preaches, and teaches their children to read.
At Assawampsit and Quittaub are twenty houses containing eighty
persons, John Hiacoomes, preacher and constant schoolmaster. Also
Joceiyn preaches at Assawampsit. At this plantation are persons
belonging to the church at Nukkehkummees.
At Natick, we find a small church of seven men and three women ;
their pastor Daniel Tokkohwompait (ordained by the Rev. and holy
man of God, John Eliot), who is a person of great knowledge. Here
are fifty-nine men, and fifty-one women, and seventy children under
sixteen. At Hassinamisco are five families, unto whom James Prin
ter stands related as teacher." — Grafton.
This report exhibits thirty assemblies or congregations of praying
Indians which Messrs. Rawson and Danforth visited, in which were
thirty-six teachers or preachers, five schoolmasters, and twenty rulers,
all of whom were Indians, with the exception of the patriarch, Capt.
Tupper. But in the " Plymouth Patent" the teachers and preachers
were under the care of Messrs. Treat and the two Cottons, who also
preached to the congregations. Judge Davis, who was well acquaint
ed with the localities, and otherwise well informed on this subject, es
timates the number of praying Indians thus visited, as follows: "The
whole 3,080 ; of this number 1,290 were within the Old Colony, and
1,585 on the islands ; and 205 only in all the other parts of Massa
chusetts, which before the war of 1675, exhibited 2,100." The
account is creditable to the Indians, as respects their improvement
and civilization, and religious observances. But although they hold
their numbers in the Old Colony, they were fast wasting away in al
other parts, and the Plymouth Indians followed hard upon them. The
white faces were crowding in and the red faces were fast being crowd
ed out. Notwithstanding all the care of the missionaries and their
labors for their good, the vices of civilization broke in with more
34

398 APPENDIX.
power than the admonitions, instructions, and example of the messen
gers of the gospel.
The bounty of the society could not preserve any of the race among
us except in case of the wise provision they made for them in the pur
chase or reservation of the lands at Marshpee and Chappequiddick.
Those plantations continue, and the gospel continues to be preached
in them. But they have so freely mixed their blood with the negro
race that but few, if any, pure blooded Indians remain. It is now
about one hundred years since the churches at Titicut, at Dartmouth,
and at Buzzard's Bay have become extinct, and the two churches in
Massachusetts were probably extinct a half century before that time.
We are unwilling to close this account without considering the
special claims of several of these missionaries to our grateful remem
brance ; missionaries which although spoken of with respect, have yet
been passed over by the eulogists with little notice. We do not pro
pose to eulogize them, but we certainly should desire to do them jus
tice ; and if they deserve to have a " good report " in the church, we,
of this age, who are informed of the steadfastness of their faith, " their
patience of hope and labor of love," should be very willing and de-
.sirous to give them such a " report."
Capt. Tupper and Mr. Bourne, were laymen, gentlemen immigrants,
with strong puritan blood and puritan sentiments ; they land on our
shore, purchase lands of the savages, set up their habitations in the
midst of them, set about learning their language, and scarcely lose a
day before they declare to them " the acceptable year of the Lord."
One of them has Marshpee confined to them, and sets up his work in
their midst ; the other labors with them at his own cost, providing a
place of worship at Monimet, on Buzzard's Bay. There they labored,
but not for the meat that perishes. Mr. Bourne is the preacher to
four or five hundred, Mr. Tupper to three hundred and forty, (both of
whom were the pastors of large churches,) the first above forty years,
the second above fifty. The fruits of their labors we need not re
peat. " The dear remembrance of the just.
Like a green root revives and bears
A train of blessings to their heirs
When dying nature sinks iu dust."
And the Rev. Messrs. Treat and the two Cottons. (Could not the
friends of the father spare a word for the son?) They lost no time on

EFFOETS TO CHEISTIANIZE THE INDIANS. 399
entering on their work to qualify them for preaching the precious
truth to the red man, whose soul was worth as much as the w bite
man's. Above forty years Mr. Treat held his congregation of Indians
in the manner which he indicates in his letter, which has been inserted
in this sketch. The great day will reveal the result. He went forth
" bearing precious seed, and returned bringing his sheaves with him.''
It will be remembered that these men did, at least, an ordinary
pastoral work at home ; they also did a great amount of labor amo ng
the native tribes, and thirty years' labor of the Cottons will not soon
be forgotten.
Of Mr. Eliot we need say nothing. Plis praise is in all the churches,
and his biography is in almost every hand. He had certainly much
to discourage him ; the melting away of his people, and the hostility
of the whole country against him, so that his Bible was scarcely read
longer than he was in preparing it. But, after all, he did a great
work among the natives, and no doubt " the day will declare it."
" Let those who sow in sadness wait
TiU the fair harvest come ;
They shall confess their sheaves are great.
And shout the blessings home."

400 APPENT)IX.

THE FAITH AND ORDEE OF THE LEYDEN-PLYMOUTH CHUECH;
AND THEIE INFLUENCE ON OTHEE CHURCHES IN ENGLAND
AND IN THIS COUNTRY.

" Vestra autem pietas, viri exules, c[ua3 maluit patriam quam eTangelium deserere, commodisque
carere temporariis, CLuam permisceri sacris a Christo alienis, egregiam sane meretur laudem."
 r

ADVERTISEMENT.
INDEPENDENCY — CONGREGATIONALISM.
Although the subsequent Article may appear to be chiefly his
torical, it is intended to be no further so than the historical facts are
connected with the main design, which is — to show, with some pre
cision and some detail, the ecclesiastical polity of the Leyden-Plym
outh church, and that the churches in England and Massachusetts
were modelled on the Platform of this : the account is, however, car
ried somewhat further, when supposed to be of general interest.
These churches are usually denominated in England, " Indepen
dent," and in this country, " Congregational," although not uniformly
so in either. It will appear that, from etymology and usage, the
words are equipollent — of equal force, to express the true character
of the order of our churches.
Robinson and Jacob, (about the year 1616,) although perhaps not
designing to assume any particular name, yet, in declaring their prin
ciples, use this language : —
Robinson. " Peter and Paul was no more one man, without re
lation to other men, than a particular congregation, rightly instituted
and ordered, is a whole, entire, and perfect church, and independently,
in respect to other churches under Christ. — Roh. Worlis, iii. 16.
Jacob, the coadjutor and pupil of Robinson, says, " Where each
congregation giveth their free consent in their own government, there
certainly each congregation is an entire and independent body poh-
tic." — iTaw. vol. i. p. 231.
Mr. Cotton's books had reached England and were the means of

THE LEYDEN-PLYMOUTH CHUECH. 401
proselytizing Dr. Owen. He said, however, that opposers had no
right to affix a meaumg to the word " independent," and then argue
against it.
Gov. Hutchinson says, " The Plymouth people were the first who i
took or received the name of Independents, which in a few years was
given to a body of men in England, who assumed the government./
The Massachusetts people refined and took the name of Congregation-'
alists, although, perhaps, it will be difficult at this day to show any
material difference between the churches of the two countries. — Vol.
ii. pp. 414, 415.
Goodwin, Nye, Bridge, Burroughs, and Simpson, of the Westmin
ster Assembly, were uniformly called " Independents," and only ob
jected that the word was wrongfully charged as implying too much
assumption — a swelling word. Dr. Owen and Dr. Goodwin were
called " the two Atlases of Independency," in the Savoy Synod, and
brought in the articles under the name of Congregationalists. How
ever, everybody persisted in calling them Independents, and the
Union * in 1833 made the declaration of their faith, order, and disci
pline, as of the " Congregational, or Independent Dissenters."
Dr. Vaughan, a man of great weight of character, in a book recently
published by him in England, which he entitles " Congregationalism,
or the polity of the Independent Churches,'' applies the word inde
pendent to the churches, and Congregationalism to their polity. He
says, page 3, " The independence of particular churches is the centre
principle, the great element of Congregationahsm." The communion
of the churches is as consistent with one term as the other, and, with
out jealousy, every one should be allowed to use convertible terms,
for a designation, as he thinks most fit and j)roper.
Hooker says, "The church may be said to be 'independent,'
sufficient to attain her end, and therefore hath complete power to ex
ercise all the ordinances of God." — Survey,^. 2.
The ecclesiastical historians (Mosheim, Collier, Rapin, Buck, and
others) treat of the order of our churches, both in this country and in
England, by the name of the " Independents."
Rev. John Cotton says, " Independency is not a fit name for the
way of our churches ; it is too strait. It holds us forth as indepen
dent of all others," and much prefers and advises to call it " Congrega
tionalism." — Way of the Churches, 11. The framers of the Platform

* The Congregational Union of England and Wales.
34*

402 APPENDIX.
adopt his suggestion. For, as Plubbard says, " whatever Mr. Cotton
delivered was soon put into an order of court, if of a civil, or set up
as a practice in the church, if of an ecclesiastical concernment."
When the churches were forming under his plastic hand, the hard
hand of Archbishop Laud was upon the Independents in England,
"haling men and women, and committing them to prison.'' Good
policy therefore required, or at least pointed, to a different designation
for the churches in New England. Numerous facts show that the
planters were cautious and even fearful of incurring the displeasure of
the authorities of the mother country. It was not among the least of
the reasons for banishing Roger Williams that the displeasure of the
king was feared if he was allowed to question the validity of the pa
tent, and the displeasure of the bishops, if he was allowed to preach
that the Church of England was not a true church. Indeed these
reasons are expressly assigned for some of their measures.

HISTORICAL NOTICE.
Questionless, the high character of the Pilgrims has its foundation
in their religion, — their unwavering faith, their heroic fortitude, their
patience in suffering, their perseverance in their pilgrimage, both in
exile and colonization, their inflexible virtue, combined with their in
telhgence and enterprise, — are now " known on earth by thousand
signs," and we may almost say, " by thousand through the skies." But
it is not less manifest, that that which gave occasion for their being
called to show forth this faith and these virtues, was their ecclesiasti
cal polity and practice. Chey admit that their first religious expe
rience took place while they belonged to the Church of England, and
that their doctrinal views were in accordance with the articles of that
church. But they were soon convinced that the worship of that
church was formal, supererogatory, and even idolatrous ; and especially
that its national character, which admitted the immoral and profane
to its sacraments, and its episcopal government, were wholly un-
scriptural. Under this conviction, they could not conscientiously con
tinue in its communion, and they were men who chose and dared to
act according to this conviction and the dictates of conscience, even at
the risk of the loss of all temporal good.
As early as 1602, they became an independent church. After re-
maiuing unnoticed a few years, they incurred the displeasure of the

THE LEYDEN-PLYMOUTir CHUECH. 403
bishop, and the condemnation of the civil tribunals. Imprisonment,
exile, and pilgrimage, were their portion until they landed on the
Plymouth Rock. Of their Christian fortitude, hardships, and patience ;
their perseverance and final success, " The New England's Iilemorial "
is a true, though it may not be a full and complete record.*
It would seem that every inquiring mind would be desirous to be
come acquainted with the character, order, worship, and discipline
of this first independent church, which through so many hardships
obtained a home in New England, when it was the habitation only for
savage men and savage beasts ; preferring to encounter all these trials
to a return to the " mother church." It is the design of these sheets
to examine with care, exactness, and, in some matters, even minute
ness, their history and their memorials, and the views of their con
temporaries, and to compare them with the polity and practice of the
some ten thousand churches of the same faith and order, (which have
since been gathered in this and other countries,) with this first per
manent Congregational or independent church, which a distinguished
historian has said, " is the mother of us all." t
We say first permanent independent church, because all previous
attempts to sustain such a church in modern times had failed. Perse
cution was rife, the ministers and worshippers were seized, im
prisoned, some of them slain, and multitudes of them perished in loath
some dungeons. Luther was at first a Congregatlonalist, but when
the converts were multiplied and churches called for, he said " what
can I do with these simple towns' people ?" I His fears prevailed ;
he became an Erastian and left them with the civil rulers. And
Calvin, although the greatest of the reformers in matters of doctrine,
(yet " saw not all things,") and never established a Congregational
church. Rev. John Robinson was pastor of this church of the pilgrims.
He is spoken of by historians as " the author of Independency." But
as Rev. John Cotton says, " it was instituted and practised in the first
ages of Christianity, and our Saviour himself is the true 'Author' of
this first ecclesiastical state of the church ; '' and Gov. Winslow says,
" the Primitive Churches of the Apostolic age were the pattern which
Mr. Robinson had in his eye." Questionless/he was a great re-

* See Extracts from Founders of New Plymouth, by Hunter, appended to this
Article. t Hon. Alden Bradford. t D'Aubigne, vol. iv. p. 32.

404 APPENDI3
former, and revived the true order of the Vhurehes, which had been,
for ages, swallowed up and lost in Episcopacy and Romanism. Per
haps it was not wholly lost. We can perceive traces of it among the
Paulicians and Albigenses, among the converts in Luther's time,
among the followers of Wickliff, called Lollards and Gospellers, and
even in the time of the " bloody Mary." In the reign of Elizabeth,
Barrow, Penry, and Greenwood,* became martyrs for attempting
reforms and meetings in the Congregational way, and one Robert
Brown made himself notorious for las denunciation of the Established-
Church, and for collecting meetings which he called the only true
churches. But his apostasy was very scandalous, his name became
a reproach, and his followers were scattered.
But all these movements had been crushed, the ministers silenced
by death or exile, and the worshippers were " as sheep without a
shepherd," when, in 1602, Robinson and his coadjutors had consti
tuted an independent church in the north of England. The publica
tion of Robinson's works had been desired by the " Congregational
Board " here, when it was ascertained that they were in a course of
publication by " the Congregational Union " in England. The
" Board " forthwith became interested in the enterprise, and at once
purchased an edition, and have given extensive circulation to his life
and works, in three volumes ; books which should be read with atten
tion, as the best expounders of our order yet printed. It will be
seen that Mr. Robinson, having been beneficed in the Church of Eng
land, renounced that church and his fellowship in the university, and
became pastor of the independent church before mentioned ; that
persecution drove him and his church to Holland in 1608; that his
church made their pilgrimage to Plymouth in 1620 ; that they and he
expected he would shortly follow them, but that he died in 1C25 at
the age of fifty years. In his exile he was followed with censorious
books and denunciations by Episcopalians, Presbyterians, and even
Puritans, charging him with Brownism, democracy, and as a Sepa
ratist who had broken away from the "mother church" to the scan
dal of all true religion. To all these books Mr. Robinson replied,
and vindicated his course, his faith and " the order of the house of
God," in the masterly argument and great purity of style exhibited in
these his published works, and which commend themselves to all
attentive readers.

* See Punch. Hist. Cong.

THE LEYDEN-PLYMOUTH CHUECH. 405
A catalogue of his works may be found, in chronological order,
(12 books and tracts) in the third volume. It is manifest from these,
that he was a man of a clear, strong, and cultivated mind : his posi
tions are well argued, and the style more perspicuous and modern
ized than other writers of his day. The historians and biographers
characterize him as " a man of genius, quick penetration, ready wit,
and of great modesty, integrity, and candor : »lso, of great prudence,
liberality, and ardent piety, and in his search after truth, careful and
thorough. He was, withal, much respected by all the truly pious of
whatever denomination." Mr. Prince was at Leyden nearly a cen
tury after his death, and the aged people told him that " Mr. Robin
son was held in high estimation both by the city ^d university for
his learning, piety, and moderation ; and that the magistrates, minis
ters, scholars, and gentry mourned his death as a public loss."
Mr. Baylie, a Presbyterian, wrote with much bitterness against the
Independents, but speaks thus of Mr. Robinson : " Their pastor was
a man of excellent parts, and the most learned, polished, and modest
spirit that ever separated from the Church of England; that the
Apologies he wrote were very handsome ; that he was the principal
overthrower of the Brownists, and became the author of Indepen
dency." — Dissuasive, 1 645. Hornius, historical professor of Leyden,
who died in 1670, speaks of Mr. Robinson in his Ecclesiastical Plia-
tory, much in the same terms.
The following is from the " Works," vol. iii. p. 489 : " The church
at Leyden was the mother church of the Pilgrims at Plymouth.
During his life and the continuance of the church at Leyden, the two
societies were essentially one. The pilgrims at Plymouth did not es
tablish a new organization : they went out, according to mutual agree
ment, ' as an absolute church of themselves,' already constituted,
being only a branch of the church still remaining in Holland, and
they continued to be essentially one in religious sentiment and eccle
siastical practices." Pie was their acknowledged pastor (of the pil
grims) until his death ; and his letters and their records show that
this was so. Both Hubbard and Hutchinson call him their pastor,
and that " they continued their expectation of his immigration until
his death." Poverty and the opposition of the merchant adventurers
prevented it, but in 1629 the pilgrims advanced £550 to enable his
family and the residue of the church to join them ; which was done.*

* See page 108, note.

406 APPENDIX.
Mr. Robinson's weight of character gave him a moral power in his
church which produced, or was well calculated to produce, that union
of sentiment and affection and action, which very much promoted the
success of their enterprise. Brotherly love was in them and abounded,
so that they were always ready to bear one another's burdens. All
their history attests this. Their faith and their practice wore the
same in every membeiv During their twelve years of exile, we hear
not of a single outbreak. Other neighboring exiled churches had
collisions, and to avoid being involved in the evil consequences, this
church early removed to Leyden. To shame their own people, the
magistrates said, " These English have lived among us these ten
years, and yet w^have never had any suit or accusation against them,
and they have lived in harmony among themselves." — Mem. Mr.
Robinson says, " We are knit together in a body in a most strict and
sacred covenant, of the violation of which we make great conscience,
by virtue whereof we do hold ourselves straitly tied to all care of
each other's good, and of the whole by every, and so mutual, and it
is not with us as with other men, whom small things can discourage."
— Life, p. 40. They were agreed in their last pilgrimage, and
the want of means alone prevented the contemporaneous embarkation
of the whole church. The subsequent history of the church will give
evidence of the continuance of this " Unity of the spirit in the
bonds of peace," when the whole church were in Plymouth. Hub
bard says, (speaking of the order of their worship before they settled
a pastor,) " the Plymouth people well understood their own princi
ples ; they were a serious, religious people, who knew the way of
their worship, and were resolved upon it." — p. 65.
Mr. Bernard, in his book against Mr. Robinson's course, says,
" The ill success of independency in having no more increase, was an
argument against it." To which Mr. Robinson answers, in almost a
prophetic spirit, " Religion is not always sown and reaped in one
age; 'one soweth and another reapeth.' The many that are already
gathered into the kingdom of Jesus Christ, by the mercy of God, and
the nearness of many more through the land, do pi-omise, within less
than an hundred years, if our sins and theirs make not us and them
unworthy of his mercy, a very plenteous harvest." — vol. ii. p. 66.
" The prediction was verified. One hundred years passed, and the
great principles Robinson contended for, had spread through England
and a considerable portion of America." — Life, p. 74. It is not
now, perhaps, too much to say that there are, at the present time, at
least ten thousand churches gathered upon the Congregational polity,

THE LEYDEN-PLYMOUTH CHUECH. 407
about four thousand of which are in Great Britain. Rev.' John Cot
ton said in view of the same suggestion of Bernard, " the Lord in
crease them an hundred, yea a thousand fold, and make them as the
stars of heaven for multitude." — ^'ly^ etc., 11. We have already
hopeful indications of a full answer to this prayer, and " of the estab
lishment of spiritual and voluntary churches throughout the world."
Rev. Dr. Allen says, " It is but truth to say that many tens of
thousands of Christian men hold the name of Robinson in honorable
remembrance. He yet lives by his example and by the influence of
his sacrifices and toils ; and in the third century after his death, he
enjoys the singular distinction of being equally honored in the east
and the west, in two countries separated by a mighty ocean." — Life, 75.
" A good book is the precious lifeblood of a master-spirit, embalmed
and treasured up on purpose to a life beyond life." — Milton. Before
proceeding to give Mr. Robinson's views in detail, we feel constrained
to make the following extracts in proof of his candor, Catholicism,
and entire freedom from all bigotry and bands of human invention.
He says (vol. iii. 103), "had my persuasion in it (the truth he had
been contending for) been fuller than ever it was, I profess myself
always one of them, who still desire to learn further, what the good
will of God is." But liis parting words to the pilgrims, as given by
Gov. Winslow (in Prince, 175), should always be borne in remem
brance by those who would understand his true character, and who
themselves would be free from the chains of human inventions and
dogmatism. " He charged us before God to follow him no further
than he followed Christ ; and if God should reveal any thing to us,
by any other instrument of His, to be ready to receive it as ever we
were to receive any truth by his ministry ; for he was very confident
the Lord had more truth and light yet to break forth out of his holy
word. He took occasion also miserably to bewail the state of the
reformed churches, who were come to a period in rehgion, and would
go no further than the instruments of their reformation. The Lu
therans could not go beyond what Luther saw ; for whatever part of
God's word he had further revealed to Calvin, they had rather die
than embrace it ; and so you see the Calvinists, they stick where he
left them. A misery much to be lamented. For though they were
precious shining lights in their times, yet God had not revealed his
whole will to them, and were they now alive, they would be as ready
to receive further light as that they had received. He also put us in
mind of our church covenant, whereby we engaged with God and one

408 APPENDIX.
another, to receive whatever light or truth should be made known
to us from his written word, but withal exhorted us to take heed what
we receive for truth ; and well to examine, compare and weigh it
with other Scriptures before we receive it. For it is not possible the
Christian world should come so lately out of such anti-Christian dark
ness, and that full perfection of knowledge should break forth at
once." * Though a believer in the infallibility of the Scriptures, he
did not believe in the infallibiHty of human interpretations.
Upon which Mr. Prince remarks, " Words almost astonishing in
that age of low and universal bigotry which prevailed in the English
nation ; wherein this truly great and learned man seems to be almost
the only divine who was capable of rising into a noble freedom of
thinking and practising in religious matters, and even of using such
an equal liberty on his own people. He labors to take them off from
their attachment to him, that they might be the more entirely free to
search and follow the Scriptures." Mr. Prince proceeds: —
" But as Mr. Robinson and his church were of the same mind, and
always lived in great harmony and unity, I shall here give a sum
mary of their main principles from their published writings.
I. They were in the sentiments, which since, the famous Mr. Chil-
lingworth tells us that, after a long study, he also came into ; that is to
say, that the inspired Scriptures only contain the true religion ; and
especially, nothing is to be accounted the Protestant religion, respect
ing either faith or worship, but what is taught in them ; as also in the
same sentiments which the celebrated Bishop Ploadly and many other
great men have so nobly defended, as the right of human nature, as
the very basis of the reformation, and indeed of all sincere religion, —
that every man has the right of judging for himself, of trying doctrines
by them, and of worshipping according to his apprehension of the
meaning of them.
II. As to faith and the holy sacraments, they believed the doctrinal
articles of the Church of England, as also of the Reformed Churches
of Scotland, Ireland, France, the Palatinate, Geneva, Switzerland,
and the United Provinces, to be agreeable to the holy oracles ; allow
ing all the pious members of these churches communion with them,
and differing from them only in matters purely ecclesiastical.
III. As to ecclesiastical matters, they held the following articles to
be agreeable to Scripture and reason : —

# More full in Mather, p. 14.

PEINCIPLES OF CHUECH OEGANIZATION. 409
1. That no particular church ought to consist of more members than
can conveniently watch one over another, and usually meet and wor
ship in one congregation.
2. That every particular church of Christ is only to consist of such
as appear to believe in him and obey him.
3. That any competent number of such, when their consciences
oblige them, have a right to embody into a church for their mutual
edification. 4. That this embodying is by some certain contract or covenant
either expressed or implied ; though it ought to be by the former.
5. That being embodied, they have a right to choose all their
officers. 6. That the officers appointed by Christ for his embodied church,
are, in some respects, of three sorts, in others but two. First, Pastors
or teaching Elders, who have the power of overseeing, teaching, ad
ministering the sacraments, and ruling too ; and being chiefly to giv
ing themselves to studying, teaching, and the spiritual care of the
flock, are therefore to be maintained. Second, mere Ruling Elders,*
who are to help the pastors in overseeing and ruling ; that their
officers be not temporary, as among the Dutch and French churches,
but continual ; also, being qualified in some degree to teach, they
are to teach only occasionally, through necessity, or in their pastor's
absence or illness, but being not to give themselves to study or teach
ing, they have no need of maintenance. The elders of both sorts form
the Presbytery of overseers and rulers, which should be in every par
ticular church, and are in Scripture sometimes called presbyters or
elders, sometimes bishops or overseers, sometimes guides, and some
times rulers. Third, Deacons, who are to take care of the poor ; the
church's treasure ; to distribute for the support of the pastor, the sup
ply of the needy, the propagation of religion, and to minister at the
Lord's table.
7. That these officers, being chosen and ordained, have no lordly,
arbitrary, or imposing power, but can only rule and minister with the
consent of the brethren, who ought not in contempt to be called the
laity, but to be treated as men and brethren in Christ, not as slaves pr
minors.

* It will be seen suhsequently that " mere ruling elders," is a mistake. None
were chosen who were not " apt to teach,'' both iu the consistory and the
assembly.
35

410 APPENDIX.
8. That no churches or church officers whatever have any power
over any other church or officers, to control or impose upon them ;
but are all equal in their rights and privileges, and ought to be inde
pendent in the exercise and enjoyment of them.
9. As to church administrations, they held that baptism is a seal of
the covenant of grace, and should be dispensed only to visible believ
ers, with their unadult children, and this in primitive purity, as in the
times of Christ and his apostles, without the sign of the cross or any
other invented ceremony ; that the Lord's Supper should be received
as it was at first, even in Christ's immediate presence, in the table
posture ; that the elders should not be restrained from praying in pub
lic as well as private, according to the various occasions continually
offering from the word of Providence, and no set form should be im
posed on any ; that excommunication should be wholly spiritual, a
mere rejecting the scandalous from the communion of the church in
be holy sacraments and those other spiritual privileges which are pe
culiar to the faithful, and that the church or its officers have no au
thority to inflict any penalties of a temporal nature.
10. As for holy days, they were very strict for the observation of
the Lord's day, in a pious memorial of the incarnation, birth, death,
resurrection, ascension, and benefits of Christ ; as also solemn fast
ings and thanksgivings, as the state of Providence requires ; but all
other times not prescribed in Scripture, they utterly relinquished.
And as, in general, they could not conceive any thing a part of
Christ's religion which he has not required, they therefore renounced
all human right of inventing, and much less of imposing it upon
others. These were the main principles of that scriptural and religious
liberty, for which this people suffered in England, fled to Holland,
traversed the ocean, and sought a dangerous retreat in this remote
and savage desert of North America, that here they might fully en
joy them, and leave them to their last posterity." — Prince, 176-
179. This summary is far from being a complete account of Mr. Robin
son's views of the proper order of the church. We have looked into
his works, just now printed, but a small part of which had probably
been read by Mr. Prince, and state several particulars in detail.

GOVEENMENT OF THE CHUECH DEMOCEATIC. 411

POWER OP THE CHURCH AND OP THE ELDERS.
This subject is interesting as matter of ecclesiastical history, as
exhibiting the views of this, in some sense, " the Father " * of our or
der, and because some still hold that the whole power of the bench of
elders has devolved upon the pastor.
Robinson says, " The Papists place the ruling power in the Pope,
the Episcopalians in the bishop, the Puritan [Presbyterian] in the
Presbytery — we put it in the body of the congregation, the multi
tude, called the church. We profess the elders to be the ordinary gov
ernors in the church, only we may not acknowledge them to be "lords
over God's heritage," — controlling all, and to be controlled by none.
The eldership, like other ordinances, is given for the service of the
church, and the elders the servants of the church. It is one thing to
govern the church, and another thing to be the church. The people's
obedience to the elders consists in receiving their instructions, admo
nitions, exhortations, and consolations, and the elder's government,
not in erecting any tribunal seat, or throne of judgment, but in ex
horting, teaching, improving, and comforting them by the word of
God."— Works, ii. 7-144.
" In admitting members on their professions, and censuring incor
rigible offenders, we leave the execution of these things to the elders,
but deny plainly that it can be done without the people's privity and
consent. It appertains to the elders to govern the people in their
voting, and to the church freely to vote in the elections and judgment
of the church ; the external government is to be administered by the
elders." — Works, iii. 37-43.
" In all the acts of the church the brethren join with the elders,
and are one and the same body." — Works, ii. 449.
Planbury says, Robinson holds that the " elders rule by consent of
the church. They are set over them for their guidance, as the stew
ard over the house, or watchman over the city."
" A company of faithful people, in the covenant of the Gospel, is a
church, though without officers ; and this church hath an interest in
all the holy things of God within itself, n-ithout any foreign assistance,
and any private brother in such a church may do a necessary work of
an officer. Where there are already officers, by and to which others
* So called by Neal and Buck.

412 APPENDIX.
are called, there the officers are to ordain the latter." — Works, ii.
240. According to the Cambridge Platform, the church chooses and de
poses its own officers, ministers as well as others, and when conven
ient, neighbor churches are to be advised with. (See chap. 8.) This
agrees with the expressed views of Rgbinson. But sec. 11 provides
that " in an organic church and right administration, all acts proceed
after the manner of a mixed administration, so as no act can be con
summated or perfected without the consent of both." (The body of
the church and the elders.)
This last provision has been the subject of much discussion and
some litigation. The appropriate power of the elders was strongly
agitated in the exiled churches in Holland, in Robinson's time, and
became the cause of the separation of Johnson and Ainsworth, two
distinguished pastors. Robinson and his church were consulted on
the subject, and thus advised : " If it please the Lord so far to enlarge
your hearts on both sides, brethren, as that this middle way be had,
namely, that the matter of offence be first brought for order, prepa
ration, and prevention of unnecessary trouble, unto the elders, as the
church governors, (though it is like we, for our parts, shall not so
practice in this particular,) and after, if things be not ended, to the
church of elders and brethren, there to be judged, until it please
the God of wisdom and Father of lights to manifest otherwise for
our joint accord — it would make for the glory of God." The advice
did not prevail, and Ainsworth * and his friends gathered a new
church which held to the views of Robinson. — Han. i. 343. Johnson f
held to the authoritative power of the elders, but the others held that
they could do no valid act without the consent of the church, and when
matters were before the church, they voted with the brethren, and
had no official privilege. It was objected by his antagonist that this
was a democracy (a form of government very objectionable in those
times), to which Mr. Robinson replied that it might be considered as
an aristocracy, as the elders, by their age and gravity and official
station, would be likely to have the respect and assent of the church.
— See Hist. Cong. 337.
As Rev. John Cotton was one of the best writers on church polity,
and as he has been supposed to differ with Robinson on this subject,
it may be best to give his views pretty fully ; and certainly he did

* See "Works, iii. 462. t Ibid. 441.

