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Bought with the income
of the
Daniel C, Gilman Fund

THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL
Sir Harry Smith
BART., G.C.B.

First Edition .... December, 1901.
Reprinted  January, 1902.'
Reprinted ....... February, 1902.
Reprinted .  ^«7, 1902.

THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL
Sir Harry Smith
BARONET OF ALIWAL ON THE SUTLEJ
G.C.B.
*** EDITED
WITH THE ADDITION OF SOME SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTERS
By G. C. MOORE SMITH, M.A.

IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. II.

WITH PORTRAITS AND ILLUSTRATIONS

LONDON
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET
1902

PRINTED BY
WILUAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,
LONDON AND BECCLES.

CONTENTS OF VOL. II.

CHAPTER PAGE
XXXII. Voyage to the Cape— Military Duties and
Sport, 1829-1834— Sir Benjamin D'Urban
succeeds Sir Lowry Cole as Governor of
the Colony ... ... ... ... 1
XXXIII. Outbreak of a Kafir War — Harry Smith's
Historic Ride to Grahamstown — On his
Arrival he proclaims Martial Law— Pro
vides for the Defence of the Town —
Attacks the Kafirs and rescues Seven
Missionaries ... ... ... ... n
XXXIV. Harry Smith Chief of the Staff under Sir
Benjamin D'Urban— He makes Two Forays
into the Fish River Bush and One into
the Umdizini Bush — The Force under Sir
B. D'Urban marches from Fort Willshire
to the Poorts of the Buffalo, from
whence Harry Smith makes another Foray 24
XXXV. Over the Kei into Hintza's Territory—
War declared against Hintza — His Kraal
being destroyed the chief comes in, and
agrees to the terms of peace — he
remains as a hostage with the british
Force, which marches back to the Kei—
Harry Smith marches under Hintza's
Guidance into his Territory to recover
the Stolen Cattle— Near the Xabecca
Hintza tries to escape, and is shot .,. 32

VI

CONTENTS.

XXXVI. March across the Bashee to the Umtata
and back to the bashee — death of major
White— Difficult March from the Bashee
to rejoin Sir B. D'Urban on the Kei—
Annexation of the Territory called
the "Province of Queen Adelaide," and
Founding of. its Capital, " King William's
Town" — Return of the Governor to
Grahamstown

S°

XXXVII. Harry Smith left in Command of the New
"Province of Queen Adelaide" at King
William's Town— Death of Lieutenant
Bailie — Harry Smith joined by his Wife
—Forays on the Kafirs — Conclusion of
Peace ... ... ... ... ,

62

XXXVIII. Harry Smith's Attempts at civilizing the
Kafirs— The Chiefs made British Magis-
• trates— A Census taken— A Police Force
established— A Great Meeting of Chiefs
— Witchcraft forbidden — A Chief pun
ished for Disobedience— A Rebellious
Chief awed into Submission— Agriculture
and Commerce introduced — Nakedness
Piscountenanced — Burial of the Dead
encouraged— Buying of Wives checked—
Hopes of a General Conversion to Chris
tianity ...

72

XXXIX. Lord Glenelg orders the Abandonment
of the Province of Queen Adelaide, and
appoints Captain Stockenstrom to succeed
Harry Smith on the Frontier — Grief of
the Kafirs at the Change — Journey of
Harry Smith and his Wife to Cape Town
—He is exonerated by Lord Glenelg,
and receives Testimonials for his Ser
vices to the Colony— Leaves Cape Town

CONTENTS. vii
IAPTER PAGE
June, 1840, on being appointed Adjutant-
General of the Queen's Army in India 94
XL. Voyage from Cape Town to Calcutta-
Harry Smith's Disappointment at not
receiving the Command in the Afghan
War — His Criticism of the Operations... hi

XLI. Sir Hugh Gough succeeds Sir Jasper Nicolls
as Commander-in-Chief in India — Affairs
in Gwalior — Battle of Maharajpore—
Harry Smith made K.C.B. ... ... 122
XLI I. Affairs in the Punjaub— Sir Henry Har-
dinge succeeds lord ellenborough as
Governor -General — Outbreak of the
First Sikh War— Battle of Moodkee ... 139
XLIII. Battle of Ferozeshah (or Ferozeshuhur)
21ST December, 1845, AND Resumed Battle
of 22ND December— The Army moves into
Position at Sobraon ... ... ... 149
XLIV. Sir Harry Smith detached from the Main
Army — He reduces the Fortresses of
futteyghur and dhurmcote — combines
with Colonel Phillips at Jugraon, and
after changing his route to loodiana
encounters the enemy at budowal, and
loses Some Part of his Baggage— He re
lieves LOODIANA, AND, BEING REINFORCED
and the Enemy having retreated, occu
pies his Position at Budowal ... ... 165
XLV. The Battles of Aliwal and Sobraon— End
of Sir Harry Smith's Autobiography ... 178

viii CONTENTS.
CHAPTER PAGE
XLVI, {Supplementary.) Honours and Rewards, and
Knitting of Old Friendships ... ... 196
XLVII. {Supplementary.) In England once more— A
Series of Ovations — London, Ely, Whit
tlesey, Cambridge—Appointed Governor
of the Cape of Good Hope ... ... 213
XLVIII. {Supplementary.) South Africa in 1847 — Sir
Harry's Reception at Cape Town and on
the Frontier— End of the Kafir War —
Extension of the Boundaries of the
Colony and Establishment of the Pro
vince of "British Kaffraria" — Visit to
the Country beyond the Orange and to
Natak— Proclamation of the "Orange
River Sovereignty"— Triumphant Return
to Cape Town— Disaffection among the
Boers in the Sovereignty — Expedition
thither and Battle of Boomplaats — Re
turn to Cape Town ... ... ... 224
XLIX. {Supplementary.) The Question of the Estab
lishment of a Representative Assembly
in the Cape Colony— The Convict Ques
tion—Kafir War— Recall of Sir Harry
Smith— His Departure from the Cape ... 251
L. {Supplementary.) Again in England — Last
Years, 1852-1860 ... ... ... ... 294
APPENDIX L — Memorandum addressed to Sir b.
D'Urban on the Diet and Treatment of
Soldiers in Confinement ... ... 333
APPENDIX II.— Extracts from Harry Smith's Letters
to his Wife during the Kafir War, 1835 336
APPENDIX III.— Address of Colonel Smith to the
Caffer Chiefs, 7th January, 1836 ... 37s

CONTENTS. IX
PAGE
APPENDIX IV. — Extracts from Sir Harry Smith's
Letters from India, to his Sister, Mrs.
Sargant ... ... ... ... ... 384
APPENDIX V.— Sir Harry Smith's Recall from the
Cape— A. Earl Grey's Despatch ... ... ... 400
B. Sir Harry Smith's " Memoranda " in Reply 405

INDEX

413

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

VOL. II.

Sir Harry Smith ... ... ... ... Frontispiece
{From a picture painted by Levin about 1856.)
Cape Town and Table Mountain ... ... To face p. 12
(From a lithograph, 1832.)
Map to illustrate the Sutlej Campaign, 1845-6 „ 140
Plan of the Battle of Aliwal ... ... „ 178
"Aliwal," Sir Harry Smith's Charger... ... „ 218
(From a picture painted by A. Cooper, R.A., 1847.
Government House, Cape Town ... ... „ 226
(From a lithograih, 1832. )
Map of South Africa, 1847-1854 ... ... „ 236
Plan of the Field of Action at Boomplaats ... „ 242
Map of the Eastern Frontier of the Colony
of the Cape of Good Hope (Seat of the
Kafir War, 1850-1853) ... ... ... „ 26a.. 1
Lady Smith ... ... ... ... ... „ 300
(From a drawing by Julian C. Brewer, 1854.)
Sir Harry's Chapel (in St. Mary's Church,
Whittlesey) ... ... ... ... „ 326
(From a water-colour by Mrs. B. S. Ward.)

THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
Lt.-Gen. Sir Harry Smith,
BARONET OF ALIWAL, G.C.B.

CHAPTER XXXII.
VOYAGE TO THE CAPE — MILITARY DUTIES AND SPORT,
1 8 29-1 834 — SIR BENJAMIN D'URBAN SUCCEEDS
SIR LOWRY COLE AS GOVERNOR OF THE COLONY.
The stormy element, as if to atone for the violence
with which it treated us on our voyage from Nassau,
now behaved most moderately. We had a strong
breeze across the Bay of Biscay, but as it was abaft
the beam we did not feel it, and our whole passage
was one of fine and moderate weather. This was
very fortunate, as the brig was so heavily laden, that
at the beginning of the voyage her main chains
were positively under water. We were well found
in everything, and had the whole after-cabin to
ourselves. The captain was an able navigator,
both nautical and astronomical. He gave me a list
of his stock on board, and requested me to manage
dinner, etc., saying, "There is, I think, plenty, so
that if we live badly you will be to blame ; but the
vol. 11. b

2 LIFE AT THE CAPE. [Ch. XXXII.
brig is deep and no great sailer at any time, so
calculate on a three months' passage, to make sure."
The captain was a most excellent and kind-
hearted man, a regular British tar. During the war
he had been in the Navy, and prided himself on
having been the coxswain of Captain Seymour on
a frigate whose name I forget. "Lord, Sir," he
would say, " he was a proper taut hand, but a real
gentleman." During the whole voyage our captain, who had
a studious turn for mathematics and astronomy, was
always hard at work, and highly delighted to explain
the methods of his nautical calculations. He would
exclaim, " Oh ! if I had been so lucky as to have
had a real education, I think I should have made a
mathematician and astronomer." He was a large
powerful man, and had a forehead as clear and as
prominent as that of Dr. Chalmers.
Our voyage was more fortunate than the captain
had anticipated, and in eleven weeks we anchored
in Table Bay. I had never been at the Cape
before, but I had heard much of it from part of my
Corps which touched there years before [March,
1807] on their way to Buenos Ayres, and as I had
read every book about it which I could lay my
hands on, I was scarcely in a foreign land. As
soon as I landed, I found that the Governor, my
old and noble General, Sir Lowry Cole, was not at
Government House, but residing in the country. I
then went to look for my dear old friend John Bell
and his noble wife, Lady Catherine. They were in

1829-34J SIR LOWRY COLE. 3
an excellent house of their own, and as rej'oiced to
see me as I was to see them. John and My Lady
would hear of nothing but our putting up with them,
Johnny saying, " Harry, you and I and Juana have
fared more sparingly together than we will now."
The carriage was ordered, and John and I went on
board to bring the wife ashore, all delighted at our
happy union after an absence of years.
Next day John and I drove out in his buggy
to breakfast with the Governor. He and Lady
Frances, that noble and accomplished woman, were
delighted to see me, but oh, how she was altered !
When I first knew her in 1815, a few days after
her marriage, she was in the prime of life, a full
blown beautiful woman, and the most interesting I
ever knew. As soon, however, as my old recollec
tion of her was somewhat subdued, I found her
ladyship everything I had a right to expect, the
mother of six beautiful children, whose education
she conducted herself, and my gallant General all
kindness and hospitality.
He and I had a long walk in the garden, when
he said, " I shall appoint you Commandant of the
Garrison. You are ex officio, as second in command
to me, the senior Member of Council, and, if any
accident happened to me, the administration of the
government would devolve on you — John Bell, your
senior officer, being Colonial Secretary and holding
no military position."
No man was ever more happily placed than I
was. The quarter in Cape Castle forming the

4 LIFE AT THE CAPE. [Ch. XXXII.
residence of the Governor was excellent, with a
little square in the rear with capital stables and
out-offices. The garrison consisted of one company
of Artillery, the 72nd Highlanders, a magnificent
corps, and the 98th, very highly organized, con
sidering the short period they had been raised,
My first object was to visit and reduce the
guards, which I soon did very considerably on a
representation to the Governor. The next was to
do away with guards over convicts working on the
road. This could not be effected at once, but such
a friend to the soldier as Sir Lowry was, readily
received my various representations of the ill effects
on discipline of these guards, and, so soon as
arrangements could be made, these were also
abolished. The next guard to dispose of was one
of one sergeant, one corporal, and six privates at
the Observatory, four miles from Cape Town, and
it was not long before the building, or the star-
gazers, discovered that their celestial pursuits could
be carried on without the aid terrestrial of soldiers.
Some months after my arrival, the Kafirs being
on the eve of an outbreak, the Governor, Sir Lowry
Cole, went to the frontier. He requested me to
remain at Cape Town unless a war began, when I
was immediately to join. I frequently had the
troops bivouacked, and taught them to cook in camp,
piquets, etc., and every other camp duty. On one
occasion I had ball cartridges, every company at
its target, and I had out two six-pounders with their
target. I manoeuvred the troops, so moving the

1 829-34.] HARRY SMITH'S DUTIES.. 5
targets as to be in their front, and I never saw half
so good target practice with muskets before. The
men were delighted and emulous beyond measure.
The six-pounders, too, made excellent shots, and I
had not a single casualty.
About this time that noble fellow, General
Lord Dalhousie, arrived on his way out to India as
Commander-in-Chief. I gave him a capital sham
fight, concluding by storming Fort Amsterdam, at
which he was highly amused. I knew his Lordship
in America,* and we then and now had many a laugh
at our performances at Vittoria, previously related.
The Kafir war ended in patching up old
treaties, and the Governor returned. About this
time I acted as Military Secretary and Deputy
Adjutant- General, holding the appointments of
Deputy Quartermaster-General and Commandant ;
and ultimately the appointments of Deputy Adjutant-
General and Deputy Quartermaster General were
blended, and I held both, being called Deputy
Quartermaster-General. Horses at the Cape are excellent. The breed
had been much improved by Lord Charles Somerset,
the former Governor, by the importation of some
mares and several of the highest-bred English
thoroughbred sires. I soon had a most beautiful
stud. The sporting butcher Van Reenen had an
excellent pack of fox-hounds, which he virtually
allowed me to hunt, and many is the capital run we
had, but over the most breakneck country that
* See vol. i. pp. 340 and 97, 98.

6 LIFE AT THE CAPE. [Ch. XXXII.
hounds ever crossed — sands covered with the most
beautiful variety of the erica, or heath, and barren
hills of driftsands. These are dug up by moles
literally as big as rabbits. Their ordinary holes on
hills and under-excavations no good hunter will fall
in, but in their breeding-holes I defy any horse to
avoid going heels over head, if his fore-legs come
on them, although many old experienced hunters
know them and jump over. I had one little horse
not fourteen hands, descended from Arabs ; he
never gave me a fall, and I never failed to bring the
brush to his stable when I rode him ; but with all
other horses I have had some awful falls, particu
larly after rain, when the sand is saturated with
water and very heavy. Falls of this description are
far more serious than rolling over our fences at home,
where activity enables you to get away from your
horse, as he is some seconds or so coming down,
but in a mole-hole you fall like a shot, the horse's
head first coming to the ground, next yours, and he
rolls right over you. When a horse's hind legs go
into a breeding-earth the sensation is awful, and how
the noble animals escape without breaking their
backs remains one of the wonders.
Every shooting-season I made a capital excur
sion, first to my sporting friend's, Proctor's. He
was a retired officer of the 21st Dragoons, a capital
sportsman, an excellent farmer, a good judge of a
horse, and a better one of how to sell him to those
whom he saw he could make money of. He had a
family of thirteen children ; his wife was a Dutch

1829-34J SHOOTING. J
lady, still good-looking. My wife always accom
panied me, as well as my friend Bob Baillie, of the
72nd Regiment, who was subsequently celebrated
in the sporting magazines as a rider. We started
with an immense waggon, eight horses, every de
scription of commissariat stores, greyhounds, pointers,
setters, retrievers, terriers, spaniels, and, under
Proctor's guidance, we had capital sport.
The partridge-shooting was nearly as good as
grouse-shooting ; the bird, called the grey partridge,
very much resembled the grouse, and was a noble
sporting bird. There is also the red partridge,
large, but stupid to shoot. The best sport with
them is to ride them down with spaniels. There
are several sorts of antelopes, which lie in the bushes
and jump up under your feet as hares do. These
you shoot with buck-shot. Near Cape Town there
is only one sort of antelope " on the look-out " like
our fallow deer, grey, very handsome, and fleet,
called by the Dutch the rhee-bok. On the frontier
and in the interior there are a great variety of this
gazing-deer, the most remarkable being the spring
bok, which is exceedingly swift, parti-coloured or
pied, and they almost fly from you. They have the
power of expanding their long hair on the top of
the back, like opening and shutting a fan. The
bonte-bok is in very large herds. These you are
prohibited to shoot without a special authority from
Government, and the number even which you may
shoot is limited.
The variety of modes of shooting these antelopes

8 LIFE AT THE CAPE. [Ch. XXXII.
is highly amusing. To shoot the eland, the largest
species, as big as a two-year-old heifer, you go full
speed in a waggon over ground so rough that, what
with the speed, you can hardly hold on and preserve
your guns. The animals, hearing all the noise, stop
to gaze. The waggon is instantly pulled up, and
you fire balls. After such a jolting, he is a steady
fellow who fires with any precision.
You have pheasants, too, inmates of very stiff
and thorny-bushed ravines ; they afford good sport,
but you must shoot them dead, or you will never
find them. There are also several species of the
bustard genus, but near Cape Town only the black
and grey khoran, so called. On the frontier you
have the ordinary bustard, a noble bird and excellent
eating, weighing from 9 to 12 lbs., and a species of
great bustard, weighing from 20 to 25 lbs. The latter
is eatable, but coarse. These you shoot with balls.
On the frontier, too, you have buffaloes, elephants,
lions, camelopards, ostriches, etc., so well described
by Major Harris that it is impossible to add to his
faithful account.
Coursing at the Cape is not good. I pursued it
much for the sake of hunting four or five couple of
spaniels. Hares there never sit in the open as in
Europe, but in low stunted bushes— half rabbits.
However, this sort of coursing with the spaniels and
greyhounds teaches your horse to become a hunter,
and by rushing him after hares, he well learns how
to tumble or to avoid tumbles.
In the course of our sporting tour, I used to

1829-34O HORSE-BREEDING. 9
visit the breeding establishments (then called kraals)
of all the great breeders, I think, Melk, Kotze,
Proctor, Van Reenen, Van der Byl, etc. Melk has
six hundred mares, all running out in unenclosed
fields. With such an establishment you would
expect that he could show you three or four hundred
one, two, and three year olds (for they are all sold
by this age). He can never show more than seventy
or eighty colts of the year, and the rest of the
breeders can show no higher proportion. The
thoroughbred mares are invariably in miserable
condition, the cock-tails fat and sleek. Many of the
mares, etc., are afflicted with a disease from an ac
cumulation of sand in their stomachs and intestines.
It was thought far beneath the dignity of a
gentleman at the Cape to ride or drive mares, but
seeing that the mares were far finer and larger than
the horses, and one-fifth of the price, I bought from
Proctor two immense mares, as like English hunters
as possible, for ^45 ; a thoroughbred mare, 16 hands
high, four years old, for my wife (a beautiful creature
which very much delighted Lord Dalhousie) ; and
another thoroughbred mare, 15 J. They were the
four finest horses in Cape Town. One of the
carriage mares ruptured her bladder in the carriage,
and died in a few hours. The large thoroughbred
got a most tremendous fall out hunting, nearly broke
my neck, and was chest-foundered ever afterwards.
The other two I sold remarkably well. By some
accident I never set up mares in my establishment
again, but I was never so elegantly horsed.

IO LIFE AT THE CAPE. [Ch. XXXII.
What with my military duties and those of
Council, I led a far from idle life, and there is an
elasticity in the atmosphere at the Cape which
conduces to a desire to take violent rides. The sun
never heats you. I have ridden 140 miles in thirty
hours to go to look at a horse or buy one, or to
look at a particular line of country. I have been
out shooting in the middle of the summer from day
light to dark, the sun like a furnace, the pummel of
the saddle like a red-hot poker, your gun-barrel,
after a few rapid shots, so heated you almost fear to
reload, then come home at night (or slept out in
the fields, if you like) and eaten a right good dinner,
not in any way heated, and without either headache
or cold. An exposure of this sort to the sun of
India would probably cause a roaring fever or
death. This is the sort of life which I and my wife lived
from 1829 to the end of 1834, enjoying the greatest
kindness and hospitality, and living in happiness and
sociability with every one. We had lost our dear
kind friends, Sir Lowry and Lady Frances Cole,
but he was succeeded as Governor and Commander
in-Chief, early in 1834, by a most amiable man,
Sir Benjamin D'Urban, the most educated and
accomplished soldier I have ever served with.*
* For an interesting memorandum on the diet and treatment of
military prisoners, submitted by Harry Smith to Sir B. D'Urban in
1834, see Appendix I.

( » )

CHAPTER XXXIII.
OUTBREAK OF A KAFIR WAR — HARRY SMITH'S HIS
TORIC RIDE TO GRAHAMSTOWN — ON HIS ARRIVAL
HE PROCLAIMS MARTIAL LAW — PROVIDES FOR THE
DEFENCE OF THE TOWN — ATTACKS THE KAFIRS
AND RESCUES SEVEN MISSIONARIES.*
The Kafir tribes, which for many months had
been greatly agitated and excited, at length burst
into the Colony in what was for the moment an irre
sistible rush, carrying with them fire, sword, devas
tation, and cold-blooded murder, and spoiling the
fertile estates and farms like a mountain avalanche.
Such were the reports received from the Civil Com
missioners and the Commandant of the troops. His
Excellency Sir B. D'Urban determined to dispatch
me immediately, with full powers civil and military to
adopt whatever measures I found requisite, while
he would himself follow as soon as possible. His
Excellency told me a sloop of war was ready to take
me to Algoa Bay. I, however, preferred riding
post, and the horses were laid for me for a seven
days' ride, 600 miles. It was needless to start until
the horses were on the road, so I had two days f to
* With this and the four following chapters, compare Appendix II.
t This disposes of part of H. Cloete's dramatic story, which, how
ever, should be compared {Great Boer Trek, pp. 78, 79).

12 KAFIR WAR. [Ch. XXXIII.
make arrangements, and to ship . military stores of
every description, ordnance, etc. One half of the
72nd Regiment was to proceed in waggons, the
other by sea.
On the night of the 31st December [1834], I
dined with Sir B. D'Urban at Cape Town (my own
dear little cottage at Rondebosch being four miles
off), and after dinner His Excellency and I had a
long conversation. I fully ascertained his views and
desires, and then made a resolution in my own mind
never to swerve from his principles where circum
stances admitted of their application. He on his
part was most frank, honest, and decided, saying,
"You now understand me thoroughly. Rely on
my support in every way, and my perfect readiness
to bear all the responsibility."
I parted with this noble soldier and able states
man at half-past twelve, drove out to my cottage,
and lay down for three hours. I then started with
a single Hottentot for a ride of 90 miles the first
day [1st January, 1835], the heat raging like a
furnace. My orders, warrants, etc., were sewn in
my jacket by my own dear wife. From the anxiety
and exertion of the previous day's running about
Cape Town from store to store, and the little sleep
I had had, as I rode the first 25 miles to the first
change of horses I was half tired, but I got a cup of
tea at the post-house, and never felt fagged again.
I arrived at Caledon at one o'clock, when it was
threatening a heavy thunderstorm. I had then
25 miles to ride. The storm came on violently,

CAPE TOWN AND TABLE MOUNTAIN.
From a lithograph by Day and Haghe, 1832.

Vol. ii. p. 12.

I83S-] RIDE TO GRAHAMSTOWN. 13
the rain poured behind me, but I reached my
stage, Field Cornet Leroze, by three, perfectly dry.
The next day I started before daylight, and got
to Swellendam to breakfast. I had two heavy, lazy
brutes of horses. In Swellendam I wrote letters of
instructions to that able fellow the Civil Com
missioner, Harry Rivers, and I then started for an
additional ride of 70 miles. I found the Buffeljagts
river out. My first horse from Swellendam had a
20-miles stage, but through having to go up the
river to ford, this noble little four-year-old had 30
miles, which he did, crossing the river too, in two
hours and twenty minutes. I was so pleased with
him, I wrote to Rivers to buy him and bring him
up with the burghers. He bought him for ,£18 55.
I afterwards rode him very hard for two years, and
sold him to Sir George Napier for ^50. This day
was excessively hot. I reached my stage at three
o'clock. I started the next day for George, with a long
ride of 100 miles before me. At the second stage
I found no horses and was kept waiting one hour.
I got to a Field Cornet's where there was a great
assembly of burghers enrolling their names for
service, and a great dinner prepared at twelve
o'clock, at which. I was fool enough to eat, the
remainder of my ride to George being rendered
thereby a great exertion. Unfortunately, after a
ride of 100 miles, I found all the civil authorities
and inhabitants prepared to receive me, a cere
mony I could readily have dispensed with. I

14 KAFIR WAR. [CH. XXXIII.
soon got rid of these well-meant attentions, had
a hot bath, lay down, and dictated letters to the
Civil Commissioner, Mynheer de Bergh, until eleven
at night. I was off before daylight with a tremendous ride
before me, over mountains, etc., etc. About half
way I met the mail from Grahamstown, and such
a task as I had to open it ! Not till I had opened
the last bag did I find the packet of letters I wanted
from the Commandant and the Civil Commissioner,
Grahamstown. Their descriptions of disaster,
murders, and devastations were awful ; the Com
mandant talked of the troops being obliged to
evacuate Grahamstown. I made comments on all
these letters, and resolved to reach Grahamstown
in two days. The heat to-day and the exertion of
opening the letter-bags were fatiguing. On my
arrival at my stage, I got hold of the Field Com
mandant Rademeyer, and sent on expresses all
night to have the horses ready a day before they
were ordered, being determined to reach Uitenhage
the next night (the fifth from Cape Town), — 500
miles. Off two hours before daylight. One river, so
tortuous is its bed, I had to cross seven times. I
galloped through, and was as wet for hours as if I
had been swimming, with a sun on me like a
furnace. About halfway to Uitenhage, the heat
was so excessive my horse knocked up, and no
belabouring would make him move. About half
a mile off I saw a sort of camp, went up, and found

1835.] RIDE TO GRAHAMSTOWN. 1 5
a Dutch farmer with his family, herds, flocks, etc.,
fleeing from the scene of devastation. I told him
who I was, where and what I was going for, and
asked him to horse me to the next stage, about
seven miles. To my astonishment (for nothing can
exceed the kindness and hospitality of the Dutch
Boers on ordinary occasions), he first started a
difficulty, and then positively refused, which soon
set my blood boiling. He was holding a nice-
looking horse all ready saddled, so I knocked him
down, though half as big again as myself, jumped
on his horse, and rode off. I then had a large river
to cross by ferry, and horses were waiting for me.
The Boer came up, and was very civil, making all
sorts of apologies, saying until he spoke to the
guide who followed me, he did not believe that in
that lone condition I could be the officer I repre
sented myself. The passion, the knocking him
down, the heat, etc., was very fatiguing, and I reached
Uitenhage at five o'clock, having been beating
grass-fed post-horses from three in the morning
until that hour, and ridden over some very bad and
mountainous roads, 140 miles." To my horror, the
Civil Commissioner (though a very worthy, good
man) had all the town turned out to receive me,
and a large dinner-party to refresh me, while I
wanted repose. To add to this, a Colonel Cuyler,
an officer retired on half-pay, of great experience
and abilities on this frontier, waited on me. He
was very communicative, of great use to me, but,
being as deaf as a beetle, the exertion of calling

1 6 KAFIR WAR. [Ch. XXXIII.
loud enough for him to hear (although naturally
I have a very powerful voice) I cannot describe. I
had a wash, went to the great dinner — I dare not
eat, quite to the astonishment of my host — soon
retired, got hold of his secretary, and lay on my
back dictating letters until twelve o'clock, when,
fairly exhausted, I fell asleep.
Off again next morning for Grahamstown. If
the previous day's work had been excessive, it was
short of what I this day encountered from the
wretched brutes of knocked-up horses laid for me.
About half way I found the country in the wildest
state of alarm, herds, flocks, families, etc., fleeing like
the Israelites. Everything that moved near a bush
was a Kafir. I was forced to have an escort of
burghers on tired horses, and oh, such a day's
work, until I got within ten miles of Grahamstown !
There I found awaiting me a neat clipping little
hack of Colonel Somerset's (such as he is celebrated
for) and an escort of six Cape Mounted Rifles. I
shall never forget the luxury of getting on this little
horse, a positive redemption from an abject state of
misery and labour. In ten minutes I was perfectly
revived, and in forty minutes was close to the barrier
of Grahamstown, fresh enough to have fought a
general action, after a ride of 600 miles in six days
over mountains and execrable roads, on Dutch horses
living in the fields without a grain of corn. I per
formed each day's work at the rate of fourteen miles
an hour, and I had not the slightest scratch even on
my skin.

I83S-] PANIC AT GRAHAMSTOWN. 1J
If it be taken into consideration that there was
no previous training, that I started without sleep
almost and after two days' excessive fatigue of mind
and body in Cape Town, embarking stores, troops,
etc., the little sleep I had on the journey from being
obliged, to dictate letters and give orders, the exces
sive heat, the roads, the horses, then it must be
admitted a performance of no ordinary exertion for
a man who, when it was over, was ready and required
to use every energy of mind and body.
On reaching the barricaded streets, I had the
greatest difficulty to ride in. I found Colonel
Somerset parading the night duties. Consternation
was depicted on every countenance I met, on some
despair, every man carrying a gun, some pistols and
swords too. It would have been ludicrous in any
other situation than mine, but people desponding
would not have been prepossessed in my favour by
my laughing at them, so I refrained, although much
disposed to do so. I just took a look at the mode
adopted to defend Grahamstown. There were all
sorts of works, barricades, etc., some three deep,
and such was the consternation, an alarm, in the
dark especially, would have set one half of the
people shooting the other. I at once observed
that this defensive system would never restore the
lost confidence, and I resolved, after I had received
reports and assumed the command, to proclaim
martial law, and act on the initiative in every
respect. I rode to Somerset's, where I was treated en
VOL. II. C

1 8 KAFIR WAR. [Ch. XXXIII.
prince. I sent for the Civil Commissioner, Captain
Campbell, and from him learned the exact state of
the country — that despondency did exist to a fearful
extent, originating from the sight of the horrors per
petrated by the remorseless enemy, but any vigorous
steps and arbitrary authority boldly exerted would
still ensure a rallying-point for all. I said, " Very
well ; I clearly see my way. At as early an hour as
possible to-morrow morning I shall declare martial
law, and woe betide the man who is not as obedient
as a soldier. Be so good as to prepare the necessary
document and copies to be printed for my signature.
I will be with you soon after daylight in your office,
where I shall take up my abode." I was there
according to my appointment, and found everything
ready upon this and every other occasion when . I
required the services of this able public officer. No
man was ever better seconded and supported in
every way than I was by Captain Campbell. I
learnt the number of regular troops to be a little
above 700, the civil force under arms 850, "then
occupying Grahamstown, Fort Beaufort, the con
necting post of Hermanus Kraal (the civil force
being at the Kat River Settlement, a location of
Hottentots, where Captain Armstrong with a troop
of Cape Mounted Rifles acted in a civil and
military capacity). Fort Willshire had been most
shamefully abandoned. I received a report that a-
body of 200 Burghers of the Graaf Reinet district,
under their Civil Commissioner Ryneveld, was
approaching. I knew the front of the 72nd Regiment

1835.] MARTIAL LAW PROCLAIMED. 1 9
in waggons would reach me in a day or two. I
resolved, therefore, as soon as possible to make an
inroad into the heart of the enemy's country in one
direction, reoccupy Fort Willshire, and thence march
to rescue the missionaries who were assembled in
one house, " Lonsdale," in Kafirland, and whose
safety could not be calculated on for one moment.
I then directed the population of Grahamstown,
so soon as martial law was proclaimed, to be formed
into a Corps of Volunteers, and I would issue them
arms. The church in the square in Grahamstown
being occupied as a military post and a council
chamber, I desired the principal gentlemen to
assemble, to name their own officers, etc., and to
submit them for my approval, and told them that
they and the organization of the corps should be
instantly gazetted.
This was in progress, when there were so many
speakers and so few actors, the Civil Commissioner
recommended me to go to the meeting. I deemed
this a good opportunity to display my authority,
which I was resolved on doing most arbitrarily on
such a momentous occasion.
When I went in, there was a considerable
assembly of very respectable-looking men. I asked
what was the cause of delay in executing my
demands ? One gentleman, a leader in what was
called the Committee of Safety, which I very soon
complimentarily dissolved, stood up and began to
enter into argument and discussion. I exclaimed in
a voice of thunder, " I am not sent here to argue,

20 KAFIR WAR. [Ch. XXXIII.
but to command. You are now under martial law,
and the first gentleman, I care not who he may be,
who does not promptly and implicitly obey my
command, he shall not even dare to give an opinion ;
I will try him by a court martial and punish him in
five minutes."
This sally most v completely established my
authority, and I never met with any opposition
afterwards ; on the contrary, a desire on the part of
all to meet my wishes. The corps were formed,
officers gazetted. As we issued, and on parade
that evening, I gave the command, as was
promised, to Captain Sparks of the 49th Regiment,
on leave of absence with his family at Grahams
town. My attention was next turned to the defence of
Grahamstown. I found that the officer in com
mand of the 75 th Regiment had taken great care of
the barracks, distant half a mile or more, but that he
was averse to detaching troops to the defence of
Grahamstown. This I soon settled, opened all
the barricades, established fresh alarm posts, and at
once showed the alarmed inhabitants that defence
should consist in military resources and military
vigilance, and not in being copped up behind doors,
windows, and barricades three deep, from which
they would shoot each other. That evening, the
first after I assumed the command, the aspect of
affairs had changed. Men moved like men, and
felt that their safety consisted in energetic obedi
ence.

1835.] ENERGETIC MEASURES. 21
The next day two hundred Graaf Reinet
burghers arrived. I despatched some of them and
Colonel Somerset with a force to the rear to im
prove our communication with Algoa Bay, which
was interrupted, and I prepared a force of three
hundred men to invade the kraal of the Kafir chief
Eno, and, if possible, to seize that double-faced old
murderer and breaker of treaties. This command I
gave to an old brother Rifleman, Major William Cox,
then in the 75th Regiment, a soldier by experience,
nature, and courage, the most useful and active
officer under my command. I never expected they
would seize old Eno — he had a very narrow escape,
though — but, as I anticipated, the object of my
inroad was completely achieved, and from that
moment all the invading Kafirs rapidly withdrew
from the Colony. It also showed the Kafirs that
the Hottentots would fight against them, which
previously they had disbelieved.
A party of the 72nd Regiment having arrived, I
immediately reoccupied Fort Willshire.
My next object was to rescue the missionaries
from the very heart of Kafirland, where seven of
them (I think) with their families expected momen
tarily to have their throats cut. I again employed
my old brother Rifleman, Major Cox, who succeeded
to the utmost of my most sanguine expectations and
brought off every British subject.
After [leaving] his command at Fort Willshire,
and [the missionaries] were in perfect security, he
pushed on to Grahamstown to report his success.

22

KAFIR WAR. [Ch. XXXIII.

When he reached the Fish River he found it full,
and swam across, leading his horse in his hand, like
a gallant fellow as he is. On reaching me, he found
that Sir B. D'Urban, the Governor, had arrived;
and highly delighted Cox and I were that the last
act of mine before resigning the command was
one of brilliant success and an achievement of no
ordinary enterprise. The Governor was as pleased
as we were. This rescue of the missionaries was
the best thing I ever did during the war, but one
which these holy gentlemen and their Societies
never acknowledged as they ought, though always
ready to censure. " Charity is a comprehensive
word." The day after the arrival of the Governor he
issued a General Order, of which the following is
an extract : —

" Headquarters, Grahamstown,
"Frontier of the Cape of Good Hope, 22 Jan. 1835.
"The Commander-in-Chief desires to offer Colonel
Smith the expression at once of his unqualified appro
bation and of his warmest thanks for the important
services which he has rendered to the King and to the
Colony during the period of his commanding the forces
on the Frontier District.
"The unparalleled rapidity with which he rode from
Cape Town to Grahamstown, a distance of 600 miles,
accomplishing it in less than six days ; his indefatigable
and most able exertion from the moment of his arrival to
expel the savage enemy from the ground their unexpected
and treacherous invasion had gained — to afford protection

1835.] HARRY SMITH THANKED. 23
and support to the inhabitants ; to restore confidence and
to organize the armed population, and combine the
resources of the country — have been beyond all praise,
and justly entitle him to the grateful acknowledgments
of the Colony and of the Commander-in-Chief."

( 24 )

CHAPTER XXXIV.
HARRY SMITH CHIEF OF THE STAFF UNDER SIR
BENJAMIN D'URBAN — HE MAKES TWO FORAYS INTO
THE FISH RIVER BUSH AND ONE INTO THE UM-
DIZINI BUSH — THE FORCE UNDER SIR B. D'URBAN
MARCHES FROM FORT WILLSHIRE TO THE POORTS
OF THE BUFFALO, FROM WHENCE HARRY SMITH
MAKES ANOTHER FORAY.
My duty now, although not of so directly re
sponsible a nature, was laborious and active in the
extreme in conformity to the General Orders which
follow : —
" Colonel Smith will, for the present, resume his duties
as Deputy Quartermaster-General and acting Deputy
Adjutant-General of the forces, and, in this capacity as
Chief of the Staff, will take charge of the organization of
a force to be prepared for active operations ; for carrying
which into effect he is hereby authorized to make requisi
tions upon the competent departments, and to approve all
requisitions and contracts, which approvals will be then
sufficient warrant for the corresponding issues and pur
chases ; and he will be so good as to make a daily report
of the progress of this service to the Commander-in-Chief."
In the progress of these arduous services, I

I835-] CHIEF OF THE STAFF. 25
organized two corps of Hottentots, consisting of
every loose vagabond I could lay my hand on,
called the istand 2nd Battalion Hottentot Infantry.
They consisted of four Companies each, 100 men
to a Company. It is scarcely to be credited
how rapidly these men trained as soldiers. No
nation in the world, with the exception of the
inhabitants of the South of France, have such a
natural turn to become soldiers as the Hottentots.
In the various operations I had carried on, I had
never been able to give a command to Lieut.-Colonel
Z  of the — Regiment, who had been active
and useful under me, but I promised him that, as
soon as I possibly could do so, he should have one.
I ascertained that a considerable body of Kafirs,
cattle, etc., were concentrated in the dense fastnesses
of the Fish River bush, from which it was necessary
to dislodge them before the advance of the invading
force. I laid my plan before Sir Benjamin D'Urban,
who fully approved of it, and as I wished, he
consented that Colonel Z  should have the
command of the troops to effect this service. I
sent for the Colonel, and he was delighted. I said,
" Now, make your own arrangements. You know
the country; you know the desire I have had to
give you a command, and I should be sorry if I did
not everything in my power to make it agreeable."
All was arranged, and Z  and his expedition
marched. I was under no apprehension of its success,
and my mind was devoted to the eternal subject of
organization of Boers, Hottentots, waggons, etc.,

2 6 KAFIR WAR. [Ch. XXXIV.
when most unexpectedly. Colonel Z  returned
to headquarters, and I could observe by his manner
victory was not the subject. He of course never
acknowledged reverse ; said he had not sufficient
troops, etc., and that to dislodge the savages, as
he always termed them, more must be employed.
"But," I said, "how came you to leave your
command ? " " Oh, I thought I could best explain
matters myself." " Well," I said, " come to the
Commander-in-Chief." His Excellency received him very coldly, being
exceedingly offended at his leaving his troops, espe
cially under the circumstances. When Colonel
Z  went, Sir Benjamin D'Urban broke out
and said, " G — ¦ — , he has had a licking, and what
the devil made him leave his troops ? Smith,"
says Sir B., "this check must be immediately re
paired, and you must go yourself. Take with you
what you deem sufficient, and lose no time."
I certainly did not, for that afternoon some
more infantry were on the march. In the course of
the day Jim Cox came to me from Z  , describ
ing how hurt he was that I had to command. I
positively laughed at the idea of such a command
adding to anything but my labours, and I said,
" Willingly will I go to Sir Benjamin D'Urban and
tell him Z  is hurt and in some degree
imputes to me the arrangement." The only time
Sir Benjamin D'Urban was ever angry with me was
on this occasion. " I have decided on what I consider
the service demands, and I little expected any

1835.] THE FISH RIVER BUSH. 2J
remonstrances from you, Smith." I said quietly,
" It was only to serve another, sir." " Yes, at the
risk of the public service." Z — • — was furious.
He was ordered to rejoin his former command.
So soon as I reached the troops on the banks
of the river, I reconnoitred the enemy's position,
rendered extraordinarily strong from dense bush,
almost impenetrable to any but a creeping Kafir,
ravines, mountains, etc. I found it necessary to
attack at three points, and disposed of my troops
accordingly, giving the command of the right and
cavalry division to Colonel Somerset, and the left
to Colonel Z  , while I remained with the
centre. The river was up, and prevented me crossing for
three days. The heat on its banks was intense. I
determined, however, that so soon as the river was
practicable, I would attack and that my infantry
should penetrate the thickets while the cavalry
should intercept the retreat of the enemy and their
cattle. The evening before the attack, when I gave
Colonel Z  his orders, he said, "Any further
orders ? " I said, " None." He laughed in a very
satirical manner. " Ah, ah, catch a Kafir with
infantry." I said, " Yes, Colonel, I intend it, and
you shall too." Our success exceeded my most
sanguine expectations.
Such was the extent of the country, that a con
siderable part of it I had not been able to penetrate.
I was resolved, therefore, to make a second attempt,
which I was not long about.

28 KAFIR WAR". [Ch. XXXIV.
The evening previous to a long march for the
different columns to gain their ground, I received
an application from Colonel Z  for permission
to return to Grahamstown. I was thunderstruck,
but of course said, "Go when you like " ; and I had to
send Major Gregory, an excellent officer, thirty miles
to take the command of Z  's force, which he
reached just in time for it to commence its march.
On my second attempt I completely scoured the
holds and fastnesses of the Kafirs, namely, "the
dense and extensive thorny ravines, etc., of the great
Fish River bush," which they had deemed impene
trable, and which in no previous war had they ever
been driven from. The Kafirs never again occupied
this bush permanently, although a brilliant affair
subsequently occurred [9th March] between some
Boers under Field Commandant Rademeyer and a
large body of them.* Thus Kafirs were caught by
infantry, and we secured a considerable quantity of
cattle, upwards of 5000, for which the savage fights
desperately. The nature of this bush service re
quires the most practised light troops, and the
advantage I derived from the service of my old
comrade Cox is not to be described.
After this I brought my two battalions of
Hottentots into play. The enemy in this bush had
about thirty renegade Hottentots, many of them
runaway servants who had deserted with their
masters' double-barrelled fowling-pieces. I never
* Cp. for this incident, and the whole history of the war, Sir J. E.
Alexander's Narrative of a Voyage, etc. London, 1837.

1835.] THE UMDIZINI BUSH. 29
had more difficulty to dislodge a few men in my
life, and these fellows caused me a loss of some
valuable men.
Sir Benjamin D'Urban was highly gratified with
my success, and issued a very complimentary General
Order to that effect.*
Soon after this I went to Fort Willshire, to pre
pare the camp for the rendezvous of the army under
Sir Benjamin D'Urban in person, and, the troops
being much in want of cattle from the country having
been so driven, spoiled, and devastated, I resolved
to make an inroad into Kafirland to a dense bush
(as it is in this country called) beyond the Umdizini,
where I was led to believe a considerable quantity
of Kafirs and cattle were collected. The distance
from my camp was thirty-five miles, and I had the
rapid Keiskamma River to cross. I marched at one
o'clock in the morning, with a corps of mounted men,
principally composed of the Swellendam Burghers or
Yeomanry, under a veteran old Commandant who
had made seven Kafir campaigns. My inroad was
perfectly successful, and I reached my bivouac at
nine the following night, having marched a distance
from point to point of 70 miles, exclusive of opera
tions in the bush. I brought with me upwards of
2000 head of fat cattle, which were most acceptable
for the consumption of our troops.
In a few days the Commander-in-Chief reached
the camp [31 March] at Fort Willshire, and the
troops were all ready for the field, and as highly
* Given by Alexander, vol. ii. p. 14.

3o KAFIR WAR. [Ch. XXXIV.
organized as such a mob of armed inhabitants could
be. Our train of commissariat waggons, each with
twenty oxen in it, was immense. With the head
quarters column alone we had 1 70 occupying about
two miles. From the length of these teams, I
expected great difficulty with them, and certainly
took every pains to regulate and divide them into
divisions, departments, etc., appointing a captain
over the whole. To my astonishment, so excel
lent were the bullocks, I never had the slightest
trouble, and they could march over any country
whatever with the troops.
From Fort Willshire we marched to a position at
the foot of what are termed the Poorts of the Buffalo,
very high wooded ridges, high up the river of this
name, and, as we were obliged to halt there for our
left column to get into its line, I requested Sir
Benjamin D'Urban to allow me to conduct a patrol
into this bush. He consented ; and I had the
prettiest affair by far of any during the war, and the
most like a fight.
I took with me a detachment of the 72 nd
Highlanders, under Captain Murray, my faithful
attendant always ; one of the Hottentot Battalions ;
and my Corps of Mounted Guides, gentlemen of the
country and merchants who had traded all over
Kafirland and knew the country perfectly. Never
was there a more useful body. The Hottentot
Battalion had a considerable ddtour to make, and I
wished to occupy a ridge to support and to observe
their movement. In attempting this, I was opposed

I835-] POORTS OF THE BUFFALO. 3 1
by a considerable body of Kafirs posted on a sort
of natural castle of rocks, steep and scarped by
nature, and so well did the Kafirs maintain them
selves, wounding Murray and several of his men,
that I had to turn them ere they were dislodged.*
In the meanwhile, the Hottentot Battalion, hearing
the firing and seeing the bush full of cattle, came
flying on and drove the Kafirs in every direction,
killing many. We captured upwards of four thousand
cattle. The care of these cattle and the sending
them to the rear were a very laborious and arduous
duty. * Writing of this to his wife, on the 7th April, he says, "Well,
yesterday, alma mia, was the anniversary of that which led to our
blessed union, and, after my check at the natural fortress, which, by
Jupiter, was very strong — inaccessible, in short — I thought to myself,
' Well, this day so and so many years ago, I had a good licking in
Badajos breaches, and the old Duke tried something else.' So the
blood rushed into my heart again as gay as ever. ' By G — d, I'll have
them out yet.' I had no information but my spyglass, and I made a
ditour, and was lucky in hitting off the plan to approach."

( 32 )

CHAPTER XXXV.
OVER THE KEI INTO HINTZA's TERRITORY — WAR
DECLARED AGAINST HINTZA — HIS KRAAL BEING
DESTROYED THE CHIEF COMES IN, AND AGREES TO
THE TERMS OF PEACE — HE REMAINS AS A HOSTAGE
WITH THE BRITISH FORCE, WHICH MARCHES BACK
TO THE KEI — HARRY SMITH MARCHES UNDER
HINTZA'S GUIDANCE INTO HIS TERRITORY TO RE
COVER THE STOLEN CATTLE — NEAR THE XABECCA
HINTZA TRIES TO ESCAPE, AND IS SHOT.
From the Poorts of the Buffalo we marched up
to the Kei, the right bank of which was the great
chief Hintza's territory. Every overture of a
pacific character had been made this chief, but no
satisfactory, nor indeed decided, answer could be
obtained. It was, in the first instance, ordered that
we should cross the river without committing any act
of hostility, but our sentries and picquets were to be
most watchful and vigilant, our avowed object being
to recover the cattle which had been so treacherously
stolen out of the colony and driven into Hintza's
country, and from which he would undoubtedly take
a considerable duty. The troops marched on to

I83S-] WAR ON HINTZA. 33
the missionary station of Butterworth, close to one
of Hintza's great kraals.
The army remained here some days, constantly
receiving shuffling messages from Hintza, Here
the whole of the Fingoes in Hintza's territories
threw themselves on the protection of the Governor.
These Fingoes were once a powerful nation, but,
being defeated in war, fled to Hintza's territories
for protection, which he promised. However, so
soon as they were dispersed and powerless, he and
his chieftains seized all their cattle, and reduced the
whole to the most abject state of slavery. These
were the remains of eight powerful nations.*
After a day or two's shuffling, Hintza sent into
camp his Prime Minister, Kuba, a sharp wolf-like
looking fellow, with the cunning of Satan. I would
back him eating beef-steaks against any devil. After
the Governor had given Kuba several audiences and
patiently heard all he had to urge in extenuation of
Hintza's evasive conduct, it was evident he had not
the slightest intention of restoring the cattle, or
making any reparation for the murder of British
subjects early in the war, the destruction of the
missionary station at Butterworth, etc. Accordingly,
war was formally declared.
At ten o'clock our tents were struck, and the
army marched [24 April]. A mounted patrol of
three hundred cavalry were given to me, and some
Fingoes. I made a most rapid march on another
of Hintza's kraals, where his great wife Nomsa
* Alexander, vol. ii. p. 99.
VOL. II. D

34 BEYOND THE KEI. [Ch. XXXV.
frequently resided. I reached it just before dark,
and had a smart brush with the enemy and took a
lot of cattle. The next morning at daylight I pushed
forward to the bed of the Upper Kei, where in
formation led me to believe a considerable quantity
of colonial cattle were secreted. I had a tremendous
march this day, and the heat on the banks of the
river was excessive. At dark this night I had
captured 14,000 head of cattle, principally colonial.
I ascertained some months afterwards that these
were Macomo's booty. The next day I joined the
headquarters column to get rid of my cattle and to
get some fresh troops.
At daylight the following day I crossed the
rocky bed of the T'somo, very deep and rapid, and
made a most precipitate march on Hintza's kraal.
He was not there, but many of his followers were ;
his cattle were all driven off. I immediately burnt
his kraal — in Kafirland regarded as the posses
sion of his territory — the only kraal I burnt in his
country. The rapidity of these inroads, the extraordinary
extent of country traversed by the troops with me,
the burning of Hintza's kraal, were viewed by
Hintza with the utmost surprise and consternation,
and this chief, who had treated with the utmost
evasion and contempt all previous overtures, on the
day after his kraal was burnt came into our camp
with his son and court, a humble suppliant for
peace and mercy. A few years before, a detach
ment of troops under Colonel Somerset had been

i83S] HINTZA RIDES INTO CAMP. 35
sent to assist him against his enemies, and saved him
from destruction. He therefore rode into our camp
in an undaunted manner. (The poor savage always
buries the past in oblivion, and regards the present
only. He has not the most distant idea of right
or wrong as regards his line of conduct. Self-
interest is his controlling impulse, and desire stands
for law and rectitude.) The Governor, Sir B.
D'Urban, recorded on paper, in a jslear and strong
manner, all the grievances he had to complain of,
and the redress which he sought and would have.
Hintza, with about fifty followers, was immediately
prepared to enter into treaty. Kuba was not with
him, but he had another of his councillors, a man
of great repute, Umtini. As the interpreter trans
lated the Governor's statement paragraph by para
graph, Hintza acknowledged everything. The
demand was made for restitution of cattle stolen
and redress for all other grievances. Hintza asked
to have till next day to consider it, which was
granted. That night he dined with me, while a bullock
was given for a feast to his followers, one of
whom acted as butcher. The slaughtering is done
with great ceremony, but it is horrible to behold.
The ox is thrown on his back. The butcher then
makes an incision between the chest and the
abdomen, through which protrudes immediately a
considerable portion of the omentum. This is cut
off for the great man of the party as the most
acceptable relish. The butcher then introduces his

36 BEYOND THE KEI. [Ch. XXXV.
hand and arm up to the very shoulder into the
incision, gets hold of the heart and turns it, the
animal giving a terrific roar of excruciating pain
which is really appalling. But he is dead in a
moment, the circulation being stopped by the
twisting of the blood-vessels. By this method of
slaying the animal, all the blood is preserved in
the meat, which the Kafir thinks adds to its flavour
and nutritious power.*
Hintza, Umtini, myself, and the interpreter were
together four hours. I was never more astonished
than by the ability with which Hintza argued on
every point and by the shrewd and cautious
opinions expressed by Umtini. The interpreter,
Mr. Shepstone,f a very clever youth of nineteen,
was the son of a missionary. He had been born
among the Kafirs, and the language was as familiar
to him as that of his father. He was the only
interpreter we had who could convey your meaning
in the Kafir idiom and in conformity to their usages
and knowledge of men and things. After all this
discussion, Hintza said, " Well, I shall agree to
morrow to the Governor's demands in every
respect." He then left me, having eaten enough for
seven men. I walked with him to his people, where
the protruding omentum of the slaughtered bullock
was prepared for him. Curiosity induced me to
remain. He ate every bit of this fat fried lightly ;
there could not have been less than four pounds.
* The slaying of the ox on this occasion is also described by
Alexander, vol. ii. p. 132.
t Afterwards Sir Theophilus Shepstone.

183$.] PEACE WITH HINTZA. 37
The next day a sort of court was held, and
Hintza formally accepted the conditions of peace
offered by his Excellency. Peace was therefore
proclaimed, and Hintza went through the ceremony
of despatching messengers in all directions to collect
the quota of cattle he was to furnish, as well as to
bring to headquarters the colonial cattle.
On one of my predatory expeditions I had taken
a great chief, by name Maquay . My A. D. C. , Balfour,
seized him and saved his life, and he was a prisoner
in our camp, and I had several others. I now
released them all, being very glad to get rid of their
custody. If ever a savage can feel any sensation
approaching to gratitude, this chief Maquay did
when I gave him his liberty. He thanked me for
his life, while he frankly acknowledged that, under
similar circumstances, he should have taken mine.
Hintza's promises were so strong that the army
commenced its march [May 2] towards the ford of
the Kei, since called Smith's Tower, there to remain
until the conditions of the treaty were fulfilled. A
deluge of rain detained us some days. In daily ex
pectation of the arrival of the cattle, the army was
as well in one camp as another. Hintza remained
with us, which gave us every confidence. When
pressed to name hostages, he said, "Oh, I shall
willingly remain myself." This act of frankness was
evidently intended as a cloak, and he meditated his
escape. He was frequently asking me leave to ride
out to meet his people bringing in cattle. This I
usually refused. One fine sunny day he so pressed

38 BEYOND THE KEI. [Ch. XXXV.
me that I asked the Governor's permission, saying
that I would provide for his security. Sir Benjamin
D'Urban said, " Depend on it, he meditates his
escape " ; for some days over the period stipulated
had elapsed, and not an article of the treaty
acted on.
I sent with Hintza a well-mounted escort of the
Cape Corps under a Lieut. Wade, a smart, active
and well-mounted officer. I directed him to examine
his pistols in Hintza's presence, and the escort their
carbines, and to be most vigilant. Hintza en
deavoured to lead him into intricate ground, but
Wade was far too sharp a fellow, and said, " Hintza,
riding about in this way is all folly. I shall take
you back to camp." That very day Hintza's and
Boku his brother's people had commenced a
general massacre of all the Fingoes near them who,
in virtue of the treaty of peace, had wandered from
the camp. The Governor, seeing the treachery and
the absolute want of all faith, became exceedingly
indignant, and threatened to hang Hintza himself,
and Kreili his son, and Boku his brother, if an
instant cessation of this carnage did not take place.
The fellows funked, and immediately sent messengers
scampering in every direction.
The same night, Hintza's sort of confidential
man, a notorious thief and spy, came to me request
ing a private audience. I said, " Let him come in."
The sergeant of my escort, who always had his double-
barrelled carbine in his hand, made me a sign he
would be at hand. I then, alone with the fellow (a

1835.] HINTZA A HOSTAGE. 39
copper-coloured half- Hottentot, half- Kafir, a strong
athletic fellow), said in Dutch, which he spoke per
fectly, " Well, what do you want ? " He began to
abuse Hintza, saying he was a robber, a traitor to
his own people and to us (I saw by the rascal's eye
there was mischief in it), and that he wished to serve
me. " You scoundrel," I said, " you have been
well treated by Hintza; you now wish to desert him
because you think he is in difficulties. I will show
you how Englishmen treat runaway servants." I
called Japps, and desired him to give the fellow a
good flogging and kick him into Hintza's camp.
Japps was not long in obeying my orders, and soon
came back with a large clasp-knife in his hand.
" There," says he, " this fell from under the rascal's
arm, and he has confessed Hintza sent him to
murder you." *
We moved our camp from the bed of the Kei
on the road. The Governor began to think Hintza
had no intention whatever of fulfilling his promises,
but he did not desire to bring him over the Kei a
prisoner, which would have been regarded through
out his country as an insult ; he therefore proposed
that two of his comrades should remain as hostages.
Hintza would only offer two common men. The
Governor then said, " Hintza, I shall keep Kreili and
Boku." This startled Hintza exceedingly, and he
renewed a proposal to me which he had often made,
that if I would go with him and take troops, he
would himself speedily collect the cattle. After all
* Alexander, vol. ii. p. 147.

40 BEYOND THE KEI. [Ch. XXXV.
our marches and exertions, it was as annoying as
unsatisfactory to recross the Kei without the
redemption of the colonial cattle. I therefore
rather urged this proposal on the consideration of
his Excellency, who was always of opinion that
Hintza was playing false and that his liberty was
his sole consideration, " However," his Excellency
said, "it is a chance in our favour; you may go
with him, but, depend on it, you have undertaken a
laborious task."
I prepared, therefore, to march immediately,
while the Governor intended to cross over the
Fingoes— an operation something resembling the
flight of the Israelites out of Egypt — and then to
pass the troops. I took with me —
50 Cape Rifles, under an old Peninsular officer,
a Captain Ross.
2 Companies 72nd Regiment, under Captain
Murray, who had now perfectly recovered from
his wound.
3 Companies 1st Battalion Hottentots.
1 5 of the Corps of Guides.
My A.D.C., Balfour, and my worthy friend
Major White, the Q.M.G. of the Burgher
force.
Some commissariat stores of bread, flour, and
spirits packed on oxen.
Hintza had been treated by me with every
possible kindness, and always affected to acknow-'
ledge it. He had been loaded with presents by the
Governor, and I candidly admit I had a feeling of

1835.] MARCH UNDER HINTZA'S ESCORT. 4 1
kindness towards the chief daily growing upon me,
which I could not account for.
We were all soon en route [10 May]. The
troops had a very long, steep, and winding road, the
ascent from the bed of the Kei to the tableland.
Hintza, I, my A.D.C., and interpreter, with my
escort of Guides, rode on, dismounted, and sat look
ing at the troops climbing the ascent. Hintza said
to the interpreter, " Ask the Colonel in what position
I now stand as regards myself and my subjects." I
was very glad he put this question, and in very
deliberate terms and in an impressive manner I thus
expressed myself through the interpreter : " Hintza,
you have lived with me now nine days ; you call
yourself my son, and you say you are sensible of
my kindness. Now, I am responsible to my King
and to my Governor for your safe custody. Clearly
understand that you have requested that the troops
under my command should accompany you to enable
you to fulfil the treaty of peace you have entered
into. You voluntarily placed yourself in our hands
as a hostage ; you are, however, to look upon me as
having full power over you, and if you attempt to
escape, you will assuredly be shot.* I consider
my nation at peace with yours, and I shall not
molest your subjects provided they are peaceable.
When they bring the cattle according to your
command, I shall select the bullocks and return the
cows and calves to them."
Hintza replied that he came out to fulfil his
* The same speech is quoted by Alexander, vol. ii. p. 160.