GOVERNJIENT OF THE CHUECH DEJIOCEATIC. 413
differ with him in 1636, when he wrote his letter to Lord Say and
Seal. — Hutch, i. App. It seems his Lordship had written to him
his fears of this democracy. But says Cotton, " Democracy I do not
conceive that ever God did ordain as a fit government for church or
commonvreahh. Though it be a status popularis, where they choose
their own governors, yet " the government is not a democracy, if not
administered by the people, but by the governors ; if many, an aris
tocracy, which even Mr. Robinson admits." (But Mr. Robinson's is
an admission only of the ivord, not the thing. — Supra.) He probably
wrote " The Keys " not long after, although the book was not printed
till 1644, by reason of the difficulty of a license. Baillie, a presbyte-
rian minister, answered "The Keys," and says, " If you call yourself
a Congregatlonalist, because you give jurisdiction and censure to ev
ery particular congregation, though this teas the way of Robinson and
Ainsworth, you revoke all this, putting into the hands of the elder
ship the whole jurisdiction. The style, ' Congregational,' seems not
rightly appropriated to them who have destroyed the Congregational
way and turned it into presbyterial." — Han. iii. 416.
Baillie read " The Keys " as others have read them, and as Mr.
Cotton's editors (Goodwin and Nye, then standard-bearers for inde
pendency in England), read the same book — making the church a
real aristocracy. In their preface to " The Keys," they disagree
with him, and give an extended account of their own views, which do
not much vary from Robinson's. They thus write : " The right dis
posal of power in the church may be in due and proportional allot
ment and dispersion, though not in the same measure and degree, into
divers hands, according to the several concernments and interests the
church may have, rather than entire and sole trust committed to any
one man, or any one sort or kind of men or officers." This is rather
enigmatical; but see what follows: "The power of this censure of
excommunication is inseparably linked by Christ unto a particular
congregation, as the people's natural privilege thereof, so as no assem
bly or company of elders should assume it to themselves, or sever the
power thereof from them." They compare the elders to a judge, who
pronounces the sentence after the jury have found the accused guilty.
But in 1645 was printed Mr. Cotton's "Way of the Churches," and
here he coincides entirely with Mr. Robinson, and also adopts the
sentiments and even language of the editors of the Keys. His rea
sons for allowing the church so much power are founded on Matth. 18 :
17. " We cannot find throughout the New Testament that the word
church is taken otherwise than for the society and congregation of the
35*

414 APPENDIX.
faithful, unless it be once, where it is taken for a civil assembly, but
never for a bishop, counsel, or archdeacon, nor for an assembly of
presbyters ; the consistory is a word unheard of there, nor are any
complaints directed thither, unless to prepare them for the hearing or
judgment of the church. Nor are any censures of the church com
mitted to presbyters alone, to be administered by them, though they
are to be administered by them in the presence and by the consent of
the church. When a whole multitude is associated in a body, any
offence may be orderly and ordinarily told unto them by a complaint.
The promise of binding in heaven what the church bindeth on earth,
pertaineth to the ratifying of the censure by the whole church men
tioned in the verse before. He appeals also to the practice at Corinth,
1 Cor. 4:5."
" The church are governed by the elders so long as they rule well.
But in case they err or commit offence, they shall be governed by the
whole church. The power of the keys was given to Peter, not as an
apostle, or as an elder, but as a professed believer, in the name of a
believer, whereupon the binding and loosing, which is the power of
the keys, is attributed to the whole church."
" When the censure is said to be by common consent, we mean that
we do not carry matters either by the overruling power of the pres
bytery or the consent of the major part of the church, but by the
general and joint consent of all the members of the church, as becometh
the Church of God." — Way of the Church, in Han. ii. 560-572.
It has been said that Mr. Cotton's sentiments are probably not
fairly given in this " Way, etc." and that his friends in England to
whom the publication was intrusted, changed his phraseology. But
the book was very sharply answered and criticized by a writer, " Vin-
dioe clavium," (pp. 90; London, 1645,) and Mr. Cotton was therein
pointedly charged with having changed his sentiments in respect to
the power of the elders, and that his editors, in the prefatory epistle,
approve of it, and now begin to applaud themselves as jumping in
judgment with the author."
Mr. Cotton replies (Way of the Churches cleared) in 1648, p. 74,
London, and in this he does not complain that the " Way, etc." ex
presses any thing contrary to his opinions, but on the contrary de
fends and justifies the whole ; does not admit that it is inconsistent
with " the Keys ; " agrees with St. Augustine that " Peter received
the keys in the name of the church ; " and moreover adds, " it is no
matter of calumny, if, in some later tractate, I should retract or ex
press more commodiously what I wrote in a former less safely." 
Han. ii. 280-284.

GOVEENMENT OF THE CHURCH DEMOCRATIC. 415
Here then, certainly, is a perfect agreement. Robinson says, " in
all the acts of the church, the brethren join with the elders, and are
one and the same body." — Supra.
Cotton says, " We mean that we do not carry matters by the over
ruling power of the presbytery or the consent of the major part of
the church, but by the general and joint consent of all." So that
Plubbard (Hist. N. E.) lost his joke when he said " the Separatists
drown the elder's government by the vote of the brethren, being con
tented that the elders should sit in the saddle if they could hold the
bridle ;" seeming to think Mr. Cotton had invented a " middle way,''
a way found by Robinson many years before. This matter has been
explained by one of our eminent divines. " When Mr. Cotton wrote
' the Keys,' democracy had not ceased to be a scarecrow ; the arch
bishop (Laud) was only chained and might be let loose. When he
wrote the ' Way of the Churches,' parliament ' held the reins and
set also in the saddle,' and the analogy to the ' King, Lords, and
Commons,' upon which he framed his ' elderhood and brotherhood '
was crumbling to pieces. The church was about to be left ' without
a bishop, and the state without a king ; ' the aristocracy also, was
nearly overthrown, and shortly after, wholly so. It has been believed,
and is probably true, that on this change of the government in the
mother country, the eldership began to be of no account in the
churches, and was so low at. the restoration, that it never could he, as
it never needed to be, revived."
Rev. John Wise, the accredited expounder of the Platform, says,
" Tell it to the church, — means the whole body of the church. Let
the objector produce one text more in which it means the officers of
the church, and I will resign." Rev. Dr. Whitaker, a minister in
Salem, of the Presbyterian order, replied in a large pamphlet, and
says, " I will give up the controversy, if Mr. Wise is right in this ; "
and thouo-h he cites Hebrew verses from the Old Testament, he cites
none from the New Testament in which it is so used, although it is
said it is to be found therein about two hundred times. Dr. Whitaker
says there were Presbyterians in the Cambridge Synod who disagreed
to the report of the Committee and were about to withdraw, and the
transcendent power of the eldership was inserted to prevent a separa
tion, so that " the platform has a double face, and looks two ways."
Since the time of John Cotton, there is no danger in calling things by
their true names, and democracy is now admitted to be the right word
to characterize the government of a Congregational church. Indeed,
Cotton himself admits that "in respect to the people's power in choos-

416 APPENDIX.
ing officers, and joint power with the officers in admitting members
and censuring offenders, the church is a democracy." — Way, etc. 100.
And Coleman cites Neander and other writers who describe the prim
itive church governmen tas democratic, p. 45-47. And although Rob
inson was cautious in saying so, yet by holding and declaring that the
" proper subject of the power of Christ was in the people, the multi
tude of the church," (supra,) he could not have better described a
democracy. Coleman says, " the sovereign power is in the people, the
government of the primitive church was altogether popular, the min
isters were their servants and not their lords." — iii. 227. The
Platform indeed speaks the same language (chap. 8, sec. 2). "If
the church have power to choose their own officers and ministers,
they have power to depose them." Distinguished divines and
large and respectable councils have in our day advanced the same
views. Some very worthy divines have contended that, as by the
provision of the platform (supra) nothing could be done without the
consent of the elders, as the power of the elders has been consoli
dated in the pastor, he may well be considered as having the power
of stopping the action of the church when he will by what is called
his veto, forbidding further proceedings. But the elders themselves
were but servants of the church, and certainly ecclesiastical history
furnishes no evidence of the claim. President Styles says, " Some
have made this claim, but, except being moderator, the pastor has but
the authority of a private brother according to the true principles of
Congregationalism, and the churches would not bear the negative of
the eldership." — Con. Ser. 64^68.
A claim of this sort was made in our Supreme Judicial Court sixty
or seventy years ago, and promptly overruled. — Hist. Coll. v. 45.
It was said the provisions of the platform had been superseded by
the constitution of 1780. Plowever this may be, it is now held, and
been so advised by an ecclesiastical council, convoked from various
parts of the State, and composed of highly respectable ministers and
delegates from the churches, that the pastor has no veto power what
ever, positive or qualified, upon the proceedings of the church, and
that, as moderator, if he refuses to declare the votes and resolves of
the church, they may dismiss him from the chair and appoint
another. It was certainly a mistake in Mr. Prince to conclude that Mr.
Robinson's polity provided for the office of mere ruling elders. Such
may have been the practice in some churches in Massachusetts, but
not in his church. In his letter to Elder Brewster, ( Chr. Pil.,) he

\
GOVEENMENT OF THE CHUECH DEMOCEATIC. 417
says expressly, that none were to be chosen to that office but such as
are " apt to teach." And see his Apology, chap. 4, " We require that
all received into the college or company of elders, even those who are
called governors, should be ' apt to teach,' and able to exhort with
sound doctrine, and convince gainsayers, not only in the consistory, but
in the assembly also, as the nature of their public office requires."
— Works, iii. 28. The eighth article of the Independents in England,
may well be considered as the matured policy of Robinson, which
was certainly adopted in their churches. The only officers placed
over the church are bishops, or pastors, (another name for elders,)
and deacons. The number of these depends upon the numbers of the
church, and they rule " subject to the approbation of the church."
— Han. iii. 000. This will be further manifest in the history of the
Plymouth Church. — Infra.
In process of time, one teacher, pastor, or elder, educated for the
ministry, was found in general to be sufficient, and all the duties of
rule, guidance, government, and general superintendence of the affairs
of the church, might well be performed by him, with the advice of a
committee, annually chosen; the executive duties, such as governing
the church at its meetings, and executing the acts and resolves of the
church, are indeed better performed by a single elder, or pastor, than
by a college, or collective board of elders.
About the year 1705, the ruling eldership having become obsolete
and almost extinct in Massachusetts, a very strenuous attempt was
made to revive it, headed by Rev. John Wise, " himself a host." But
the churches perceived no necessity or expediency in the measure,
and it wholly failed, and for the last hundred years but one church, it
is thought, has had such an officer. The last ruling elder in the
Leyden-Plymouth Church, Thomas Faunce, died in 1755, aged ninety-
nine years, having been in that office more than fifty years, and his
" good report " is in the churches at the present time.
We take much pleasure in adding to this view " of the power of the
church and the elders," the argument of Lord Brooke in 1642, who,
next to John Milton, was the most distinguished Independent of his
time, and whom Milton himself characterizes as "a right noble and
pious lord, and his words most mild and powerful." He thus argues
upon Matt. 18 : 15, 16, 17 — " By thee (verse 17) is not meant only
the party (complainant) but every Christian, every church member to
whom the news of this miscarriage shall come ; otherwise the offender
should be a ' publican ' to one of the church and not to another. If he
be so to every member of the church, this will be a hard case ; if a

418 APPENDIX.
bishop, or an elder, one or more, shall pass the sentence of excommu
nication, he must be so, a 'publican,' to me also, though I know
nothing of it. But some will say, That must be done before the
church. To which I answer. The word saith not so ; and thus those
who misexpound the Scripture eke out Scripture to make good their
own imagination. But why should it be complained of before the
church if the deciding power be in the officers? Frustra fit per plura,
quod fieri potest per pauciora. It seems to me against all reason that
the party deputed (the elders) should have power, the party deputing
(the church) being present. Surely, the whole church being present,
four or five shall not, by God's law, rule all, seeing God's law never
appoints any standing laws against the rules of nature. ' A pubH-
can,' 'a heathen,' the most odious of men — can any Christian be to
any Christian the most odious of men for the sentence of a judge
whom he never heard, neither hath any right to hear ? Thus if you
bound (limit) the word, either by text or context, or the common ac
ceptation of it in the Scripture, by the ' church ' must be understood
the whole congregation."
He also shows that, according to 1 Cor. 5 : 13, and 2 Cor. 2 : 5-8, Paul
commanded the whole church to put away the wicked person, and
they, the whole church, forgive and restore him. — Han. ii. 128.

ORDINATION.
Plat. ch. 9, sec. 1, 3, 4. " Church officers are not only chosen by
the church, but also to be ordained by the imposition of hands and
prayer. In such churches, where there are elders, imposition of hands
to be performed by the elders ; in churches where there are no elders,
imposition of hands may be performed by some of the brethren or
derly chosen by the church thereto."
This is the exact view of Mr. Robinson; "he constantly insisted
that this was a church act," and says, he himself was ordained by the
church. — Life, 30. " The power of making ministers is in the
church ; to be ordained by the imposition of hands by the fit instru
ments which they have." * — Letter, Chr. Pil. 66 ; Works, ii. 445.

* " If the church may elect, they may also ordain ofBcers ; if it have officers, it
must use them as hands to put the persons, by ordination, into that office." —
Works, ii. 445.

ORDINATION OF CHUECH OFFICEES. 419
So in the declaration and articles of Jacob and others of the South
wark church : " The officers are solemnly set apart by fasting and
prayer by the imposition of the hands of the eldership of that church,
if there be any." — Han. i. 295.
The Pilgrims regarded the right as primarily and solely in the
church. And when ministers do ordain, it is because they are invited
and appointed by the church to do it. Ordination is nothing more
than installing a man into office.
July 20, 1629. The first church in Salem chose and ordained Mr.
Skelton for pastor, and Mr. Higginson, teacher, " they, accepting the
choice, Mr. Higginson, with three or four more of the gravest mem
bers of the church, laid their hands on Mr. Skelton, using prayers
therewith ; this being done, then there was imposition of hands on Mr.
Higginson." — Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 67.
Mr. Wilson, pastor of the first church in Boston, was first ordained
in Charlestown, July 30, 1630, by the imposition of the hands of the
brethren. — Al. Biog. Diet.
Oct. 10, 1633. Rev. John Cotton was ordained teacher in Boston
by the imposition of hands, by Mr. Wilson, pastor, and the elders.
— Ibid.
These instances might be multiplied, but they are sufficient in
stances of the exercise of the right. But Congregationalism does not
exclude counsel or help, on these or other occasions ; on the contrary,
the propriety of asking and giving advice from and to neighbor church
es, was admitted by Robinson ; and it is now thought the best order
of our churches to take advice in most cases, as will next be shown.
But councils, on these occasions, according to our early records, were
careful to do nothing, as councils, but to seek for the best lights, and
give advice to those who called them as to what should be best to be
done, and the manner of performance. I might add, that Mr. Hooke
was so ordauied at Taunton. — Hutch, i. 374; T. Min. i. 374; Al.
Biog. Diet. Mr. Hooker was ordained in like manner at Newtown.
Hubbard says " this is according to the subsequent practice in New
England."— 189.

ECCLESIASTICAL COUNCILS.
Mr. Robinson and his church were twice called upon, (and perhaps
often,) to give advice to other churches, and attended to the call and

420 APPENDIX.
gave their advice. One instance has been mentioned, namely, on the
question of the power of the elders, to Ainsworth and Johnson, the
one pastor, and the other teacher, of the church at Amsterdam, who
disagreed on this subject, as did the brethren. The letter, missive,
and advice are in Works, iii. 467, 468.
Another instance of his being called on for advice, was from the
church in London, and the advice is contained in the letter to that
church ; by which it appears that the churches at Leyden and Am
sterdam were sent to, and the advice they gave is very important. —
Hem. i. 448. It seems to have then been unsettled, and was so for
some time in Massachusetts, in what manner this advice should be
given, whether by the whole church or its leading members, by repre
sentation, or by volunteers from the body.
But here is a sufficient indication of his views on this subject,
(Works, ii. 209) : "May not the officers of one or many churches meet
together to discuss and consider of matters for the good of the church
or churches ? 'I deny it not, so they infringe no order of Christ, or
the liberty of the brethren.''
Jacob, pastor of the church in London, who was with Mr. R,obinson
in Leyden, no doubt expressed his views, as well as his own and his
brethren, in the declaration of ecclesiastical principles in 1616, which
provides " for councils of neighbor churches in case of persons feeling
injured by the censures of the church." — Art. 26 ; Han. i. 295.
Questionless, the convocation of councils is the "keystone," the
great conservative branch of Congregationalism ; but they were sel
dom called when the churches were few and widely separated.
Luther perceived difficulties in establishing independent churches,
which, at first, he was disposed to do. But when the converts be
came numerous, he feared their weakness, and doubted their sufficien
cy to govern themselves ; but Mr. Robinson's church were a serious,
religious, well informed and discreet people, and their capacity for
self-government was manifest. But there were dissensions in the
other exiled churches, and it was soon apparent that neighborly advice
was proper and even necessary. Neal says, " He allowed councils for
advice, but not for exercising authority or jurisdiction.'' — Hist. H. E.
i. 71. He held that a council could not ordain or dismiss a pastor or other
church officer, and in this agree R. Mather, Cotton, and other congre
gational writers. Mather says, " It is the practice to call in the aid
of other churches, but not lawful or convenient to call such assistance
by way of power or authority of ministers or other churches." Cotton

ECCLESIASTICAL COUNCILS. 421
maintains that ordination is the work of the church, and should not be
parted with. — TPay, 50.
Dr. Goodwin says, " It should be with the privity and knowledge
of neighbor churches, but that, when assembled, they have not the
power of the ordination or deposition of a minister, but as agents of
the church." — Cli. Gov. 229. And such was the practice of the early
churches, and the records of the Plymouth and neighboring churches
express the ordinations, dismissions, and depositions of ministers as
" the act of the church by the advice of the council." It is now un
derstood that orderly Congregationalism requires the advice of a coun
cil, in the organization of churches, the ordination, dismission, and de
position of ministers, and in all cases where serious difficulties arise.
But in the disciphne of their members, the churches have always
been jealous of their own power and privilege, and much inclined to
refuse joining with a member in convoking a council. This has
caused the system of ex parte councils to be ingrafted upon the con
gregational stock. Indeed, the progress of society, and the demo
cratic character of the churches, are such that such councils have be
come absolutely necessary for the protection of ministers, and the
, rights of private members ; so that, if they could not convene ex
parte councils, on the refusal of the church to join in mutual coun
cils, our system would be a dangerous one. The right has come
to be considered as fundamental ; for experience has proved that
the churches are liable to prejudice, and may put the members in
bondage without just cause ; so that it was feared people miglit refrain
from joining them, if no redress was provided. There is now a tri
bunal before which a minister or member may vindicate himself from
the effects of these sudden outbreaks, the exercise of this high-church
prerogative of irresponsible censure, whenever it falls upon him.
But a moral remedy only — a vindication of character, is all that
our polity provides. If the church (or a neighbor church), is satisfied
with the vindication, he may again be a communicant ; otherwise not.
But still, if the vindication is clear, the remedy may be, in a great
measure, satisfactory ; and when excitement subsides, the wound may
be healed. In order that the end may be well attained, such councils
should act with great circumspection — should have in their posses
sion every fact and document, and have time for calm, careful, dis
passionate examination, both of facts and principles, resulting in se
rious, brotherly, and Christian advice, well argued and sustained by
the best reasons. When this is done, it seldom fails of securing the
remedy which is sought to be attained by our system, whether it be
36

422 APPENDIX.
the vindication of the party, or of the church. All troubles are notj
even then, immediately healed or quieted ; but the good moral conse
quences of " results " arrived at by the measures here stated, well
sustained by reason, have ultimately been manifest. So general have
been these consequences, thaf^our churches are well satisfied with this
manner of relieving grievances. But insulated cases do occur when
ex parte councils are pot patient and impartial, as they should be,
and all the desired good does not come of them. But all wrong can
not be righted in this world, and our churches much prefer this
" Way,'' to the authoritative discipline of the Presbyterians.*
We have seen, of late, no sounder view of this subject than that
which is given by Rev. Dr. Vaughan of England, in a book entitled
" Congregationalism, or the polity of the Independent Churches."
(London, 1842.) " Every such church is strictly independent of aU
uninspired authority, in the conduct of its worship, the admission of
its members, the exercise of its discipline, the choice of its officers,
and the entire management of its affairs. It is not left to any church
or to any body of churches, to make laws in respect to religion, but to
study the law of the Christian dispensation, and to carry it into effect.
Our province is purely executive. This independence of particular
churches is the centre principle, the great principle of Congregation
alism. The administrative power in each church is the voice of the
majority. " This does not of course preclude the moral influence that may be
exercised by some ministers or churches with regard to others, inas
much as that is a sort of power which comes into existence with all
our social relations, and cannot be excluded from them. The wise
and good will ever carry with them the moral weight of wisdom and
goodness. A man does not surrender his independence by deferring
to the counsels of a friend, nor by acting with his fellows in favor of
a common object, according to plans agreed upon consistent with the
liberty of their common principles."
These principles are identical with those long before held and
preached by an American divine: " One church is neither superior
nor inferior to another in point of authority ; but every church is en
tirely independent. There is no other necessary bond of union be
tween individual churches, but brotherly love. This all Christian
churches ought to exercise towards one another. All churches are
sisters, and stand upon a level."
* See, on this subject. Dr. Bacon's Manual, 143-148.

COVENANT, THE FOUNDATION OF A CHUECH. 423

COVENANT.
A covenant, or confederation, according to all the Congregational
fathers, is what constitutes a church, and a person a member of it; it
may be in writing, or verbal, implicit or explicit. According to Mr.
Robinson, " a separation from the world into the fellowship of the
gospel and covenant of Abraham, is a true church, truly gathered,
though ever so weak." — Han. i. 214. Governor Bradford writes
that the church of which he [Robinson] was pastor, was formed of
persons, " whose hearts were touched with heavenly zeal for his truth,
who shook off the yoke of antichristian bondage, and joined them
selves, by a covenant of the Lord, into a church state, in the fellow
ship of the gospel, ' to walk in his ways made known and to be made
known unto them,' according to their best endeavors." — Chron.
Pil. 21.
The covenant of the First Church in Salem, which was formed in
1629, under the advice of the Plymouth church, was of the same
import, with the addition of some articles of discipline. The cove
nant entered into by the Charlestown church in 1630, is given in
terms, by Mr. Drake, in his Plistory of Boston, p. 93, and this was
the foundation of the First Church in Boston. And this is the sub
stance of the church covenant as now generally understood and
received. " It is an agreement and resolution professed, with promise
to walk in all those ways pertaining to this fellowship, so far as they
shall be revealed to them in the gospel." (See Articles of faith and
covenant at the close of this article.) — Gong. Diet. Cov.
Henry Jacob, pastor of the first Independent Church in England
(1616), and as has been mentioned, the pupil and coadjutor of Rob
inson, says, " a church is a number of faithful people, joined, by
their willing consent in a spiritual outward society, having the power
of ecclesiastical government, etc., and he and others formed that
church by joining hands and covenanting, in the presence of God,
to walk together in all his ways and ordinances, according as he has
already revealed, or should further make known to them ; '' an exact
Robinsonian covenant. See Robinson's Works, iii. p. 439, and on.

424 APPENDIX.

BAPTISM.

Mr. Robinson held to baptism by sprinkling, and defends it at much
length and with much power. He holds that Baptism does not make
one a member of the church, but this is done by covenant only.
Works, iii. 180, and on.
He argues at much length against rebaptizing, and says, although
there should be official persons to administer baptism, " and although
that baptism which is performed in mockery and in sport be nothing,
yet if it be done seriously, both by him who administers it and by him
who receives it, or as a religious action, it is a valid baptism. As an
oath, which, if taken in jest, bindeth not at all, but if taken in ear
nest and for a lawful thing, bindeth him that took it. If a Jew ' put
away ' for his profaneness, had afterwards chosen the Lord God of
Israel to be his God, should he therefore be recircumcised ? And if
a man be cast out of the true church for impenitence and notorious
sin, was not his baptism true baptism ? The outward baptism, ad
ministered in an apostate church, is false baptism in the administra
tion of it, and yet is in itself, and in its own nature, a spiritual ordi
nance, though abused, and the spiritual uses thereof cannot be had
without repentance, by which repentance and the after baptism of the
Spirit, it is sanctified. There may be the outward thing, for substance
done, where there is no lawful administration. If the washing of
water, in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, of a fit per
son by a lawful minister, in a lawful communion and manner, be true
baptism, truly and lawfully administered ; then is washing with water,
in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, by an un
lawful minister, of an unfit subject, and in an unsanctified communion
and manner, — true baptism unlawfully and falsely administered.
The thing done is the same in both." The subject is discussed in
almost every possible view of the matter, and all the arguments per
contra, taken up and answered. See Rob. Works, iii. 180-190 and
passim.

FREE OR OCCASIONAL COMMUNION.
Robinson says, " Touching the Reformed Churches, we account
them true churches of Jesus Christ, and both profess and practice

OCCASIONAL COMMUNION AND PEOPHECY. 425
communion with them; the sacraments we do administer to their
members — if, by occasion, any of them be present with us. Our
faith is not negative, nor consists in condemning others, and wiping
out their names from the beadroll of churches ; neither require we
of any of ours contest with the Church of England, tohatever the
world clamors of us this way." — Apology, passim. Jacob, his coad
jutor in England, held the same views, as also did the Independents in
the Westminster Assembly. — Han. i. 230; ii. 223, 224.
Mr. Taylor ( Vind. Dissenters, 75) says, " A Christian is obliged to
hold occasional communion, unless he live like a heathen a year, in
the place where he sojourns."
There is, perhaps, too much jealousy in our churches on this sub
ject ; a kind ot false fear, that improper communicants will be present
at the sacraments. It should be remembered, as Robinson did, that
a good man may be a member of a corrupt church ; (which is yet a
church, an esse, though not a bene esse, as Lord Say says, supra,)
that an occasional communicant is present on his oivn responsibility,
and that we should " hope all things " in his favor.

THE EXERCISE OP PROPHECY.
In the early part of the Reformation, it was usual for any persons
present, so disposed, " to prophesy," that is to say, to give a word of
exhortation to the assembly. As the converts .became organized into
churches, and the order of the meetings began to be established,
" prophesying, or speaking to the edification of the whole church,"
was subjected to the rule of the elder or overseer of the meeting.
Mr. Robinson, having been charged with encouraging every member
of the church " to prophesy,'' says " this service comes within the
compass but of a few of the multitude ; happily but two or three in
each of our churches. We think the very same that the Synod
decreed at Embdem in 1571. 1. In all our churches, let the order of
prophecy be observed according to Paul's institution. 2. Into the
fellowship of this work are to be admitted, not only ministers, but
the teachers too, as well also as the elders and deacons, yea, even of
the multitude, which are willing to confer their gift, received of God,
to the common utility of the church ; but so as they be allowed by
the judgment of the ministers and others." — Rob. Works, iii. 55.
"The officers, after their ordinary teaching, signify and exhort
¦36*

426 APPENTDLS.
unto the use of the like hberty, and so as occasion is, open and ex
plain things obscure and doubtful, reprove things unsound and imper
tinent, and so moderate, order, and determine the whole exercise by
the word of God."
This exercise was allowed by John Knox in the Presbyterian
Church in Scotland, as being for the comfort and edification of the
church. — Knox's Hist. Ref. p. 525.
It was also practised by Calvin at Geneva. — Han. i. 544.
The manner of this exercise is well illustrated by an extract from
the journal of Gov. Winthrop. In 1631, being at Plymouth (with
others from Boston, and attending the meeting there,) he says, " In
the afternoon, Mr. Roger Williams (the teacher) propounded a ques
tion, to which the pastor, Mr. Smith, spoke briefly, then Mr. Williams
prophesied, and after, the Governor of Plymouth; after him, the
elder (Mr. Brewster) ; then two or three of the congregation. Then
the elder desired the Governor of Massachusetts and Mr. Wilson (a
minister who was with him), which they did."
In 1642, Mr. Cotton published a tract caUed " True Constitution of
a particular visible Church," in which he says, " Before prophesying,
it will be seasonable to sing a psalm, and some of the teachers of the
church to read the word, and therewith to preach it, by giving the
sense and applying the same. When there be more prophets, as pas
tors and teachers, they may prophesy, two and three ; and, if the time
permit, the elders may call upon any of the brethren, whether of the
same church or any other, to speak a word of exhortation to the peo
ple ; and it may be lawful for the better edifying of a man's self, for
any, young or old, save only women, to ask questions at the mouth of
of the prophets." See in Ha7i. ii. 156. He justifies this in his an
swer to Bailey, p. 27.
In 1644, Gov. Winthrop records, "Went on foot to Agawam, and
because they wanted a minister, spent the Sabbath with them and
exercised by way of prophecy." He also records, 1631, "Divers of
the congregation met at the governor's, when Mr. Wilson (the pastor)
¦praying and exhorting the congregation to love, etc., commended to
ihem the exercise of prophecy," p. 50.
Mather, having represented the Plymouth church as " Brownisti-
cal," this exercise was thought by Plubbard to be of that character,
but it characterized all the Congregational churches, after it had ceased
at Plymouth, when in 1643 they obtained a pastor after their own
hearts. Mr. Young says, " This rehgious exercise in which laymeA pubhcly

BROWNISM. 427
taught and exhorted, was early practised in both the colonies of Ply
mouth and Massachusetts." — Chr. Pil. 419.
Drs. Goodwin and Nye, leading Independents in England, in their
preface to Mr. Cotton's "Keys," say (1644), "We agree with Mr.
Cotton, and conceive prophesying (speaking to the edification of the
whole church), may sometimes be performed by brethren gifted,
though not in office, by request of the elders in the church, occasion
ally, not assuming it themselves, but allowed by those in office."
Dr. Owen, speaking of this exercise at a later period, says, " Pri
vate Christians have a right to make known whatever is revealed to
them by the word of God."
The converts, in the times referred to, wished to pass the most of
the Sabbath in public worship. They had few religious books, the
greater part of them, none, and the Bible itself was obtained with
difficulty. Great difficulty also was experienced in the Plymouth
church in obtaining a pastor ; and the pastors themselves were willing
to have assistance in holding continuous meetings for three or four
hours.