42 BEYOND THE KEI. [Ch. XXXV.
treaty of peace, and with no intention to escape, and
that the fact of his son's being in our hands was a
sufficient guarantee of his sincerity. I replied most
emphatically, ". Very well, Hintza ; act up to this, and
I am your friend. Again I tell you, if you attempt
to escape, you will be shot."
Notwithstanding these specious professions, that
very afternoon my suspicions were aroused. I
observed two Kafirs coming towards us with five
head of cattle. On seeing us, they stopped, and
Hintza, without asking my leave, sent a mounted
man to them — as he said, to bring them in ; but, in
place of that, the messenger and the others went
off together. My officer, Mr. Southey of the Corps
of Guides, attached much importance to this little
circumstance. On closely questioning Hintza, I
received from him such evasive replies I began to
think there must be some little act of treachery, and
I pressed him to define the route which he proposed
I should take. I could never get more from him
than " We are going right."
I knew any chance of success in my expedition
depended on the rapidity of my march, for the
Kafirs themselves would drive the surrounding
country as we approached. I marched, therefore, till
dark, having crossed the Guadan Hills that night.
Before daylight the next morning [i i May] I was
again en route, and reached the Guanga late in the
afternoon. There I bivouacked and my men cooked.
Hintza always ate with me, and, with his councillor
Umtini, lay near me at night. I kept a very Light

1835.] HINTZA'S DUPLICITY. 43
Division watch over him. After eating, I said,
" Now, Hintza, we are a long way in your country ;
I must know where you propose to conduct me."
He was on this occasion very communicative, and
requested that I should march towards the mouth
of the Bashee by a route which he would point out,
and that we should move at midnight. To this
request I readily acceded, having observed during
the day's march all the cattle to be driven in that
direction. At twelve I marched [12 May], keeping
a very sharp look-out on Hintza, whose manner I
observed to be excited, and continued marching till
eight in the morning, when it became necessary to
halt and cook.
At breakfast the chief appeared particularly un
easy and evidently annoyed at the vigilance with
which I watched him. He observed peevishly,
" What have the cattle done that you want them ?
or why must I see my subjects deprived of them ? "
I said, " These are odd questions to ask, Hintza.
You well know the outrages committed in the Colony
by your people ; it is in redress of these wrongs I
march, and at your own request."
At ten o'clock I again marched. Hintza
suddenly became in high spirits, and observed sar
castically, " See how my subjects treat me : they
drive the cattle away in spite of me." " Hintza,"
I said, " I do not want your subjects' cattle ; I" am
sent for the colonial cattle which have been stolen,
and which I will have!' "Then," said the chief,
" allow me to send forward Umtini, my principal

44 BEYOND THE KEI. [Ch. XXXV.
councillor, to tell my people I am here, that they
must not drive away their cattle, and that the cattle
of your own nation will alone be selected." This
proposal I immediately agreed to, as it appeared to
hold out some chance of success, although I could
not divest myself of the opinion that Hintza was
meditating some mischief. I particularly enjoined
Umtini to return at night, and this he promised
faithfully to do.
Umtini quitted the line of march at full speed,
accompanied by one of Hintza's attendants, the chief
exclaiming, in high spirits, " Now you need not go to
the Bashee ; you will have more cattle than you can
drive on the Xabecca "¦ — a small river which we were
rapidly approaching.
On my nearing the stream, it was found that the
spoor or track of the cattle branched off in two
directions — one to the left, up a high mountain ; the
other to the right, up a very steep, abrupt, high, and
wooded hill upon the banks of the Xabecca.*
The river-bed below was rugged, precipitous, and
covered with brushwood. Hintza said, "We must
follow the track to our right ; the cattle which are
gone to the left up the mountain are lost to us."
This desire of his I resolved to follow, and crossed
the Xabecca accordingly.
It had been remarked that this morning Hintza
rode a remarkable fine and powerful horse, which he
spared fatigue by leading him up any hill we came
* Alexander gives the river as Gnabacka. Schmidt's map (1876)
gives it as Xnabeccana and Gnabecca.

1835.] HINTZA'S ATTEMPT TO ESCAPE. 45
across during the march. On the opposite side of
the Xabecca the ascent was steep, precipitous, and
woody. I was riding at the head of the column,
when I heard a rush of horses behind me, and called
out to the Corps of Guides, in whose particular
charge Hintza was. I then observed the chief and
all his followers riding up quickly to me and passing
me in the bushes on both sides. The Corps of
Guides called my attention to the circumstance,
and I exclaimed to Hintza, "Stop!" At this
moment the chief, having moved to one side of the
track which we were marching on, became entangled
among the bushes and was obliged to descend
again on to the path before us. I drew a pistol, at
which the chief smiled so ingenuously, I nearly felt
regret at my suspicions, and I allowed the chief to
ride on, preceded by some of the Corps of Guides,
his guards, who had pushed forward to intercept him
if he attempted to escape.
On reaching the top of this ascent, we found the
country perfectly open, and parallel with the rugged
and wooded bed of the Xabecca (calculated for the
resort, cover, and protection of the Kafir), a con
siderable tongue of land ran for about two m9es
and terminated at the bend of the river, where was
a Kafir village. On reaching the top, my mind
was occupied with the march of the troops up this
steep ascent, and I was looking back to observe
their appearance, when the chief set off at full speed,
passing the Guides in front, towards the village in
the distance. Two of the Guides, active fellows,

46 BEYOND THE KEI. [Ch. XXXV.
Messrs. Southey and Shaw, set off, exclaiming, " Oh,
Colonel, Colonel, look!" My first glance showed
me the treachery, and both spurs were dashed into
my horse's sides, a noble animal of best English
blood. The chief was at least two hundred yards
ahead of me, and for half a mile his horse was as fast
as mine. It was a capital horse in good condition,
given to him some months before by Colonel Somer
set. After that distance I found I rapidly neared him,
and when within a distance of forty yards I pulled
out a pistol. It snapped. I tried a second, with
equal ill success. At this moment Hintza's horse
gained on me, and I found that in the pursuit I had
rushed my horse with such violence I had nearly
blown him, and that, if I must take the chief, it was
necessary to nurse my horse a little. In about a
quarter of a mile I again closed with him. I had
no sword on, but I struck him with the butt end of
a pistol, which flew out of my hand. He was
jobbing at me furiously with his assagai, I rode
upon his right to prevent him turning down into the
bed of the river, which I supposed (as afterwards
it proved) was full of Kafirs in waiting to receive
him. I was now rapidly approaching the Kafir huts,
and the blood of my horse gave me great advantage
over Hintza. I tried to seize his bridle-reins, but
he parried my attempt with his assagai. I prayed
him to stop, but he was in a state of frenzy. At
this point of desperation, a whisper came into my
ear, " Pull him off his horse ! " I shall not, nor ever

1835-] A HAND-TO-HAND TUSSLE. \*J
could, forget the peculiarity of this whisper. No
time was to be lost. I immediately rode so close
to him that his assagai was comparatively harmless,
and, seizing him by the collar of his karosse (or
tiger-skin cloak), I found I could shake him in
his seat. I made a desperate effort by urging my
horse to pass his, and I hurled him to the ground.
My horse was naturally of a violent temper, and,
from the manner I had spurred him and rushed him
about, he became furious. Having now recovered
and running on his second wind, I could not pull him
up, and he ran away with me to the Kafir village.
I expected to feel a hundred assagais at me in a
moment, but all the Kafirs had gone down into the
river. I dropped the reins on one side, and with
both hands hauled his head round. I then spurred
him violently and drove him right upon a Kafir hut,
by which he nearly fell, and I got him round with
his head the right way, viz. back again, and did not
spare the spurs.
The Kafir's fall created delay sufficient for the
foremost of the Guides, Southey, to approach within
gunshot. Southey shot the Kafir Larunu, and as
Hintza was running into the bed of the river, called
to him to stop. At this moment I was within hailing
distance, and I desired Mr. Southey, " Fire, fire at
him." He did so from about two hundred yards
off. The chief fell, and I pulled up, thinking he
was knocked over. He was on his legs again in a
moment, and so close to the bush he succeeded in
gaining it. I made instant arrangements with the

48 BEYOND THE KEI. [Ch. XXXV.
troops to invest as much of the bush as I could, in
the hope of intercepting him. In the mean time,
however, with the utmost rapidity, Southey and my
A.D.C., Lieut. Balfour, 72nd Regiment, pursued him
into the bush, the former keeping up, the latter down
the stream, when Southey was suddenly startled by
an assagai striking the stone or cliff on which he
was climbing. Turning quickly round, he perceived
a Kafir, his head and uplifted assagai only visible,
and so close, he had to recoil to bring up his gun. It
was an act like lightning; either the Kafir would
send the assagai first, or the shot must fall. Southey
was first, and fired and shot the Kafir, whom to his
astonishment he found to be the chief.
Southey immediately galloped towards me.
There was a cry, " Hintza is taken," at which I was
not a little delighted, and I sent the sergeant of my
escort, Japps, to bring him to me in a rein or halter,
but by no means to treat him roughly. In a few
seconds Southey reported the melancholy truth. I
say "melancholy " because I had much rather he had
been taken, but I thanked Southey for his exertions,
and there was no one act I could upbraid myself
with as contributing to the chief's attempt to escape
after the warning I had given him and the kindness
and respect I had treated him with, and after having,
merely to please him, marched, as he pretended, to
his assistance. I had the corpse brought up the hill carefully
wrapped in the karosse, and laid near the Kafir
village with every mark of decency. I had no tools,

i83S.] HINTZA SHOf. 4§
or I would have buried it. In the distance, with
my telescope I saw the confederate Umtini, and
observed by his gestures that he was exciting and
calling together the Kafirs in all directions by means
of messengers running from hill to hill. This is
their ordinary method of communication, and it is
nearly as rapid as our telegraph.

VOL. II. E

( 5o )

CHAPTER XXXVI.
MARCH ACROSS THE BASHEE TO THE UMTATA AND
BACK TO THE BASHEE — DEATH OF MAJOR WHITE
— DIFFICULT MARCH FROM THE BASHEE TO REJOIN
SIR B. D'URBAN ON THE KEI — ANNEXATION OF
THE TERRITORY CALLED THE " PROVINCE OF
QUEEN ADELAIDE," AND FOUNDING OF ITS CAPI
TAL, "king William's town" — return of the
GOVERNOR TO GRAHAMSTOWN.
I collected my troops, and saw many of my
officers look somewhat staggered as to what was to
come next, considering that they were such a handful
of troops in the heart of a country swarming with
people who were now our most avowed enemies.
Some of Hintza's followers were in my hands. These
I despatched to their countrymen, to tell them how
Hintza's treachery had cost him his life, and that I
should [not ?] make war upon them. I called the
officers to the front, and some of the influential non
commissioned officers of the Hottentot companies;
and told them the Bashee was not far distant. I
should march upon it, and cross or otherwise as cir
cumstances demanded, for I had been informed that
the bed was full of cattle, principally colonial. I was

1835.] CROSSING THE BASHEE. 5 1
now without a guide, for on this important point I
had naturally depended on Hintzaj However, I
could distinguish the line of the bed of the Bashee,
to which it had been told me by Hintza that the
cattle would be driven, and the tracks of cattle all
converged in that direction.
Late in the afternoon the waters of the Bashee
were discernible and on its further bank a consider
able number of cattle. The troops had been march
ing fourteen hours, but I resolved to push forward
with my cavalry, whom I ordered to lead their horses
down the precipitous banks of the river. I forded
the beautiful and widely flowing stream in an oblique
direction, and ascended the rugged and steep banks
of the opposite side by a cleft in the rocks, which
admitted of only one horseman at a time. After
gaining the heights, I immediately pushed forward,
and succeeded in capturing 3000 odd fine cattle, but
very few colonial ones among them, and had there
been an hour's more daylight, I should have taken
double the number. Night, however, came on,
and I bivouacked my party on the left bank of
the Bashee, ground well adapted for the security
of the captured cattle. This was the third day
since I left the Kei, and the troops had marched
84 miles. Having observed at dusk that the cattle I could
not come up with were driven in the direction of the
Umtata, I resolved, as the moonlight was greatly in
my favour, to move at three o'clock in the morning
[13 May], leaving the jaded horses, weakly men,

52 AFTER HINTZA'S DEATH. [Ch. XXXVI.
and captured cattle, with as large a guard as I could
afford, in the bivouac. I gave this command to
Captain Ross, of the Cape Mounted Rifles, an old
and experienced Peninsular officer, with orders to
concentrate everything as soon as it was daylight.
I told him that he might rely on it the Kafirs would
attempt to retake the cattle.
A most gallant officer and dear friend, Major
White, the Quartermaster-General to the Burgher
force, had accompanied me, and had rendered me
great assistance, having also been busily employed
each day in adding to the topographical information
so much required in this country. He proposed to
remain in camp to make sketches, and asked me to
give him a guard of one corporal and three men. I
desired Captain Ross to give him six, to keep a
sharp look-out on this party, and (as I anticipated
what did occur) to reinforce it in case of need. I
also particularly requested my friend White to go a
very short way from the bivouac, and to keep a
sharp look-out, for he might rely upon the enemy's
showing the utmost activity to retake the cattle and
destroy every man remaining behind.
Upon my return to camp, the first report was that
Major White and all his party were cut off. On the
first alarm by a shot, the old Peninsular officer Ross
was broad awake, but his reinforcement only arrived
in time to find the body of poor White lying pierced
with wounds, and all his papers, double-barrelled
gun, etc., borne off, and the party lying murdered
near him. In him the Colony lost a man of superior

'335.] TO THE UMTATA. 53
ability and vast utility, a noble-minded public-spirited
fellow, formerly a lieutenant in our service, and I a
friend I was proud of.
During these disasters in camp, which my fore
sight had anticipated, I pushed forward, detaching
Captain Bailie with sixty excellent men of the
Hottentot battalion down the Bashee to a distance,
then to bring up his right shoulder and rejoin me
on the banks of the Kakke * River, equidistant
between the Bashee and Umtata, where I proposed
to halt and cook, if circumstances permitted me.
I had no guide, and my movements were con
ducted by reference to a very defective map. I
marched from the mountainous bank of the Bashee
through a most beautiful and fertile country,
strongly undulating and rich in pasturage, over
which was visible the track of vast numbers of
cattle. I pushed on with vigour until the bed of
the Umtata was perfectly visible, but not a head
of cattle was discernible. The whole country had
been driven on the alarm and capture of the
previous night. The enemy had assembled in
vast numbers all around me, but I never could get
near him, so wary and so vigilant was he. I suc
ceeded, however, in taking one prisoner, and two
Fingoes came in to me. From them I learned what
I indeed saw — the cattle of the whole country had
been driven, previously and by Hintza's orders, over
the Umtata, those I had captured the night before
being, as it were, the rear-guard. * Mpako ?

54 AFTER HINTZA'S DEATH. [Ch. XXXVI,
From the distance marched, the fatigue of the
troops, and the powerful concentration of the
immense population all around me, I naturally
began to turn my attention to the security of the
bivouac I had left behind and the captured cattle.
I had previously directed Captain Bailie not to
join me, if he found the country I had detached
him into excessively difficult to traverse. He was
in that case to follow the bed of the Bashee a
reasonable distance, and then return straight to the
bivouac. My own observation of the country I
had marched over confirmed me in thinking it
would be impossible for him to join me. I there
fore made no halt on account of any such expec
tation. The enemy on my march back made some
attempts on my rear. The officer, a Lieutenant
Bailie, son of the man previously mentioned, a
very sharp fellow, laid himself in ambush in the
long grass and several times made the Kafirs pay
dearly for their temerity.
On approaching my bivouac I saw all was
secure, and did not anticipate the extent of the
melancholy report I was to receive of the loss of
my friend White, as before described. Captain
Ross told me that he had been kept on the most
vigilant alert all day; that every moment he ex
pected a rush from the immense numbers of Kafirs
all round him, and he was very glad to see me
back. Every moment the numbers increased around

1835.] SCOURING THE COUNTRY. 55
me, and their daring to approach me indicated
great confidence. I was perfectly satisfied that an
attempt would be made at night to retake the
cattle, and I made my defensive dispositions accord
ingly, giving the command of the picquet to an
active officer on whom I could depend — Captain
Lacy of the 72nd Regiment.
Scarcely was it perfectly dark when on came, in
the most stealthy manner, a swarm of Kafirs.
Their design was anticipated, however, by our vigi
lance, and the assailants were driven back with
great loss. Captain Bailie had not yet returned
with his sixty men, and I was very anxious he
should do so, although I felt no great apprehensions
for his safety, as I heard no firing in his direction,
and I was well aware he would not give in without
a desperate struggle. However, between eleven
and twelve at night I heard him approaching — joy
fully, I admit ; for he and his men had been march
ing from three o'clock in the morning, and taking
into consideration the previous day's march, I then
considered, and I now maintain, that these sixty
men marched a greater distance than was ever
traversed in the same number of hours by any
infantry in the world. I was aware that unless
they fell in with cattle they would have nothing to
eat, and I had their dinners prepared ; the active
fellows had eaten nothing from the previous night.
Captain Bailie reported to me that he had had
various rencontres with parties of the enemy ; that
after dark he was closely invested, and several bold

56 AFTER HINTZA'S DEATH. [Ch. XXXVI.
attempts were made to assagai his men in the very
ranks. Seeing the number of the enemy, their increasing
hostility and daring, the difficulty of the road I had
to retire by, being obliged to recross the Bashee by
a path admitting of only one bullock at a time, it
became necessary to make my arrangements with
every skill and attention, lest the enemy should
retake my capture, the abandonment of which
would be contrary to the feelings of most of my
party. Accordingly I made the soldiers cook at
daylight, and went in among my doubtful troops —
the new levies; for in my soldiers of the 72nd
Regiment I had every confidence, as they deserved.
I found my Hottentots, who are very sharp fellows,
perfectly aware of the delicacy of our position,
which, indeed, I did not attempt to conceal, as I
wished to impress upon them that our safety and
the getting away of the cattle depended on their
silence and obedience and their never firing a shot
without orders. They always called me "father."
An old spokesman now said to me in Dutch, " We
will do all our father desires, if he will stay near
us, and not go galloping about to have his throat
cut ; for if we lose him we are all lost."
I sent Captain Ross over the river to establish
himself on the opposite bank, and I placed parties
in the river above and below the ford to keep the
Kafirs from driving off the cattle, as they are very
expert at this, and a few men could have effected it
if once an opening had occurred.

I835-] RETURN TO SIR B. D'URBAN. 57
So soon as the enemy saw me under arms and
observed my retrograde movement, they disposed of
themselves in the most dexterous manner, so as to
attack me wherever able, and made frequent feints
in one direction so as to attack in another. But so
well were my orders obeyed, and so alert was every
officer and soldier, fully aware that one error would
occasion dire disaster, all these bold attempts were
defeated : and I succeeded in crossing the river to
the full extent of my most sanguine hopes. When
I reached the open country about four miles from
the river, the enemy had no cover or ground
favourable for molesting me, and I pursued, my
march uninterrupted, but with great caution and in
as compact a body as possible. Three thousand
cattle cover a deal of ground, and but for the
ability of the Hottentots as drovers I should never
have succeeded in bringing them off.
In all my previous service I was never placed in
a position requiring more cool determination and
skill, and as one viewed the handful of my people
compared with the thousands of brawny savages all
round us, screeching their war-cry, calling to their
cattle, and indicating by gesticulations the pleasure
they would have in cutting our throats, the scene
was animating to a degree. I continued my march
and recrossed the Kei on the 17th May, and
rejoined the main body under his Excellency Sir
B. D'Urban, having completed a march of 218
miles in seven days and a half, over a rugged and
mountainous country, intersected by deep rivers at

58 AFTER HINTZA'S DEATH. [Ch. XXXVI.
the bottom of precipitous ravines and rivulets difficult
to cross, having had to march for hours without any
road at all, bringing with me 3000 captured, cattle
and 1000 Fingoes, who had flocked to .me with
their families for protection, and added consider
ably to my difficulties ; and all this effected without
the loss of an individual except those whose fatuity,
or rather indiscretion, had placed them — so contrary
to my caution and my anticipation of danger — within
the grasp and power of the undaunted and stealthy
savage. On my reaching Sir Benjamin D'Urban, he gave
out — " 21 May, 1835.
" The Commander-in-Chief has again the gratification
of recording the military skill and indefatigable activity
of Colonel Smith, and the admirable discipline, zeal, and
determined spirit of the troops under his orders in the
recent expedition beyond the mouth of the Bashee. Upon
no former occasion — and there have been many during this
campaign where they have well earned praise for their
high qualities — have they displayed them in a more
eminent degree. They marched in seven days 218
miles ; overcame all opposition, notwithstanding that
this was obstinately attempted by several thousands
of armed and determined savages ; crossed and recrossed
a large river of very difficult banks, and brought off from
the further side three thousand head of cattle which had
been plundered from the Colony. They have also achieved
a still more important service in the course of this bold
and rapid inroad : they have rescued from destruction and
safely brought in one thousand of the Fingo race, who
from their remote situation had been before unable to join

1835.] HARRY SMITH PRAISED AND VILIFIED. 59
their countrymen now under British protection, and who
would inevitably have been sacrificed to the fury of the
savages so soon as they should have had leisure to think
of them. " For these services,"effected too without loss from the
ranks, the Commander-in-Chief returns his thanks to all
the troops employed, officers and soldiers, and he especially
offers them to Colonel Smith."
The Governor was much depressed at the un
fortunate loss of the chief Hintza by his own
treachery, not only from the natural feeling of
humanity towards the individual, but because he
fully anticipated the hold the canting party would
take of it in England. Such men, stripping facts of
all collateral circumstances, so changed the features
of that incident as to twist it into the tortuous shape
of their own cunning duplicity. For my own part, I
was firmly based in my conscientious rectitude, of
which Almighty God alone was Witness and Judge,
and anything which man could say I disregarded. I
admit, however, that at the moment I did not ex
pect to be called a bloodthirsty murderer in every
print in every quarter of our dominions, or to be
shamefully abandoned by the Minister of the
Colonies,* whose duty it was in such assaults
honestly to have supported and sustained me
against the misled voice of the public, and not to
have sacrificed me at the shrine of cringing party
spirit when I had so faithfully, so zealously, and so
energetically saved for him the Colony of the Cape.
* Lord Glenelg.

60 AFTER HINTZA'S DEATH. [Ch. XXXVI.
He remained in office long enough to repent and
acknowledge his error. My own rectitude of con
science prevented me ever caring an iota for these
miscreants' assaults, and I was ultimately thanked by
the minister ; although not till I had undergone the
ordeal of inquiry by a court of investigation, levelled
at me, but assembled on Mr. Southey, by whose
hand the chief lost his life (August and Sept., 1836).
The Governor prepared to move into the colony,
as soon as he had taken possession of the country
on the right bank of the Kei, some years previously
wrested from the Hottentots by the Kafirs, and as
soon as he had founded the city of King William's
Town [24 May] immediately on the left bank of
the Buffalo, and established corresponding posts
throughout the newly added " Province of Queen
Adelaide." The army marched from its position on the Kei,
establishing posts on the line of road towards
Grahamstown, and headquarters were, established
on the 22nd May, on the site of the new city, King
William's Town, and remained there till the nth
June, when the Commander-in-Chief returned to
Grahamstown. During this period, with a small force of cavalry
and infantry, I made some most rapid and extensive
marches throughout the whole of the new province,
the object being, in virtue of the proclamation, to
compel the Kafirs to return behind the Kei in the
spirit of that conquest by which they had some
years previously crossed it. A more harassing duty

1835] FOUNDING OF KING WILLIAM'S TOWN. 6 1
for myself and troops cannot be imagined, although
the troops had the best of the fatigue, for after each
excursion I took fresh parties.
The day previously to headquarters returning to
Grahamstown a General Order was published, of
which the following is an extract : —
"The Commander-in-Chief publishes three reports
made to him on the 1st, 3rd, and 7th inst. [June, 1835] by
Colonel Smith at length, because they are full of valuable
instruction for young* officers (whose attention, therefore,
is earnestly invited to them), setting forth in the clearest
and most emphatic manner how such duties should be
performed, as well with regard to arrangement of plan, as
to activity and energy of execution ; and, above all, they
furnish a practical illustration of this great military
principle, which should be foremost in the mind of every
soldier, and which so strikingly characterizes this dis
tinguished officer, 'Nil actum reputans, siquid superesset
agendum.' "
After thanking the troops, the Order continues —
" It diminishes the regret of the Commander-in-Chief at
quitting this personal command, that he leaves them in
charge of Colonel Smith, an officer in whom they must all
have the fullest confidence as well on account of those
high military qualities which they have witnessed, and
which have made him a main cause of the recent successes,
as because they know from experience he is a soldier, and
will always have a watchful care of all that can contribute
to their health, comfort, and convenience.
"Colonel Smith, C.B., is appointed to the command of
the District of the Province of Queen Adelaide and all the
troops therein, until his Majesty's pleasure be known."

( 62 )

CHAPTER XXXVII.
harry smith left in command of the new
"province of queen adelaide" at king
William's town — death of lieutenant bailie
— harry smith joined by his wife — forays
on the kafirs — conclusion of peace.
Upon my taking the command, my first object
was to provide for the security of the various posts
established by his Excellency ; to facilitate communi
cation by improving roads, fords, etc. ; then to
endeavour to compel the Kafirs, in conformity with
my instructions, to withdraw beyond the Kei and
sue for peace. I endeavoured by every means in
my power to assure them that peace was within
their reach, and that if hostilities were continued, it
would be due to them alone. I most assuredly
never allowed the troops one moment's repose from
the furtherance of the great object — a peaceful
possession of the province wrested from the
enemy. Of the many patrols which I sent out, one con
sisted of sixty of the ist Battalion of the Hottentots
under Lieutenants Bailie and Biddulph. I had
frequently employed Lieutenant Bailie on such

1835.] DEATH OF LIEUT. BAILIE. 63
duties. His achievements were always to my
perfect satisfaction, and I had implicit confidence in
his judgment, discretion, and bravery. The evening
this patrol went out, I proceeded some distance
with it, impressing upon Lieut. Bailie the necessity
there was for vigilance. Above all he must never
divide his party, as utility and safety consisted in
union. With this injunction I left him, and for ever.
It will appear that this excellent officer had received
some information by which he hoped to effect great
service, and he divided his sixty men into two bodies,
thirty with himself, and thirty with Biddulph. They
were to meet at a given point of rendezvous well
known to both. Biddulph reached the rendezvous,
but Bailie's party never again appeared. They were
cut off to a man. Biddulph, having heard no firing,
after waiting for some time, believed Bailie to have
returned to my camp. I had so much confidence in
this officer's ability, that I was not in the slightest
apprehension for his safety, and as to sending out
parties in quest of him, I had no clue whatever, for
Biddulph could not even give an opinion where he
could have proceeded to. Afterwards, on the con
clusion of peace, it was ascertained that with his
small party he protracted a most gallant and un
flinching resistance for four days against many
hundreds of the savages, who had hemmed him in
in one of the deep woody ravines of the Tabendoda*
Mountains, a resistance which did not cease till his
ammunition was exhausted. It is most extraordinary
* Alexander says " the Intabakandoda range " (vol. ii. p. 248).

64 PROVINCE OF QUEEN ADELAIDE. [Ch. XXXVII.
that, though I sent patrols in various directions,
no one ever heard the report even of a musket.
Being thus established " Governor " of a Pro
vince, and my dear, faithful, adventurous, and cam
paigning wife being impatient under her unusual
separation, we resolved with mutual gratification that
she should start to join me — a distance of nearly 800
miles over a wild country of bad roads, difficult
passes, and deep rivers. But what will not woman
undertake when actuated by love and duty ? Such
distances are travelled in large covered or tilted
waggons drawn by ten, twelve, fourteen, and even
twenty horses according to the road. The roads
may be of deep sand, hard, or over mountains ; but
they are invariably rough. One of the judges' cir
cuit waggons was kindly placed at my wife's dis
posal, and she, her maid, dogs, and two faithful
servants started. Reliefs of horses were collected
on the road at the usual stages by authority, my
wife paying for the same. She travelled at an
average rate of 70 miles a day, receiving, wherever
she stopped the night or for refreshment, every
attention from the families of the Dutch Boers, most
of whom were, or had been, under my command,
and with whom I was very popular. She reached
Grahamstown much fatigued from the jolting of so
unwieldy a thing as a Cape waggon, but no other
vehicle can bear the shock caused by the roughness
of the mountain roads. On reaching Grahamstown
she found it necessary to rest for a day or two, after
which the troops of Volunteers spontaneously prayed

i83S.] ARRIVAL OF JUANA SMITH. 65
to be her escort to Fort Willshire, about halfway
betwen Grahamstown and King William's Town,
the furthest point to which I could venture to proceed
from my command. On the day we were to meet,
so punctual were we both that her waggon and my
escort appeared on two heights on either side of
Fort Willshire at the same instant, and we were
again united in gratitude to Almighty God.
The next day we proceeded to the seat of my
government, King William's Town, where my dear
campaigning wife was again under canvas, sur-
rdunded by all the circumstance of war. There
was, however, little " pomp " in my posts, every man
who strayed a few yards from the cantonment being
murdered to a certainty. We only occupied the
ground we stood on, and chains of sentries were
round us each night, as hundreds of Kafirs weire
watching every post night and day for the purposes
of murder and plunder, and most daring attempts
were frequently made to carry off cattle from the
very centre of our camp. My tents were near the
garden of an old missionary station which had been
burnt during the war; and in that garden two
Kafirs were shot while attempting to steal my cows.
Close to King William's Town, and somewhat
under cover of it, I had a large Fingo encamp
ment. One night the Kafirs in great force made a
desperate attempt to destroy them and their camp
and carry off their cattle. But the Fingoes, even
before the picquet in readiness for the purpose could
reach them, not only defended themselves most
VOL. II. F

66 PROVINCE OF QUEEN ADELAIDE. [Ch. XXXVII.
gallantly, but bravely beat the Kafirs, left them
lying dead in their camp, and pursued them until
daylight. I shall never forget the screeching, yelling,
hooting, Tower of Babel noise made in the dead of
night by so many hundred desperate savages fight
ing with every degree of animosity that bitter hatred
and enmity inspire. But so well did the Fingoes
conduct themselves, that no further attempt was ever
made to molest them.
In all the many forays I made on these deter
mined barbarians, I endeavoured to impress upon
them, through the medium of their women, that sub
mission and a desire on their part for peace would
be readily listened to, and that they alone would be
the culprits if the horrors of war continued. The
many forays I ordered are best described in a
General Order, of which the following is an extract: —
" 7 August.
" With reference to the General Order of the ist July,
when the Commander-in-Chief had last the satisfaction of
thanking the troops in the Province of Queen Adelaide, he
now desires to record his approbation of their continued
and gallant and excellent services as reported by Colonel
Smith during the latter part of June and the whole of the
month of July. These have been hardly and brilliantly
achieved, with great loss to the enemy and the capture of
5000 head of cattle. And for these the Commander-in-
Chief desires to express to the officers and soldiers his
approbation and his thanks, which are especially due to
Colonel Smith."
If ever these anecdotes meet the eye of the

I83S-] KAFIRS TIRED OF WAR. 6 J
public, let it bear in mind that although as an united
enemy nothing could be so contemptible as the poor
athletic barbarians, yet to inflict any punishment
upon them the most rapid and gigantic marches
were requisite, and every patrol must be conducted
on the most vigilant and scientific principles. Most
enterprising men were watching every movement,
ready to take advantage of inactivity or error. On
one occasion a most desperate attempt, boldly
planned and executed, was made on a redoubt near
the frontier, and only repulsed by the soldiers of
the 72 nd Regiment hand to hand. On the whole a
more harassing duty was rarely undertaken.
My Hottentot levies — the 1st and 2nd Pro
visional Battalions (not enlisted soldiers) — began to
be very tired of the war. The excitement of cattle-
hunting no longer existed ; and in lieu of it, when I
sent them into the bush they encountered an enemy
fully as gallant as themselves. After the loss of
Lieutenant Bailie's party, too, they became some
what cowed ; and I never sent any of them out
without a proportion of our own redcoats. From
the various communications I began to receive
through the women, it was evident that the Kafirs
also were heartily tired of war. In order, therefore,
to accelerate peace, I determined to make from Fort
Cox (commanded by the gallant officer of that name)
a desperate and very extended attempt on the tribes
of the great chiefs Macomo and Tyalie, who were
in that neighbourhood. I therefore reinforced
Major Cox with all the troops I could spare, and

68 PROVINCE OF QUEEN ADELAIDE. [Ch. XXXVII.
sent him very detailed instructions, dwelling particu
larly on the attainment of my object, peace. Any
overture was to be received cordially, but no cessa
tion of hostilities was to be permitted without
previous communication with me ; which a few hours
would effect. This enterprise was so ably conducted
by my gallant comrade, and so energetically sup
ported by officers and soldiers, that Macomo sued for
peace ; and I consented to a provisional cessation of
hostilities whilst I communicated with the Governor
at Grahamstown. Sir Benjamin immediately sent out Captain
Warden and Major Cox. Both officers were per
sonally known to Macomo and liked by him ; and
he with his council and Tyalie met them beyond
our posts [15 August].* The basis of the treaty
was then communicated to the chiefs, who consented
to almost everything, the articles were taken to
Grahamstown- by Captain Warden, and Major Cox,
to my deep regret, sent back the reinforcements I
had furnished him with. I was so convinced that
the chiefs would not conclude a peace on these
terms, that I marched back to Cox the troops (or
rather fresh ones), and wrote to the Governor to re
quest that, in the event of Macomo, as I anticipated,
demurring to the terms, I might be sent to conclude
the peace. The whole turned out as I expected,
Macomo, seeing we were willing to make peace, at
his second meeting with Cox and Warden [25
* For Warden's report of the conference, see Alexander, vol. ii.
P- 335-

1835-1 CONFERENCES WITH CHIEFS. 69
August] rose in his demands, and was most violent
and even insulting in his conduct. Warden, in con
formity to his orders, came to me 30 miles off; and
at dusk I was in my saddle, and troops were march
ing in all directions on certain points around
Macomo. On my arrival at Fort Cox, I sent a summons
to Macomo to meet me with his chiefs in front of
my picquet, describing to him the position of my
troops, and pointing out that the line of his retreat
over the Kei, previously left open for him, was now
intercepted. I added that if he was not with me
in two hours after the receipt of my message, I would
sweep him and all his host off the face of the earth.
This bold menace had the desired effect, and he
speedily met me.
I went out [6 September] with only Cox, Warden,
and my A.D.C., to show I did not anticipate treachery,
although I had some able support hard by. On
meeting me, Macomo was in a state of terrible
agitation, as was his brother Tyalie. The spot was
near the place called the grave of their father, the
great chief Gaika. I therefore, in their own mode
of incantation, invoked Gaika to our council, for
whom they had profound respect and veneration,
and then most abruptly demanded a repetition of
his dying injunction to his sons Macomo and Tyalie,
which was to remain in peace and amity with the
English and never make war upon them. I would
not allow the chiefs to have an opinion, much less to
give one, saying, " You made war in the most brutal

70 PROVINCE OF QUEEN ADELAIDE. [CH. XXXVII.
and unjust manner upon our colony, without observ-
mgyour own and our unvaried custom of declaring
war, but burning, murdering, and spoiling all you
approached. Beaten in war, you sue for peace,
and peace is granted to you. On a second meeting
called to ratify it, you rise in your demands. You
are insolent and overbearing to two officers for
whom you profess respect and esteem. Now I read
the only terms and conditions on which I make
peace with you. Unless you accept them after the
several days you have had to deliberate on them —
for they are the very same articles you previously
accepted without any reserve — you shall return to
your people. I give you half an hour to reach
them, after which I will instantly attack you, and
never cease until you are all destroyed. I am here
to command, not to listen." (" Listen " is a most
impressive expression in the Kafir language and
habit. It means everything.)
This decided mode of dealing with these
treacherous savages, with whom self-will alone is
law, astonished them, and they all agreed to the
former treaty. Tyalie, an ignorant fellow, began
to talk, but I shut his mouth in a voice of thunder,
and threatened to make peace with the others and
exclude him, which settled his presumption. The
whole body— chiefs and council — then formally
ratified the treaty, and all accompanied me to Fort
Cox, where I regaled them with all in my power. I
told them they should soon see the difference in me
between a friend and an enemy ; that as I had waged

1 835.] END OF THE WAR. J I
vigorous war on them, so would I teach them by
every kindness to become men and shake off their
barbarism. The Governor came to Fort Willshire, halfway
between Fort Cox and Grahamstown, to meet the
chiefs [dates of meetings, 11 and 17 September].
The tribes had become, in consequence of the war,
somewhat unruly, and I do believe that at the
moment the chiefs, with every desire, had not the
power to restrain many lawless and predatory acts
of their followers, pending the final arrangement of
the new order of things.
On the conclusion of- the treaty of peace, a depu
tation was sent to Kreili and his mother, Nomsa.
Kreili was now the great chief in place of his father
Hintza. If a Kafir has any heart, this youth Kreili
showed one on all after-occasions to me, for my
kindness to him when he was in our camp with his
father. I ever found him docile and reasonable, and
ever had paramount authority with him.

( 72 )

CHAPTER XXXVIII.
HARRY SMITH'S ATTEMPTS AT CIVILIZING THE KAFIRS
— THE CHIEFS MADE BRITISH MAGISTRATES — A
CENSUS TAKEN — A POLICE FORCE ESTABLISHED —
A GREAT MEETING OF CHIEFS — WITCHCRAFT FOR
BIDDEN — A CHIEF PUNISHED FOR DISOBEDIENCE
— A REBELLIOUS CHIEF AWED INTO SUBMISSION
 AGRICULTURE AND COMMERCE INTRODUCED —
NAKEDNESS DISCOUNTENANCED — BURIAL OF THE
DEAD ENCOURAGED — BUYING OF WIVES CHECKED
— HOPES OF A GENERAL CONVERSION TO
CHRISTIANITY.
During the assembly of the chiefs and their great
men at Fort Willshire, I had many and long con
ferences with them. They had become British
subjects at their own request, and now each chief
was appointed a magistrate in his own tribe and
district, with orders to look up to me and report
to me as the Governor of the Province. To intro
duce a new order of things diametrically opposed
to their former habits required much consideration ;
and the success of the undertaking depended on the
gradual introduction of innovation and change. I
joyfully and enthusiastically entered upon the task

i835-] SETTLEMENT OF THE NEW PROVINCE. 73
of rescuing from barbarism thousands of our fellow-
creatures endowed by nature with excellent under
standing and powers of reasoning as regards the
present; for there was only one man among them —
Umhala, the chief of the T'slambie tribe— who had
an idea of the result of measures, or futurity. I saw
that innovations must be so introduced as to render
them agreeable, not obnoxious, and that anything
acquired by conciliatory and palatable means was an
important point gained. I requested each chief to
give me one of his most able councillors, and several
messengers on whom he could depend, to accompany
me to King William's Town, now the " Great
Kraal " or seat of government, that we might freely
communicate, or, in their expression, " that they
might have my ear." This they all cheerfully
assented to. The Governor returned to Grahams
town [25 Sept.], I to my " Great Kraal " with my
new court, and the chiefs to their tribes.
By this arrangement much of the territory, indeed
almost the whole, between the Kei and the Keis-
kamma was restored to the previous occupants. But
the labour and difficulty I had to prevent locations
on the tracts of country reserved for military purposes
and sites of towns is not to be described. Fre
quently I have been compelled to resort to very
harsh measures; but I never would admit of
any arrangement bordering on a compromise. I
started on the principle of Yes and No, Right and
Wrong. I was ever inflexible, and I ever strove
most energetically to establish that faith in my word

74 CIVILIZING KAFIRS. [Ch. XXXVIII.
and uncompromising justice which aided me beyond
anything to effect what I ultimately did. I closed
the door to all appeal or reference to events which
occurred prior to the conclusion of peace. In their
own words, "the old kraal was shut," never to be
reopened. It was fortunate for me that I adopted
this policy, for no records of the Court of Chancery
embraced more retrospect than my new subjects were
disposed to. They were all by nature subtle and
acute lawyers. The councillor given me by
Macomo was an old man of great ability; Lords
Bacon, Thurlow, and Eldon were not more ac
quainted with our laws than was this old fellow
with the laws of his people. He had been Gaika's
Prime Minister and Lord Chancellor, and was
attached to the English. With this old fellow I
spent six hours a day for several successive days,
until I made myself thoroughly acquainted with
their laws and rights of person. Although these
closely resembled the law of Moses given in Leviticus,
and, if correctly administered, were excellent, I soon
discovered that might was right, that the damnable
forgery of sorcery and witchcraft was the p>rimum
mobile of oppression and extortion, and that under
the cloak of punishment for this offence there was
committed oppression of so barbarous and tyrannical
a kind as it was hardly to be conceived that beings
endowed with reason could perpetrate on each other.
The following sketch will give some idea of what
commonly takes place.
In Kafirland the witch-doctors and the rain-

1835-36.] WITCHCRAFT. 75
makers are in the confidence of their respective
chiefs. Whenever any individual renders himself
obnoxious to the chief or any of his family or in
fluential men, he is accused of bewitching either the
chief, his wife, or child, or cattle, or any other thing,
but no one is ever considered capable of this sort of
sorcery but a man rich in goods, viz. cattle.
A witch-dance is then called, special care being
taken to summon the individual upon whom it is
intended to affix the crime. An old hag, perfectly
naked, comes forth ; the assembled people dance
round her in a circle ; she is, in their expression, to
"smell out" the person who has bewitched the
supposed sufferers. After a variety of gesticulations,
this hag approaches the individual already named
by the chief, and literally smells him, proclaiming
him the culprit. If he is very rich, the chief and
his pagate, or councillors, are satisfied with "eating
him up " (the native expression for having all one's
property confiscated under an accusation of witch
craft) ; if not so, or if he is very obnoxious, they
have various punishments, such as putting him at
once to death by a species of hanging, or rather stran
gulating by a leather thong, throwing the poor wretch
on the ground upon his back, tethering his arms apart
above his head, his legs apart and fully extended,
then bringing large quantities of large black ants,*
throwing them upon him, and leaving him exposed
* These ants are most venomous — creep into the eyes, ears, etc.,
and cause a pain which no creature was ever known to bear without
lamentation ; in all other punishments not even a sigh escapes them.—
H. G. S.

76 CIVILIZING KAFIRS. [Ch.XXXVIH.
until the pain and anguish of the stings put an end
to his existence ; burning the body all over with
large flat stones (the poor wretch on whose account
I punished Umhala so severely* had thirty large
places burned on his person) ; taking the accused to
the edge of a particular precipice and hurling him
down ; and several other methods. No individual,
man, woman, or child, is safe. The witch-doctors
are in the confidence of the chief, as much as the
Inquisitors are in that of the Pope, and no more
arbitrary oppression is exercised on earth than by
these Kafir chiefs and witch-doctors.
I soon saw that the witch-doctors and rain-makers,
i.e. fellows who professed and were believed to be
capable of bringing down rain in time of drought,
would be my formidable opponents in introducing a
new order of things, as their supposed power, if I
succeeded, must ultimately be annihilated.
Having thus made myself acquainted with the
laws of the barbarous people whom I was to govern
and lead on to become civilized beings and British
subjects, I was in a position to begin proceedings:
At my suggestion, the Governor appointed magis
trates to each tribe, consisting principally of officers
of the army. With Macomo and Tyalie and the
widow Suta, and with the heir-apparent Sandilli,
Gaika's young son, I had Captain Stretch; with
Dushani's tribe, the widow Nonibe,f and her son,
* See p. 83.
t Alexander, vol. ii. p. 222 : " Nonube", the mother of the young
Siwana of the T'Slambies, ... is the great widow of Dushani."

183S-36.] A CENSUS TAKEN. W
I had Captain Southey ; with Umhala and the
T'slambie tribes, Captain Rawstorne.
The missionaries all came back to their respec
tive missions, and with the magistrates, the mission
aries, and other aid afforded by the kind attention
paid by Sir Benjamin D'Urban to all my wants, I
proceeded to take a nominal census of the whole
male population arrived at puberty, with the number
of their women, children, etc. At first the Kafirs
were much opposed to this, but through the aid of
my councillor Ganya, the common sense of which
they have a great share, and my patient explanation
of the utility of the measure, I succeeded. I found
I had upwards of 100,000 barbarians to reclaim
who had no knowledge of right or wrong beyond
arbitary power, desire, and self-will. To attach the
people to the new order of things was of vast im
portance ; to lessen the power of the chiefs equally
so ; but this had to be gradual for if I removed
the hereditary restraint of the chiefs, I should open
the gates to an anarchy which I might not be able
to quell. A fortunate circumstance occurred, which enabled
me to make gigantic steps. The Kafirs have a
barbarous festival, when all the maidens are com
pelled to attend to undergo a sort of " Rape of the
Sabines." These maidens, during the festival, are
appropriated by the chiefs to themselves and their
followers, and then sent back to their families. Old
Ganya, who came to tell me this, said, "Now you
have an opportunity, by preventing this brutal

78 CIVILIZING KAFIRS. [Ch.XXXVIII.
custom, to restrain the lawlessness of the chiefs, and
to win the hearts of their subjects." He added
that there were many fathers of families in camp,
who had come to appeal to me for protection. I
immediately gave them an audience,* as I invariably
did every one who desired to see me. I acquired
great ascendancy by first ascertaining through the
interpreter the grounds on which they had come,
and when they were ushered into the presence,
exclaiming, " Ah, you want so and so ! " The poor
wretches were much astonished at this, believing
that I had the power to divine their thoughts ; and
I frequently saved myself from listening to a string
of lies very plausibly linked together.
I also established with every magistrate a police
of Kafirs, and I had a considerable number with me,
to apprehend delinquents and culprits and summon
the heads of the kraals. These police carried with
them from the magistrate a long stick with a brass
knob. This is a custom of their own. Fakoo has
a cat's tail on his wands of office. At headquarters
I had a very long stick with a large knob, which
was always held by my Gold Stick when I was in
council, or upon trials, cases of appeal, mandates,
issuing proclamations, etc. And when I seized the
stick, held it myself, and gave a decisive order, that
was formal and irrevocable. For when once I had
decided, no power could induce me to swerve from
that decision.
• The author seems inadvertently to have omitted the rest of this
particular story.

1835-36.] KAFIR POLICE. 79
When the police were out, if they were treated
with contumely, and the head of a kraal refused
obedience or compliance, this stick was stuck in his
cattle-kraal, and he was obliged to bring it himself
to the authority whence it emanated ; while so long as
it remained in the kraal, the proprietor was under
the ban of the Empire, excommunicated, or out
lawed. The fear they had of this wand was literally
magical. I never had to use military aid in support
of my police but once, and then I did so, more as a
display of the rapidity with which I could turn out
troops and rush them to the spot than from any
absolute necessity. Such was the respect for these
policemen, that the neighbours of a delinquent would
voluntarily turn out in their support, and I always
rewarded such support by a present of cattle from
my treasury (formed from fines levied for offences).
Having now begun to have some weight and in
fluence among the whole of the tribes, and having
taught the people to look up to me rather than to
their own chiefs, I had next to re-establish the
power of the chiefs as derived from myself. I
therefore, with the sanction of the Governor, resolved
on a great meeting on the 7th January of all the
chiefs, their relatives, councillors, rain-makers, and
as many as chose to attend. I had previously pre
pared English clothes for Macomo, Tyalie, Umhala,
and some others, with a medal, which was to be the
emblem of their magisterial power. Some thousands
assembled in a most orderly and obedient manner.
I had taken very good care to strengthen my force

80 CIVILIZING KAFIRS. [Ch.XXXVIH.
at headquarters, for I made it an axiom never to place
myself in such a situation with these volatile savages
as not to be able to enforce obedience to my com
mands like lightning,
I gave them a sort of epitome of their own
history, especially of the Kafir wars, I dwelt
particularly on their cruelty and treachery in the
late war, and reminded them that they had
voluntarily proposed to become British subjects.
I then administered the oath of allegiance to all
the chiefs in the name of their respective peoples.
Two councillors from Kreili (the new Hintza and
Great Father) whom I had invited to the meeting,
proposed that they should take the oath of allegiance
too, which of course I could not accept, all the
inhabitants beyond the Kei being independent.
It is a curious fact that after this meeting had been
held, and the messengers from Kreili had dissemi
nated throughout the tribe the improved state of
things under my rule, Kreili himself and many of
his influential men were most anxious to become
British subjects, and I received many deputations
to that effect.
To return, however, to my meeting. I described
the duties of the magistrates, British and native, and
the necessity of the people's obedience, and declared
that, while no one should be " eaten up " * or any
way punished except for robbery, etc., I should
oblige them to be obedient to the laws and the
jurisdiction of their respective magistrates.f
• See p. 75. f See Appendix III.

1835-36.] A MEETING OF CHIEFS. 8 1
After this meeting, my system began to work
with the greatest facility, and the rain-makers, who
had most scrupulously kept aloof from me, began to
pay me visits, particularly the chief of that depart
ment of deceit. I received these first visitors with
great ease and ceremony of reception, made them
all presents, and dismissed them without any dis
cussion of their power and respectability. At the
great meeting I had prohibited every branch of
witchcraft, so that the rain-makers, being fully
aware that the axe was laid to the root of their
power, thought it as well to worship the rising sun
and court me. Knowing that the presents would
bring back the great rain-maker, and induce the
little rain-makers to come to me, I was prepared, on
the visit of the great one, to prove to him the fallacy
and deceit by which he led the people to believe
that he possessed a power which he knew he did
not. One day when the great rain-maker was in my
camp, and many others, as well as an unusually large
number of Kafirs, I assembled them all for the
avowed purpose of hearing a disputation between
the " Great Chief " or " Father," as they invariably
called me, and the rain-makers. My first question
to them was, " So you can make rain, can you ? " I
never saw in men's countenances more caution.
I said, " Speak out, speak freely to your Father."
The great rain-maker said he could, I then showed
him one by one all the articles on my writing-table,
knives, scissors, etc, my clothes, my hat, boots, etc.,
VOL. 11. G

82 CIVILIZING KAFIRS. [Ch. XXXVIII.
etc., asking, "Can you make this?" "No." "Do
you know how it is made ? " " No." Having ex
plained everything and how it was made through
the medium of my invaluable interpreter, Mr.
Shepstone, I then called for a tumbler of water. I
showed all the people the water, and asked the rain
makers if what was in the glass was of the same
quality as the water or rain they invoked. All
agreed " Yes." Their anxiety was intense. I then
threw down the water on the dry ground, which im
mediately absorbed it, and desired the rain-makers
to put it again in the tumbler. They were aghast,
and said, " We cannot." In a voice of thunder, I
said, " Put the rain again in this glass, I say." I then
turned to the spectators. " Now you see how these
impostors have deceived you. Now listen to the
' Word'. " (This is the phrase they use in giving
orders and decisions on all points of law and in
trials.) I took my wand of office, planted it
violently before me, and said, "Any man of my
children hereafter who believes in witchcraft, or
that any but God the Great Spirit can make rain,
I will 'eat him up.'" I then left the meeting and
the rain-makers thunderstruck and confounded.
On principle, however, I never directly con
tradicted or prohibited their customs, or left them
without hope or a friend ; so in about two hours I
sent for the great rain-maker and two or three
others, — clever, acute fellows all, and I said, " Your
Father has now proved to the people that you are
impostors, but as you have been taught to fancy

1835-36.] RAIN-MAKERS. 83
that you possess a power you have not, I must
provide another and an honest livelihood for you,
and I shall expect you to assist me in administering
the new and true laws." I then made each presents,
giving them so many bullocks apiece — a stock-in-
trade. These fellows were many of them of great
use to me afterwards. By the line of conduct I
had pursued, I had carried them with me instead of
rendering them my secret and bitter enemies.
In Umhala's tribe, I heard of an awful case of
his " eating up " a man for witchcraft, and after
wards cruelly burning him with red-hot stones.
The poor wretch, so soon as he could move, came to
me and showed me the cicatrized wounds all over
his body — how he had lived was a wonder. I
kept him closely concealed. I sent for Umhala
and his English magistrate and council to come to
me immediately. This Umhala was a man of
superior intellect, and the only one who could judge
cause and effect, and future results. He never
quailed in the slightest, as all others did, under my
most violent animadversions. He gave me more
trouble to render obedient than all the other chiefs.
Still, he respected me, and I him; and he after
wards showed. more real and permanent affection
for me than the others.
Upon his arrival, he did all in his power to find
out what I wanted him for, and he apprehended
the real cause. So soon as he and all his people
were assembled in my courthouse, I went in with
my wand behind, borne by my great councillor

84 CIVILIZING KAFIRS. [Ch. XXXVIII.
Ganya. Umhala then saw something was coming.
I came to the point at once, as was my custom,
" Umhala, did I not give the word — no more witch
craft ? " He boldly answered, " You did." " Then
how dare you, Umhala, one of my magistrates
sworn to be obedient to my law, infringe the
Word ? " He stoutly denied it. I then brought in
the poor afflicted sufferer, and roared out, " Umhala,
devil, liar, villain, you dare to deceive me. Deny
now what I accuse you of." He then confessed all,
and began to palliate his conduct. To this I would
not listen, but seized my wand to give the Word.
" Hear you, Umhala ! you have eaten a man up.
Give back every head of his cattle, and ten head of
your own for having eaten him up. And you
forfeit ten head more to me, the Great Chief, for my
government." He was perfectly unmoved, but I
saw that he intended to do no such thing. I then
deprived him of his medal of office, and said,
" Now go and obey my orders," and I desired the
English magistrate to report in two days that he
had done so. He had 30 miles to return to his
kraal. According to my custom, I sent the " news " all
over Kafirland immediately. I sent out a Court
Circular daily. I had no secrets. This they much
admired. There never were such newsmongers.
Their greeting is "Indaba" ("the news"). The
mode adopted to give the news was by so many
messengers running but at night-time in different
directions, waving their cloaks or karosses. The

1835-36.] A REFRACTORY CHIEF 85
whole country is strongly undulating, and there are
always a number of fellows on the look-out. My
messenger called out the news. Others took it up,
and so it passed from hill to hill by a sort of tele
graph ; and every day I could communicate in
formation throughout the whole province in a few
hours. This open procedure was of vast impor
tance. The hour arrived when the news of Umhala's
obedience should be received by me. The report
came that Umhala had not obeyed my order nor
did Captain Rawstorne think he would. This letter
was brought me by two Kafir messengers. I had
held two troops of cavalry ready to march to rein
force the post of Fort Wellington at Umhala's kraal.
I sounded the assembly, and in five minutes they
were on the march. When I ordered Rawstorne to
" eat up " the chief, a thing never done before in
Kafirland, my old councillor Ganya asked me in
consternation what orders I had given, and when
I told- him, he said, " Then war is again over the
land." For in old times such an act as seizing any
of fhe cattle of a chief was regarded as a formal
declaration of war. I roared out, " Either obedience
or war. / will be Chief, and Umhala shall see it,
and every chief and man in Kafirland." I seized
all Umhala's cattle, and I desired the magistrate
cautiously to count every head, to give him a regular
receipt, and send a copy to me. The cattle were to
be guarded by Umhala's own people. I saw that
now was my time to establish or lose my power

86 CIVILIZING KAFIRS. [CH.XXXVIII.
throughout my government. For this Umhala was
much looked up to throughout Kafirland, and re
garded as the boldest warrior, having distinguished
himself by many daring acts in the war.
The news was sent out, and I immediately sum
moned to my " Court " Macomo, Tyalie, Suta, and
Gazela, a chief of whom I must speak hereafter. I
knew that this would so intimidate all parties that
there would be no danger of a war. Scarcely was
Umhala's cattle seized than he sent in succession the
most penitent messages, promising to obey my
orders and never transgress again. I would not
"listen," but desired Umhala to come to me, and
meet the chiefs for whom I had sent. He boldly,
though penitently, came, as did all the chiefs I had
sent for.
I then had a council, told everything that had
occurred, and asked if Umhala merited what I, the
Great Chief, had done to him, being one of the
magistrates who had sworn allegiance and obedience.
There was a mutter of assent. I had previously in
structed Ganya to watch my eye and to speak in '
mitigation of punishment, I said, " Now, Umhala,
you see how insignificant you are, unless obedient,
and how powerful I am. I will be obeyed, and I
will ' eat up ' every chief who dares disobey me or
sanction witchcraft. Here is your medal of magis
trate, which I place under my foot."
The crowd were perfectly petrified, and looked
at old Ganya, who stood up and made a most eloquent
speech. (Some of the Kafirs speak beautifully.)