BRO"WNISM.
The erratic course of Robert Brown, whose iniquities have been
visited upon the Congregationalists, is given in the " Congrega
tional Memorials " of Mr. Hanbury, and summarily in the third
volume of Mr. Robinson's works. He must have been a resolute
and intrepid man, as well as a man of considerable talent and
some right views. In the early part of the reign of Elizabeth
(1570), he burst upon the north of England, like a meteor. He
collected some small congregations, and for his denunciations of the
bishops, and the idolatrous worship of the Church of England, was
imprisoned, perhaps, several times, (for, after his apostasy, he
boasted that he had been in thirty-two prisons.) He passed over to
Holland, collected a church there of some sort, — returned after a
few years and preached again in the north of England and in Scot
land, found hearers and adherents in considerable numbers, and gath
ered some few (what he called) churches. He was frequently im
prisoned and as often liberated by the influence of his kinsman. Lord
Burleigh, who, it was thought, favored his course. But, either broken
down by his numerous incarcerations, or induced by " filthy lucre,"

428 APPENDIX.
he returned to his " mother church," and received a valuable benefice.
His morals had been somewhat objectionable, and after his " return,
like a dog to his vomit," they became more so. This return was in
1591, and he continued to enjoy the price of his apostasy till 1630, when
he died, some say in prison, some say for beating his wife — some,
for striking a constable. He published some books, which are more
readable for his denunciation of all churches, except those of his own
gathering, than for any certain account of his principles ; though these
gave some glimmering of Congregational principles. His followers
either voluntarily retired, or were dispersed by the pursuivants.
When, some twelve years after the scandalous apostasy of Brown,
Robinson and his church worshipped in the north of England, his
name became a convenient sobriquet of the contempt with which the
churchmen regarded them. " What do these feeble Brownists ? That
which they build, even if a fox go up, he shall break down their stone
wall." They, however, became fit subjects for persecution, and the
cognomen followed them in their exile and in their pilgrimage, and their
posterity also almost to the present time ; and not them only, but all the
churches which have framed their polity on the Robinson platform.
The churches of Salem and Boston, and Independents in England,
have not escaped. A few historians have done them justice, but
many others have followed the beaten track of the churchmen ; and
many probably thought they were " doing God service," by perpetu
ating the scandal. But the pilgrims patiently bore
" The oppressor's wrong, the proud man's contumely,
The insolence of office, and the spurns
That patient merit of the unworthy takes ; "
and might well adopt the words of Milton ; " Whom you could not
move by sophistical argument, them you think to confute by scanda
lous misnaming, thereby inciting the blinder sort of people to misbe
lieve and deride sound doctrine and good Christianity under vile and
hateful terms. We must not think it strange if our Master was called
a Samaritan, that his disciples of the reformation were called Lol
lards, and those of our times Brownists. But my hope is, that the
people of England will not suffer themselves to be juggled out of their
faith and religion by the fraudulent aspersion of a disgraceful name,
but wiU search wisely by the Scriptures into the things themselves."
Gov. Winslow says, " Mr. Robinson commanded us that we should
shake off the name of Brownists, being a nickname and brand to

BEOWNISM. 429
make the professors of religion odious to the world." — Chr. PH. 397.
And Robinson complains, in his Apology, that his people " were no
less commonly, than contumeliously, called Brownists."
Judge Marshall, in the first edition of his Life of Washington, said,
"An obscure sect which had acquired the name of Brownists, from
the name of its founder, which had rendered itself peculiarly obnox
ious by the democracy of its tenets respecting church government,
had been driven by persecution to take refuge at Leyden, in Holland,
where they formed a distinct society, under the care of their pastor,
John Robinson." — Life of Wash. i. p. 89.
This was written on the authority of Dr. Robertson, a historian of
some note, but a Scotch Presbyterian (or Episcopalian), who always
sought for an opprobrious name for the exiles. An able reviewer of
Judge Marshall's work, charges this as wrong, and not authentic his
tory, and refers to the early historians to disprove it. The Judge, in
his next edition, set the matter right.
There were Brownists in Amsterdam, and Gov. Winslow says,
" They would hardly hold communion with people at Leyden." —
Prince, 173, 174.
That the churches of Massachusetts experienced and felt the same
calumny, and repelled it. — See Gov. Dudley's letter in Chron. Mass,
p. 331, and Holmes's Annals.
Mr. Cotton also repels it. " If any be justly called Brownists, it
is only such as revolt from separation to formality, and from thence
to profaneness. Neither in whole nor in part do we partake of his
schism. He separated from the churches and the saints ; we, from
the world, and that which is of the world." — Ans. to Bai. p. 14, 5, 48.
Mr. Cotton's distinguished friend, Lord Say and Seal, sets this mat
ter right in his speech in the House of Lords. — (Han. ii. 136.)
" Their (the Brownists) failing iu this, they hold there is no true
church in England, no true ministry, no true worship ; they say ' all
is antichristian.' Here is their error : they distinguish not between
the bene esse, or the purity of a church, and the esse or true being of
it, though it has many defects and gross corruptions ; but we believe
there are many true churches in England, and a true ministry, and
with which we could join in communion, were those corruptions re
moved, and yokes of bondage shaken off." This distinction is that
which Mr. Robinson insisted upon. — See his Apology.
Bailey says of the Brownists, " They shoot their bolts at all other
churches in the world that refuse their way." Robinson says, " We

430 APPENDIX.
account the reformed churches true churches, and both profess and
practise communion with them in the holy things of God, what in us
lieth." — Works, iii. 11. Mr. Cotton attests his free communion, and
the manner in which he held it with the Church of England. — Chr.
Pil. 401 ; see also his " Way, etc." 8. Bailey says, " Robinson was
the principal overthrower of the Brownists " (supra), and also, " no
Independent will take it well to be called a Brownist."
Mosheim, Eccl. Hist. v. 389, " The Independents were much more
commendable than the Brownists ; they surpassed them both in the
moderation of their sentiments and the order of their discipline. They
did not, like him, pour forth bitter and uncharitable invectives against
the churches that were governed by rules different from theirs, nor
pronounce them, on that account, unworthy the Christian name.
Though they considered their own ecclesiastical government of divine
appointment, yet they acknowledged that religion and solid piety
might fiourish under the jurisdiction of bishops, synods, and presbyters.
They were also more attentive to keeping up a regular ministry in
their communities."
Collier bears the same testimony, (Ecc. Hist. ii. 681). " Goodwin,
Nye, Bridges, and Symson, not liking the strict discipline of the
Presbyterians, nor the latitude and license of the Brownists, projected
a temper, and settled upon Robinson's Platform." This was 1638.
Pierce, (vindicator of the dissenters,) says, " Mr. Cotton was not a
Brownist, as indeed none of the Independents were."
Gov. Bradford says, " They can no more fitly be called Brownists
than the disciples might be called Judases, for they did as much abhor
Brown's apostasy and profane course, as the disciples and others did
Judas's." — Chr. Pil. 428. Again, he says, "It is injurious to caU
those after his name, whose person they never had seen. The truths
they have received by the light of God's sacred word, though Brown
may have professed some of the same things." — Ibid. 444.
In Han. ii. 228, the English Independents, in their apologetical nar
ration, say, " Our enemies fixed on us the odious name of Brownists,
with all their opinions, although on our first statement, ' that the truth
lay in the middle way,' between Brownism and Presbyterianism, they
acknowledged that we differed from them."
This opprobrious name is, even now, occasionally thrown out by
those who wish to create a joint infiuence or power of the churches
against those who strictly adhere to Robinson's Platform, and prefer
the term " Lidependency," to express the order of our churches, to

THE LEYDEN-PLYMOUTH CHUECH. 431
Congregationalism — probably too, by those who, if requested, would
be unable to give us a distinctive account of the meaning of the word.
— Holmes's Annals.

LEYDEN-PLYMOUTH CHURCH AT PLYMOUTH.
The " mother church " of our order, its principles, usages, and dis
cipline, is so interesting to Congregationalists, that we shall set down
from the records and authentic history, some account of it after its
pilgrimage. Notwithstanding their declaration (and conduct in ac
cordance with it), that it was "for the glory of God and the propaga
tion of the Gospel that they transplanted themselves in these almost
unknown parts," several historians follow them with denunciations,
some, as Brownists, some as " weak minds full of superstition," some
as " dupes of puritanic cast, and of a bad stock," etc. Still these
foreign writers grant that " they were the best progenitors of the pres
ent race of Americans." But all these are now obsolete calumnies.
Dr. Elliot says, " when they came to America, they possessed senti
ments of moderation, which would have done honor to any denomina
tion of Christians." — Hist. Coll. vii. 265. "While in Holland, they
supported an excellent character, and Mr. Robinson, their pastor, was
a map of great worth. Had he come over to Plymouth with them, it
would have been%)f great advantage to the settlement; he was capable
of giving them advice and direction in all their affairs. Mr. Brewster
dechned the office of pastor, but the church ' knew their own prin
ciples,' and had other officers who assisted in every part of worship."
He was a teaching as well as a ruUng elder, " a man of considerable
parts and learning, educated at the University of Cambridge, as well
as of great piety." — Ibid.
Mr. John Cotton, son of the distinguished minister of that name in
Boston, was, for about thirty years, pastor of the church, and left on
record some things of interest concerning their order and practice,
which were incorporated into a kind of history, by a grandson of the
same name, in 1760; from which some things maybe extracted of
general interest to the churches. It seems that Mr. Robinson advised
Mr. Brewster not to administer the sacraments, as true order required
that to be done by the pastor, ( Chr. Pil. 477,) and he expected soon
to be with them ; and when some in England reproached them on that
account, they rephed, " the more is our grief that our pastor is kept

432 APPENDE.
from us, by whom we might enjoy them, for we used to have the
Lord's Supper every Sabbath." — Hist. Coll. iv. 108.
No pastor was obtained until 1629, when their brethren from Hol
land arrived and engaged Mr. Ralph Smith, " but finding him to be a
man of ' low gifts and parts,' they improved others, and especially
Mr. Roger Williams, for about three years ; when ' he was called to
office in Salem, they, at his desire, gave him a dismission to that
church." — Elliot. Soon after which, Mr. Smith also was dismissed ;
so that Mr. Brewster was their teacher until the latter part of his life,
when a IMr. Rayner was settled, who proved a very acceptable minis
ter. They were desirous to settle Mr. Chauncey, afterwards President
of Cambridge College, and he labored with them about three years,
and went thence to Scituate.
About the time of Mr. Brewster's death, a part of the church re
moved to Eastham, on the Cape, " by reason of the straitness and bar
renness of the place." And thus, says Mr. Cotton on the records,
was this poor church, like an ancient mother grown old and forsaken
by her children, (though not of their affections yet,) her ancient
members being mostly worn away by death, and she that had made
many rich became poor."
April 16, 1644. Mr. Brewster died, and an account of his life is
given in the Memorial. It seems he was a well educated man, and
served in a civil office for some years, was converted in early life,
and was a member of Mr. Robinson's church as e»rly as 1602, and
became an exile with him in Holland. He was a man of good es
tate, and the worship was held in his house while in England. " He
was wise, discreet, of ready utterance, very sociable and pleasant
among his friends, of a humble, modest spirit ; yet bold and coura
geous in reproving' faults, but in such a manner as was usually well
received. In his public administrations, he was very moving and
pathetical, also plain and distinct in what he taught, addressing the
understanding as well as the affections. He was full and comprehen
sive in his prayers, which were well adapted to the exigencies of his
flock, yet far from lengthy or prolix. As to his official government,
he was always careful to preserve good order, and to suppress errors
and contentions, and God gave him good success herein. He left an
excellent library ; " a catalogue is on record. He died in peace at the
age of more than fourscore years.
Mr. Rayner left in 1654, and settled in Dover. The record says,
" He was wise, faithful, grave, a lover of good men, armed with much
faith, patience, and meekness, mixed with courage for the cause of

THE LEYDEN-PLYMOUTH CHURCH. 433
God ; a faithful, laborious preacher, a wise orderer of the affairs of
the church, and training children in a catechetical way in the grounds
of religion."
After Mr. Rayner's departure, the church remained sundry years
without a pastor, notwithstanding their constant endeavors to procure
one. Neighboring ministers often came to their assistance, but " they
worship statedly by their elder, Mr. Cushman, assisted by some^ of
e brethren."
Mr. Cotton was settled in the Plymouth church in 1669, having
preached some years, and been called two years before. In 1680,
the Memorial speaks of Mr. Cotton and his success in high terms, and
says, " there are fourscore churches in gospel order now in New Eng
land." At Mr. Cotton's ordination the churches were represented
from Barnstable, Marshfleld, Weymouth, and Duxborough. There
were but forty-seven members ; but the domicil visits of the pastor
and deacon seemed to produce a considerable revival ; and the cate
chizing of the children was attended to once a fortnight by the pastor
and elder. Monthly conference meetings were also held, which were
continued for a century. One hundred and seventy-eight persons
were admitted to the communion during his thirty years' ministry.
" The practice was for the men to make orally a confession of faith
and a declaration of their experience of a work of grace before the
congregation, having been examined before by the elders"; and they
stood propounded two or three weeks. The relations of the women,
written in private from their mouths, were read in public by the
pastor." " But if any members came from other places, and had letters of
dismission, they were accepted upon that testimonial, and nothing
further was required of them."
" In 1 688, it was agreed that if the elders judged any man not capa
ble of speaking to edification before the congregation, they should call
the church together in private, to hear such relations: but voting
their admissions, and covenant with them, should be deferred to the
public assembly."
In 1676, and also in 1692, the church renewed their covenant with
God and one another, wherein they made agreement for personal
and family reformation, and the children of the church bore part in
the transaction; and religious interest, it is said, was thereby in
creased. "In 1678-9, Mr. Cotton desired all the church seed who were
heads of families to come to his house, and he gave them questions
37

434 APPENDLX.
for each one to answer to out of the Scriptures." This exercise was
attended to once in two months for many years, and a blessing seemed
to follow. They gave their answers in writing, and the pastor
preached on them, most of the church being present.
It seems that until 1692, they had used Ainsworth's translation of
the Psalms in singing, but they then changed it for the New England
Psalm Book, which was m use in Massachusetts colony. The elder
read the Psalm, " line by line," for singing.
In 1694, the pastor attended the catechizing of children on Sabbath
noons, and continued it during his ministry ; only on sacrament days,
and short winter days, the service was omitted. The minister also
preached on the occasion, and many of the congr^ation attended, and
" God strengthened and encouraged the work." )
A difference of opinion having arisen between the pastor and a
number of the church, concerning the eldership, he asked a dismis
sion in 1697, which was granted. It seems Mr. Samuel Fuller and
Mr. Isaac Cushman had preached and finally were settled, one in
Middleborough, and the other in Plympton, and as the church had
not chosen them ruling elders, the proceedings were supposed to be
irregular. April, 1699. The church chose deacon Thomas Faunce ruling
elder; he died in 1745, aged 99 years, and was the last ruling elder
the church ever elected. " Pie was a man of considerable knowledge,
eminent piety, and great usefulness." The same year, Rev. Ephraim
Little was ordained pastor.
"In 1708, the pastor proposed to the church the setting up of pri
vate family meetings in the respective neighborhoods, which was
approved and agreed upon."
In 1710, deacons being chosen, the church desired Mr. Little to
have them ordained, which he declined doing. After- a time, he con
sented to give them a solemn charge, and the elder concluded the
service with prayer.
j In 1718, a child, being at the point of de^th, the pastor was re-
jquested to call at the house and baptize it. This made some stir, as
the first instance of the kind. He said, " I could never find in Scrip
ture that baptism was limited to the Sabbath or public assembly."
In 1728, the church seemed to have adopted the recommendation
of the Synod of 1662, and allowed the children of such as "owned
the covenant" (though not members) to be baptized.
In 1783, the church requested the deacons to catechize the children
between meetings, which they did, and also the next year.

THE LEYDEN-PLYilOUTII CHUECH. 435
In 1741-2, thirty-nine males and fifty-eight females were admitted
to full communion. About this time Rev. Chandler Robbins, D.D.,
became the pastor of the church, the number of members being 154.
His ministry continued to about the year 1800, when Rev. James
Kendall became pastor, and still continues to administer with a col
league. During Dr. Robbins's ministry two hundred and fifteen mem
bers were added to the church; during Dr. Kendall's, 180. It is
said there are now in Plymouth ten Christian churches, one half of
which are Congregational.
During this time the church had colonized, and churches were
gathered in many neighboring towns. There is a case on the records
similar to many others found in the Old Colony. Rev. Mr. Little was
dismissed on the same day of the ordination of his successor (Mr.
Robbins), and instead of the Council's giving him his dismission or
recommendation, they advise the church thereto, and the church gave
him a letter which is on the records, in extenso, concluding, " we do
freely and heartily recommend him to the work of the ministry, if God
should restore his health." — p. 133.
The History next proceeds to give an account of the religious prin
ciples and doctrines of the church, and they are the same as those
before extracted from Mr. Prince. As to government and discipline,
" they disclaim the name of Brownists which was thrown on them
by the adversary ; were first called Independents, afterwards Con
gregationalists, holding the equality of pastors and churches, and the
distinct right each church has of ordering its own affairs, without
control from any superior authority, yet ready to hold communion
with all churches professing the true faith and worship of Christ, and
to afford as well as receive assistance by council and advice, as there
is occasion."
In regard to the ministry, " they held the necessity of gifts and
study, and the great advantage and usefulness of human learning to
qualify for the office, and improved men of academic education ; but
their pastor being kept back by the plots of evil men, the ruling elder
used to call some of the leading brethren to pray and give a word of
exhortation, the chief of whom were Gov. Winslow, Gov. Bradford,
Mr. Thomas Southworth, and Nathaniel Morton, men of superior
knowledge and parts."
They saw cause to alter their practice in respect to the admission
of members, in 1705, and voted that " a relation, given in, in writing,
publicly read, and standing forth publicly to own it, should in future
be as satisfactory to the church as if delivered viva voce." "As to

436 APPENDIX.
taking the sense of the church, — the elders sometimes called for the
votes by lifting up the hands ; sometimes by silence ; sometimes call
ing on every brother one after another, to speak his mind ; sometimes
when divers had particularly spoken, asking if the rest were so mind
ed, they in a more general way, assenting. Any of these ways were
attended as the elders thought most expedient. The elders never
called for a negative or contrary vote. Care was taken, before any
vote was called for, to gain the assent of every brother ; and this
was a great preservative of the peace of the church."
The history closes by an account of their religious practice and de
portment. " They were held in renown, far and near, for strict piety
towards God, strong and lively faith, fervent love, zeal for the divine
honor, their watchfulness and prayerfulness, conscientious regard for
his Sabbaths and institutions, delight in his word and ways, days of
humiliation, and readiness to attend meetings."
" They were eminent for sobriety, temperance, and chastity, and
self-denial, diligent and faithful in the discharge of relative duties, and
training their families in the ways of the Lord. Their strict justice
endeared them to the natives, without fraud in dealing with them."
" Their love and charity towards their fellow Christians shone forth
with peculiar lustre. In Holland they lived together in love and
peace, as attested by the magistrates. In the first twelve years of
their settlement in Plymouth, numerous objects of charity presented
themselves which they were ready to relieve even beyond their power.
Some shipwrecked, some destitute of provisions, some sick, and others
landing to ship for other colonies — all met with kind entertainment,
mostly free of cost, and sometimes for months together. And their
expending some hundreds to procure passage and provisions for their
poor brethren in Holland and supplying them with provisions above
thirteen months, till they could have a harvest of their own." Mr.
Cotton says, " upon any motion for a contribution (for people in dis
tress) there was a great readiness in the people to hearken thereto,
and give freely and abundantly ; the Lord reward it."
It is known that the termination of the pilgrimage of this church
has been annually, and especially centennially, celebrated at " the
Rock," for a long time, and the occasion has called forth the talents of
our best statesmen and divines. Perhaps none of them have taken a
more interesting view of the subject than Mr. Webster ; and this ac
count will close with a short extract from his address : —
" We feel that we are on the spot where the scene of our history
was laid ; where the hearts and altars of New England were first

THE LEYDEN-PLYMOUTH CHUECH. 437
placed : where Christianity, civilization, and letters made their first
lodgement, in a vast extent of country, covered with a wilderness and
peopled by savages. We see the mild dignity of Carver and Bead-
ford ; the soldierlike air and manner of Standish, the devout
Bre-wster, and the enterprising Allerton; their trust in Heav
en ; their high religious faith, full of confidence and anticipation —
and childhood too, houseless but for a mother's arms.
" There is a spirit of daring hi religious reformers, not to be meas
ured by the general rules which control men's purposes and actions.
The learned, accomplished, unassuming, inoffensive Robinson, not
tolerated in his own country, nor suffered quietly to depart, himself
and Brewster flying with their little band, — not the flight of guilt, but
of virtue, — surmounting all difficulties and braving a thousand dan
gers, to find here a place of refuge and of rest. The first morning
beamed on the first night of their repose and saw the Pilgrims estab
lished in their country : — liere was civil liberty and religious wor
ship. Poetry has fancied nothing in the wanderings of heroes so
distinct and characteristic. Our fathers came here to enjoy religion,
free and unmolested ; and at the end of two centuries, there is noth
ing of which we can express more deep and earnest conviction, than
the inestimable importance of that religion to man. Thanks be to
God, that this spot was honored as the asylum of religious liberty !
May its standard, reared here, remain forever ! May it rise up as
high as heaven, till its banner shall fan the air of both continents, and
wave as a glorious ensign of peace and security to the nations.''
" Let us not forget the religious character of our origin. Our
fathers were brought here for their high veneration for the Christian
religion. Thet journeyed in its light and labored in its
HOPE. Let us cherish these sentiments and extend their influence
still more widely ; in the full conviction that that is the happiest
society which partakes in the highest degree of the mild and peacea
ble spirit of Christianity."
At a late meeting of the numerous descendants of Elder Brewster,
it was declared, that " he was the ruling spirit of the colony, and that,
under God, we are more indebted to him than to any other man for
the grand results of that emigration." But was not Gov. Bradford
rather the heart and conservative sustainer of this colony ? The
Memorial would seem to indicate this. He was, at the time of his
arrival, thirty-two years of age only, and on the death of Gov. Car
ver, was immediately chosen governor ; and he served in that office
thirty years, with the exception of two years, when he prevailed upon
37*

438 APPENT)IX.
the colonists to choose Mr. Winslow, and one year, Mr. Prmce. His
" good report " is in all our churches, and all our histories. Grave,
temperate, learned, (he knew all the modern languages, the Greek,
and more especially the Hebrew ; " he said he would see with his own
eyes the native beauty of the oracles of God, ") discreet, " a strict dis
ciplinarian, though far from an intolerant spirit ; " just and generous
to the Indians, and hospitable to them as well as the English. He is
a most reliable historian, and the labors and trials of the pilgrims, and
their heroic character, would scarcely have been known, but for his
history. Plis skill and success in securing the friendship of the na
tives, in the punishment and prevention of crimes, in promoting the
harmony and industry of the people, and sharing in all their toils and
privations, are set down in the Memorial, and need not be repeated.
Add to these, that he was eminent in the church, and took the lead,
under the Elder, in speaking to their edification.
" It is worthy of admiration and gratitude that this colony and that
of Massachusetts should have been blest with two such governors as
Bradford and Winthrop, men not easy to be paralleled." Hubbard
says, " Mr. Bradford and Mr. Brewster were the two main props and
pillars of the colonj." — Hub. Hist. N. E. 664.
But the success of this colony is not to be attributed to the labors
and ability of one man. It would seem that the plantation must have
failed but for the special abilities, virtues, and efforts of many, each
in his department. How could their difficulties with the merchant
adventurers have been adjusted without the diplomacy, skill, tact, and
talent of Gov. Winslow ? He was a splendid, well-bred gentleman,
personally made a journey forty miles to help and nurse the sick
Massasoit, and his journals and writings show him to have been an
accomplished author. And how could the pilgrims have secured the
means of subsistence and paid the heavy debt to the merchants, who
advanced the means for the emigration, but for the enterprise and ac
tivity of Allerton, in concert with Gov. Bradford, in setting up trad
ing posts in Massachusetts, Maine, and Connecticut, " to obtain bea
ver," for these purposes, of the natives ? Both he and Winslow had
to make frequent voyages to England to discharge the heavy indebt
edness. And what would, at last, have become of the colony, but for
the mihtary skill, hardihood, firm and sound mind of Miles Standish ?
Indeed, almost every man among them must have been a hero of in
flexible virtue, patient labor, as well as high enterprise, or the planta
tion must have perished.

CONGEEGATIONALISM IN MASSACHUSETTS. 439

CONOREGATIONALISM IN MASSACHUSETTS.
What our ecclesiastical polity would have been, but for the high
reputation of Robinson, and the persevering piety and order of the
Leyden-Plymouth church, is very problematical. But it is certain
that the immigrants arrived before they had fixed on any polity what
ever, distinct from that of the Church of England.
The distinguished editor of the Chronicles of the Pilgrims, and the
Chronicles of Massachusetts, says, " It is somewhat remarkable that
they both adopted the same form of church polity." Why remark
able ? The Pilgrims had now stood upon the Congregational Plat
form thirty years, and certainly knew what it was, having tried all
parts of it, and that successfully. The Puritans had objected almost
as strenuously as the Pilgrims against the corruptions and practices of
the Church of England. But they wished and hoped to reform and
improve it, and therefore continued in its communion, — in the pale of
that church. But after a long time attempting to do so, and yet con
scientiously refusing to conform in many things, and being put in
great straits and difficulties, they resolved to emigrate to New Eng
land. But it does not appear that they contemplated a separation
from the established church. Indeed, the contrary of that is manifest.
After their embarkation, they addressed a letter " to their brethren in
and of the Church of England," in which they say, " we desire you
would take notice of the principals and body of our company, who
esteem it our honor to call the Church of England, from whence we
arise, our mother, ever acknowledging such hope and part as we have
obtained in the common salvation, we have received in her bosom,
and sincerely desire and endeavor the continuance of her welfare," etc.
— Hutch, i. 331.
They knew that the polity of the Leyden-Plymouth church had
been examined and embraced under the auspices of Mr. Robinson,
and that he had vindicated, cleared, and defended it, on scriptural
grounds, and by victorious argument, and that it had been successfully
tried a whole generation ; and the argument and the example com
mended the polity to them with such weight and force that they
found no better model for order and worship, and they therefore
adopted it. Hubbard, who could not forget the idea of " Separatists,"
which had attached to the Plymouth church, yet says, " an elder in
Boston had a conference with the chief of the Plymouth church, to

440 APPENDIX.
whose opinion the church of Boston did much adhere in their church
matters, as those of Salem had done before." And Hutchinson says,
" they went the full length which the ' Separatists ' did." But we
shall transcribe the full account of this from Gov. Hutchinson, who
knew all about the establishment of the churches in Massachusetts,
and whose talents and candor enabled him to state it with exactness.
— Hist. Mass. i. 868.
" The Planters of Massachusetts, whilst they remained in England,
continued communion with the church, such of them excepted as were
excluded from it for non-conformity to some of the ceremonial parts
of worship, and they were all more or less dissatisfied. The canons
and laws of the church, and the rigid execution of them, they account
ed a grievous burden. The form of government in the church was
not a subject of complaint. They were very careful to distinguish
themselves from Brownists, and other ' Separatists.' Had they re
mained in England, and the church been governed with the wisdom
and moderation of the present day, they would have remained, to use
their own expression, ' in the bosom of the church whence they re
ceived their hopes of salvation.' However, they did not suppose the
form of Episcopal government to be enjoined by divine authority, so
as to make it unlawful to submit to or establish any other form ; but
they were far from being determined what it should be. The ' Sepa
ratists ' used to boast (Robinson so wrote, but not boastingly), that
' if the old Puritans were secure of the magistrate's sword, and might
go on with his good license, they would shake off the prelates ; and
draw no longer in the spiritual union with all the profane in the land ;
and though they then preached and wrote against the ' Separatists,' yet,
if they were in a place where they might have their liberty, they
would do as they did." The inconveniences we suffer under one ex
treme, it must be allowed, carry us insensibly into the other. The
New England Puritans, when at full liberty, went the full length of
the Separatists in England. It does not follow that they would have
done so, if they had remained in England. In the form of worship
they universally followed the Plymouth church. This is called the
middle way between Brownism, and Presbyterianism. As they lived
in three distinct places, and had men of ability in each, they became
three distinct bodies, but seemed to have no settled plan till Mr. Cot
ton came over in 1633."
The'i-esidue of the Leyden church had just then joined their breth
ren at Plymouth, when the first Congregational church originally
gathered in Massachusetts was about to be established in Salem, Au-

CONGREGATIONALISM IN MASSACHUSETTS. 441
gust 6, 1629. Although the after generation was unwilling to admit
that they took their model from the Plymouth church, yet, says Hub
bard, " there is no small evidence that they did." It seems Gov.
Bradford had written to Gov. Endicott, and May 1, 1G29, Gov. Endi
cott wrote him and thanked him " in sending Dr. Fuller among them,"
and, saith he, " I rejoice much that I am by him satisfied touching
your form of outward worship ; it is no other, as far as I can gather,
than is warranted by the evidence of truth, and the same which I
have professed and maintained." — Hist. Coll. iii. 66.
In the History of Salem, Hist. Coll. vi. 242, Mr. Bentley says,
"Mr. Higginson arrived at Salem, June 26,1629. He found Mr.
Endicott at Salem, who had expressed his intentions to the church
already formed in Plymouth. Two articles were fixed by consent :
that the church at Salem should not acknowledge any ecclesiastical
jurisdiction in the church at Plymouth, if any assistance was given at
Salem, and that the authority of ordination should not exist in the
clergy, but should depend entirely upon the free election of the
church. Mr. Higginson consented, and in the presence of the
Plymouth delegates, who arrived during the solemnities, the elder,
qualified as they had directed, as the representative of the people,
laid on his hands. The righthand of fellowship was given as a
pledge of the mutual fellowship of the churches." The covenant,
which was similar to that of the Plymouth church, (supra,) was, no
doubt, agreed on when the " articles " were fixed. " The office of
elder did not survive the first generation."
Gov. Winslow (Nar. Chr. Pil 386, 387), says, "The many planta
tions that came over to us advised with us how they should fall upon
a right platform of worship, and desired us, to that end, to show them
whereupon our platform was grounded. We accordingly showed
them the primitive practice for our warrant ; and other our warrants
for every particular we did, from the word of God. Which being by
them well weighed and considered, they also entered into covenant
with God and 'one another " to walk in all his ways revealed, or as
they should be made known to them." — (See Covenants at the close
of this article.)
It may be interesting to extract from the contemporary letters in
relation to the formation of the first churches in Massachusetts. Dr.
Samuel Fuller, one of the pilgrim worthies, and deacon of the church
at Plymouth, writes to Gov. Bradford from Salem, June 28, 1630:
" The gentlemen here, lately come over, are resolved to set down at
the head of Charles River, and they of Mattapan (Dorchester), pro-

442 APPENDIX.
pose to go and plant with them. I have been at Blattapan and let
some of these people's blood. I had a conference with them tih I was
weary. Mr. Warham holds that the visible church may consist of a
mixed people, godly and ungodly ; upon which we had all our con
ference ; to which, I trust, God wifl give a blessing. Mr. Phillips,
who told me in private, that if they will have him stand minister, by
the calling he had received by the prelates in England, he wih leave
them. The governor (AVinthrop) is a godly, wise, and humble gen
tleman, and of a fine good temper. Pie hath had a conference with
me both in private and before many others, and he hopes we will not
be wanting in lielping them : so that I think you will be sent' for.
Mr. Coddington * told me that Mr. Cotton's charge at Hampton
was that they should take advice of them at Plymouth, and shoidd do
nothing to offend them." — Hist. Coll. iii. 75.
In July 26, 1630, Gov. Winslow and Dr. Fuller write to Gov.
Bradford, Mr. Smith, and Mr. Brewster : " They icill do nothing with
out our advice, to wit : Dr. Fuller, Mr. Allerton, and myself, requir
ing our voices as their own, so that the sixth day (Friday), they may
humble themselves before God, and seek him in his ordinances, and
that such godly persons as are amongst them, and made known to each
other, publicly and at the end of the exercise, make known their godly
desire, and practise the same, to wit, solemnly to enter into covenant
with the Lord to walk in his ways ; and as they earnestly desire to
advise with us, so do they earnestly entreat the church in Plymouth
to set apart the same day for the same end ; since they are so dis
posed in their estates, as to live in three distinct places, each having
men of ability among them, they are to observe the day and become
three bodies." — Ibid.
August 2, 1630. Dr. Fuller again writes from Charlestown, that
" some had entered into church state ; " of his purpose to return
home and Capt. Endicott with him, and of Gov, Winthrop's desire to
go, but who Sfiys, " I cannot be absent two hours." — Ibid. The or
ganization of the church there was July 30, 1630, and the ordination
of Mr. Wilson and Mr. Phillips at the same time. Mr. Phillips was
pastor in Watertown, and Mr. Wilson, on the removal of the
church to Boston, was pastor there : Mr. Warham in Dorchester.
— See Wint. i. 50.
Baillie said in his " Dissuasive," " In a few years those who settled

* Afterward Governor.