1835-36-] ENFORCEMENT OF LAW. 87
He dwelt on their own desire to be British subjects
and my exertions for them ; and then turned most
judiciously to Macomo and Tyalie. " Now, sons of
my old chief, whose councillor I was, the great
Gaika, speak to our Chief for Umhala ; and I hope
he will ' listen.' " Macomo instantly stood up, and
spoke capitally and to the purpose. Umhala sat
unmoved, until I said, " Now, Umhala, all depends
on you. Can I ' listen ' or not ? " He spoke
modestly, but powerfully. I made a merit of forgiving
him, put his medal again on his neck, ordered his
cattle to be restored the moment he had returned
the cattle of the burnt man and paid the fines ; and
I immediately sent off the news throughout the
province. Umhala returned, received all his cattle,
and reported to me that he had got every head
back, and had paid his fines and restored the cattle
to the sufferer.
This decision and determination established most
effectively my absolute power. I was fully prepared
for some underhand work on the part of the chiefs,
and it was speedily started through the instru
mentality of Macomo ; but the people whom I pro
tected were with me, and nothing occurred which I
was not informed of immediately.
Macomo had driven his cattle to graze over the
Keiskamma contrary to treaty and my orders, where
upon I strongly desired that he would never do it
again. This offended the gentleman, a restless, turbu
lent, uncontrollable spirit, and he sent to all the other
chiefs to say that if they would join, he would strive

88 CIVILIZING KAFIRS. [Ch. XXXVIII.
for independence. At all the courts this message
was received most contemptuously. Tyalie turned
the messenger from his kraal ; Suta and young
Sandilli were indignant and would not " listen " ;
Umhala listened, but his council opposed the
measure, and a subordinate chief of Umhala's, a
noble little fellow, Gazela, stood up and spoke out
like a man. " You, Umhala, and all know how I
fought during the war, and never was for giving in
until I saw we. had no chance of success. Macomo
made peace. He has received more kindness than
all of us put together. He is now false, and wants
to make us break the word given to our Great
Chief," etc.
All this I knew in a few hours. I sent for
Macomo, received him as usual, and said, " I have a
fable to tell you." They are very fond of speaking
in parables themselves. I then recounted a tale,
viz. myself and himself, I never saw a creature in
such a state of agitation. " Now," I said, " if you
were the Great Chief, what wbuld you do ? " He
threw himself at my feet, bathed in tears. "Ah,
Macomo," I said, " if I were only to say the Word,
your people would no longer know you." Oh, how
Ganya did abuse him I " Ah, cry," he said ; "your
tears can't wash away your sins. You caused the
last war, disregarding the dying words of Gaika.
You are now treated with every kindness, yet
treachery and that same restlessness which has
plunged the Colony and Kafirland in blood, still
guide you." I said, " Rise, Macomo, and go. I will

1835-36.] CULTIVATION AND 'TRADE. 89
not touch my stick and give the Word for two hours.
I must cool. Englishmen are generous, but they
must be just to all. I must consider for two hours
how my actions may be guided, but for the good of
all my children, go."
He never had such a lesson. I sent for him and
forgave him, with a full assurance that on the next
offence I would eat him up and banish him over
the Kei. I sent off the news, and my authority was
ever after perfectly undisputed.
I now began to turn my attention to teaching
them cultivation and the use of money. In the
former I had but little difficulty compared with
what I anticipated, although previously their fields
had been cultivated by their women in a miserable
manner. I gave them Hottentots to teach them,
and I had soon several chiefs with ploughs and
good yokes of oxen. The chief Gazela, a man of
great use to me, and with more idea of honesty than
any one, had also a commercial turn. I proved to
him that it was by the use of money that we became
a great people, and could make everything and do
everything, and I made him perfectly understand
our banking system — which I could induce no other
Kafir to attend to. Gazela sold me some bullocks
for the Commissary. Afterwards he let out horses
to people travelling at so much a day, and he in
duced others to sell me cattle ; this I considered
the greatest step towards civilization.
The missionaries had all returned to me, and
were excellent good men, doing all in their power.

90 CIVILIZING KAFIRS. [Ch.XXXVUI.
The chief Tyalie, in the English clothes I had given
him, attended divine service every Sunday, and the
missionaries had a considerable degree of moral
influence ; but as to spiritual instruction or conver
sion, few indeed were the converts. Macomo knew
more theology than many Christians, but was still a
perfect heathen. Had I remained long enough, as
cultivation and sale progressed, I would have built
churches, and by feasts and slaughtering cattle have
induced all influential men to attend ; I would have
had schools, and, by educating the children, would
have reared a generation of Christians, but to con
vert the aged barbarian was a hopeless task.
The world does not produce a more beautiful
race of blacks than these Kafirs, both men and
women ; their figures and eyes are beautiful beyond
conception, and they have the gait of princes. It
was one of my great endeavours to make them
regard appearing naked as a grievous sin, now that
they were British subjects ; and no one was ever
permitted in my camp, much less in my presence,
but dressed in his karosse. This karosse is the
skin of a bullock, but beautifully dressed so as to
be pliant and soft, and then ornamented by fur,
beads, buttons, etc. The head-dresses of the chiefs'
wives are really beautiful. No creatures on earth
are more the votaries of fashion than these Kafirs.
In Grahamstown I could procure no beads and
buttons of the mode of the day, but great quantities
exceedingly cheap, which the Kafirs would not buy
because they were out of fashion. I therefore

1835-36.] BURIAL OF THE DEAD. 9 1
bought up the whole. I had always about me some
of the rejected buttons and of the blue beads that
had been once their delight, and I found fault with
every button that was not of my shape and every
bead that was not of my colour. The discarded
buttons and the blue beads were soon established
as the haut ton of fashion.
My wife, who took equal interest in the reform
of these poor barbarians with myself, was always
surrounded by numbers of the chiefs' wives and
hangers-on, particularly the queens Suta and
Nonibe (the former was Gaika's widow, the latter
Dushani's, and both had sons in their minority). She
taught many of them needlework, and was for hours
daily explaining to them right and wrong, and
making them little presents, so that she became so
popular she could do anything with them.
The Kafirs have a horror of burying their dead,
or even touching them. They will carry out a
dying creature from their kraal, mother or father,
wife or brother, and leave him exposed to wild
beasts and vultures for days, if nature does not
sink in the mean time. I not only prohibited this,
but I had three or four Kafirs who died in my
camp regularly buried. (Many came to me to be
cured of diseases.) In each case I made my Kafir
messengers dig the grave, and I, with my inter
preter, read the funeral service over the dead.
Then the news was sent over the land — the Great
Chief does it, and whenever any one came and told
me he had buried his deceased relative (I took care

92 CIVILIZING KAFIRS. [Ch. XXXVIII.
to prove it, though), I gave him a bullock, and sent
the news over the land.
The Levitical law as to uncleanness is fully in
force among the Kafirs, and they practise circum
cision, but not until the age of puberty. It is a
great ceremony, after which the youths are able to
marry, provided they have enough cattle to buy a
wife from the father. (A plurality of wives is tole
rated. Macomo had eleven, all very handsome
women.) This buying of wives is the great source
of all robbery and inroads into the Colony. I
just began to prohibit it gradually by making the
parents of the bride and bridegroom contribute to
the establishment of the newly married pair, and
myself giving a present.
I directed the magistrates to decide all cases of
law themselves, but when they were in any doubt,
to send me, for my approval, the parties and the
opinion or decision proposed to be given. This
strengthened their power and also mine, for what
ever F once decided on, I never revoked, and
admitted of no appeal or renewal of the subject.
Having thus gained an ascendancy over these
people never attempted before, my mind was dwell
ing on the great and important subject of their con
version to Christianity, and many is the conference
I had with the missionaries upon the subject. Of
ultimately effecting a general conversion I never
despaired, but I was convinced it could only be
through the educating of the youth and at the same
time introducing habits of industry and rational

1835-36.] MUSIC AND CHRISTIANITY. 93
amusement. The Kafirs, like the Hottentots, are
great lovers of music and have remarkably good
ears. I have been wonderfully amused at observing
the effect the playing of our bands had on many
who had never heard them before. Some would
laugh immoderately, some cry, some stand riveted
to the spot, others in a sort of vibrating convulsion,
others would dance and sing, all were animated and
excited beyond measure. When poor Hintza heard
the bagpipes of the 72 nd, he closed his ears with his
hands and said, " This is to make people cry.* I
like the bugles and trumpets. When I hear them
I feel like a man." Thus with the aid of music I
should have made some advance towards Christian
conversion. * So Alexander, vol. ii. pp. 134, 135 : " A Highland piper was ordered
to play for Hintza's amusement. Hintza was asked what he thought
of the music. He answered, that some of it reminded him of his
children at home and made him cry, and that he supposed that the
instrument had been invented by us out of regard for the General
[Sir B. D'Urban], to imitate his crying when he was a little boy, and
to remind him of the crying of his children."

( 94 )

CHAPTER XXXIX.
LORD GLENELG ORDERS THE ABANDONMENT OF THE
PROVINCE OF QUEEN ADELAIDE, AND APPOINTS
CAPTAIN STOCKENSTROM TO SUCCEED HARRY
SMITH ON THE FRONTIER — GRIEF OF THE
KAFIRS AT THE CHANGE — JOURNEY OF HARRY
SMITH AND HIS WIFE TO CAPE TOWN — HE IS
EXONERATED BY LORD GLENELG, AND RECEIVES
TESTIMONIALS FOR HIS SERVICES TO THE COLONS
 LEAVES CAPE TOWN JUNE, 184O, ON BEING
APPOINTED ADJUTANT-GENERAL OF THE QUEEN'S
ARMY IN INDIA.
In the midst, however, of all I had effected, and
all my visions of what I could effect, the most
crooked policy ever invented by the most wicked
Machiavellians blasted all my hopes for the benefit
of the 100,000 barbarians committed to my rule, and
the bright prospect of peace and tranquillity for the
Colony (for the frontier inhabitants began to be in
a state of security which was security indeed).
The Minister for the Colonies, Lord Glenelg, an
excellent, worthy, and able man, but led by a vile
party, under the cloak of sanctity and philanthropy,
directed the Province of Queen Adelaide to be

1836.] THE PROVINCE ABANDONED. 95
restored to barbarism, the allegiance the Kafirs
had sworn to to be shaken off, and the full plenitude
of their barbarity re-established. It is grievous to
reflect that any well-disposed individual like Lord
Glenelg, believing he was doing good, and under the
influence and guidance of others, should have thus
blasted the bright prospects of such rapidly progress
ing civilization.
But so it was. I was removed from the adminis
tration of affairs and my command, and replaced by
a man * violently obnoxious to Kafirs and colonists.
Owing to the view Lord Glenelg had taken and the
ton given, I was upbraided with every act of
violence and oppression the curse of war can impose,
and branded as the murderer of Hintza throughout
the newspapers of the world. Every act of the
murderous Kafirs during the war was regarded as a
just retaliation for previous wrong ; everything the
colonists said or did or suffered, treated with con
tempt, and they themselves believed to be the cause
of their own misfortunes. While our country's
treasury and private contributions were open to
the sufferers of the world from the temperate regions
of Portugal to the snows of Poland, the ears of the
public were deaf to the cries of the widows and
orphans in the once happy and rapidly thriving
province of Albany, although its settlers had been
induced to come from England and there lay out
their capital, were good subjects, loyal and true, and
* Captain Andries Stockenstrom, afterwards Sir A. Stockenstrom,
Bart. Lord Glenelg's dispatch was dated 26th Dec. 1835.

96 THE GLENELG POLICY. [CH. XXXIX.
regularly paid their taxes, and therefore had a right
to expect protection from the Government. All rule
and just and good government was banished under
the influence of the philanthropic party, who, by per
version of facts, evidently desire to lead others (this
Colony certainly) to the devil for God's sake.
Do not let it be supposed that a man with a
conscience so clear as mine, with a head and heart
so bent on exertion for the benefit of others, tamely
submitted to the opprobrium so cruelly, so unjustly
heaped upon him — I, who, while regarded by the
world as a monster stained with innocent blood, who
had waged war contrary to the tolerated rules and
precedents of warfare (which is a scourge in its
mildest and most modified shape), was at the moment
regarded by those I was accused of oppressing as
their " Father," " their Great Chief," in whom they
implicitly confided and believed contrary to the
strong prejudices of previous habit. No, I
wrote a letter to the Minister explanatory of every
procedure — I opened his eyes — and I received
from him the atonement contained in the extracts
following : —
Extract from a dispatch of Lord Glenelg to His Excellency
Sir B. D'Urban, dated May 1st, 1837.
" IV. — I perform a duty highly agreeable to me in declar
ing that Col. Smith is entitled to the grateful acknow
ledgments of His Majesty's Government, not only for his
Military Services, but for his zealous, humane, and en
lightened administration of the Civil Government of the

1836.] LORD GLENELQS PARTIAL ATONEMENT. 97
Province placed under his charge, and of the adjacent
district I am especially indebted to him for the very
valuable suggestions which he afforded to Lt. Governor
Stockenstrom, who, I have no doubt, will gladly avail
himself of advice founded on so much observation and
experience. " (Signed) Glenelg."
Extract from a dispatch of the Right Honourable Lord
Glenelg to his Excellency Major-General George F.
Napier, Governor of the Cape of Good Hope. Dated
i^th November, 1837.
" But I cannot close this communication without advert
ing to the high gratification with which I have read the
testimony contained in the voluminous papers before me
to the conduct of Col. Smith. That officer's name is
never mentioned but to his honour either by the Governor
or the Lt. Governor ; and in the superintendence of the
Province of Adelaide under circumstances of the most
trying nature, he appears to have been distinguished alike
by the energy with which he maintained the public tran
quillity, and the kindness of heart which won for him the
affectionate gratitude of all classes of the people.
"(Signed) John Bell,
" Secretary to Government''
But although this palliated his error towards me,
it in no manner re-established me in the eyes of the
world at large, and Lord Glenelg was bound, as a
man of honour, to have instigated Majesty to have
conferred upon me some mark of distinction, which
should have at once proclaimed my merit and the
injury His Lordship's misconception had done me.
The Colony and the Horse Guards, however, took a
vol. 11. h

98 THE GLENELG POLICY. [CH. XXXIX.
far different [view] of my merits and services, which
I must relate hereafter.
To return to my children. So soon as the
Kafirs heard of this change, the general exclama
tion was, "Ah, it is ever thus with the English,
always changing towards us. We were never before
so happy ; never so protected ; never saw such an
improvement amongst us ; our chiefs will eat us up
as before." The chiefs again feared their people.
Lamentation and grief throughout the land were
excessive. Hundreds of men and women were
around my house and tent, lamenting and praying
me not to abandon them, and, as far as their know
ledge went, invoking the protection of the Great
Spirit, to preserve me and my wife to govern and
instruct them.
I will candidly admit, I grieved too, for although
at the outset, as I took stock of my enthusiasm, I
was often led into a belief that my hopes would
prove illusive, the consummation of my most sanguine
desires had now been effected ; daily I saw improve
ment progressing, not only by rapid strides, but on
such a broad and firm path as to ensure its per
manency and induce the conviction that ten years
would have brought the Gospel of Christ and all
the blessings of civilization among the thousands
of benighted barbarians around me.
It now became my duty, and one which I trust I
executed with every zeal, to do all I could to render
the change palatable to the Kafirs and to disabuse
them of their bad opinion of my successor.

1836.] HARRY SMITH RESIGNS HIS COMMAND. 99
The odium with which they regarded him I
believe I much mitigated. To himself I wrote so
soon as he arrived at Grahamstown, laying before
him the exact state of the frontier district, and
recommending him to convoke a general meeting of
all the chiefs and their councillors at King William's
Town, to explain to them the new order of things.
I said that I would call such a meeting for any day
he would name, and I was of opinion that it would
have a better effect were I present than otherwise.
My successor was a sensible man, and at once
saw the advantage of the arrangement I proposed,
felt my attention and readiness to assist him, and
named a day. I convoked a meeting accordingly,
and desired Kreili, the great chief, to send a deputa
tion. I had been in the , habit of communicating
constantly with Kreili and the more distant chiefs,
Fakop, Vadana, etc, and sending them all the news,
thereby establishing myself the Great Chief I took
the usual precaution to reinforce my post, for when
I told old Ganya that I should leave on the day
following the meeting, he exclaimed, "Then we
shall have a row ! " A meeting, similar to the one I
had convoked on the 7th January, was accordingly
held, and in a long explanation I delivered over the
government to my successor. Nothing could be
more orderly than the conduct of the people, and
the expression of their regret. My successor then
explained to them their new position. Tyalie,
always a forward fellow, spoke to him in the most
insolent manner; but I gave him such a dressing,

IOO THE GLENELG POLICY. [Ch. XXXIX.
reminding him his bullocks were fat (meaning that
he was rich) under me, thus, if I only said the word,
I could " eat " him " up " in a moment.
I shall never forget that afternoon ; never were
my feelings or those of my wife more excited. Our
house and tents were surrounded by hundreds ;
every chief and every one of the chiefs' wives took
off some of their various ornaments and put them
upon me and her; some wept aloud, others lay on
the ground groaning ; and the man whom I had
visited more than others with the weight of power,
Umhala, showed more real feeling then, and even to
this day often sends me messages of friendship and
regard ; while Gazela and a fine young chief by
name Seyolo, who had defended the rocks on the
heights of the Poorts of the Buffalo, declared life was
no longer worth having. The way the women shed
tears around my wife was piteous to "behold. Bar
barian emotion when over-excited is uncontrollable,
and nothing could exceed this demonstration.
The next morning I and my wife and staff de
parted from King William's Town, the seat of
my labour in war and peace, and although every
demonstration of feeling was suppressed, I now
admit my heart was full. I had laboured day and
night, God alone knows how I had laboured, and to
be so unkindly treated by the Minister of my
country was galling to a soldier whose good name
is his only hope in the world. 'Tis true, a rectitude
of conscience sustained me which nothing could
shake, but human nature is weak enough to desire

1836.] GRIEF OF THE KAFIRS. IOI
others should think well of you, while inwardly and
mentally you exclaim, " God is my Judge." I was
attended by my successor and by the officers. The
soldiers whom I had given such gigantic marches
turned out to cheer and bid me farewell, while
thousands of Kafirs followed me and my wife, yelling
as if in despair.
The parting with my old councillor Ganya and
some others, as well as my Kafir messengers at Fort
Willshire, cannot be described. Ganya, poor old
fellow, came to me in a state of abject poverty,
although a man of great influence throughout Kafir
land. I enriched him most deservedly, for his
assistance to me was invaluable and his attachment
to me faithful, while the most educated and upright
man could never more zealously feel or desire the
welfare of his country and countrymen.
This barbarian was a most extraordinary
character. He died a few months later, as he told
me he knew he should, having lost his Father, his
friend and benefactor. My messengers were very
peculiar fellows, too ; they were all selected by the
chiefs themselves, men, therefore, of their own in
terest. In a country where writing is not known, all
communications, treaties, rules, laws, etc., are given
viva voce and by message, and these fellows were
brought up from infancy in that department. Their
power of memory is not to be believed. I had one
man from Macomo, by name Mani, a handsome
fellow who had been shot through both thighs in the
war. My interpreter would read a long list of orders,

102 THE GLENELG POLICY. [Ch, XXXIX.
etc., addressed to Macomo of eighteen to twenty
paragraphs. He would then say, "Mani, do you
understand all ? " He would occasionally ask for
some explanation ; then he would go to Macomo, 34
miles off. If the chief did not detain him, he would
be back with me after doing 68 miles in 28 hours,
apparently not in the least fatigued, and bring me
an answer or comment on each paragraph in the
order written down with a correctness not to be
credited. I declare I have been frequently, thunder
struck. There is a curious law in Kafirland which shows
how human nature in a state of barbarism provides
for its own wants. " The secret and confidential " of
our diplomatic and military correspondence is with
messengers provided for in this manner : it is death
for any one entrusted with a communication to
divulge its purport to any one but the chief of whose
tribe he is a member. Thus if Mani was entrusted
with a message from me to Macomo, it was as safe
in his company as possible. If Tyalie had met him
and demanded its purport, he would have died ere
he divulged it. All messengers would give me the
purport of their messages from one chief to the
other if I demanded, being the Great Chief. Thus,
while secrecy is provided for, the supreme authority
reserves to himself the power of discovering plots
and conspiracies. Poor Mani ! I see him now at
my feet weeping. I do believe that poor barbarian
would have been cut to pieces limb by limb without
a groan if it would have served me, and many

1836.] OVATIONS TO HARRY SMITH. 103
others would have done the same. To this day
I remember with gratitude their attachment. It
was like that of the most faithful dog, with this
difference — reason told them we parted for ever.
Upon nearing Grahamstown, the whole of the in
habitants turned out to meet me, presented me with
an address, begged me to name a day agreeable to
me for a public dinner, and if there was any consola
tion to the feelings in the sympathy of those whom
I had so served in need, whose trade I had again so
brightly re-established, I had a full measure of it.
I accepted the dinner as an opportunity of
thanking the inhabitants for their assistance, obedi
ence, and desire to meet my wishes, and telling them,
as they regarded me, to render that obedience and
respect to my successor which loyal subjects were
bound to render to any one their King had placed
to rule over them.
We accomplished our journey from Grahams
town to Cape Town, I riding, my wife again in a
waggon. On this occasion, I had bought a very
nice light one, and had it fitted up with swing seats,
etc., so that she travelled in comparative luxury.
All Grahamstown turned out to take leave of me,
and I could not fail to remark the difference between
my entrance into the beleaguered town and my
quitting it, flourishing in trade and prosperity.
At every town upon my road down dinners
were given me in the Town Hall, and every Boer,
or Dutch farmer, came to see me. I never had to
deal with fellows who were more docile, if you took

104 THE GLENELG POLICY. [Ch. XXXIX.
them in the right way, viz. by kindness, by interest
ing yourself in their welfare, and by an inflexible
adherence to "Yes" and " No."
Our journey down was delightful, through a
country full of large and small game, and many is
the gallop I had after ostriches, which require a fleet
and right good-bottomed horse to ride down.
As I approached Cape Town, my many friends
came out in shoals to meet us, and I was received
in the metropolis of the Cape by every public
demonstration of affection — ever so gratifying to
the soldier who has worked hard to serve his
country — from the noble Governor, Sir Benjamin
D'Urban, to the mendicant.
I may, without any degree of mock modesty,
say I worked hard, and assert that from the period
I left Cape Town, the ist January, 1835, to 18th
October, 1836 (22 months), no man ever rode
more miles, made more night marches or such long
ones, or wrote more letters than I did. My corre
spondence was immense from the number of posts,
and having to carry on a war over a vast extent of
thinly populated country, and in peace to defend a
frontier of 140 miles.
Soon after my arrival at Cape Town, a despatch
was received from Lord Glenelg, which was highly
complimentary to me.*
A public meeting having been convened under
the sanction of the Government, this communication
was made to me : —
* Given above, p. 96.

1836.] ITS WOEFUL RESULTS. 1 05
"At a meeting of the inhabitants of Cape Town
and its vicinity, held in the Commercial Room on the
1 8th September, 1837, the Honble Hamilton Ross in the
chair, it was resolved —
" That as the zealous, humane, and enlightened adminis
tration of Colonel Smith, during the time he commanded
on the frontier, merits the gratitude and thanks of the
colonists at large, the following gentlemen, as a mark of
their esteem, have concluded to invite him to a public
dinner." Of course I accepted the compliment, which
afforded me a good opportunity publicly to record
my procedure, my gratitude to many distinguished
individuals and to the colony at large, my regret at
the system established among the Kafirs having
been abolished, and my everlasting feelings of
respect and veneration for the Governor, Sir Ben
jamin D'Urban, whose instrument alone I was, and
whose support and approbation of all I did or pro
posed enabled me to effect all I had done ; and,
lastly, though I was far from being a man addicted
to view things darkly, my foreboding, based on a
knowledge of every circumstance on the frontier
and the conflicting interests of the colonists and
Kafirs, that chaos would again be re-established.
Unfortunately, my prediction has been but too
truly verified. Such was the disgust of hundreds of
valuable members of the Dutch population and
wealthy farmers, they emigrated in masses and
seized the country of the Zoolus, and have been a
thorn in the government of the Cape until lately,

106 THE GLENELG POLICY. [Ch. XXXIX.
when matters have been adjusted and Port Natal
added to the British possessions.
Had my system been persisted in, and the order
of things so firmly planted and rapidly growing into
maturity been allowed to continue, not a Boer would
have migrated. I am proud to say I had as much
influence over the Boers as over the Kafirs, and
by a kind and persuasive manner in expostulation,
had they meditated such a step, I could at once
have deterred them.
The whole colony being desirous of substantially
exhibiting their gratitude towards me, subscriptions
were opened for the purpose of presenting me with
plate in demonstration thereof. Although each
subscription was limited to half a guinea, .£500 was
very speedily subscribed.
Upon the articles of plate is this inscription :
" Presented to Colonel Henry George Wakelyn Smith,
C.B., by his numerous friends at the Cape of Good Hope,
as a token of their admiration of his distinguished military
and civil services in that colony and in Kaffraria, 1835-6.
Palmam qui meruit ferat ! "
The two Hottentot battalions, officers and men,
had previously set this example, and by their 800
men a magnificent candelabra was presented to me,
like the other plate, manufactured by one of the
first workmen in London.
This substantial mark of their consideration
bore the inscription :
"Presented to Colonel Harry George Smith, C.B., as
a testimonial of respect for his distinguished military

1836.] HARRY SMITH'S SERVICES REWARDED. 107
services during the late Kafir War, and the consummate
skill and benevolence subsequently displayed in the civil
administration of the conquered province of Queen
Adelaide, which so eminently contributed to the peace and
security of the colony and the amelioration of the condi
tion of the barbarian thus brought within the pale of civili
zation." The plate presented by the zealous officers is
inscribed :
" Presented by the officers of the Cape of Good Hope
Provisional Infantry to Colonel Henry George Wakelyn
Smith, in testimony of their high sense of the eminent
services rendered to the colony by his skill, gallantry,
and unwearied activity in the field against the Kafirs in
the year 1835, and by his subsequent, able, humane, and
zealous exertions for the promoting the civilization of the
native tribes as the best means of establishing with them a
secure and lasting peace."
Lord Hill being desirous to mark his approba
tion and that of my Sovereign for the services above
recorded, was kind enough to appoint me to the re
sponsible, important, and elevated post of Adjutant-
General to H.M.'s Forces in India; and in the very
ship which brought the newspaper gazette of my
appointment did I embark for my new destination,
the ship waiting from Saturday until Thursday for
me. [June, 1840.]
Little was the time thus afforded for me to pre
pare for embarcation, but a soldier must be ever
ready, and my wife's cheerful exertion soon prepared
everything, although our hearts were full at leaving
so many valuable, dear, and faithful friends and a

108 THE GLENELG POLICY. [Ch. XXXIX.
country in which we had spent eleven years of happi
ness and some excitement, and ever received as
much kindness and hospitality as the most sanguine
could desire.
So short was the time that my friends in Cape
Town who were desirous to pay me some mark of
their respect could do no more than present me on
the morning of my embarcation with the following
address : — " To Col. H. G. Smith, C.B., etc.
" Sir, " We, the undersigned inhabitants of Cape Town,
do ourselves the pleasure of offering you our sincere congra
tulations on your recent appointment to serve in a country
which can, better than this Colony, reward its brave and
zealous defenders. But, cordial as our wishes are for your
welfare and advancement, we deeply regret that the very
circumstances which open brighter prospects to you must
terminate your residence amongst us, and deprive this
Colony of the services of one, whose well-known and long-
tried courage and abilities have been once more tested in
the performance of most difficult and important duties
within our own observation.
"The few years which have elapsed since the most
brilliant of your services to this Colony were achieved have
not dimmed our recollection of them, and on quitting our
shores be assured you leave a name behind you which will
never be forgotten by the present, and will be made known
to, and remembered by, succeeding generations of the
Cape Colonists.
" The suddenness of your departure prevents very many
from joining in this expression of our feelings towards you ;

1840.] HARRY SMITH LEAVES THE CAPE. 109
but to whatever quarter of the world your well-earned
promotion may lead you, South Africa will learn with deep
interest the history of your future career, and rejoice in
the tidings of your prosperity. "We have, etc."
To which I replied — " Cape Castle, 4th June, 1840.
" Gentlemen, " I thank you most cordially for your congratu
lations on the mark of distinction which Her Majesty
has been pleased to confer upon me, by appointing me
Adjutant-General to the Queen's troops in India.
" On my return from the frontiers, you received me with
warm congratulations — the services of which you were thus
pleased, in a manner so gratifying to me, to express your
approbation were of recent occurrence — but the feelings
expressed by you in the address with which you have this
day honoured me, prove that the recollection and appre
ciation of a soldier's services may outlive the excitement
produced at the moment by success, and I pray you to
believe that the recollection of the feelings so warmly and
kindly expressed will never cease to dwell in my memory,
and will be matter of exultation to me in whatever clime or
quarter of the globe it may be my lot to serve.
" During a residence of eleven years, I have met with
invariable kindness from all classes in the Colony — I may
say, from the community at large ; and although I cannot
but feel that an honour of no ordinary class has been con
ferred upon me by Her Majesty, yet I say from my heart
that I now quit your shores with deep regret.
" I have the honour to be, Gentlemen,
" Your most obedient, humble servant,
" H. G. Smith, Colonel."

110 THE GLENELG POLICY. [Ch. XXXIX.
And the Governor of the Cape, Sir George
Napier,* issued the following General Order : —
" Headquarters, Cape Town, ist June, 1840.
" In consequence of the promotion of Colonel Smith to
be Adjutant-General to the Army in India, the Commander-
in-Chief takes this opportunity to express his high appro
bation of that officer's services during his residence in this
Colony, and he feels confident the officers and soldiers of
this command will be highly gratified by so distinguished
a mark of Her Majesty's favour and approbation being
bestowed on an officer of such long and gallant services in
nearly every part of Her Majesty's Dominions.
" As one of his companions, and as an old Comrade in
Arms, the Major-General offers Colonel Smith his warmest
congratulations and best wishes for his health and happiness.
" The Orders of the Garrison of Cape Town, and of the
guards and sentries, etc., as established by Colonel Smith,
C.B., are to be considered as Standing Orders for this
Garrison, and will be strictly observed accordingly."
However gratified we were by this distinguished
mark of Her Majesty's approbation, we left the Cape
of Good Hope as if we were leaving for ever our
native land, and in that patriotic expression "My
native land, good night " is comprised all the most
feeling heart of man can participate in.
Ah, Cape of Good Hope, notwithstanding your
terrific south-easters in the summer, your dreadful
north-westers in the winter, your burning sun, your
awful sands, I and my wife will ever remember you
with an affection yielding alone to that of the " Land
of our Sires ! "
He succeeded Sir B. D'Urban, 22 Jan. 1838.

{ 1" )

CHAPTER XL.
VOYAGE FROM CAPE TOWN TO CALCUTTA — HARRY
SMITH'S DISAPPOINTMENT AT NOT RECEIVING
THE COMMAND IN THE AFGHAN WAR — HIS CRITI
CISM OF THE OPERATIONS.*
On the voyage we encountered terrific gales of
wind ; one night a squall took us aback, carried away
our topmasts, and shivered our sails into shreds in a
moment. I never knew or could conceive before what
the force of wind was capable of. This excessive
violence lasted only twenty minutes, leaving us a log
on the water. The gale continued three days, and
on the 1 8th June, 1840,! we had staring us in the
face a watery grave. It was the anniversary of the
day on which I and two brothers escaped the
slaughter of the eventful field of Waterloo. The
same Divine Hand, however, protected us, and the
91st Psalm was again read in devotion and gratitude
to the Almighty and Eternal Lord God, " Who alone
spreadest out the heavens and rulest the raging of
* With Chapters XL. to XLIV. compare the extracts from letters
given in Appendix IV.
t On this very day twelve months, this ship, the David Scott, was
burned in harbour in the Mauritius, having previously buried her
captain at sea on the voyage from Calcutta. — H. G. S.

112 INDIA AND AFGHANISTAN. [Ch. XL.
the sea ; " and we reached Madras Roads in safety,
after a most boisterous but quick passage.
I embarked six horses, one of which died at sea,
and all the rest were much bruised and injured.
At Madras we had many friends. The Governor,
Lord Elphinstone, whom we had known as a boy,
and to whom we were of use at the Cape on his way
out, was then in the Nilgherries. So soon as he
heard of our arrival, Government House and all its
luxuries were placed at our disposal ; but we were
already hospitably put up with one of my oldest and
dearest friends, Dr. Murray, the Inspector-General,
who had for many years held a similar appointment
at the Cape, one of the most able professional men in
the world, and as an officer in his department never
surpassed. Poor fellow ! in two years it was my
melancholy duty to report his death at Kurnal, in
the Upper Provinces of Bengal, where he fell a gallant
victim to an epidemic disease. To his exertions to
avert the progress of its fatal ravages, and the
rapidity with which he travelled from Calcutta in
the sickly part of the rainy season, may be attributed
a loss irreparable to the service, to his family, and
to his friends.
From Madras to Calcutta we had a beautiful
passage, flying along the coast and passing the
famous temple of Juggernauth with the rapidity with
which its votaries believe they ascend to the Regions
of Bliss. On reaching Calcutta we were surrounded
by old friends of the army, and many civil servants
and military officers of the Honourable Company's

1840.] SIR JASPER NIC OILS. I13
Service whom we had known at the Cape, where
they had repaired for the recovery of health. Lord
Auckland received us with every kindness, and his
Lordship's amiable, accomplished, and highly edu
cated sisters showed us the most marked attention,
kindness, and hospitality. As to the Commander-
in-chief, Sir Jasper Nicolls, we became, after some
time, as it were members of his family.*
Sir Jasper Nicolls is a man of very strong
common sense, and very wary of giving his confi
dence, or, indeed, of developing any of his inten
tions. At first I thought he was a rough, hard-hearted
man. I soon discovered, however, he was one of
the best men of business I ever served, with a warm
heart and a degree of honesty of purpose never
exceeded. His dear good wife is now, alas ! no more
— she died at Rome on their return to their native
land after years of travel, toil, and burning suns.
Her ladyship and daughters and my wife possessed
a union of hearts and feelings which gradually
increased until, on the death of Lady Nicolls, one
important link of that chain of union was snapped,
but is now riveted in the most fervent affection for
the daughters.
In the career of military life, no man can
» Colonel Harry Smith was appointed on 21st August, 1840, to the
rank of Major-General (in the East Indies only). Writing to his
friend Captain Payne, 72nd Highlanders, on 17th' January, 1841, he
says, "I get on very well here with the public functionaries of all
descriptions, tho' they are odd fellows to deal with. But I have very
much learned to restrain an impetuosity which never produces so
favourable a result as moderation, for, if right, it frequently makes
you wrong."
VOL. II. I

114 INDIA AND AFGHANISTAN. [Ch. XL.
reasonably expect that so rugged a path can be
traversed without some personal disaster, and so it
was with me, previously one of fortune's spoiled
children. Lord Auckland, from report and a know
ledge of my exertions and successes at the Cape, had
imbibed a favourable opinion of me, and had the
Burmese made war in 1842, as was expected, it was
his Lordship's intention to appoint me to the com
mand of the troops destined to repel invasion and
re-establish our superiority. I had also a faithful
friend in the Lieutenant-Governor of the Upper
Provinces, Mr. Thomas Campbell Robertson — a
man of superior ability and acquirement, and more
versed in the history and affairs of India than any man
I ever sought information from except Mr. Thoby
Prinsep.* As I was likely to spend some years in
India if appointed Adjutant-General, as I had some
reason to expect, I had, when at the Cape, read
thirty-three authors, made copious notes, and
generally studied the history and geography of this
immense Empire. This acquired knowledge enabled
me to converse with such practical and experienced
men with great advantage to any information and
knowledge I had previously obtained.
After the death of the celebrated Runjeet Singh,
the state of our North- West Frontier, bordering on
the seat of commotion, and ultimately bitter war,
in Afghanistan, was far from settled, and it was
* Henry Thoby Prinsep, Member of Council at Calcutta, 1835-
1843 ; Member of the Court of Directors of the East India Company,
1850-1858 ; Member of the Indian Council, 1858-1874. Died 1878.

1842.] HARRY SMITH READY TO COMMAND. 1 1 5
contemplated that the Sikhs might interrupt our
communication with our troops, so fearfully extended
from any base of operations, and with the country
of this doubtful ally intervening. Under these
circumstances, I placed my ready services at the
disposal of Lord Auckland and the Commander-in-
Chief. Soon after this the insurrection at Cabool
commenced. Poor Elphinstone and I had been
friends for years,* and I had frequently impressed
upon him the difficulty of his position, the proba
bility of an attempt on the part of the restless and
independent-spirited Afghan to shake off that yoke
so injudiciously imposed upon him (especially as our
rupees were no longer so lavishly, so indiscreetly
scattered to acquire an ascendency which, if neces
sary to acquire at all, should have been acquired by
the sword, and maintained by the sword, sheathed
in inflexible and uncompromising justice, equity,,
dignity, and honour), and the necessity of his ever
considering himself in the greatest danger when
he felt the most secure ; but I must not set my foot
on a field which to describe would require volumes.
The war broke out. The energy of a Wellington
or a Napoleon would have saved the destruction of
that force ; it was perfectly practicable, as I then
pointed out. The Lieutenant-Governor and I were
in hourly communication ; I showed the military
steps we ought to pursue, and he urged them on the
Government, and offered to bear any responsibility
* Elphinstone had commanded the 33rd Regiment during the
years of the occupation of France, 181 5-1 81 8.

Il6 INDIA AND AFGHANISTAN. [Ch. XL.
with the Commander - in - Chief. Lord Auckland
was a sensible but timid man, and the Com
mander-in-Chief, ever most judiciously and correctly
averse to the occupation of Afghanistan, was re
duced to defensive measures at the moment when
the most vigorous and initiative steps ought to have
been taken with the velocity of lightning. The
moment was lost. If time, that irrecoverable
engine in war, is neglected, disaster, as in this
instance, must ensue. Before the outbreak at
Cabool, when my dear friend Elphinstone, from the
dire misfortune of sickness, was compelled to request
his relief, the Lieutenant-Governor urged the
Government and Lord Auckland to send me up.
I offered my services on the condition that I had
the supreme and uncontrolled military authority
from the source to the mouth of the Indus and was
aided by a civil servant ; and Mr. George Clerk,
the Political Agent for the Punjaub, a man of first-
rate abilities and activity, most popular among the
Sikhs, whose country and resources intervened
between our distant operations and their base,
offered nobly (for we were personally strangers) to
serve with and under me.
Sir Jasper Nicolls, why I do not to this moment
know, was opposed to my being employed, although
Lord Auckland wished it, and Major-General
Pollock was gazetted by the Government — " by the
express recommendation of the Commander-in-
Chief" — but only to the command of the Upper
Indus, not the Lower, where Major-General Nott

1842.] A DISAPPOINTED AMBITION. 117
was senior officer. Consequently, when these two
officers' forces united, they were like the Corps
d'Armee of Napoleon in Spain, jealous of each
other, the junior* was disobedient to the senior,
and that ensemble, on which success in war hinges,
was lost.
The only reason I could ever suppose influenced
Sir Jasper Nicolls in his reluctance to employ me —
for I know he had the highest opinion of my activity
— is that he apprehended, if I once got the command,
the wealthy Persia would have been attempted, and
my progress alone interrupted by the Caspian Sea.
His thought day and night was to get back the
army from its advanced and dangerous position.
Whereas had the troops been rushed to the scene
of action, as they might have been (for on the com
mencement of the outbreak, the Khyberies were
with us), and Brigadier Wyld's Brigade moved by
forced marches to Jellalabad, other troops rapidly
following in succession, and when Wyld arrived
at Jellalabad, the whole of the weakly men, women,
stores, etc., been securely placed in a small Place
d'armes constructed for the purpose during Wyld's
approach, while General Sale's and Wyld's forces
combined precipitated themselves on Cabool, the
force then would have been saved, the spirits of
the troops would have been sustained by the
knowledge of succour approaching, the enemy pro
portionately depressed. Thus a want of exertion
and decision in rendering support caused a disaster
* I.e. Nott.

Il8 INDIA AND AFGHANISTAN [Ch. XL.
and a loss England never before sustained. It is
needless here to enter into dates, number of marches,
etc.; the thing I have described was a simple matter
of activity and well within the scope of possibility.
As soon as he arrived, Lord Ellenborough saw the
necessity of withdrawing the troops from Afghan
istan, but was precipitate in availing himself of the
period so to do — which certainly was not at the
moment when our military prowess, the prestige of
our arms, and our national character for supremacy
required to be re-established. A government pro
posed by the Afghans should have been set up by
us ; then the sooner we abandoned a nominal con
quest, the better for the true interests of British
India. So astonished was I at the immediate with
drawal, that I wrote the Memorandum No. i. In the
meanwhile the Governor-General had left it optional
to General Nott to retire by Guznee, but had issued
several peremptory orders to Pollock to retire.
When Nott, however, proposed his forward move
ment, Pollock was also directed to move. I then
wrote the Memorandum No. 2, and as the campaign
developed, No. 3.* The moment the Afghans were
* In Memorandum No. I, dated " Simla, 7th August, 1842," the
policy advocated is, " strike a decisive blow which will maintain our
prestige in India, and then abandon Afghanistan, which ought never
to have been entered."
In Memorandum No. 2, dated " Simla, 29th August," he states that
his policy has been adopted. But the method involved " A division
of force ; an advance into the heart of the enemy's country ; the
siege of two cities with no positive means, one the venerated city of
the Prophet, Guznee, the other Cabool, the capital ; a retreat ; the
destruction of the base of these operations, Candahar." The plan,
therefore, involved too many risks.

1 842.] HARRY SMITH'S VIEWS. 119
assailed and the invasion pursued, they quailed
immediately, and did not evince the courage and
In Memorandum No. 3, dated " Simla, 7th September," he says
that the evacuation of Candahar before Cabool and Guznee had been
reduced was contrary to all military science. " Nott's column is now a
single ship in the midst of the Atlantic Ocean surrounded by hostile
fleets." " The science of war dictates that as rapid a concentration
as can be effected of the forces of Nott and Pollock should be made to
Guznee — reduce it, hence to Cabool. Thus the union of force ensures
one of the primary objects in war — ' one line of operations, one base,
and a union of 'resources.' " " A kind of drawn battle with fluctuating
advantages is worse to the general cause than if no attempt whatever
had been made to ' strike a blow.' " " Our force is on the verge of
winter in the prosecution of two sieges — having abandoned its base
previously to the reduction of either, and it has a fair probability of
being distressed for food and forage." " Our present base Jellalabad
is of the most difficult and almost inaccessible character — and a whole
country, the Punjaub, between it and our natural frontier." " If the
enemy knew how to apply his means, he would fall upon either Nott
or Pollock." These Memoranda, marked " confidential," were sent to a number
of Indian officers of high rank, civil and military, and their answers
(preserved) show a general acceptance of Harry Smith's views.
Among them is the following letter from Henry Havelock and note
from Broadfoot to Havelock : —
"My dear General,
" I have the pleasure to return the Minutes which Broadfoot,
the most gallant and talented fellow that I met beyond the Indus, has
read, as you will see by the accompanying note.
" I too, though all unworthy "to be mentioned in the same day, have
perused them, and agree with you in every point, excepting one or two
minor matters which those only who were in Afghanistan could be
correctly informed upon.
" I feel like a man worn out, which is perhaps not surprising after
having had my mind pretty much on the stretch for four years, but
will come and speak to you upon General Skelton's affairs to-morrow
morning, by God's help, and try to get a look at the charges.
" I thought Sir R. S[ale] would not go home. He is to blame, but
generally takes odd views of things and then is not easy to move. He
ought to make a personal fight for his pension.
" Ever yours very truly,
" H. Havelock."
"My dear Havelock,
" The bearer will deliver to you General Smith's minutes.

120 INDIA AND AFGHANIST4N. [Ch. XL.
perseverance in the cause of their country of the
Swiss and Vendeans. If they had done so, the
three divisions of Pollock and Nott and England,
moving as they were upon the falsest of military
principles, would have been sacrificed ; but in all
wars the folly of one party is exceeded by that of
the other, and that which is the least culpable
succeeds. This example of the want of union and
energy on the part of the Afghans shows how easy
it would have been to have crushed the insurrection
by adopting vigorous measures at the moment.
But to revert to my own command. If the
Governor- General had selected me and given me the
authority I desired, viz. the whole line of the Indus,
with the aid of Mr. Clerk (whose popularity with
the Sikh Government and nation was so great that
the resources of the Punjaub would have been at
his command, and consequently at my disposal for
the use of the army, which stood so much in need
of them), I would have waged war upon a great scale
upon the Afghan, razed his forts and fortresses from
one end of his country to the other, established a
government, remained in the country until order,
rule, and authority were firmly established ; then
when the invincible character of our arms had been
maintained, marched out of the country triumphantly,
I have read them with much interest, and am much tempted to give
you some of the reflections they have given rise to, but if I began I
should run into a dissertation. Give the General my best thanks, and
believe me, " [G. Broadfoot] [Signature cut off}.
" Major Havelock, C.B."

1842.] L.ESSONS FROM THE WAR. 121
and not have sneaked out of it, as we did, with our
tail down, like a cur before a hound. That our
national character for consistency, equity, and
superiority has suffered by this melancholy attempt
on Afghanistan is daily experienced throughout
India. Would Scinde, Bundelkund, and Gwalior
have dared to resist us but for the example afforded
them in Cabool, that British troops could be not
only beaten, but annihilated ? The whole of the
transactions of this period afford such a lesson to
all Governors and Military Commanders, it is to
be hoped posterity will never forget them. First
principles in government and war can never be
departed from : though success at the onset may
attend irregularity, in the end disaster will assuredly
prove that consistency, rule, and the true principles
of strategy are indispensable to the achievement of
conquest. To buy the good-will of the influential men
of nations is folly and extravagance and the most
temporary authority that can be attained. Conquest
must be achieved by force of arms, by the display of
irresistible power ; then held by moderation, by a
progressive system of amelioration of the condition
Of the people, by consistency and uncompromising
justice. In this way the great movers of mankind,
Fear and Self-interest, perpetuate subjection.

( I22 )

CHAPTER XLI.
SIR HUGH GOUGH SUCCEEDS SIR JASPER NICOLLS AS
COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF IN INDIA — AFFAIRS IN
GWALIOR — BATTLE OF MAHARAJPORE — HARRY
SMITH MADE K.C.B.
At this period [1843] the time of command of
Sir Jasper Nicolls expired, and Sir Hugh Gough,
the hero of Barossa and of China, was appointed
Commander-in-Chief. Headquarters was at the
time in the Himalaya Mountains at Simla, and, Sir
Hugh having expressed a wish that I should meet
him, I and my dear wife started in the middle of
the rainy and unhealthy season on the 18th July for
Calcutta by dak.* By this slow process you are
carried at the rate of three and a half miles an hour
in a sort of wooden box called a palanquin. You
railroad flyers would regard it as slow indeed for a
journey of 1300 miles. We reached Allahabad, and
from thence proceeded by steamboat and found my
new Commander-in-Chief. The parting with Sir J.
Nicolls was as painful as affectionate. With every
member of his highly educated and accomplished
family we were on the most intimate and friendly
* "Ddk : post, relays of palanquins or other carriages along a road "
{Anglo- Indian Dictionary).

i843-] NICOLLS AND GOUGH. 1 23
terms, and he was kind enough by letter to say that he
ever regarded me as a "most upright, straightfor
ward gentleman and soldier." On parting, I could
not fail to express regret that he had not appointed
me to command in Afghanistan, the only time I
ever agitated the subject. His answer was, " My
reasons then are fully in force now, but it was no
want of the highest opinion of your abilities," I
shall ever entertain the highest respect for Sir Jasper
Nicolls as a most shrewd and sensible man, laborious
at papers, expressing himself by letter in as few
words as the Duke himself, and possessing a clear
and thorough knowledge of the affairs of India and
its army. In his great error of command — I allude
to Afghanistan — there he was ever consistent, always
opposed to the occupation of that country, so distant
from our resources, so ruinous to our Treasury, but,
though right in principle, he should have yielded to
the force of circumstances at the moment, restored
the fight, and ultimately given back the country to its
lawful owners.
We were both received by Sir Hugh Gough and
family with every demonstration of a wish to culti
vate that mutual friendship and good understanding
which education dictates and the good of our service
and the rules of the social compact demand. We
were only in Calcutta from the 1st to the 12th
September, but twelve more laborious days we never
passed, what with an excess of correspondence, the
meeting with innumerable old friends, the formation
of new, the fites to the new Commander-in-Chief, a

124 GWALIOR. [CH. XLI.
great military dinner to Lord Ellenborough, etc.,
and, added to it all, the muggy heat and damp of
Calcutta. The twelve days accordingly appeared
to us almost months, from excitement and fatigue
mental and bodily.
His Excellency had no recreation from his
labours and indefatigable exertion, exposing himself
to sun, wind, and weather both by sea and land
in the most enthusiastic manner. Such was the
state of affairs in Scindiah's Dominions, it was
evident that British interference alone could estab
lish any peaceful order of things. It was therefore
not only expedient, but necessary, to assemble an
army for the purpose of supporting diplomacy or of
acting in open war. Lord Ellenborough intimated
this to Sir Hugh, who, with his characteristic energy,
sought information on all points, and soon saw his
position, his resources, and the means at his disposal
to collect that army which should be irresistible if
compelled to take the field, or adequate to making
a demonstration which would no less surely bring
about the required result. To assemble an army in
India requires much arrangement and consideration.
There are various points at which the maintenance
of an armed force is indispensable ; the extent of
country in our occupation entails in all concentrations
particularly long and tedious marches : lastly, the
season of the year must be rigidly attended to, for
such is the fickleness of disease and its awful ravages,
that it would need an excess of folly to leave it
out of the account.

1843O MILITARY PREPARATIONS. 1 25
Affairs at Gwalior were still in a most disturbed
state. The country was divided into parties. One
of them, since the death of the Maharaja Scindiah
[5 February, 1843], had adhered to the widow, a
girl of only fourteen, but intriguing, designing, and
in the hands of a cunning fellow, a sort of Prime
Minister. This party was the strongest, and was
inimical to the British Government. Hence it
became necessary, in virtue of existing treaties, to re
establish by force of arms that amicable relationship
which the tranquillity of India demanded, as well as
to support the interests of the Maharaja, Scindiah's
heir by another wife, a boy of ten years old. An
army with a very efficient battery train was accord
ingly assembled at Agra under the immediate com
mand of His Excellency, while a large division under
Major-General Grey was concentrated at and in the
vicinity of Cawnpore. While negotiations were in
progress, the troops were to move on Gwalior to
menace the hostile party, so that we might secure
the object in view by negotiation rather than at
once appeal to arms. The headquarters army
marched from Agra direct on Dholpore upon the
Chumbul, while the division under General Grey
was to create a diversion and threaten Gwalior by a
march to southward. According to the rules of
strategy and correct principles of military combina
tion, this division of the threatening or invading
forces may with great reason be questioned, when
we reflect that the army of Gwalior consisted of
22,000 veteran troops and for years had been

126 GWALIOR. [CH. XLI.
disciplined by European officers and well supplied
with artillery, and thus an overwhelming force might
have been precipitated on Grey and his army
destroyed, for he was perfectly isolated and depen
dent on his own resources alone. This, however,
had not escaped the observation and due considera
tion of the Commander-in-Chief. As we calculate
on the power of an enemy, so may we estimate what,
according to his system of operations, he is likely to
attempt. On this occasion it was considered that if
the enemy made a descent on Grey, his division was
of sufficient force to defend itself, while our main
army would have rapidly moved on Gwalior and
conquered it without a struggle through the absence
of the chief part of its army, (for strategy is totally
unknown to a native army, which usually posts itself
on a well-chosen position and awaits an attack).
The leading incidents which led to the outbreak
of war have been so recently and so distinctly
recorded, I have only to observe that the policy
pursued by the Governor-General was of the most
correct character. He gave the State of Gwalior
full time for reflexion, and demanded only such an
arrangement as could alone restore the youthful
Maharaja to his birthright, and produce harmony
within the State and peace and tranquillity without.
It admits of considerable discussion whether or not
the Governor-General was justified in crossing the
Chumbul, and thereby invading the territory of a
kingdom he was treating with, when one of the great
preliminaries had been granted, viz. the surrender

I843-] OUR ARMY IN POSITION. 1 27
of the Dada Khasgee Wala, the adviser and lover
of the young widow and the Prime Minister.
However, the army under the Commander-in-
Chief crossed the Chumbul by ford above Dholpore,
while Grey's Division entered the dominion of
Scindiah viA Koonah and crossed the boundary,
the river Scinde, in the neighbourhood of Kohee,
avoiding, however, the Antree Pass, which would
have exposed his advance to considerable interrup
tion. The army, after crossing the Chumbul, moved
into a position on the Koharee rivulet (the banks
of which are intersected by small ravines so as to
be impassable but by certain roads), and about eight
miles from the ford of the Chumbul. The position
was one rather chosen for the pomp and ceremony
of a visit from the widow, the Maharaja, and the
Court, which was expected in the then state of the
negotiations. This meeting was all arranged,* but
never came to consummation. The army were so
jealous of Grey's advance, they concluded, and
naturally from their own Mahratta character (being
the most fickle and deceitful people, and capable of
any treachery to advance their desires), that while
the Governor-General was encouraging this meeting
which was to be attended by a considerable body of
the Mahratta army, Grey's division would move
into the rear and seize the capital and the fortress
of Gwalior. The suspicions of natives (naturally
jealous and ready to impute evil to all around them)
are not to be calmed, and the army prohibited this
* For 26 December, 1843.