CONGREGATIONALISM IN MASSACHUSETTS. 443
in New England did agree to model themselves after Mr. Robinson's
pattern." Mr. Cotton replied (Way, etc., 16), "There was no agree
ment by any solemn or common consultation ; but it was true that
they did, as if they had agreed, by the same spirit of truth and unity,
set up, by the help of Christ, the same model of churches, one like
to another, the Plymouth church helping the first comers in their
theory by hearing and discovering their practice at Plymouth."
Robinson said, in his parting address to the Pilgrims, " There will
be no difference between the unconforming ministers and you, when
they come to the practice of the ordinances out of the kingdom."
Upon which Mr. Young notes, " This prophecy was remarkably ful
filled in the case of Massachusetts colonists." Mr. Higginson, in 1629,
in taking his last look from his native land, exclaimed, "We do not
go to New England as separatists from the Church of England." Gov
ernor Winthrop and his company on their departure, made similar
protestations (see supra). " These professions were no doubt heart
felt and sincere, and yet no sooner were these Non-conformists in a
place where they-could act for themselves, than they pursued pre
cisely the course taken by the Separatists, adopted their form of eccle
siastical discipline, and set up Independent churches." — Chron. Pil.
398. Mr. Young says, in another place, " The distinction between
the two colonies was by no means trifling or overlooked, in the first
generation." This had been said by others ; but it has not been told
in what that distinction consisted. As to the churches, they of Mas
sachusetts chose mere ruling elders, and gave them authoritative
power, but these distinctions vanished very shortly, as has been
shown. As to catholicity and toleration, the extract from Governor
Hutchinson (see preface), shows that the Plymouth colony was far in
the advance. But the distinction most felt and observable was that
which exists between the poor and the rich, the weak and the power
ful, between four hundred poor pilgrims, and four thousand wealthy
planters. They were indebted to the pilgrims, as being pioneers and
exemplars of the true ecclesiastical pohty, and not very willing to
acknowledge their indebtedness. They induced the Plymouth com
missioners, at the colonial Congress, to agree to pass intolerant laws
against sectarians, but they had the wisdom to keep far behind in sever
ity, and never to execute them except in a single instance. Several
movements have also been made tending to impair the true indepen
dence of the churches, and a few have ventured to charge Brownism
upon the Plymouth church. But the great body of the churches of
both colonies are standing firm upon the Robinson platform, and every

444 APPENDIX.

movement for changing it has signally failed. When Dr. Holmes
wrote his "Annals," this "fraudulent aspersion of a disgraceful
name," had not ceased to be cast upon all our churches, (vol. i. p.
484.) But unless we keep it alive among ourselves, we may well hope
to hear no more of it.

CONGREGATIONALISM IN ENGLAND.
The first Congregational church permanently established in Eng
land, was the church in Southwark (London), in 1616, when Henry
Jacob was chosen pastor. Mr. Jacob had been a puritan, and had
written against the Independents, having been himself beneficed in
the Church of England. " But he was gained to the side of truth,"
passed over to Holland, and " while in close conference whh Robin
son," he wrote a treatise on " The Divine Beginning and Institution
of Christ's visible Church," in which he agrees entirely with Robin
son (supra). The pilgrims say, "they knew him and Dr. Ames and-
Mr. Parker, when they sojourned for a time in Leyden." — Chr. Pil.
439, 440. " He was a man of discretion, courage, and humility, and
engaged in the arduous task of collecting the remnant of the London
congregation, a work of great difficulty and peril, in a time of perse
cution and danger. The church organized in a private dwelling, and
a declaration of their principles was published, with a petition to the
king for toleration." (Han, i. 224). Their meetings on Lord's day
were private for fear of persecuting adversaries. After about eight
years of his ministry, he joined the pilgrims, but died very soon after
his arrival. Rev. John Lothrop was his successor, who had also re
linquished his benefice for conscience' sake, (" a man of an earnest
and humble spirit,") and in 1632, he and forty-two of his church were
discovered, seized, and sentenced to two years' imprisonment. He
emigrated in 1634, with thirty-two of his church and congregation,
and settled in Scituate, Plymouth county, as pastor of the church
gathered there, and his name is known in all our churches. A his- .
tory of the Southwark church is printed with Robinson's Works, vol.
iii. p. 439. It is also printed in a pamphlet with the history of the
church of Scituate and of Mr. Lothrop, and is of much interest. The
Southwark church has sulfered severe persecution, but is now pros
perous, and enjoys the sympathies of all the churches.
Buck (Theo. Die.) says, "The first Independent or Congregational
church in England was estabhshed by Henry Jacob in 1616." It is.

CONGREGATIONALISM IN ENGLAND. 445
however, an historical fact that the Robinson church was organized
at the house of Wihiam Brewster, before 1602. But that whole
church went into exile in Holland, and afterwards emigrated to Ply
mouth, New England, as has before been historically related.
Neal says (Hist. Pur. i. 244), " Jacob was beneficed at Cheriton,
but going to Leyden and conversing with Mr. Robinson, he embraced
his sentiments of discipline and government, and transplanted them
into England."
Although persecution did not wholly crush the Southwark church,
yet there seems to have been little increase of Independents until the
imprisonment of Archbishop Laud, when certain exiles returned from
Holland,*and were called to the Westminster Assembly. Dr. Lingard
says, " They were few, and could only compensate the paucity of their
numbers by the energy and talent of their leaders. They never ex
ceeded a dozen in the assembly ; but they were veteran disputants,
eager, fearless, and persevering, whose attachment to their favorite
doctrine had been riveted by persecution and exile, and who had not
escaped from the intolerance of one church to submit tamely to the
control of another." — Hist. Eng. x. 274.
But the first permanent Independent church in England has attract
ed much interest, and as a pioneer church will justify the following
extracts from a letter to the Rev. Mr. Wight, pastor of the church at
Scituate, where Mr. Lothrop officiated. It is from the present pastor
and deacons of the Southwark church. Rev. J. Waddington, pastor,
B. Hanbury, M. Medwin, and J. E. Newson, deacons, dated 1853.
"It may not be unacceptable to you to receive from us a few facts
and observations relative to the martyrs and pilgrims to whom, under
God, we are so deeply indebted. The Puritans who followed in the
wake of the Mayfiower, though improved by the free air of the wil
derness, would not have been suffered to go out, unless they could
take the oaths submitted to them by the authorities, before they sailed
from the ports of England. The facts of this important matter have
not yet received the discriminating attention necessary to the full de
velopment of historical truth.
" Your countrymen naturally begin your historical records with the
sailing of the ' Mayflower.' But the interest of that event would be
greatly enhanced, by extending the inquiry half a century further
back. In the space of a single letter we can only give a rude outline
of the events which identify the church in Southwark with the Pil
grims of New England."
They speak of a prison near Southwark, in which John Penry,
38

446 APPENDLS:.
while under sentence of death, (1593,) is writing an affecting letter to
the distressed churches of the Separatists, a copy of which he enjoins
them to read to their brethren in the north of England. Within a
wretched dungeon in the Marshalsea is John Smith, subsequently pas
tor, in conjunction with Mr. Clifton, of the church in the north of Eng
land, which met at the house of William Brewster. In the third
prison in Southwark is Francis Johnson, soon to be liberated, how
ever, and to become a pioneer of the Pilgrims in Plolland. John
Robinson is entering Cambridge at this time. He succeeded John
Smith and Richard Clifton in the pastorate of the church at Scrooby,
and on his removal to Plolland, with William Brewster, joined the
church under the care of Francis Johnson, in the first instance. Henry
Jacob, our first pastor, was a convert of Francis Johnson, and while at
Leyden, in exile, he was the intimate friend and companion of Robinson.
On a visit to this country in 1595, Johnson was again thrown into
prison, and during his incarceration, wrote two letters in answer to
Arthur Plildersham, a leading Puritan opposed to the Separatists,
" for the confirmation of a Christian gentleman," who was also a pris
oner for the same cause. It is a remarkable circumstance, that this
same Arthur Plildersham was himself immured in one of the prisons
in Southwark in 1615, and might have occupied the cell of the mar
tyr Penry.
In 1616 a new charge was preferred against him, as a ringleader of
schism, and for holding private conventicles, and he was condemned
to pay a fine of £2,000. To avoid renewed imprisonment, he went
into concealment. At this juncture it was, that Henry Jacob came
from Leyden for the purpose of forming a settled Congregational
church. He found Mr. Hildersham in his obscure retreat, and they
held together a secret conference.
Both these ministers had formerly opposed the Separatists, and
both, in consequence of more advanced views, had suffered unto
bonds. It was the conviction of Henry Jacob that the time was come
to take a firm and decided, though quiet, stand, and plant a church in
Southwark on the model of the New Testament. " SmaUer numbers,"
he said, " uncertain and occasional in their assemblies, are not prop
erly churches ; a free and proper church being always necessarily an
orderly set company and a constant society." Mr. Hildersham ac
quiesced in these views, and seeing no prospect of a reformation of
the national church, encouraged Mr. Jacob in his design. A part of
the church formed under these circumstances, sailed in the Mayflower
from the wharves in 1620, and joined the brethren who came from
Leyden, at Southampton.

CONGREGATIONALISM IN EFGLAND. 447
It seems their worship was held in the night time for concealment.
But that ecclesiastical tyrant. Archbishop Laud, " breathing out threat
ening and slaughter against the disciples of the Lord, made havoc of
the church, entering into every house, and hauling men and women,
committed them to prison." Still they persevered until the day of
deliverance came by his overthrow. After this event, Thomas Good
win, Philip Nye, and a few other "Independents," distinguished as
popular and effective preachers, returned from exile, and constituted a
very small minority in the Westminster Assembly. The people
seemed "with one accord to give heed to the things* which were
spoken ; " churches were multiplied under their ministry, until the
restoration of the monarchy.
Drs. Goodwin and Nye, the most distinguished of them, wrote the
preface to Mr. Cotton's " Keys," and how far they agreed with him
has before been stated ; and Dr. Owen, in his tract on schism, confesses
that he was converted to agree with them by Mr. Cotton's books.
The agreement of Lord Brooke and Lord Say with these views has
also been before stated.
In Collier's Ecclesiastical History, vol. ii. p. 681, he says of Drs.
Goodwin and Nye, " These men, liking neither the strict discipline of
the Presbyterians, nor the latitude and license of the Brownists, pro
jected a temper, and settled upon Robinson's model."
Baillie, in his Dissuasive, p. 54, says : " Goodwin and Nye, Bur
roughs and Bridge, and Simpson, (1646,) are discreet and zealous
men. Master Robinson did derive his way to his Separate congrega
tion at Leyden, a part of them did carry it over to Plymouth in New
England ; here Master Cotton did take it up, and transmit it thence
to Master Thomas Goodwin, who did help to propagate it to sundry
others, till now, by many hands, it is sown thick in divers parts of this
kingdom." — See Han. iii. 135.
Mr. Cotton replies, " I hope there want not divers more to be
added to them in other parts of England." — Way, etc. 12.
Baillie said there v,fere but six Independents in the AVestminster
Assembly; " but what it wants in numbers is multiplied by the weight
of its followers. But it has had many bad fruits, notwithstanding all
the gifts and graces with which Robinson and Ainsworth have been
adorned by God."

448 APPENDIX.

THE ADDRESS OP REV. ROBERT VAUGHAN, D. D.
Dr. Vaughan is among the venerable Congregational divines of dis
tinction in England. lie made an Address, by request of " The Con
gregational Union of England and Wales," entitled "Congregationalism,
or the polity of Independent Churches ; " which has been printed,
and it will, no doubt, be interesting to extract some of his views here,
especially as 'the book is scarce, and the views seasonable and im
portant. A single extract has before been made.
" One of the most characteristic features of modern society consists
in the efforts which are made in favor of popular intelligence ; and
Congregationalism harmonizes with every thing that is wisely done in
relation to that object. The discovery of printing, the right of private
judgment, liberty of worship, and freedom of discussion on all subjects,
— nothing could be more congenial to Congregationalism than these
subjects. It is a system to be worked by popular power, and must de
pend, if worked orderly, upon popular intelligence. It bestows a kind
of franchise upon all who become parties to it. Its aim is to make all
men Christians, and to render all Christians competent to a well
observance of the duties which arise out of the Christian fellowship.
" It is said we are republicans in our church polity, and must, in
consequence, be republicans in state affairs. As the principles which
obtain in our churches are essentially popular, they are in agreement
with the popular suffrage, in our social (civil) affairs. But there is
nothing in Congregationalism to prevent its disciples from being good
subjects under an aristocracy, or monarchy, or a despotism.
" Congregationalism in regard to other communions may claim
equality, but it can take no precedence. In regard to the state, it
may demand justice, but can never accept of favor. Neither the
church nor the world has any thing to fear from it, but very much to
hope. It can never do men harm, except as it may be done by rea
son or persuasion.
" The fault is entirely with ourselves if we do not, more fully than
any other communion have done, realize the maxim, that ' Union has
strength.' It does not seek union for the sake of power, (as do
some communions,) but for the sake of liberty. Every church, by
its independent action, has to provide its own expenditure and its own
discipline. If weak, these may well engage all its capabilities ; if
strong, it has to add attentions to plans, by which the strong may

CONGEEGATIONALISM IN ENGLAND. 449
assist the weak, and by which new ground may be occupied at home
and abroad.
"Persons not Congregationalists, generally suppose that we have
no such thing as union among us ; that it is the very element of Inde
pendency that we should be much more enamored with isolation than
union ; that our system is the favorite with us because it serves to
scatter us, in the disjecta membra fashion, in a thousand directions, and
is, in its nature, opposed to our being joined into one body. They
should ask themselves whether it is just to suppose we are without
the disposition to attach some natural meaning to those Scriptures
which so explicitly speak of the unity which must ever belong to
the true church of Christ, and the obligation resting upon aU churches
and Christians, to exercise, as far as possible, mutual recognition, to
hold mutual fellowship, and to abound in good offices one towards
another." He then appeals to the associations and unions of the Congre
gationalists in all parts of England, which are, in fact, home mis
sionary societies, to assist the weak, and devise means of efficient
action. When it is considered, " that our churches are not more
characterized by their one polity, than by their one faith, it will
be manifest that with much less of unity than some other relig
ious bodies in appearance, we possess greatly more in reality.
Without any denominational creed or confession, we possess al
ready much more oneness in opinion than those who zealously up
hold such things. If our conformity is neither so strict nor so obtru
sive, our unity is greater. Within the last few years, independency
has appeared strong enough to demonstrate its power of association,
in the formation of this Union, [Congregational Union of ifngland
and Wales,] and wise enough to perceive the practical objects which
might be aided by such means. While we are animated by that love
of liberty which insures to our churches their separate independence,
we are, at the same time, so far governed by a love of order as to be
capable of giving to our entire denomination a character of unity, by
a Union, which renounces all authority to legislate, and all power to
coerce." " At the last meeting of the Union, it was made to appear that the
Congregationalists of England and Wales are steadily increasing in
numbers and efficiency. Our places of worship multiply in an in
creased ratio every year, considerable accessions continue to be made,
and our ministry is in a course of advancement. It is the belief of
pel-sons, who are no incompetent judges, that Congregationalism has
38*

450 APPENDLS:.
doubled, and perhaps even trebled in strength during the last quarter
of a century. The signs of a growing piety are also observable
among ministers and people.
" Two hundred years since, the Church of England was the church
of the whole nation ; it is not now the church of more than half of it.
And within the same space. Independency, (including Baptists
and Anti-Pffidobaptists,) did not reckon more than ten or twelve min
isters and churches, has risen to number between three and four
thousand. The denomination may be said to possess more than
treble the strength, at this time, than it did at the commencement of
the present century." He refers to the prediction of John Robinson.

— Supra.*
" Three centuries were required to raise the church above proscrip
tion and persecution ; and who can tell what another century may do
for Independency? The approval which it has extorted from the
public judgment during the last twenty years, the most sagacious could
not have anticipated. We see the progress of the principles which
the primitive church acted upon, reviewed in the history of
Independency, and passing from our churches to all churches, under
the blessing of God, not less adapted to secure purity, than to give to
our common Christianity its proper freedom and power ; and we see it
as the true ordinance of God, as carrying the elements of law and or
der, to extend and ennoble the institutes which have obtained among
the kingdoms of the world.

* " In England and Wales, with n population of 18,000,000, there are 34,467
places of public worship, of which 14,077 belong to the Church of England, and
20,390 to all other denominations. But the sittings or church accommodations
are, in the Episcopalian churches, 4,922,412, and all other denominations,
4,545,326. But the sittings of the Dissenters are more used than those of the
Established Church. Half of the population of England are Dissenters, and not
more than one twentieth are Eoman Catholics — they have but 570 churches.
" The number of ^the churches of the Independents is 3,244 ; of the Baptists,
2,789; Presbyterians, 161 ; Unitarians, 229; including the Independents of Scot-
liind and Ireland, and those of the 'Plymouth Brethren,' the Independent
churches are full 4,000." These statistics are taken from the census returns for
March 30, 1851. It will be seen that the numbers in the Congregational Journal
are very far from the full number. The statements of Eev. Dr. Vaughan are
fully reliable, and accord with the census returns.
The number of Congregational churches in the United States and British
Provinces are probably about two thousand. But the enumeration has not been
fully made. Those of the Baptist denomination, adopting the Congregational
discipline, are probably four times that number. We are told, credibly, they
exceed nine thousand.

THE SAVOY PLATFOEM. 451
" When the world shall have made the natural approach to the
state which the most humane and enlightened have labored to pro
mote, then will come the nearest conformity to Congregationalism.
God has so devised this system that the progress of man in social life
will ever be, not to amend, but copy it ; not to go beyond, but follow
after. The system will not change, but it will continue to enlarge, to
improve and brighten, as the world shall be made to possess a greater
aptitude for receiving it."

THE SAVOY PLATFORM.
A declaration of the faith and order of the Congregational churches
in England was made by a Synod at the Savoy, London, 1659, the
whole of which is found in Han. iii. 547, and on. It is quite volu
minous, and we only transcribe the substance of their views.
" Of the institution of churches, and the order appointed in them
by Jesus Christ," as given in Neal's Hist. Pur. ii. 178, 179.
" That every particular society of visible professors, agreeing to walk
together in the faith and order of the gospel, is a complete church,
and has full power within itself to elect and ordain all church officers,
to exclude all offenders, and to do all other acts relating to the edifica
tion and well-being of the church.
" That the way of ordaining officers, that is, pastors, teachers, and
elders, is, after their election by the suffrage of the church, to set
them apart with fasting and prayer, and the imposition of the elder
ship of the church ; though, if there be no imposition of hands, they
are, nevertheless, rightly constituted ministers of Christ ; but they do
not allow that ordination to the work of the ministry, though it be by
persons rightly ordained, does convey any office power, without a pre
vious election of the church.
" That none may administer the sacrament, but such as are ordain
ed and appointed thereto. Nor are the pastors of one church obliged
to administer the sacraments to any other than the members of that
church to whom they stand related in that capacity. Nor may any
person be added to the church, but by the consent of the church, and
a confession of his faith, declared by himself, or otherwise manifested.
" They disallow the power of all stated synods, presbyteries, con
vocations, and assemblies of divines, over particular churches, but
admit, that in cases of difficulty or difference relating to doctrine or
order, churches may meet together by their messengers, in synods or

452 APPENT)IX.
councils, to consider and give advice, but without exercising any
jurisdiction. " And lastly, they agree that churches, consisting of persons sound
in the faith and of good conversation, ought not to refuse communion
with each other, though they walk not in all things according to the
same rules of church order ; and if they judge other churches to be
true churches, though less pure, they may receive to occasional com
munion such members of those churches as are credibly testified to
be godly, and to live without offence."
Dr. Price says, " these views are precisely those still held by the
whole body of Congregationalists in England." — Hist. Nar. ii. 621.

DISCIPLINE AND ORDER OF THE ENGLISH CHURCHES.
We think it cannot but be acceptable to present to the reader the
order of our churches in England, and especiaUy as it can now be
done with great precision.
In 1833, August 6, London, the " Congregational Union of Eng
land and Wales,'' made and published a declaration entitled " The
Congregational Union of England and Wales, frequently called Inde
pendent, hold the following doctrines of divine appointment, and as
the foundation of Christian faith and practice. They are also formed
and governed according to the principles hereinafter stated."
They premise that it is not intended that the articles of faith should
be scholastic or critical ; nor that the statement should be put forth
with any authority ; that they disallow the utility of creeds and arti
cles of religion as a bond of union, and protest against subscription
to any human formularies as a term of common union ; that they yet
are willing to declare what is commonly believed among them ; re
serving to every one the most perfect liberty of conscience ; and they
say, by their appeal to the churches, they have ascertained that they
are far more agreed in their doctrines and practices, than any church
which enjoins subscriptions, and enforces human standards of ortho
doxy. There is, in the articles of faith, no material difference from
those which our churches in New England profess, and so we do not
transcribe them. The Trinity is expressed in these words : " They
believe that God is revealed in the Scriptures, as the Father, the Son,
and the Holy Spirit, and that to each are attributable the same divine
properties and perfections."

PEINCIPLES OE CHUECH OEDER AND DISCIPLINE. 453

PRINCIPLES OP CHURCH ORDER AND DISCIPLINE.
" 1. The Congregational churches hold it to be the will of Christ
that true believers should voluntarily assemble together to observe re
ligious ordinances, to promote mutual edification and holiness, to per
petuate and propagate the gospel in the world, and to advance the
worship and glory of God, through Jesus Christ ; and that each so
ciety of believers, having these objects in view in its formation, is
properly a Christian church.
" 2. They believe that the New Testament contains, either in the
form of express statute, or in the example of apostles or apostolic
churches, all the articles of faith necessary to be believed, and all
the principles of order and discipline requisite for constituting and
governing Christian societies ; and that human traditions, fathers and
councils, canons and creeds, possess no authority over the faith and
practice of Christians.
" 3. They acknowledge Christ as the only head of the church ;
and the officers of each church under him, as ordained to administer
his laws impartially to all ; and their only appeal, in all cases touch
ing religious faith and practice, is to the sacred scriptures.
" 4. They believe that the New Testament authorizes every Chris
tian church to elect its own officers, to manage all its own affairs, and
to stand independent of and irresponsible to all authority, saving that
only of the supreme and divine head of the church, the Lord Jesus
Christ. " 5. They believe that the only officers placed by the apostles over
individual churches are the bishops or pastors, and the deacons ; the
members of these being dependent upon the numbers of the church ;
and that to these, as the officers of the church, is committed respec
tively the administration of its temporal and spiritual concerns — sub
ject, however, to the approbation of the church.
" 6. They believe that no persons should be received as members^
of Christian churches, but such as make a credible profession of
Christianity, are living according to its precepts, and attest a willing
ness to be subject to its discipline ; and that none should be excluded
from the fellowship of the church, but such as deny the faith of Christ,
violate his laws, or refuse to submit themselves to the discipline which
the word of God enforces.
" 7. Power of admission into any Christian church, and rejection

454 APPENDIX.
from it, they believe to be vested in the church itself, and to be exer
cised only through the medium of its officers.
" 8. They believe that Christian churches should statedly meet, for
the celebration of public worship, the observance of the Lord's sup
per, and for the sanctification of the first day of the week.
" 9. They believe that the power of a Christian church is purely
spiritual, and should in no way be corrupted by union with temporal
or civil power.
" 10. They believe that it is the duty of Christian churches to hold
communion with each other, to entertain enlarged affection for each
other as members of the same body, and to cooperate for the promo
tion of the Christian cause, but that no church nor union of churches,
has any right or power to interfere with the faith or discipline of any
other church, further than to separate from such as, in faith or prac
tice, depart from the gospel of Christ.
" 11. They believe that it is the privilege and duty of every church
to call forth such of its members as may appear to be qualified by
the Holy Spirit, to sustain the office of the ministry ; and that Chris
tian churches unitedly ought to consider the maintenance of the
Christian ministry in an adequate degree of learning, as one of its
especial cares ; that the cause of the gospel may be both honorably
sustained and constantly promoted.
" 12. They believe that church officers, whether bishops or deacons,
should be chosen by the free choice of the church; but that their
dedication to the duties of their office, should take place with special
prayer, and by solemn designation ; to which most of the churches
add, the imposition of hands by those already in office.
" 13. They believe that the fellowship of every Christian church
should be so liberal as to admit to the communion in the Lord's Sup
per, all whose faith and godliness are, on the whole, undoubted,
though conscientiously differing in points of minor importance ; and
that this outward sign of fraternity in Christ, should be coextensive
with the fraternity itself, though without involving any compliances
svhich conscience would deem sinful."

CONCLUSION.
President Mather says, " I look upon the discovery and settlement
of the Congregational way as the boon, the gratuity, the largess of
Divine bounty, which the Lord graciously bestowed on his people,

BENIGN INELUENCE OF CONGREGATIONALISM. 455
that followed Him into this wilderness. Here the good people that
came over, showed more love, zeal, and affectionate desire of commu
nion with God in pure worship and ordinances, and did more in order
to it, than others ; and the Lord did more for them than any people
in the world, in showing them the pattern of his house, and the true
scriptural way of church government and administrations." To
which Dr. Bacon adds : —
" The primitive churches of New England are coeval with the
country. Their history is the history of all that makes the heart of
a New Englander beat with emotion. There are forms and constitu
tions of government, under which churches are so carefully guarded
against error, that they are almost equally guarded against truth ; but
with us there are neither canons nor constitutions to prevent improve
ment and enterprise in active Christianity, or resist the reformation
of prescriptive errors."
" The Gospel in its doctrines is a mighty leveller. Like its author
it respects not the persons of princes. But to the monarch and the
slave it addresses the same charges of guilt, and offers the same for
giveness, and the same hope of immortality. So far as it gains its
appropriate influence over men, it makes them feel that they are all
alike. Just so, in its institutions ; it puts all men on a level, and
carefully respects the rights of all. It leads every man to think for
himself, and bids every man act for himself. It guards against priest
craft and spiritual domination, by the institution of churches with dis
tinct, independent, and inalienable rights. It is distinguished from
Presbyterianism by the principle that all church power resides in each
particular church by the express or implied compact of its members.
It may, like a Presbyterian church, have its ruling elders ; but while
that system makes the elders accountable, not to the church, but to
some superior judicature, Congregationalism permits nothing to be
done in the name of the church without the distinct consent of the
brotherhood. "While Presbyterianism regards synods and presbyteries as judi
catories, having a right to decide all controversies judicially, and send
down injunctions to the churches, Congregationalism must needs re
gard them only as meetings for intercourse and communion, as coun
cils to advise and persuade in matters of common interest, and as
means of keeping up a common feeling among neighboring churches
and the distant members of the great union. It acknowledges no
power over the churches, but the power of Light and Love."