128 GWALIOR. [Ch. XLI.
meeting (if the babe widow and her party ever
seriously meditated it) and moved forward in a
hostile attitude, crossing the Ahsin rivulet, which
runs parallel to the Koharee at a distance of eight
or nine miles.
I was in the habit of taking long rides every
morning to make myself well acquainted with the
country. When out riding on the 28th December,
I fell in with a patrol which the Quartermaster-
General of the Army had been directed to take out
for the purpose of reconnoitring the enemy, who,
according to information, had crossed the Ahsin and
posted himself between the villages of Maharajpore
and Chounda. The former is advanced on the plain
between the two rivulets, the latter is below the
Ahsin, the banks of which are also intersected by
innumerable small and impassable ravines. I accom
panied Colonel Garden, the Q.M.G. On my return
I gave in the memorandum as follows : —
"Camp Hingonah, 28th Dec. 1843.
" Note on the position of the enemy on the left bank
of the Ahsin River : —
" From what I saw this morning, I calculate the force
of the enemy to be 10,000 men, and he fired from ten guns
of small calibre. His position appeared to be on the plain
in dense masses of troops, his left resting on the broken
ground of the Ahsin River, his guns drawn out in front, his
right ' en air,' as if more troops were coming up to occupy
the position selected. The sooner, therefore, it is practi
cable for our army to occupy the right bank of the Koharee
and place itself in front of the enemy's line, the better, not
only to prevent a further advance of the enemy, but to

1843.] HARRY SMITH'S RECONNAISSANCE. 1 29
enable a general action to be fought in two hours, when
desired. This, however, is a single view of our army, as it
does not take into consideration Major-General Grey's
Division. It therefore rests mainly to be considered whether
General Grey's troops should not be so brought into direct
communication with the main body as either to attack
simultaneously the enemy's left flank, or be so posted as to
act upon the line of the enemy when ' en deVoute ' of our
main body. To do this it is obvious that the exact position
of General Grey must be ascertained. If the information
of the strength of the enemy renders it expedient to await
direct communication with General Grey, some little delay
is involved. On the contrary, if a general action be at
once desirable, it may be fought by eleven o'clock to-morrow,
Friday the 29th inst To effect this, the army should
march, crossing the Koharee disencumbered of the ' impe
dimenta' of war, before daylight the 29th inst. The
distance hence to the enemy's line is within eight miles.
To fight this action early in the morning is most desirable,
in order to enable the pursuit of the fugitives to be pro
tracted, therefore effective, and to ensure the capture of
every gun.
"The morning was very hazy, and the smoke of the
camp combining with it made reconnaissance difficult."
The army marched before daylight on the 29th
Dec* in three columns, all of which reached their
ground with the utmost precision. The enemy was
attacked [Battle of Maharajpore], every gun (54)
taken, and the defeat general ; but never did men
stand to their guns with more determined pluck,
* " TheoGovernor-General, with the ladies of his camp, rode on
elephants beside the advancing columns" (Trotter, India under
Victoria, vol. i. p. 100).
VOL. II. K

130 GWALIOR. [Ch.XLI.
every gunner being bayoneted or cut down at his
post. It was the same at Puniar [General Grey's
victory of the same day.] The result of these
battles is well known. I was mentioned in the
dispatches of the Commander-in-Chief, Sir Hugh
Gough, and was rewarded with a step in the Most
Honourable Military Order of the Bath, from C.B.
(I had worn that decoration since Waterloo, twenty-
nine years before) to K.C.B., the Great Captain of
the Age writing to me as follows : —
" Horse Guards, 29 April, 1844.
" Sir, " I have the satisfaction to acquaint you that the
Secretary of State has, upon my recommendation, sub
mitted to the Queen your appointment to be a Knight
Commander of the Most Honourable Military Order of
the Bath, of which Her Majesty has been most graciously
pleased to approve.
" I have the honor to be, Sir,
" Your most obedient humble servant,
" (Signed) WELLINGTON."
" Major-General Sir H. G. Smith, K.C.B."
To which I replied —
" Headquarters, Army of India, Simla, 23rd June, 1844.
"My Lord Duke,
" I have this day had the honour to receive your
Grace's letter, ' Horse Guards, 29th April,' acquainting me
with an expression of satisfaction that Her Majesty had,
upon your recommendation, been graciously pleased to
appoint me a Knight Commander of the Most Honourable
Military Order of the Bath. While my gratitude to my

I844-] MADE K.C.B. 13*
Sovereign is unbounded, my heart dictates, it is to your
Grace I am indebted for every honorary distinction,
promotion, and appointment I have received during a
long and an eventful period of the history of the world.
Among the many thousands of the gallant soldiers who
so nobly fought and conquered under your Grace, I
may conscientiously hope none could desire more zealously
to do his duty, or was ever more actuated by personal
devotion or inspired with greater confidence throughout
the numerous struggles of war, than he who now renders
his grateful thanks for this mark of distinction so honour
able to the soldier, and thus conferred by Her Majesty
through the recommendation of his Commander-in-Chief,
the Great Captain of the Age. " I have, gtc,
"(Signed) H. G. Smith.
" Field Marshal His Grace the Duke of Wellington."
I have now served my country nearly forty years,
I have fought in every quarter of the globe, I have
driven four-in-hand in every quarter, I have never
had a sick certificate, and only once received leave
of absence, which I did for eight months to study
mathematics. I have filled every staff situation of
a Regiment and of the General Staff. I have com
manded a Regiment in peace, and have had often a
great voice in war. I entered the army perfectly
unknown to the world, in ten years by force of cir
cumstances I was Lieutenant-Colonel, and I have
been present in as many battles and sieges as any
officer of my standing in the army. I never fought
a duel,, and only once made a man an apology,

132 GWALIOR. [Ch.XLI.
although I am as hot a fellow as the world produces ;
and I may without vanity say, the friendship I have
experienced equals the love I bear my comrade,
officer or soldier.
My wife has accompanied me throughout the
world ; she has ever met with kind friends and never
has had controversy or dispute with man or woman.
Harry Smith.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XLI.
On the Battle of Maharajpore.
In a letter to Sir James Kempt, dated " Gwalior, 15th January,
1844," Harry Smith sketches the events which led to the battle,
and cites his memorandum of 28th December given above. He
continues —
" The army did march as described in Sir H. Gough's
dispatches in three columns, each arriving at undesignated
post in excellent time — which I freely admit was scarcely
to be expected, having to disengage itself from a mass of
laden elephants, camels, and bullocks and bullock carts,
etc., resembling rather the multitudes of Xerxes than
anything modern, and having to traverse ground on the
banks of rivulets most peculiarly intersected by numerous
and deep small ravines, the pigmy model of a chain of
mountains, but even more impassable. On such ravines was
posted the enemy's left flank ; his right extended towards
the village of Maharajpore, which he had filled with Infantry
and ably supported by batteries enfilading its approach, his
extreme right again thrown back upon the ravines of the
Ahsin River, as described in the little pencil sketch enclosed,
thus realizing the surmise in my report, 'his right "en
air," as if other troops were coming up to complete the

1843-1 MAHARAJPORE. 1 33
occupation of the position,' If we could have caught
the enemy in the state he was when reconnoitred the
previous day, easy indeed would have been the victory.
These Mahrattas, nor indeed does any Indian Army, know
no more than to occupy a strong position and hold it as
long as able, sticking to their guns like men. Having
observed the enemy's position the day before, it was obvious
to me this morning that he had advanced very considerably,
and that he held the village of Maharajpore in force, which
I rode through the day previous. Upon a plain, and that
plain covered with the high stalks of Jumna corn, not a
mound of rising ground even to assist the view, reconnoi
tring is nearly nominal. However, so impressed was I from
what a nearer view the day before had given me and what
I then saw, that the enemy attached great importance to his
left flank, the line of his retreat if beaten, I ventured to advo
cate that flank as the most eligible point for a weighty attack.
However, things were differently conducted and as the heads
of columns appeared, the enemy instantly opened a well-
directed cannonade, particularly from the vicinity of the
village of Maharajpore, and Sir H. Gough ordered an
advance. His dispatch tells the tale, and the mode of resist
ance, the enemy's guns, etc. I need, therefore, only bear
testimony to the gallantry of the enemy's resistance, which
in my conscience I believe and assert would not have been
overcome but for our gallant old Peninsular comrades, the
39th and 40th Regiments, who carried everything before
them, bayoneting the gunners at their guns to a man. These
guns were most ably posted, each battery flanking and
supporting the other by as heavy a cross-fire of cannon as
I ever saw, and grape like hail. Our leaders of brigades in
the neighbourhood and in the village had various oppor
tunities of displaying heroism, Valiant, Wright 39th and
my Assistant, Major Barr, remarkably so, and many gallant
fellows fell in this noble performance of their duty. The

134 GWALIOR. [CH.XLI.
enemy was driven back at every point with great loss,
yielding to force, not retiring in haste. A more thorough
devotedness to their cause no soldiers could evince, and
the annals of their defeat, altho' an honour to us, can
never be recorded as any disgrace to them. Turn we
now to General Grey's division. For many days before
the 29th our communication was totally interrupted, and
the wisdom of the route and the disunited approach to
Gwalior must be tested by the fortunate result, not by
the established rules and principles of strategy. Grey's
dispatch is not so well written as it might have been, I
am led to understand, nor does he give full credit to the old
Buffs for their gallant double allowance with which they
contributed to the achievements of the day and the capture
of the enemy's guns, every one of them. The old 50th had
its share too, and the blockheads in the East, who ' haver '
over their wine of India's being in a state to require no British
troops, are wrong : for, liberally contributing the full meed
of praise to the Seapoy Battalions, that praise is so rested
on the British soldier's example, the want of that 'point
d'appui ' would entail a dire want indeed, that of victory !
Now if we regard the victories recently obtained over the
Mahratta force, 28,000 men whose discipline has gradually
been improving under Christian officers since 1803 (the
days of Lake and Wellington), well supplied with cannon
and every implement of war, animated by a devotion to
their cause not to be exceeded — in a military point of
view they are achievements in the field which yield alone to
Assaye and rank with Dieg, Laswarree, and Mehudpbre, and
in a political point of view, their importance is immense,
struck in the very heart of India, within the hearing almost
of the seat of government of our Upper Provinces, Agra.
Remembering the disasters in Afghanistan, which still, as
they ever will, hold their baneful influence over British
India ; reviewing the recent bloody murders, and present

I843-] BRITISH PRESTIGE RESTORED. 1 35
confusion and anarchy at Lahore ; the still unsettled state
of Bundelkund ; the sickness in Scinde (that accursed
Scinde), the grave of our army ; the intrigues at the court
of Nepaul, which have been rife and ready for mischief
pending the late contest — then may my Lord Ellenborough
and our country congratulate themselves upon the re-
establishm&nt of the ' Prestige of our Arms ' as a sure
foundation of our Indian Empire, the very base of which
was tremulous, for it is well known that these Mahrattas
have been advocating hostility in every court of the East.
It is to be hoped, therefore, coupled with Lord E.'s mode
ration and the equity of his acts in thus re-establishing
the youthful Maharaja on his throne, that our country
and its Government will regard this . as no war of foreign
invasion, no war of conquest and unjust aggression, but
one of absolute necessity to maintain the one Power
paramount in India on the faith of old treaties of amity,
and a demonstration to the present disturbed states of
India, to the well-disposed, and to the World, that the
British Lion will be ever triumphant; and that it will
accordingly treat the soldiers who have achieved victories
of such political magnitude with the liberality shown to
the heroes exiled from Afghanistan, their discomfitures
conjured into triumphs of valour, their miserable retreat
through the Khyber Pass into deeds of glory inferior to
none but the passage of San Bernardo by Napoleon. In
this hope we may venture to trust a fair construction will
be put on our acts, and that I may see my gallant com
rades promoted as they deserve, and honoured in the
manner recent services have been.
" I shall ever regard this battle as one of the most fortu
nate circumstances of my life, if the majority of its remainder
is to be spent in India, by its having acquired me that
experience in Indian warfare all require, and above all,
to hold in just estimation your enemy, a creed I have ever

136 GWALIOR. [CH.XLI.
advocated, and to a certain extent, in every instance prac
tised. In the late conflict no one gave our foe credit for
half his daring or ability; hence our attack was not
quite so scientifically powerful by a combination of the
different arms as it might have been, and the defects of
the unwieldy machine called the British Indian Army
rendered most glaring: — its appalling quantity of baggage,
its lack of organization and equipment of the soldiers,
its want of experience in Generals and in officers, the
extreme willingness but total inexpertness and inaptitude
of the soldier in the arts of war, in the conflict, on picquet,
on every duty which a protracted campaign alone can teach
effectually. In this country almost every war has been
terminated in one or two pitched battles fought so soon
as the one army comes in sight of the other, and accord
ingly all the science attaching to advance and retreat, the
posting of picquets, reconnaissance of the enemy, the daily
contemplating his movements, both when he is before you
and on the march, are lost, and war is reduced at once to
' there are people drawn up who will shoot at you, so fire
away at them.' You blindly and ineptly rush upon them,
drive them from the field with considerable loss, take
all their guns, and never see the vestige of them after.
Thus we must judiciously and with foresight organize our
selves for a campaign in the Punjaub — a very probable
event — for the armies of India are not now the rabble
they were in Clive's time, but organized and disciplined by
' European officers of experience (many French), and the art
of war has progressed rapidly among our enemies, whose
troops are invariably far more numerous than those we
oppose to them ; thus by superior ability we could alone
calculate on their defeat. As it is, we calculate alone on
the bulldog courage of Her Majesty's soldiers, and our loss
becomes what we lately witnessed.
"To obviate these deficiencies, apparent even to the

1 843.] THE INDIAN ARMY. 1 37
most inexperienced eye, we must in the first place reduce
our baggage, next give our Seapoys canteens and haversacks
(a Regiment told me they were exhausted for want of water,
the water-carriers having run away). We must then, every
cold season, have divisions of the army assembled, and post
the one half opposite the other, with outlying picquets,
etc., and daily alarms, skirmishes, etc., then general actions
with blank cartridges. Without this the British Indian
Army will remain as it now is — a great unwieldy machine
of ignorant officers and soldiers. The drill of the Seapoy is
good enough, and that of his officer, and never will attain
greater perfection, but unless the officers in their separate
commands know how, as I call it, to feed the fight, to
bring up or into action successively in their places their
command, when the attack is ordered, I defy any general
to defeat his enemy but by stupid bull-dog courage. It
may be conceit in Harry Smith, but if 10,000 men were
given him in one cold season, if by sham fights, etc., he
did not make them practical soldiers, he would resign in
disgust, for the material is excellent and willing, but now,
like a dictionary, it contains all the words, but cannot
write a letter.
" I have given you no account of the death of our
gallant old comrade Churchill ; he was game, and tho' not
free from many errors he had virtues, and his loss cost
Juana and me some honest tears.
" Young Somerset is a fine, gallant young fellow who
received four wounds, three severe ones, but is doing well,
thank God both for his sake and his father's. As I cannot
write to all my many friends, if you think this letter would
amuse any of my old comrades, soldiers such as I aim at
making, Lord K.,* Sir J. Lambert, Sir T. Reynell (if better),
Sir A. Barnard, pray send it Lord F. Somerset I do not
* Lord Keane.

138 GWALIOR. [CH.XLI.
name, as I know you show him all my effusions which meet
your own approbation.
" Juana was under a heavy cannonade with Lady G.,
Miss G., and a Mrs. Curtis on their elephants. Juana had
this command of Amazons, and as she was experienced
and they young, her command was anything but satisfac
tory.* This Gwalior is a veryextraordinary place, I have
had some long rides in every direction, and the debris of
the army of Scindiah now disbanding are as handsome,
well-clothed and appointed soldiers, as regular in their en
campments, as Frenchmen, and inclined to fight in their
gallant and vivacious style.
" Thus our credit in the victory is the more.
"Faithfully, dear friend,
" (Signed) Harry Smith."
* Sir Charles Napier, writing to Harry Smith early in 1844, treats
humorously of the presence of Lady Gough, Juana Smith, etc., under
fire at this battle. " I congratulate you on your feats of arms. You
had a tough job of it : these Asiatics hit hard, methinks. How came
all the ladies to be in the fight? I suppose you all wanted to be
gloriously rid of your wives ? Well, there is something in that ; but I
wonder the women stand so atrocious an attempt. Poor things ! I
dare say they too had their hopes. They talk of our immoral conduct
in Scinde ! I am sure there never was any so bad as this. God
forgive you all. Read your Bible, and wear your laurels."— W. Napier's
Life of Sir Charles Napier (1857), vol. iii. p. 45.

( 139 )

CHAPTER XLII.
AFFAIRS IN THE PUNJAUB — SIR HENRY HARDIN GE
SUCCEEDS LORD ELLENBOROUGH AS GOVERNOR-
GENERAL  OUTBREAK OF THE FIRST SIKH WAR
— BATTLE OF MOODKEE.
Cawnpore, 7th September, 1846.
The narrative by way of my history which ceased
in 1843 must now be renewed, as it embraces the
most important period of my eventful life, as far as
public services go. In my capacity of Adjutant-
General of Her Majesty's forces at Headquarters
(which in the cold weather moved about on the
plains, in the hot enjoyed the cool and bracing
atmosphere of the Himalayas at Simla), I had every
opportunity of watching the gradually gathering
storm in the Punjaub, until it was suspended over
our heads in November, 1845, ready to burst, though
where, when, or how no one dared venture a decided
opinion. Most certainly, however, no one contem
plated a powerful invasion, or imagined that the
Sikhs were in communication with the [princes ?]
and influential men of British India so far as Delhi.
At the period when this was written, the history of
the rise of the Punjaub as a nation was well known
to all, but ere these pages come to light it may be

140 SIKH WAR. [Ch. XLI I.
forgotten or partially so. A slight compendium of
this history is therefore annexed.
The kingdom called the Punjaub extends from
the Hindoo Koosh (a branch of the Himalayas) on
the north, is bounded by that range on the east, by
the Indus to the west, by the Sutlej, to its confluence
with the Indus, to the south. However, a consider
able portion of the territory south of the Sutlej was
under the rule of the Lahore Government, and this
became the seat of the great war in 1 845-6.
This tract of country was consolidated by the
conquest of various independent principalities by the
ability, enterprise, and foresight of the celebrated
Runjeet Singh, who raised himself to pre-eminence
and absolute power from the middle class of society.
Hence the old Sikh families, the ancient Rajpoots,
although subdued into obedience, were ever distrust
ful of him and he was ever obnoxious to them;
hence the seeds of discord which so rapidly sprung
up on the decease of Runjeet Singh, and which con
cluded in this war so fatal to the Sikh.
The whole Punjaub contains about a quarter of
a million of Sikhs, the chief part to be found around
Lahore and the beautiful city of Umritsir. A Sikh
cultivator is seldom seen. The Sikhs, although pro
fessing a religion of Brahmanical tenets and estab
lished by their great priest and prophet Govind
Gooroo, drink to excess, eat opium and bangh (a
species of wild hemp possessing narcotic and intoxi
cating qualities of the most enervating description),
and regard the abstemious Hindoo and the sensual

MAP TO ILLUSTRATE THE SUTLEJ CAMPAIGN, 1845-6.

[Opposite Vol. ii. J>. 140.

i84S-] RUNJEET SINGH. 141
Mussulman with contempt. Hence the labour of
the fields and every other labour fall upon the two
latter races, and they have always been favourably
disposed to the British.
Runjeet Singh's great policy was a firm adherence
to the rulers of British India. He had observed in
181 1 [1808 ?] the discipline of some of our Seapoys
who formed an escort to Mr. Metcalfe (ultimately
Lord Metcalfe) on an embassy to the Court of
Lahore. This escort, when treacherously attacked
by a fanatical sect not then subdued to Runjeet's
authority, called Akalies, so boldly and ably defended
itself, that, observing the effect of discipline, the
acute Runjeet instantly set to work to organize his
own army on a similar footing. H e invited foreigners,
especially Frenchmen, to enter his service, and was
liberal to many of them in the extreme. Under
such instruction, a most powerful army sprung up,
composed of Cuirassiers, Light Infantry most highly
equipped, numerous Artillery (in which Runjeet
had great faith), and beautifully appointed and
organized Infantry. Runjeet spared neither expense
nor exertion, and such a spirit of superiority
and strength was infused into this army that it
believed itself invincible and the most powerful in
the world. Runjeet died in June, 1839, leaving this
powerful army, estimated by us as of the following
strength : —
40,000 Cavalry, regular and irregular, among
which a Brigade of Akalies in cuirasses
and chain armour, " The Invincibles."

142 SIKH WAR. [CH. XLII
120,000 Regular Infantry.
Innumerable Irregulars — every inhabitant being
a soldier.
400 pieces of cannon ready to take the field,
(for Runjeet had spared neither pains nor expense to
improve the breed of horses, and his efforts were
attended with great success.)
From the death of Runjeet Singh in 1839 to
1845 a succession, of revolutions and murders of
Kings and Princes continued, first one party, then
another, supporting a reputed son of Runjeet on
the throne, who was as sure to be murdered in the
sanguinary struggles of that Reign of Terror. A
Hill family, elevated for their personal beauty rather
than their talents (although some of them were far
from wanting abilities), became conspicuous, and
many fell with the puppets of their creation. This
family received the soubriquet of Lords of the
Hills, Jummoo being the fortified hold of the head
of the family. Its most conspicuous members were
Goolab Singh and Dhyan Singh. Dhyan and his
son Heera Singh were both Prime Ministers, or
Wuzeer, and both were murdered in 1844. Such
was the power of the standing army, it acknowledged
no other authority, set up Kings and deposed them
at pleasure, and at the period of the commencement
of the war, a boy (Dhuleep Singh), born of a Hill
woman of great ability and reputed the son of old
Runjeet, was the nominal King, Lai Singh was
Wuzeer, and Tej Singh Commander-in-Chief of
this rabble" (though highly organized and numerous)

1845.] SIR HENRY HARDINGE. 143
army. It must be obvious that such a state of
things could not last. The resources of the treasury
were rapidly consuming, and with them the only
power of the Queen Mother, the Rani or Regent,
which consisted in her presents and consequent
popularity. All the foreign officers had absconded
except one Frenchman, a man of neither note nor
talent, and a Spanish Engineer by name Hubon, a
low-bred man, but clever, acute, and persevering.
The British Government of India had acknow
ledged this Regency, and was desirous to retain
amicable relationship with the Punjaub, but in the
middle of the year 1845, so unruly and clamorous
for war was the Sikh army, all negotiations termi
nated, and a state of uncertainty ensued which made
it necessary for British India, without declaring
hostility, to place itself on a footing to resist it,
should so mad an enterprise ensue.
Meanwhile in 1844 Lord Ellenborough was
recalled, and succeeded as Governor-General by
Sir Henry Hardinge, a statesman and a soldier of
Wellington's, in either capacity celebrated for
judgment, ability, and foresight. Upon his very
arrival, he saw that a rupture with the Punjaub was
sooner or later inevitable, and he drew up an able
document on the prospects of British India in such
an event,, which he submitted to the Directors.
Immediately afterwards he commenced moving
every possible soldier, and commanded the material
of war up to the North- West Frontier, while a large
flotilla of boats was built at Bombay for the purpose

144 SIKH WAR. [Ch. XLII.
of bridges, and sent up the Indus and thence into
the Sutlej opposite Ferozepore, where they were
sunk under the left bank of the river. By these
arrangements, dictated by a perfect military know
ledge and by that foresight which bears the stamp
of prediction, Sir Henry Hardinge, in the autumn
of 1845, had m readiness for coming events nine
regiments of British Infantry, three regiments of
British Cavalry,, a most powerful train of Field
Artillery (with upwards of 100 field-guns, 6 and
9-pounders, and a powerful battering train in
progress), a large force of Regular and Irregular
Cavalry, and forty regiments of Native Infantry.
The isolated post and fortress of Ferozepore had
been reinforced by twenty-four field guns, a regiment
of British Infantry, and Cavalry and Native Infantry,
until a force of upwards of 7000 men composed a
Corps under Major-General Sir John Littler, for the
double purpose of defending Ferozepore from insult
and watching the ghauts, or fords, of the Sutlej.
The assembling force was put into Brigades and
Divisions, and equipped to take the field either on
the initiative or defensive.
In December all negotiations and communica
tions between the Regency and ourselves had ceased
at the dictation of the Sikh army, which was
clamorous for war with the British, and openly
vaunted it would place the Rani and her son upon
the Imperial Throne of Delhi, and a correspondence
was actually established with that city and the line
conducting to it, for the supply of provisions to the

I84S-] THE SIKHS CROSS THE SUTLEJ. 145
Sikh army. This act of treachery on the part of
British subjects will show what would be the
stability of British rule in India on any other basis
than that of military power.
The means of obtaining information on the part
of our political officers, as results prove, was defec
tive ; nor can any credit attach to Sir John Littler
as a watchful outpost officer, when the enemy
gradually crossed by boats (not a bridge) an army
of 70,000 men of all arms, with an immense train of
artillery and overwhelming force of cavalry, with
stores enormous, and positively established them
selves under the Commanders Tej Singh and Lai
Singh, ere our authorities were aware of it, civil or
military, fortified a strong position near and embrac
ing the village of Ferozeshuhur, and made a demon
stration as of attack in front of Ferozepore. This
was in the middle of December. This development
and invasion called for, and was met by, the
most active and vigorous measures on the part of
the Governor-General and Council. Every avail
able regiment was pushed forward without waiting
to assemble Divisions and Brigades, although all
were in order, and a very able organization was
effected, as far as the pr^ramrne went. The troops
made double or forced marches, with the result that
the force of cavalry under Brigadier White, the 1st
Division under Major-General Sir Harry Smith,*
• On Sir Harry Smith's appointment to the command of the
1st Division, his duties as Adjutant-General devolved upon Lieut. -
Colonel Barr.
VOL. II. L

"I46 SIKH WAR. [Ch. XLII.
and one Brigade of the and Division under Major-
General Gilbert, reached Moodkee much fatigued
and exhausted on the morning of the eventful 18th
December. One of the most able and enterprising
movements at this stage of the war was the evacua
tion of Loodiana, except its fort, by order of the
Governor-General, and the march of the troops
thence on Busseean, which reinforcement, joining
the troops on their hasty march on Moodkee,
ensured the victory about to be contended for.
On the 1 8th December a considerable force of
the British army had reached Moodkee, much ex
hausted, as has been said, by the necessary length
of marches and a want of water and the power
of cooking. Brigades were assembled, but not
Divisions. The troops had some of them barely
reached their bivouac, when the advance of the
Sikh army with clouds of cavalry demanded an im
mediate turn-out in preparation to resist an attack
of fresh and infatuated troops, excited by personal
hatred, natural vanity, and the stimulants of spirits,
opium, and bangh. In place of awaiting the coming
storm, our united forces being compact, each arm in
support of the other, the whole on an open plain ready
to receive the onslaught, our troops were hurried un
necessarily into the field, and the cavalry and artillery
rushed into action. Our cavalry and artillery had
driven back the Sikh cavalry most gallantly into
a very jungly or bushy country, when the enemy's
infantry brought them up and occasioned a very
considerable and most unnecessary loss. The

1 845] BATTLE OF MOODKEE. 1 47
infantry meanwhile advancing, the right Brigade of
the 1st Division upon the right of the army under
the command of Brigadier Wheeler, but under the
eye of Sir Harry Smith, was fiercely assailed by an
almost overwhelming force of Sikh infantry. These
it boldly repulsed, and, continuing to advance, took
six guns and caused the enemy an inconceivable
loss. The dust was so darkening, the enemy could
only be discovered by its density and the fire.
The first part of this action was on an open
country with occasional large dense and thorny
trees, into which the enemy climbed and caused the
50th Regiment great loss. This Brigade (H.M.'s
50th, and the 42nd and 48th Regiments Native
Infantry) was more engaged than any other part of
the army. Many officers and upwards of 150
soldiers of the 50th were wounded. Brigadier
Wheeler was wounded severely; Major-General
Sale, Q.M.G. of H.M.'s Forces, who had attached
himself to Sir Harry Smith, mortally. On this
occasion Sir Harry Smith greatly distinguished
himself on his celebrated black Arab " Jem Crow,"
by seizing one of the colours of H.M.'s 50th Regi
ment and planting them in the very teeth of a Sikh
column, and gloriously did the Regiment rush on
with bayonet, and fearful was the massacre which
ensued. The left Brigade of the 1st Division was
engaged to the left of the line under Brigadier
Bolton of H.M.'s 31st Regiment (who fell mortally
wounded), while the Brigades of the 2nd Division
under Major-General Gilbert and Major-General

148 SIKH WAR. [Ch.XLII.
Sir John McCaskill occupied the centre. Sir John
was shot through the heart.
It is a curious circumstance in this battle that so
obscured was all vision by the dust, that it after
wards appeared that the bulk of the Sikh forces passed
in column along the front of the ist Brigade of the
ist Division, and when repulsed by the 2nd Brigade
ist Division and [ ] Brigade 2nd Division, were
driven again across the front of the 50th, the advance
of which was pushed by Sir Harry Smith. After
the troops were halted, the dust dispelled and the
moon was up and shining brightly. The ist Brigade
ist Division then formed an obtuse angle with the
rest of the army. This brigade had gone right
through the Sikh repulsed columns. The ist
Division this day took twelve of the seventeen
guns captured from the enemy.
The Division lost at Moodkee —
Killed. Wounded. Missing. Total.
79 339 19 437
Both Brigadiers were knocked down, and one died
of his wounds.
After the action the troops returned to their
camp, which they reached about half-past twelve.

( H9 )

CHAPTER XLIII.
BATTLE OF FEROZESHAH (OR FEROZESHUHUR) 2 1 ST
DECEMBER, 1 845, AND RESUMED BATTLE OF
2 2ND DECEMBER — THE ARMY MOVES INTO POSI
TION AT SOBRAON.
Early in the morning of the 19th parties were
sent out to bring in the wounded, and our cavalry
outposts pushed forward to cover this, as also to
enable our artillery to bring in the captured guns,
amounting to seventeen. The enemy having made
a reconnaissance with a large body of cavalry, which
created an alarm in the camp, the troops were turned
out and took up a very faulty position in front of
Moodkee. In this village there is a very tenable
little fort, which was of great use to us. About one
o'clock, the enemy making no forward movement,
the troops were turned in to cook. During the
afternoon all was quiet.
On the 20th every arrangement was made for
the care of the sick, wounded, stores, etc., at
Moodkee, and the troops, well completed in ammu
nition, prepared to march on the memorable 21st
December. As yet no direct communication was
established with Sir John Littler, in command of the

15© SIKH WAR. [Ch. XLIII.
7000 men at Ferozepore. These were still isolated
and subject to a weighty attack of the enemy, who
could attack with facility and still hold his position
around the village of Ferozeshuhur. This was
strongly fortified and bristling with cannon, and
there was plenty of water for both men and horses.
Hence our object was to effect a combination with
the Ferozepore force ere the enemy anticipated us,
unless his correct information of our movements led
him to attack either one or both of our columns
moving mutually to a point of concentration, for
Littler's force was ordered to move out and meet
our advance. (This was by no means a difficult or
dangerous movement, the distance from Moodkee to
Ferozepore not exceeding that from the Sikh army
at Ferozeshuhur.) The troops marched from Moodkee in order of
battle (almost crossing the front of the enemy's
position), and moved in the direction of Ferozepore,
from whence Littler's column was also moving to
effect the junction, which took place about ten o'clock
in the morning. Sir H. Hardinge, as Governor-
General, had interdicted any attack upon the enemy's
lines until the junction was effected, a most fortunate
interdiction for British India.* So soon as the army
was collected, Sir H. Hardinge turned to Sir H.
Gough and said, " Now the army is at your disposal."
* It will be noted that Sir Harry Smith, in spite of all that followed,
supports Sir H. Hardinge's military judgment in the famous dispute
on this occasion between him and Sir H. Gough. A contrary view is
taken in Gough and Innes' The Sikhs, etc., p. 107.

I84S-] SIR H. GOUGH' S TACTICS. \%\
Sir Hugh made immediate arrangements to
attack, although much most valuable time was lost
in those arrangements, nor were Generals of Division
made the least aware of how or what or where they
were to attack. The army was one unwieldy
battalion under one Commanding Officer who had
not been granted the power of ubiquity. My opinion
may be called one after the result, but I formed it
while the troops were arranging in order of battle.
I now record it leisurely and most deliberately.
Had I commanded, I should have moved in conti
guous columns of brigades, my cavalry protecting
my advance up to the enemy's position till within
range of his guns, the troops so moving as to be
able to anticipate any movement of the enemy to
the discomfort of Ferozepore, and to enable me to
throw the weight of the attack upon the right of the
enemy, if, as I apprehended from all I had heard, he
was as assailable upon his right as on any other
given point. I say I would have thrown the weight
of my attack upon his right, because he was most
formidable in his entrenched position, and if that
right was to be carried as I anticipated, my victorious
troops could have acted on the line of his retreat,
which, being comparatively left open, gave him an
opportunity to avail himself of it, and not to fight
with that desperation that even bad troops will show
if they are hemmed in. So soon as my advancing
columns had attained to barely within the range
of the enemy's guns, I would have carefully recon
noitred him, and compared ocular demonstration

152 SIKH WAR. [Ch. XLIII.
with the accounts of the enemy's interior arrange
ments of defence afforded by spies, taking with me
each General of Division as I passed the front of his
troops. This reconnaissance would have enabled
officers in command to see their way. The whole
weight of my attack should have been on the enemy's
right and right centre, which would have given me
the advantage which the principles of war so justly
and truly demand, " To be superior to your enemy
on the point of attack." The enemy's position was
his favoured one, semicircular, the centre near the
village of Ferozeshuhur, where there were good wells,
and also pond water for cattle. By a weighty attack
on a given point, the half of the enemy's cannon in
position would have been lost to him and innocuous
to us. Whereas we attacked in what may almost be
termed lines of circumvallation of the enemy's v
crescent, thus presenting ourselves as targets to
every gun the enemy ljad. Our artillery was
massed about the centre of the army ; six-pounders
opposed' to the enemy's guns in embrasures, and of
a calibre or weight beyond the range of our six-
pounders ; hence the mortality and wrongly imputed
inefficiency of that arm, a noble arm when called
forth in its legitimate field.
The ist Division, mine, was separated, the ist
Brigade, under Brigadier Hicks, being to the right of
the mass of artillery, the 2nd Brigade to the left
of that arm, which covered from three-quarters to a
mile of ground. The whole Division was regarded
as the reserve to the centre of the army. Sir John

1845.] BATTLE OF FEROZESHAH. 153
Littler's, the Ferozepore force, was on the left. In
this order the army advanced to the attack. There
was plenty of daylight ; the imputation of attacking
too late in the day is unfounded, as I will plainly
show, although I was not then, nor am I now, an
advocate for so precipitate an attack, made without
any knowledge of the enemy's position beyond the
lies and contradictory stories of spies. An attack
on a rear-guard ought to be precipitated coMe que
co4te ; an attack on an army delayed until science can
be applied with the greatest decision.
Having posted my right Brigade, I joined the
left and correctly posted it, strictly in obedience to
the orders I had received from the Commander-in-
Chief in person. My Division thus posted, I rode
forward with a desire of having a look at the enemy's
position, and came up to Sir H. Hardinge, who was
in doubt what some guns were upon our left, which
had just been brought into action. I galloped
forward to ascertain, and reported they were of
Littler's force, that his attack appeared to me one
of no weight from its formation, and that, if the
enemy behaved as expected, it would fail. Sir H.
Hardinge said, " Then bring up your Division." I
explained I had only one Brigade; I could bring
up that. He ordered it up, and I pretty quickly
had it on the move to the front, to the left of
Gilbert's, or the 2nd Division, and to the right of
Littler's. At this moment Gilbert's left was not only
checked in its advance, but actually falling back,

154 SIKH WAR. [Ch. XLIII.
and I had some difficulty in establishing myself on
the front line in consequence of the broken troops
falling back upon me. Scarcely was I firmly estab
lished, when Major Broadfoot, the Political Agent,
rode up and said, " Be prepared, General. Four
Battalions of Avitabile's* are close upon you in
advance; I have it from correct information — a man
in my pay has just left them." The smoke and
dirt rendered everything at the moment invisible.
I saw, however, that to resist this attack, which was
evidently made to take advantage of our check, and
penetrate our line between Littler's right and
Gilbert's left, I must bring up the right of my
Brigade. I endeavoured to do so, and with
H.M.'s 50th Regiment I partially succeeded, under
a storm of musketry and cannon which I have
rarely, if ever, seen exceeded. My native troops
staggered and some receded, while the gallant old
50th bore the whole brunt, opening a rapid fire.
At this moment poor Major Arthur Somerset f was
struck down, a most accomplished soldier for his
experience, and of a promise to emulate his great
ancestor the Duke, had Almighty God been pleased
to spare him to his country. I never saw a more
cool, judicious, and gallant officer than my dear and
lamented friend, Arthur Somerset. If the tears of
a veteran could decorate the hero's tomb, every vein
* General Avitabile, an Italian, had been employed by Runjeet
Singh in training his troops.
t Son of Lord Fitzroy Somerset, afterwards Lord Raglan, and
great-nephew of the Duke of Wellington, his mother (a daughter of
Lord Mornington) being the Duke's niece,

I84S-] CHARGE OF THE 50777. 1 55
upon it would be full. Poor youth !. " Sic transit
gloria mundi ! "
The enemy was at this moment in his bearing
noble and triumphant. So fast were officers and
men falling, I saw there was nothing for it but a
charge of bayonets to restore the waning fight. I,
Colonel Petit, and Colonel Ryan put ourselves at
the head of the 50th, and most gallantly did they
charge into the enemy's trenches, where such a
hand-to-hand conflict ensued as I had never before
witnessed. The enemy was repulsed at this point,
and his works and cannon carried, and he precipi
tately retreated. I pushed forward with the 50th
in line until we reached the enemy's camp. All
order was broken by the tents, but my orders and
example were " Forward ! Forward ! Forward ! "
I saw a village occupied by the enemy full in my
front, about 400 yards away. By this time I was
joined by many stragglers of regiments from my
right or Gilbert's Division, but no one from my left
or Littler's. I was therefore apprehensive of my
left flank, nor was I aware (from the obscurity
created by the dust) whether the four Battalions of
Avitabile's were repulsed, or indeed where they
were. I resolved, therefore, to carry the village,
which I soon did in gallant style with H.M.'s 50th
and a detachment of the Honourable Company's
ist European Light Infantry under Captain Seaton
and Lieutenant  . The colours of H.M.'s
50th were gallantly borne forward by Brevet
Captain Lovett and Lieutenant de Montmorency.

156 SIKH WAR. [CH. XLIII.
I was the first officer in the Head-quarters
village of the Sikh army, Ferozeshuhur, and I
planted one of the colours of H.M.'s 50th on the
mud walls. A scene of awful slaughter here
ensued, as the enemy would not lay down their
arms. The village was full of richly caparisoned
and magnificent horses, and there were camels
around it innumerable.
After about half an hour the dust cleared away
upon my left, and I saw that Avitabile's Battalions '
had been driven back by my charge, but Littler's
Division had made no impression upon the enemy
where he attacked. The victory appeared complete
on my right ; crowds of advancing, straggling officers
and soldiers came up, and I resolved again to push
forward. The evening was fast closing, but before
dark I carried the enemy's camp half a mile beyond
the village, and endeavoured to collect and form
the stragglers upon H.M.'s 50th — amounting, I
conceive, to near 3000 men. For the first hour,
so excited were the men, I could make no formation,
which I little regarded at the moment, expecting
every instant to hear the victorious army upon my
right. Not doing so, on the contrary, hearing the
enemy in force close to my front and right (it was
very dark), I saw at once I had pushed the victory
far beyond [the ground held by our armyj, and that
my position was critical in the extreme. I therefore
made a vigorous and determined exertion to
establish a formation, and I got the 24th Regiment
Native Infantry — one of my own Division — in line

I845-] IN THE ENEMY'S CAMP. 1 57
upon my right under Major Bird, and about 150 of
the ist European Light Infantry under Captain
Seaton, and proceeded to form the whole in a
semicircle in front of the enemy's camp, my flank
being well refused towards the village. Scarcely
was this first formation effected, when the enemy
made rather a sharp attack upon my right and
drove back the formed troops. The darkness pre
vented the enemy continuing his success, and the
noise and clamour of my troops in the endeavour to
form indicated that I still held my ground. Thus
I was compelled to reoccupy my right and contract
the circle of formation. In this arduous duty I
(and the Service still more so) was deeply indebted
to Major Hull of the 16th Grenadiers, who, after he
received a wound of which he died in a few hours,
continued to do his duty, and aid me beyond my
expression under a murderous fire of musketry,
grape, round shot, and grisaille.
I at length got all the stragglers, consisting of
some of H.M.'s 9th Regiment under Major Barwell,
The 19th Grenadiers Native Infantry
„ 24th Regiment „ „
,, 2otn ,, ,, ,,
„ 73^ » » »
and many others, upon the 50th, which was well in
hand. The moon arose, and the night was as bright as
day. The enemy soon discovered the weakness
and isolation of my force, and gradually closed in
upon me, keeping up a most destructive fire. My

158 SIKH WAR. [Ch. XLIII.
A.A.G. and Q.M.G. were both wounded, their
horses killed — every officer and soldier dead-tired,
so that many were killed fast asleep, both officers
and men. I was fully aware of the importance of
my post, in the very centre of and beyond the
enemy's entrenched position, and although I could
hear nothing of our army or see any bivouac fires, I
resolved to maintain myself to the last. The loss,
however, became every moment more heavy, and
officers and soldiers were restless and sensible of
their critically advanced position. The enemy got
a gun to bear directly on my rear ; my course was
decided for me, and I at once saw indications of the
impossibility of maintaining myself any longer.
It was now three o'clock in the morning. To
withdraw without being compromised was a most
perilous operation, for I was surrounded, while the
enemy were shouting and cheering, beating up
troops, and calling out to us in French and English,
as well as Hindoostani, that we were in their power.
I therefore feigned to attack, opened a fire and under
the smoke quietly drew off, H.M.'s 50th leading.
For the last arrangement, this was my reason — if I
were opposed, the 50th would charge through such
opposition ; if pressed on my rear and the native
troops rushed past me, I then had a rear-guard of
H.M.'s troops which I could depend on. The
enemy never discovered my retrograde movement
until I was out of his power.
I then marched straight, leaving Ferozeshuhur to
my left and continuing my route (guided by the

I845-] IN SEARCH OF THE MAIN ARMY. 1 59
moon and the dead soldiers on the line by which
I advanced). I soon fell in with a vedette, and,
concluding all was right and seeing a bivouac fire,
regarded it as the picquet of cavalry from which
he was posted. Upon reaching the fire, I found it
belonged to the wounded men of H.M.'s 62nd
Regiment and others, under some surgeons, who
knew nothing whatever of our army. It was pre
sumptuously urged upon me by several officers, who
ought to have thought before they spoke, to move
on Ferozepore. My answer was decided enough.
" The Commander-in-Chief with his army is not far
from us, meditating an attack as soon as it is day
light, and find him I will if in h — 11, where I will join
him, rather than make one retrograde step till I
have ascertained some fact." At the moment a
large flame mounted up, as if soldiers were lighting
a large fire. I exclaimed, " There's my point, friend
or foe." In about three-quarters of a mile I reached the
fire, the village of Misreewalla, where I found a
Brigade of Cavalry, some Irregular Horse, some
Horse Artillery, and two or three thousand stragglers
of every Regiment in the army. I halted my people
and got hold of some spirits, which I issued to my
gallant 50th and all the Europeans. Soon after I
reached Misreewalla I met Captain Lumley, A.A.G.
of the Army and at the head of the Department
(General Lumley being sick, and Major Grant
desperately wounded at Moodkee). I was delighted
to see him, concluding he came direct from the

160 SIKH WAR. [Ch. XLIII.
Commander-in-Chief. He said, " Sir Harry Smith,
you are the very man I am looking for. As senior
officer of the Adjutant-General's department, I order
you to collect every soldier and march to Feroze
pore." I said, " Do you come direct from the Com
mander-in-Chief, with such an order ? If you doy I
can find him, for, by G  , I'll take no such order
from any man on earth but from his own mouth.
Where is he ? " "I don't know, but these in my
official [position] are the orders." " D  the orders,
if not the Commander-in-Chief's. I'll give my own
orders, and take none of that retrograde sort from
any Staff officer on earth. But why to Ferozepore ?
What's the matter ? " " Oh, the army has been
beaten, but we can buy the Sikh soldiers." " What ! "
says I, "have we taken no guns ?" " Oh yes," he
says, " fifty or sixty." " Thank you," I said ; " I
see my way, and want no orders." Turning round
to my A.G., Captain Lugard, I said, " Now get
hold of every officer and make him fall in his men."
At this moment Captain Christie, in command
of an irregular Corps of Horse, a most excellent
officer, came up and said he knew the direction the
Commander-in-Chief was in and could point it out.
I was delighted, and I marched off every man able to
move to join Sir Hugh Gough, sending forward my
wounded A.G. to report my whereabouts and what
troops I had with me. The Commander-in-Chief
was as delighted to hear of me and my troops as I
was to find His Excellency. His orders were to
move up in support of the attack which I well and

I845-] BATTLE OF 2 2ND DECEMBER. l6l
truly anticipated he meditated, when to my astonish
ment I saw the village of Ferozeshuhur full in my
front two miles distant, the very post I had carried
and occupied the night before, and from which, after
having held it until three o'clock that morning, I
was compelled to withdraw, or I should have
remained there nearly by myself.*
The attack was made on the part of the enemy's
camp he still held, namely, his right, which had
repulsed Littler's attack on the afternoon of the 21st.
It was now carried without a check. The 1st Brigade
of my Division, especially H.M.'s 31st Regiment,
greatly distinguished itself and suffered severely.
Scarcely was the victory of the 21st and 22nd
December over, when a fresh body of the enemy
* Sir Harry Smith's capture of the village of Ferozeshah and his
retention of it during the night were vaguely referred to in Sir H.
Gough's dispatch in these terms : " I now brought up Major-General
Sir Harry Smith's Division, and he captured and long retained
another point of the position." On this circumstance General Sir
James Kempt, in a letter to Sir Harry Smith dated " 5th April, 1846,"
makes the following comment, which I give for what it may be
worth : —
"Sir H. Gough does not in his public Dispatches of the action
mention your carrying the village of Ferozeshah, or allude to the
difficulty in which you were placed, and my first impression was that
he had written the Dispatch before he received your Report. But as
Gilbert in his Report of the proceedings of his Division (which has
been published in India) says that after driving the enemy from their
position opposed to him, he was induced (from circumstances which
he mentions) to withdraw from the position they had so gallantly won
and to take up a position under instructions 400 yards in the rear,
where he bivouacked for the night — this, and Littler having also
withdrawn on your left, fully accounts for the unprotected state in
which you were left after carrying the village. But Sir H. Gough
could not mention you in the way which your service deserved in the
public Dispatch without telling the whole truth, and letting the public
know how miserably the thing was managed."
VOL. II. M

162 StKH WAR\ [Ch. XLIII.
(which had been watching Ferozepore or threaten
ing an attack if the garrison was withdrawn, and
had been deluded through Littler's very judiciously
leaving his camp standing) came vaunting upon the
left of our line and opened a fierce cannonade upon
us, literally within what had been their own camp
and entrenchments. The ammunition for our guns
was fully ^expended, and our troops were literally
exhausted, and we could, not attack what would have
-been an easy prey under other circumstances. The
whole of the enemy withdrew and recrossed the
Sutlej unmolested, for our troops were in no con
dition to pursue. Our numerous wounded required
to be collected, our stores to be brought up, our
troops to be refreshed.
From the march of the troops from Umbala and
Loodiana upon Busseean, our men had fought three
actions, the battles of Moodkee, Ferozeshuhur, and
that of the 22nd December, gained three victories,
and endured great fatigue of marching and priva
tions, especially of what is so important to the native
troops, water.* In a day or two the whole were

* Colonel T. Bunbury writes of the battle of Ferozeshah : " Every
body was so famished with hunger that Sir H. Smith, hearing that
(one of our officers had secured a lamb), sent to beg of us a mutton
chop. But he was too late. The sheep had been slaughtered, cooked,
and devoured" {Reminiscences of a Veteran, iii. p. 289).
The same story is told in a letter of a private soldier, dated
" January 5th, 1846 " (printed in the Cambridge Chronicle, 25th April,
1846) : " The Governor- General, the Commander-in-Chief, the General
of Division, the A.D.C., and the whole of the staff— with this one
exception, they rode and we marched — fared the same as ourselves —
without food, without water." The same writer relates, "General
Smith has command of the ist Division. He exposed himself very

I84S-] POSITION OF THE ARMY. 1 63
fresh, and we moved forward on the line the enemy
had withdrawn by. The ist Division was on the
right of the army, and subsequently Brigadier
Cureton's Brigade of Cavalry (two troops of Horse
Artillery, H.M.'s 16th Lancers, 3rd Light Cavalry,
and a corps of Irregular Horse under a Captain
Hill) were posted again to my right and under my
command. My outposts were opposite the enemy.
At Sobraon, which afterwards became so renowned,
the enemy threw over a bridge and had a ford near
it ; they ably constructed tites du pont, and showed
an intention to cross. To do so was an act of
madness which could not be contemplated by any
reasoning faculties, although ultimately demon
strated. It appeared to me that our army was not posted
where it ought to be, and I strongly recommended to
the Commander-in-Chief to move up the left bank
of the Sutlej, so that his centre should be opposite
Sobraon, and his left be kept in direct communi
cation with Ferozepore by an intermediate corps
under the command of Sir John Grey, which could
also watch the reputed fords and ferries on that part
of the river on his front, — the right of the army,

much, too much in fact, for when the whole of the men were lying
down to escape the shower of shot, the gallant General remained on
his horse in front of the line, exhorting the men to lie still as they
could not get up and live, and when they charged the guns, he led
them in truly gallant style. His escape was truly miraculous." " The
gallant General Smith has just passed — he looks somewhat thinner,
and no wonder, for he has a very busy time of it. I hope to God he
will come off unscathed, and may he receive the reward of his services
from his sovereign."

1 64 SIKH WAR. [Ch. XLIII.
namely, my command, Cureton's Cavalry and my
own Division, to be posted opposite the ford and
ferry of Hurreekee. The Commander-in-Chief called
for the distribution of the army as I proposed, which
I gave in, accompanied by an explanatory letter to
His Excellency. In forty-eight hours it was adopted,
and the army moved into the celebrated position
opposite Sobraon. Here the enemy constructed a
bridge of boats and pushed over his whole army,
most strongly fortifying and entrenching himself on
the left side of the river, a movement unparalleled
in the history of war from time immemorial. It
may be asked, Why was he permitted ? Answer,
Because we could not help ourselves. The right or
enemy's bank was high and favourable for him in
every way, and the bridge was judiciously thrown
over at a bend of the river ; hence the natural
formation presented a formidable tite du pont,
which the enemy entrenched and filled with cannon
of the heaviest calibre. We could not contend with
him, our heavy guns not having arrived, and the left
bank of the river being nearly perfectly flat. Thus
he could cross, and did, unmolested, and duly pushed
his outposts forward and ours back, until it was
deemed necessary to counter-fortify our camp in his
front, which was done by bringing some of the heavy
guns from Ferozepore. My Division and command
being well to the right, I had a line of outposts
from the confluence of the Beas and the Sutlej
to within a mile of the enemy's entrenchments at
Sobraon.

( 165 )

CHAPTER XLIV.
SIR HARRY SMITH DETACHED FROM THE MAIN ARMY
— HE REDUCES THE FORTRESSES OF FUTTEYGHUR
AND DHURMCOTE — COMBINES WITH COLONEL
PHILLIPS AT JUGRAON, AND AFTER CHANGING
HIS ROUTE TO LOODIANA ENCOUNTERS THE
4
ENEMY AT BUDOWAL, AND LOSES SOME PART OF
HIS BAGGAGE — HE RELIEVES LOODIANA, AND,
BEING REINFORCED AND THE ENEMY HAVING RE
TREATED, OCCUPIES HIS POSITION AT BUDOWAL.
On the 16th January the Commander-in-Chief sent
for me, and told me the Governor-General was
desirous that the small fortress of Futteyghur and
the larger one of Dhurmcote, both slightly garrisoned
by the enemy, should be reduced, as under their
cover he was drawing supplies from the left bank
and crossing them over. His Excellency said, " A
Brigade will be sufficient to send, the 3rd Light
Cavalry and some Irregular Horse ; but who will
you send ? " I replied I had rather go myself. Sir
Hugh Gough was much pleased with my offering to
do so, for I subsequently ascertained it was the
Governor-General's desire I should be ordered. The
Commander-in-Chief said, " When will you march ?

1 66 SIR HARRY DETACHED. [Ch. XLlV.
there is no hurry." I said, " Soon after this time
to-morrow I shall be writing my report that I have
reduced them both." He laughed and said, " Why,
the distance to Dhurmcote is twenty-six miles from
your right." I replied, " I know that ; still, what I
say shall be, provided that the officer and the
Engineers supply me in time with the powder I
want to blow in the gates in the case of necessity."
I said to myself, " However, powder or no powder,
I march." When I reached camp, I found that, without my
knowledge, the Commissariat had sent almost all the
tent elephants and other transport into Ferozepore
for provisions ; some, however, arrived in the night.
These provisions I laid hold of, and I collected
every animal in camp for the use of the troops
ordered to move, and I marched two hours before
daylight. On my approach Futteyghur was aban
doned, and I pushed on to Dhurmcote, which I
reached by two o'clock in the afternoon, and found
it occupied, but without any gun deserving the name
of cannon. I invested it immediately with the 3rd
Light Cavalry and Irregulars (the infantry not
being yet up), and summoned the garrison to
surrender. It received my flag of truce, and the
leader or killadar came out and made a variety of
stipulations, which I cut short by saying, " You may
march out with your arms, ground them on the
glacis, and I will endeavour to secure all hands six
weeks' pay. Go back to the fort. I give you 20
minutes to consider, after which I shall make no

1846.] CAPTURE OF DHURMCOTE. 1 67
terms, but open my cannon upon you." I waited
25 minutes, and no communication being made,
although I rode close to the works myself and
beckoned to them, I ordered our 9-pounders and
a howitzer to open a few shots. The Sikh flag was
then hauled down, and a white one hoisted. I
allowed the garrison to march out and lay down
their arms as prisoners of war, and as the Infantry
arrived, I immediately occupied the fortress and
commenced improving its defences. I was thus
able to report, as I had promised, to my Com
mander-in-Chief. I had orders to reconnoitre the country around
to ascertain its resources and the feeling of amity
or hostility of the neighbourhood. Near me the
villages were Mussulman and well disposed. Dhurm
cote itself belonged to a Sirdar in the enemy's camp,
but the people, when the hand of power was mani
fested, were civil and brought me all the supplies I
required. Having made so long a march on the 17th and
being desirous to put the fortress in a state of
defence, I had resolved to halt on the 18th, when I
received a communication to say that on the 19th
I should receive a reinforcement of two troops of
Horse Artillery (viz. 12 guns), H.M.'s 16th Lancers,
and the remainder of the corps of Irregular Horse
under Brigadier Cureton. Upon these reaching me,
I should have a Brigade of Cavalry, one of Infantry,
and 18 guns. With this force I was to move on
to Jugraon, thence open a communication with

1 68 SIR HARRY DETACHED. [Ch. XLIV.
Busseean, the line nine miles to the interior of
Jugraon, on which our enormous battering train,
stores, treasure, and ammunition, covering an extent
of ten miles of road, was marching. I was informed
that I might get hold of H.M.'s 53rd Regiment at
Busseean, and if so, they were to obey my orders.
Under any circumstances, I was to open a communi
cation with Loodiana (distant from Jugraon, by the
direct roads via the little fortress of Budowal, twenty-
five or twenty-six miles), it being threatened by
Runjoor Singh's army of 50 guns and 30,000 men,
which had crossed at Philour by boats and was in
position at Baranhara, seven miles from Loodiana.
The force at Loodiana, under Lieutenant-Colonel
Godby, 30th Regiment N.I., consisted of one
Regiment, the 5th Native Cavalry, the 30th and
36th Sermoor and Nusseeree Battalions, and four
guns Horse Artillery.
On the 19th I marched the Infantry to Koharee,
halfway to Jugraon, which divided the distance,
and I left orders at Dhurmcote for Colonel Cureton
to move on the 20th to Jugraon, where he was to
join me, which was effected accordingly. On readi
ng Jugraon> I received a report from Lieu
tenant-Colonel Phillips, commanding H.M.'s 53rd
Regiment, to whom I had sent orders to Busseean
to move on without delay to Jugraon. He begged
a day's halt, representing that his transport was
done. I had opened a communication with Colonel
Godby commanding at Loodiana. I received the
most pressing and urgent reasons for my joining

1846.] CONCENTRATION OF FORCES. 1 69
him, and I was equally urged by the Governor-
General and the Commander-in-Chief to move on
to save Loodiana and drive back the invaders under
Runjoor Singh and the Rajah of Ladwa. Hence
the necessity to concentrate every soldier I could
lay my hands on for the purpose. I therefore sent
Lieutenant Smith of the Engineers over from
Jugraon to Busseean, with a written order for
Colonel Phillips to march immediately — provided it
were possible. He marched, and the 16th Lancers
and guns had reached me.
I here annex a narrative written at the Period.
" When I reached Jugraon on the 20th January,
all accounts agreed that the enemy was still at
Baranhara, thirty miles from me, between Loodiana
and Philour, a fortress of his on the right bank of
the Sutlej, under cover of which he had crossed
and perfected his invasion ; but that he had also
occupied with a small garrison the fortress of
Budowal, which had been abandoned by the troops
of a chief in amity with us, and that he had near it
some two or three hundred Horse. He was also
known to possess a fortress called Gungrana, re
garded as very strong, to my right (that is, its
parallel) about ten miles from Budowal into our
interior, where there was also Cavalry.
"I got hold of the 53rd Regiment on the
evening of the 20th, the day I arrived at Jugraon.
My force therefore stood thus : eighteen guns, one
Regiment of English Cavalry (16th Lancers), one
Regiment of Native Light Cavalry, one Regiment

170 SIR HARRY DETACHED. [Ch. XLIV.
of Irregular Horse, two Regiments of British
Infantry (H.M.'s 31st and 53rd), 250 convales
cents, and two very weak Regiments of Native
Infantry (the 24th and 47th). At Jugraon was a
very tenable fortress occupied by the troops of a.
Rajah considered to be friendly, but in time of war
and doubtful success friendship is precarious. I
therefore occupied the fortress (or rather its citadel)
by two Companies of my Native Infantry, and
resolved as soon as the moon was up, viz. at half-
past twelve, to march on Loodiana, leaving Budowal
to my right, i.e. by the best, shortest, and direct
road, and I ordered all baggage which consisted of
wheel-carriage transport, to remain behind under the
protection of the fort of Jugraon.
" Meanwhile, every two hours I dispatched in
structions of these my intentions to the officer who
commanded at Loodiana, whom I ordered to meet
me with his force of four Horse Artillery guns, an
excellent and strong Regiment of Native Cavalry,
and four good and fresh Regiments of Native
Infantry. All the while I believed the enemy's
force to be at Baranhara, thirty miles from me, but
only seven from Loodiana. My order of march was
in writing, also my instructions for the baggage and
detail of its guards, and I read them on the after
noon of the 20th to all the officers in command. I
marched in the most regular order at the hour
appointed, with the desire to leave Budowal to my
right, and not move by the interior line, i.e. between
Gungrana and Budowal, two fortresses in the

1846.] CHANGES HIS ORDER OF MARCH. 1 71
occupation of the enemy, distant only four miles from
both my flanks, so that my march would be subject
to double interruption. The large force nearly
equal to mine was to have approached me from
Loodiana, within three miles of Budowal on its own
side, on a strong hill and position I well knew of,
Sonnact. The natives here were most hostile, and
it is an axiom, and a very just one, in the conduct
of war, 'distant combinations are not to be relied
on.' Hence, although I calculated upon this com
bination, I did not rely upon it, but adopted my own
measures for advance with caution and circumspec
tion, relying alone on my own resources.
" When I had marched some sixteen or eighteen
miles in the most perfect order of advance to within
two miles of Budowal, as day dawned, I received a
communication from Colonel Godby that the enemy
had marched from Baranhara and was encamped
around Budowal with his whole force, and from some
villagers I ascertained that the enemy had received
considerable reinforcements. I found myself thus
close upon him, and he in force. I had one of two
alternatives, viz. to move on, leaving Budowal to
my right and most probably the moving Sikh army
on my left — in other words, to force my passage ; or
to leave Budowal to my left and make a de'tour
towards Gungrana. To return to Jugraon I never
contemplated, which would have exposed Colonel
Godby as previously stated. The stake at issue
was too great, hence I changed my order of march
and proceeded with every precaution, leaving the

172 SIR HARRY DETACHED. [Ch. XLIV.
fort of Budowal on my left, and with my troops in
order of battle by wheeling into line to their left if
required. Several times during our night march we
had observed rockets firing, as if for signals, and at
broad daylight we discovered the enemy preparing
to interrupt my newly adopted line of march, though
his most ample preparation, as I afterwards dis
covered, had been made for my reception on the
more direct road by which I had originally intended
to move, and upwards of forty pieces of cannon
pointed there, so perfect was his information.
" So soon as the enemy had discovered that I had
changed my line of march for the relief of Loodiana,
he immediately attempted to interrupt my force by
moving parallel to my column through a line of
villages which afforded him cover and protection,
and by providing him with good roads facilitated
his march, while I was compelled to move in order
of battle over ploughed fields of deep sand. Hence
the head of the enemy's column, principally a large
body of cavalry, rapidly outflanked me a mile at
least, and his rear of guns and infantry equally so.
With great celerity he brought to bear on my
troops a considerable number of guns of very heavy
metal. The cavalry moved parallel with the enemy,
and protected from the fire of his guns by a low
ridge of sandhills. My eighteen guns I kept toge
ther close in rear of the cavalry, in order to open a
heavy fire on the enemy and to check his advance,
thereby attracting his attention, so soon as the for
tunate moment which I saw approaching arrived.