456

APPENDIX.

Rev. Dr. Vaughan says, " Every Christian should be a member
of the church of his preference, but he should still be a member of
the church universal. He should not be indifferent to principle, but
he should be observant of charity. He should know how to unite
with the love of his particular church, a proper affection towards all
churches, and should give visible proof that the latter feeling exists
along with the former." — Cong, 116.

THE PHILLIPS FAMILY. 457

See Mejiokial, Page 110.
Rev. George Phillips is very favorably noticed in the Magnalla.
He was born at Raymund, Norfolk, England, and took his degrees in
1613 and 1617. He was eminent as a scholar and divine. With Sir
Richard Saltonstall and several others, he chose a place upon Charles
River, which they caUed Watertown, and as their first work they ob
served a day of solemn fasting and prayer, on which day, 30th of July,
1630, about forty men organized themselves into a church and built a
house of God before they could build many houses for themselves.
Mr. Phillips continued his ministry there till his death in 1 644, during
which time he labored faithfully and with great success. Pie had an
unusually intimate and thorough knowledge of the Scriptures. It is
said, he read over the whole Bible six times every year. He was
truly a man of God, thoroughly furnished unto all good works.
A long list of men distinguishing the name of Phillips in our
country, by their civil stations and munificent patronage of institutions
of learning, benevolence, and religion, descends from this first pastor
of Watertown.
Rev. Samuel Phillips, the eldest son of Rev. George Phillips, was
settled in the ministry at Rowley in 1651. Rev. Samuel Phillips,
grandson of Rev. Samuel Phillips of Rowley, was settled in the minis
try at Andover in 1711. Hon. John Phillips, many years President
of the Senate of Massachusetts, and the first mayor of the city of Bos
ton, was grandson of Mr. John Phillips of Salem, who was grandson
of Rev. Samuel Phillips of Rowley. Rev. Samuel Phillips of Ando
ver, had five children. His eldest son, Hon. Samuel Phillips of An
dover, and his brother, Hon. John Phillips of Exeter, N. H., founded
the Academy at Andover, which bears their name, who declared that
the first and principal object of the institution is the promotion of true
piety and virtue.
Lieut. Gov. Samuel Phillips of Andover, was son of the above
Hon. Samuel Phillips. He was from early life constantly engaged
in various public and highly responsible offices, which he discharged
in a manner highly creditable to himself, tiU 1801, when he was chos
en Lieut. Governor. His conspicuous services, talents, and virtues,
placed him very high in the popular affection and confidence.
John Phillips, second son of Rev. Samuel Phillips of Andover, was
39

458 APPENDIX.
settled in business at Exeter, N. IP. He made liberal endowments to
the Academy at Andover, to Dartmouth College, and to Phillips
Academy at Exeter, which he founded.
William Phillips, third son of Rev. Samuel Phillips of Andover, was
settled in business at Boston, and married Miss Abigail Broomfield,
who was great-great-grandchild of Rev. John Wilson, the first minis
ter in Boston. By this marriage, it is worthy of notice, the families
of the Rev. George Phillips and the Rev. John Wilson, who came
over from England together, and officiated as colleagues under a large
tree in Charlestown, until the one removed to Watertown and the
other to Boston, were conjoined by the wedlock of the great-great
grandchild of each.
The late Hon. Wilham Phillips was the second child of the above
William Phillips. He was for many years in the State legislature,
and was repeatedly an elector of the President of the United States.
For several years he was Lieut. Governor of the Commonwealth,
which office he filled with great credit to himself, and entire satisfac
tion to the community. In his natural disposition he was generous
and affectionate. But the predominating feature and crowning attri
bute of his character was his piety and benevolence. He left behind
him, as did his predecessors in the family, a precious memorial ; and
while his name stands prominent among the public benefactors of his
age, it is also deeply engraven on the hearts, and will be embalmed in
the memory of many a child of afliiction, from whose eye the tear of
sorrow has been wiped by his kindly charity. He was married to the
daughter of the late Plon. Jonathan Mason. He had seven children,
only two of whom are now living — the Hon. Jonathan Phillips of
Boston, and Mrs. Dr. Ebenezer Burgess of Dedham. The Hon.
Samuel H. Walley of Roxbury, is a grandson.
Such have been the descendants of the Rev. George Phillips, the
first pastor of the church at Watertown, a remarkable fulfilment of
the precious promises of God to the faithful. Says the author of the
Retrospect of the Eighteenth Century, " the family of Phillips in
Massachusetts and New Hampshire has been long distinguished for
its wealth, and also for its love of religion and literature. A complete
history of the munificence toward public institutions at different times
by the members of this family, would probably furnish an amount of
benefactions seldom equahed in this country." (See Rev. B. Wisner's
Sermon on the death of Plon. William Phillips.)

ARTICLES OE FAITH AND COVENANT OF 1629. 459

A. Page 99.
THE ARTICLES OF FAITH AND COVENANT OF 1629.
Judge Davis, in his edition, seems to have overlooked the fact, that
the " Direction " of which Morton speaks, contained both a Confession
of Faith and a Covenant. Hubbard, Mather, and Prince, have also
spoken of a Confession of Faith as well as a Covenant. And this
should not be omitted in a faithful history of the principles and pro
ceedings of the Fathers.
In 1665, the First Church in Salem issued a new "Direction,"
which was occasioned by the action of the Synod of 1662, in regard
to baptism, and the half-way Covenant.
From this it appears that there was a Confession of Faith, and a
Covenant, 6th of August, 1629.
Mr. Higginson and Mr. Skelton, and other good people that arrived
at Salem in the year 1629, resolved, like their father Abraham, to
begin their plantation with calling on the name of the Lord.
On their arrival at Salem, they consulted with their brethren at
Plymouth what steps to take for the more exact acquaintance of them
selves with, and conforming themselves to the word of God, in their
church organization and polity. And the Plymoutheans, to their great
satisfaction, laid before them the authority they had in the laws of
their Lord Jesus Christ for every particular in their church order.
Whereupon, having the concurrence and countenance of their
deputy governor, John Endicott, Esq., and the approving presence of
the messengers from the church of Plymouth, they set apart the 6th
day of August for fasting and prayer, for the settling of a church state
among them, and for their making a Confession of their faith, and
entering into an holy covenant, whereby that church state was
formed. See Magnalia, 66.

A DIRECTION FOR A PUBLIC PROFESSION
In the Church Assembly after giving examination by the elders ;
which direction is taken out of the Scripture, and points unto that
faith and covenant contained in the Scripture ; being the same for

460 APPENDIX.
substance which was proposed to, and agreed upon by the church of
Salem at their beginning, the sixth of the sixth month, 1629.
In the Preface to the Declaration of the Faith owned and professed
by the Congregational Churches in England, it is said : —
" The genuineness of a confession of faith is, that under the same
form of words they express the substance of the same common salva
tion or unity of their faith ; accordingly it is to be looked upon as fit
means whereby to express their common faith and salvation, and not
be made use of as an imposition upon any."

THE CONFESSION OF FAITH.
I do believe with my heart and confess with my mouth : —
CONCERNING GOD.
That there is but one only true God in three persons, the Father,
the Son, and the Holy Ghost ; each of them God, and all of them
one and the same infinite, eternal God : most wise, holy, just, mer
ciful, and blessed for ever.
CONCERNING THE "WORKS OF GOD.
That this God is the maker, preserver, and governor of all things,
according to the counsel of his own will, and that God made man in
his own image, in knowledge, holiness, and righteousness.
CONCERNING THE FALL OF MAN.
That Adam, by transgressing the command of God, fell from God,
and brought himself and his posterity into a state of sin and death,
under the wrath and curse of God, which I do believe to be my own
condition by nature, as well as any other.
CONCERNING JESUS CHRIST.
That God sent his son into the world, who, for our sakes, became
man, that he might redeem and save us by his obedience unto death,
and that he arose from the dead, ascended unto heaven, and sitteth at
the right hand of God, from whence he shall come to judge the
world.

ARTICLES] OE EAITH AND COVENANT OE 1629. 461

COXCERNING THE HOLT GHOST.

That God the Holy Ghost hath fully revealed the doctrine of
Christ and will of God, in the Scriptures of the Old and New Testa
ment, which are the word of God, the perfect, perpetual, and only
rule of our faith and obedience.

CONCERNING THE BENEFITS VP^E HAVE BT CHRIST.
That the same Spirit by working faith in God's elect, applieth unto
them Christ, with all his benefits of justification and sanctification
unto salvation, in the use of those ordinances which God hath ap
pointed in his written word, which therefore ought to be observed by
us untU the coming of Christ.

CONCERNING THE CHURCH OF CHRIST.
That all true believers being united unto Christ as the head, make
up one mystical church, which is the body of Christ, the members
whereof having fellowship with the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, by
faith ; and one with another in love, do receive here upon earth for
giveness of sins, with the life of grace ; and at the resurrection of the
body, they shall receive everlasting life. Amen.

THE COVENANT.
I do heartily take and avouch this one God who is made known to
us in the Scripture, by the name of God the Father, and God the
Son, even Jesus Christ, and God the Holy Ghost, to be my God,
according to the tenor of the covenant of grace ; wherein he hath
promised to be a God to the faithful and to their seed after them in
their generations, and taketh them to be his people, and, therefore, un-
feignedly repenting of all my sins, I do give up myself wholly unto
this God, to beheve in, love, serve, and obey him sincerely and faith
fully according to his written word, against all the temptations of the
devil, the world, and my own flesh, and this unto the death.
I do also confess to be a member of this particular church, promising
to continue steadfastly in fehowship in it, in the public worship of
God, to submit to the order, discipline, and government of Christ in
39*

462 APPENDIX.

it, and to the ministerial teaching, guidance, and oversight of the
elders of it, and to the brotherly watch of fellow members, and all
this according to God's word, and by the grace of our Lord Jesus
Christ, enabling me thereunto. Amen.

QUESTIONS TO BE ANSWERED AT THE BAPTIZING OF CHILDREN,
OR THE SUBSTANCE TO BE EXPRESSED BY THE PARENTS.
Q. Do you present and give up this child, or these children, unto
God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, to be baptized in the faith, and
engaged in the Covenant of God professed by this church ?
Q. Do you solemnly promise in the presence of God, that by the
grace of Christ, you will discharge your covenant duty towards your
children, so as to bring them up in the nurture and admonition of the
Lord, teaching and commanding them to keep the way of God, that
they may be able (through the grace of Christ), to make a personal
profession of their faith, and to own the covenant of God themselves
in due time ?
Cotton Mather says, " the Covenant whereto these Christians en
gaged themselves, which was about seven years after solemnly re
newed among them, I shall here lay before all the churches of God
as it was then expressed and enforced." — Mag. i. 66.
Mather further says, " By this instrument was the covenant of
grace explained, received, and recognized by the first church in this
colony. This instrument they afterwards often read over, and re
newed the consent of their souls unto every article in it, especially
when their days of humiliation invited them to it."
The Covenant published in Magnalia, and by Judge Davis, in his
Appendix, was probably enlarged from this original at the time of
the renewal, seven years after this first Covenant was adopted in
Aug. 1629, which is here given.
The following Covenant was propounded by the pastor, agreed
upon and consented to by the brethren of the church, in the year
1636. " Gather my saints unto me, that have made a covenant with me
by sacrifice." Psal. 1. 5.
We whose names are here underwritten, members of the present
church of Christ in Salem, having found by sad experience, how dan-

ARTICLES OF FAITH, AND COVENANT OF 1629. 463
gerous it is to sit loose from the covenant we make with our God, and
how apt we are to wander into bypaths, even to the loosing of our first
aims in entering into church fellowship, do therefore solemnly, in the
presence of the eternal God, both for our own comforts and those who
shaU or may be joined unto us, renew the church covenant, we find
this church bound unto at their first beginning, namely, that " we cov
enant with the Lord and one with another, and do bind ourselves in
the presence of God, to walk together in all his ways, according as he
is pleased to reveal himself unto us in his blessed word of truth ; "
and do more explicitly in the name and fear of God, profess and pro
test to walk as followeth, through the power and grace of our Lord
Jesus Christ.
We avouch the Lord to be our God, and ourselves to be his people,
in the truth and simplicity of our spirits.
We give ourselves to the Lord Jesus Christ and the word of his
grace, for the teaching, ruling, and sanctifying of us in matters of
worship and conversation, resolving to cleave to him alone for life
and glory, and to oppose all contrary ways, canons, and constitutions
of men in his worship.
We promise to walk with our brethren and sisters with all watch
fulness and tenderness, avoiding jealousies and suspicions, backbitings,
censurings, provokings, secret risings of spirit against them ; but in all
offences to follow the rule of the Lord Jesus, and to bear and forbear,
give and forgive, as he hath taught us.
In public or private, we will willingly do nothing to the offence
of the church ; but will be willing to take advice for ourselves and
ours, as occasion shall be presented.
We will not in the congregation be forward, either to show our own
gifts and parts in speaking and scrupling, or there discover the weak
ness and failings of our brethren ; but attend an orderly call there
unto, knowing how much the Lord may be dishonored, and his gospel
and the profession of it slighted, by our distempers and weaknesses in
public. We bind ourselves to study the advancement of the gospel in all
truth and peace, both in regard of those that are within or without, no
way slighting our sister churches, but using their counsel as needs
shall be, not laying a stumblingblock before any, no, not the Indians,
whose good we desire to promote, and so to converse as we may avoid
the very appearance of evil.
We do hereby promise to carry ourselves in all lawful obedience to
those that are over us in church or commonwealth, knowing how well

464 APPENDIX.
pleasing it will be to the Lord, that they should have encouragement
in their places, by not grieving their spirits through our irregularities.
We resolve to approve ourselves to the Lord in our particular call
ings, shunning idleness as the bane of any State, and will not deal
hardly or oppressingly with any wherein we are the Lord's stewards.
Also, promising to our best ability to teach our children and servants
the knowledge of God and his will, that they may serve him also, and
all this not by any strength of our own, but by the Lord Jesus Christ
whose blood we desire may sprinkle this our covenant, made in his
name. COVENANT OP THE FIRST CHURCH IN CHARLESTOWN.
June 30, 1630, the first church in Charlestown was formed, and a
covenant entered into ; and this was the foundation of the first church
in Boston. It is in these words : " We whose names are here under
written, being by God's most wise and good providence, brought to
gether into this part of America, in the Bay of Massachusetts, and
desirous to unite into one congregation or church under the Lord
Jesus Christ our head, in such sort as becometh all those whom he
hath redeemed and sanctified to Himself: —
" Do hereby solemnly and religiously (in his most holy presence)
promise and bind ourselves to walk in all our ways according to the
rule of the gospel, and in all sincere conformity to his holy ordinances
and in mutual love and respect each to other, so near as God shall
give us grace.'' — Drake's Hist. Boston, 93.

THE FOUNDERS OE NEW PLYMOUTH. 465

THE FOUNDERS OF NEW PLYMOUTH.*
I have reason to know that the subject on which we are about to
enter possesses a strong American interest ; but it cannot be said to
be without a claim on the attention of Englishmen also. The settle
ment of New Plymouth, says Governor Plutchinson, writing in 1767,
"occasioned the settlement of Massachusetts Bay, which was the
source of all the other colonies in New England ; " and he speaks of
the persons by whom it was founded as " the founders of a flourishing
town and colony, if not of the whole British Empire in America."
And to cite another English authority, when Sir Charles Lyell had
viewed the relics of these founders, which are preserved in the
Museum at New Plymouth, he remarks, "when we consider the
grandeur of the results which have been realized in the interval of
two hundred and twenty-five years since the Mayflower sailed into
Plymouth harbor," how in that period, a nation of twenty millions had
sprung into existence and peopled a vast continent, and covered it
with cities and churches, schools, colleges, and railroads, and filled its
rivers and ports with steamboats and shipping, we regard the Pilgrim
relics with veneration."
I therefore proceed, without further apology or preface, to intro
duce to the reader the persons who were chief actors in this move
ment, and to speak of the influences which operated to produce the
strong devotional sentiment by which they were actuated, and at last
determined them to leave their homes and commit themselves to the
uncertainties and many dangers attending a removal to a distant and
uncultivated shore.
The body of persons who laid the foundation of New Plymouth,
was one of these churches or communities of Puritan Separatists ;
persons so impatient under the yoke of the ceremonies which had

* The following pages are from " The Founders of New Plymouth," by Rev.
Joseph Hunter, a book just published in England, containing something new, and
identifying more satisfactorily than has been done before, the place of the first
ecclesiastical organization of the Separatists, and of the residence of Bradford and
Brewster, and a number of the leading Puritans and Pilgrims, which will interest
aU who are curious to trace the Pilgrim movement to its origin.

466 APPENDIX.
been continued in the Reformed Church of England, that they had
begun to regard it as unlawful to .remain in the church, and who had
formed themselves in church order, based upon their own principles,
and consisting of a people with the offices of pastor, teacher, elders,
and deacons. It was not one of the London communities of this
kind; but, what gives this subject the greater interest, it was a church
that had been formed in quite a rural district, in a county far remote
from London.
It remained, till the publication of my " Collections " on this sub
ject, an undetermined question, to what point we are to look for the
place of meeting of this church or community, for discipline and wor
ship, and consequently, from what English population the members of
it were gathered. Dr. Cotton Mather, whose " Magnalia," a folio
volume, printed in 1702, contains much valuable information concern
ing New England and its early settlers, is content with saying, after
Morton in his "New England's Memorial," 1669, that the founders of
New Plymouth came from " the north of England." Hubbard,
another early writer on the affairs of New England, uses the same
expression. " These people," that is, the persons who were Puritan Separatists,
says Bradford, " became two distinct bodies or churches, in regard of
distance of place, and did congregate severally, for they were of sev
eral towns and villages, some in Nottinghamshire, some in Lincoln
shire, and some in Yorkshire, where they bordered nearest together."
One of these two churches was at Gainsborough, a well-known
place, the other, which is that about which we are now concerned,
was elsewhere.
Bradford's writings are exceedingly valuable, though we have rea
son to regret that he shuts up so many things in general expressions.
Yet it is to a passage in another of his writings, that we are indebted
for the information which enables me now to dispel all uncertainty on
this point, and to fix the locality of this church or community to a
particular place. " They ordinarily met," says he, in his Life of Wil
ham Brewster, " at his (Brewster's) house on the Lord's day, which
was a manor of the bishop's, and with great love he entertained them
when they came, making provision for them to his great charge, and
continued so to do whilst they could stay in England." This, when it
is combined with the preceding note of place, " near the joining borders
of Nottinghamshire, Lincolnshire, and Yorkshire," guides us at once
to the village of Scroobt, in the hundred of Basset-Lawe, a part of
North Nottinghamshire, well known in Parliamentary history ; that

THE FOUNDEES OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 467
being the only place comprising an Episcopal manor that was near
the borders of the three counties.
Scrooby manor was near to the borders both of Lincolnshire and
Yorkshire, though itself in the county of Nottingham. It was also an
ancient possession and occasional residence of the Archbishop of
York. No reasonable doubt can therefore ever arise that the seat and cen
tre of that religious community which afterwards planted itself on the
shores of New England was at this Nottinghamshire village of
Scrooby, a place little known to fame, but acquiring from this acci
dent a certain amount of historical interest. The claims of this vil
lage, though hitherto unnoticed, do not rest entirely on what I have
now said ; for to make their establishment complete, recourse was had
to the Rolls, which contain assessments of the subsidies granted by
Parliament, and there was found that in the thirteenth year of Eliza
beth, 1571, there was a William Brewster assessed in the township of
Scrooby-cum-Ranskill, on goods of the annual value of three pounds ;
,,and in other accounts, that in 1608, William Brewster and two other
persons, all described as " of Scrooby, Brownists or Separatists,"
were certified into the exchequer for fines imposed upon them by the
Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Causes, for non-appearance to a cita
tion. Further evidence of Brewster's residence at Scrooby will ap
pear as we proceed.
Scrooby will be found in the maps, about a mile and a half south of
Bawtry, a market and post-town situated on the boundary line
between Nottinghamshire and Yorkshire. It was itself, in the time
when Brewster resided there, one of the post-towns on the great road
from London to Berwick.
Leland, who visited the place in 1541, gives this account of it:
" In the meane townlet of Scrooby, I marked two things — the parish
church not big but very well builded ; the second was a great manor
place, standing within a moat, and belonging to the Archbishop of
York ; builded in two courts, whereof the first is very ample, and all
builded of timber, saving the front of the house that is of brick, to
the which ascenditur per gradus lapideos. The inner court building,
as far as I marked, was of timber building, and was not in compass
past the fourth-part of the outer court." It had belonged to the see
of York, in the time of the Domesday book.
But though Scrooby was the residence of William Brewster, the
chief agent in this movement, and his house was opened for worship
and disciohne to the persons who thought and acted with him, it is

468 APPENDIX.
not to Scrooby only that we are to look for the persons composing the
church, who were drawn from various places in the surrounding
country. The vicinity of Scrooby was in those times, and is now, an
agricultural district ; having a few villages scattered about, each with
its church, and perhaps an esquire's seat.
It is certainly a very remarkable circumstance (apart from the con
sideration of the very important consequences which ensued upon it),
that there should have arisen among such a population as that of
Basset-Lawe, a spirit so strong and so determined, or that it could
have been induced to enter such a field of controversy at all. And it
becomes the more remarkable, when we observe how few persons in
those times had, in any part of the country, separated themselves
from the church, and formed themselves into single self-directed com
munities. Not but that in most other parts of the kingdom the Puri
tan objections to the ceremonies were felt by many minds, and many
were the persons who would gladly have seen the yoke of ceremonies
removed : but there is a great difference between this uneasiness in a
forced acquiscence and the actual withdrawing from all communion,
throwing off the authority of the church, and the authority of the
State too, as far as respected affairs of religion. The Separatist was
a Puritan, but the Puritan was not necessarily a Separatist ; and the
extraordinary feature in this case is, that the Puritanism of Basset-
Lawe was so deep a sentiment, that it urged so many to the act of
separation, and afterwards to the desperate measure of emigration,
while in other parts of the country, with few exceptions, though there
were Puritan emigrants who sought relief from the ceremonies and
subscriptions, there were few or none who had while at home entered
into church union, as the Scrooby people did, and then took their de
parture a compact and united body. There is no doubt a great over
ruling power in all human affairs; but our concern is with second
causes, and it is to be believed that we often deceive ourselves when
we attempt to recover general principles from which things remark
able in the acts of men have arisen.*
This is the spirit in which Bradford, a native of Austerfield, a vil
lage a few miles from Scrooby, and an early member of the church,
writes in all the historical tracts which we owe to him. It may be
proper to observe, that no one understood better than he what the
people had thought, and done, and suffered while in England, or what
* See Bradford's account of the state of religious feeling about Scrooby.

THE FOUNDEES OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 469
their condition while in Holland, and after they had become perma
nently settled on the American continent. He was the governor of
New Plymouth colony for many years, while Brewster was the elder,
but uniting in himself also the offices of pastor and teacher, till a min
ister became settled among them.
Their residence in Plolland was for one year at Amsterdam, and
eleven years at Leyden, whence they began to remove to America in
1620. The person whom Bradford places first among the ministers, who
was a Separatist himself, and who made others Separatists, is John
Smith. Another very zealous Puritan minister in these parts was Richard
Bernard, who had the misfortune to fall under the displeasure of Mr.
Smith, for not going to the same excess in his non-conformity.
Another of these ministers was Richard Clifton.
When the Separatists, who remained in Nottinghamshire after the
removal of Smith's church into Plolland, formed themselves in church
order, Clifton became either pastor or teacher, probably the latter,
while John Robinson held the other Hffice, and Brewster was the
ruhng elder. I find that he was instituted on July 11th, 1586, to the
rectory of Babworth, a country village a short distance from Scrooby,
now the seat of the family of Simpson (Bridgman), the present in
cumbent being one of that family. He is also in all probability the
minister of the same name who was instituted on February the
12th, 1585, to the vicarage of Marnham in the same county of Notting
ham. He was the son of a Thomas Clifton, who lived at one of the
Normantons in the county of Derby.
Pie was born at Normanton, and married Anne, daughter of J.
Stuffen of Warsop, in the county of Nottingham, September, anno
1586. He was minister and preacher of the gospel at Babworth, in
the said county, and had issue by his wife three sons, Zachary, Tim
othy, and Eleazer ; and three daughters, Mary, Hannah, and Priscilla,
all born at Babworth aforesaid.
He, with his wife and children, came unto Amsterdam in Holland,
August, 1608. He died at Amsterdam, 20th May, 1616, and was
buried in the South church. — Vixit Ann. 63.
We are thus enabled to fix the time of his birth to in or about
1553, so that he was not much above fifty years old when he feh
under the animadversions of the ecclesiastical authorities. The pre
cise date of his departure to Holland, August, 1608, is valuable,
_ 1  t-.-ii  !.„ u„ — i„ft *r. rrcitV.pr that imnortant date

470 APPENDIX.
from information not critically given. He married, we see, just when
he had obtained the rectory of Babworth, which has always been con
sidered a desirable piece of preferment. His wife was a member of
a Derbyshire family of ancient genliry, the Stuffyns of Sherbrook, in
the parish of Pleaseley in Derbyshire, to which the Nottinghamshire
parish of Warsop adjoins. She lived five years and he seven in their
voluntary exile ; and when we see in what a disturbed state the
church at Amsterdam was, which he joined when his companions of
his own church, with Robinson and Brewster at their head, removed
to Leyden, it is perhaps no unreasonable inference that they both
sank not unwillingly as well as religiously to their rest.
The connection of this Mr. Clifton with the old family of Clifton, of
Clifton in Nottinghamshire, is not known ; but it is probable that there
was some connection from the identity of surname, proximity of resi
dence, and correspondency of position; and this is rendered more
probable by his marriage in the family of Stuffyn, who, we are told
by the Lysonses, could trace their ancestry from the reign of King
Edward the First. One of the latest memorials of them was a monu
mental inscription in the clAch of Pleaseley, of which the following
is a copy. The original has disappeared since 1802 : —
" Here with his ancestors lyeth the mortal part of John Stuffyn of
Sherbrook, gentleman, who, at his house there, in the month of Janu-
uary, A. D. 1695, yielded up his loyal breath, aged 80 years. He left
issue by Mary his wife, daughter and sole heir of John Feme, of
Hopton, gentleman, John Stuffyn of Sherbrook, son and heir of Hop-
ton of the inheritance of his mother, and Mary and Bridget (William
and Hercules died without issue)."
The heiress married in the family of Hacker.
The three daughters of Mr. Clifton died before the family left Eng
land, in infancy or childhood : but the three sons seem to have accom
panied their parents into exile, and to have thenceforth lived for the
most part at Amsterdam, where two of them died ; viz. Timothy, who
was born in 1595 and died in 1663, and Eleazer, born in 1598 and
died in 1668.
Zachary Clifton, the eldest son, to whom the Bible belonged, and
who wrote most of the family memoranda, was born on May 12, 1589.
In the earlier part of his life he lived at Richmond, in Yorkshire, for
there the two children, issue of his first marriage, were born in 1620
and 1625 ; and there his wife, a daughter of Arthur Hipps of that
place, by Dorothy Johnson his wife, died in 1625, aged twenty-six.
Five years after we find him living at Amsterdam, where, on April

THE FOUNDEES OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 471
22, 1631, he married his second wife Elisabeth, daughter of Lawrence
and Catherine Wayte, of Cookridge, near Leeds. Of this marriage
there was issue, ten children, who were all born at Amsterdam, between
1632 and 1648. On November 1st, 1652, he left Amsterdam, and
about two months after fixed his residence at Newcastle-upon-Tyne,
where he appears to have lived for the remainder of his life. He
died there on May 26th, 1673, and was buried in All-Hallows Church.
Richard Clifton, clerk, was named in 1593, one of the two super
visors of the will of Richard Jessop, of Heyton, near Babworth, gen
tleman, whose younger brother, Francis Jessop, appears to have been
the person of that name, whom we find fighting by the side of Chfton
in the controversies which so much disturbed the harmony of the Eng
lish emigrants at Amsterdam. And with Clifton was joined another
clergyman, Thomas Toller, who contributed to raise that spirit of op
position to the ecclesiastical arrangements of the country which led
ultimately to the emigration : for it is certain that he was, during a
pretty long life, one of the most zealous Puritan ministers of the time,
strong in his opposition to the ceremonies, though not going the ex
treme length of separation.
Robert Gifford is the name of another minister spoken of by
Bradford as having been " hotly persecuted by the Prelates," and who
may therefore be presumed to be one of those who contributed to pro
duce the strong Puritan feeling which pervaded these parts of the
kino-dom. He is classed by Toller among those ministers who " seemed
weary of the ceremonies." His benefice was Laughton-en-le-Mor-
then, in Yorkshire, but adjoining to the parish of Worksop. In him
the spirit of non-conformity was not so powerful as to urge him to
separation, but, hke his neighbor Bernard of Worksop, he so far con
formed as to retain possession of his benefice, which he kept till his
death in 1649.
Hugh Bromhead, a native of these regions, being of the family
of the name which was seated at North Wheatley. He was amongst
the early emigrants to Holland, perhaps going in company with
Smith. He settled at Amsterdam, and we have it upon his own
authority, that he was a member of Smith's church.
When Smith and his church had removed themselves to Holland,
what was wanted by those persons who had come to the determination
to break off from the communion of the general Church of England,
and who did not choose to accompany or to follow Smith, was a fcentral
point at which they could assemble for worship and for discipline, and