1846.] BUDOWAL. 173
"This fire, which I continued for some ten
minutes, had a most auxiliary effect, creating
slaughter and confusion in the enemy's ranks. The
enemy's cannonade upon the column of Infantry
had been previously to this furious. I had rein
forced the baggage guard, and sent orders that it
should close up and keep well on the reverse flank
and as much ahead as possible. A few round shot
ricocheting among the camels, many of the drivers
abandoned their animals, and our own followers
and the hostile villages in the neighbourhood plun
dered a part of the baggage : little of it fell into the
hands of the enemy's soldiers.
" As the column moved on under this cannonade,
which was especially furious upon the rear of the
Infantry, the enemy, with a dexterity and quickness
not to be exceeded, formed a line of seven battalions
directly across my rear, with guns in the intervals of
battalions, for the purpose of attacking my column
with his line. This was a very able and well-exe
cuted move, which rendered my position critical
and demanded nerve and decision to evade the
coming storm. I would willingly have attacked
this line, and I formed up a part of the 3 ist Regiment
as a base, when so deep was the sand and so
fatigued were my men, I was compelled to abandon
the project. I therefore, under this fierce cannonade,
changed front on the centre of the 3 ist Regiment and
of the 53rd by what is a difficult move on parade
even — a countermarch on the centre by wings.
Then became conspicuous the majesty of discipline

174 SIR HARRY DETACHED. [Ch. XLIV.
and bravery. This move was executed as accurately
as at a review.
" My Native Regiments were very steady, but I
now directed the Infantry to march on Loodiana in
echelon of Battalions, ready to receive the word
' Halt, Front ' (when they would thus confront the
enemy's line if he advanced), and the Cavalry to move
in echelon of squadrons, the two arms mutually sup
porting, the guns in rear of the Cavalry. The whole
were moving most correctly and the movement was
so steady that the enemy, notwithstanding his over
whelming force, did not attack, but stood amazed, as
it were, fearing to quit his stronghold of Budowal,
and aware that the junction of my force with that of
Loodiana was about to be accomplished.
" I was astonished, I admit, at hearing nothing
from Colonel Godby. I had reason to hope some
of my two-hourly dispatches had reached him, and
when at daylight I changed the direction of my
march on account of the enemy having anticipated
me, I sent Lieutenant Holmes with a party of
Irregulars, cautioning him to look as sharp to his
right on account of Gungrana as to his left. I soon
after sent off Lieutenant Swetenham of the 16th
Lancers, and a short time later Lieutenant Band
Smith of the Engineers. All these officers reached
their destination. From the repeated and urgent
requests made by Colonel Godby that I should
advance to his relief, from his then knowledge that the
enemy had anticipated me, I had every reason
(supposing he had secured no positive information of

1846.] RELIEF OF LOODIANA. 1 75
my march from Jugraon or my orders) to expect
some co-operation or demonstration in my support,
as I moved towards him. On the contrary, my
first messenger found his troops only turning out, he
having only just received my instructions, and his
force did not move off until the firing had com
menced, about half-past seven or eight, at a distance
of between eight and nine miles — another illustra
tion of the truth of the axiom, ' distant combinations
are not to be relied on.' The natural expectation,
too, of Colonel Godby's move towards me cramped
my manoeuvres, for had I swerved from the line on
which I expected his co-operation, his force would
have been compromised and in the power of the
enemy's weighty attack. The reinforcement of four
guns, a strong and fresh Regiment of Cavalry, and
four Regiments of fresh Infantry is a powerful rein
forcement to a large army ; to me it was nearly one-
half of the whole. Decision, coolness, and deter
mination effected the junction and relief of Loodiana,
while it cut off the enemy from his line of communi
cation with Philour, under which fortress he had
crossed the Sutlej.
" A want of water in a position near the enemy
compelled me to encamp in front of Loodiana, but
I established my outposts close upon him, and
frequently made strong patrols up to his position,
intending, if he dared attempt to interrupt our line
of communication via Busseean (which I did not,
although I so closely watched him, anticipate, so
close was I upon him, and the fortress of Jugraon

176 SIR HARRY DETACHED. [Ch. XLIV.
before him), to move on, coitte que coiite, and attack
under any circumstances. Indeed, my combined
force would well have enabled me to do so, had I
come up with him when on the march and out of his
entrenchments. " Meanwhile the Commander-in-Chief, with great
foresight and judgment, ordered the second Brigade
of my Division, under Brigadier Wheeler, a Regiment
of Native Cavalry, the Body Guard, 400 strong, and
four guns Horse Artillery, to move from Hurreekee
via Dhurmcote and Jugraon to join me, while a
second Brigade under Brigadier Taylor was ordered
in support to Dhurmcote, and the Shekawuttee
Brigade was moving on Jugraon. Thus the enemy's
position at Budowal was menaced on three points.
"He expected considerable reinforcements vid
the Tulwun Ghaut, eight miles lower down the
Sutlej than Philour. He therefore, again with
judgment, abandoned his position of Budowal, in
which I was making vigorous preparations to attack
him, and fell back upon the reinforcement of 12
guns and 4000 of Regular Infantry of Avitabile's
Corps and a large addition of Cavalry. This move
ment, however, must have been premeditated, for
the stores of ammunition and his fortifications around
the ford were not the work of a day. I immediately
occupied the enemy's position at Budowal, and
as rapidly as possible concentrated my force coming
from Dhurmcote and Busseean (viz. : Wheeler's
from the former, and the Shekawuttee from the
latter), while I dispensed with the service of Brigadier

1846.] BUDOWAL OCCUPIED. 177
Taylor's Brigade in reserve at Dhurmcote, feeling
myself now sufficiently strong, and being aware of
the importance of Infantry to the Commander-in-
Chief, who to reinforce me had considerably reduced
his own means in the immediate front of the main
army of the Sikhs. This is the pricis of the
campaign leading to the Battle of Aliwal, and
from this period taken up in my report of that
glorious battle, herewith annexed." *
* Before sending the dispatch given in the next chapter, Sir Harry
wrote in pencil from the field of battle the following short note to the
Commander-in-Chief : — " Bank of the Sutlej, 28th January.
" Hearing the enemy had received a reinforcement yesterday of
twelve guns, and 4000 men last night, I moved my troops at daylight
this morning to attack. I think I have taken every gun he had and
driven him from the river. My guns are now battering him from the
opposite bank. He came out to fight me. I expect fifty guns are on
the field at least. My loss I hope not great. The Cavalry charged
several times, both black and white, like soldiers, and infantry vied
with each other in bravery. To the God of victory we are all indebted.
God bless you, dear Sir Hugh. My staff all right. Mackeson and
Cunningham, of' the Political Department, bore heavily on some
villages. The enemy required all I could do with such brave fellows
to teach him to swim.
" H. G. Smith,
" Major-General."

VOL. II. N

( !78 )

CHAPTER XLV.
THE BATTLES OF ALIWAL AND SOBRAON — END OF SIR
HARRY SMITH'S AUTOBIOGRAPHY.
Major-General Sir Harry Smith, K.C.B., to the
Adjutant-General of the Army.
" Camp, Field of the Battle of Aliwal, Jan. 30, 1846.
" Sir, "My despatches to his Excellency the Com
mander-in-Chief of the 23rd * instant, will have put his
Excellency in possession of the position of the force under
my command, after having formed a junction with the
troops at Loodiana, hemmed in by a formidable body of
the Sikh army under Runjoor Singh and the Rajah of
Ladwa. The enemy strongly entrenched himself around
the little fort of Budhowal by breastworks and ' abattis,'
which he precipitately abandoned on the night of the 22nd
instant (retiring, as it were, upon the ford of Tulwun),
having ordered all the boats which were opposite Philour to
that Ghat. This movement he effected during the night,
and, by making a considerable detour, placed himself at
a distance of ten miles, and consequently out of my reach.
I could, therefore, only push forward my cavalry as soon
as I had ascertained he had marched during the night, and
I occupied immediately his vacated position. It appeared
* Not received by the Secret Committee.

TUn-ara-

Sikh Entrenchments

**\

Sikh Position

British Vosituma

<

Pi AN" or the BATTXlE.

ox

AIIVAI

JAN. 28*-h 1846
IOpposite Vol. ii.p. 178.
1846.] FULL STRENGTH OF THE FORCE. 1 79
subsequently he had no intention of recrossing the Sutlej,
but moved down to the Ghat of Tulwun (being cut off
from that of Philour, by the position my force occupied
after its relief of Loodiana), for the purpose of protecting
the passage of a very considerable reinforcement of twelve
guns and 4000 of the regular, or ' Aieen ' troops, called
Avitabile's battalion, entrenching himself strongly in a
semicircle, his flanks resting on a river, his position
covered with from forty to fifty guns (generally of large
calibre), howitzers, and mortars. The reinforcement
crossed during the night of the 27th instant, and encamped
to the right of the main army.
" Meanwhile, his Excellency the Commander-in-Chief,
with that foresight and judgment which mark the able
general, had reinforced me by a considerable addition to
my cavalry, some guns, and the 2nd brigade of my own
Division, under Brigadier Wheeler, C.B. This reinforce
ment reached me on the 26th, and I had intended the
next morning to move upon the enemy in his entrench
ments, but the troops required one day's rest after the long
marches Brigadier Wheeler had made.
" I have now the honour to lay before you the operations
of my united forces on the morning of the eventful 28th
January/for his Excellency's information. The body of
troops under my command having been increased, it
became necessary so to organize and brigade them as to
render them manageable in action. The cavalry under
the command of Brigadier Cureton, and horse artillery
under Major Lawrenson, were put into two brigades ; the
one under Brigadier MacDowell, C.B., and the other under
Brigadier Stedman. The ist Division as it stood, two
brigades : — Her Majesty's 53rd and 30th Native Infantry,
under Brigadier Wilson, of the latter corps; — the 36th
Native Infantry, and Nusseree battalion, under Brigadier
Godby ; — and the Shekawattee brigade under Major

180 BATTLE OF ALIWAL. [Ch- XLV.
Forster. The Sirmoor battalion I attached to Brigadier
Wheeler's brigade of the ist division ; the 42nd Native
Infantry having been left at head-quarters.
" At daylight on the 28th, my order of advance was —
the Cavalry in front, in contiguous columns of squadrons of
regiments, two troops of horse artillery in the interval of
brigades ; the infantry in contiguous columns of brigades at
intervals of deploying distance ; artillery in the intervals,
followed by two 8-inch howitzers on travelling carriages,
brought into the field from the fort of Loodiana by the
indefatigable exertions of Lieutenant- Colonel Lane, Horse
Artillery ; Brigadier Godby's brigade, which I had marched
out from Loodiana the previous evening, on the right ; the
Shekawattee infantry on the left ; the 4th Irregular Cavalry
considerably to the right, for the purpose of sweeping the
banks of the wet nullah on my right, and preventing any
of the enemy's horse attempting an inroad towards
Loodiana, or any attempt upon the baggage assembled
round the fort of Budhowal.
" In this order the troops moved forward towards the
enemy, a distance of six miles, the advance conducted by
Captain Waugh, 16th Lancers, the Deputy Assistant
Quarter-Master of Cavalry, Major Bradford, of the ist
Cavalry, and Lieutenant Strachey of the Engineers, who
had been jointly employed in the conduct of patroles up to
the enemy's position, and for the purpose of reporting upon
the facility and point of approach. Previously to the
march of the troops it had been intimated to me by Major
Mackeson, that the information by spies led to, the belief
the enemy would move somewhere at daylight, either on
Jugraon, my position of Budhowal, or Loodiana. On a
near approach to his outposts, this rumour was confirmed
by a spy, who had just left the camp, saying the Sikh
army was actually in march towards Jugraon. My advance
was steady ; my troops well in hand ; and if he had

1846.] IN BATTLE ARRAY. l8l
anticipated me, on the Jugraon road, I could have fallen
upon his centre with advantage.
" From the tops of the houses of the village of Poorein,
I had a distant view of the enemy. He was in motion
and appeared directly opposite my front on a ridge, of
which the village of Aliwal may be regarded as the centre.
His left appeared still to occupy its ground in the circular
entrenchment ; his right was brought forward and occupied
the ridge. I immediately deployed the cavalry into line, and
moved on. As I neared the enemy, the ground became
most favourable for the troops to manoeuvre, being open
and hard grass land. I ordered the cavalry to take
ground to the right and left by brigades ; thus displaying
the heads of the infantry columns ; and, as they reached
the hard ground, I directed them to deploy into line.
Brigadier Godby's brigade was in direct echellon to the rear
of the right ; the Shekawattee infantry in like manner to
the rear of my left ; the cavalry in direct echellon on,
and well to the rear of, both flanks of the infantry ; the
artillery massed on the right and centre and left. After
deployment, I observed the enemy's left to outflank me,
I therefore broke into, open column and took ground to my
right. When I had gained sufficient ground, the troops
wheeled into line. There was no dust, the sun shone
brightly. These manoeuvres were performed with the
celerity and precision of the most correct field day. The
glistening of the bayonets and swords of this order of
battle was most imposing ; and the line advanced. Scarcely
had it moved 150 yards, when, at ten o'clock, the enemy
opened a fierce cannonade from his whole line. At first
his balls fell short, but quickly reached us. Thus upon
him, and capable of better ascertaining his position, I was
compelled to halt the line, though under fire, for a few
moments, until I ascertained that, by bringing up my right
and carrying the village of Aliwal, I could with great effect

1 82 BATTLE OF ALIWAL. [Ch. XLV.
precipitate myself upon his left and centre. I therefore
quickly brought up Brigadier Godby's brigade ; and, with
it, and the ist brigade under Brigadier Hicks, made a
rapid and noble charge, carried the village, and two guns
of large calibre. The line I ordered to advance, — Her
Majesty's 31st Foot and the native regiments contending for
the front ; and the battle became general. The enemy had
a numerous body of cavalry on the heights to his left, and
I ordered Brigadier Cureton to bring up the right brigade
of cavalry, who, in the most gallant manner, dashed in
among them and drove them back upon their infantry.
Meanwhile a second gallant charge to my right was made
by the light cavalry and the body-guard. The Sheka-
wattee brigade was moved well to the right, in support of
Brigadier Cureton, when I observed the enemy's encamp
ment and saw it was full of infantry : I immediately brought
upon it Brigadier Godby's brigade, by changing front, and
taking the enemy's infantry ' en reverse.' They drove them
before them, and took some guns without a check.
" While these operations were going on upon the right,
and the enemy's left flank was thus driven back, I occa
sionally observed the brigade under Brigadier Wheeler, an
officer in whom I have the greatest confidence, charging
and carrying guns and everything before it, again connect
ing his line, and moving on, in a manner which ably dis
played the coolness of the Brigadier and the gallantry of
his irresistible brigade,— Her Majesty's 50th Foot, the 48th
Native Infantry, and the Sirmoor battalion, — although the
loss was, I regret to say, severe in the 50th. Upon the
left, Brigadier Wilson, with Her Majesty's 53rd and the
30th Native Infantry equalled in celerity and regularity
their comrades on the right ; and this brigade was opposed
to the * Aieen ' troops, called Avitabile's, when the fight
was fiercely raging.
" The enemy, well driven back on his left and centre,

1846.] THE VICTORY WON. 1 83
endeavoured to hold his right to cover the passage of the
river, and he strongly occupied the village of Bhoondree.
I directed a squadron of the 16th Lancers, under Major
Smyth and Captain Pearson, to charge a body to the right
of a village, which they did in the most gallant and
determined style, bearing everything before them, as a
squadron under Captain Bere had previously done, going
right through a square in the most intrepid manner with
the deadly lance. This charge was accompanied by the
3rd Light Cavalry under Major Angelo, and as gallantly
sustained. The largest gun upon the field, and seven
others, were then captured, while the 53rd Regiment
carried the village by the bayonet, and the 30th Native
Infantry wheeled round to the rear in a most spirited
manner. Lieut-Col. Alexander's and Capt. Turton's troops
of horse artillery, under Major Lawrenson, dashed among
the flying infantry, committing great havoc, until about
800 or 1000 men rallied under the high bank of a nullah,
and opened a heavy but ineffectual fire from below the
bank. I immediately directed the 30th Native Infantry to
charge them, which they were able to do upon their left
flank, while in a line in rear of the village. This native
corps nobly obeyed my orders and rushed among the
Avitabile troops, driving them from under the bank and
exposing them once more to a deadly fire of twelve guns
within 300 yards. The destruction was very great, as may
be supposed, from guns served as these were. Her
Majesty's 53rd Regiment moved forward in support of the
30th Native Infantry, by the right of the village. The
battle was won ; our troops advancing with the most
perfect order to the common focus — the passage of the
river. The enemy, completely hemmed in, were flying
from our fire, and precipitating themselves in disordered
masses into the ford and boats, in the utmost confusion
and consternation ; our 8-inch howitzers soon began to

1 84 BATTLE OF ALIWAL. [Ch. XLV,
play upon their boats, when the ' debris ' of the Sikh
army appeared upon the opposite and high bank of the
river, flying in every direction, although a sort of line was
attempted to countenance their retreat, until all our guns
commenced a furious cannonade, when they quickly
receded. Nine guns were on the river by the ford. It
appears as if they had been unlimbered to cover the ford.
These being loaded, were fired once upon our advance ;
two others were sticking in the river, one of them we got
out ; two were seen to sink in the quicksands ; two were
dragged to the opposite bank and abandoned. These, and
the one in the middle of the river, were gallantly spiked
by Lieutenant Holmes, of the nth Irregular Cavalry, and
Gunner Scott, of the ist troop 2nd brigade Horse Artillery,
who rode into the stream, and crossed for the purpose,
covered by our guns and light infantry.
"Thus ended the battle of Aliwal, one of the most
glorious victories ever achieved in India, by the united
efforts of Her Majesty's and the Honourable Company's
troops. Every gun the enemy had fell into our hands, as
I infer from his never opening one upon us from the
opposite bank of the river, which is high and favourable
for the purpose — fifty-two guns are now in the Ordnance
Park ; two sank in the bed of the Sutlej ; and two were
spiked on the opposite bank ; making a total of fifty-six
pieces of cannon captured or destroyed.* Many jingalls
which were attached to Avitabile's corps and which
aided in the defence of the village of Bhoondree, have
also been taken. The whole army of the enemy has been
driven headlong over the difficult ford of a broad river ;
his camp, baggage, stores of ammunition and of grain, —
his all, in fact, wrested from him, by the repeated charges
of cavalry and infantry, aided by the guns of Alexander,
* Eleven guns since ascertained to be sunk in the river, total sixty-
seven ; thirty odd jingalls fell into our hands.

1846.] EXTENT OF THE VICTORY. 1 85
Turton, Lane, Mill, Boileau, and of the Shekawattee
brigade, and by the 8-inch' howitzers ; — our guns literally
being constantly ahead of everything. The determined
bravery of all was as conspicuous as noble. I am unwont
.to praise when praise is not merited ; and I here most
unavowedly express my firm opinion and conviction, that
no troops in any battle on record ever behaved more
nobly ; — British and native, no distinction ; cavalry, all
vying with H.M.'s 16th Lancers, and striving to head in
the repeated charges. Our guns and gunners, officers and
men, may be equalled, but cannot be excelled, by any
artillery in the world. Throughout the day no hesitation
— a bold and intrepid advance ; — and thus it is that our
loss is comparatively small, though I deeply regret to say,
severe. The enemy fought with much resolution ; they
maintained frequent rencontres with our cavalry hand
to hand. In one charge, upon infantry, of H.M.'s 16th
Lancers, they threw away their muskets and came on with
their swords and targets against the lance.
******
"The fort of Goongrana has, subsequently to the
battle, been evacuated, and I yesterday evening blew up
the fort of Budhowal. I shall now blow up that of
Noorpoor. A portion of the peasantry, viz. the Sikhs,
appear less friendly to us, while the Mussulmans rejoice
in being under our Government. " I have, &c,
" H. G. Smith,
"Major-General Commanding."
My loss during the 21st January was, of killed
and wounded and sick taken, upwards of 200
men, but many of our wounded and exhausted
Infantry were brought off in the Artillery carriages

1 86 BATTLE OF ALIWAL. [Ch. XLV.
and by the noble exertions of H.M.'s 16th Lancers,
who dismounted and put the sick and wounded
upon their horses. My orders to the baggage guard
(composed of 400 Irregular Horse, to which I
afterwards added one squadron of Regular Native
Cavalry) were only half obeyed, or our loss of
baggage would have been next to nothing; but
young soldiers are excited under a heavy cannonade
and apprehend more of its deadly effect than I have
ever seen the heaviest cannonade (not grape and
canister) merit.
This short but most eventful campaign was one
of great difficulty and embarrassment for the General
(or myself). The enemy was concentrated, whilst
my force was to accumulate contingent on a variety
of combinations distant and doubtful.
The political importance of my position was
extreme. All India was at gaze, and ready for
anything. Our army — truth must out — most anxious,
the enemy daringly and exultingly regarding himself
invincible, as the bold and most able and energetic
move of Runjoor Singh with his whole force throw
ing himself between my advance from Jugraon vid
Budowal to Loodiana most fully demonstrated. It
is the most scientific move made during the war,
whether made by accident or design, and had he
known how to profit by the position he had so
judiciously occupied, he would have obtained won
derful success. He should have attacked me with
the vigour his French tutors would [have displayed,
and] destroyed me, for his force compared to mine

1846.J IMPORTANCE OF THE VICTORY. 1 87
was overwhelming; then turned about upon the
troops at Loodiana, beaten them, and sacked and
burnt the city — when the gaze I speak of in India
would have been one general blaze of revolt ! Does
the world which argues on my affair at Budowal
suppose I was asleep, and had not in clear perspective
a full view of the effect such success of the enemy
would have had upon the general features and
character of the war ? It must be remembered that
our battering train, an immense treasure, our
ammunition, etc., etc., were not ten miles from me,
occupying a line of road of ten miles in length.
The end was accomplished, viz. the battle of
Aliwal and its results. In a few days after the
victory I received from my Political Associate, Major
Murchison, a Very clever fellow, a long report, of
which this is an extract : " I cannot help mentioning
to you that the result of your decisive victory of the
28th has been the abandonment by the enemy of
all his posts south of the Sutlej from Hurreekee
upwards to Nunapoor Mackohoorvara, and the sub
mission to our rule of a country yielding an annual
revenue of upwards of twenty-five lacs of rupees.
The post of the enemy at Sobraon is now the only
one held by the Sikhs south of the Sutlej." And
again, in a letter from Colonel Godby after he had
crossed into the Jullundur with Brigadier Godby,
" I have no doubt the battle of Aliwal will be
esteemed in England as it deserves ; it finished a
most painful crisis both in India and in England, and
its moral effect in Hindostan and the Punjaub was

1 88 BATTLE OF ALIWAL. [Ch. XLV.
greater than any other achievement of the war. In
the Jullundur the natives speak of it as most un
accountable that the soldiers they thought invincible
should be overthrown and driven into the river in
two or three hours, and be seen scampering through
the country before the people had heard of their
defeat. The defeat was so cleanly and unques
tionably done, that they ascribed it to supernatural
intervention for the many atrocious crimes of the
Sikhs, especially upon the oppressed followers of the
true Prophet."
All men, especially Generals, reflect in times of
peace and quiet upon their exertions, their enter
prises, and the measures they adopted. Human life
once extinct is in this world gone, and how gratify
ing it is under Divine Providence to feel that not a
soldier under my command was wantonly, unneces
sarily, or unscientifically sacrificed to his country !
Had I adopted any other course at Budowal on
the 2 1 st of January than I pursued, had I not pushed
the war entrusted to my conduct with vigour and
effected a junction with the troops at Loodiana, they
and the city would have fallen, and next our treasure,
battering train, ammunition, etc., would have been
captured or scattered and lost to the army ; had I
sustained a serious reverse, all India would have
been in a blaze. I steered the course invariably
pursued by my great master the Duke, never need
lessly to risk your troops or fight a battle without
an object. Hence the decisive victory of Aliwal
and its wonderful results and important aid in

1846.] RETURN TO HEAD-QUARTERS. 1 89
repelling the Sikh army at Sobraon and seizing
the capital of his vaunted glory.
Months have now passed since I conducted these
operations,* and although reflection as a guide for
the future prompts me to find fault with any move
ment or march, I cannot, but with the blessing of
the Almighty, I say, " Results even cannot dictate
to me — if you had done this or that, it would have
been better."
Having disposed of my captured cannon f (I sent
forty-seven to the fortress of Loodiana, and took
five with me to Head-quarters, the most beautiful
guns imaginable, which will, I believe, be placed in
St. James's Park, London), provided for my sick
and wounded, replenished my ammunition and
stores, given over to Brigadier Wheeler the troops
he was to command on the Upper Sutlej, and
furnished him and the Political Agent, Major Mur-
chison, with my views of their operations as a guide,
I marched on the morning of the 3rd February on
my route back to the Commander-in-Chief.
I had with me three troops Horse Artillery, two
8-inch howitzers, the 16th Lancers, the 3rd and 5th
Light Cavalry, one corps of Irregular Horse,
H.M.'s 31st, 50th, and 53rd Regiments, and 200
* He wrote these lines in September, 1846.
t No one but those who have encountered it, can be aware of the
difficulty there is in disposing of the stores and captured guns of your
enemy. I had 52 to move, and most of their own draught animals had
been killed in action or shot by the victors. The country yields no
resources in aid, thus I had to use the transport of my own 32 guns to
send on to Loodiana 47 of the enemy's, and this delayed my return to
Headquarters three days. — H. G. S.

190 BATTLE OF ALIWAL. [Ch. XLV.
convalescents, and of Native Infantry the 47th
Regiment, and the Sermoor and Nusseeree Bat
talions. The rest of my Aliwal heroes remained
with Wheeler.
I reached the right of the army on the 7th,
and was received by the Commander-in-Chief with
a burst of enthusiastic welcome* to be equalled
only by that of the army at large. His Excellency
addressed each Corps in terms as gratifying to them
as to me, and I, Staff, Commanding Officers of
Corps, Prince Waldemar.f etc., dined with the
Commander-in-Chief, who again, in a speech when
drinking our healths, bestowed upon us every
encomium, and attached the utmost importance to
the great cause — our signal victory. The Governor-
General was at Ferozepore.
The ground I had been directed to occupy being
* A trooper in the 16th Lancers, named Eaton, writing on
2nd Feb., 1846, of the battle of Aliwal, says, "As soon as the
Commander-in-Chief received the dispatches, which he did on horse
back while reconnoitring, he leaped from his horse and gave three
cheers, a salute of eighteen guns was fired, and the line gave three
hearty cheers for us, their gallant comrades, as they called us."
The same writer gives a very characteristic picture of Sir Harry
Smith : " The General told us that when our regiment was in Lahore
in 1837, the King thought us all gentlemen, but had he seen us on
that day, he would have proclaimed us all devils, ' for you charged
their ranks more like them than anything else.' As he left us we saw
tears in the poor old man's eyes, and he said, ' God bless you, my
brave boys ; I love you.' " — See Cambridge Independent Press, 4th
April, 1846.
Of the above letter Professor Sedgwick wrote, " Excepting Harry
Smith's dispatch, which nothing can reach, it is one of the most soul-
stirring letters that has come from India." — Life of Sedgwick, ii. p. 102.
t Prince Waldemar of Prussia, travelling as Count Ravensburg,
was present with his suite at the battles of Moodkee, Ferozeshah,
Aliwal, and Sobraon.

1846.] BATTLE OF SOBRAON. 191
filthy to excess, I begged to move my position,
which I was permitted to do on the 8th. On this
day the Governor-General arrived in camp. He
sent for me, and received me with all the warmth
of a long-standing friendship, and bestowed person
ally upon me all the praises he had so lavishly given
me in his General Orders.
On the 9th, all Generals of Divisions, Brigadiers,
and Heads of Departments were summoned in the
afternoon to attend in the Commander-in-Chief's
tent. I pretty clearly guessed the purport of such
a summons. His Excellency explained to all that
the enemy's most strongly fortified position was to
be attacked at daylight, and he clearly detailed to
each General and Commander his position and
portion of the attack. In my own mind I very
much disagreed with my gallant Commander-in-Chief
as to the place of his attack being the most eligible
one. I saw at once that the fundamental principle
of " being superior to your enemy on the point of
attack " was lost sight of, and the whole of our army,
with the exception of my Division, which was
reduced to 2400 bayonets, was held in reserve just
out of the reach of the enemy's cannon. At day
light our heavy guns (which had been placed with
the object of destroying or greatly impairing the
enemy's defences) opened fire, and with apparent
success where the fire was the most heavy, but to
our astonishment, at the very moment of this
success our fire slackened and soon ceased alto
gether, when it was ascertained that the ammunition

192 BATTLE OF SOBRAON. [Ch. XLV.
was expended, the officer in command of the
Artillery not having brought half the quota into the
field which was ordered by the Governor- General
and the Commander-in-Chief. Thus no time was
to be lost. * * * # #
At this point Sir Harry Smith's autobiography
breaks off. He laid down the pen, probably through
temporary illness, and never took it up again. In
place of any fuller account of the battle of Sobraon,
we have only the following passages relating to his
individual share in the victory. The first occurs in
a letter dated " Camp Lahore, 25 th February, 1846,"
and addressed to his sister, Mrs. Sargant.
"Our last fight was an awful one. My reduced-in-
numbers Division — only 2400 bayonets — was, as in other
fights, placed in reserve, but pretty soon brought into
action, and as at Ferozeshuhur again I had the good luck
to turn the fortune of the day. In so doing I lost out of
my 2400 men, 635 killed and wounded [100 more than
out of 12,000 men at Aliwal]. My first attack on the
entrenchments was repulsed. I attacked when / did not
wish, and had to take ground close to the river on the
enemy's left, consequently our right. [Never catch a
butting animal by the horns, though, as a good soldier,
obey your superior's orders.] By dint of the hardest
fighting I ever saw (except Badajoz, New Orleans, and
Waterloo) I carried the entrenchments. By Jupiter ! the
enemy were within a hair's-breadth of driving me back.
Their numbers exceeded mine. And such a hand-to-hand
conflict ensued, for 25 minutes I could barely hold my
own. Mixed together, swords and targets against bayonets,

1846.] BATTLE OF SOBRAON. 1 93
and a fire on both sides. I never was in such a personal
fight for half the time, but my bulldogs of the 31st and
old 50th stood up like men, were well supported by the
native regiments, and- my position closed the fight which
staggered everywhere. Then such a scene of shooting men
fording a deep river, as no one I believe ever saw before.
The bodies made a bridge, but the fire of our musquetry
and cannon killed every one who rushed. The hand of
Almighty God has been upon me, for I may say to you
what all the army knows, I was foremost in the fight, and
on a noble horse the whole time, which sprang over the
enemy's works like a deer, neither he nor I nor my clothes
being scratched. It is a miracle for which I am, I trust,
even more grateful to my God than humble towards my
comrades. You always so desired I should distinguish
myself. I have now gratified you, although I so egotisti
cally write it to my sister, and in every battle have I with
my noble horses been exposed without a graze. The only
thing was my stick shot out of my hand ; my clothes are
covered with blood in many cases. Poor Holdich * got a
bad wound in the shoulder and arm. He is a gallant and
cool boy as ever lived. He is at Ferozepore, too far off
for me to go and see, or I should do so and write to his
mother." The words in square brackets are inserted from
a letter to Mr. Justice Menzies of the Cape. The
following additional touches are taken from a letter
to Sir James Kempt, dated 24th February.
" I never was in such a hand-to-hand fight ; my gallant
31st and 50th literally staggered under the war of cannon
and musquetry. Behind such formidable entrenchments,
* His aide-de-camp, now General Sir Edward A. Holdich, K.C.B.
VOL. II. O

i94 ALIWAL AND SOBRAON. [Ch. XLV.
I could not get in where I was ordered to attack, but had
to turn my right close to the river, where, if left alone, I
should have commenced. I carried the works by dint of
English pluck, although the native corps stuck close to me,
and when I got in, such hand-to-hand work I have never
witnessed. For twenty-five minutes we were at it against
four times my numbers, sometimes receding (never turning
round, though), sometimes advancing. The old 31st and
50th laid on like devils.* . . . This last was a brutal bulldog
fight, although of vast political and definite results ; but
my fight at Aliwal was a little sweeping second edition of
Salamanca — a stand-up gentlemanlike battle, a mixing of
all arms and laying-on, carrying everything before us by
weight of attack and combination, all hands at work from
one end of the field to the other."
Sir Harry Smith's services at Aliwal were thus
acknowledged by Sir Henry Hardinge :
" To Major-General Sir Harry Smith, and to the brave
troops he commanded, the Governor-General conveys the
tribute of his admiration, and the grateful acknowledgments
of the Government and the people of India. The service
rendered was most important, and was accomplished by
the ability of the commander and the valour of the
troops." The following tributes were paid by Sir Henry
Hardinge and Sir Hugh Gough respectively to Sir
Harry Smith's conduct at Sobraon : —
" The Governor- General has much satisfaction in again
* A coloured print of the 31st Regiment at Sobraon was published
afterwards by Ackermann. There is also a large engraving, " The
triumphal reception of the Seikh guns" (at Calcutta), after W. Taylor
in which Sir Harry Smith is a prominent figure.

1846.] MENTION IN DISPATCHES. 1 95
offering to Major-General Sir Harry Smith, K.C.B., com
manding the ist Division of Infantry, his best thanks for
his gallant services on this occasion, by which he has added
to his well-established reputation."
" In his attack on the enemy's left, Major-General Sir
Harry Smith displayed the same valour and judgment
which gave him the victory of Aliwal. A more arduous
task has seldom, if ever, been assigned to a Division. Never
has an attempt been more gloriously carried through."

( ^96 )

CHAPTER XLVI.
{Supplementary.)
HONOURS AND REWARDS, AND KNITTING OF OLD
FRIENDSHIPS.
The news of the victory of Aliwal reached London
on 23rd March.* It brought a sense of immense
relief to the public mind, which had been as much
disturbed as elated by the costly struggles of
Moodkee and Ferozeshah. The relief was the
greater inasmuch as exaggerated reports had
already been received of Sir Harry Smith's ren
contre with the Sikhs at Budhowal and the loss of
part of his baggage. It was at once decided that
the thanks of Parliament should be offered to the
victorious General and his gallant army — and
although a few days later came the news of the
crowning victory of Sobraon, it was not allowed
to affect the determination which had been arrived
at. The victors of Aliwal were still to receive a
special vote of their own.
None were so delighted at the news of Harry
Smith's victory as the old Peninsular friends who
* The official dispatches not till March 26th.

1846.] DELIGHT OF OLD FRIENDS. 1 97
had watched his career from the beginning, and
while they loved the man, marked in him that
military genius and gallantry which must bring
him to the front if only fortune gave him his
chance. At last the chance had come, and he
had seized it according to their utmost hopes.
Captain Kincaid wrote on the 24th March to
Mrs. Sargant —
"I congratulate you most heartily on the brilliant
success of your gallant brother, who has nobly vindicated
the opinion entertained of him by every one who has had
the opportunity of judging of his rare professional qualities,
for he is one of Nature's generals. History will no doubt
do justice to his merits. The previous battles were won
by the bulldog courage of the soldier, with the consequent
unnecessary sacrifice of human life ; here is a great victory,
gained over superior numbers with comparatively little
loss — the judicious proceedings throughout stamping it as
a general's, and not a soldier's, victory." *
* Kincaid, in his generous enthusiasm, wrote a letter signed
" Veteran " to the Times of March 30th, to acquaint the public with his
friend's past services and military character. Speaking of Peninsular
days, he writes, " Those only who have served under a good and
an indifferent staff officer can estimate the immense value of the
former, and Smith was one of the very best, for his heart and soul
were in his duty. His light wiry frame rendered him insensible to
fatigue, and, no matter what battle or march might have occupied
the day or night, or what elementary war might be raging, Smith was
never to be found off his horse, until he saw every man in his brigade
housed, if cover could possibly be had. His devotion to their com
forts was repaid by their affection. . . . No one who knew Harry
Smith (his familiar name) in those days could doubt for a moment
that whenever he acquired the rank, and the opportunity offered, he
would show himself a General worthy of his illustrious preceptor. . . .
The battle of Aliwal speaks for itself, as the dispatch of Sir H.
Smith would alone proclaim that he had been trained under Sir John
Moore and finished under the master-mind of Wellington."

198 HONOURS AND REWARDS. [Ch. XLVI.
. Sir James Kempt, the revered friend with whom
Harry Smith had kept up a monthly correspondence
from India, wrote in similar terms —
"You may well be proud, my dear Mrs. Sargant, of
having such a brother as Harry Smith. ... I have read
many details of battles with real pleasure, but I felt
something more than pleasure, I felt the highest gratifica
tion and delight in reading Harry's admirable dispatch.
It is spoken of by every one whom I have seen in terms
of the highest praise." *
The Times of 25th March, after speaking of Sir
Harry's avoiding battle at Budhowal, continues —
" The judgment and caution of General Smith on this
occasion may be advantageously contrasted with the
headlong and indiscriminating valour which hurried our
troops into the frightful conflicts of Moodkee and Fero
zeshah. In these actions it may literally be affirmed that
Sir Hugh Gough had never seen the enemy until he was
in the heat of action. The Sikh position had not been
reconnoitred ; the strength of the Sikh army was un-
known.f ... Sir H. Smith's action at Ulleewal is exposed
to none of these animadversions."
* Sir James, writing to Sir Harry Smith himself on 5th April, said,
" I well knew that you only wanted an opportunity to display the
great military qualities which I knew you possessed in no common
degree. . . . Most nobly did you perform your part and show how a
battle ought to be fought when the troops are commanded by a
skilful and brave General who feels himself 'at home' in the
thickest of the fight, and who knows how to handle them, and how
to make use of each arm at the proper time as an auxiliary to the
other. The Great Duke in his speech in the House of Lords makes
you the Hero of the day. ... On the day that thanks were voted to
you in Parliament, I invited Barnard, Johnny Kincaid, Rowan, Alex.
McDonald, and other of your old friends and comrades to dine with
me, and we drank a bumper to your health and that of Lady Smith."
t Compare an extract from the journal of Sir C. Napier {Life of

1846.] THACKERAY'S TRIBUTE. 199
The Aliwal dispatch in particular,* excited un
bounded admiration. Sir Robert Peel said of it,
" The hand that held the pen used it with the same
success with which it wielded the sword." And
Thackeray's praise of it in the Book of Snobs is a
proof that it appealed to a master of literary craft
no less powerfully than it appealed to a statesman :
" Let those civilians who sneer at the acquirements of
the army read Sir Harry Smith's account of the Battle of
Aliwal. A noble deed was never told in nobler language."
After referring to Sir Henry Hardinge's conduct
at Ferozeshah, Thackeray continues —
" No, no ; the men who perform these deeds with such
brilliant valour and describe them with such modest man
liness, such are not Snobs. The country admires them,
their Sovereign rewards them, and Punch, the universal
railer, takes off his hat and says, ' Heaven save them.' " f
On the evening of April 2nd the thanks of both
Houses were given unanimously by separate resolu
tions to the victors of Aliwal and Sobraon. In the
House of Lords Sir Harry Smith received, to quote
Sir C. Napier, iii. p. 398) : "[Hardinge's] army is for discipline the
worst I have seen. . . . There were no picquets or patrols, not even
when close to and in sight of the enemy ! I am told, however, that
Harry Smith's Division was an honourable exception." And another
from the same journal, dated " July 9 " (p. 434) : " Harry Smith is a
good-hearted, brave fellow, and it gladdens me that he has been
rewarded, for he was the only man that acted with any science and
skill as a general officer."
* Written, as Sir Edward Holdich tells me, on the battlefield on
the night of the battle, and hardly altered afterwards.
t W. M. Thackeray, Book of Snobs: " Military Snobs."

200 HONOURS AND REWARDS. [Ch. XLVI.
the Times, an " unreserved panegyric " * from his
worshipped master in warfare, the Duke of Welling
ton. It cannot be doubted that the proudest
moment of Harry Smith's life was that in which he
read these words of one so sparing of praise. Some
of them were in later days inscribed on his tomb.
" The distant points of the frontier were threatened ;
Loodiana was threatened — I believe it was even attacked,
and the cantonments were burned ; and then it was that
Sir Harry Smith was sent with a detachment of troops
towards Loodiana, taking possession of various points on
his road — Durrumkote and other places, of which the
enemy had taken possession by bodies of troops which
had crossed the Sutlej. And I beg your Lordships to
observe that, when Sir Harry Smith was sent, he had
three objects in view : one to give security to the post at
Loodiana, already reinforced by the arrival there of General
Godby after the battle ; the others to keep up his com
munications with the rear by the town of Busseean, a point
of great strength and importance, with a view to the com
munication between Ferozepore and Loodiana, in the
front line, and Ferozepore and Delhi in the rear, the point
from which the heavy train and the means of carrying on
the siege in the ultimate operations were to come. These
must have passed between twenty and thirty miles of the
enemy, while the main body of the army at Ferozepore was
not less distant than fifty. These were the objects, to
secure which Sir Harry Smith was detached from the army.
He marched upon Loodiana, and communicated with the
British commander there, who endeavoured to move out to
* Professor Sedgwick wrote similarly, " I do not believe the old
Duke ever spoke so much praise in the course of his life before, and
all he said was from the heart " {Life of Sedgwick, ii. p. 102).

1846.] WELLINGTON'S EULOGY. 201
his assistance. While he was engaged with the enemy on
this march, which he made in order to perform a part of
his instructions — namely, to maintain the communication
with Loodiana, they came out from the entrenched camp and
carried off his baggage. I desire to explain that, because
it was the only check which the gallant officer met with
throughout the whole of this operation, and in fact it is the
only misfortune, trifling as it is, which has happened during
the whole operations that have taken place in that part of
the country. This loss of the baggage, such as it is, has
been written up as a great misfortune ; but, in point of
fact, it could not be otherwise. He was obliged to
march within sight of the entrenched camp, from which
the enemy had an opportunity of attacking him on his
march. I beg your Lordships to observe that Sir Harry
Smith had not only to secure his communication with
Loodiana, but likewise to secure his junction with General
Wheeler, who, alone, was not able to contend against the
enemy. He performed all those objects, was joined by
General Wheeler, and then moved on to attack the new
position which the enemy had taken up near the river.
And, my Lords, I will say upon this, I have read the
account of many a battle, but I never read the account
of one in which more ability, energy, and experience have
been manifested than in this. I know of no one in
which an officer ever showed himself more capable than
this officer has in commanding troops in the field. He
brought every description of troops to bear, with all arms
in the position in which they were most capable of render
ing service ; the nicest manoeuvres were performed under
the fire of the enemy with the utmost precision, and at the
same time with an energy and gallantry on the part of the
troops never surpassed on any occasion whatever in any
part of the world. I must say of this officer, that I never
have seen any account which manifests more plainly than

202 HONOURS AND REWARDS. [Ch.XLVI.
his does, that he is an officer capable of rendering the most
important services, and of ultimately being an honour to
this country."
Lord Hotham, who had himself served under the
Duke, said that Sir Harry Smith had had the
advantage of seeing an extent of service which it
had been the fortune of few to witness ; but besides,
he had the natural advantages of a remarkably
quick conception, unceasing activity, the most
ardent zeal and devotion, and the most undaunted
resolution. In the House of Commons Sir Robert Peel
moved the vote, with a recital of Sir Harry's many
services to his country —
" Of the battle itself I will not speak ; the victory was
complete, and it has been so admirably described by the
illustrious commander, that I will not weaken the effect of
his narrative. And what, let me ask, have been the ser
vices of this gallant officer? These recent events have
given new lustre to his glory ; but he was at the capture
of Monte Video — at the attack upon Buenos Ayres ; he
served during the Peninsular War, from the battle of Vimeira
to that of Corunna. He was then wounded in another
action, but he was at the battles of Sabugal and Fuentes
d'Onor and the sieges of Ciudad Rodrigo and Badajos, at
the battles of Salamanca, Vittoria, Orthes, the Pyrenees,
and Toulouse. He was at Washington and at New Orleans,
and finally he was at Waterloo. What a series of noble
services, and how rejoiced I am that there should be an
opportunity, through this new and signal victory, of bring
ing before the gladdened eyes of a grateful country a long
life of military exertion, and an unbroken series of military

l846-] BARONETCY.

203

honours ! After he had achieved that success for which we
are about to give him our special thanks— after he had
driven back the enemy across the Sutlej, he instantly
returned to rejoin his commanding officer, Sir Hugh
Gough. He arrived on the 8th, two days before the deci
sive victory gained by the forces under Sir Hugh Gough
and Sir Henry Hardinge. But for his services in the
victory of the 28th of January, I propose that there should
be a distinct and separate vote — distinct and separate from
that which I shall recommend for that not more glorious,
though perhaps more important achievement accomplished
at a later date by the whole British army."
Sir De Lacy Evans, an old friend,* took occa
sion to defend Sir Harry from the unfounded notion
that he had suffered any sort of reverse at Budhowal.
On the 4th April Sir Robert Peel wrote to
inform Sir Harry Smith that, on his recommenda
tion, the Queen had bestowed on him a Baronetcy
of the United Kingdom. To the title were
appended, as a special distinction, the words " of
Aliwal." f At the same time Sir Henry Hardinge
and Sir Hugh Gough were raised to the peerage
as Viscount Hardinge and Baron Gough. While,
however, Viscount Hardinge was further granted
an annual sum of ,£3000, and Lord Gough one of
^"2000, in each case for three lives, no such material
reward was given to Sir Harry Smith.
* See vol. i. p. 329.
t Sir Robert Peel, in a letter of 21st April, requesting Sir Harry's
acceptance of a copy of his speeches of April 2nd, added, " Sir Robert
Peel trusts that the special reference in the Gazette and the Patent
for conferring a Baronetcy on Sir Henry Smith to the name of Aliwal
(unusual in the case of a Baronetcy) will be acceptable to the feelings
of Sir Henry Smith."

204 HONOURS AND REWARDS. [Ch. XLVI.
On April 6th Sir Harry was appointed a Major-
General on the staff of the army in the East Indies,
vice Sir R. H. Dick killed in action ; and on the
7th Prince Albert and the Duke of Wellington wrote
separately to acquaint him that the Queen had
approved of his appointment to be a Knight Grand
Cross of the Bath.
On April 2nd the General Court of the East
India Company echoed the thanks already passed by
the Board of Directors ; and on April 6th the Court
of Common Council of the City of London voted to
Sir Harry Smith, along with Sir Henry Hardinge
and Sir Hugh Gough, their thanks and congratula
tions and the freedom of the city. The Council of
the Borough of Liverpool passed resolutions of
thanks on the same day.
Let us now turn to the recipient of these
honours. On 20th May Sir Harry Smith wrote to Sir
Robert Peel to express his gratitude to Her
Majesty for the baronetcy conferred upon him
and to the House of Commons and Sir Robert
himself for the honour paid him in that assembly.
He could not forbear adding —
"I have been fortunate indeed to be reared in the
military school of our great Duke. To meet His Grace's
unqualified approbation in the face of the world is an
honour, I must admit, I have ever contended for, but never
hoped to have thus realized."
A> week later he sent his thanks to the Duke

1846.] THE RECIPIENT'S FEELINGS. 205
himself, and also assured him " how grateful I and
Juana, my Spanish wife, are, for the messages
sent us."
On, 1 6th June he wrote from Simla to his old
Peninsular friend, Major George Simmons * —
"I have received," he says, "since the battle of Aliwal,
more than 1 50 letters of heartfelt gratification. . . . From
every old General I have served with left to us, from every
old comrade of the Light and 4th Divisions, have I received
every expression of their approbation, their happiness in
my having realized their often-expressed anticipations.
Your old friend Juana's good sense, which you so kindly
give her credit for, keeps pace with her delight in all the
congratulations of our friends. Then, George, comes the
encomium of the Duke. Dear old Master, if I have done
that which meets your approbation, then is the cup of
glory full indeed, for it is to your example I have desired
to apply any share of ability bestowed upon me. I have
had, too, from him the kindest messages, and to his old
friend Juanita, as he still calls her. ... I have had a
letter from Joe, who tells me your happiness was such
that your nerves so thrilled through your desperate old
wounds as to make you quite ill. ... I begin to long to
get once more to my native land ; mine has been an
awful banishment. I do so long to seize by the hand
all those old friends who have so adhered to me notwith
standing my absence, and who thus so kindly feel my
success and honours their own. . . . Our old dear and
mutual friends, Sirs Kempt, Barnard, and Lord F.
Somerset, have written in most enthusiastic terms."

* See vol. i. p. 33. The letter has been printed by Col. Verner in
A British Rifleman (George Simmons' diaries).

206 HONOURS AND REWARDS. [Ch. XLVI.
To another old friend, Mr. Justice Menzies * of
the Cape, he writes on 26th June. After recounting
the story of the campaign, he tells of his coming
movements —
"I and Juana start dak in the month of July for
Cawnpore, my division. She will leave the hills before
cold, contrary to sense, but in strict usage, with her
unvaried attachment."
After the significant statement, " I am out of
debt," he signs himself —
" one who, if affection can make him so, is worthy of your
faithful friendship, hot-headed Harry Smith."
The following letters explain themselves : —
" To Lieutenant-General Sir Andrew Barnard, G.C.B., K.C.H.,
" Colonel ist Battalion Rifle Brigade.
" Cawnpore, India, 29th July, 1846.
"Sir, "The honorary distinctions recently conferred
upon me by our gracious Queen enable me to take
supporters to my family arms. I have the honour, there
fore, to acquaint you, and to request you to be so good
as to make it known to my gallant comrades, the Rifle
Brigade, both ist and 2nd Battalions — having served with
each Battalion from the storm and capture of Monte Video
[through] the whole of the Peninsular War, and the
crowning Battle of Waterloo — I have adopted a soldier
of the Rifle Brigade, a ' Rifleman : ' and out of respect to
that immortal Light Division, of which the Rifle Brigade
and 52nd Light Infantry formed for so many eventful
* See vol. i. p. 331.

1846.] SUPPORTERS TO HIS ARMS. 207
years the 2nd Brigade, in which I was the Major of
Brigade at the many affairs and battles this Brigade
was so distinguished in, the Coa, Pombal, Foz d'Aruz,
Sabugal, Fuentes d'Onoro, siege, storm, and capture of
Ciudad Rodrigo and of Badajos, Salamanca, San Millan,
Vittoria, the heights of Vera, Irun, crossing the Bidassoa,
Nivelle, Nive, many affairs near Bayonne, Tarbes, Orthes,
and Toulouse, involving many days' sharp fighting with
each named battle, and as no officer in the army has
posted so many outlying picquets of this Brigade as I
have, and as I am indebted to it and the great school
of the immortal Wellington for whatever knowledge of
my profession I may have acquired, by which my most
fortunate career has so prospered, I beg the support to
my arms of a soldier of the 52nd Light Infantry and a
Rifleman in token of my veneration for their Corps and
as a connecting link of former times with my present
fortune. I have, etc.
"H. G. Smith,
" Major-General."
"To Major-General Sir Edward Gibbs, K.C.B.,
"Colonel 52nd Light Infantry. " Cawnpore, India, 29th July, 1846.
" Sir, " The honorary distinctions recently conferred upon
me by our gracious Queen, enable me to take supporters
to my family arms. I have, therefore, the honour to
acquaint you and to request you would make it known to
my gallant comrades, the 52nd Light Infantry, that in full
remembrance of the period I was Major of Brigade to
the 2nd Brigade of the immortal Light Division, of which
the 52nd formed so prominent and distinguished a part,
involving the glorious contests of the Peninsular War ;
I have adopted a soldier of the 52nd Light Infantry and

208 HONOURS AND REWARDS. [Ch. XLVI.
a ' Rifleman ' — my own regiment. The many affairs and
battles the brigade so nobly fought in (no man better
knows than yourself) include the Coa, Pombal, Foz
d'Aruz, Sabugal, Fuentes d'Onoro; siege, storm, and
capture of Ciudad Rodrigo ; siege, storm, and capture of
Badajos, where you lost an eye, as my brigadier ; Sala
manca, San Munos, San Millan, Vittoria, the heights of
Vera, that most irresistible attack, although on a fortified
mountain ; Irun, the crossing of the Bidassoa, Nivelle,
Nive, the many affairs near Bayonne, Tarbes, Orthes,
and Toulouse, with the numerous skirmishes each of these
actions entailed upon light troops. To this Brigade and
to the great school of the illustrious Duke of Wellington
am I indebted for that knowledge of my profession which
has led to my personal aggrandisement, and which has
lately acquired me the approbation of the Queen, the
Duke of Wellington, and an expression of thanks from
my grateful country. I pray you, therefore, Sir Edward
Gibbs, and the 52nd Light Infantry, to give me that
credit for the feeling of a grateful comrade I desire to
demonstrate, and that you and this renowned corps may
regard me as not unworthy to take a soldier out of your
ranks to support me, in conjunction with their brother-in
arms, a Rifleman, and as the means in declining life of
remembering the gallant Regiment who taught me to fight
for my country. I have, etc.,
"H. G. Smith,
" Major-General."
In the autumn at Simla Sir Harry Smith was.
invested with the Grand Cross of the Bath by the
Governor- General, Lord Hardinge. In the speech
he made on this occasion, he exhorted young soldiers
to draw encouragement from his career —

1846.] COLONEL OF 2ND BATT. RIFLE BRIGADE. 209
" In 1805, now 41 years ago, I entered the army, one
of a family of six sons and five daughters. I had two
brothers in the hottest part of the battle of Waterloo, and
as your Lordship kindly asserted, I may, with humility,
affirm, I have fought my way through the four quarters
of the globe to my present elevated position, unaided by
the power of aristocracy or the influence of wealth. I
cite this as an example to my younger comrades that in
our free and unrivalled constitution, the paths of ambition
are open to all."
On 1 8th January, 1847, he was appointed
Colonel of the 47th Foot, but was transferred on
16th April to the command Of the 2nd Battalion
of his old Regiment, the Rifle Brigade, vacant by
the death of Sir D. L. Gilmour.
In the letter written to Major Simmons on
1 6th June Sir Harry Smith had said, " I wonder
if Charley Beckwith ever bestows a thought on me
whom he once loved as a brother." In the course
of the autumn came a charming letter from that
noble man,* and henceforth the flame of friendship
burnt brightly till both gallant souls had passed
away.
* Charles Beckwith, so often mentioned in the first volume, lost a
leg at Waterloo. During his time of suffering he underwent a
religious conversion. " I was carried away by the love of glory, but
a good God said to me, ' Stop, rascal ! ' and He cut off my leg ; and
now I tjiink I shall be the happier for it." Through casually opening
a book in the Duke of Wellington's library, he became interested in
the Vaudois or Waldensian Protestants, and from 1827 onwards spent
a great part of his life among them as a father or apostle. He died
in 1862 (see Dictionary of National Biography).
VOL. II. P

210 HONOURS AND REWARDS. [Ch. XLVI.
" La Tour, Turin, 26th September, 1846.
"My Dear Harry,
" The noise of the guns at Aliwal and Sobraon
having died away in the echoes of the Himalaya, and the
^clat and movement of those brilliant days having melted
into the calmer atmosphere of ordinary life, I have good
hopes that the handwriting of one who has never faltered
for one moment in the deep feeling of respect and affection
which he will cherish to his dying day for all his old
companions in arms, will not be unwelcome.
" From the hour in which I saw your name associated
with the army of the Sutlej, you may imagine how
carefully I followed all your movements, how I rejoiced
in your success, how anxious I felt in the usual intervals
of doubt and trial.
" I laughed heartily when you lost your baggage, I
knew full well the hearty damns that you sent after Sikhs,
coolies, syces, and the whole rabble rout ; saw your keen
face as you galloped on the sand, and admired the cool
close order of your movements in the teeth of an enemy
who held-in his very breath in anxious doubt and dread
whether he should dare to touch you ; saw the noble
array of your clear decided movement of Aliwal, and went
along with you pell-mell as you drove your enemy head
long into the waters of the Sutlej ; triumphed in the
crowning efforts of a long soldier's life, formed in the
school of true science, common sense, and right-hearted
action, and felt a secret pride that I had been formed in
the same school and was able to estimate such men as
Hardinge and Harry Smith. But what did Juana do in
all this row? Was she on horseback abaxo de los
canonacps? Give my kind love to her and kiss her
for me. "Many years have now gone by, and our outward
frames are but the shadows of what they were, but my

1846.] AN OLD FRIEND'S LETTER. 211
mind continues of the same sort. Character never loses
its indelible stamp. Thin and black, my hair is not yet
gray, and you would yet be able to recognize the Charley
Beckwith of the Light Division. . . . The last enemy has
done his worst on very many of our Peninsular companions.
Sir Andrew and some Riflemen still remain to dine
together sometimes in Albemarle Street. Charley Rowan
is letter A, No. 1. Old Duffy regulates the Club, Johnny
Bell cultivates dahlias at Staines, Will Napier misgoverns
the Guernseymen, Johnny Kincaid regulates the secrets of
a prison-house, Jonathan Leach writes histories ; thus each
labours in his vocation, and has still a conceit left him in
his misery. The chronicle of the out-pensioners of Chelsea
is more spirit-stirring in its former than in its latter day. . . .
Adieu, Harry, and believe me that you may always depend
on the affection of " Your old friend,
" Charles Beckwith." *
Harry Smith was raised on 27th February, 1847,
to the full rank of Major-General, dating from
9th November, 1846. He received a further
gratification in an address from his native town,
Whittlesey, which had been prepared by the Rev.
G. Burgess, his old schoolmaster, then in his 82 nd
year. His reply evinced that warm attachment
to his birthplace and native land which had been
shown in so many of his private letters during his
long exile. At length he was to see them again.
* Sir Harry passed Gen. Beckwith's letter on to Col. W. Havelock,
the " Young Varmint " of the Light Division (destined to die a soldier's
death at Ramnuggur two years later), and received a characteristic
letter of acknowledgment of the "treat" it had given to "yours
affectionately, Old Will."

212 AT HOME ONCE MORE. [Ch. XLVI.
Already in November, 1846, he had told his sister
that he had taken his passage in a steamer which
was to leave Calcutta in the middle of March,
and that he would not "go mooning about the
continent," but "come straight home." He sailed
as he had said, and reached Southampton after
eighteen years' absence from his native land on
29th April, 1847.

( 2I3 )

CHAPTER XLVII.
{Supplementary. )
IN ENGLAND ONCE MORE — A SERIES OF OVATIONS —
LONDON, ELY, WHITTLESEY, CAMBRIDGE — AP
POINTED GOVERNOR OF THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.
Sir Harry Smith was received at Southampton by
the General commanding the South- Western District
and a guard of honour. Salutes were fired, and
bells set ringing, and he landed in the presence of
thousands of spectators. The corporation presented
an address, and had prepared a civic banquet. Next
day he travelled to London in a special train, which
was put at his disposal by the South- Western Rail
way Company.
On the 6th May he dined with Her Majesty at
Marlborough House ; on the 7th he received a
deputation from the inhabitants of his native town
of Whittlesey, who were desirous of making him
a presentation. It consisted chiefly of old school
fellows. A series of invitations poured in from Her
Majesty the Queen, the Duchess of Kent, the
Dukes of Wellington, Montrose, and Beaufort, the

214 OVATIONS IN ENGLAND. [Ch.XLVII.
Earl of Ripon, the Lord Mayor, Sir Robert Peel,
Sir J. Cam Hobhouse, Sir De Lacy Evans, etc.*
On the 1 8th May his old friend and commander,
Sir Andrew Barnard, presided at a dinner in his
honour given by the Senior United Service Club.
On the 20th the freedom of the City of London was
presented to Sir Harry at Guildhall. He returned
thanks for the honour in stirring sentences such as
came naturally to him.
" It has been my fate to call upon the British soldier to
follow to victory, and never have I known him to fail.
The fear of defeat never entered the bosom of any one
man whom I have seen with the blood of John Bull in his
veins " (great cheering). " So long as England is true to her
self and loyal to her Sovereign, she will stand, as she now
stands, the paramount power of the world " (immense
applause). In the evening of the same day Sir Harry was
the guest of a memorable company, his old Penin
sular comrades, the survivors of the Light Division.
They included Sir Hew Ross, Sir Andrew Barnard,
the Duke of Richmond, John Kincaid, Sir John
Bell, Jonathan Leach, and Major Smith (Sir Harry's
"Brother Tom"). Next day the Times wrote as
follows : —
"A hundred soldiers dined yesterday together in this
city, and all the gatherings of all the capitals of Europe
* Lord Malmesbury wrote in his diary for May 8th, " Dined with
the Eglintons. General Sir Harry Smith was the great lion of the
evening. He is a little old man, very clever-looking. She is a Spanish
woman, and has been very handsome" (see Memoirs of an Ex-
minister).

I847-] THE OLD LIGHT DIVISION. 21 5
for half a century to come will not produce so memorable
a reunion. If the muster roll of the Old Guard could be
called and answered, a rival parade might perhaps be
formed, but from no other body whose services modern
history records could another such company be raised.
The survivors of the most renowned division of the most
famous army of England's most famous war were yesterday
once more collected to welcome an ancient comrade whose
victories in more productive but not more honourable
fields have gloriously terminated a career commenced
amongst those who bear this grateful testimony to the
fruits of a spirit and character which their own society and
conduct so largely contributed to form.
" On all sides is Sir Harry Smith receiving the due con
gratulations of his countrymen and the well-earned meed
of his courage. For once, at least, the metropolitan season
is supplied with a reasonable object of admiration and
amusement, but we are much mistaken in Sir Henry's dis
position, if this, of all the festivities which greet his arrival,
will not convey at once the, greatest gratification and
the highest compliment. The same recollections which led
the newly created baronet to pass by the ordinary attrac
tions of blazonry and to turn to the days and comrades of
his youth, to Ciudad Rodrigo and the Pyrenees, to the
52nd and the 95th, for those figures which should support
his shield and tell of the deeds by which it was won, will
teach him also to value the tribute which he yesterday
received above any more gorgeous or imposing testimony.
His cordial countrymen, his gratified friends — appreciation
of his service and admiration of his conduct, he may meet
elsewhere ; but at the festival in Willis' Rooms last night
only, and there perhaps for the last time, could he meet his
fellows and companions in that noble school in which he
learnt his soldiership and to which he owes his fame. Well
does it tell for England's justice that such merits are at

216 OVATIONS IN ENGLAND. [Ch.XLVII.
length acknowledged, and that Sir Henry Smith comes
back to find that his ancient comrades and his ancient
deeds are no longer left without the decorations which
have been lavished on more recent services.*
" It cannot be the least part of his satisfaction at this
entertainment, to think that, but for him, a gathering so
memorable would never have occurred. This was no anni
versary of a recurring solemnity, no periodical festivity or
customary reunion. It did not take place last year, and it
will not take place next. The last rendezvous perhaps
was in the plains of Vittoria, or under the walls of
Toulouse, the next will probably never occur. Already is
the circle of survivors closing rapidly in under a slower
but more resistless enemy than even they ever faced before ;
the actors, like the deeds, must soon become subjects of
history and examples for imitation, and it is but too likely
that yesterday was sounded the last assembly of the old
Light Division."
On the 30th June, Sir Harry with Lady Smith
left London for Whittlesey, his native place, and
by desire of the people of Ely stopped there on the
way. The story is best told in the words of warm
hearted Adam Sedgwick.-)"
" I was called away [from Cambridge] by the Dean of
Ely to meet my old friend, Sir Harry Smith. I could not
resist the temptation. So next morning (the 30th) I went
to the station, and there I met the hero and his family
party, and joined them in a saloon fitted up by the directors
for their special reception. The entry into Ely was
triumphant4 Thousands were assembled, with flags,
* The Peninsular Medal had just been granted.
t For his early friendship with Harry Smith, see vol. i. p. 5, n.
% On the opposite page is given a facsimile of the handbill issued
for the occasion.

1847J FACSIMILE OF HANDBILL. 217
SIR HARRY SMITH'S

vmnrc

ma >IRfcJ»M/i Jfl

w

Programme of Procession.
Standard Bearer.
TRUMPETER MOUNTED.
Chief-Constable mounted.
Three Police Officers mounted,
Standard Bearer.
Mil ON HORSEBACK FOI ABREAST.
BAND of the Scots Fusileer Guards.
Drums and Fifes of the Scots Fusileer Guards.
Chairman of Breakfast— -Sf Rev. E. B. Sparhe, 8f Rev. A. Peyton.
Standard Bearer.
SIR HARRY SMITH,
AND ATTENDANTS.
LADY SMITH, and Attendants.
PRIVATE CARRIAGES.
Standard Bearer.
Three Policemen mounted.
Persons who joio the PROCESSION are particularly requested
to attend to the Directions of the Persons appointed to marshall it
and who will wear a distinguishing Badge.
ggf3 The Procession must he formed punctually at a
quarter before Eleven.
SLY Jane 89, 1947, ULUWNTs. PftlNTSCBEV

2l8 OVATIONS IN ENGLAND. [CH.XLVII.
branches of laurel, and joyful anxious faces. The Dean
had provided me a horse, so I joined the cavalcade. After
going through triumphal arches, and I know not what,
preceded by a regimental band of music — Sir Harry
mounted on the Arabian charger he rode at the battle of
Aliwal, and greeted by lusty shouts from thousands — we
all turned in to a magnificent lunch.* We then went on
to Whittlesey, a similar triumphant entry. I should think
not less than 10,000 men to greet the arrival of the hero at
his native town. He was much affected, and I saw tears
roll down his weather-beaten, but fine face, as he passed
the house where his father and mother once lived." t
At the station an address was read by Mr.
Thomas Bowker, to which Sir Harry replied that
he felt proud to set his foot once more in his native
place, and he was delighted to see the Whittlesey
Cavalry J there before him, as he could not forget that
in that loyal troop he commenced his military career.
A ball was given in the evening, at which Sir
Harry joined in the set dances, but refused to dance
the polka. Next day he was entertained at a dinner
attended by three hundred persons, including Lords
Fitzwilliam, Aboyne, and Hardwicke, Professor
Sedgwick, and other leading men of the county, and
an epergne of the value of ^300 was presented to
* Dean Peacock, who presided, referred to the character he had
received of Sir Harry from Sir John Hersehel, as one not only valiant
in the field, but able to conciliate a foe and turn the enemies of the
British Empire into its friends.
t Life of Sedgwick (Clark and Hughes), vol. ii. p. 124. The Illus
trated London News of 10th July, 1847, has an illustration representing
Sir Harry passing the house of his birth.
% Then commanded by his "third Waterloo brother," Captain
Charles Smith, with whom Sir Harry stayed during his visit.

"ALIWAL,1 SIR HARRY SMITH'S CHARGER.
{From a picture painted by A. Cooper^ R.A., in 1847.)

Vol. ii. p. 218.

I847-] ELY, WHITTLESEY, AND CAMBRIDGE. 2IO,
him by residents of the Isle of Ely. In reply to
the chairman, the Rev. Algernon Peyton, who pro
posed his health, Sir Harry said that that day was
his mother's birthday, and he recalled her parting
injunction to him,* which he claimed to have obeyed.
He concluded, " Many of my playmates, school
mates, fellow-townsmen are around me, and I trust
that, with the other honourable gentlemen present,
they will accept the grateful thanks of their towns
man and countryman, Harry Smith." When Lady
Smith's health had been proposed by Lord Hard-
wicke and drunk by the company, Sir Harry
returned thanks for the kindness shown to one he
loved so dearly, and who had followed him with the
greatest devotion over many fields of battle and in
every quarter of the world — a devotion not to him
alone, but to the cause in which he was engaged.
From Whittlesey f Sir Harry proceeded to Cam
bridge, where an honorary degree was to be conferred
upon him in connexion with the ceremony of instal
ling Prince Albert as Chancellor.
Professor Sedgwick, it seems, told Prince Albert
on Saturday, July 3rd, that Sir Harry Smith was
coming to Cambridge on the following Tuesday.
He writes —
"The Prince said that the Queen would wish him to be
there on Monday to take an honorary degree. So I fired
a shot to Whittlesey, not doubting that I should bring the
» See vol. i.p. 158.
t During his Whittlesey visit an address was presented to Sir
Harry at Thorney, on behalf of the inhabitants of that village.

220 OVATIONS IN ENGLAND. [Ch.XLVII.
hero down in time ; for the Queen's wishes are, as you know,
a soldier's law. I returned to Cambridge on Saturday.
On Sunday . . . after evening chapel, I was rejoiced to
find Sir H. Smith waiting at my rooms ; he took my bed,
and I took Dick's. ... I spent a delightful quiet even
ing with my hearty and gallant friend. We took a turn
in the walks, but he was in plain clothes, and was not
known by the multitude.
" Next day (Monday the 5th) began the great hurly-
burly. On Monday John told me that more than one
hundred people came to lunch at my rooms, no doubt
partly drawn there in the hope of meeting Harry Smith,
who (after the Duke of Wellington) was the most popular
of all the visitors. I could not be there myself except at
very short intervals, as I was officially in constant attend
ance on the Prince. . . . There was a grand cheer on
Monday morning when Sir H. Smith had his degree. . . .
The Vice-Chancellor that day had a dinner — the Queen
attended — to a party of about sixty. I presided in Trinity
College Hall over a party of more than three hundred ;
and a right merry party it was. Sir Harry Smith was at
my right hand as the Vice-master's guest, and among the
distinguished foreigners were Le Verrier and Struv6. If
we had not as much dignity as the Vice-Chancellor, we
had more numbers and more fun. . . .
" On Tuesday * we had the Installation Ode performed
in full chorus, and of all the cheers I ever heard, the cheers
after God save the Queen in full chorus, accompanied and
joined by a thousand voices, were the most enthusiastic.
" When the Duke of Wellington was leaving the Senate
House, a loud peal of cheers was raised for him ; and,
immediately after, Harry was caught sight of. ' Cheers for
* The Whittlesey troop of Yeomanry Cavalry, under the command
of Captain Charles- Smith, formed the guard of honour at the
Installation.

1847.] APPOINTED GOVERNOR OF THE CAPE. 221
Sir Harry Smith ' were called for ; and the Duke, turning
back, laid hold of Sir Harry and turned him round, saying,
' There you have him.' Indeed, he is more like the Duke's
son, so much is he attached to him."
On Thursday "the corporation brought an
address to Sir Harry Smith, to which he read them
an answer. Soon afterwards he went away."
Professor Sedgwick tells the romantic story of
Lady Smith's early life, and ends, "And now she
is a pleasant, comfortable-looking dame with mild'
manners and soft, sweet voice." *
But the intoxicating hour of honours and ovations
was quickly to give place to another period of hard
service to Queen and country. During a visit to
the Rev. T. Holdich at Maidwell Hall, Northants,
Sir Harry received the news that he had been
appointed to succeed Sir Henry Pottinger as
Governor of the Cape of Good Hope and High
Commissioner, and in September he was to leave
England again. Another Kafir war was in pro
gress, and Sir Harry's nomination gave the greatest
satisfaction to the country. Before his departure
his old friends at Glasgow presented him with a
piece of plate of the value of ^400 and upwards.
On the 1 6th September, in reply to an address
presented at Portsmouth on the eve of his departure,
Sir Harry said —
" I trust, if it should be my good fortune to render any
additional service to my Queen and country, I may be
* Life of Sedgwick, ii. pp. 125-127 and 573.

222 OVATIONS. IN ENGLAND. [Ch.XLVII.
able to do it through other instruments than that called
war. ... If I can avert war, I will. If I can extend the
blessings of civilization and Christianity in a distant land,
where, without any affectation of humility, I can say that
some years ago I sowed its seeds, it will be a gratification
to me beyond expression to do so."
In the evening of the preceding day the 43rd,
52nd, and 60th Regiments had entertained Sir
Harry at the George (the inn which had so many
associations with his arrivals in and departures from
England in early life).
In replying to the toast of his health, Sir Harry
referred to the dinner given him on his arrival in
London by the survivors of the old Light Division ;
to his own participation in every action recorded on
the colours of the 52 nd before him ; and to the
special praise given by the Duke of Wellington to
the Light Division :
" When I have set the Light Division to do anything
which was difficult and dangerous, requiring enterprise, the
next day I found that division, with scarcely any loss, ready
again to fight."
Sir Harry drew the moral, " He is the best officer
who does the most with the least loss of life." On
the relation of officers to men, he continued-^—
"Believe me, the tone of courage is taken from the
officers ; whatever the conduct of officers is, such will be
the soldiers. And, gentlemen, if you knew the feeling of the
British soldier in the field, . . . then would your devoted
service be for the comforts and happiness of your men.
Do not let it be supposed, gentlemen, because I talk of the

I847-] A WARM SEND-OFF. 223
comforts and happiness of the men, that I am one of those
officers who I regret to say exist in the present day, who
have a kind of twaddle in talking about * the poor soldier.'
In the country I am going to, I regret to hear it said ' the
poor soldier' sleeps here and sleeps there, 'the poor
soldier' wants this and wants that. It is the duty of every
officer to provide to his utmost for the comfort of his men,
and when comforts are not to be had, ' bad luck to the
shilling.' And, my gallant officers, believe me, our soldiers
are equally gallant men, and where the comforts are not
to be had, they don't call themselves ' poor soldiers ' ; they
call themselves the glorious soldiers in the service of Her
Majesty." In a later speech, replying to the toast of " Lady
Smith," Sir Harry returned thanks for the honour
to his wife — a wife who had', participated in the
hardships of almost every one of the gallant actions
recorded on their colours ; who had been three
times besieged in her native city, and after being
finally rescued, had followed him through the four
quarters of the globe ; a wife who had been not
only honoured by all his comrades, but respected
by those of her own sex.
On the 24th September Sir Harry embarked on
the Vernon amid a great demonstration, by which
he seemed much moved.

( 224 )

CHAPTER XLVIII.
{Supplementary^)
SOUTH AFRICA IN 1 847 — SIR HARRY'S RECEPTION AT
CAPE TOWN AND ON THE FRONTIER — END OF THE
KAFIR WAR — EXTENSION OF THE BOUNDARIES OF
THE COLONY AND ESTABLISHMENT OF THE PRO
VINCE OF " BRITISH KAFFRARIA "  VISIT TO THE
COUNTRY BEYOND THE ORANGE AND TO NATAL
— PROCLAMATION OF THE " ORANGE RIVER SOVE
REIGNTY " — TRIUMPHANT RETURN TO CAPE TOWN
— DISAFFECTION AMONG THE BOERS IN THE
SOVEREIGNTY — EXPEDITION THITHER AND BATTLE
OF BOOMPLAATS — RETURN TO CAPE TOWN.
Much had happened in South Africa since the period
1835-6 of which Sir Harry's autobiography has
given us so ful\ an account, and it was his fortune as
Governor to encounter difficulties traceable to the
policy of Lord Glenelg of which he had himself seen
the short-sighted fatuity at the time when it was
adopted. By Sir Benjamin D'Urban's treaty with the
Kafir chiefs of September, 1835, the country between
the Fish River and the Keiskamma was to be

i»36-47-] RETROSPECT. 225
occupied by those settlers who had suffered most
severely in the war, while in that between the Kei
skamma and the Kei (to be called the " Province
of Queen Adelaide") a number of loyal Kafirs were
to be established under military protection. All
this was upset by Lord Glenelg's dispatch of 26th
December, 1835. No settlers were to be permitted
beyond the Fish River, and the Kafirs were to be
reinstated in the districts from which they had con
sented in their treaty with Sir Benjamin D'Urban
to retire ; while the compensation which was to
have been paid to sufferers from the war was sharply
refused. Well may Cloete write, " A communication
more cruel, unjust, and insulting to the feelings
both of Sir Benjamin D'Urban and of the colonists
could hardly have been penned by a declared enemy
of the country and its Governor." The immediate
consequence was the emigration from the Colony of
numbers of Dutch farmers (described by Sir B.
D'Urban as "a brave, patient, industrious, orderly,
and religious people "). In another dispatch of
Lord Glenelg's dated ist May, 1837, Sir Benjamin
D'Urban, perhaps the best Governor the Colony
ever had, was recalled. He was succeeded by Sir
George Napier; The policy entrusted to the new
Governor was that of entering into alliances with
the Kafir chiefs. But experience soon taught him
that this was futile, and the only possible course was
that which had been pursued by his predecessor and
Harry Smith. " My own experience and what I saw
with my own eyes," he declared to a Parliamentary
vol. 11. Q

226 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch. XLVIII.
Committee in 1851, "have confirmed me that I
was wrong and Sir Benjamin D'Urban perfectly
right; that if he meant to keep Kafirland under
British rule, the only way of doing so was by
having a line of forts and maintaining troops in
them." The Boers or emigrant farmers of Dutch descent
who in 1835 and subsequent years, to the number
of 10,000, left the Cape Colony as men shamefully
abandoned by the British Government, settled them
selves, some north of the Orange River, some
across the Vaal, some in Natal.
To prevent those in Natal from joining any other
European power, the British Government in 1842
took possession of Durban, and in 1843 °f tne whole
of Natal. In 1845 Natal was annexed to the Cape
Colony under a Lieutenant-Governor, Mr. West.
But in consequence of dissatisfaction in regard to a
settlement of lands, a new emigration of Dutch
farmers began, and was in operation when Sir
Harry Smith reached South Africa.
Meanwhile in 1845 Sir Peregrine Maitland, then
Governor of the Cape, had established Major
Warden and a small British garrison at Bloemfon-
tein with authority over the emigrant Boers settled
across the Orange between the Modder and Riet
rivers, the Boers who were settled north of the
Modder being left undisturbed. These had set up
for themselves in 1837 a simple form of govern
ment at Winburg.
The treaty system failed to protect the settlers in

55 .J
fe CO
O "S
H s-
H "I
PL. ,S
<l ^
U 13

5o X
H ?5WsS3 Piw>oo

1836-47.] GOVERNOR'S ARRIVAL AT CAPETOWN. 227
the eastern part of the Cape Colony from Kafir
aggressions, and in 1846 Sandilli, the successor of
Gaika, openly defied the British authorities ; and a
war broke out which was hardly ended when Sir
Henry Pottinger, after holding office for less than a
year, resigned the government of the Cape into the
hands of Sir Harry Smith.
The Vernon entered Table Bay on ist December,
1847. The first news signalled from shore was
that five officers had been cut off by the tribe
of Galekas under Boku, on which Sir Harry re
marked, " Doing something they ought not, I'll be
bound ! " * A few hours later he and Lady Smith
landed. " Amidst the most hearty cheering,
mingled with the roaring of cannon, the Governor
passed through the streets, at every moment recog
nizing and saluting old acquaintances. Immediately
after his arrival at Government House he took the
oaths of office. That night the town was brilliantly
illuminated, and the windows in a solitary house
that was unlit were completely wrecked by the
populace."f That the new Governor and Lady
Smith were received by the Colony as old friends
was again shown when, at a public banquet, Judge
Menzies proposed the toast, not of " His Excellency
and his Lady," but of " Harry Smith and his Wife." J
Sir Harry lost no time in grappling with public
* Told me by General Sir Edward Holdich, who sailed with Sir
Harry as his aide-de-camp.
t Theal's History of South Africa, iv. p. 308.
% Mrs. Ward, Five Years in Kaffirland.

228 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch. XLVIII.
business, and started by sea on the nth December
for the frontier. At Port Elizabeth he saw the chief
Macomo, and, having upbraided him for his treachery,
ordered him to kneel, when he set his foot on the
chiefs neck, saying, "This is to teach you that I
am come hither to teach Kafirland that I am chief
and master here, and this is the way I shall treat
the enemies of §ie Queen of England." After-events
may make us doubt the wisdom of this public
humiliation of the chief. After having an interview
at Sidbury with Sir Henry Pottinger, Sir Harry
reached Grahamstown on the 17th. Mrs. Ward,
who was there, writes in her diary —
"The shops were closed, every one made holiday,
triumphal arches were erected surmounted by inscriptions
proclaiming welcome to the new Governor and old
friend. The very bonhommie with which Sir Harry had
met his old acquaintances — even an old Hottentot sergeant
with whom he shook hands on the road — procured for him
a ready popularity ere he entered Grahamstown."
And at night —
" The frontier to-night was delirious with joy. Its own
hero, its best friend next to Sir Benjamin the Good, has
arrived. The town is illuminated, and beacon-lights tele
graph from the hill-tops. . . . We watched the rockets
ascending and the lights flashing from one end of Grahams
town to the other ; the very Fingo kraals sent forth shouts,
and torches flitted from hut to hut. But long before the
lights were extinguished, Sir Harry Smith was up and at
work. Three o'clock on the morning of the 18th found
him at his desk, which he scarcely left till five in the
evening."

I847-] ON THE FRONTIER. 229
But even on the day of his arrival in Grahams
town he had made history. He had released the
captive chief Sandilli (an act of generosity afterwards
ill-requited), and sent him the baton of office of a
British magistrate; and, more than this, he had
issued a proclamation creating a new boundary for
the Colony, which was now to include the district
of Victoria (to the east of Albany and Somerset),
the district of Albert (north-east of Cradock), and
a vast territory stretching from the old northern
boundary of the Colony to the Orange River. The
chief town of Victoria he named " Alice," doubtless
after his beloved sister, Mrs. Sargant.
On the 19th, by the submission of Pato, it
appeared that the Kafir War was at an end.
The Governor at once set out for King William's
Town, which he reached on the 23rd, and was again
received enthusiastically. The troops — the Rifle
Brigade and the 7th Dragoon Guards — were drawn
up on the parade, and were praised in stirring terms
for their services in the recent war. On another
part of the square an assembly of two thousand
Kafirs waited, sitting in a great hollow circle. Into
this circle Sir Harry rode with his staff, and read a
proclamation, which was practically a dramatic
reversal of that abandonment by Lord Glenelg of
the " Province of Queen Adelaide " which he had
felt so bitterly in 1836. He declared the whole
country between the Keiskamma and the Kei,
running northwards to the junction of the Klipplaats
and Zwart Kei rivers, to be under the sovereignty

230 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch. XLVIII.
of the Queen, not, however, as part of Cape Colony,
but as a district dependency of the Crown to be
named " British Kaffraria," and kept in reserve for
the Kafir people, over whom the Governor, as
High Commissioner, was to be " Inkosi Inkulu," or
Great Chief. Colonel Mackinnon was appointed to
a post such as Harry Smith had held in 1835-36 —
that of Commandant and Chief Commissioner of
British Kaffraria, with his headquarters at King
William's Town.* Having read the proclamation,
he gave an illustration of those dramatic methods of
treating the Kafirs on which he had always relied,
but which stirred some ridicule in England during
the time of his Governorship. "He called for
a sergeant's baton, which he termed the staff of
war, and a wand with a brass head, which he termed
the staff of peace. Calling the chiefs forward, he
desired them to touch whichever they pleased, when
each of course touched the staff of peace. After an
address of some length upon their prospects if they
behaved themselves, and threats of what would
happen if they did not, he required them to kiss
his foot in token of submission." [He was, of
course, still on horseback.] " This they did also
without hesitation. The ceremony concluded by
* After the abandonment of the Province of Queen Adelaide,
King William's Town had been deserted. Mrs. Ward, early in
1847 (p. 147), speaks of "the ruins of what had once promised to be a
flourishing town." " The walls of Sir Harry Smith's abode are still
standing." Sir Harry now ordered Colonel Mackinnon to cause it to
be laid out in squares and streets on both sides the Buffalo. He also
established in British Kaffraria a chain of forts, and four military
villages called Juanasburg, Woburn, Auckland, and Ely.

1848.] BRITISH KAFFRARIA. 23 1
the High Commissioner shaking hands with all
the chiefs, calling them his children, and presenting
them with a herd of oxen to feast upon." *
On 7th January.f l848> tne Chiefs were called
to a second meeting to hear the arrangements which
had been made for the government of the new
province. Sir Harry addressed them, after which
they took oath to obey the High Commissioner as
the Queen's representative, and to renounce witch
craft, violation of women, murder, robbery, and the
buying of wives, to listen to the missionaries, and
on every anniversary of that day to bring to King
William's Town a fat ox in acknowledgment of
holding their lands from the Queen. " Sir Harry
then addressed them again, telling them what would
happen if they were not faithful. ' Look at that
waggon,' said he, pointing to one at a distance which
had been prepared for an explosion, ' and hear me
give the word Fire ! ' The train was lit, and the
waggon was sent skyward in a thousand pieces.
' That is what I will do to you,' he continued, ' if
you do not behave yourselves.' Taking a sheet of
paper in his hand, ' Do you see this ? ' said he.
Tearing it and throwing the pieces to the wind,
' There go the treaties ! ' he exclaimed. ' Do you
hear ? No more treaties.' " J

* Theal, iv. p. 311.
t The choice of this date shows Sir Harry's pleasure in restoring
all his old arrangements. It was the date of the great meeting of
chiefs in 1836 (see pp. 79, 80, and Appendix III.), and it was then
arranged that on every 7th January there should be a similar meeting.
t Theal, iv. p. 315.

232 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch. XLVIII.
Things being thus settled at King William's
Town, Sir Harry proceeded to the country between
the Orange River and the Vaal.* Here Major
Warden at Bloemfontein had authority over the
emigrant Boers between the Modder and the Riet
rivers ; the Boers north of the Modder were left to
themselves, and large tracts bordering on the
Orange River were assigned as reserves to the
chiefs Moshesh and Adam Kok, who could also
exact quit-rents from the farmers outside the
reserves. " Sir Harry Smith came to South Africa with a
fully matured plan for the settlement of affairs north
of the Orange. He would take no land from black
people that they needed for their maintenance, but
there were no longer to be black states covering
vast areas of ground either unoccupied or in posses
sion of white men. Such ground he would form
into a new colony, and he would exercise a general
control over the chiefs themselves in the interests
of peace and civilization. A system antagonistic to
that of the Napier treaties was to be introduced.
Those treaties attempted to subject civilized men to
barbarians. He would place an enlightened and
benevolent government over all. But to enable him
to do so, the consent of Adam Kok and Moshesh
must be obtained to new agreements, for he could

* On his way he stayed from January 12th to 14th at Shiloh, and
then selected a site for a town at the junction of the Klipplaats and
Ox Kraal Rivers to which he gave the name of his native place,
Whittlesea.

1848.] BEYOND THE ORANGE RIVER. 233
not take the high-handed course of setting the
treaties aside." *
Accordingly, on 24th January he had an inter
view with Adam Kok. At first the chief gave
himself great airs, and Sir Harry, losing his temper,
threatened to have him tied up to a beam in the
room in which they were sitting unless he acted
reasonably. Eventually an agreement was signed
by which Adam Kok, in return for a small annual
income, ceded his claim to jurisdiction over all the
land outside the Griqua reserve. At Bloemfontein
the Governor received addresses from a number of
Boer settlers. " Among them were some who had
served under him in the Kafir war of 1835. At a
public meeting speeches were made in which old
times were recalled, and enthusiastic language was
used concerning the future of South Africa, now
that a true friend of the country was at the head of
affairs. At this meeting the Governor observed an
aged grey-headed man standing in the crowd. He
instantly rose, handed his chair to the old man,
and pressed him to be seated, a kindly act that was
long remembered by the simple farmers, and which
formed the subject of one of the transparencies
when Cape Town was illuminated on his return." f
From Bloemfontein Sir Harry proceeded to
Winburg, where on 27th January he had a confer
ence with Moshesh, in which the latter, like Adam
Kok, accepted his proposals. At Winburg twenty-
seven farmers, heads of families, and twenty-two
* Theal, iv. p. 421. f Ibid., iv. p. 422.

234 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch. XLVIII.
others presented an address, in which they requested
the Governor to extend British jurisdiction over
the country. He probably took this as represent
ing the general feeling, but he could not wait for
further information. He had heard that a number
of the Boers in Natal were " trekking " out of that
colony. He therefore sent an express to their
leader, Pretorius, asking him to pause, and at day
break on the 28th January (the second anniversary
of Aliwal) he was hastening towards Natal.
In a graphic dispatch written from Pietermaritz-
burg on 10th February, he describes his meeting
with the " trekking " farmers.
" On my arrival at the foot of the Drachenberg Moun
tains, I was almost paralyzed to witness the whole of the
population, with few exceptions, ' treking ' ! Rains on this
side of the mountains are tropical, and now prevail — the
country is intersected by considerable streams, frequently
impassable — and these families were exposed to a state
of misery which I never before saw equalled, except in
Massena's invasion of Portugal, when the whole of the
population of that part of the seat of war abandoned their
homes and fled. The scene here was truly heart-rending.
I assembled all the men near me through the means of a
Mr. Pretorius, a shrewd, sensible man, who had recently
been into the colony to lay the subject of dissatisfaction of
his countrymen before the Governor [Sir Henry Pottinger],
where he was unfortunately refused an audience, and
returned after so long a journey, expressing himself as the
feelings of a proud and injured man would naturally
prompt. At this meeting I was received as if among my
own family. I heard the various causes of complaint.
Some I regard as well founded, others as imaginary ; but

i84?.] MEETING WITH THE TREKKING BOERS. 235
all expressive of a want of confidence and liberality as to
land on the part of Government. I exerted my influence
among them to induce them to remain for the moment
where they were, which they consented to do. The scene
exhibited by about three or four hundred fathers of large
families assembled and shedding tears when representing
their position was more, I admit, than I could observe
unmoved. ... To prove, if it be necessary, the faith which
I place in their loyalty, I may mention that on one occa
sion when the little waggon in which I travel, and which
they call ' Government House,' was nearly upset when
crossing one of the tributary streams of the great Tugela,
thirty or forty men on the bank stripped and sprang into
the water, exclaiming, ' Government House shall not fall —
it shall not fall ! ' and their efforts saved my only home
from being carried down the current."
Sir Harry proceeded to argue that the very
existence of the Colony of Natal depended on its
preserving its white population, and stated that he
had therefore issued a proclamation to meet the
grievances of the farmers in regard to land, and
had given Mr. Pretorius a place on the Land
Commission. " If the measures which I have
adopted conduce to the restoration of happiness to
many thousands, tend to the preservation of a
Christian community by the erection of churches,
schools, etc., and are productive of general good,
the glory of war will be eclipsed by the blessings
of [establishing] harmony, peace, and content."
On 3rd February, from the emigrant camp Sir
Harry Smith issued a proclamation declaring the
whole territory between the Orange and Vaal rivers

236 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch. XLVIII.
to be subject to the Queen. The country was to be
divided into magistracies ; taxes were to be raised
for the support of a small staff and for erecting
schools, churches, etc. ; and the farmers were to
serve the Queen when required. So arose the
Orange River Sovereignty, destined to be known
under altered conditions in turn as the Orange Free
State and the Orange River Colony.
Meanwhile Pretorius, with the Governor's con
sent, had left the camp in order to ascertain the
real feelings of the emigrant farmers beyond the
Drakensbergi He seems to have thought that Sir
Harry had promised him that if the general opinion
of the settlers was unfavourable, the proclamation
would not be issued. Sir Harry maintained that
his agreement with Pretorius only referred to the
Boers north of the Vaal, and in consequence of the
agreement the territory they occupied was excluded
from the terms of the proclamation.
Mr. Theal states that " in issuing this proclama
tion Sir Harry Smith was full of confidence in his
personal influence with the emigrants. When Major
Warden, the British resident, expressed an opinion
that if the Queen's authority was proclaimed north
of the Orange River, additional troops would be
requisite, his Excellency replied, 'My dear fellow,
bear in mind that the Boers are my children, and I
will have none other here for my soldiers; your
detachment will march for the colony immediately.'
And in this confidence a garrison of only 50 or
60 Cape Mounted Riflemen were left to defend

O r a r. i,

>l"

Winburg

\A»n.*ed by Sir Harry Snuty 17V D.,^mbS\lS47.

^JL-St.

Bouraplajiii* /i {*

-£_/")(

Ihirbancr'/Wr

SOUTH AFRICA, 1847-1854.
(The coloured districts were annexed by Sir Harry Smith, those only lightly coloured becoming part of Cape Colony.) \Oppositc Vol. ii. p. 236.

1848.] ORANGE RIVER SOVEREIGNTY. 237
a territory more than 50,000 square miles in
extent." *
The creation of the Orange River Sovereignty
was reluctantly agreed to by the Home Govern
ment^ and the measures taken by Sir Harry to
induce settlers in Natal to remain there, and others
to come there, were to a great extent successful.
* Theal, iv. p. 427.
t The question was submitted to a Committee of Privy Council,
whose report was approved on 13th July, 1850. They gave it as their
opinion that to abandon a sovereignty virtually assumed by Sir P.
Maitland in 1845 and proclaimed by Sir H. Smith in 1848 would be
productive of more evil than good. But they add sentences which
read strangely in these changed times. " We cannot pass from this
part of the subject without submitting for your Majesty's consideration
our opinion that very serious dangers are inseparable from the recent,
and still more from any future, extension of your Majesty's dominions
in Southern Africa. That policy has enlarged, and, if pursued further,
may indefinitely enlarge, the demands on the revenue and the military
force of this kingdom with a view to objects of no perceptible national
importance, and to the hindrance of other objects in which the welfare
of the nation at large is deeply involved. . . . Unless some decisive
method can be taken to prevent further advances in the same direc
tion, it will be impossible to assign any limit to the growth of these
unprofitable acquisitions, or to the extent and number of the burden
some obligations inseparable from them. In humbly advising that
the Orange River Sovereignty should be added to the dominions of
your Majesty's crown, we think ourselves therefore bound to qualify
that recommendation by the further advice that all officers, who
represent, or who may hereafter represent, your Majesty in Southern
Africa, should be interdicted, in terms as explicit as can be employed,
and under sanctions as grave as can be devised, from making any
addition, whether permanent or provisional, of any territory however
small to the existing dominions of your Majesty in the African Con
tinent, and from doing any act, or using any language, conveying, or
which could reasonably be construed to convey, any promise or pledge
of that nature. And we are further of opinion that the proposed inter
dict should be published in the most formal manner in your Majesty's
name ; that so, in the contingency of any future disregard of it by your
Majesty's officers, your Majesty may be able to overrule any such
act, or to disappoint any such promise of theirs, without risking the
imputation of any breach of the public faith."

238 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch. XLVIII.
But his belief that the settlers in the northern part
of the new Sovereignty and over the Vaal would
readily accept British supremacy when offered them
by one whom they had known and trusted in the
past — this belief proved fallacious. The sense of
wrong created by the Glenelg policy could not be
so easily assuaged.
By the ist March Sir Harry Smith was back at
Cape Town, " welcomed as a successful pacificator
and benefactor with paeans of praise from all classes
of the inhabitants. His meteoric progress over the
length and breadth of the country — all at once dis
pelling the idea of the unwieldiness of the settlement
and its dependencies — and the generous character
of the mission he had so triumphantly concluded
were regarded as the most signally happy events
South Africa had ever witnessed. His Excellency's
praise was on every lip, and his virtues were to be
symbolized to future generations by an equestrian
statue." *
But no sooner had he returned than he heard
that among the farmers of the Winburg district
(constituting the northern part of the new Orange
River Sovereignty) there was a movement against
the British authority which had been imposed
upon them. To counteract it, Sir Harry issued
on 29th March a manifesto of a rather uncon
ventional kind. He bade the farmers remember
all the benefits he had lately conferred on them
[freedom from nominal subjection to native chiefs,
* J. Noble, South Africa (1877), P- ^26.

1848.] OUTBREAK IN THE SOVEREIGNTY. 239
etc.], and contrast the misery from which he had
endeavoured to raise them with the happiness of
their friends and cousins living under the Colonial
government. If they compelled him to wield the
fatal sword, after all he had attempted to do for
them, the crime be on their own heads. He con
cluded with a prayer to the Almighty in which
hejsuggested that the farmers might unite with
himself. Such a manifesto is not to be judged cynically.
The religious passages were sincere and character
istic of their author, and calculated to appeal
especially to the people to whom they were
addressed. But the distrust of England was too
deep for such an appeal to have more than a partial
success. The disaffected party in the Winburg
district determined to make a struggle for inde
pendence, and invited Pretorius to come over the
Vaal to lead them. Pretorius arrived at Winburg
on the 1 2th July. At his approach, Mr. Biddulph,
the British magistrate, rode off to Bloemfontein
and informed Major Warden, who sent a report to
the Governor on the 13th.
On the 17th Pretorius reached Bloemfontein,
and Major Warden, being unable to offer resistance,
capitulated, and was furnished by Pretorius with
waggons to take him, his troops, and the refugees
who had sought his protection, to Colesberg. Pre
torius with his force marched to a camp on the
Orange River in the same neighbourhood.
Major Warden's report of the 13th July reached

240 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch. XLVIII.
Sir Harry Smith at Cape Town on the 22nd.* On
the same day he issued a reward of ^"iooo for the
apprehension of Pretorius and made arrangements
for collecting a force to put down the rebellion.
On the 29th July he left Cape Town for the
Sovereignty, accompanied by his Private Secretary,
Major Garvock, Dr. Hall, Principal Medical Officer,
Mr. Southey, Secretary to the High Commissioner,
and Lieutenant Holdich, A.D.C. (now General Sir
Edward Alan Holdich, K.C. B.). The party travelled
with three waggons.
I extract the following entries from Sir Edward's
diary, which he has kindly lent me : —
$th August. — Reached Beaufort. Heard from Cape
Town that Major Warden had left Bloemfontein.
gth. — Reached Colesberg, having been n£ days from
Cape Town, travelling 102 J hours at the rate of 6 miles
an hour, making the distance about 615 miles. A hundred
Cape Mounted Rifles and one gun had arrived from
Grahamstown, with 30 of the 91st Regiment, and were
encamped at Botha's Drift. Boers occupying the opposite
bank. 1 5 ^.—Detachment of 91st and C.M.R. which arrived
yesterday encamped at Botha's Drift. High Commissioner
rode to Major Warden's camp at Botha's Drift to meet
the rebel leaders, [Gert] Kruger and Paul Bester, who had
been invited to a conference, but they did not come.
About 60 Boers on opposite bank. No regular laager or
appearance of defence. Mr. Rex (a settler in the Orange
Settlement) crossed the river, and was civilly received by
Pretorius and other leaders.
* "The Governor — likened to a thunderbolt in presence of an
enemy — acted with characteristic promptitude." — Noble, p. 132.

1848.] MARCH ON WINBURG. 24 1
16th. — A letter received from the Rebel camp, petition
ing His Excellency to withdraw the troops. Boers would
never acknowledge British Government, but would trek
to their friends across the Vaal. No reply sent to petition.
iyth. — His Excellency and staff left Colesberg and
pitched camp at Botha's Drift. When on the way report
arrived from Major* Warden that the rebel Boers had left
the opposite bank the preceding night, no vestige of them
remaining. A Boer came across and confirmed the report
that they had all trekked (about 100 men with Pretorius).
They had 62 waggons in the laager. Various reports as
to the cause of the sudden flight. One was that Pretorius
had heard of an army marching against them from Natal
via" the Drakensberg. Detachment of 45th Regiment and
C.M.R. reached Colesberg, and marched following day to
Botha's Drift.
20th. — The force encamped together on Botha's Drift
except 91st Regiment [which marched in on the 25th].
Preparations made for crossing the river.
• 26th. — Headquarters and staff crossed. In six days
the whole force (about 1200), with 117 waggons and
supplies for thirty days, followers, etc., had crossed a rapid
river 240 yards wide, and that by means of a caoutchouc
pontoon (then just invented and here put to a practical
trial) and one small boat worked by a hawser. The
pontoon had to be taken out of the water every night and
refilled in the morning, and the line to be passed across
and made fast to the bank each morning. Camp pitched
on the north-east bank of the river, either flank resting on
the river.
2Jth. — Commenced march on Winburg in following
order : — Cape Mounted Rifles, two guns R.A., one Company
Rifle Brigade, one gun, remainder of R.B., 45th and
91st, waggons (117), rearguard, composed of 20 C.M.R.,
servants, burghers, followers, etc. At 2 pitched camp to
VOL. II. R

242 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch.. XLVIII.
right of Philippolis. Camp formed in line. Cavalry on
the right, infantry on the left, guns and headquarters camp
in centre. 2&th. — Camp at Fuller's Kloof. No tidings of the
rebels. 250 Griquas under Adam Kok joined the camp.
29^.— Halt for breakfast at Touw Fontein. Rebels
reported to have been in the neighbourhood the evening
before. At 10 a.m. inspanned, fell in, and marched on
Boomplaats in the same order as before. Route lay over
an open plain. After an hour's march saw a herdsman at
a distance. He reported that he had seen fires the evening
before along the Krom Elbe* river, beyond a few low hills
in the direct route, also about 20 Boers riding about that
morning, but he believed more to be in the neighbourhood.
On approaching this low range of hills, through which
the road led, we observed large herds of game, apparently
uncertain which way to run. At length the herd crossed
close in front of the column, as if avoiding the hill. A
report (as above) having been received of Boers having been
seen in the neighbourhood of the hills, Lieut. Warren,
C.M.R., with three or four troopers, was sent to reconnoitre.
On gahoping up one of the hills for this purpose, he
suddenly found himself close upon some 40 or 50 Boers,
mounted and armed with "roers," who immediately re
treated round one of the hills, apparently joining a large
body; this was assumed from the dust that arose. The
White Company (or Europeans) of the C.M.R. under
Lieut. Salis were ordered to cover the front of the column
in skirmishing order, and to feel round the hills, but not to
fire a shot unless fired upon. General t and staff rode to
* Called in Sir Harry Smith's dispatch " Kroom Alem Boh," by
Theal " Kromme-Elleboog."
t " Up to this moment he was confident that no European in
South Africa would point a weapon against his person. In this con
fidence he had dressed himself that morning in blue jacket, white cord
trousers, and drab felt hat, the same clothing which he had worn when

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posite VoL ii. p. 242.

1848.] BATTLE OF BOOMPLAATS. 243
the front with tried troops. All waggons were moved up
well in rear of the infantry. The column had not advanced
many paces, when some one from the front cried out,
" There they are ! " and on looking in the direction inti
mated, the hills were observed to be suddenly lined with
Boers in their duffle jackets and white hats, who soon
opened a brisk and regular fire, which at first did not
cause much more harm than to throw the leading party
rather into confusion. The order was given for the troops
to go " threes about " and make way for the guns. The
Boers fired so low that not much mischief was done.
The guns being brought to bear upon the enemy, the
infantry were deployed into line, and the waggons, under
charge of Mr. Green of the Commissariat, were withdrawn
further to the rear and formed up in circle (laagered), and
escort for their defence was composed of the servants
and drivers accompanying them.
The order of attack was Rifle Brigade to skirmish
over the hills to the right ; 45th to bear on the centre,
and follow up any opening made by the artillery ; 91st
Regiment to escort the guns, and the Cape Mounted Rifles
to sweep round to the left, where the Boers were advanc
ing from their right, in good skirmishing order, into the
plains, with the evident intention of getting round to our
rear and in at the waggons. The 45th suffered a good
deal in the centre, and the Rifle Brigade on the right,
being too eager and not taking sufficient advantage of cover,
lost a good many, Captain Murray being mortally wounded
at the head of his company. The 91st were ordered in
support of the 45th and the General's escort (a party of
Rifle Brigade) to form the escort for the guns.
In about twenty minutes the first range of hills was
he met Mr. Pretorius in the emigrant camp on the Tugela seven
months before. He was exceedingly anxious to avoid a collision."
—Theal, iv. p. 437.

244 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch. XLVIII.
cleared, and pushing on with all arms we observed the
Boers reformed at a farm-house below, where they made
a good defence from behind walls, and especially from
an old kraal and the bed of the "Krom Elbe" river.
From the kraal Colonel Buller was shot, a bullet taking
a piece out of his thigh and killing his horse. The guns
were advanced over a stony hill, which in ordinary times .
would have been deemed impracticable," and by their
steady fire, under Lieut. Dyneley, soon drove the rebels
out of their (natural) defence-works and they spread
across an open plain that intervened in great disorder.
(No cavalry available to pursue.) Their road lay across
a neck between two hills, where they again made a
stand, as if to cover their retreat, but were checked by
a demonstration of the CM. Rifles and the Griquas and
other followers, who on observing the retreat had turned
up on the right in a very valiant manner !
The Infantry in the mean time under Major Beck
with (R.B.) had reformed, and marched in column across
the plain as steadily as if their ranks had never been
broken or thinned. A few shots from the R.A. soon
dispersed the group at the neck, who before retreating
had set fire to the grass. On reaching the neck, it was
observed that the rebels had dispersed over the plain
as fast as they could with tired horses. Halted at the
neck, to collect stragglers, and make provision for the
wounded and for bringing up the waggons. No water
to be had within three miles. Only about 40 of the
Cape Corps could be got together.*
Mr. Rex, with a party of Griquas, sent to bring up
the baggage, the wounded remaining at Boomplaats under
the superintendence of Dr. Hall, P.M.O.
* A picture of the sharp skirmish of Boomplaats (from a drawing
by the late Lieut.-Col. Evelyn) appeared in the Graphic, 17th Feb.",
1900, with some comments by Major-General C. E. Webber.

1848.] BATTLE OF BOOMPLAATS. 245
Advanced on Calvert Fontein, having been told by
some friendly Burghers, who had followed rather close
on the trek of the Boers, that they were collecting in
great numbers round Calvert Fontein. Found that they
were only collecting and carrying off the wounded, or
something of this kind. There appeared to be no in
tention of waiting for any more of our fire. Reached
Calvert Fontein at 4.30 p.m. (a great rush for water).
Halted for the night. No trace of a human being. A
picket of cavalry sent forward to reconnoitre and follow
up the rebels till dark. On return reported having seen
a large body of Boers at some distance, in great disorder,
apparently " off saddled."
On roll being called, found the return of casualties
to be —
Commander-in-Chief, Sir H. Smith, struck on shin (very
slight), and horse wounded ; * Colonel Buller, wounded
in thigh (severely), and horse killed ; 7 officers wounded
(Captain Murray, mortally) ; Rifle Brigade, 8 killed and
39 wounded. On strict inquiry among the men of the force, ascer
tained that 49 bodies of rebels were seen lying on the
field.t Waggons came up at 5.30 p.m. On arrival at the
bivouac, a Dutch letter was received by the Commander-
in-Chief, stating that the Boer laager was about 12 miles
off, west of the direct route to Bethany, at the farm-house
of one Jan Cloete.
¦$oth. — Leaving the camp standing in charge of conva
lescents and officers' servants (Col. Buller in command), we
marched at 3 a.m., cavalry in advance, guns (with port-
* " It was remarkable how his Excellency came out unhurt, for
from the beginning to the end he was in the thickest of the fire." —
Noble, p. 135-
t It appeared afterwards that only nine Boers were killed.

246 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch. XLVIII.
fires burning) following. A company of Rifles headed the
column and were directed to sweep any suspicious places.
Met with no impediment. On reaching Cloete's farm at
6 a.m. found no trace of any laager. Column arrived at
Bethany at 10 a.m. " There is a large missionary chapel
and a few native huts around it. A good house belonging
to the missionaries, who had deserted it. Sir H. Smith and
staff took possession of house and yard. Breakfasted upon
biscuits and brandy, aided by a little tea made in an old
pot. A Boer came in from his house half an hour distant
and professed to be " loyal," and said he had not been in
the fight, though his son had. The son and another young
man concealed in the house were brought into camp by
Mr. Southey. They received a lecture and were sent off
with the understanding that they were to bring in their
" roers " next day, which they did.
Two prisoners were brought up from the rear, taken on
the field with arms, one a Dutchman named Dreyer, the
other an Englishman, who proved to be a deserter from the
45th Regt. Both were remanded for trial by court martial
on arrival at Bloemfontein.
2nd Sept. — Arrived at Bloemfontein at 9 a.m. Troops
formed up into three sides of a square (Commander-in-
Chief and staff, etc., in centre). Proclamation read and
sovereignty proclaimed under a salute of 21 guns. General
Court Martial ordered and assembled under Colonel
Buller, R.B., for the trial of the two prisoners taken in
the field.
Bloemfontein, a small village, consisting of some half-
dozen houses and some huts, prettily situated on the
banks of a stream having its source in a bubbling fountain,
and under a hill. A small fort (or stockade) had been
built, which was commanded from every side. The rebels
had taken possession of the various houses and at the
Resident's house had even commenced ploughing.

1848.] ADVANCE TOWARDS WINBURG. 247
Encamped on the opposite side of the stream to the
town, very good ground and well sheltered by a hill.
Sept. 3rd. — Troops paraded at 10 a.m. in front of the
camp for Divine Service. Service read by Sir Harry
Smith.* Preparations afterwards made for the march on
Winburg ; a small force to be left to garrison Bloemfontein
under Col. Buller (disabled by his wound).
Sept. 4th. — Camp struck before daylight and troops
paraded, when the two rebels (who had been found " guilty "
by the General Court Martial of " being in rebellion and
bearing arms against Her Majesty's subjects" and sen
tenced to death accordingly) were paraded in front of the
troops assembled, in the very spot where, a short time
before, the rebel leader Pretorius had demanded the sub
mission of the British resident, and the sentence carried
out — the rebels being shot in presence of the troops.f
6th. — Reached the Vet River at one. On the march
joined by a party of friendly Boers, who greeted us with a
salute from their " roers " and loud shouts, which caused no
little excitement in the rear of the column. These Boers
had formed a laager on the Vet River under a Field Cornet
named Wessels, and had maintained their position against
Pretorius and the rebels. [Gert] Kruger, one of the lead
ing rebels, surrendered himself, and, professing penitence,
after taking the oath of loyalty, was pardoned. Moroco,
king of the Barolongs, also came in, with a small train.
* In connexion with this, I may quote a story told to my sister,
Miss Moore Smith of Durban, by the late Sir Theophilus Shepstone.
" Sir Harry always read part of the service on Sunday morning at
Grahamstown [? in 1835], and was so particular that all should come
that he imposed a fine of half a crown on every absentee. He read
extremely well, and was very proud, of it. One Sunday a dog came
into the room when service was going on, and began to create a
disturbance. Sir Harry stood it for a little time, then in the middle
of a prayer said suddenly, ' Take that d  d dog away,' after which
he continued his prayer in the same tone as before."
t The execution of Dreyer as a rebel was long bitterly resented by
the Boers.

248 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch. XLVIII.
Sept. Jth. — At 5.30 a.m. crossed the Vet River.
Reached Winburg at 10.30. Here the troops were
formed up in hollow square, the Proclamation read, and
the sovereignty proclaimed under a salute of 21 guns.
Encamped on the far side of a stream on the slope of
a hill. Village consisted of three or four houses and
huts. Sept. 8th. — Halt. King Moshesh and Sikonyela arrived
in camp. Moshesh a clear-headed fellow and very sharp.
He wore a general's old blue coat and gold lace trousers,
with a forage cap.
Sept. gth. — Troops paraded, and a Review took place
for the benefit of Moshesh, who was much amused
with the movements, and particularly astonished at the
Artillery, these being the first regular troops that had been
so far into the interior.
Sept. 10th, Sunday. — Halt. Divine Service.
Sept. nth. — Review of Moshesh's army. Mounted
men armed with old ' roers." Infantry with native
weapons (assagais, etc.). About 700 paraded and
performed a war dance. A fine body of men for
savages and undisciplined as they were. Preparations
made for leaving Winburg and returning to the Colony,
Mr. Southey, secretary to the High Commissioner, re
maining to collect fines, with an escort of CM. Rifles.
Sept. 12th. — Leaving the troops to follow by ordinary
marches, the Governor and Staff left Winburg in mule-
waggons. 13th. — Reached Bloemfontein at noon.
i$th. — Troops arrived from Winburg. Three guns
R.A., two companies 45th, and a company C.M.R. detailed
to garrison the " Queen's Fort " [now to be built] ; the
remainder to march back to their respective localities
under Col. Buller.
18th. — Arrived at Smithfield on the Caledon River.

1848.] VISIT TO BRITISH KAFFRARIA. 249
Great gathering of Dutch and English farmers. Sir H.
Smith laid the foundation-stone of a Dutch church
[which was never built, the village being afterwards
removed — E. A. H.].
26th. — Crossed the Orange River. Arrived at Ruffles
Viet, a beautiful site for a town.*
On the 28th Sir Harry received an ovation
at Graaf Reinet, and on 6th Oct. reached King
William's Town. It had now grown into a pretty
town, and it gratified him to see between 200
and 300 Kafirs hard at work in building houses
and aiding in the cultivation of the gardens.
Next day he held a meeting of chiefs, including
Sandilli, Macomo, Umhala, and Pato. The
superior chief, Kreili (the son of Hintza), over
took Sir Harry after he had left King William's
Town, and showed every sign of affection, calling
him "father" and " Inkosi Inkulu" (" Great Chief ").
The whole meeting was considered of very good
omen for the success of the system established in
British Kaffraria.
After visiting Grahamstown, the Governor pro
ceeded to Port Elizabeth. In reply to an address
praying for the formation of the Eastern Province of
the Cape Colony into a separate government, he
asked " What is Germany with her 33,000,000 strug
gling after but union ? These German states have
sunk through their disunion, while Great Britain is
* Here, or near here, on 12th May, 1849, the town of Aliwal North
was founded by Mr. Chase, the Civil Commissioner. — Wilmot and
Chase, p. 417-

250 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [CH. XLVIII.
acknowledged to owe her strength and her greatness
to the union of her people. Nor at the present
time must we have separation here. When I was
asked whether I would have a Lieutenant-Governor,
I replied, ' Certainly not.' The office fulfilled no
other part than that of giving rise to very unprofit
able correspondence." * On the 21st October the
Governor returned to Cape Town, and, as else
where, was received with enthusiasm and an address
of congratulation. It stated that the vigour and
rapidity with which the rebellion had been repressed,
and the moderation shown afterwards, were charac
teristic of Sir Harry's genius as a soldier and of
the generous sympathies of his nature, and con
cluded with a prayer that he might long preside
over the Colony, and exercise that "justice and
mercy " which had marked his career.
* Under Sir Henry Pottinger's rule the Eastern Province had had
an able Lieutenant-Governor in Sir Henry Young, and there was a
strong feeling during Sir Harry's governorship that the interests of the
Eastern Province could not be ensured by a government at Cape
Town. Sir Harry himself finally gave in to this view, and on 14th
June, 1 85 1, recommended "a separate and distinct government for the
Eastern Province."

( »5i )

CHAPTER XLIX.
{Supplementary. )
THE QUESTION OF THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A REPRE
SENTATIVE ASSEMBLY IN THE CAPE COLONY — THE
CONVICT QUESTION — KAFIR WAR — RECALL OF SIR
HARRY SMITH — HIS DEPARTURE FROM THE CAPE.
As early as 1841 the inhabitants of Cape Town had
petitioned that their present system of government
by a Governor and a Legislative Council consisting
of officials and persons nominated by the Governor
should give place to a constitution resembling that
of the mother-country, to consist, that is to say, of
a Governor and an Executive Council, both appointed
by the Crown, and a Legislative Assembly composed
of representatives freely elected by the people.
Lord Stanley, in reply, expressed a general con
currence with the prayer of the petitioners, but
desired further information. To this request no
answer had been received, when on the appointment
of Sir Henry Pottinger to the government of the
Cape, Lord Grey instructed him (2nd Nov. 1846)
that Her Majesty's Government entertained the
strongest prepossessions in favour of a representative

252 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch. XLIX.
system, and desired the Governor's assistance and
advice. "Some difficulties," he added, "may be
wisely encountered, and some apparent risks well
incurred, in reliance on the resources which every
civilized society, and especially every society of
British birth and origin, will always discover within
themselves for obviating the dangers incident to
measures resting on any broad and solid principle
of truth and justice."
Sir Henry Pottinger, during his year of office,
was too much occupied with the Kafir War to
carry out the instructions given him in regard to
the establishment of representative government, but
the instructions he had received were repeated on
the appointment of Sir Harry Smith. He lost no
time in acting on them, and on the 29th July, 1848,
the very day on which he started to put down the
rising beyond the Orange, he transmitted to Lord
Grey the opinions of a number of colonial authorities
on the questions at issue, and stated that they all,
and he with them, agreed on the main point that a
representative form of government was desirable.
Lord Grey then put the matter in the hands of a
Committee of the Board of Trade and Plantations,
who drew up the main lines of a constitution, which
received Her Majesty's approval. On 31st January,
1850, . Lord Grey transmitted this Report to Sir
Harry. It laid down that all subordinate arrange
ments should be made by Ordinance in the Colony,
and Sir Harry was instructed to collect information
and make all other arrangements for this purpose.

1848-49.] A REPRESENTATIVE ASSEMBLY. 253
Meanwhile the Colpny had been thrown into a
state of hysterical agitation by an unfortunate
arrangement made by Lord Grey to send thither
some convicts from Bermuda in H.M.S. Neptune.
These convicts were Irish peasants who had been
driven into crime during the time of the famine, and
Lord Grey seems to have thought that on this
account less objection would be taken to receiving
them. But the name " convict " was enough. The
colonists of the Cape believed that this was only a
beginning and that their country was to be made
a convict settlement and flooded with criminals.
An Anti-convict Association was formed, and the
Governor was petitioned to dismiss the Neptune as
soon as she arrived to some other station.
Sir Harry Smith, who from the beginning shared
the colonists' objection to Lord Grey's proposal,
wrote to that minister on 24th May, 1849, begging
him to revoke his decision, in accordance with the
petitions which he had been forwarding to him since
1st January. On the 29th May he reported a com
bination of the people headed by the Anti-convict
Association " to hold in abhorrence any person who
may aid the exiles in landing, and may have any
communication with them whatever," and to stop
the supply of stores to Government. Government
officials all over the country were resigning, but he
was still making preparations to land the exiles and
provide for their support on shore.* On July 24th
* * In May and June, 1849, Sir Harry was seriously ill from a car
buncle on his neck. On 20th June he gave a ball at Government

254 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch. XLIX.
he reported that all but one of the unofficial members
of the Legislative Council had resigned, and that on
the 1 7th he had promised by proclamation that the
convicts should not be landed but detained on ship
board till Her Majesty's pleasure were known* while
declaring he had no legal power to send them to
any other destination.*
No reply had been received from Lord Grey
to the many appeals which had been made to him,
when on 19th September the Neptune arrived. A
fresh storm of public passion arose, and for the first
time since his accession to office the Governor
assembled the Executive Council. They approved
of all his measures, and agreed that it would not be
legal for him to dismiss the vessel. He offered a
pledge, however, that he would resign his office
rather than assist in carrying out any measure for
landing the convicts. This declaration allayed the
feelings of more moderate men, but the extremists
extended their operations, and included the navy
and the whole body of executive and judicial agents

House, which many refused to attend owing to the agitation against
the Government. Sir Harry, with soldierly punctiliousness, appeared
among his guests for half an hour, but his appearance was so ghastly,
and made the more so by his dark green Rifle uniform, that it was
said " one might have imagined that he had just stepped out of his
coffin." * Mr. W. A. Newman {Memoir of J. Montagu) quotes a reply
made by Sir Harry to the Anti-Convict Association on 18th June :
" This is the anniversary of the Battle of Waterloo. For four and forty
years have I served my sovereign — I say it with pride — and I would
rather that God Almighty should strike me dead than disobey the
orders of Her Majesty's Government and thereby commit an act of
open rebellion."

1849-5°-] ANTI-CONVICT AGITATION. 255
of the Government under an interdict so long as the
Neptune should remain in Simon's Bay.
Sir Harry, while curbing the military from any
act of retaliation against the insults heaped on
them,* was not to be daunted from the line he had
taken up, and with his usual energy devised arrange
ments for supplying Government servants with meat
and bread. He was thus able to maintain his
position until 13th February, 1850, when, in answer
to a dispatch of 30th September, he received one
from Lord Grey dated 5th December, which autho
rized him to send the unfortunate convicts to Van
Diemen's Land.
To return to the question of the new constitu
tion. On the receipt of Lord Grey's dispatch of
31st January, 1850, the Governor found himself at
a deadlock owing to the resignation of the five
unofficial members of the Legislative Council in
the preceding July. The convict agitation had
spread such a spirit of dissatisfaction in the Colony
that the Governor thought that a Legislative
Council filled up by men who were merely his
nominees, would not command public confidence.
He therefore arranged that the Municipalities and
District Road Boards should furnish him with the

* Chase writes (Wilmot and Chase, p. 458), " Sir Harry, perfect
soldier as he was, had an instinctive horror of shedding blood, which
was never more strongly developed than when he curbed the military
from retaliating the insults offered to Her Majesty and to themselves-
by the mobs of the western metropolis during the anti-convict imeute!'
We may remember that he had shown the same spirit during the
Radical disturbances at Glasgow (see vol. i. pp. 326-328. 335).