472 APPENDIX.
a central person about whom they might cling, and to whose guidance
and judgment they might be willing to defer.
And this seems to have been the position which was occupied by
William Brewster, which was at once what he desired and what
was yielded to him by his simpler and less cultivated neighbors around.
He fully sympathized with them and with the ministers of whom we
have spoken, in his dislike of the ceremonies, his disapprobation of
the constitution of the church ; his hatred of those measures of se
verity by which it was thought to extinguish the Puritan spirit ; in his
admiration of the Puritan life ; and in his persuasion that there was
in Scripture, indications of the kind of form in which communities of
Christians should be constituted sufficient to guide the practice of
Christians in all times. And being a little raised above the rest in
fortune, attainments, and social position, all we read of him seems to
be but in the natural course of things, and had there been no Brew
ster at hand, it is probable that no Separatist church would have been
gathered after Smith and the Gainsborough people had withdrawn ;
but the Basset-Lawe mind would have returned to its former state of
quietude when the generation which had been wrought upon by the
overzealous Puritan ministers had passed away.
Brewster's, therefore, is a most important name in the history of this
movement, and we have now to collect what we can of his Enghsh
history. Little enough it is for such a man, and for that little we are
chiefly indebted to his friend and biographer, Bradford. Yet I have
to add one important fact, which it is extraordinary that Bradford
should have omitted.
" After he had attained some learning, viz. the knowledge of the
Latin tongue and some insight into the Greek, and spent some smaU
time at Cambridge, and there being first seasoned with the seeds of
grace and virtue, he went to the Court, and served that religious and
godly gentleman, Mr. Davison, divers years, when he was Secretary
of State ; who found him so discreet and faithful, as he trusted him
above all others that were about him, and only employed him in mat
ters of greatest trust and secresy. He esteemed him rather as a son
than a servant, and for his wisdom and godliness in private, he would
converse with him more like a familiar than a master. He attended
his master when he was sent in ambassage by the Queen into the Low
Countries (in the Earl of Leicester's time), as for other weighty affairs
of State, so to receive possession of the cautionary towns ; and in
token and sign thereof the keys of Flushing being dehvered to him

THE FOUNDERS OP NEW PLYMOUTH. 473
in her Majesty's name, he kept them some time, and committed them
to his servant, who kept them under the pillow on which he slept the
first night, and at his return the State honored him with a gold chain,
and his master committed it to him and commanded him to wear it
when they arrived in England, as they rode through the country, un
til they came to the Court. He afterwards remained with him until
his troubles, when he was put from his place about the death of the
Queen of Scots, and some good time after, doing him many offices of
service in the time of his troubles."
His affiliation is also a point not yet ascertained. There was a fam
ily of Brewsters inhabitants of this part of Nottinghamshire in the
Tudor reigns.
The name of Brewster, which is of the same obvious origin with
the surname Brewer, is one of those which might originate in many
different places, and is therefore not to be looked upon as binding all
those who inherited it in the bonds of consanguinity.
It is, however, a fact worthy our notice, that there was community
of opinion as well as of surname between the emigrant to America
and the Brewsters in Suffolk. Of this the continued existence of the
httle Independent chapel at Wrentham, which was built by one of the
Brewsters of Suffolk after the restoration for a congregation of Sepa
ratists, is an obvious proof. In correspondence with this is another
fact, that Francis Brewster of Wrentham was nearly connected by
marriage with two of the most eminent Puritan ministers of the time
of King Charles the First, Edmund Calamy and Matthew Newcomen,
two of the Smectymnuus, and that his son Robert Brewster, was a mem
ber of one of Cromwell's Parliaments. The Brewsters of the county
of Suffolk, were a family of coat armor bearing a chevron ermine
between three silver ^toiles on a sable field, — stars breaking through
the darkness of night ; a suitable device for the American Brewster.
Brewster must have been a man of some position by birth to have
obtained an appointment in Davison's service. His residence in the
family of Davison may of itself account for his original leaning to
the Puritan party ; for Davison was eminently a Puritan himself, one
of the more reflective and philosophical, we may believe, of the party,
extending his views, as Brewster did, beyond the mere ceremonies, to
the great principles which ought to govern men in the management
of ecclesiastical affairs, and in their dealings with each other respect-
JlH them. I know not that we have decided evidence of what were
Davison's opinions on these points or what his own religious practice
may have been. There was possibly another influence working on
40*

474 APPENDIX.
Brewster while he lived with Davison : George Cranmer, another of
Davison's assistants or servants, being fond of theological and ecclesi
astical studies, having been a pupil of Hooker and assisting him in
his work on Ecclesiastical Polity. He also lived much with Sir
Edwin Sandys, who is quite to be ranked among the ecclesiastical in
quirers and reformers of the time.
That Scrooby was the place to which he removed, has been already
shown ; it is also shown who were some of the clergy with whom he
must have associated ; and I have now to add, what has not before
been surmised, that his life in this the active period was not one of
meditation only, and acts of voluntary exertion, but that he held an
important office at Scrooby, which must have made large demands
upon his thoughts and time for things which were purely secular ;
and which brought to him a certain annual income, perhaps the best
part of his revenues. This Bradford has not told us.
I have already stated that Scrooby was a post-town on the great
road from London to Berwick. It communicated with Tuxford on
the south, and Doncaster on the north. It occurred to me when cast
ing about for any possible source of information respecting this prin
cipal person in the movement, that this being the case, if any accounts
of the Postmaster-General of the time when Brewster lived were in
existence, something might be found in them respecting him. Such
accounts do exist : and in them I found not a few casual notices of
Brewster as an inhabitant of Scrooby, but that he himself held for
many years the office of postmaster, or post, as the term then was, at
S crooby. The earliest accounts of the Postmaster-G'eneral now known to exist
are those of Thomas Randolph, which begin in 1566, and after him
of Sir John Stanhope, who was appointed to the office by letters
patent bearing date at Westminster, June 20th, in the thirty-second
year of Elizabeth, 1590. Unfortunately, Randolph's accounts do not
present us with the names of the postmasters on the road, nor do
those of Sir John Stanhope for the first 'four years of his tenure of
the office. But in his account declared before Lord Burghley, the
Lord High Treasurer, and Sir John Fortescue, Chancellor of the
Exchequer, on the last day of March, 1597, for the three preceding
years, the names of the postmasters at the different stages on the great
roads are all set forth, and so continued to be for all the time that Sir
John Stanhope held the office. A
In this account, from April, 1597, occurs the following entry: —
" William Brewster, post of Scrooby, for his ordinary wages serv
ing her Majesty all the time aforesaid, at 2Qd. per diem, £91, 6*. 8d."

THE FOUNDERS OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 475
Sir John Stanhope next accounts for the two years April 1, 1597,
to March 31, 1599. Here we have the same entry of the payment to
Brewster, of £60, 16s. 8d.
Again he accounts for the three years, from April 1, 1599, to March
31, 1602, with the same entry of the payment to Brewster of £91,
&s. 8d,
Sir John Stanhope accounts again from April 1, 1602, to March 31,
1605. Plere we find that the daily wages of Brewster had been ad
vanced from 20d. to 2s. a day, from the 1st of July, 1603, as expressed
in the following entry : —
" William Brewster, post of Scrooby, for his wages as well at 20d.
per diem for 456 days, begun the 1st of April, 1602, and ended the
last of June, 1603, £38 : as also at 2s. per diem for 640 days, begun
the 1st of July, 1603, and ended the last of March, 1605, £102."
The next account is for two years, viz. from April 1, 1605, to
March 31, 1607. Brewster receives £73.
The latest account in which Brewster's name occurs is that from
April 1, 1607, to March 31, 1609 : —
" William Brewster, post of Scrooby, for his wages at 2s. per diem
for 183 days, begun the first of April, 1607, and ended the last of
September, 1607, £18, 6s.; and then Francis Hall succeeding him at
2s. per diem for 548 days, begun the 1st of October, 1607, and ended
the last of March, 1609, £73, 2s."
It is much to be regretted that the name of each postmaster was
not given for a few years earlier, as we should then have been able to
arrive at the precise period when Brewster received this appointment,
and this would have shown us how soon after the fall of Davison he
was provided for by this government appointment. All we know on
this head is, that he was in full possession on the 1st of April, 1594,
and that he continued to hold the office till the 30th of September,
1607, on which day he resigned it, and a successor was appointed.
Now the holding this office explains to us in the first place how it
happens that we find him inhabiting such a mansion as the Manor,
which had been the residence of an archbishop, disproportionate we
must believe to the circumstances of Brewster as a private man, but
not so to one who had to keep relays of horses for forwarding the let
ters, and to find rest and refreshment for travellers on this the great
highway to the north. The office of postmaster on the great roads in
those days was one requiring more attention and bringing with it
higher responsibihties than the same office at present, when it is little
more than the receiving and transmitting letters on a system well con-

476 APPENDIX.
sidered and already in full operation ; but in those days there were no
cross-posts, so that the fe,w postmasters who were dotted about the
country had to provide for very distant deliveries, which must have
been done by special despatches, as well as to discharge the functions
of the innkeeper for the travellers hy post.
In Brewster's days Roland Whyte, the lively correspondent of many
of the nobihty of the time, was the " Post of the Court ; " and it may
serve to show other acquaintance at least of Brewster, if we state, that
Henry Foster was during the whole of his time the post of Tuxford ;
John Heyford, the post of Ferrybridge, and Nicholas Heyford, and
after him, Ralph Aslaby, the post of Doncaster. Heyford and Aslaby
were both respectable families in the south part of the West-riding of
Yorkshire, corresponding in position, it may be believed, with the
Brewsters. And this leads me to remark, that though I cannot but
wish that Bradford had informed us that Brewster held this office, yet
that his holding it is by no means inconsistent with what Bradford does
relate of him. It does not, for instance, invalidate his having been at
the University, or his having been in the service of a Secretary of
State, and having fallen with his master. His holding this office is
indeed rather favorable to these representations than the contrary,
since it shows that he had among thofee who were the dispensers of
government patronage. Nor in such an office would he be precluded
from nursing a brood of discontents, and from comparing political chi
canery with the simplicity of the Gospel, or from indulging in religious
inquiry, religious meditation, and religious exercises. It would not
prevent him from associating with the better part of the poiiulation
around him, among whom there must have been many who were
wrought upon by the preachers of whom we have spoken, or from
being instrumental in bringing Puritan ministers to the neighboring
churches as they became vacant ; and we may believe also that it sup
plied the means, in some measure at least, by which he maintained so
much hospitality and did so much good by his purse. It does not
appear in any thing that is yet known of them that the Brewsters of
Nottinghamshire had lands of their own, the chief source of income
to gentlemen in those days who were not engaged in public employ
ments. Brewster, we see, held the office tiU the last day of September,
1607. Here is another date of importance in his life ; but now arises
the question, under what circumstances did he retire from his employ
ment ; was it voluntary or forced resignation ? Did he retire having
formed the intention of following the example of Smith by removing

THE FOUNDERS OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 477
himself and his little church to Holland ? or, was he removed by the
government of the time to signify the disapprobation which they could
not but feel at seeing the countenance which he gave to the Separa
tists, and that he himself was in a regular course of action which, as
the law then stood, was in defiance of public authority, and subjecting
him to large penalties ? It may be in the power of some future in
quirer to answer these questions ; but for the present it must be ac
knowledged that it is only a proximate solution at which we can arrive ;
and that the probabilities seem rather to incline to its being a forced
removal than a voluntary retirement. What we actually know is, that
before the September of that year the Church was brought into some
order : Robinson and Clifton were become the pastor and teacher, and
he the elder ; that in April, 1608, he had been fined by the Commis
sioners for Ecclesiastical Causes for non-appearance to their citation ;
and that it was in August, 1608, that Clifton arrived at Amsterdam.
The date 1607, in Bradford's margin, leads us to suppose that he
removed from Scrooby with the intention of proceeding to Plolland
before the close of that year.
The question which next arises in considering the proceedings of
William Brewster is, at what precise period it was that the scattered
elements of disaffection to the church as by law established, were
brought to collect themselves about the centre at his house at Scrooby,
and the dissidents became forward in a Separatist or Congregational
or Independent Church, those terms being identical and only other
names for the same things. That there was a precise period when
this was done, and that it was not that the concentration was brought
about by slow and almost imperceptible degrees, is evident from what
was the general practice of communities such as these. They usually
began with the entering into a solemn covenant to walk together in a
Christian course ac'cording to the direction of the word of God, and
the choice of the officers which, according to their views, were those,
and those only, which were pointed out in Scripture : namely, as we
have before stated, pastor, teacher, elders, and deacons. Manuscripts
remain containing accounts of such beginnings of Separatist churches
in other places of a later date, with lists of persons who then entered
into communion ; and greatly is it to be wished that among the dis
coveries in literary and religious history, the record of the first begin-
nino- of the Scrooby church should be discovered. It would be a trea
sure indeed for New England history, and for the Museum of New
Plymouth.

478 APPENDIX.
This, however, is an event rather to be desired than expected, and
we must be content to confine ourselves to making an approximation
to the time, and to introducing a new name into our narrative,
in the pastor or teacher (for it is uncertain which), whom these
Basset-Lawe Separatists elected. And first with respect to the
time. The year 1602 is placed in the margin of Bradford's account of
Brewster against the notice, " After they were joined together into
communion, he was a special stay and help to them. They ordinarily
met at his house on the Lord's day." But this date, if there is not
some mistake, must relate to an earlier church-union than that of
which we are speaking, perhaps a union which comprehended also
the people who afterwards composed Smith's church at Gainsborough ;
for Bradford also tells us that when the church in Brewster's house
began to move towards Holland, which was certainly in the winter of
1607 and 1608, they had continued together, "about a year keeping
their meetings every Sabbath in one place or another, exercising the
worship of God amongst themselves." So that it would seem that
the true beginning of this church as distinct from that of Smith, is to
be fixed to the year 1606, about two years after the emigration of
Smith and his people.
That Brewster was chosen the elder, and Clifton either the pastor
or teacher (probably the latter), seems to admit of no doubt ; but at
this stage another person appears to have been introduced among
them, whose name is the most prominent in all the subsequent history
of the church, and who has left the most printed writings by which
his opinions and character may be understood. He accompanied the
Scrooby church when it removed to Holland, was with it while it
remained at Amsterdam, transferred himself with it to Leyden, and
witnessed its departure for America, intending, it is understood, to go
thither himself, though he never actually took that step. This was
John Robinson, who had inherited, hke Smith, one of those names
which are really in a large population like that of England, no nota-
mina, affording, therefore, little assistance to the critical inquirer.
But we know him to have been chosen into one of the highest offices
in this church, and we know him, also, by the works which he left
behind him, to have been a man of a superior cast of character.
He was moreover a man whose writings may be read nov? for
instruction. I cannot go so far as some persons do and value his
essays with those of Bacon ; but he must be insensible indeed, who

THE FOUNDEES OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 479
does not acknowledge that there is no small amount of original
thinking in them, and hints which may be applied by any man
with advantage in the regulation of his thoughts and conduct.
He was also a further seeing man than some who were associated
with him, seeing that having deserted the church and renounced
its authority, it was not to be supposed that they and their pos
terity would remain stationary precisely where they at first rested,
but that further hght might be expected to be struck out by the labor
of men of learning, and that it would be their duty as well as their
privilege to follow the hght that was vouchsafed to them. Historically,
indeed, this has been eminently the case both in England and Amer
ica, and has raised in both countries the question before the legal tri
bunals, how far men have a right to go in the pursuit of religious
truth, who have renounced authority, and where the law shall step in
and say, — Thus far shalt thou go and no further. Such a man is
deserving of honor, especially as he added to these something of the
meekness of wisdom, much as compared with Smith and some other
of the Separatists : " the most learned, polished, and modest spirit
that ever that sect enjoyed." This is the testimony of Robert Baillie,
of Glasgow, an eminent Scotch Presbyterian.
It must have been a great advantage to the Basset-Lawe Separatists
to have secured the assistance of such a minister as this : and it now
becomes a point which it is well worth while to consider, how it hap
pened that such a connection should be formed, since among the few
things which are known of the early history of Robinson this is one,
that he was hving in the earlier part of the reign of James the
First, in the county of Norfolk, and particularly at Norwich. Now,
we have already seen that two of the divines of whom we have
spoken had been educated at Christ Cohege, Cambridge, (Emmanuel
College wherein many other Puritan ministers were educated, was
then scarcely formed,) and among the persons who were admitted
there m the year 1592, is a John Robinson who took the degree of
M. A., and became a fellow in;_1598. This we learn from Mr. Mas
ters' printed hst of the members of this college, 4to, 1749, and he
further informs us that in the register of the college, this Robinson is
said to have been of the county of Lincoln, and adding the conjecture
that he is the John Robinson who subsequently lived in Holland.
This appears to be a very probable conjecture; and I find Mr. Ash-
ton, to whom I pointed out the passage in Masters, is inclined to
adopt it.
The inference from it wiU be that he would easily become known

480 APPENDIX.
to the Separatists at Gainsborough, and through them to those of
Basset-Lawe. We are hardly warranted in supposing that he was
connected with the Thomas Robinson who was so deeply concerned in
the affair of the Bawtry Plospital, but it is far from improbable that
that Robinson was originally of Gainsborough, where in the reign of
Charles II. Robinsons were chief persons among the dissenters of that
town. We are told that he was beneficed in Norfolk, somewhere near Yar
mouth. This is far too vague to satisfy even the most moderate cu
riosity about such a man. In looking over the hst of Norfolk incum
bents in Blomefield's history of that county, I meet with only one
Robinson of his period who was beneficed in any place which could
be said to be near Yarmouth. This was the incumbent of the vicar
age, or jDerpetual curacy of Mundham, which is about fourteen miles
distant from Yarmouth. We have no more of his name than " Rob
inson ; " but as Mundham was an impropriation of the Plospital of
St. Giles in Norwich, and as we have the testimony of Dr. Joseph
Hall, that Robinson the Separatist had some expectation of being ap
pointed the master of that hospital, it seemed a reasonable presump
tion that Mundham was the benefice in Norfolk, which he is said to
have held. But Mr. Ashton appears to have discovered that the
incumbent of Mundham, whose surname was Robinson, was named
Robert. It is, however, singular that there should be two Robinsons
at that time, both brought into connection with St. Giles' Hospital at
Norwich, and both clergymen.
We know that John Robinson lived for some time in Norwich,
" Witness the late practice in Norwich, where certain citizens were
excommunicated for resorting unto and praying with Mr. Robinson, a
man worthily reverenced of all the city for the grace of God in him."
This occurs in Ainsworth's " Answer to Crashaw," and is cited by
Mr. Hanbury. Dr. Young has referred to one of Robinson's Tracts
for a more direct testimony. It is his " People's Plea for the exer
cise of prophecy," 16mo, 1618. He dedicated it to "his Christian
friends in Norwich and thereabouts," and afterwards says, " even as
when I lived with you."
We also know that he left Norwich in some disgust. Ephraim
Pagitt speaks of " one Master Robinson who, leaving Norwich mal
content, became a rigid Brownist." Dr. Plall, in a passage of his
Apology against Brownists, cited by Dr. Young, makes this apparently
uncharitable insinuation : " Neither doubt we that the mastership of
the hospital at Norwich, or a lease from that city (sued for with

THE FOUNDERS OP NEW PLYMOUTH. 481
repulse) might have procured that this separation from the commun
ion, government, and worship of the Church of England should not
have been made by John Robinson."
On the whole it may be taken as being very near the truth, that he
took the office assigned him in the Basset-Lawe church in 1606 or
1607.* Winslowe, who joined his church while it was at Leyden, and who
was one of the party of a hundred, the first instalment of the Leyden
church to the English population of America, says, " 'T is true, I con
fess, he was more rigid in his course and way at first, than toward his
latter end ; for his study was peace and union as far as might agree
with faith and a good conscience ; and for schisms and divisions there
was nothing in the worid more hateful to him. But for the government
of the Church of England, as it was in the Episcopal way, the Litur
gy, and stinted prayers of the church thereby, yea, the constitution
thereof as national, so consequently the corrupt communion of the
unworthy and the worthy receivers of the Lord's Supper, these things
were never approved of by him, but witnessed against to his death,
and are by the church over which he was to this day. Here was
something of substantial principle, something very unlike the puerile
cavils about the few ceremonial acts which were continued from the
primeval ages of Christianity, interesting as symbolical, and venera
ble as of unfathomed antiquity ; and we cannot but regard such a
man as entitled to a voice in Christian controversies.
With the zeal of Brewster there was, therefore, now united the
moderation and prudence, and perhaps the hesitancy, of Robinson.
But we have now to introduce upon the stage another person who
jomed himself to the church when quite a youth, who removed with
it to Amsterdam, and from thence to Leyden, and who was in the first
ship, the Mayflower, which entered the harbor of New Plymouth.
He held no office in the church, but he had the chief share in man
aging the civil affairs of the colony, and subsequently became the
person to whom we are indebted for so much authentic information
concerning this movement. This was William Bradford, to
whose energy while still quite a young man the church appears to
have been greatly indebted in the trying circumstances which attended
its removal from England.
It is to Dr. Cotton Mather that we are indebted for what is known
of the early life of Bradford. He seems to have owed most of his
* See Bradford's testimony to the character of Eobinson.
41

482 APPENDIX.
information to writings of Bradford himself, which are now lost. An
unfortunate, but very excusable misprint in Dr. Mather's work, or
more probably a mistake in the manuscript, has frustrated all former
inquiries into the origin and family connections of Bradford, about
which curiosity has been alive. In the Magnalia we read that he
was born at Austerfield. No such place can be found in the villare
of England, and therefore the name was no guide to the country in
which inquiry might be made about him with any chance of success.
But, in fact, what is printed A«sterfield ought to be Awsterfield, a
village near Scrooby, being about as far to the north-east of Bawtry
as Scrooby is to the south. And this point having been ascertained,
opportunities were opened for the discovery of the station in life
which his family had occupied, to support the representations given in
general terms by Dr. Mather, and of the persons with whom the fam
ily of the future Governor of New Plymouth were connected by
friendship or alliances.
Austerfield is an ancient village, consisting then, as it does now, of
a few houses inhabited by persons engaged in the occupation of hus
bandry, and a small chapel of a very early age. Ecclesiastically, it
is dependent on the church of Blythe, and the vicar of that parish
appoints the curate. Unlike Scrooby in that respect, whose early
registers are lost, Austerfield has preserved them from the beginning
in a good state ; and it is chiefly by the help of what is recorded in
them that we are able to show that this was the birthplace of Governor
Bradford, and to give some account, such as it is, of his family.
Dr. Mather says that he was sixty-nine years of age at the time of
his death, May the 9th, 1657. This would carry back his birth to
the year 1588-9, and with this agrees with sufficient exactness the
following entry among the baptisms at Austerfield : —
1589, March 19th. WiUiam, the son of William Bradfourth —
where 1589 is 1590, according to our present mode of dating.
Dr. Mather further informs us that he was born to some estate, that
his parents died when he was young, and that he was brought up by
his grandfather and uncles. These statements receive curious support
from the entries in the register, and from fiscal and testamentary
documents. On these authorities the following genealogical account of the Brad-
fords of Austerfield is based : —
A William Bradford was living there in or about 1575, when he
and one John Planson were the only persons in the township who
were assessed to the Subsidy. Bradford was taxed on twenty shillings

THE FOUNDEES OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 483
land, and Hanson on sixty shillings goods, annual value. These were
the two grandfathers of the future Governor ; and the circumstance,
trifling as it is, that they were the only assessable inhabitants of Aus
terfield, shows at once the general poverty of the place, and that they
stood in some degree of elevation above all their neighbors, except
the incumbent of the chapel, who, like other clergymen, was not sub
ject to the tax. " William Bradfourth the eldest " was buried Janu
ary 10th, 1595-6. This was the grandfather of the Governor, who
was then about six years old.
Dr. Mather informs us, that a portion of the lands of the family
descended to William, and that he sold them when he was of full age
and was living in Holland.
He was brought up, as the sons "of yeomanry in those days were
when not sent into the towns, attending to the husbandry operations
of the family. But the report of Clifton's awakening ministry reached
Austerfield. Young as he was, the voice came home to his heart.
Babworth cannot be less than six or seven miles from Austerfield, yet
he was a frequent attendant on Clifton's ministry. In going from
Austerfield to Babworth, he would pass through Scrooby, where we
see Downes, a friend of the family, resided, and where he would meet
with several persons, Brewster among the number, who walked across
the meadows to Babworth, and who returned, meir hearts burning
within them and strengthening one another in the persuasion that such
were the ministers by whom Christianity put forth its genuine influ
ences. And when Clifton's foice was silenced by authority he would
be amonn-st those who reclaimed against the unwise and oppressive
act ; and when Chfton gave up forever his pleasant benefice and sep
arated himself from the church to which perhaps he was in heart
strongly attached — his affections drawing him one way and his judg
ment another — Bradford, young as he was, would be likely to see
that no other way had remained for him, and that it was his own duty
and his highest interest to render him all the encouragement and sup
port in his little power, and to abandon the church which one of its
best ministers had been driven out from. Opposing himself to the
wishes of his family, and daring the derision which would be showered
upon him by the clowns of Austerfield, he declared himself a Sepa
ratist, joined the Scrooby church, and became a very active and use
ful person in the difficult operations which they were soon caUed on to
perform. This seems to have been the part he took when he was
from fifteen to eighteen years of age.
To complete the early portion of the personal history of this re-

484 APPENDIX.
markable man, which is the only part of it which belongs to me, it
may be added that it has been discovered by the American inquirers
into the history of the early settlers, that he married one Dorothy
May. She accompanied him to America, one of the memorable hun
dred who were in the Mayflower. She reached the American coast ;
but, while the ship was in the harbor at New Plymouth, she fell over
board and was drowned.
Two years after her death, Bradford married Mrs. Alice South-
worth, a widow, to whom, according to tradition, he had been attached
before he went to America. She had married in the interval, and be
came a widow. Bradford renewed his proposals by letter. She ac
cepted them, and sailed for New Plymouth in the second year of the
existence of the colony. Two sons of hers. Constant Southworth and
Thomas Southworth, also came out, who were brought up by Governor
Bradford, and became important persons in the colony.
The Southworths were eminently a Basset-Lawe family. We learn
from Thoroton that in 1612, there was a Thomas Southworth, who had
lands at Clarborough, and a William Southworth a freeholder at Hey
ton. We find, also, in the Visitation of Nottinghamshire, in 1614, that
an Edward Southworth was then living, but so little did he care for
such things, that ah the account of his family which he gave to the
Pleralds was, that Ire was the son of Robert Southworth, the son of
Richard, the son of Aymond, who lived at Wellam in the reign of
King Henry the Eighth. From another source we know that one of
the family, a Mr. Robert South worthy consorted with the extreme
Puritans, who were going the way of separation.
The fact that some of the name became early settled in the new
country, we cannot err if we claim some of them as lay members of
the Scrooby church, perhaps this very Mr. Robert Southworth himself.
We have direct and positive evidence on which to show two other
persons who were members of the Separatist church before it left
England. These were Richard Jackson and Robert Roches
ter. They were both inhabitants of Scrooby, and both included
with Brewster in the penalties imposed by the Commissioners for
Causes Ecclesiastical in 1G08. I have not seen any other notice of
them. The proceedings of the Separatists were in pointed opposition
to the law as it then stood, and can only be justified on the ground
that in affairs so sacred and important as those of religion, there is a
law which is above all human institutions, to which every man is
bound to be obedient, when its requirements are made manifest to his
own understanding.

THE FOUNDEES OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 485
Nor have I been able to discover more than one particular instance
of the law being brought to bear on any of these Basset-Lawe non
conformists, besides the silencing of some of the ministers. Toby
Matthew, archbishop of York, in the return which he made to the
Exchequer, on the 13th of November, 1608, of the fines which had
been imposed within his diocese in the preceding year, for the purpose
of the fines being levied, inserted the following : —
" Richard Jackson, William Brew^er, and Robert Rochester, of
Scrooby, in the county of Nottingham, Brownists or Separatists, for a
fine or amercement of £20 apiece, set and imposed upon every
of them by Robert Abbot and Robert Snowden, Doctors of Divinity,
and Matthew Dodsworth, Bachelor of Law, Commissioners for Causes
Ecclesiastical within the province of York, for not appearing before
them upon la\vful summons at the Collegiate Church of Southwell, the
22d day of April, Anno Domini, 1608 — £60."
Before this return was made to the Exchequer, the Basset-Lawe
Separatists had formed the resolution to seek in another country that
protection and toleration which were denied them at home ; and they
saw at no great distance another country where was a public tolera
tion of all forms of Protestantism.
For the rest we refer to Bradford's history.
41*

486 APPENDIX.

GOV. WINSLO-W'S ACCOUNT OF THE NATIVES OF NEW ENG
LAND, ANNEXED TO HIS NAEEATIVE OE THE PLANTA
TIONS. A.D. 1624.* •
A few things I thought meet to add hereunto, which I have ob
served amongst the Indians ; both touching their religion and sundry
other customs among them. And first, whereas myself and others,
in former letters, (which came to the press against my will and knowl
edge,) wrote that the Indians about us are a people without any re
ligion, or knowledge of any God ; therein I erred, though we could
then gather no better ; for as they conceive of many divine powers,
so of one, whom they call Kiehtan,\ to be the principal maker of all
the rest ; and to be made by none. Pie, they say, created the heavens,
earth, sea, and all creatures contained therein. Also that he made one
man and one woman, of whom they and we and all mankind came ;
but how they became so far dispersed, that they know not. At first,
they say, there was no sachem or king, but Kiehtan, who dwelleth
above the heavens, whither all good men go when they die, to see their
friends, and hj.ve their fill of all things. This his habitation lieth
westward in the heavens, they say ; thither the bad men go also, and
knock at his door, but he bids them quachet, that is to say, walk
abroad, for there is no place for such ; so that they wander in restless
want and penury. Never man saw this Kiehtan, only old men tell
them of him, and bid them tell their children, yea, charge them to
teach their posterities the same, and lay the like charge upon them.
This power they acknowledge to be good ; and when they would ob
tain any great matter, meet together and cry unto him ; and so like
wise for plenty, victory, etc., sing, dance, feast, give thanks, and hang
up garlands and other things in memory of the same.
Another power they worship, whom they call Hobhamock, and to the
northward of us, Hobbamoqui ; this, as far as we can conceive, is the

* This account of the Natives, will deeply interest all the readers of the pre
ceding pages.
• t The meaning of the word Kiehtan hath reference to antiquity, for chise is an
old man, and Kieh-chise a man that exceedeth in age.