256 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch. XLIX.
names of gentlemen whom they would desire to
be appointed, and from these he would fill up the
vacancies. He did not, however, commit himself
to nominating the five highest on the list. As a
matter of fact, he chose the four highest, although
he believed their election had been largely procured
by electoral devices emanating from Cape Town,
and with them the gentleman who was eleventh,
chosen as having the special confidence of the
Eastern Province. No sooner was the Council
thus constituted and assembled than the four
gentlemen above mentioned resigned their seats
(20th September), as a protest against the
Governor's departure from the electoral results
and against the fact that the Legislative Council
was called on to vote the estimates and transact
ordinary business instead of merely preparing the
way for a Representative Assembly. These gentle
men were treated in the Colony as popular heroes,
and two of them, Sir A. Stockenstrom and Mr.
Fairbairn, were deputed to proceed to England to
carry on an agitation against the Governor. Their
position was, however, an untenable one, and re
ceived no support from Her Majesty's Government.*
* In connexion, however, with the delays encountered in receiving
the new constitution, Lord Grey was much reviled both in the Colony
and in England. Sir W. Napier {Life of C. Napier, iv. p. 327) quotes
the following epigram : —
" This point was long disputed at the Cape,
What was the devil's colour and his shape.
The Hottentots, of course, declared him white,
The Englishmen pronounced him black as night ;
But now they split the difference and say
Beyond all question that Old Nick is Grey."

1851-52.] SIR HARRY'S POLITICAL COURAGE. 257
The Governor in his difficulty had taken a
step which was not well received. He had consti
tuted the remaining seven members of the Council
a Commission to draft the ordinances of the pro
posed constitution, and on 19th Feb. 1851 sug
gested to Lord Grey that, there being no chance
of forming a Legislative Council which would
have the confidence of the Colony, the draft
ordinances should be ratified in England. This
suggestion was accepted. However, in obedience
to Lord Grey's further instructions, he set himself
in September to fill up the Council, and found four
gentlemen willing to accept the vacant seats. On
10th October the Council met again. On 16th
December the draft ordinances which had received
Her Majesty's approval in England were read for
the first time, and the second reading was fixed
for February, 1852. In spite of the great eagerness
of the Colony to receive representative government,
it was then proposed that the further consideration
of the question should be deferred till the Kafir
War was over, and this view had the support of all
the four unofficial members and of two out of the
five official members of the Legislative Council.
When, however, it was represented to the Governor,
he promptly replied from his camp at King
William's Town, in words full of political courage
and sagacious confidence —
" I desire the Legislative Council to proceed to the
discussion of these ordinances as a Government measure,
leaving each clause an open question. I apprehend far
vol. 11. s

258 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch. XLIX.
greater embarrassments to the Government by delay than
by procedure. I am ordered by Her Majesty's Govern
ment to proceed, and my own opinion concurs in the
expediency of that order. I see no cause whatever for
apprehension as to any public disturbance. Under any
circumstances, however, I do not view a war upon the
borders as affording cause for deferring the grant of a
representative government."
Thanks, then, to Sir Harry's firmness the
business proceeded, although it was not till the
time of his successor that the long-desired boon
of Representative Government was actually received
by the colonists.
Till the end of 1850, in spite of the Anti-convict
agitation and the political unrest caused by the
desire for a Representative Assembly, Sir Harry's
administration had been apparently a highly success
ful one. He had felt himself able to send home the
ist Battalion Rifle Brigade in May, 1850, and so
meet the demands for economy pressed on him by
the Home Government. The Orange River Sove
reignty had been at peace, and in British Kaffraria,
under the rule of an able officer, Colonel Mackinnon,
the Kafirs seemed, as in 1836, to be making rapid
progress towards becoming orderly and civilized
British subjects. But this happy prospect was now
suddenly over-clouded.
However contented the Kafirs at large might
be with the new system, the chiefs suffered a loss
of wealth by being no longer able to "eat up"
whomsoever they liked, and with the loss of wealth

1850.] UNREST ON THE FRONTIER. 259
a loss of dignity. They felt that their followers
were encouraged to appeal for justice to the British
Commissioner and that the feudal power of the
chief was being quietly undermined. Accordingly
the Gaika chiefs of British Kaffraria, Sandilli and his
half-brother Macomo, became intriguing agitators,
and found in the terrible drought and distress of
1850 an opportunity ready to hand for disturbing
the peace.
In September of that year, Colonel Mackinnon,
instead of his usual satisfactory reports, wrote that
the white colonists were alarmed, as a new prophet,
Umlanjeni, thought to be a creature of Sandilli's,
was preaching war against the white, while the
Kafirs had been on their side alarmed by a report
that the Governor wished to seize all the chiefs.
In consequence of this information, Sir Harry on the
1 5th October left Cape Town for the frontier.
Having arrived at King William's Town on the
20th, he called a meeting of Kafir chiefs for the 26th.
At this meeting great demonstrations of loyalty were
made, and the Governor was greeted with a shout
of " Inkosi Inkulu ! " (" Great Chief! ") ; but Sandilli
was absent. On the 29th Sir Harry threatened him
that unless he came and renewed his allegiance, he
would "throw him away" and confiscate his pro
perty — and when this threat produced no effect,
formally deposed him and appointed Mr. Brownlee,
the Civil Commissioner, chief of the Gaikas in his
place.* The act showed perhaps an over-sanguine
* On the 20th December, Sutu, Sandilli's mother, was made chief.

260 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch. XLIX.
estimate of the readiness of the Kafir mind to
recognize British authority as paramount to that of
their feudal chiefs; but at the moment it was
approved by Colonel Mackinnon and other men
specially acquainted with the Kafir disposition, as
it was later by the Home Government.
At another meeting held on 5th November,
the chiefs of the Gaikas and other tribes acknow
ledged one and all that Sandilli by his contumacy
had deserved his fate, and the Governor wrote to
Lord Grey, " The crisis has passed, and> I believe,
most happily." He at once started on his return
journey, and after receiving various congratulatory
addresses on his way, reached Cape Town on the
24th November.
But news of fresh turbulent acts followed him,
and (to quote the words of Mr. Chase *) " Sir Harry
Smith was to be pitied by all who loved him — and
who that knew him did not ? — when he had to write
in bitter disappointment to the Secretary of State
on the 5th December, ' The quiet I had reported in
Kafirland, which I had so much and so just ground
to anticipate, is not realized, and I start this even
ing.'" He left with the 73rd Regiment on the
Hermes for the frontier, destined not to quit it again
for sixteen months, and then as a man superseded
in his office.
Having landed at the Buffalo mouth on 9th
December, he reached King William's Town the
same night, and next day by proclamation called
• Wilmot and Chase, Annals of the Cape Colony (1869), p. 437.

1850.] A NEW KAFIR WAR. 261
on all loyal citizens to enrol themselves as volun
teers. The Kafirs were arming, and the farmers
with their flocks and herds had fled in panic from
the frontier. After a meeting with the chiefs (14th),
which was again considered satisfactory, Sir Harry
moved his troops to positions round the Amatola
Mountains to prevent any combined movement
between Kreili and the Gaikas. He proceeded
himself to Fort Cox. Here on the 19th he held
another meeting, at which, except Anta and Sandilli
(who had now been outlawed), all the chiefs were
present with their councillors and 3000 of their
people. When Sir Harry vigorously denounced
Sandilli's conduct they apparently acquiesced, but
asked the Governor why he had brought the troops ?
From Fort Cox Sir Harry sent Colonel
Mackinnon on 24th December with a patrol up
the gorge of the Keiskamma in the direction in
which Sandilli was supposed to be hiding, it being
thought that when the troops approached he would
either surrender or flee the country. Mackinnon
was, however, attacked in a defile, and twelve of
his men were killed. And so broke out a new
Kafir War, a " fitting legacy," says Chase, " of the
retrocessive policy of 1836," and, we may add,
unfortunately not the last disastrous war to which
those words could be applied.
Next day (Christmas Day) three of the four
military villages which had been established in British
Kaffraria not quite three years before, Woburn,
Auckland, and Juanasburg, were treacherously

262 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch.XLIX.
attacked by Kafirs, many of whom had just
shared the Christmas dinner of their victims, and
the settlers murdered. The Gaikas sprang to arms ;
every chief but Pato joined in the rising ; and of a
body of 400 Kafir police 365 rushed to their tribes
with their arms and ammunition.
Meanwhile the Commander-in-Chief was shut
up in Fort Cox in the Amatola basin, with hordes
of wild Kafirs filling the bush and heights on every
side, and the prospect before him of speedy starva
tion if he remained, or death from a bullet or an
assagai if he issued forth. Colonel Somerset from
Fort Hare made two unsuccessful attempts at
relief. In the second, on 29th December, after
fighting for four hours, he was forced to retire.
After this he wrote to Sir Harry, begging him not
to move with infantry, or they would be cut to
pieces, but to sally out with 250 men of the Cape
Mounted Rifles.
" This Sir Harry, in the daring, dashing way so charac
teristic of him, gallantly did, wearing the forage cap and
uniform of one of the Cape Rifles, and by this timely
incognito he rode twelve hazardous miles through the
desultory fire of the Kafirs on the way to King William's
Town. At the Debe Nek, about halfway, a strong
attempt was made to intercept the Corps, but Sir Harry
Smith and his escort vigorously spurred through their
opponents, and after a smart ride reached the town,
having eluded six bodies of Kafirs, who little suspected
how great a prize was then in their power." *
* W. A. Newman's Memoir of J. Montagu, 1855.

1851.] SIR HARRY'S SALLY FROM FORT COX. 263
On the day of his arrival in King William's
Town, 31st December, Sir Harry issued a Govern
ment notice of the most vigorous kind. "He hopes
colonists will rise en masse to destroy and exter
minate these most barbarous and treacherous
savages, who for the moment are formidable.
Every post in British Kaffraria is necessarily
maintained." *
Meanwhile, on the news reaching Cape Town
that the Governor was shut up in Fort Cox, the
Colonial Secretary, Mr. Montagu, himself a Waterloo
man, showed the greatest energy in raising troops
and despatching them to the frontier. He sent in
all 3000 men, chiefly Hottentots. On the arrival
of the first levies (1600 men), Sir Harry wrote to
him, "Your exertions are incredible, and they
will enable me to take the field."
Accordingly, at the end of January he ordered
Mackinnon to throw supplies into Forts White and
Cox. This was accomplished, but he could do
little at the moment beyond maintaining the
military posts, and meanwhile difficulties were
accumulating upon him. The Dutch farmers did
not come forward as they had done in 1835, to
assist in repelling an invasion from the colony ;
* A good deal might have been excused in a document issued
under such circumstances, but the word " exterminate " was not a
happy one, and was frequently seized on afterwards by opponents of
Sir Harry in England. How little it represented the writer's real
feeling is shown by a sentence in a letter to his wife of 24th May,
1 85 1 : "I hope yet to see all the ringleaders hung, while I would
willingly forgive the poor wretches, who have been led astray by the
wickedness of others."

264 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch.XLIX.
Kreili, the Great Chief beyond the Kei, was
wavering ; and, worse than all, by the beginning
of February Sir Harry learnt that the Hottentots
of the Kat River Settlement, people nominally
Christians, though of late suspected of disaffection,
had one and all revolted and joined the Kafirs,
their hereditary enemies.
On the 3rd February, in once more appealing
to the inhabitants of the colony to rally in their
own defence, he said, " I regard this almost general
disaffection of the coloured classes within the
Colony as of far greater moment than the outbreak
of the Kafirs."
At this time the British troops at Sir Harry's
disposal amounted only to 1700,* of whom 900
were employed in holding a dozen posts. Accord
ingly he had only 800 "available to control 4000
Hottentot auxiliaries of doubtful loyalty, and to
meet the hordes of well-armed athletic and intrepid
barbarians in the field." \ Both Colonel (now
Major-General) Somerset and Colonel Mackinnon
had obtained successes ; the rebel chief Hermanus
had been killed in attacking Fort Beaufort on
7th January; yet the enemy was still powerful
and in the occupation of a mountainous country
next to impenetrable.
Sir Harry was compelled to act on two bases,
the one from King William's Town to the mouth
of the Buffalo, so communicating by the port of
* Consisting of the 6th, 73rd, 91st, and 45th Regiments.
t Dispatch to Lord Grey, 17th March, 1852.

1851.] PLAN OF THE CAMPAIGN. 265
East London with the Western Province and with
the sea ; the other from Fort Hare vid Fort Beaufort
and Grahamstown to Port Elizabeth, Fort Hare
being connected with King William's Town by the
garrisons of Fort White and Fort Cox. The troops
operating on the first line in British Kaffraria were
under the command of Colonel Mackinnon, and had
their headquarters at King William's Town under
the eye of the Commander-in-Chief. In April,
after the arrival of the new levies, they amounted
to 4700 men, of whom 1000 were occupying a line
of seven posts. The troops on the second line were
under the command of Major-General Somerset,
whose headquarters were at Fort Hare. They
amounted to 2900, of whom 900 were garrisoning
six posts. The general plan of the campaign was
to confine the war to neutral territory, to detain the
Kafirs in Kaffraria, and eventually to drive them out
of their fastnesses in the Amatola Mountains. The
Kafir revolt would in this way, Sir Harry writes,
have been crushed at once, but for the hopes raised
by the defection of the Hottentots. That defection
had indeed gone far. Although Somerset on the
23rd February had crushed the Kat River rebellion
by the capture of the rebels' stronghold, Fort Arm
strong, only a fortnight later 335 men of the Cape
Mounted Rifles, including the very men who had so
gallantly escorted the Governor from Fort Cox,
deserted from King William's Town in a body.
This was another crushing blow. "My horror
cannot be described," Sir Harry wrote on the 17th

266 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch.XLIX.
March. " I assure your Lordship that no event of
my military career ever caused me so much pain as
the defection of so large a portion of a corps to
which I am as much attached as I am to that
wearing the green jacket of my own regiment."
This detachment of the Rifles had been drawn
principally from the Hottentots of the Kat River
Settlement and had been much excited by rumours
of the punishment which was to be meted out to the
Kat River rebels.
Having felt it necessary to disarm nearly all the
Riflemen who had not deserted, Sir Harry now
found himself practically without any mounted force
at all, and wrote to ask for 400 young Englishmen
to be sent out as recruits, with the promise of re
ceiving ten acres of land after ten years' service.
This request, however, was not granted. In order
to anticipate any attempt at rescuing the Kat River
prisoners at Fort Hare, Sir Harry moved out
himself on March 19th, and by a masterly movement
defeated the enemy at the Keiskamma, spent the
20th at Fort Hare, obtained another success on the
Tab' Indoda Range on the 21st, and returning by
Fort White with 1000 captured cattle, reached King
William's Town on the 25th.
A Cape newspaper, politically opposed to
him, wrote of Sir Harry's conduct in these few
days —
" It is not a little gratifying to find the mingled fire and
prudence of the veteran commander as conspicuous now as
in former days. We see the value of such a leader more

^Si-J' HOTTENTOT DEFECTION. 267
distinctly in comparing him with other officers of good
standing and abilities."
And it quotes from the Frontier Times —
"Sir Harry Smith showed his usual energy, riding
backwards and forwards to where the different parties were
engaged and cheering them on. A new spirit has been
infused among the troops and levies, and all speak of the
bravery and activity of his Excellency." *
Fresh signs of disaffection in the Cape Corps
made it necessary to disarm still more men, and the
Kafirs were so much emboldened that but for the
loyalty of the one chief Pato, who held the country
between King William's Town and the sea, the
Governor's position would have been barely de
fensible. He continued to send out patrols, which
were invariably successful. Mackinnon scoured the
Poorts of the Buffalo in the middle of April and at
the end of the month penetrated the_Amatolas ; and
Captain Tylden, in command of the position of
Whittlesea, which was twelve times assaulted, saved
the Colony for the time from the enemy. But
larger operations were out of the question. " Had
the Kat River Rebellion and the defection of the
Cape Corps not presented themselves, Sandilli's
reign would have been a transient one. I have
been obliged to steer a most cautious course, one
contrary to my natural desire in predatory warfare,
but imperatively imposed on me by the dictates of
prudence and discretion, my force being composed
* Cape Town Mail, April 5th and 8th, 1851.

268 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch. XLIX.
generally of a race excitable in the extreme." So
Sir Harry wrote on the 5th April. Ten days later
he again complains of the little assistance given
him by the farmers. " A few spirited farmers have
performed good service, but where are the men who
so gallantly fought with me in 1835 — Van Wyks,
Greylings, Nels, Rademeyers, Ryneveldts, etc. ?
Once more, my advice to the frontier inhabitants
is to rush to the front."
Early in May Sir Harry received reinforcements
from home, consisting of drafts for the regiments
already under his command (11 officers and 296
men) and the 74th Regiment. This he sent to
Fort Hare to Major-General Somerset, ordering
him at the same time to be prepared to concentrate
for a move into the great Kafir stronghold, the
Amatolas. Two more regiments were still to come,
and Sir Harry believed that the force he would then
have would be ample. In acknowledging the re
inforcements, he wrote on 6th May, " I had most
zealously clung to the desire of civilizing these
savages. As regards the Gaikas generally, my
attempt has been an awful failure, while I con
gratulate myself on having maintained at peace the
T'Slambie tribes, comprising the half nearly of the
population of British Kaffraria. I am deeply
indebted to the chief Pato."
On the 10th May he was gratified by receiving
the following letter from the Duke of Wellington : —

i8si.] SUPPORTED BY THE DUKE. 269
" London, 8th March, 1851.
"My dear General,
" We heard on the day before yesterday of the
renewal of your troubles at the Cape.
" The 74th Regiment and all the drafts from Dep6ts
that can be sent for the Regiments at the Cape will be sent
off as soon as possible.
" I have told the Government that I think that another
Regiment ought to be sent.
" I enclose the copy of a memorandum which I sent
yesterday to Lord Grey.*
" Not knowing the latest or the exact state of the in
surrection, I cannot say in what stations it would be
necessary for you to carry on your operations, or whether
with more than one Corps.
" If with only one so much the better, but it will
increase the security, confidence, and tranquillity of the
* "Horse Guards, 7th March, 1851.
" It appears to me that this insurrection of the Caffres is general
and quite unjustifiable, sudden, and treacherous.
" In my opinion Sir Henry Smith ought to have the means in
Regular Troops and Light Equipments of ordnance to form two
bodies of troops, each capable of acting independently in the field,
each of which should give countenance and support to the detach
ments of Boers, Hottentots, and loyal Caffres, by which the rebel
and insurgent Caffres should be attacked and driven out of the
country. " The occupation of the numerous posts in the country marked
Adelaide in the map was very proper and necessary when the frontier
was the Buffalo River, but it would be much better to carry it to the
Key and there fix it permanently, and to form a place d'armes or
fortified Barrack for Troops somewhere about King William's Town,
between that and Fort Wellington, or possibly a little to the westward
near the sources of the river.
" In such place d'armes there might be the means of giving cover
to more than the small hody which might be required for the per
manent garrison."

270 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch.XLIX.
Colony if you should be able to keep an efficient Corps in
reserve in a second line.
" Wishing you every success,
" Believe me, ever yours most sincerely,
" (Signed) Wellington.
" Lieut.-General Sir Harry Smith, Bt., G.C.B."
It must have been satisfactory to Sir Harry to
feel that in establishing his two lines of defence he
had anticipated the advice of his great master.
While Somerset made a successful patrol against
the combined Kafirs and Hottentots of the sources
of the Kat River, and Mackinnon another in the
Amatolas, there were still no signs of the submission
of the enemy. Meanwhile news came of trouble
with Moshesh in the Orange River Sovereignty,
and the prospect of a new war there, and this was
followed by a revolt of the Hottentots of the mis
sionary station of Theopolis, 25 miles from
Grahamstown. The period of six months for which
the Hottentot levies in the army had been en
listed was now expiring, and there was no disposition
among them to enlist again, and in this way the
force would be reduced to 1800 men. Nothing
could be done till further reinforcements arrived
from England. "The almost general rebellion
among the eastern Hottentots," wrote Sir Harry on
the 1 7th June, " paralyzes my movements in British
Kaffraria and compels me to hold a force ready for
the protection of Grahamstown." Owing to the cut
ting off of the mails, his letters to his wife at Cape
Town were now written almost entirely in Spanish.

i8si.] ATTACKED BY SIR W. MOLESWORTH. 2jl
The following letter to his sister Mrs. Sargant
shows the feeling excited in him by Sir William
Molesworth's attack on him in the House of
Commons on April ioth, in which he was accused
of burdening the empire by the annexation of
105,000 square miles of new territory and provok
ing his local troubles by high-handed and despotic
government. " King William's Town, 18th June, 1851.
" Waterloo.
"My dearest Alice,
" I wish I was half the active fellow now I was
then, for I have need of it, seeing I am Her Majesty's
'Despotic Bashaw' from Cape Point to Delagoa Bay to
the ^east, and to the great newly discovered lake to the
north-west — without a legislature, and in the midst of a
war with cruel and treacherous and ungrateful savages
and renegade and revolted Hottentots. These Hottentots
have been treated as the most favoured people, enjoying
all the rights, civil and religious, of the inhabitants at
large of the Colony — fed as a population when starving, —
yet have these ungrateful wretches in great numbers (not
all) revolted and joined their hereditary and oppressive
enemy the Kafir, who drove them from the Kye over the
Fish River, and who have destroyed them as a nation.
" I have had so much to do and some little anxiety of
mind, although I sleep like a dormouse, that I have not
written lately to one so dear to me, but Juana has. The
war-making Kafirs are cowed by the continued exertions
among them of my numerous and vigorous patrols, but
they are in that state of doggedness they will neither come
in nor fight. By every communication I have open to me,
I offer peace to the people, but the chiefs must await my
decision, their conduct has been so treacherous, cunning,

272 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch.XLIX.
and deceitful. I have succeeded in maintaining in peace
and tranquillity nearly one-half of the population of British
Kaffraria, those fortunately next to the sea, while the
Gaika Kafirs, natives of the mountains adjoining the
Hottentot great location of the Kat Province, are all at
war. This shows my system cannot be oppressive, or I
should have had no friendly Kafirs, whereas the latter
escort my waggons with supplies, slaughter cattle, carry
my mails, assist me in every way in their power, which
affords better argument in refutation of the Radical and
garbled untruths, though founded on facts, of Sir W.
Molesworth. I will give you an example [of one] among
other accusations of my despotism. The Kafir Hermanus,
who by birth is a negro slave, was ever heretofore with his
people an enemy to the Kafir, because it was his interest
to be friendly to us. After the war of 1835-6, Sir B.
D'Urban gave him a grant of a beautiful tract of country
within the Colony upon the ever-supplying-water, the
Blinkwater, stream. His title was disputed by some of
the colonists, and it was complained that he paid no quit-
rent as they all did. It was just, and only just, that if he
was protected by the government, he should contribute,
equally with others, his quota for its maintenance. I
therefore, as a part of a general system, exacted a quit-
rent, a mere trifle, which was the best possible title and
deed of occupation, yet does this throating Sir W. M.
bring forward this as an act of despotism. It is really
ludicrous. "But for this inexplicable Hottentot revolution, I
would have put down the Kafirs in six weeks. These
Hottentots are the most favoured race on earth, yet have
a set of Radical London Society missionaries been preach
ing to them like evil spirits that they were an oppressed
and ill-used race, until, encouraged by violent meetings
all over the Colony upon the convict question, they have

1851.] A JUST ADMINISTRATION. 273
met with arms in their hands, arms given to them by us,
for the purpose of joining the Kafirs to drive the English
over the Zwartkop River beyond Uitenhage.
" I have endeavoured to administer this government
so as to allow the all-powerful sun to shine forth its glory
upon all its inhabitants, whether black or white, equally,
and I have no other object than the welfare of the people
generally. I have said, ' Lay before me your wants ; they
shall be considered and your wishes met if practicable.'
This was appreciated until the d  convict question
arose. The emancipated blacks in Cape Town, the
Hottentots in the Kat River, held anti-convict meetings
got up by white Radicals, who have thus induced the
coloured classes upon this frontier and in many other
parts of the Colony to believe that separate interests
exist for white and black.
" The Kafir has been fostered by the most benevolent
acts of kindness by me as a Governor. My study has
been to ameliorate their condition from brutes to Christians,
from savages to civilized men. They progressed in three
years beyond all belief until some whiterfaced devils (the
sable king often wears a white face) got in among them,
persuaded the chiefs my object was their extermination,
and while the people clung with avidity to my protection
from the former tyranny they groaned under, the chiefs
asserted their feudal authority, and such is man in a wild
state of nature, he cleaves to the hereditary rule of
oppressors of his forefathers — with tears in his eyes. I
have seen many weep when they came to say to me
farewell; 'Our country will be lost.' Let Sir W. M.
and his myrmidons deny this; he cannot, but he can
assert that just measures are foul, despotic, and arbitrary
acts. " Juana is in better spirits now since the reinforcements
have arrived, I hope. Since I have received the dear
VOL. 11. T

274 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch.XLIX.
Duke's kind letter, Juana regards me as supported by old
friends and present master.* The latter gentleman and I
understand each other. I will be censured by no man, but
I will endeavour to obey where I can. He affronted me
by finding fault with an ' abortive attempt to reform the
Legislative Council,' which made my blood boil, although
my remonstrance was as mild as milk. I think the recent
attempt he and his colleagues have made to form a
government has been fully as abortive as mine, and they
have discovered the impossibility of making legislators of
men who will not undertake office. Since the outbreak
all his communications have been most complimentary.
" Your brother
" Harry.
"P.S. — I have been urged by many friends to send
home some one to support the cause of my government. I
won't. It is a weak line of conduct to appeal to friendship
when conduct is in intention free from imputation of evil.
Let Miss Coutts peruse this if she can. You had better
copy it in your legible hand, for the enormous quantity I
write has as much impaired my autograph as hard roads
the fore-legs of a trotting horse, if England still produces
one. That she does asses, I know."
One of Sir Harry's nephews, writing home on
the 2 1 st, says —
" My uncle's health, thank God, considering all things,
is far from bad, but he is obliged to be very careful, and
cannot stand exposure to damp or cold. The Hottentots
are mostly in the colony in small bands, plundering the
poor defenceless farmers ; constant outrages are committed
by these rascals. ... Sir Harry confidently expects that
* Lord Grey.

1851.] OPERATIONS IN THE AMATOLAS. 275
two or three regiments will be speedily sent out, and
sincerely do I hope they may, for to end the war with his
present force is impossible."
On the last four days of June a combined move
ment to clear the Amatolas which had long been
preparing was at last accomplished, the ist Division
under the command of Somerset co-operating with
the 2nd under Michel (Colonel Mackinnon being
ill), assisted by Tylden with 300 men from Whit-
tlesea. The operations were conducted by four
columns converging to a centre. They were com
pletely successful, but Sir Harry saw no signs that
they had hastened the end of the war, and warned
the inhabitants of the colony that the beaten Kafirs
were likely to go about in small marauding parties
as " wolves " — an anticipation too sadly realized by
the rush which was now made into the Colony, and
the terrible depredations which accompanied it.
The trial of the Kat River rebels resulted in 47
of them being sentenced to death — a sentence which
Sir Harry commuted to penal servitude for life ; so
bringing on himself in some quarters the charge of
excessive leniency. Chase, who considers the com
mutation a "grave mistake," excuses it on the
ground that Sir Harry "pitied the poor creatures,
knowing that they had been deluded into the belief
that they are taught by the precept of the Bible to
fight for independence with the sword of Gideon." *
It is better to accept the explanation given by Sir
Harry himself in_his dispatch of the 7th April, 1852.
* Wilmot and Chase, p. 458.

276 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [CH.XLIX.
"Surrounded as I and Major-General Somerset were
by these people drawn from the eastern and western dis
tricts, one false step or untimely exercise of power and
martial law would have plunged the whole into the chaos
of revolution. Her Majesty's troops must have abandoned
their advanced positions and fallen back on Grahamstown,
and the T'Slambie tribes would have risen as well as every
curly-headed black from Cape Town to Natal." *
During July and August bands of the enemy filled
the country between Fort Beaufort and the Fish
River, penetrating later into Lower Albany itself,
and burning and marauding wherever they appeared.
It was natural that the colonists should appeal to
the Commander-in-Chief to assist them. Feeling,
however, that if he fell back from King William's
Town, his retreat would be the signal for tribes on
the east, hitherto passive, to join the Gaikas, he
expressed his wish to continue operations in the
Amatolas, and ordered Somerset to establish posts
of burghers, if they would turn out, at every eligible
point. Somerset replied that the burghers could
not now withstand the attacks, and he had estab
lished a camp at Haddon on the Koonap; and a
month later Sir Harry sent Colonel Eyre with the
73rd Regiment from King William's Town to
Bathurst to protect Grahamstown and Lower
Albany. And so the war went on, the Commander ever
sending out fresh patrols to harass the foe in his
* Cp. pp. 409 bot., 410. The Cape Town Mail (some indication
of colonial feeling) protested both on the 25th January and on
5th April against the military execution of rebels. -

18SI.] THE COLONY RAIDED. 277
fastnesses, — on the 8th August he says that the 73rd
regiment has now marched 2838 miles since the
outbreak of hostilities, — maintaining every single
post, yet still, for want of an adequate force, unable
to effect any decisive action. Meanwhile there
were fresh defections among the Hottentots in the
Cape Corps, and news came from Warden in the
Orange River Sovereignty that many of the Boers
there would not assist him against. Moshesh, and
their fellow-countrymen over the Vaal were disposed
to back them in their hostility to the British Govern
ment. He was bidden to act only on the defensive
till troops could be sent to him.
In August the 2nd (Queen's) Regiment arrived
from England, and soon after part of the 1 2th Regt.
from the Mauritius. But there were a mass of
hostile Kafirs and Hottentots in the Colony esti
mated at more than 6000, one body being in the
Fish River Bush 30 miles to the north-east of
Grahamstown, the other under Macomo in the
Waterkloof 50 miles to the north-west, and in a'
patrol made by Colonel Mackinnon in the Fish
River Bush on the 8th September, Captain Oldham
and 25 men were killed and 41 wounded, and the
bush was re-occupied by the Kafirs immediately.
Meanwhile Somerset had failed in expelling
Macomo, and Kreili and Fakoo seemed on the
brink of openly throwing in their lot with Sandilli.
Under these circumstances, although now rein
forced by the 60th Rifles and the 12th Lancers,
Sir Harry asks on the 15th October for 400 English

278 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch.XLIX.
recruits for the Cape Corps and two additional regi
ments of infantry. Meanwhile there were fresh
operations of the most arduous kind in the Water
kloof, and Somerset at the end of October succeeded
in dislodging Macomo from his fastness. In conse
quence of that success, Sir Harry was able to write
on the ist November that he was now able to under
take tasks of a more extensive character, and pro
posed, after sweeping the Amatolas and driving the
enemy from the Fish River Bush, if he concentrated
there, to march across the Kei with three columns
to invade Kreili, whose country was the great
refuge of the beaten Gaikas, after which it might be
necessary to send a force over the Orange River
against Moshesh.
On November 12th, having received a despatch
from Lord Grey suggesting that, failing the support
of the Boers in the Orange River Sovereignty, the
territory should be relinquished, Sir Harry forwarded
it to his Assistant-Commissioners, Major Hogg and
Mr. Owen, with a strong expression of his own
views of such a proposal.
" If Her Majesty's sovereignty over this territory were
now rescinded, the step would be regarded by every man
of colour in South Africa as an unprecedented and un
looked-for victory to his race, and be the signal of revolt or
continued resistance to British authority from Cape Town
to the territory of Panda, and thence to the Great Lake.
No measure during my administration of this Government
has caused me so much consideration as that relating to the
affairs of the Sovereignty. Property there, even during
the late disturbances, has increased in value, and although

i8si.] THE ORANGE RIVER SOVEREIGNTY. 279
the funds are not now flourishing, I am confident that
locally they will speedily improve to a great extent. I am
equally confident that if any change were made in the
present state of things in the theoretical hope of gaining
over a discontented party by yielding to their demands,
such a precedence would evince weakness on our part,
fraught with every evil, and perpetuate the belief that
persevering resistance to Her Majesty's authority would
ultimately ensure success. It would, at the same time, be
not only disastrous to the parties now dissatisfied, but
would sacrifice to the vengeance of the disaffected those
who have remained loyal and faithful."
In this Sir Harry saw more clearly than most of
his contemporaries. When, contrary to the strong
opinion of the Colony,* the Sovereignty was aban
doned in 1854, and a Republic hostile to England
was allowed to take its place, only one man, the
present Lord Norton, opposed the change in the
House of Commons, and he on very narrow grounds,
and Sir Harry Smith's successor in the Governorship
of the Cape wrote in blind satisfaction, " The foolish
Sovereignty farce is at length over, and we have
done with it." f
* The Cape Town Mail of 9th Dec. 1851 wrote prophetically,
"This abandonment of a really flourishing and promising British
colony would be an Imperial calamity ; but the full extent of the
mischief would not be understood until it became necessary, as in a
few years it certainly would be found, to reconquer the territory so
dishonourably and foolishly deserted ;" and Chase in 1869 speaks of
the "abandonment of that splendid country, the Orange River
Sovereignty, through a gross ignorance and a disgraceful misstatement
of its capabilities, and permitting in its' place the formation of the
Free State Republic — one of the most imprudent acts ever committed,
involving the Colony in entanglements, troubles, and cost, the end and
consequence of which cannot be predicted."
t Correspondence of Gen. Sir G. Cathcart, p. 358.

280 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch. XLIX.
In November, in the course of Somerset's con
tinued operations to clear the Waterkloof, Lieut. -
Col. Fordyce of the 74th and four other officers fell
by an ambuscade, an incident the more unfortunate
as the English public, unable to realize the enormous
difficulties of the situation, was already much excited
by the slow progress made in the war. Those
difficulties were enumerated by Sir Harry Smith on
1 8th Dec. in reply to a querulous dispatch of Lord
Grey. He reminded him that he had had to carry
on a desultory war over an extent of country twice
the size of Great Britain and Ireland, overrun by a
most enterprising horde of savages, and to maintain
twelve forts. Had one retrograde step been made,
the whole population of British Kaffraria would have
been in a blaze. What soldiers could do, his had
done. " So long as the insurgents held together and acted in
large bodies, they were defeated on forty-five different
occasions between the 24th Dec. and 21st Oct. i . . I have
maintained throughout my positions and forts — no convoy
has been cut off, and ho rencontre, however sanguinary, has
been unattended with success." Now that the reinforce
ments have arrived, they " will rescue the Colony from its
misery . . . and relieve the Governor of the Cape from
difficulties, obstacles, opposition, and rebellion, such as it
has been the fortune of few men to encounter."
The worst was already past. In the middle of
January Sir Harry reports that the operations beyond
the Kei have met with signal success, that 30,000
head of cattle have been captured, 7000 Fingoes

1852.] KAFIRS SUE FOR PEACE. 28 1
rescued from thraldom, and that a meeting of all
the Gaika chiefs and their councillors has deputed
emissaries to sue for peace, and that he has insisted
on an unconditional surrender. At the same time
he has seven columns of troops ready to move, if
his terms are not agreed to.
Accordingly, when he received on 5th February
a rather sarcastic dispatch from Lord Grey written
on the 15th December, he was in a good position
to reply to it. Lord Grey wrote —
" It is some relief ... to find that you are so highly
satisfied with the conduct of the officers and men under
your orders, and that you regard the operations under
Major-General Somerset on the 14th and 16th October as
having been attended with important success. I confess
that from that officer's own report, . . . that is not the
light in which I should have regarded these affairs. The
very serious amount of our losses, and the fact that at
the conclusion of the operations of the last day to which your
intelligence reaches, it was the rear, and not the van, of the
British force which was engaged with the enemy1, and that
the latter must therefore have been the assailants, would
appear to me scarcely to justify the tone of satisfaction
with which you relate these occurrences."
In reply to this piece, of civilian criticism, Sir
Harry writes —
" Those, my Lord, who have witnessed military opera
tions, and are best acquainted with their varying character,
success attending them in one part of the field, while in
others partial bodies may be held in check, will not consider
the affair of a rearguard as the criterion by which to judge

282 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch.XLIX.
of their general result. Neither in ancient nor in modern
war has a rencontre of the kind been so regarded. And
the peculiarity of the present contest must be borne in
mind ; it must be remembered that this Kafir warfare is of
the most completely guerrilla and desultory nature, in
which neither front, flank, nor rear is acknowledged, and
where the disciplined few have to contend with the un
disciplined but most daring and intrepid many, in the
midst of the holds and fastnesses of the latter. . . . The
country in which the operations were carried on is far more
difficult to ascend and penetrate than even the Amatolas ;
hence the gallant and enterprising exertions of the troops
became the more conspicuous, and called forth that ex
pression of my satisfaction dictated by experience in war,
which enables a Commander to estimate justly the success
he has obtained, and to commend as it deserves the
conduct of his officers and soldiers.
" In my dispatch of the 19th November I -have reported
the ultimate success of Major-General Somerset's opera
tions. Although the loss of Lieut-Col. Fordyce and of
the other officers who unfortunately fell by an ambuscade
of not more . . . than 20 rebels, was deeply to be re
gretted, the success which I anticipated and have reported,
but which your Lordship does not regard in the same light,
founding your opinion on the affair of a rearguard, enabled
me immediately to so organize the troops as effectually to
watch and guard the frontier line to prevent inroads, and
at the same time to invade the territory of the paramount
chief, Kreili. The uninterrupted successes of the troops
beyond the Kei . . . established their superiority far and
near. Meanwhile I was enabled to collect a depdt of pro
visions for 1000 infantry and 500 horse at Bloemfontein, in
case necessity should arise for a movement in that direction.
. . . Thus, my Lord, viewing matters as a whole, you will,
I think, consider me borne out by general results in having

1852.] THE FOE EXPELLED FROM HIS HOLDS. 283
expressed my satisfaction at the conduct of the officers
and troops, whose exertions and success I foresaw would
lead to the result which has been attained, a general
entreaty for peace by the enemy beyond the Kei, as well
as by the rebels of British Kaffraria."
Peace was in prospect, but it was not yet
attained, and after a week's suspension of hostilities,
seven columns were again operating in the Ama
tolas. Little or no resistance was met with. A
fresh operation in the Waterkloof was now deter
mined on. Accompanying the troops himself, Sir
Harry established his headquarters on 5th March
at Fort Beaufort, and on the 9th at Blinkwater Post.
On the nth Eyre, after enormous difficulties in
a precipitous country, captured " Macomo's Den " —
a success of such magical effect that resistance
seemed to vanish after it.
On the 1 7th March Sir Harry pronounced that
the difficult and till then well-maintained positions
of the enemy, the Waterkloof, Blinkwater, and
Fuller's Hoek, were completely cleared, and he
was at once moving with Michel's and Eyre's
columns with fifteen days' provisions to dislodge
Tyalie and penetrate into the heart of the
Amatolas, while Somerset pursued the retreating
enemy, and the Tambookies were assailed from
Whittlesea. "Every part of the rebel enemy's
country will then be assailed."
But in the same dispatch in which he announced
that the enemy was being at last driven to bay,
he had to acknowledge the receipt of Lord Grey's

284 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch. XLIX.
dispatch of 14th January, informing him that for
a want of " energy and judgment " in conducting the
war he was recalled, and that General the Hon.
George Cathcart would shortly arrive in South
Africa to supersede him. It is needless to picture
the bitter mortification of the veteran Commander,
who, after gallantly facing unexampled difficulties,
saw the sweets of victory snatched from his grasp
and the military qualities which had brought him
fame condemned by a civilian of half his years.
Lord Grey's dispatch — universally condemned in
England and in the Colony* — and Harry Smith's
vindication may be read in full in Appendix V.
to this volume, their length precluding them from
finding a place here.
It was a consolation to the recalled General to
learn that the Duke of Wellington, speaking in the
House of Lords on 5th February, had entirely
repudiated Lord Grey's censure.
" I wish to express my sense of the services of General
Sir Harry Smith, now in the command of the troops in
the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope. Sir Harry Smith
is an officer who, from the high reputation which he has
already attained in the service, does not require any
commendation from me. But having filled a high com
mand in several important military operations carried on
under his direction, and having been recalled by Her
Majesty's Government, it is but just to him to say that I,
* Lord John Russell stated that the dispatch had never been seen
by the Queen, and Lord Ellenborough, in a kind letter dated " Feb. 7,"
says, "What I am told is that Lord Grey recalled you, not without
asking the Duke's opinion, but against it, after he had asked it."

i8S2.] SIR HARRY SMITH RECALLED. 285
who am his commanding officer, though at a great distance,
entirely approve of all his operations — of all the orders
he has given to the troops, and of all the arrangements
he made for their success. I approve entirely of the
conduct of the troops in all their operations. I am fully
sensible of the difficulties under which they laboured, and
of the gallantry with which they overcame all those
difficulties, and of the great success which attended their
exertions. (Cheers.) My firm belief is that everything has
been done by the commanding General, by the forces, and
by his officers, in order to carry into execution the instruc
tions of Her Majesty's Government. ... I am proud to
say that I have observed no serious error in the conduct
of these late operations. . . . The only fault I find with
Sir Harry Smith is " [that after storming a native fastness
he did not destroy it by opening roads into it for the
movement of regular troops with the utmost rapidity].
The Duke, however, acknowledged that to do
what he suggested was not the work of a moment.*
But the bitterness of his recall did not cool the
energy with which Sir Harry maintained the war
against the flagging enemy. The Amatolas were
* Sir George Napier, himself an ex-Governor of the Cape, wrote
in April, 1852 : — " Had the Duke of Wellington ever seen the ' Cape
bush,' he would not have said what he did about making roads through
it ; the thing is quite out of the question. . . . You may rely upon it that
Sir Harry Smith would never have delayed one day in making roads
had it been feasible ... As for Harry Smith, I am glad to see Lord
Grey is abused by everybody for the harsh unjust manner of his recall.
In my opinion the great mistake Smith made was in ever giving in to
Lord Grey's folly of withdrawing a single soldier ; and when the war
did break out, he should have at once acknowledged his error, and
boldly demanded reinforcements to the extent of 5000 troops at once.
I still hope he may be able to finish the war before his successor
arrives, for till lately he had not force to do more than he did." —
Life of Sir W. Napier, ii. pp. 310-312.

286 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch.XLIX.
scoured again, and the satisfactory report brought
in by Colonel Michel : " The Gaika tribes generally
have migrated from these strongholds. Two
companies may traverse with safety where hereto
fore a large column was required. I deem the
war in this quarter virtually concluded." With
such news the Governor returned to King William's
Town on 26th March. On 7th April he wrote his
last dispatch as Governor and Commander-in-Chief.
He was able to say —
"I transfer the civil government without a single
particle of business in arrear, and with a treasury without
a debt, while all the civil officers have worked under me
with energy and zeal. The war impending over the
Orange River territory has been averted, while had its
prosecution become imperative, I had collected an ample
depot of commissariat supplies at Bloemfontein. Amicable
relationship has been established with the Transvaal
emigrant Boers.* The turbulent Boers within the Sove
reignty, when convicted of overt acts of disloyalty, have
had heavy pecuniary fines inflicted on them, many of
which to the amount of £1075 have already been promptly
paid, which I have caused to be placed in the imperial
chest and to its credit. Property rises considerably in
* By the Sand River Convention signed on 17th January, 1852,
by the Assistant-Commissioners Major Hogg and Mr. Owen, and
subsequently ratified by General Cathcart, the Transvaal emigrant
farmers had their independence recognized, and being thus reconciled
to us were detached from the Boers within the Orange River
Sovereignty, who now had no one to look to but the British Govern
ment. The Convention was no doubt politic on the assumption that
the Sovereignty was to be resolutely kept. When the Sovereignty
was abandoned, it took a different character. But for this Sir Harry
Smith was not responsible.

1 8s 2.] A FAREWELL TO THE TROOPS. 287
value, and the revenue of the Sovereignty exceeds its
expenditure, " The flourishing condition of Natal is deeply indebted
to the able and judicious government of Mr. Pine, who,
in a letter to me of the 20th March, thus expresses
himself: 'The only service I have really rendered your
Excellency was the sending the contingent into the
Sovereignty; and the greater part of any merit there
may be attached to that service belongs fairly to you. It
is an easy thing for a subordinate officer to do his duty
when he feels that he has a chief above him, who, pro
vided he acts honestly and straightforwardly will support
him whether he succeeds or fails. Such a chief I have
had in your Excellency.'
" I relinquish the command of the troops . . : at a
period when, according to the reports I have received, . . .
the mass of the Gaikas have been expelled from the
Amatolas — when the Kafirs, Cis- as well as Trans-Keian,
have repeatedly sued for peace, and when the war is
virtually terminated." *
On the same day Sir Harry issued the following
farewell to his troops, dated " Headquarters, King
William's Town " : —
"His Excellency Lieut-General the Hon. George
Cathcart having been appointed by the Queen to relieve
me, I this day relinquish the command.
"Brother officers and soldiers!" Nothing is more
painful than to bid farewell to old and faithful friends.
I have served my Queen and country many years ; and
attached as I have ever been to gallant soldiers, none were
i * The supersession of the Governor at this crisis was no doubt a
main cause of the war's being protracted, though in a less severe form,
for some months longer. See Mr. Brownlee's report dated " Fort
Cox, 4th March, 1852."

288 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch.XLIX.
ever more endeared to me than those serving in the
arduous campaign of 1851-2 in South Africa. The
unceasing labours, the night-marches, the burning sun,
the torrents of rain have been encountered with a cheer
fulness as conspicuous as the intrepidity with which you
have met the enemy in so many enterprising fights and
skirmishes in his own mountain fastnesses and strongholds,
and from which you have ever driven him victoriously.
"I leave you, my comrades, in the fervent hope of
laying before your Queen, your country, and His Grace
the Duke of Wellington these services as they deserve,
which reflect so much honour upon you.
" Farewell, my comrades ! your honour and interests
will be ever more dear to me than my own. ,
"H. G. Smith."
In a reply (also dated " 7th April") to an address
from the inhabitants of King William's Town, in
which they assured him, " We could have well wished
that Her Majesty's Government had thought fit to
have left the final settlement of this war in the hands
of your Excellency," Sir Harry chivalrously put in a
plea for those who had inflicted upon him so bitter
a humiliation. " You on the spot must have
observed how slow the progress of the war occasion
ally appeared. It may therefore be readily conceived
how much Her Majesty's Government must have
been disappointed, who could alone judge of events
by reports, and had not the various circumstances
before them which were apparent to you."
General Cathcart reached King William's Town
late on the 9th April, having taken the oaths as
Governor at Cape Town on 31st March. Sir

1852.] DEPARTURE FROM THE FRONTIER. 289
Harry received him on the 10th with the same
generosity with which in 1836 he had received Capt.
Stockenstrom under similar circumstances, and, as
General Cathcart writes,* devoted the whole of the
day "to the purpose of giving me every insight
into the affairs of the colony generally, and more
particularly of the eastern frontier."
Next morning at 3, Sir Harry left King William's
Town with his staff. In the darkness of night the
inhabitants and troops turned out voluntarily,
cheered him enthusiastically, and in considerable
numbers escorted him to Fort Murray. Here,
though it was still dark, he was met by a body of
Kafirs under Pato, who greeted him with shouts of
" Inkosi Inkulu ! " and, refusing all other escort, he
committed himself to their hands. He was much
affected, we are told, at parting with his officers,
and his voice was scarcely audible when he uttered
his last words, " Gentlemen, take care of the
soldiers. God bless you!" He then continued
his journey with the friendly Kafirs, who were joined
on the way by other parties of Kafirs, horse and
foot. It was a strange and romantic spectacle.f
A few days later, on board the Styx he reached
Cape Town. He was received by an immense
concourse, cheering enthusiastically, and carried to
his carriage- under a triumphal arch. Though ex
tremely unwell, he bore himself with his usual
* Correspondence of General Sir George Cathcart (1856), p. 36.
+ Cape Town Mail, 20th April, 1852. Sir Harry's departure from
King William's Town in 1836 was strangely similar. See pp. 100, 101 .
VOL. II. U

290 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch.XLIX.
energy, and from his carriage rose and briefly
thanked the multitude, adding emphatically, " I
have done my duty to the Cape of Good Hope."
A public dinner was offered him, but in his situation
he felt it right to decline it, upon which the con
veners opened a subscription for a " more lasting
tribute of respect and esteem." It took the form of
a gift of plate.
During his three days' stay at Cape Town,
addresses were presented to him by the inhabitants,
by the tradesmen and mechanics, and by the inhabi
tants of Rondebosch, where he had resided both as
Colonel Smith and as Governor. In his reply to
the first, he said —
" In the service of this colony I have spent some of the
best years of my life, and, excepting those during which I
have been Governor, some of the happiest. At such a
moment as this, nothing can be remembered by me, and I
am equally certain nothing can be remembered by the
citizens of Cape Town and the colonists at large, excepting
what would serve to keep alive old kindness and good
feeling, and to bury all past differences and temporary
estrangements in oblivion."
To the tradesmen and mechanics, he said, " I
am myself a working man. Whatever reputation
I may have at any time possessed, I gained simply
and solely by being a working man who put his
heart into his work."
To the inhabitants of Rondebosch, after referring
to the difficulties he had had to contend with and
the failure of his efforts for the good of the Kafirs,

1852.] FAREWELL TO THE COLONY. 29 1
he added, " Let us all hope that the distinguished
officer who has succeeded me in the government
will be able to settle permanently the elements
which are already subsiding into peace, and let us
all be ready to aid him, heart and hand, in his
arduous undertaking." Those words were the ex
pression of a noble nature incapable of jealousy.
On Saturday, 17th April, at 2 o'clock, Sir Harry
and Lady Smith embarked on H.M.S. Gladiator.
The multitude of people that turned out to bid
them good-bye exceeded anything ever seen in the
Colony before ; triumphal arches had been erected,
the horses were taken out of the carriage, and cheer
after cheer arose, to which Sir Harry, in spite of
illness, responded with almost juvenile animation,
while Lady Smith sat by his side in tears.*
Cape Town honoured itself in honouring the
veteran who, whatever his faults of judgment, had
served the Colony single-heartedly to the utmost of
his strength, who by his military genius and promp
titude in action had conferred upon it in the past
enormous benefits, and whose warmth of heart and
loyalty of character had endeared him to all who
had known him.
As a Governor he had not been indeed beyond
criticism. In his relations with Hintza in 1835 he
had shown an excessive confidence in the protesta
tions of a savage, and he had seen that confidence
abused. The same fault committed in the closing
months of 1850 had preceded events still more
* See Cape Town Mail, April 17th and 20th," 1852,

292 GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CAPE. [Ch.XLIX.
deplorable. In questions of imperial policy his
views were large and far-sighted. In regard to his
civil government, one may say that he had to face
a series of situations which might well have puzzled
the most practised statesman. Standing alone with
an unpopular Colonial Secretary and a Legislative
Council utterly discredited, he had the task of
smoothing the way for the introduction of represen
tative government, unaided by the support of the
people at large, who on their part, when a grievance
presented itself, being without any constitutional
means of enforcing their views, were driven to make
a sort of civil war on their own executive.. Sir
Harry was himself a believer in the advantages of
popular government, but he was also a soldier who
felt himself bound to render implicit obedience to,
his superior officer. If in this situation he tem
porarily lost popularity and encountered obloquy and
misrepresentation of the grossest kind, it can only
be set to his credit. As to his management of the
Kafir War, for which he was recalled, one may
safely leave his reputation in the hands of the Duke
of Wellington. The general judgment of the Colony upon him
is perhaps expressed by Chase, who calls him "the
eagle-eyed and ubiquitous, a better general than
statesman," and adds —
" All men sympathized with the Governor on his recall.
With some share of bluster (in the best acceptation of that
term), he was in private life most warm-hearted, generous,
and amiable, unforgetfijl of services done to him when

i8S2.] SYMPATHY OF THE COLONISTS. 293
plain Colonel Smith. Those who had the honour of being
admitted to his confidence, and therefore best knew him*
can bear testimony to his ardent desire to benefit the Colony
and to his personal regard for its inhabitants. It is true,
when under excitement, he employed somewhat strong
expletives, which, like sheet lightning, are terrifying yet
harmless ; but the writer can add from personal and
intimate knowledge that, notwithstanding this blemish, he
was, perhaps strange to say, a devout and religious man." *
Besides Whittlesea and Aliwal North, two towns
in South Africa keep alive the memory of Sir Harry
Smith's administration — Harrismith, over the
Orange River, founded early in 1849, and Lady-
smith, in Natal, founded in 185 1. I may add
that Sir Harry's autobiography now sees the light,
only on account of the reawakening of interest in
him and in his wife during those long weeks of the
beginning of 1900 in which the fate of Ladysmith
held the whole British race in suspense.
* Wilmot and Chase, pp. 417, 459. With regard to Mr. Chase's
last assertion, it is perhaps worth remarking that Sir Harry Smith
reflected the spirit of the Romantic School in his religious feelings as
well as in much else.

( 294 )

CHAPTER L.
( Supplementary. )
AGAIN IN ENGLAND — LAST YEARS, 1852-1860.
Before Sir Harry Smith reached England, Lord
John Russell's Government had fallen, one main
cause of its fall being a general and perhaps ex
cessive dissatisfaction with Lord Grey's adminis
tration of the colonies. It was widely felt that Sir
Harry had been made the scapegoat of the Whig
Government, and there was every disposition to
give him a warm welcome.
The Gladiator reached Portsmouth on the after
noon of Sunday, ist June, and at seven that even
ing Sir Harry and Lady Smith disembarked and
proceeded to the George. Next day he was
visited by a great number of persons, both official
and private, and at four the Corporation hastily
came together to yote him an address. In sharp
contrast to the terms of Lord Grey's dispatch,
it expressed admiration for his " capacity and fitness
for command" shown amid almost unparalleled
difficulties. Sir Harry was brought to the Council
Chamber to receive it. In his reply he tersely

I8S2.] RECEPTION AT PORTSMOUTH. 295
described the situation in which he had been placed.
" I became a Governor without a Legislative
Council, a Commander-in-Chief without a British
army." Meanwhile the Mayor had been requisi
tioned to call a public meeting of the inhabitants.
It was held to suit Sir Harry's convenience at a
quarter to ten next morning, " milftary time." At
this meeting, which was enthusiastically sympathetic,
Sir Harry recalled an incident of his youth.
"Many years ago I embarked on my first campaign
from your shores, unknown to the world, nay, I may say,
unknozvn to myself, for no youth is aware of the latent
qualities which may hereafter be brought forth. At the
storming of Monte Video, an event which is not known to
many of you, because it occurred before many of you were
born, I was Adjutant of three Companies, and was fast
asleep when they fell in. A brother officer came and shook
me by the shoulder and awoke me, saying, ' The troops are
falling in ; come, wake up.' I arose and exclaimed, ' Lord,
in Thee have I trusted ; let me never be confounded,' and
with many others came out unscathed from a dreadful
storm. These words have guided me during my life."
In each of the two speeches Sir Harry showed
the most magnanimous spirit towards the Govern
ment which had recalled him.*
The feeling displayed at Portsmouth was typical
of that which prevailed throughout the country, and
as he acted at Portsmouth so he acted throughout.
He wrote in 1857, "All England upon my arrival
again received me with open arms. I was requested
* Portsmouth Times, 5U1 June, 1852.

296 LAST YEARS. [Ch. L.
to stand as a member for Cambridge, for West
minster, for Edinburgh, for Glasgow. I declined
to interfere with politics or to embarrass Her
Majesty's Government, which I say my position
enabled me to do, had not my desire been ever to
serve it faithfully and fearlessly." Perhaps his
determination not to pose as a man with a griev
ance was manifested most strikingly when, after
his arrival in London, while declining an invitation
of the United Service Club, he accepted one even
from Lord Grey. A writer in Colburns Magazine
for November, i860, is very indignant at this, and
calls it "the most lowering act" of Sir Harry's life.
But Sir Harry was only maintaining the generous
position he had taken up — that Lord Grey, even if
he had acted wrongly, had acted from a sense of
duty.* But with whatever mixture of feelings Sir Harry
visited Lord Grey, he received another invitation,
we may be sure, with the most unadulterated
pleasure. On the 18th June he was the guest of
his beloved master and faithful defender, the Duke
of Wellington, at the Waterloo Banquet at Apsley
* Lord Grey fully appreciated Sir Harry's chivalry. He writes,
" On a question of this kind we were not at liberty to consult our
private feelings. This was fully understood by Sir Harry Smith
himself, of whose most handsome and honourable conduct I cannot
too strongly express my sense. He has shown no resentment against
us for what we did, but has fairly given us credit for having been
guided only by considerations of public duty. I feel individually very
deeply indebted to him for the kindness with which he has acted
towards me since his return." — The Colonial Policy of Lord John
Russell's Administration (1853), vol. ii. - p. 247. Men will decide
according to their dispositions whether such conduct was " lowering "
to Sir Harry or not. It was at least part and parcel of his nature.