THE NATIVES OE NEW ENGLAND. 487
devil. Him they call upon, to cure their wounds and diseases. When
they are curable, he persuades them he sends the same, for some con
ceived anger against them ; but upon their calling upon him, can and
doth help them ; but when they are mortal and not curable in nature,
then he persuades them Kiehtan is angry, and sends them, whom none
can cure ; insomuch as in th.it respect only they somewhat doubt
whether he be simply good, and therefore in sickness never call upon
him. This Hobhamock appears in sundry forms unto them, as in the
shape of a man, a deer, a fawn, an eagle, etc., but most ordinarily a
snake. He appears not to all, but the chiefest and most judicious
among them ; though all of them strive to attain to that hellish height
of honor. Pie appears most ordinary, and is most conversant with
three sorts of people ; one, I confess I neither know by name or office
directly ; of these they have few, but esteem highly of them, and
think no weapon can kill them ; another they call by the name of
Powah, and the third Paniese.
The office and duty of the Powah is to be exercised principahy in
calling upon the devil, and curing diseases of the sick or wounded.
The common people join with them in the exercise of invocation, but
do but only assent, or as we term it, say amen to that he saith ; yet
sometime break out into a short musical note with him. The Powah
is eager and free in speech, fierce in countenance, and joineth many
antic and laborious gestures with the same, over the party diseased.
If the party be wounded, he will also seem to suck the wound ; but if
they be curable, (as they say,) he toucheth it not, but a shooke, that is
the snake, or Wobsacuck, that is the eagle, sitteth on the shoulder,
and licks the same. This none see but the Powah, who tells them he
doth it himself If the party be otherwise diseased, it is accounted
sufficient if in any shape he but come into the house, taking it for an
undoubted sign of recovery.
And as in former ages Apollo had his temple at Delphos, and Diana
at Ephesus, so have I heard them caU upon some as if they had
their residence in some certain places, or because they appeared in
those forms in the same. In the Powah's speech, he promiseth to
sacrifice many skins of beasts, kettles, hatchets, beads, knives, and
other the best things they have to the fiend, if he will come to help
the party diseased ; but whether they perform it I know not. The
other practices I have seen, being necessarily called sometimes to be
with their sick, and have used the best arguments I could to make
them understand against the same. They have told me I should see
the devil at those times come to the party ; but I assured myself and

488 APPENDIX.
them of the contrary, which so proved ; yea, themselves have con
fessed they never saw him when any of us were present. In desper
ate and extraordinary hard travail in child-birth, when the party can
not be delivered by the ordinary means, they send for this Powah ;
though ordinarily their travail is not so extreme as in other parts of
the world, they being of a more hardy nature ; for on the third day
after child-birth, I have seen the mother with the infant, upon a small
occasion, in cold weather, in a boat upon the sea.
Many sacrifices the Indians use, and in some cases they kill chil
dren. It seemeth they are various in their religious worship in a lit
tle distance, and grow more and more cold in their worship to Kieh
tan : saying, in their memory, he was much more called upon. The
Narragansets exceed in their blind devotion, and have a great spa
cious house, wherein only some few (that are, as we may term them.
Priests) come : thither, at certain known times, resort ah their people,
and offer almost all the riches they have to their gods, as kettles, skins,
hatchets, beads, knives, etc., all which are cast by the priests into a
great fire that they make in the midst of the house, and there con
sumed to ashes. To this offering every man bringeth freely ; and the
more he is known to bring, hath the better esteem of aU men. This,
the other Indians about us approve of as good, and wish their Sachems
would appoint the like ; and because the plague has not reigned at
Narraganset as at other places about them, they attribute to this cus
tom there used.
The Panieses are men of great courage and wisdom, and to these
also the devil appeareth more familiarly than to others, and as we con
ceive, maketh covenant with them to preserve them from death, by
wounds with arrows, knives, hatchets, etc., or at least both themselves
and especially the people think themselves to be freed from the same.
And though against their battles all of them by painting, disfigure
themselves, yet they are known by their courage and boldness, by
reason whereof one of them will chase almost an hundred men ; for
they account it death for whomsoever stand in their way. These are
highly esteemed of all sorts of people, and are of the sachems' coun
sel, without whom they wiU not war, or undertake any weighty busi
ness. In war their sachems, for their more safety, go in the midst of
them. They are commonly men of great stature and strength, and
such as will endure most hardness, and yet are more discreet, courte
ous and humane in their carriages than any amongst them, scorning
theft, lying, and the like base dealings, and stand as much upon their
reputation as any men. And to the end they may have store of these,

THE NATIVES OE NEW ENGLAND. 489
they train up the most forward and likeliest boys, from their child
hood, in great hardness, and make them abstain from dainty meat,
observing divers orders prescribed, to the end that when they are of
age, the devil may appear to them, causing to drink the juice of sen
try and other bitter herbs, till they cast, which they must disgorge into
the platter, and drink again and again, till at length through extra
ordinary pressing of nature, it will seem to be all blood ; and this the
boys will do with eagerness at the first, and so continue till by reason
of faintness, they can scarce stand on their legs, and. then must go
forth into the cold : also they beat their shins with sticks, and cause
them to run through bushes and stumps and brambles, to make them
hardy and acceptable to the devil, that in time he may appear unto
them. Their sachems cannot be all called kings, but only some few of them,
to whom the rest resort for protection and pay homage unto them ;
neither may they war without their knowledge and approbation ; yet
to be commanded by the greater, as occasion seemeth. Of this sort
is Massasoit our friend, and Canonicus of Narraganset, our supposed
enemy. Every sachem taketh care of the widow and fatherless, also
for such as are aged and any way maimed, if their friends be dead,
or not able to provide for them. A sachem will not take any to wife
but such an one as is equal to him in birth ; otherwise, they say their
seed would in time become ignoble ; and though they have many
other wives, yet are they no other than concubines or servants, and
yield a kind of obedience to the principal, who ordereth the family
and them in it. The like their men observe also, and will adhere to
the first during their lives ; but put away the other at their pleasure.
This government is successive and not by choice ; if the father die
before the son or daughter be of age, then the child is committed to
the protection and tuition of some one amongst them, who ruleth in
his stead till he be of age, but when that is I know not.
Every sachem knoweth how far the bounds and limits of his own
country extendeth ; and that is his own proper inheritance ; out of
that, if any of his men desire land to set their corn, he giveth them
as much as they can use, and sets them in their bounds. In this cir
cuit, whoever hunteth, if any kill venison, they bring him his fee ;
which is four parts of the same, if it be killed on land, but if in the
water, then the skin thereof The great sachems or kings know not
their own bounds or limits of land, as well as the rest. All travellers
or strangers for the most part lodge at the sachem's. When they
come, they fell them how long they wiU stay and to what place they

490 APPENDIX.
go ; during which time they receive entertainment, according to their
persons, but want not. Once a year the Panieses use to provoke the
people to bestow much corn on the sachem. To that end, they appoint
a certain time and place, near the sachem's dwelling, where the peo
ple bring many baskets of corn and make a great stack thereof.
There the Panieses stand ready to give thanks to the people, on the
sachem's behalf; and after acquaint the sachem therewith, who fetch-
eth the same and is no less thankful, bestowing many gifts on them.
When any are visited with sickness, their friends resort unto them
for their comfort, and continue with them oftentimes till their death or
recovery. If they die, they stay a certain time to mourn for them.
Night and morning they perform this duty, many days after the burial,
in a most doleful manner, insomuch as though it be ordinary and the
note musical which they take from one another and altogether ; yet it
will draw tears from their eyes and almost from ours also. But if
they recover, then because their sickness was chargeable, they send
corn and other gifts unto them, at a certain appointed time, whereat
they feast and dance, which they call commoro. When they bury the
dead, they sow up the corpse in a mat, and so put it in the earth ; if
the party be a sachem, they cover him with many curious mats, and
bury all his riches with him, and inclose the grave with a pale. If it
be a child, the father will also put his own most special jewels and
ornaments in the earth with it ; also he will cut his hair, and disfigure
himself very much in token of sorrow. If it be the man or woman
of the house ; they will pull down the mats, and leave the frame
standing, and bury them in or near the same, and either remove their
dwelling or give over housekeeping.
The men employ themselves wholly in hunting, and other exercises
of the bow, except at sometimes they take some pains in fishing. The
women live a most slavish life ; they carry all their burdens ; set and
dress their corn, gather it in, and seek out for much of their food ;
beat and make ready the corn to eat, and have all household care
lying upon them.
The younger sort reverence the elder, and do all mean offices,
whilst they are together, although they be strangers. Boys and girls
may not wear their hair like men and women, but are distinguished
thereby. A man is not accounted a man till he do some notable act, or show
forth such courage and resolution as becometh his place. The men
talie much tobacco, but for boys so to do, they account it odious.
All their names are significant and variable; for when they come

THE NATIVES OF NEW ENGLAND. 491
to the state of men and women, they alter them according to their
deeds or dispositions.
When a maid is taken in marriage, she first cutteth her hair, and
after weareth a covering on her head, till her hair be grown out.
Their women are diversely disposed, some as modest, as they will
scarce talk one with another in the company of men ; being very
chaste also; yet other some are light, lascivious, and wanton. If a
woman have a bad husband, or cannot affect him, and there be war or
opposition between that and any other people, she will run a\ray from
him to the contrary party, and there live, where they never come un
welcome ; for ichere are most women there is greatest plenty.
When a woman hath her monthly turns, she separateth herself
from all other company, and liveth certain days in a house alone ;
after which, she washeth herself, and all that she hath touched or used,
and is again received to her husband's bed or family. For adultery,
the husband wiU beat his wife and put her away, if he please. Some
common strumpets there are, as well as in other places ; but they are
such as either never married, or widows, or put away for adultery ;
for no man will keep such a one to wife.
In matters of unjust and dishonest dealing, the sachem examineth
and punisheth the same. In case of theft, for the first offence, he is
disgracefully rebuked ; for the second, beaten by the sachem, with a
cudgel on the naked back ; for the third, he is beaten with many
strokes, and hath his nose slit upwards, that thereby all men may
know and shun him. If any man kill another, he must likewise die
for the same. The sachem not only passeth sentence upon malefac
tors, but executeth the same with his own hands, if the party be then
present ; if not, sendeth his own knife in case of death, in the hands
of others to perform the same. But if the offender be to receive
other punishment, he will not receive the same but from the sachem
himself, before whom, being naked, he kneeleth, and will not offer to
run away, though he beat him never so much, it being a greater dis
paragement for a man to cry during the time of his correction, than is
his offence and punishment.
As for their apparel, they wear breeches and stockings in one, like
some Irish, which is made of deer skins, and have shoes of the same
leather. They wear also a deer's skin loose about them like a cloak,
which they will turn to the weather side. In this habit they travel ;
but when they are at home, or come to their journey's end, they pres
ently pull off their breeches, stockings and shoes, wring out the water, if
they be wet, and dry them, and rub or chafe the same. Though these

492 APPENDIX.
be off, yet have they another small garment which covereth their
secrets. The men wear also, when they go abroad in cold weather,
an otter, or fox skin on their right arm ; but only their bracer on the
left. Women, and all of that sex, wear strings about their legs, which
the men never do.
The people are very ingenious and observative ; they keep account
of time, by the moon, and winters or summers ; they know divers of
the stars by name ; in particular they know the North Star, and call
it maske, which is to say, the bear ; also they have many names for the
winds. They will guess very well at the wind and weather before
hand, by observations in the heavens. They report also, that some of
them can cause the wind to blow in what part they list — can raise storms
and tempests, which they usually do, when they intend the death or
destruction of other people, that by reason of the unseasonable weather,
they may take advantage of their enemies in their houses. At such
times they perform their greatest exploits, and at such seasons, when
they are at enmity with any, they keep more careful watch than at
other times.
As for their language, it is very copious, large, and difficult, as yet
we cannot attain to any great measure thereof; but can understand
them, and explain ourselves to their understanding, by the help of
those that daily converse with us. And though there be difference in
an hundred miles distance of place, both in language and manners,
yet not so much but that they very well understand each other. And
thus much of their lives and manners.
Instead of records and chronicles, they take this course : where any
remarkable act is done, in memory of it, either in the place, or by some
pathway near adjoining, they make a round hole in the ground about
a foot deep, and as much over, which when others passing by behold,
they inquire the cause and occasion of the same, which being once
known, they are careful to acquaint all men, as occasion serveth there
with : and lest such holes should be filled or grown up by any accident,
as men pass by, they will oft renew the same : by which means many
things of great antiquity are fresh in memory. So that as a man
travelleth, if he can understand his guide, his journey will be less te
dious, by reason of many historical discourses which will be related to
him. For that continent on which we are, called New England, although
it hath ever been conceived by the English to be a part of the main
land adjoining to Virginia, yet by relation of the Indians it should ap
pear to be otherwise ; for they affirm confidently that it is an island,

THE NATIVES OF NEW ENGLAND. 493
and that either the Dutch or French pass through from sea to sea
between us and Virginia, and drive a great trade in the same. The
name of that inlet of the sea they call Mohegan, which I take to be
the same which we call Pludson's river, up which Master Hudson
went many leagues, and for want of means (as I hear) left it undis
covered. For confirmation of this their opinion is thus much ; though
Virginia be not above an hundred leagues from us, yet they never
heard of Powhatan, or knew that any English were planted in his
country, save only by us and Tisquantum, who went thither in an
English ship ; and therefore it is more probable, because the water is
not passable for them, who are very adventurous in their boats.
Then for the temperature of the air, in almost three years' experi
ence I can scarce distinguish New England from Old England, in
respect of heat and cold, frost, snow, rain, wind, etc. Some object be
cause our plantation heth in the latitude of two and forty, it must
needs be much hotter. I confess I cannot give the reason of the con
trary ; only experience teaches us, that if it do exceed England, it is
so little as must require better judgments to discern it. And for the
winter, I rather think (if there be difference) it is both sharper and
loncer in New England than Old ; and yet the want of those comforts
in the one, which I have enjoyed in the other, may deceive my judg
ment also. But in my best observation, comparing our own condi
tions -with the relations of other parts of America, I cannot conceive
of any to agree better with the constitutions of the Enghsh, not being
oppressed -with the extremity of heat, nor nipped by biting cold, by
which means, blessed be God, we enjoy our health, notwithstanding
those difficulties we have undergone, in such a measure as would have
been admired had we lived in England with the like means. The day
is two hours longer than here when at the shortest, and as much shorter
when at the longest.
The soil is variable, in some places mould, in some clay, and others
a mixed sand, etc. The chiefest grain is the Indian maize or Guinea
wheat ; the seed-time beginneth in the midst of April, and continueth
good tin the midst of May. Our harvest beginneth with September.
This corn increaseth in great measure, but is inferior in quaUty to the
same in Virgmia ; the reason I conceive is because Virginia is far hot
ter than it is with us, it requiring great heat to ripen. But whereas
it is objected against New England, that corn will not grow there ex
cept the ground be manured with fish : I answer, that where men set
with fish (as with us) it is more easy so to do than to clear ground,
and set without some five or six years, and so begin anew, as in Vir-
42

494 APPENDQC.
ginia and elsewhere. Not but that in some places where they cannot
be taken with ease in such abundance, the Indians set four years to
gether without them, and have as good com or better than we have
that set with them ; though indeed I think if we had cattle to till the
ground, it would be more profitable and better agreeable to the soil to
sow wheat, rye, barley, peas, and oats, than to set maize, which our
Indians call Ewachim ; for we have had experience that they like and
thrive weU ; and the other wUl not be procured without good labor
and diligence, especially at seed-time, when it must also be watched
by night, to keep the wolves from the fish, tiU it be rotten, which will
be in fourteen days, yet men agreeing together and taking their turns,
it is not much.
Much might be spoken of the benefit that may come to such as
shall plant here, by trading with the Indians for furs, if men take a
right course for obtaining the same ; for I dare presume upon that
small experience I have had to affirm, that the English, Dutch, and
I'rench return yearly many thousand pounds profit by trade only,
from that island on which we are seated.
Tobacco may be there planted, but not with that profit as in some
other places, neither were it profitable there to follow it, though the
increase were equal, because fish is a better and richer commodity
and more necessary, which may be and there are had in as great
abundance as in any other part of the world ; witness the west-country
merchants of England, which return incredible gains yearly from
thence. And if they can so do, which here buy their salt at a great
charge, and transport more company to make their voyage than wiU
sail their ships, what may the planters expect when once they are
seated, and make the most of their salt there, and employ themselves
at least eight months in fishing, whereas the other fish but four, and
have their ship lie dead in the harbor all the time, whereas such ship
ping as belong to Plantations may take freight of passengers or cattle
thither, mid have their lading provided against they come .' I confess
we have come so far short of the means, to raise such returns, as with
great difficulty we have preserved our lives ; insomuch as when I look
back upon our condition, and weak means to preserve the same, I
rather admire at God's mercies and providence in our preservation,
than that no greater things have been effected by us. But though our
beginning have been thus raw, small and difficult, as thou hast seen,
yet'the same God that hath hitherto led us through the former, I hope
will raise means to accomplish the latter.

APPENDIX. 495

DE EASIEEES' LETTEE.
In the Massachusetts Hist. Collections, vol. 3, first series, there is a
record of correspondence between the Dutch at Manhattan [New
York], and the Pilgrhns at Plymouth. Afterwards Isaac De Rasieres
was despatched from the Dutch West India Company at Manhattan,
on an embassy to the colony of New Plymouth. Having arrived at
Buzzard's Bay, he addressed a letter to Gov. Bradford acknowledging
the reception of former letters and expressing the salutatory regards
of the Hon. Lords of the West India Company, whereupon the Gov
ernor sent a boat for him, and the -visit was highly beneficial in its
results. Afterwards, De Rasieres, in a letter to one of his employers, gave a
description of Plymouth, a part of which has been found, and is too
appropriate and interestmg to be omitted here. It was obtained in
Holland by the instrumentality of Mr. Broadhead, late secretary of
legation at the court of London. Mr. Broadhead says, "Unfortu
nately the letter is defective, and we may reasonably infer that the
missing portion would have been of the highest interest. But quite
enough remains to induce lively congratulation that a happy chance
has now placed so precious a fragment within our reach.'' It was first
pubhshed in the New York Hist. Colls., and has been pubhshed by
Mr. RusseU in his " Pilgrim Memorials."
" Coming out of the river Nassau * you saU east and by north about
fourteen mUes, along the coast, a half a mile from the shore, and you
then come to ' Frenchman's Point,' f at a small river where those of
PatucxetJ have a house made of hewn oak planks, called Aptucxet,§
where they keep two men, winter and summer, in order to maintain
the trade and possession. Where also they have built a shallop, in
order to go and look after the trade in sewan, in Sloup's Bay || and
* Narraganset Bay.
t De Easieres dates his letter to Gov. Bradford, of 4th October, 1627, from
" aboard the barque Nassau," off this point. [See Coll. N. Y. Hist. Soc., Vol
I., new series, p. 362.]
I The Indian name for New Plymouth.
§ See Bradford's description of Manomet, in Prince, p. 67 ; and see also Coll.
N. Y. Hist. Soc, Vol. I., new series, pp. 357, 358.
II The western entrance to Narraganset Bay.

496 APPENDIX.
thereabouts, because they are afraid to pass Cape Malabaer, and in
order to avoid the length of the way ; which I have prevented for this
year* by selling them fifty fathoms of sewan, because the seeking
after sewan by them is prejudicial to us, inasmuch as they would,
by so doing, discover the trade in furs ; which if they were to .find out,
it would be a great trouble for us to maintain, for they already dare to
threaten that if we will not leave off dealing with that people, they
will be obliged to use other means ; if they do that now, while they
are yet ignorant how the case stands, what wUl they do when they do
get a notion of it ?
" From Aptucxet the English can come in six hours, through the
woods, passing several little rivulets of fresh water, to New Plymouth,
the principal place in the country Patucxet, so called in their ' Oc-
troye' from His Majesty in England. New Plymouth lies in a large
bay to the north of Cape Cod, or Malabaer, east and west from the
said [northj point of the cape, which can be easily seen in clear
weather. Directly before the commenced town lies a sand-bank,
about twenty paces broad, whereon the sea breaks violently with an
easterly and north-easterly wind. On the north side there lies a small
island where one must run close along, in order to come before the
town ; then the ships run behind that bank and he in a very good
roadstead. The bay is very full of fish [chiefly] of cod, so that the
Governor before named,t has told me that when the people have a
desire for fish, they send out two or three persons in a sloop, whom
they remunerate for their trouble, and who bring them, in three or
four hours' time, as much fish as the whole community require for a
whole day — and they muster about fifty families.
" At the south side of the town there flows down a small river of fresh
water, very rapid, but shallow, which takes its rise from several lakes
in the land above, and there empties into the sea ; where in April and
the beginning of May there come so many herring I from the sea
which want to ascend that river, that it is quite surprising. This river
the English have shut in with planks, and in the middle with a little
door, which slides up and dovs^n, and at the sides with trellice work,
through which the water has its course, but which they can also close

* See also Bradford's account of this transaction, in Coll. N. Y. Hist. Soc.
Vol. I., new series, p. 357.
t Probably in the portion of this letter which is unfortunately missing.
t In the original Dutch, " elfi," is generally translated Shad, — perhaps it
would be more properly rendered alewives. j. u. B.

DE EASIEEES' LETTER. 497
with slides. At the mouth they have constructed it with planks, like
an eel pot, with wings, where in the middle is also a sliding door, and
with trellice work at the sides, so that between the two [dams] there
is a square pool, into which the fish aforesaid come swimming in such
shoals, in order to get up above, where they deposit their spawn, that
at one tide there are 10,000 to 12,000 fish in it, which they shut off
in the rear at the ebb, and close up the trellices above, so that no more
water comes in ; then the water runs out through the lower trellices
and they draw out the fish with baskets, each according to the land he
cultivates, and carry them to it, depositing in each hill three or four
fishes, and in these they plant their maize, which grows as luxuriantly
therein as though it were the best manure in the world ; and if they
do not lay this fish therein, the maize will not grow, so that such is the
nature of the soU.
" New Plymouth hes on the slope of a hill stretching east towards
the sea-coast, with a broad street about a- cannon shot of 800 [yards]
long, leading down the hill ; with a [street] crossing in the middle,
northwards to the rivulet, and southwards to the land. The houses
are constructed of hewn planks, with gardens also inclosed behind
and at the sides with hewn planks, so that their houses and court
yards are arranged in very good order, with a stockade, against a sud
den attack ; and at the ends of the streets there are three wooden
gates. In the centre, on the cross street, stands the Governor's house,
before which is a square inclosure upon which four patereros [steen-
stucken] are mounted, so as to flank along the streets. Upon the
hill, they have a large square house, whh a flat roof, made of thick
sawn planks, stayed with oak beams, upon the top of which they have
six cannons, which shoot iron bahs of four and five pounds, and com
mand the surrounding country. The lower part they use for their
church, where they preach on Sundays and the usual holidays. They
assemble by beat of drum, each with his musket or firelock, in front
of the captain's door; they have their cloaks on and place themselves
m order, three abreast, and are led by a sergeant without beat of
drum. Behmd comes the Governor, in a long robe ; beside him, on
the right hand, comes the preacher with his cloak on, and on the left
hand °the captain with his side arms and cloak on, and with a small
cane in his hand, — and so they march in good order, and each sets
his arms down near him. Thus they are constantly on their guard
night and day. .„,,-, x.
« Their government is after the Enghsh form. The Governor has
his council, which is chosen every year by the enthe commumty by
42*

498 APPENDIX.
election or prolongation of term. In the inheritance they place all
the children in one degree, only the eldest son has an acknowledg
ment for his seniority of birth.
" They have made stringent laws and ordinances upon the subject
of fornication and adultery, which laws they maintain and enforce very
strictly indeed, even among the tribes which hve amongst them. They
[the English] speak very angrily, when they hear from the savages
that we should live so barbarously in these respects, and without pun
ishment. " Their farms are not so good as ours, because they are more stony,
and consequently not so suitable for the plough. They apportion
their land according as each has means to contribute to the Eigh
teen Thousand Guilders which they have promised to those who had
sent them out ; whereby they have their freedom without rendering
an account to any one ; only if the king should choose to send a Gov
ernor-General they would be obliged to acknowledge him as sovereign
chief " The maize seed which they do not require for their own use is
delivered over to the Governor, at three guilders the bushel, who in
his turn sends it in sloops to the North for the trade in skins among
the savages ; they reckon one bushel of maize against one pound of
beaver's skin ; in the first place, a division is made, according to what
each has contributed, and they are credited for the amount in the ac
count of what each has to contribute yearly towards the reduction of
his obligation. Then with the remainder they purchase what next
they require, and which the Governor takes care to provide every year.
" They have better means of hving than ourselves, because they
have the fish so abundant before their doors. There are also many
birds, such as geese, herons, and cranes, and other small-legged birds,
which are in great abundance there in the winter. The tribes in their
neighborhood have all the same customs as already above described,
only they are better conducted than ours, because the English give
them the example of better ordinances and a better life ; and who,
also, to a certain degree, give them laws, by means of the respect they
from the very first have established amongst them.
" The savages [there] practice their youth in labor better than the
savages round about us ; the young girls in sowing maize, the young
men in hunting ; they teach them to endure privation in the field in a
singular manner, to wit : when there is a youth who begins to ap
proach manhood, he is taken by his father, uncle, or nearest friend,
and is conducted blindfolded into a wilderness, in order that he may

DE EASIEEES' LETTEE. , 499
not know the way, and is left there by night or otherwise, with a bow
and arrows, and a hatchet and a knife. Pie must support himself
there a whole whiter, with what the scanty earth furnishes at this sea
son, and by hunting. Towards the spring they come again, and fetch
him out of it, take him home and feed him up again until May. He
must then go out again every morning with the person who is ordered
to take him in hand ; he must go into the forest to seek wild herbs
and roots which they know to be the most poisonous and bitter ; these
they bruise in water and press the juice out of them, which he must
drink and immediately have ready such herbs as will preserve him
from death or vomiting ; and if he cannot retain it, he must repeat
the dose until he can support it, and until his constitution becomes
accustomed to it so that he can retain it. Then he comes home, and is
brought by the men and women, all singing and dancing, before the
Sackima ; and if he has been able to stand it aU out well, and if he is
fat and sleek, a wife is given to him.
" In that district there are no lions or bears, but there are the same
kinds of other game, such as deers, hinds, beaver.s, otters, foxes, lynxes,
seals, and fish, as in our district of country. The savages say that
far in the interior, there are certain beasts of the size of oxen, having
but one horn, which are very fierce. The English have used great
dihgence in order to see them, but cannot succeed therein, although
they have seen the flesh and hides of them which were brought to
them by the savages. There are also very large elks there which the
English have indeed seen. The lion skins which we sometimes see
our savages wear, are not large, so that the animal itself must be
small ; they are of a mouse grey color, short in the hair, and long in
the claws. The bears are some of them large and some smah ; but
the largest are not as large as the middle-sized ones which come from
Greenknd. Their fur is long and black, and their claws large. The
savages esteem the flesh and grease as a great dainty. Of the birds,
there is a kind like starlings, which we caU maize thieves, because
they do so much damage to it. They fly in large flocks, so that they
flatten the corn in any place where they light, just as if cattle had
lain there. Sometunes we take them by surprise and fire amongst
them with hail shot, immediately that we have made them rise, so that
sixty, seventy, and eighty fall all at once, which is very pleasant to see.
There are also very large turkeys living wild ; they have very long
legs, and can run extraordinarUy fast, so that we generally take sav
ages with us when we go to hunt them, for even when one has deprived
them of the power of flying, they yet run so fast that we cannot catch

500 APPENDIX.
them unless their legs are hit also. In the autumn and in the spring
there come a great many geese, which are very good, [to eat,] and
easy to shoot, inasmuch as they congregate together in such large
flocks. There are two kinds of partridges ; the one sort are quite as
small as quails, and the other hke the ordinary kind here. There are
also hares, but few in number, and not larger than a middle-sized
rabbit ; and they principally frequent where the land is rocky.
" This, sir, is what I have been able to communicate to you fi-om
memory, respecting New Netherland, and its neighborhood, in dis
charge of my bounden duty ; I beg that the same may be so favorably
received by you, and I beg to recommend myself for such further ser
vice as you may be pleased to command me in, wherever you may
find me. "In every thing your faithful servant, "ISAACK De Easieees."

INDEX.

INDEX.

Admission to the church, mode of, 433 ; altered, 435, 436.
Advice to the rising generation, 222.
Agreement between the Adventurers and Planters, -279, 280, 316.
Alden, Mr. John, 115, 118, 121, 139.
Ainsworth, Mr. Henry, living on ninepence a week, 345, 351, 352.
Allerton, Mr. Isaac, sent to England, 85, 315 ; returns, 316 ; sent again, 318.
Ames, Dr. WiUiam, 334, 342.
Anabaptism, 211.
Anagrams, 174, 183, 184.
Ann, a ship of this name came bringing Timothy Hatherly and George
Morton, 65.
Andross, Sir Edmund, arrived with large commission, 227.
Antinomianism, made great trouble at Boston, 133.
Arminian controversy, 256.
Articles of Faith and Covenants, 459-464; of the First Church in Salem,
459, 463.
Atwood, Mr. John, 139 ; died, 150 ; character of, 150.
B.
BayUe, Mr. Robert, 335, 405, 413.
Baptism, 101, 424, 434 ; questions to be answered at the baptism of children,
462.
Barrow, Mr. Henry, the martyr, 324, 337-341, 404.
Bernard, Richard, 469.
BlackweU, Mr., 273-276.
Blasting and mildew and other adverse providences, 200, 201, 205, 208.
Blinman, Mr. Richard, minister in Marshfield, 143, 144.
Bourne, Mr. Richard, character and labors of, 382-384, 390.
Bradford, chosen Gov., 47, 121, 132, 140, 142, 144, 151, 152, 153, 158, 161,
162, 166, 168, 176 ; requests them to choose some other one in his stead
for Gov., 71 ; at his request five assistants chosen, 71 ; his testimony con-

504 INDEX.
cerning Eobinson, 83 ; aids in the ordination at Salem, 99 ; came with
Winslow and Smith to Boston, 120 ; death of, 171 ; fines left in which he
piously acknowledges the divine hand, 171; anagram and other lines
expressive of the estimation in which he was held, 172-176 ; marriage of,
308 ; his character, and great lamentation at his death, 170 ; history by,
236-283; spirit of, 468; genealogy and early life of, 481-484 ; dialogue
of, 323-356 ; and Winthrop, 438.
Bradford, William, Jr., born, 312; notice of, and his descendants, 180, 181.
Brewster, Elder William, 10, 74; brief notice of, 144-146; library of, 146
note, 245 ; died, 144, 432 ; and Bradford, main props of the Colony,
437,438; residence of, 466-472; affiliation of, 473; Postmaster at
Scrooby, 474-477 ; fined for causes ecclesiastical, 485.
Bridges, Master of ship James, 66.
Bright, Mr., came with Higginson, 97.
Bromhead, Hugh, 471.
Brown, Mr. Samuel, and brother made trouble, 100; sent back to England,
101.
Brown, Mr. John, assistant Gov.,' 139 ; death of, 193.
Brownists, 329.
Brownism, 427-431 ; false charge of, 443, 444.
Bulkley, Mr. Edward, 143.

Canada, unsuccessful attempt upon, 228.
Cape Ann, 309, 312.
Cape Cod, named by Capt. Gosnold, and reasons for the name, 21 ; reasons
for remaining on, 29.
Carr, Sir Robert, 204.
Cartwright, Esq. Geo., went for England, 204.
Carver, John, agent to Virginia, 14; chosen governor, 26; sickness and
death, character and labors of, 47 ; his wife, overcome with grief, died, 47.
CaterpiUars, numerous and destructive, 159.
Charlestown, organization of the church there, 442.
Chauncy, Mr. Charles, 143.
Children, state of considered, 101 ; catechized Sabbath noon, 434.
Church, formed at Salem, 97; manner of joining the, 99, 100; at Boston,
admonished the church at Salem, 105 ; began at Boston by Winthrop
and others, 109 ; at Eastham, the 3d from the Plymouth, 151 note ; true,
how distinguished, 327, 328 ; the two in exile, 355, 356 ; the first Indian,
in New England, 385; Leyden-Plymouth, 400-438; first independent,
403, 478 ; at Plymouth, 431 ; renewed their covenant, 433 ; religious
principles of, 435 ; at Salem, took their model from the Plymouth, 441 ;
-st Congregational in England by Henry Jacob, 444-446 ; organized in
'vate house, 444.
¦ Disciphne, 408-418.

INDEX. 505
Church membership, qualifications for, 453.
Churches, concerning the first in Mass., 440, 441.
Clark, Thomas, attended the King's Commissioners, 202.
Clark's Island, went on shore there and kept the first Sabbath, 34.
Cliflon, Mr. Richard, 245, 354, 469-471 ; Mr. Robert, 471.
Collier, Mr. William, arrived, 118 ; assistant Gov., 118, 121, 140, 142.
Colonies, distinction between the two, 443.
Colony, God's care of, 80 ; sent a ship laden with corn to Kennebeck, 80 ;
Plymouth, had more consistent -views of liberty and toleration than the
Mass. (note), 104 ; divided into three counties, 227.
Comet, appeared, 198; opinions concerning, 198-200.
Commissioners, the first from Plymouth, 150 ; of the four colonies met, and
reasons for, 151 ; from the king, 261 ; reasons for their coming, 201, 202,
note.
Communion, occasional, 424, 425.
Conant, Roger, Gov. at Cape Ann, 71, 312.
Confederation of the four Colonies, 149 ; signers of this, 149 ; reasons for,
note 150.
Congregationalism, 400-456 ; in Massachusetts, 439-444 ; in England, 444-
451 ; harmonizes with popular inteUigence, 448 ; a boon graciously be
stowed, 554.
Conversion of the natives, the design in settling New England, 161.
Cooper, Mr. WiUiam, 123.
Congregational Union of England and Wales, 452 ; principles of, 452-454.
Corbitant, Indian Sachem, who surprised Hobamak, 48 ; used the mediation
of Massasoit to make peace, 49, 304.
Com, found buried in the sand, 28 ; first planted, 47; obtained at Manno-
moik, 56 ; sent to Kennebec, 313.
Covenant, by Christians in north of England, in 1602, 9 ; civil, entered into,
as a body politic, 24, 25 ; names of those who subscribed, 26 ; of church
drawn up at Salem, 98 ; acknowledged as a direction only, 99 ; is what
constitutes a church, 423 ; entered into at Charlestown, 442, 464.
Cotton, Mr. John, came with Hooker and Stone, 118 ; views of church pol
ity, 412, 415 ; charged them to take advice at Plymouth, 442; death and
character of, and funeral elegy, 162-165.
Cotton, Mr. John, Jr., 386, 387, 433.
Court, at Plymouth, ratified the league made with Woosamequen or Massa
soit, 142.
Cromwell, Capt. Thomas, came with three men-of-war, 152.
Cushman, Robert, came over in ship Fortune, 50 ; sends to Bradford, 71 ;
letter of, 272-275 ; death of, 84.
Cushman and Carver, agents in 1617 to obtain religious freedom, 14.
Cushman, Mr. Isaac, 434.
43

506 INDEX.

D.

Davenport, Capt., death, and notice of, 205.
Delft-Haven, embarkation at and painful separation, 15.
Deacons, not ordained, but charge given to, 434.
Deaconess, 355.
Dermer, employed for discovery, 41.
Dialogue, Gov. Bradford's, 323-356.
Discipline and Order of the English churches, 451-454
Distribution of lands commenced, 86.
Doan, Mr. John, 115.
Dorchester adventurers, 312.
Drought, great, 64 ; prayer in time of answered, 64.
Dudley, Mr. Thomas, 109 ; death and character of, 166, 167.
Dunster, Mr. John, President of Harvard CoUege, 186.
Dutch, the, 116 ; send kind letters, 88 ; embassy from Manhattan, 88, 494.
Dutch plantation, messengers from, 88, 495.
Dyer, Mrs. Mary, copartner with Mrs. Hutchinson, and mother of a hideous
monster, 135. E.
Earthquake, in 1639, 140; in 1640, 181 ; theories concerning, 189-192.
Eaton, Mr. Theophilus and Mr. John Davenport began the colony of New
Haven, 132 ; Gov. of New Haven, died, 178 ; character of, 179.
Ecclesiastical Councils, 419-422 ; merely advisory, 435, 451, 452.
Elder, the office of, did not survive the first generation, 441.
Eliot, Mr. John, came over. 111 ; preached to the Indians, 160, 385-388, 398.
EUot, Mr. John, Jr., death and character of, 221, 222.
Endicot, Mr. John, arrived at Naumkeak, 94 note ; rebuked Morton and
others at Mt. WoUaston, 91 ; commander-in-chief, 94 ; his letter to Mr.
Bradford, 95 ; death and notice of, 205 ; satisfied with the church order
at Plymouth, 441.
Errors in doctrine by some at Salem, 106.
Examination for admission to the church, 433.
Executions, first at Plymouth, 111 ; three for the murder of an Indian, 139.
F.
Family meetings, set up, 434.
Fasts, observed, 13; works and sports prohibited on, 13; magistrates or
dered them, 13 ; kept before the choice of a pastor, 96 ; on occasion of
sickness, 109 ; of drought, 207.
Faunce, Elder John, 149.
FUcher, Lieut, 90.
Fine, for refusing the office of Gov., Ill, 112.

INDEX. 507
Fire, at Plymouth, burning three houses, 69.
Flies, in great numbers, 117.
Flint, Mr. Henry, death and character of, 216.
Founders of New Plymouth, 465.
FuUer, Mr. Samuel, surgeon and physician, 117.
Fortune, ship came bringing Cushman and thirty-five others, 50.
Freeman, Mr. Edmund, assistant Gov., 142, 144.
FuUer, Mr. Samuel, 434. G.
Gardiner, Sir Christopher, 111-114.
God, acknowledged in his providence and grace, 13, 14, 22, 23, 33, 81, 96,
109, 113, 143, 146, 147, 160, 176-178, 201, 207, 226, and other places.
God's deaUngs with the adventurers, 80 ; his preservation of the PUgrims
amid trials, 146-148 ; Providence, pious reflection on, 201.
Goodwin and Nye, wrote the preface to Cotton's Keys, 447.
Goodwin and Owen, Drs., two Atlases of Independency, 401.
Gookin, Mr., Superintendent to the Indians, 390, 391.
Gorton, Samuel, troublesome to the colony, 136 ; committed to ward, 137 ;
corrupt opinions of, 137, 138; note concerning, 138 ; made choice of
Mr. Winslow, to defend him, 153.
Gforges, Capt. Robert, with sundry families arrived, 6 7 ; had a commission to
be governor-general, 67; accused Weston, 67; went to Massachusetts,
69 ; returned to England, 70.
Gott, Charles, his letter to Gov. Bradford, 96.
Governor of Plymouth, sent back answer to Narragansets, 50 ; detected
Lyford and Oldham by intercepting their letters, 73 ; caUed a court to try
Lj-ford and Oldham, 75 ; Winslow and others, hire the trade of the col
ony for six years, 317.
Gospel, the propagation of the, among the Indians, note, 150, 159, 160, 379-
399 ; a mighty leveller, 455 ; carefuUy respects the rights of all, and leads
every man to think and act for himself, 455.
Greenwood, Mr. John, the martyr, 324, 337, 404.
H.
Hanbury, Mr. Benjamin, letter to Rev. Mr. Wight, 445.
Harvard CoUege, erected at Cambridge, 140.
Hatheriy, Mr. Timothy came in ship Ann, 65 ; his house burnt and he re
turned, and was one of the first settlers in Scituate, 65 ; assistant Gov.,
140, 142, 144.
Hiacoomes, 384, 385.
Higginson, Mr., came with Mr. Skelton and others, 97, 441 ; a church cove
nant drawn up by, 97; chosen teacher at Salem, 98; ordination of, 99;
consulted Brewster, 101; death of, 102; education and character of, 102.

508 INDEX.
Hinkley, Mr. Thomas, 186, 187, 227.
Hobamak, came to live with the English, 48 ; sent among the Indians with
Squanto, 48-52, 304, 305.
Hobhamock or Hobbamoqui, 486, 487.
Hopkins, Stephen, sent to Massasoit, 48 ; assistant Gov., 115, 118, 121.
Hopkins, Gov., 179, note.
Hooke, Mr. William, 143.
Hooker, Mr. Thomas, came, 118; goes to Connecticut, 123; died, 153 ;
character, and funeral elegies, 153-157.
Howland, Mr. John, 115, 118, 121.
Hudson's Letter, 54.
Hutchinson, Gov., opinion of, concerning the instruction of the Indians, 161 ;
concerning their church polity, 440.
Hutchinson, Mrs., the leader of Antinomian opinions, 133 ; her great influence
at Boston, 134 ; went to Rhode Island, and to New York, and was slain
by the Indians, 134. I.
Independents, 401 ; in Westminster Assembly, 445, 447 ; union of, 448, 449
Independency, or Congregationalism, 400 ; author of, 403 ; greatly increased
in numbers, 450 ; is destined to increase, 551 ; adapted to secure purity,
and to give freedom and power to Christianity, 450.
Indians, first encounter with, 32 ; general conspiracy of, 58 ; removed by
divine interposition, 37, 38; unfriendly, 43, 44 ; swept away by plague,
44,45; much incensed, 57; furnished themselves with guns, 89; Gov
ernor and others met Mr. Bourne, on the subject of the improvement of
the, 208 ; labors of the pilgrims to Christianize the, 379-399; Winslow's
account of, 486-494 ; their objects of worship, 486 ; manners and customs
of, 490-492.
Indian Sachems, came into the Government, 46.
Indian Churches and Congregations, and places where, 390-398.

Jacob, Mr. Henry, 345, 423 ; pastor of church In Southwark, 444 ; embraced
Robinson's views, 445.
Jackson, Richard, fined £20 for causes ecclesiastical, 485.
James, a ship came of this name, Mr. Bridges, master, 66.
Jenny, Mr. John, came in the ship James, a useful and leading man in the
colony, and died 1644, 66, 132, 139.
Jones, master of the Mayflower, 20 ; plot between him and the Dutch, 22.
Johnson, Mr. Isaac and lady, death of, 108.
Johnson, Mr. Francis, 348, 349, 350, 446.

INDEX. 509

K.

Kennebeck, trade there, 120.
Korahism, 211.

Lands, distribution of, 86.
Laythrop, Mr. John, 143, note; his suffering for non-conformity, 167; his
death and character, 167, 168 ; successor of Jacob, 444; came and settled
at Scituate, 444.
Latore, Monsieur, and de Aulney, 151.
Letters, Patent, obtained of King James, 14 ; from the King to the Colonists
202-204.
Leverick, Mr. William, 143.
Leyden, famihes arrive from, 320.
Little, Rev. Ephraim, ordained, 434.
Luther, Martin, 403.
Lyford, Mr. John, a minister, came with Winslow, 72 ; assumed great humil
ity, 72 ; invited by the Dorchester adventurers, 312; with John Oldham
became perverse, 73, 311 ; trial, conviction, and sentence of, 75, 76 ; his
confession and second treachery, 76, 77 ; his wickedness further developed,
79 ; went to Virginia, where he died, 79, 318.
M.
Mannamoset, where Dermer was taken prisoner, 43.
Manners and customs of the Indians of New England, 486-494.
Mannomock, Chatham, where Squanto died, 56.
Martyrs and confessors, burned, and fled, 237, 324, 336.
Majrflower, hired, 14 ; Jones, master of, 20.
Maj-pole, set up and cut down, 91.
Massasoit, Samoset told of him, 39 ; his friendship sincere, 30 ; came and
made a league of peace, 39, 40, 51 ; against Squanto, 52 ; sick, 58 ; his
wants supplied and was visited, 58, 304. [See Woosamequen.]
Magistrates, objected to WiUiams being pastor, 103.
Matthews, Mr. Marmaduke, 143.
]\Iassacre in Virginia, 54.
Massachusetts, distance of, from Plymouth, 43 ; sent t'ueir boat with ten men
to the, 49 ; visited the, 51; Gorges desired a plantation there, 67; the
first Gov. under the charter of, 71.
Maverick, Mr., 110, 111.
Mayo, Mr. John, 143 ; note, 144.
Mayhew, Mr. Thomas, 160, 384.
Mayhew, Mr. Thomas, Jr., 179, 384.
Mayhew, Mr. John, 385.
43*

510 INDEX. '
Mayhews, the, 386.
Messengers, from the Dutch plantation, 88, 494-500 ; courteous rephes to
the, 88.
Metacom, or Philip, see PhiUp.
Miller, Mr. John, 143.
Ministry, carefully provided for (note), 98.
Mitchell, Mr. Jonathan, death and character of, 216-221 ; called by the
churches in Cambridge and Hartford, 217.
Mohawks, cut off the head of Sasacus, 132.
Monhegans, under Uncas, 132.
Monhiggon, 315.
Mooanam, 141.
Morton, Geo. came in ship Ann, 65 ; a very pious man, but soon died, 66, 310.
Morton, Mr. Thomas, his wicked conduct, 90-94.
Morton, Nathaniel, his Preface to Bradford's History, 231-233.
IMount WoUaston, Merry Mount, Mount Dagon, 91.
Mullins, WiUiam, 37. N.
Narragansets, sent messengers with threats, 50 ; at variance with the Pe
quots, 124; joined with the English, 127; quarreUed with the Monheags,
132 ; plotting of the, 148, 150.
Nauset, now Eastham, a part of the church removed to, 151.
New diseases, recognized as chastisements for new sins, 161.
Neumkeak, 94.
New England Chronology, by Prince, 287.
New Haven, colony of, began, and church formed, 133.
New Plymouth, persons who laid the foundation of, 465.
Newman, Mr. Samuel, 143 ; death and character of, 193.
NicoUs, Col. Richard, one of the King's Commissioners, and Governor of
New York, 203, 204.
Norton, Mr. John, notice of, 194 ; elegy on the death of, 195.
O.
Officers, of the church, 409-517; the only, 453; each church elects its own,
453.
Oldham, with Lyford, perverse, 73; trial of, 75-77, 311; treatment on his
return, 78; his confession when in danger, 78, 314; went south, and was
kiUed by the Indians, 79, 125.
Ordination, of Higginson and Skelton, 99 ; of church officers, 418, 419; the
work of the church, 420, 421, 441.

INDEX. 511

P.
Paddy, Mr. WiUiam, death and character of, 183, 184.
Panieses, men of great courage and wisdom, 488, 490.
Paomet, 304.
Pastors, have no veto power, 416.
Partridge, Mr. Ralph, 143 ; death and character of, 181-183.
Paragon, a ship with this name set out for Plymouth, 61 ; suffered great ex
tremity at sea, 62.
Patent, granted, note, 110.
Penry, Mr. John, 324, 336.
Pemberton, Mr. John, an opponent, 73.
Pequots, war with the, 123-132 ; great slaughter of the, 128; taken under
the government of the colonies, 132.
PhUip, Sachem of Pocanaket and son of Massasoit, 187, 188 ; signed an
agreement of friendship, 188 ; war with, 226 ; slain, 226.
PhUUps, Mr. George, began the church at Watertown, 110 ; pastor there,
442 ; renounced his caU by the prelates in Eng., 442.
PhUlips family, 457, 458.
PhilUps, John, kUled by Ughtning, 183.
Pierce, Mr. John, in his name the first patent taken, 61.
Pierce, Capt. WUliam, assisted in detecting Lyford and Oldham, 73.
Pierce, James, slain by Ughtning, 186.
PUgrlm movement, beginning of, 243, 465 ; devotional sentiment which led
to it, 465.
PUgrims, reasons for their going to HoUand, 245, 246 ; their departure and
troubles, 247-251 ; arrived in Holland in 1610, and settling in Holland,
10, 252 ; arrived at Cape Cod, Nov., 1620, 21 ; their reasons for leaving
HoUand, 11-13, 258-260; their thoughts of removing to America, 11,
260-262 ; obtain a patent, 277 ; their numerous difficulties, 264-278 ; their
motives in going to America, 24 ; means they used to prepare for the voy
age, 263-270; time they lived in Leyden, 14 ; time of their sailing from
Southampton, 19 ; troubles that befell them on their voyage, 19, 20 ; trou
bles before them, 22 ; chose a governor, 19; great mortality of the, half
died, 36; sent sixteen men on land to explore, 27; went on shore, on
Plymouth Rock, 36 ; began to erect the first house, 36 ; built a fort, which
served for a meeting-house, 54 ; planted much corn, 60 ; in great want by
reason of drought, 61 ; their prayer for rain answered, Gi ; their discour-
ao-ements, 66, 67 ; went to Connecticut River, 116 ; visited with infectious
fever, and many died, 117; longevity of the, 146, 148, 149; preserved
amid many hardships and trials, 146-148 ; persecutions of the, 245 ; re
sembled the primitive churches, 255 ; testimony of the Dutch in their
favor, 256 ; their high character founded in their religion, 402 ; piety of,
436 ; religious principles of the, 270, 271, 408-410 ; addressed a letter to
the Church of England, 439.

512 INDEX.
Pinnace, built at Monamet, 317.
Plague and smallpox among the Indians, 45 ; great mortality by the, in
Loudon, 81.
Platform, the Savoy, 451.
Plymouth, reasons for the name of, 42 ; soU upon the bay of, 42 ; and Mas
sachusetts united into one Province, 228 ; state of in 1624, 311 ; De Ra-
sicre's description of, 495.
Plymouth Church and Colony, founders of, 10, 465-485.
Pocanakets, their malignity to the English, 42.
Porey, his letter to the Gov., 55, 301.
Powaws, their execrations, oflice and duty of, 45, 487.
Power, of the church and elders, 411-418 ; vested in the church itself, 454.
Prince, Mr. Thomas, marriage of, 311 ; chosen Gov., 118, 139, 171, 180, 184,
186, 187, 193, 198, 204, 206, 209 ; Lieut. Gov., 121.
Principles, of Church Order and Discipline, 453, 454 ; of the Church at
Salem, 460, 461.
Propagating the Gospel among the Indians, 159 ; chief instruments of, 160.
Providences, remarkable, 206, 210.
Provoking sins, Wilson's view of, 211.
Prophecy, the exercise of, 331, 332, 425.
Public Worship on shore, Jan. 21, 288.
Puritan Separatists, 465-468 ; became two bodies, 466 ; met at house of
Brewster, in Scrooby, 466.
Puritans, contending against ceremonies, 237-242; reason for the name,
239 ; became two churches, 244 ; difference between Puritans and Sepa
ratists, 342 ; sufferings of, 343, 344, 445, 446.
Quakers, 177, 184, 185. R
Rasdale, Mr., 90.
Rasiere, an ambassador from the Dutch, 319 ; his letter describing Plymouth,
495.
Rayner, Mr., 432.
Rayner, Mr. John, 143.
Rochester, Robert, fined £20, for causes ecclesiastical, 485.
Robbins, Rev. Chandler, pastor of Plymouth Church, 435.
Robinson, John, pastor of the Pilgrims, 10,403,405 ; parting letter of, 15-19;
hindered from coming to New England, 82 ; inteUigence of his death, 82 ;
Bradford's testimony of, 83 ; removal of his wife and children, 83 ; ^Vhite's
letter and others, concerning death of, 84, 85 ; mutual love and respect of,
and his flock, 254 ; disputes with Episcopius, 256 ; letter of, to Sir Edwin
Sandys, 267-269; to Sir John Worsingham, 269-271; to John Carver,

INDEX. 513
on parting, 283 ; his concern about the savages being kiUed, 309 ; his
answer to Bernard, 338, 406 ; character of, 353 ; his views of church pol
ity, 403, 445 ; persecution of, 404 ; Catholic and yet decided spirit of,
407, 408 ; religious principles of, 408-410 ; his eariy residence and gene
alogy, 478-481.
Rose, wife of Capt. Standish, died, 288.
Rosier, Mr. Isaac de, 88. See Rasiere.
RuUng Elder, the last, 416-418. S.
Sachems, ofiice of, 489.
Salem, church formed at, 97.
Samoset, came and spoke with the Pilgrims, 39 ; told them of the country,
39 ; came again and told of Massasoit, 39.
Sassacus, the Pequot Sachem, 129, 132; his head cut off, 132.
Sassamon, slain for reveaUng PhUip's designs, 188, note.
Satan, stratagems against the church, 235-237.
Saunders, John, chief over Weston's men, 56. -
Savages, two seen from the ship, 288.
Scrooby, the residence of Brewster, 245, 466-468 ; the seat and centre of
communitj' afterwards at Plymouth, 467.
Separation, a provoking sin, 211.
Separatists, 329, 356; a Puritan, but the Puritan not necessarUy a Separa
tist, 468, 469 ; tune when they came into a Congregational Church, 477,
478.
Settlements in several places began, 70.
Sheffield, Lord, grants a patent, 71.
Shepard, Mr. Thomas, death and character of, 159.
Shepard, Mr. Samuel, death and notice of, 216.
Shirtliff and others kUled by lightning, 206.
Sickness, great at Charlestown, 108 ; at Plymouth, 117 ; among the Indians,
118; at Boston, 161.
ShaUops, two, cast away, 123.
Smallpox, 207.
Smith, Mr. Ralph, 102; Mr. John, the Lee Baptist, 102 ; Mr. John, one of
the two churches of the Puritans, 244, 352, 469 ; Sir Thomas, 273.
Speedwell, ship bought, 14 ; returned to London, 20.
Ships, came from England to Naumkeak, 94; to Salem, 97; a fleet ofl;ea
came to Salem and Charlestown, 108.
Ship, lost, in which was Thomas Mayhew, and others, 179, 180.
Skelton, Mr., came with Higginson in 1629, 97 ; chosen pastor at Salem, 97;
ordination of, 99 ; death and burial of, 102.
Squanto, surprised by Corbitant, 48, 50, 51 ; manages the Indians, 52 ; double
dealing of, 52 ; desired the Gov. to pray for him, 56 ; died at Mannomoik,
56, 302.

514 INDEX.
Southworth, Lieut. Thomas, 162.
Sowans, dwelling-place of Massasoit, now Warren, R. I., 40.
Starsmore, Sabin, his letter to Mr. Carver, 276.
Standish, Capt. IMiles, sent to find Squanto, 49 ; aids Weston's people, 59 ;
goes to Mattachiest, 303 ; went to England as agent, 81 ; his arrival home
from England, 82; assistant Governor, 115, 118, 121 ; death and character
of, 170; goes to look for the natives, 287; other deeds of, 304-307, 313,
314.
Stone, Mr. Samuel, came with Cotton and Hooker, 118; notice of the death
and character of, 196 ; Unes on his death, 197, 198.
Stone, Capt., a bad man, killed by the Indians, 119, 120.
Storm, violent, of wind and rain destroying houses and corn, 121, 122.
Strange sights appeared, 210.
Street, Mr. Nicholas, 143.
Stuyvesant, Gov., surrendered'New Amsterdam, 202.
Synods, 330.

Tackanash, Indian teacher, 385.
Thanksgiving, to God for preservation on the voyage, 22, 23 ; for success in
vanquishing the Indians, 33 ; proposed by Gov-. Winthrop, 113.
Thatcher, Mr., saved iu the great storm, 122.
Thatcher, Rev. Thomas, first pastor of Old South Church, 122.
Thomas, Mr. WiUiam, assistant Governor, 144, 153, 161 ; death and charac
ter of, 162.
Thompson, Mr. William, death, and notice of, 209 ; answer to prayers in his
behalf, 209 ; Mr. David, 315.
Tobacco, the Indians regard as odious for boys to take, 490.
Towns, on Connecticut River began, 123.
Treat, Mr. Samuel, 388-399.
Tupper, Mr. Thomas, character and labor of, 382.
Turkish man-of-war, 313.

Vane, Gov. of Conn., writes to Gov. at Plymouth, 126.
Vaughan, Dr., on Congregationalism, 401 ; address of, 448.
W.
Wampampeag, 88.
War, between the Enghsh and the Pequots, 123; between the English and
Philip, 226.
Warren, Mr. Richard, 89.
Wareham, Mr., 110, 111, 442.
Webster, Daniel, extract from his address, 436, 437.

INDEX. 515
West, Capt. Francis, came in a ship to Plymouth, and had a commission to
be admiral of New England, 63.
Wessagusquaset, Weymouth, 56.
Weston, Thomas, sent over two ships, the Sparrow and Charity, 53, 301,
302 ; came and learned the ruin of his plantation, 59 ; his ill fortune, 60 ;
difficulty with Gorges, 68.
Weston's people, in distress served the Indians, 57; were an unruly com
pany, 53, 301, 306, 307.
White, Roger, letter of, concerning Robinson's death, 84.
White, Rev. Mr., 309, 312.
WiUet, Capt. Thomas, assistant Gov., 162 ; first mayor of New York, 202.
WiUiams, Mr. Roger, moved from Plymouth to Salem, 102 ; Brewster's opin
ion of, 102 ; Bradford's statement of, note, 106-108 ; narrative concerning,
102-108 ; soKcited Government to help ^against the insolence of Gorton
and others, 136 ; his labors for the Indians, 380, 381.
Wilson, Mr. John, came, 108 ; his eminence, 108 ; began the church at Bos
ton, 109 ; death, and notice of, 210-216 ; his views on provoking sins, 211 ;
pastor at Boston, 419.
Winslow, Edward, sent to Massasoit, 48 ; sent to procure provisions, 54 ; ar
rived at PljTiiouth and brought a supply with him, 72 ; chosen Governor,
115, 118 ; conference with magistrates and ministers about trade at Ken
nebeck, 120, 121 ; sailed for England, 121 ; answers complaints, 121 ; goes
¦with the Gov. to Monhiggon, 315 ; was chosen governor, 115, 123, 160 ;
and Collier first commissioners from Plymouth, 150 ; went to England,
because of some restless persons in the Massachusetts, 152; death and
character of, 168, 169, 226, 438 ; his agency for the welfare of the Indians,
380 ; his account of the natives of New England, 486-494.
Winthrop, Mr. John, came over, the first Gov., 108; began the church at
Boston, 109 ; his letter to Gov. of Plymouth, 124; his letter to Bradford
on the defeat of the Pequots, 129-132 ; death, burial, and character of,
158, 159.
Wise, Rev. John, expounder of the Platform, 415, 417.
WiswaU, Rev. Ichabod, obtained a charter with valuable privileges, 228.
WoUaston, Capt,. came over and settled at Mt. WoUaston, Braintree, 89, 90.
Woodbridge, Rev. Benjamin, 165, note.
Woosamequen, or Massasoit, and his son Mooanam, came into court, and re
newed their pledges of fidelity, 141, 142.

END ,

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