1852.3 the last Waterloo banquet. 297
House — the last Waterloo Banquet ever held.
Around the Duke's table, with Prince Albert and
the Duke of Cambridge, sat between thirty and
forty generals who had played their part in the
struggle of giants thirty-seven years before. They
included Lord Anglesey, Lord Hardinge, and Sir De
Lacy Evans. At this gathering of glorious soldiers
and old comrades, Sir Harry Smith's health was
proposed by the Great Duke himself and drunk
with the greatest enthusiasm.
Early in August Sir Harry and Lady Smith
settled themselves at Belmont House near Havant,
where they were near neighbours of another famous
Peninsular and Indian soldier, Sir Charles Napier.
A month later they crossed to Guernsey to visit
their old friends Sir John and Lady Catherine Bell.
Sir John as Lieutenant-Governor held a review of
the Guernsey Militia in his friend's honour, and
induced Sir Harry to address them. He spoke on
a favourite topic — the power of an armed peasantry
to resist an invader.
" In the mountains of the Tyrol, under Hofer, the militia
peasantry of the country repelled the attacks of the well-
trained battalions of Napoleon. In Algeria for nearly
thirty years have the peasantry defended their country,
which even now is not conquered, although 450,000 French
soldiers have been sent there. In the Caucasian Moun
tains the peasantry have resisted for thirty years the efforts
of 800,000 Russian soldiers to subjugate them, and the
Russians have made to this hour no progress. In South
Africa I have experienced what the determined efforts of
an armed peasantry can do, for after having beaten the

298 LAST YEARS. [CH. L.
Kafirs in one place, they immediately appeared in another.
I state this to you to show what a brave and loyal people
as you are, are capable of doing." *
After returning from Guernsey, Sir Harry
visited Sir Charles Napier, and here met, for the
first time for many years, his old friend and comrade
of the Light Division, the historian, Sir William
Napier. It was while the three brilliant soldiers
were thus together that they heard, with an emotion
easy to imagine, that their great chieftain, the Duke,
had passed away (14th Sept.).f At the Duke's
funeral on the 18th November Sir Harry rode as
Standard-bearer, attended by Col. Garvock.
On 2 ist January, 1853, Sir Harry was appointed
to the command of the Western District, and to
be Lieutenant-Governor of Plymouth. His feelings
on again obtaining employment were no doubt those
expressed in General Beckwith's letter to him on
the occasion : " We should all die in our boots,
with our spurs on, if possible ; at any rate, the
grand affair isto keep the game alive to the last."
Accordingly, he and his wife took up their abode
at Government House, Devonport, where they
remained till the autumn of 1854. It was a busy
time when troops were constantly departing for the
Crimea, and a great deal of hospitality was dispensed
at Government House.
Mr. W. F. Collier of Woodtown, Horrabridge,
* Portsmouth Times, nth Sept. 1852.
t Life of Sir W. Napier, vol. ii. p. 327.

1853.] IN COMMAND AT DEVONPORT. 299
sends me the following reminiscences of Sir Harry
at this time : —
"He was an active General, to be seen everywhere.
When inspecting or reviewing infantry, he usually rode
his little Arab, Aliwal, and always, when the troops were
in line, he would suddenly put his horse into a gallop and
ride at the line as if he were going to charge through them
(the men were, of course, well up to this trick and stood
perfectly steady) ; the little Arab always suddenly halted
within about a foot of the line. I have seen him perform
this show for the benefit of the public often.
" He went to the public balls in his tight Rifle uniform
of the time — a tight 'invisible-green' jacket, with tight
trousers to match. It was very trying to the figure, and
his then was rather spare and dilapidated, rather of the
Don Quixote order.
"Lady Smith was a dear old lady, very kind, and
very popular."
Sir Harry had distinguished himself from the
beginning of his career by his zeal for the common
soldier, and in his last years no old soldier appealed
to him in vain. Through the kindness of Colonel
L. G. Fawkes, R.A., I am enabled to give the
following charming letter addressed by Sir Harry
at this time to Sergeant T. Himbury, an old
soldier of the 95th : —
" Government House, Devonport, May 20th, 1853.
"Old Comrade Himbury,
"I well recollect you. Upon the receipt of
your letter of the 16th inst, I recommend your memorial
to 'The Lords and other Commissioners of Chelsea
Hospital ' to have your pension increased to two shillings

300 LAST YEARS. [CH. L.
a day. There are few men now remaining in the British
Army who have seen so much service and been in so
many actions as yourself; and the fact alone, of your
having been wounded when one of the Forlorn Hope at
the important storm of San Sebastian, where we, the
Light, Third, and Fourth Divisions sent our gallant volun
teers, is enough. The Lords Commissioners are very
kind to such gallant old soldiers as yourself, and, if they
can increase your pension, I am sure they will. Let this
certificate accompany your memorial, and let me hear
that another, though not a forlorn, hope has succeeded.
My wife well remembers your picking her up when her
horse fell upon her, and again thanks you.
" Your old friend and comrade,
" H. G. Smith, Major-General,
" Colonel 2nd Battn. Rifle Brigade."
Sir Harry's interest was not confined to the
rank and file, and early in June, finding on the
appearance of the Gazette that various officers whom
he had recommended for promotion for their
services in South Africa had had their claims over
looked, he wrote some vigorous letters to Lord
Hardinge, the new Commander-in-Chief, and in
some cases obtained what he desired. In one of
these letters (12th June) he adds, "I had a great
sham fight yesterday on Roborough Downs, horsed
four guns myself, and taOght the troops a forward
fight." Early in 1854, we see the shadow of the
Crimean War coming over the land. It was a new
experience for Harry Smith to be at home when
there was fighting to be done. But now Charles

W^~&&.<t*-*

I8S4-] IN COMMAND AT MANCHESTER. 301
Beckwith wrote to him from' Turin, "I suppose,
old boy, that our share in coming events will be
reading the Gazette at breakfast, shutting the
garden-gate, and turning the siege of Dendermond
into a blockade." That was what it had now
come to.
In March, 1854, Sir Harry had permission to
appoint as his aide-de-camp Lieut. -Colonel Holdich
of the 80th Foot, who had held the same position
during the Sutlej campaign and in South Africa,
and had since greatly distinguished himself in
Burmah. Although Colonel Holdich resigned
this position in 1856 in order to proceed with his
regiment to South Africa (Major Hugh Smith
replacing him), he remained closely bound to Sir
Harry and Lady Smith to the end of their lives.
On the 20th June Sir Harry became Lieutenant-
General (in South Africa he had had the local rank
of Lieutenant-General, but no more), and on the
29th September he was transferred from Devonport
to Manchester, being appointed to the command
of the Northern and Midland Military Districts.
Soon after he and his wife took up their residence
at Rusholme House, which was their home till 1857,
when they removed, to Somerville, Victoria Park.
One of Sir Harry's first duties, after taking up
his command at Manchester, was to proceed to Hull
to supervise the military arrangements for the
reception of the Queen, who was to pay a visit
there on her way from Scotland. After being
present at Her Majesty's arrival on the evening

302 LAST YEARS. [Ch. L.
of 13th October, he dined by command with the
royal party at the Station Hotel. Next morning
he was on the Fairy when the Queen made a tour
of the docks, but immediately afterwards left Hull
on another mission of great interest. At the
request of Lord Hardinge, now Commander-in-
Chief, he proceeded on the 15th October to Paris
to represent the British Army at the funeral of
Marshal St. Arnaud, who had died in the Crimea.
He was accompanied by his own aide-de-camp,
Lieut.-Colonel Holdich, Colonel Brook Taylor,
A.G. of the Manchester District, and Lord Arthur
Hay, aide-de-camp to Lord Hardinge (representing
the Commander-in-Chief). On the 16th Lord
Cowley, the British Ambassador, entertained the
military deputation at breakfast, and then conveyed
them to the Invalides, the place of interment. Sir
Harry was subsequently admitted to an audience
of the Emperor at St. Cloud, of which he has
left the following note : —
"After a very long conversation, the Emperor said,
' You will see the Queen, and I pray you to assure Her
Majesty how sensible I, the French Army and Nation
are of the mark of respect paid to us by sending to attend
the melancholy funeral of Marshal St. Arnaud, an officer
of your rank and reputation with a Deputation of British
Officers. The amicable relationship which existed between
the Marshal and Lord Raglan renders his loss still more
to be deplored.' "
Sir Harry was back in London on the 21st.
Christmas, 1854, brought Sir Harry a double

1854-55] DEATHS OF OLD FRIENDS. 303
sorrow. His "third Waterloo brother," Charles,
died at Whittlesey on Christmas Eve, and four
days earlier his old friend Sir James Kempt passed
away at the age of ninety. On 17th January, 1855,
Sir Andrew Barnard followed. On Sir Andrew's
death, Sir Harry, who had been since 1847 Colonel
of the 2nd Battalion Rifle Brigade, was appointed
to the command of the ist Battalion. In one of
his strangely beautiful letters written on 27th
January, Charles Beckwith grieves over the suffer
ings of the men in the Crimea, gives his friend
some of his thoughts on the great mystery of death,
and then refers in particular to the recent deaths
of their old friends.
" What a good old fellow Sir James was ! I did not
feel Sir Andrew's loss so much, as they told me that
his intellect had failed. I had a good letter the other
day from Lord Seaton. All these men I regard as the
patriarchs of all that is solid in England. These men and
their fellows, the men of Alma, Balaklava, Inkerman, of
the Birkenhead, and the Arctic Regions, I hold to be the
foundation-stones of England. In them is incarnate the
sense of duty and obedience as a fixed habit, not a senti
ment or conviction, as the people say, but a true witness
of the Omnipotent who wills it thus. . . . Adieu. Love
to Juana. We must expect to be rather ricketty at the
best, but we may toddle on. It is highly desirable that
we may all go together as nearly as may be. Bring
Bright to a garrison Court Martial, take care of your
old hones, remember me kindly to any old fellow that
may write to you, and believe me,
" Your affectionate friend,
" Charles Beckwith."

304 LAST YEARS. [Ch. L.
It might atone for many faults in Harry Smith
that he loved and was loved by Charles Beckwith.
The following letter to H.R.H. the Duke
of Cambridge and the Duke's reply are self-
explanatory : — " Manchester, March 9, 1855.
"Dear Sir,
"I cannot avoid expressing to Your Royal
Highness my delight on reading the opinion so nobly
given by you, when in the Chair, as to the Patriotic
Fund, of the value, worth, and zeal of our Regimental
Officers. In a service of fifty years I have ever found
them the same, and ever looked up to and beloved by
their soldiers. Your Royal Highness's expressions in the
Chair are calculated to do vast good in these twaddling
and criminating times, and to uphold that class of men,
alone qualified to command British soldiers, who feel
themselves that gentlemen best command them.
" H. G. Smith,
" Lieut-General.
_"To H.R.H. the Duke of Cambridge, etc."
" St. James's Palace, March 10th, 185,5.
"My dear Sir Harry,
" Many thanks for your most kind letter just
received. I really am delighted ta find that all my
friends approve of my speech the other day. I felt it
was a duty I owed to the Officers of the Army to state
what I did in their favour, they having been most unjustly
assailed from all quarters, and not a soul to take their
part, which I felt was too bad. Never are there a set of
men who have worked harder, and their trials have been
great. You know my devotion for the service. I could

1855-3 BRITISH OFFICERS. 305
not allow such imputations to go by unanswered. The
Departments have been very bad, though I admit their
great difficulties, but the Army, as far as troops are
concerned, cannot be improved.
" I remain, my dear Sir Harry,
" Yours most sincerely,
" George."
In May Sir Harry received with great pleasure
from Prince Adalbert of Prussia the beautifully
illustrated volume on the First Sikh War written
by the lately deceased Prince Waldemar, who had
fought in those battles as a volunteer, and had
gained the esteem and affection of his comrades.
On the 25th July Sir Harry wrote to Major
George Simmons —
"I have not been myself since the 18th June last. I
went to Preston to inspect some militia and a Dep6t
Battalion of the line, and I was wet for six hours. George,
on one 18th June, I did not much mind a wetting. Age
is a bore. Ah, poor dear Lord Raglan ! He died, I fear,
of a broken heart. I desire you write ' Dear Harry S  ,'
and not ' Dear General,' you old humbug. Juana sends
you and yours her love, as does your old comrade,
"Harry Smith."
As General in command of the Midland District,
Sir Harry was present at Birmingham on 22nd
November, when Prince Albert laid the foundation
stone of the "Midland Institute." On rising to
reply for the "Army and Navy," he called forth
vociferous cheering by the words, " I pray my
vol. 11. x

306 LAST YEARS. [Ch. L.
country not precipitately to make peace. Let peace
be based upon the surest foundations."
A letter of Lady Smith's dated "31st March,
1857," reminds us of the regulation ordering all
officers to leave the upper lip unshaven, of which
the effect is seen in portraits of Sir Harry after
this date. "Your uncle is, thank God, quite well.
His moustaches are growing very nicely, and I
do think they become his dear old face." A week
later he wrote to his nephew, Mr. George Moore
Smith, of Whittlesey, his native place, to express
his delight at "the pluck" he had shown during
some riots, when the rioters had cheered him for
going in among them.
On 5th May the Manchester " Art Treasures "
Exhibition was opened by Prince Albert, who wrote
the same night to the Queen : " After luncheon
[at Abney Hall] we donned our uniform, and drove
with an escort, etc., etc., to Manchester, some six
miles, and through the town — Sir Harry Smith
upon his Arab ' charging the multitude.' " * On
29th June the Queen and various members of the
Royal Family, including Prince Frederick William
of Prussia, newly betrothed to the Princess Royal,
visited the Exhibition. It was Sir Harry Smith's
duty to make all the military arrangements, and
he rode on the right of Her Majesty's carriage in
the procession. When the Queen was about to
knight the Mayor, she turned to Sir Harry for his
sword, telling the Mayor at the same time that
""^Martin's Life of the\Prince Consort, vol. iv. p. 37.

1857.] QUEEN VICTORIA AT MANCHESTER. 307
it had been " in four general actions." On receiving
it back he respectfully bowed, and, stooping over
it, pressed the hilt to his lips. Her Majesty
afterwards expressed a wish for the sword, saying,
" Do you value it very much, Sir Harry ? " and,
needless to say, it was at once presented to her.
Sir Harry had worn it from 1835.*
Sir Harry and Lady Smith having invited
General and Mrs. Beckwith to come over from
Paris and stay with them during the time of the
Exhibition, the General replied, "You must under
stand that if I should come to England, I shall
certainly present my wife to Juana. As to the
Exhibition, it will be a thing to be seen and felt,
but your house will be little better than a hotel for
a part of the time, and I think much more of your
blessed faces than of all other possible sights. I
had rather see John Bell's ' old divine countenance '
than that of Raphael himself."
That summer of 1857 — the summer of the
Indian Mutiny — filled the letters of Harry Smith
and Charles Beckwith with gloomy forebodings.
It is interesting to see the reminiscence of the old
Light Division contained in the last words of Beck-
with's letter of the 18th September: "Do you
think ' Young Varmint ' f can get to Lucknow ? I

* Sir Harry felt a strong personal devotion to the Queen, and
would speak of her as " the most gracious lady in the whole world."
t Henry Havelock's elder brother, Will, as before stated, was
called in the Peninsula "Young Varmint," for "his keenness and
daring in the saddle and in every manly sport." See account of
W. H. by H. H. in Buist's Annals of India for 1848,

308 LAST YEARS. [Ch. L.
have some doubts. God protect him and bless
him." General Beckwith did not achieve the visit to
Manchester in 1857, but wrote on 15th January,
1858, that he would like to come in the following
July. He says —
" I am glad to hear from you, because you really know
something of what is going on in the world, and, above
all, something of the men who take an active part in
directing its affairs. I have nothing but my own theories
and the newspapers to direct me, two fallacious guides.
It is impossible not to shed a tear on H. Havelock's
grave. I wish he could have once more embraced his
wife and daughters. There is another thing, Harry, that
hangs on my mind, and that is Punjaub Lawrence. As
far as I can see, nothing was foreseen and nothing
was prevented from Calcutta. Everything — wisdom,
counsel, action, foresight — came from Lahore. 'There
was a little city and few men within it, and there came
a great king against it, and besieged it, and built
great bulwarks against it. Now, there was found in
it a poor wise man, and he by his wisdom delivered
the city ; yet no man remembered that same poor
man.' . . . My wife, the most simple-minded creature
living, sends her duty to Juana, and I send my love. Is
John Bell on the staff of your district ? My kind regards
to him. I think with reverence and affection of his ' old
divine face.' "
In May Sir Harry Smith, Lord Burghersh and
the Garter King at Arms were commissioned to go
to Lisbon in attendance on the Marquis of Bath,
who was to invest Don Pedro V., on the occasion

i858.j A MISSION TO LISBON. 309
of his marriage, with the Order of the Garter. The
young queen, Princess Stephanie of Hohenzollern,
visited the English Court on her way to Portugal,
and Sir Harry and Lady Smith were bidden to
a dinner-party at Buckingham Palace on 7th May,
and to a State Ball on the 10th, given in connexion
with her visit.
Lord Bath and his suite reached Lisbon on
the 17th, a day before the Queen. They were
present at various festivities held in honour of the
royal wedding, and after the investiture at Belem
Palace on the 27th were the guests of the King
at a State Dinner. Sir Harry received from the
King at this time the Order of St. Bento d'Aviz.
It must have been very interesting to the Peninsular
veteran thus to revisit under such different circum
stances the place where he and George Simmons
had bathed together forty-eight years before when
convalescent from their wounds received, at the Coa.*
Alas ! the first letter he received from Charles
Beckwith after his return told him, in sentences
worthy of Thackeray, that Simmons, with his simple
hero-worship of them both, had passed away.
"Todas son muertas! and amongst the rest old
George Simmons, who went out of the world in a few
moments with a smile on his countenance. The first
thing George would ask was, ' Where's the regiment ? My
word, the General and Sir Harry will soon be here.'"
* See vol. i. p. 33 n. It is characteristic of Sir Harry's kindness
of nature that he now brought home from Lisbon some little presents
for the children of his aide-de-camp, Major Payne,

3 lO LAST YEARS. [Ch. L.
He adds —
" I shall be] ready to move on Manchester on the
14th July with my young wife. I hope to find you during
an interregnum of giving dinners and dining out, as I
want to comfort my head and heart during my stay in
England, and have no reverence for cotton lords. Your
blessed faces and those of the old stock that I may be
lucky enough to meet, will mend up and comfort my
soul which has passed through a dreary desert for the
last thirty years. I had much rather see old Sousa e
Silva* than Milner Gibson. In fact, it is not safe for
me to get into a colloquy with this sort of chap, as I
should certainly rap out something disagreeable. . . .
Love to Juana. Corramba, how I shall enjoy myself at
Manchester ! "
In July the anticipated visit duly took place.
On the 9th October, at Newcastle, Sir Harry
inspected for the last time his own Regiment, the
ist Battalion Rifle Brigade. When he had inspected
them and put them through some rapid manoeuvres,
he formed the men into square, and addressed them
in words full of his lifelong affection for the corps.
That was the only Regiment or Battalion, he said,
in which he had taken his place in the ranks, and
their services, their "everything, in fact," would
never be forgotten. He then desired the men to
let him get out of the square, observing that he
well knew he never could get into it if they wished
to prevent him.f
Early in 1859 Sir Harry had a bad fall and cut
* See vol. i. p. 184 n.
t Cope, p. 451.

I859-] A SERIOUS ACCIDENT. 311
his knee. He went to London unwisely, inflamma
tion came on, and he nearly lost his leg. Beckwith
writes to him —
"My dear old Fellow,
"What a spoony of a Manchester doctor to
let you set off! Why didn't you turn back ? However,
when you've got your nose in a given direction, you never
turn back. . . . You see how a man may be 'severely
wounded ' being at ease and in his own house, after riding
through showers of lead and iron unscathed. I am certain
that you will have greatly profited by this occasional mar
tyrdom, and that you are now much fitter to ' fall in ' in
the ranks of the celestial army."
For eight weeks the patient was confined to his
room, and almost constantly to his bed. He reports
his return to Manchester on 1 2th April and adds —
" In a few days I hope to mount Alice's * pony. I have
suffered very much occasionally, but my pluck never for
sook me. My greatest distress was to see my dear old
faithful wife suffer so — her anxiety was intense."
Sir Harry's five-years' command of the Northern
District was to expire on the 30th September. He
hated the idea of being out of harness, and wrote
in May to the Duke of Cambridge, begging that
he might be reappointed, but the Duke replied
that, though his feelings were strongly in favour
of continuing Sir Harry in the command he so
* Miss Alice E. Smith (daughter of Major Thomas Smith), now
Mrs. Lambert, was a great deal with her uncle and aunt from 1852
onwards.

312 LAST YEARS. [Ch. L.
worthily filled, he could not, in justice to other
officers, make an exception in his case. Accordingly
Sir Harry saw his time at Manchester drawing to
an end. There, as in all his previous employments, he
had gained the love and esteem of all who came
in contact with him, by his high spirit, his gene
rosity, and his kindness of heart, while they smiled
at his soldierly inflexibility in little things. A lady
who visited him at this time tells me how severe
he would be on bad riders, or men who used a
spoon to their pudding or left a wine-glass un
finished ; how proud he was of his little beautifully-
formed foot, and how when in bad health he would
scrupulously dress for dinner, - perhaps to imitate
the Duke of Wellington, whom he made his pattern
in all things ; how he would ride a very strong and
spirited horse, although it exhausted him ; how he
would take men into his employment from pure
charity, because they needed assistance ; how in
society he would devote himself still to the prettiest
woman present; how rigidly punctual he was in
his house ; how charming with children and young
people ; how he would go through whatever he felt
to be his duty at any cost.
Sir Harry's departure from Manchester was
therefore a time of severance from many friends.
The Council of the City, in a formal resolution,
requested the Mayor to assure him of their regret
at his removal, and their thanks for the great
courtesy and kindness with which he had discharged

1859O END OF THE MANCHESTER COMMAND. 313
his duties. In his reply to the Mayor, Sir Harry
wrote —
" After the approbation of his Sovereign, the greatest
compliment which can be conferred on the soldier is to
live in the affections of his countrymen. Thus to learn
that the Council of the wealthy and populous City of
Manchester appreciates any services it has been my duty
to perform is, I assure you, most gratifying to my feelings.
During the five happy years I have commanded the
Northern District and resided in Manchester, I have
received the greatest kindness and hospitality both in the
City and in the neighbourhood, and joyfully do I record
that during that period no single instance of any collision
between the citizens and the soldiers throughout these
extensive districts was ever brought before me. . . . The
kindly feelings evinced by you, Sir, in your letter of trans
mission, are most forcibly impressed upon my mind, the'
more so as you include Lady Smith, the faithful partner
of my joys, sorrows, and military career for so many years
in every quarter of the globe."
Lord De Tabley wrote —
" I do assure you that, amongst the many neighbours
who have had an opportunity of forming your acquaint
ance and cultivating your friendship during the period of
your command here, there is no one who regrets the ter
mination of the command more sincerely than I and my
family. Most exceedingly also will the Regiment, which
you have so kindly, more than once, inspected, miss the
cheering and encouraging glance and word of the General
they were always so glad and proud to see. As you say,
time passes, but I trust that friendship and kindly feeling
will remain."

314 LAST YEARS. [Ch. L.
Similarly, Lord Derby, " the Rupert of debate,"
wrote from Knowsley —
" Your retirement will, I am sure, be a subject of very
general regret. I hope that Lady Derby and I may
have the pleasure of again seeing you and Lady Smith
at this place. I beg of you to place me at the feet of the
Dona Juana, and to believe me, my dear Sir Harry,
" Yours sincerely,
"Derby."
To Major C. W. Meadows Payne, his second
aide-de-camp, whom he had first met in South
Africa in the thirties, Sir Harry wrote a warmly
affectionate letter of farewell.
" Manchester, 30th Sept. 1859.
"My dear old and valued Friend Payne,
" This day closes for the present our Military
Career — but no change in our circumstances can effect
any change in that Fraternal Love which has endeared
us to each other for so many years. During the last five
years, while my A.D.C., you have been of the greatest
possible service to me in both your official and private
capacity, my interests have been yours, and the frank
confidence I have ever reposed in you has been observed
with every regard for my honour.
" It may happen, even at my advanced age, I may be
again employed — if so, I hope you would again join your
General who so valued your services.
"Meanwhile, Payne, may every blessing attend you
and yours, and may every Veteran General have such a
Friend as yourself to confide in.
" Your old friend,
" H. G. Smith.
" Major Payne, A.D.C."

l859-] "ALIWAL." 315
There was one other loved friend from whom
Sir Harry had now to part. His little Arab
" Aliwal " had been ridden by him at Maharajpore
and at all the battles of the Sutlej Campaign ; it
had come home with him to England in 1847,
accompanied him to the Cape, returned with him
in 1852, and had since served him faithfully in his
commands at Devonport and Manchester. A lady,
the daughter of Sir Harry's aide-de-camp, Major
Payne, writes —
"My sister and I have a vivid recollection of the
lovely horse, and how, when we used to meet Sir Harry
when we were out walking and he was riding, he would
call out, ' Stand still, children,' and then come galloping
up at full speed, and Aliwal would stop at our very feet ; *
and my mother used to tell us that on the anniversary of
the Battle of Aliwal, when there was always a full-dress
dinner at the General's house, some one would propose
Aliwal's health, and Sir Harry would order him to be
sent for. The groom would lead the beautiful creature
all round the dinner-table, glittering with plate, lights,
uniforms, and brilliant dresses, and he would be quite
quiet, only giving a snort now and then, though, when his
health had been drunk and the groom had led him out,
you could hear him on the gravel outside, prancing and
capering. The horse was now old, and Sir Harry, in his
new house in London, would not be able to keep him ;
and though Sir Robert Gerard (now Lord Gerard) kindly
offered him a home, Sir Harry feared that his old age
would perhaps be an unhappy one, and he resolved to
shoot him. My father and the faithful groom were with Sir
Harry when he did so, and I believe they all shed tears."
* Cp> p. 299.

316 LAST YEARS. [Ch. L.
That night Sir Harry's place was vacant at
dinner, and he was seen no more till the following
morning. The following epitaph on his horse in
Sir Harry's handwriting is still preserved : —
" Near this Stone is buried Sir Harry Smith's celebrated
Arab charger of the Purest Blood,
' Aliwal.'
Sir Harry rode him in the battles of Maharajpore, Moodkee,
Ferozeshahur, Aliwal, and Sobraon. He was the only horse
of the General Staff that was not killed or wounded. He
came from Arabia to Calcutta, thence to Lahore ; he has
marched nearly all over India; came by ship to England,
thence to the Cape of Good Hope and back to England. He
was twenty-two years old ; never was sick during the eighteen
years in Sir Harry's possession. As a charger, he was in
comparable, gallant, and docile ; as a friend, he was
affectionate and faithful."
On leaving Manchester Sir Harry and Lady
Smith visited Sir John Bell at 55, Cadogan Place,
London, and took a house for themselves a few
doors off (No. 15), which they entered at the end
of November. The letters of General Charles Beckwith show
him to have been vexing himself for years with
the question, " How is England to defend her
self against invasion ? " Although Harry Smith's
letters to him are not in my hands, I do not doubt
that he had also deeply pondered the same momen
tous problem. Neither of the friends forgot the
famous letter which Wellington, in their eyes the
wisest of all Englishmen, had addressed in 1847
to Sir John Burgoyne, and in which, after saying
that he had studied our Southern Coast piece by
piece and did not doubt that a foreign army could
be landed at many points, he added —

I859-] NATIONAL DEFENCE. 317
" I know no mode of resistance excepting by an army
in the field capable of meeting and contending with its
formidable enemy, aided by all the means of fortification
which experience in war can suggest.
"I shall be deemed foolhardy in engaging for the
defence of the empire with an army composed of ... a force
of militia. I may be so, I confess it. I should infinitely
prefer an army of regular troops. But I know that I shall
not have these. I may have others.
" I am bordering upon seventy-seven years of age
passed in honour. I hope that the Almighty may protect
me from being the witness of the tragedy which I cannot
persuade my contemporaries to take measures to avert." *
These solemn words of warning were present
to the minds of Beckwith and Harry Smith when,
in 1859, they saw the public mind seriously alarmed
by the fear of invasion, and an army of citizen
soldiers springing up in its defence. They would
have been untrue to their master if they had not
gladly hailed the Volunteer Movement, and seized
the opportunity of aiding their country to put its
defences in order. Harry Smith, as we have seen,
had told the Guernseymen of the immense value
of a citizen army. On 17th May, 1859, he wrote
at Manchester the following memorandum : —
" 1. I am one who thinks that the most formidable
enemies are the armed population of a country — take
Switzerland, America, Spain, etc., and I have never seen
more formidable opposition than by armed savages even.
"2. I would therefore gradually enroll every man in
* Sir H. E. Maxwell's Life of Wellington, vol. ii. pp. 361-364.

318 LAST YEARS. [Ch. L.
England who has a vote, and teach them to shoot. That
is all we require at present ; plenty of time to talk of a
little drill and embodiment. And as we may become
threatened by war, I would enroll all gamekeepers and
their helpers as Light Infantry, or rather Riflemen. I
would enroll all the navvies, give them arms, but call
them 'Pioneers.' I would enroll all the Railroad men,
not to take them from the rail, but teach them to shoot.
"3. I would never talk of war, but thus show such
a set of Bulldog teeth as no sensible enemy would like
the grip of. All this in aid of the Regular Army, the
Militia, etc.
" 4. I would erect such works at Plymouth as I have
long ago pointed out : no great fortifications ; outworks of
strength, on points which would render it unassailable.
So at all our ports, etc.
"5. Why, when the Napoleon threatened us with in
vasion, Mr. Pitt had 800,000 men with arms in their
hands ; 200,000 more enrolled. Every waggon, boat,
etc., was numbered, and alarm-posts established every
where throughout England. By heavens, if any enemy, or
enemies, thought of invading us, England would ' chevaux-
de-frises' like a porcupine's back, with lots of men
everywhere. These are our resources if our Navy let
them land. And we should have swarms of little steamers
with Armstrong's guns on our coasts.
"6. I should like some 'Places d'armes' on the
Reigate Hills range — small, but capable to resist all but
a siege. These points being occupied add to the de
fensive, and are capital Points of Rendezvous.
" 7. If the war * is protracted and our neutrality
shaken, we must go back to the old constitutional plan of
Ballot for the Militia.
" 8. All I have here written about would be easy,
* I.e. the war then being waged in Italy. '¦

I859-] VALUE OF FORTIFICATIONS. 319
feasible, and requisite if a large French Camp was form
ing in Boulogne, Cherbourg & Co., but, as yet, John
Bull's steam is hardly up. Government measures of
defence upon the basis of strict neutrality would be
acceptable to the People, and, by Government being
energetic, the People would think there is more necessity
than they see, and would rally round it in defence of
Queen, Country, ' pro aris et focis.' And if they did not
get their steam up, give them a touch of ' The blessings
of Tortona ' * and various other interesting anecdotes of
war and contributions, etc., etc.
" H. G. S."
Sir Harry's interest in the question was still
shown after his removal to London. The Times
of 19th December having discussed in a leader
whether the country would be wise in following
Lord Palmerston's advice and spending ^"10,000,000
on fortifications, or in trusting its defence merely
to its fleet, army, and volunteers, Sir Harry again
put his views on paper in a letter to the editor
(which, however, seems not to have been published).
I give a few extracts : —
" 3. What you state as to Fortifications is truly correct.
They must ever be regarded as auxiliaries, and no mode
of defence would be more objectionable than 'large
fortifications,' absorbing, as you observe, the men required
in the field.
"4. ' Should we not take our stand upon the ocean and
the coast rather than assume that an enemy will make
good his advance into the country?' On this allow me
to observe that, in war, one of its first principles is to
* Tortona was laid waste in 1155 and 1163 by Frederick Barbarossa.

320 LAST YEARS. [Ch. L.
ensure a 'reserve.' This, if we were defeated at sea
(which I by no means anticipate), your small fortifica
tions around your arsenals, docks, etc., and upon a few
points on the most vulnerable side of the capital, would
secure. " 7. A movable Column or Columns of Riflemen and
Armstrong's guns might not arrive at the point in time.
Defences must be permanent and leave nothing to chance.
" 8. The assertion that ' No force would ever attempt
a landing on a hostile shore in the face of 2000 Riflemen
supported by good artillery,' is very correct, but it must
be observed that this small force would cover but an
atom of the coast, and the enemy would land on either
flank, leaving a force in front of the ' atom of defence.'
"11. Arm the People, who have demonstrated their
readiness. Place such an armament under a system of
organization which would ensure obedience. That
authority to emanate and be exercised direct from the
Crown, and to descend by a continuous chain of respon
sibility from the Crown to the private. Thus would
England be so armed as to prevent the melancholy ex
hibition of a Panic, as injurious to her trade throughout
the world as it is degrading to her position as a State.
Nothing so well ensures the friendship of nations as
irresistible power.
"12. I conclude by asserting that the Navy, some
small fortifications, the Army and Militia, and the ' Rifle
Volunteers' (in other words, 'the Armed People of in
vincible England ') will ensure her defence as effectually
as they will re-establish her ' prestige ' throughout Europe
and the world."
At Glasgow, when the survivors of the " Sharp
shooters "of 1 8 19 met to consider the question of
re-embodying the old force, they wrote to their

l86o.j ARM THE PEOPLE/ "521

old commander, and received a letter from him full
of reminiscences of his Glasgow days, and full of
encouragement to them to do what they were
proposing — "London, Feb. 7, i860.
"My war cry for England has ever been, Arm the
people ! . . . Some of my gallant and experienced
comrades who write upon the subject of the defence of
England take as extreme and one-sided a view as some
of our leading journals do on the other — the one de
claring the inutility of Volunteers, the other that they
are omnipotent. I ask either of these extremities — If
you saw a large French army in battle array, which
must occupy a large tract of country, with artillery,
cavalry, and their sharpshooters, how do you propose
to check their advance? I cannot conjecture the reply
of either. But this I will assert and maintain, with my
last breath — It is alone to be done by a combination of
regular troops, as a barrier and a reserve, with swarms
of riflemen everywhere as powerful — most powerful —
auxiliaries. We must bear in mind that the distance
from our coast to London is barely three days' march,
hence the object of the enemy is to advance by a coup
de main to seize London. Could I say loose troops
would stop them ? No. But a combination would ensure
their defeat, and then let loose the sons of Britain, with
this command — ' Forward and shoot ; you shall all be
supported at the requisite points.' Should any enemy
have the audacity to attempt our shores, could he avoid
our ever invincible Navy, I as a General of some expe
rience in war, would be proud to command a combined
force as I have described, and ' Let deeds show.' . . .
" One word more. Tease not our youths as Volunteers
with the minutiae of drill — a few things are alone necessary.
VOL. II. Y

322 LAST YEARS. [Ch. L.
To march in quick time, to march in column, form line,
gain ground to the right and left, to advance again in
line, to extend and occupy bridges or walls ; a rallying
square may be practised. Soldiers require fhese alone
in the field. Then, to be good shots. Pluck enough they
have, and, with prompt obedience, England's regular
army, so nobly supported and its numbers so increased,
can, may, and will defy the  .
" Let our watchword be,
" ' Arm the People.'
" Ever faithfully yours,
" H. G. Smith.
" To Peter Mackenzie, Esq., Gazette Office, Glasgow." *
When others were timorous of the Volunteer
Movement as a danger to public order, Harry
Smith saw in it the possible salvation of the country
which he had served valiantly with the sword and
could serve now only by words.
His spirit was still high, and it chafed him to
live in London without horses and on a diminished
income. He had never had the art of saving money,
and he now writes (7th March) to Major Payne —
" You would laugh to see me poring over twopences.
Hang me if I know how people in England live. I hate
London, and I love you, Tom. " Your friend,
" Harry Smith."
He says in the same letter that he had taken
a cold at the funeral of his old friend Sir William
Napier, but when he writes again on 12th June
he gives a better report of himself.
* Glasgow Gazette, nth Feb. i860.

i860.] THE COMING OF THE END. 323
" Everybody tells me I look well. I am thin, but as
active as ever. I want horses and that stirring exercise.
I say nothing, Tom, but I do feel the loss, for the last
fifty years having ever had a right good stud. But you
can't eat your cake and have it. London full of the world,
a most heartless reunion ; it is for the girls a regular Con
stantinople. Tom, do write often. I don't care what the
subject of your letter may be, so that it is not melancholy.
Say it rains or don't rain ; yesterday 'twas fine, to-day
pouring with rain again."
Two months later the old man has had a warn
ing that his sands are nearly run. He asks his
" dear old Tom Payne " to copy a paper which he
has drawn up.
"You won't d  me, won't you? I have not' been
well lately with violent palpitation of the heart, and I
should not like to slip my wind without an attempt to
secure for Juana the pension of my rank which must be
an especial [one ?]. I have consulted Yorke and Bell, who
agree in my course ; but, Tom, I am no nearer dropping
off the hooks for doing this. " Yours,
"Harry Smith.
" I write on my back to-day, but much better. Say
nothing of all this."
The following letter, addressed to Major Payne
by Colonel Shadwell (Q.M.G. at Manchester),
though of the nature of a false alarm, shows the
coming of the end, and how it struck home to those
who loved him.

324 LAST YEARS. [Ch. L.
" Manchester, 15th Sept. i860.
"My dear Tom,
"You will probably have heard from London
direct of our dear old friend Sir Harry's alarming state.
From Alice's account this morning, he was yesterday
morning in extremis, and ere this has most likely breathed
his last." It has come like a thunderbolt on us, as only five days
ago Lady Smith wrote to us in such good spirits about
the dear old man.
"We saw him, I am now thankful to say, when in town
for a few days the middle of last month.
" I presume, from the intense agony he has endured, that
he has succumbed to an attack of angina pectoris.
" What a friend we have lost ! so true, so constant, so
generous, so kind, and then to think of dear Lady Smith !
I shudder to think of what her state will be when she
comes to realize it.
" My wife is quite upset by it, and so am I.
" Always, my dear Payne,
"Yours very truly,
"Lawrence Shadwell."
On the 1 2th October, at 1, Eaton Place West,
which had been his home for the last six months,
the end came. Sir Harry had reached the age of
73 on the 28th June preceding.
A year before, in sending his nephew George
Moore Smith a subscription towards the restoration
of St. Mary's, Whittlesey, he had written, " I
enclose a cheque for our subscription to the repairs
of the Dear Old Church, which I do most willingly,
and should do more willingly if our bones could

i860.] SIR HARRY'S DEATH. 325
repose with our fathers." But though the church
where his father and mother lay was closed for
interments, he could still be taken to Whittlesey,
and there in a corner of the new cemetery he was
laid to rest on the 19th. All business in the little
town was suspended for the day, and some thousands
of the inhabitants of the town and district lined
the route of the procession. The Rifle Corps of
Ely, Wisbeach, March, Ramsey, and Whittlesey
were represented at their own request, and with
arms reversed preceded the hearse from the station
to St. Mary's Church, and thence to the cemetery.
The coffin was borne by eight old soldiers who
had all served under Sir Harry, and had all won
medals ; the pall-bearers were six Whittlesey gentle
men, most of them his schoolfellows. Among the
mourners were his surviving " Waterloo brother,"
Major Thomas Smith, his nephew Lieut. -Colonel
Hugh Smith, Colonel Garvock, his Military Secre
tary at the Cape, and Colonel Shadwell, whose
letter has been printed above. Three volleys were
fired over the grave by the volunteers of Whittlesey,
March, and Wisbeach.
A sum of £700 was subscribed to found a
memorial to Sir Harry Smith's memory, and was
spent on the restoration of that part of St. Mary's
Church, Whittlesey — the chapel at the end of the
south aisle — in which, when it was used as a
schoolroom, he had received his early education.*
It is now known as "Sir Harry's Chapel." On the
* See vol. i. p. 1 n.

326 MONUMENTS AT WHITTLESEY. [Ch. L.
south wall was erected a monument of white marble
surmounted by a bust of Sir Harry, executed
by Mr. G. G. Adams, A.R.A.* It bears the
inscription : —
"This monument was erected and this chapel restored
in 1862 by public subscription to the memory of Lieutenant-
General Sir Harry G. W. Smith, Baronet of Aliwal,
Knight Grand Cross of the Most Honourable Order of the
Bath, Colonel of the ist Battalion, Rifle Brigade. He
entered the 95th Regiment in 1805, served in South
America, Spain, Portugal, France, North America, the
Netherlands, India, and at the Cape of Good Hope, of
which he was Governor and Commander-in-Chief from
1847 to 1852, and on the Home Staff to 1859, when he
completed a most gallant and eventful career of fifty-four
years' constant employment. He was born at Whittlesey,
28th June, I788,t and died in London 12th October, i860.
Within these walls he received his earliest education, and
in the cemetery of his native place his tomb bears ample
record of the high estimation in which his military talents
were held by his friend and chief, the great Duke of
Wellington. "Coruna, Busaco, Fuentes d'Onoro, Ciudad Rodrigo,
Badajoz, Salamanca, Vittoria, Pyrenees, Nivelle, Nive,
Orthez, Toulouse, Waterloo, Maharajpore, Ferozeshuhur,
Aliwal, Sobraon, South Africa.'}:
" O Lord, in Thee have I trusted ; let me never be confounded." §
* Called by Lady Smith, " not quite, yet like my own Henrique ! "
t The date should be 1787.
% The first twelve names represent the 12 clasps attached to Sir
Harry's Peninsular medal ; for Waterloo, Maharajpore, and South
Africa (1853) he had separate medals ; the remaining three names
are those of his clasps for the Sutlej Campaign. He wore, besides,
the Grand Cross of the Bath and the Portuguese Order of St. Bento
d'Aviz. .
§ See p. 295.

 ¦ :,

\

SIR HARRY'S CHAPEL.
(His monument is on the left.)
From a watercolour by Mrs, B. S. Ward. [Opposite Vol. ii. p. 326.

1 872.] LADY SMITH. 327
On Sir Harry's tomb in the cemetery, Lady
Smith caused to be inscribed the last sentences of
the extract from the Duke of Wellington's speech
of 2nd April, 1846, given above (pp. 200-202),
though in a slightly different version.
After her husband's death, Lady Smith resided
for some years at 19, Robertson Terrace, Hastings,
and later at 79, Cadogan Place, S.W. Passionately
cherishing her husband's memory, she was the
beloved friend of all members of his family, and
the goodness of heart and active sympathy which
she showed to some who were heavy-laden will
never be forgotten by their descendants. The
editor of this book recalls from his boyhood the
•proud and animated tones in which she would speak
of "Your uncle Harry" — pronouncing the name
with the full Continental a and a strongly trilled r.
Her noble heart ceased to beat on the 10th October,
1872, and she was laid with her hero in his last
resting-place at Whittlesey.
Of the other close friends and companions of
Sir Harry Smith, Charles Beckwith died in July,
1862, among the Piedmontese whom he had served
so truly ; Sir John Bell in 1876, having lived to the
age of ninety-four.* Sir Harry's sister, Mrs. Sar-
gant (of whom it has been humorously said that
she was " the only person in the world of whom he
was afraid"), died in 1869; his youngest sister,
* In his last years the gallant old General would say that "he did
not care any longer to go to the club and meet a lot of old fogies whom
he didn't know."

328 SIR HARRY SMITH. [Ch. L.
Miss Anna Maria Smith, in 1875 ; his brother,
Colonel Thomas Smith, C.B. — the last survivor of
the family of eleven — in 1877. Colonel Smith's
widow still lives at the age of ninety-three, fresh
in body and mind, though it is ninety-three years
since her husband sailed to the Peninsula under
Sir John Moore.
Few words are necessary in bringing this book
to a close. If it has been a long one, the Editor
can only plead that Harry Smith put more into his
seventy odd years than would make the^ lives of
half a dozen other men.
The autobiography shows us the strong family
affections of his boyhood, his abiding reverence for
his father, who had made him a man and a bold
horseman, his love of brave soldiers like Colborne
and Barnard and Pakenham, his supreme worship
of his great master and example, Wellington. Such
were the influences under which he was trained
for the service of his Sovereign and of his country.
In the hour of responsibility it was seen that he
possessed in rare harmony qualities, on which that
training had not been thrown away — "an ardent
spirit, which inflamed a whole army with kindred
ardour, combined with a power of self-control which
kept the mind clear and calm in the most difficult
emergencies — the union of fiery passion with
temperate reason." * A born leader, he never lost
the confidence of the officers and men who were
under his command — he had it as clearly amid the
* Cape Town Mail, 5th April, 1851.

SIR HARRY SMITH. 329
anxieties and disappointments of the Kafir War
of 1 85 1-2 as after his marvellous campaign of
Aliwal. His soldiers literally loved him, both for
his bonhomie and for his lifelong zeal for their
welfare.* Sir Harry Smith was above all things a great
soldier. In his civil administration of the Cape,
undertaken at a time of enormous difficulty, his
success was less brilliant than elsewhere, but
even here he justified Havelock's opinion of him :
" There is no species of business which Harry
Smith's mental tact will not enable him to grasp."
History will approve of the firm stand he made
against mob-rule in the time of the Anti-convict
agitation, and, seeing events in true perspective, will
forget little errors of judgment (magnified at the
moment by party-feeling) when set side by side
with his zeal for the good of the Colony and his
far-sighted perception of England's true policy in
South Africa.
Such practical mistakes as Harry Smith made,
both within the Colony and in his dealings with
Kafir chiefs, were due to a generous, chivalrous
disposition, which was ready to put the best con
struction on other people's conduct and to attribute
to them a goodness of heart resembling his own.
* I visited last year at Ely, Mr. B. Genn, late of the 15th Hussars,
who had served under him in India in 1846, and who had fired over
his grave. As soon as I had opened the door, a fine engraving of Sir
Harry greeted me. It had been bought at a sale. The old veteran
spoke of his commander always as the "dear old man." When I
asked him if he thought him a good ^General, he fired up quickly,
" Why, think of the battle of Aliwal ! Not a mistake anywhere."

330 SIR HARRY SMITH. [Ch. L.
With an open foe, in warfare, he was caution
itself, but he was too little of a Macchiavelli to read
treachery in the smile of a seeming friend. A
generous open nature was similarly responsible for
such flaws in his character as his hastiness and
warmth of language under provocation,* as his ex
travagance in money matters (strangely contrasting
with the severity in many respects of his own life),
and a little vanity in regard to his own achievements,
a vanity perhaps not more real than other men's,
but occasionally less carefully concealed. If he
sometimes seemed to his subordinates an exacting
master, we may remember that during his whole
career as a soldier he had never spared himself.
If any one were disposed to take an unfavour
able view of this or that trait in Harry Smith's
character, I hope the picture given of him in these
pages would be a sufficient corrective. Praised by
Wellington for his generalship as hardly any man
else was praised, acknowledged by Havelock as the
man who had made him a soldier, he had through
life the warm respect and love of a score or two of
brave and worthy men, such as D'Urban, and John
Bell, and Kempt, and Barnard, and Kincaid, and
George Simmons, and Charles Beckwith. They
recognized his rare military genius : they respected
* The following characteristic story has been sent me by Major
J. F. Anderson, of Coxwell Lodge, Faringdon : " Sir Harry was very
quick-tempered, and on one occasion (during the Kafir War of 1835 ?),
when my father remonstrated with him as to an order he gave, he said,
' Learn to obey, sir,' and ordered him into his tent under arrest. In
the evening he sent to ask my father to dine with him ! "

SIR HARRY SMITH. 33 1
him because, in his own words, he had always
been " a working man who put his heart into his
work : " they loved him for what Lord Raglan
called " the chivalrous and gallant spirit " which had
been his guide in his military career ; because he
was fearless of danger, indomitable in energy, over
flowing in kindness, magnanimous and placable
towards those who seemed his foes, loving his
friends, even to his old age, with the ardour of a
boy. Little wonder that one of the noblest and
largest-hearted of women also pardoned his faults
and adored him as only few men have been adored.
Historians may perhaps find some matter of in
struction in the autobiography now presented to
them. But is it too much to hope that it may
have a still happier fortune, and that young English
men and Englishwomen yet unborn may be kindled
to a noble emulation by the brave and glowing
hearts of Harry and Juana Smith ?

( 333 )

APPENDIX I.
Memorandum addressed to Sir B. D'Urban on the Diet
and Treatment of Soldiers in Confinement.*
D.Q.M. General's Office,
Cape Castle, [2 June ?] 1834.
Your Excellency having been pleased to submit for my
perusal various documents relative to a scale of diet fixed by a
Board of Officers, of which the Hon. Colonel Wade, now Com
mandant of the Garrison of Cape Town, was President, directing
me to return them with any remarks which my experience of five
years as Commandant of that garrison may enable me to afford,
I beg to observe.
******
There are several officers under whom I have served whose
example I have ever endeavoured to imitate. The most con
spicuous of them are Sir Sydney Beckwith, Sir A. Barnard, and Sir
J. Colborne. The leading principle by which these officers of
distinction were actuated was that of kindness to their soldiers,
and an endeavour to maintain discipline by seeking out the meri
torious to reward and commend rather than the guilty to punish.
For the attainment of discipline and good order two modes
are to be adopted, encouragement and punishment. Towards
well-disposed men, the first is always preferable ; the latter, how
ever, must be appealed to, but I have ever found great severity in
punishment less calculated to maintain discipline than a mild
* I possess this document only in the form of rough drafts. The
document as here printed is therefore to some extent a compilation.
It is clear that the Board of Officers were proposing a more stringent
treatment of prisoners than that which Harry Smith had adopted and
which they maintained was more lenient than was permitted by the
Royal Warrant.

334 APPENDIX I. [i834.
administration of the great power Military Law vests in the hands
of those in command.
In the study of my profession, to no branch of it have I paid
greater attention than to the prevention of crime and to the reform
of the ill-conducted, and the results of some years' experience
enable me to affirm that it ought to be the duty of all officers, in the
first place, to endeavour by wise and salutary regulations to render
every one under their command happy. Cheerfulness is the
mainspring of discipline, and the desire to reward merit while
crime is held in execration,. ought ever to be the delight of the
officer. And although for acts of disobedience and insubordina
tion, or neglect of duty, I would, as I have done in this garrison,
inflict corporal punishment to the utmost of my power, not only
to punish the offender, but to strike terror into the hearts of the
spectators in the ranks, for more moderate crimes, to see a fellow-
creature, a comrade, dragging on a miserable existence from week
to week, nay, month to month, in a solitary cell, or expected to be
capable of daily labour and occasionally to attend drills on bread,
rice, and water, his bed a watchcoat, affording no public example,
is a species of protracted cruelty I am as yet not prepared to inflict.
Confinement or the loss of liberty for a long period is in my
mind, under the most modified circumstances, a punishment
severe indeed. During the period I was Commandant, I made
it a point to visit the prisoners (whenever there were any) every
Sunday, and the surgeon of the week did the same during the
week. I had written me a report to that effect. My object was
to see that they were in every respect as clean as the meritorious
soldier at duty, to ascertain that their rations had been according
to the scale hung up with my signature in their cells, duly
furnished them, and of a good quality, and by conversation with
them and pointing out the impropriety of their conduct to
ascertain their character. Many sentenced for a long period
I have taught to read and write ; in the case of others, what little
knowledge they possessed I have improved by lending them
books, etc., and in the proportion of ninety-nine in a hundred
has my kindness been attended by the most beneficial results.
Some whose conduct in prison was particularly good, and whose
previous character was not heinous, I have remitted several
weeks' confinement, ordering them to report to me every Sunday,
" My conduct has been good." In no individual instance, to the

1834.] TREATMENT OF MILITARY PRISONERS. 335
best of my recollection, has this leniency been abused, and I
will mention that in no garrison in His Majesty's dominions was
heinous crime less frequent than in the garrison of Cape Town
whilst under my command.
No man is so degraded as not to be susceptible of kindness,
and no man so much requires a friend as he who has none even
in himself. Many is the vicious character I have reformed as
captain of a company by conduct of this sort, re-establishing a
man in his own good opinion and in that of his comrades. The
want of a point aVappui in distress has been the ruin of many an
individual, both civil and military, and in my estimation the
morale amongst the soldiers tends far more to attain discipline
and happiness than the severe administration of rigid justice.
There are many of my brother officers, I am aware, who differ
very materially with me in this opinion, but, as practise makes
[perfect], I maintain that my system is the best, which, when
combined with a vigour of action in all military points, excites
emulation in both officers and soldiers and induces them to look
up to their commander as their friend.
******
The Royal Warrant now provides the sum of sixpence per
diem for the maintenance of prisoners without any reference to
" bread and water," to ensure them being furnished with whole
some and sufficient food. I cannot, therefore, for a moment
conceive that reflection would put a construction upon my
prison-regulations as positively contrary to the Royal Warrant.
Not only by inclination and predilection am I in all military
acts guided by the practice in the Light Division of the Duke's
army, but [in this case] by Lord Hill's circular letter bearing date
24th June, 1830.
My reasons, therefore, for submitting the scale of provisions I
drew up to the approval of Sir Lowry were —
(1) The practice in the Duke of Wellington's army.
(2) The practice of the Light Division, ever construing all
orders and regulations to the benefit of the soldier.
(3) The Royal Warrant.
Although I very much differ in opinion from the Board as to
the scale they have fixed, I approve very highly of a distinction
being made between the diet of prisoners sentenced for long and
short periods.
H. G. Smith.

( 3& )

APPENDIX II.
Extracts from Harry Smith's Letters to his Wife during
the Kafir War, 1835.
Grahamstown, 30th Jan. 1835.
The Kafirs, from the manner in which I occupied all the passes
in their rear, had been beautifully harassed, and now fly from
the sight of one of our people as rapidly as they flew towards him
until I stirred them up a little in their own country. So you
recommend shrapnel, grape, howitzers, shells ! Well done ! We
will take your advice : for old Johnstone * says true, you are
the best general he knows. I am sadly off for officers and
assistants in my office. Selkirk Stewart would be to me worth all
the clerks in my office, and old Johnstone all the officers I have
in the field, Cox excepted. The quantity I have to write and to
do is really incredible, and you know how quick I can get through
my work. The people here are astonished. But I have eased my
labours very much by establishing boards of gentlemen of the
place and officers, one of clergymen for the destitute families,
one to receive the claims of all persons whose property has been
seized for military purposes, one to inquire into the burgher force,
a clothing board for the burghers, a labour heretofore beyond
even me. All these boards submit their proceedings to me. I
approve or disapprove, and act as supreme. Even thus, much of
my time is occupied ; but it has reduced my labours much.
" Col. W. Johnstone was then living at Cape Town. See vol. i.
p. 58.

1835.] KAFIR WAR. 337
Bivouac between Fish and Keiskamma rivers,
close to Mount Somerset, 13th Feb.
Viva Enrique !
Mi queridissima muger,*
I have been in the field since Saturday last, sleeping
in the bush, never better. Was on horseback yesterday 28 hours,
attacked the Kafirs in five points like fun, gave them a good
licking with a trifling loss on our parts; seventy-three killed,
counted on the field, lots of wounded. Took 2500 head of
cattle, goats, sheep, etc. ; gave them some of your shrapnel
shells, but want a few of my old Riflemen, although all my
fellows are willing enough and full of fight. Do not be afraid
of Enrique. He takes good care of himself, and never moves
without 30 Cape Rifles as an escort.
A shocking accident occurred the night before last. The 7 2nd
and other troops lay in position waiting for daylight to attack ;
though every precaution was taken and there was no fault, some
one cried out, " The Kafirs ! " and the men jumped up and fired
on each other before the officers could speak. Three men were
killed, and more desperately wounded. This rather hindered my
operations, because it alarmed the enemy. However, thank God,
I have done as much as I expected.
You cannot think how well I am. Nothing fatigues me, and
although my force is only 1200 men and 800 horses with four
guns, yet my operations are over an extent of 4000 square miles
of country. We were marching from 7 o'clock the nth till 8
o'clock the 12th. No one tired. This morning we want nothing
but some grog, which I momentarily expect. God bless you, old
woman, and do not be afraid. Our God will take care of us
both. Adios, alma mia. Enrique.
Grahamstown, 26th and 27th Feb. 1835.
My Fish River trip was a very lucky one, and has had a great
effect on all the Kafirs. It is reported and believed that they
are all flying into Hintza's country. He is a very powerful chief
who has been wavering in his policy towards us. He is, I
believe, at the bottom friendly, although he wishes to keep as
* " My dearest wife I "
VOL. II. z

33% APPENDIX II. [1835.
much of the stolen cattle as he possibly can. It is decided that
the 75 th Regt. remain on the usual frontier line, and that the
72nd all go into Kafirland. The former are as much mortified as
the latter are delighted. To-day I go to Hermanus Kraal, next
day near to Fort Willshire to select a camp for our invading
force to assemble on. We are to select the most effective men
of the Burgher force, and send the remainder to the second line.
The Chief is now all for invasion. Paddy Balfour will be my
A.D.C. I should like you to see me with my escort, a trumpeter, a
sergeant, two corporals, and six fine fellows of the Cape Corps,
five led horses, Guides (a corps all well mounted), etc., and
generally five or six smart young fellows of volunteers ; but I
would give all the pomp and glory of war for one quiet evening
with mi vida at Charlie's Hope,* though I am now writing by a
nice little wood fire, as comfortable as can be when away from
my beautiful wife. You are in no danger, alma mia, of being
supplanted here. This is the most dull, stupid, and horrid
place on earth, celebrated for the most ugly of the fair sex.
I have just been to inspect three detachments of Burghers.
I will give you a detail. One consists of 62 fighting men and
horses, 50 non-combatants, 28 waggons. Another of 118 fight
ing men and horses, 80 non-combatants, 36 waggons. Only
conceive what an army, and every individual wants something,
either shoes, shirts, bridle, saddle. It is perfectly ridiculous, but
yet when the poor fellows thus dragged from their homes are in the
field, they are good-humoured and willing and shoot well enough.
Oh ! my old woman, glory is a fine thing, domestic quiet is
better. It was well enough when I was at the head, but now
second fiddle is slow. I am lazy and forget when things do not
fly like lightning.
All our own country is free from Kafirs, much more so than
in times of actual peace ; still every post the postmaster comes
to me for escorts. To-day I blew him up and called him an
ass. The panic with which the people were seized here will not
wear off for years. Had twenty Kafirs shown themselves in the
neighbourhood of Grahamstown a day or two before my
arrival, all would have either run away or shot one another.
* His house at Rondebosch, near Cape Town.

1835.] BURGHERS AS SOLDIERS. 339
What amuses me much just now, is that those who funked the
most formerly are the most valiant now that the danger is
dispelled. In two months I will, with God's blessing, be with my dear
old wife to talk over my labours, which Heaven knows have been
heavy enough. I have gained credit for two things — one, licking
the Kafirs ; another, blowing up the lazy idle rascals who will
neither work, fight, nor do anything but draw rations.
So you are a schoolmistress? Mind teach the young ones
to sew and work. It will do them more good than to read
and write.
Love to all, and the sum total of all my love, affection,
regard, esteem, everything that is dear, to you, alma mia.
Enrique.
5 o'clock, 27 Feb.
When once I am in the field, I will work in my own way.
Master is always floundering in the midst of information, whilst
I like to take a look at the ground, march, and take possession.
Thank God, I have been heretofore very lucky indeed. Do you
recollect poor Thompson saying, when the ants were swarming
in the house, " Oh, sir, it is great luck, great promotion for you
somewhere " ? It is very ridiculous, but I often think of it.
I long to march, although I well see I shall have all the
trouble of war and marches without the all-stirring spirit of War.
Ah, Venus and Mars ! Enough of the latter. I begin to think
a quiet life of Darby and Joan very agreeable. The fact is, it
is better fun to be together as heretofore: only this is such a
naked country. At Genadendal there was one pair of breeks
between three boys, but here neither boys nor girls nor women
have breeks or sarks either.
I have been writing all day, still it is with much delight I
keep on writing to you, alma mia . . .
God bless my dearest virtuous wife. Enrique.
Grahamstown, 6th March, 1835.
Thank God, my dearest old woman, you are well. . . . To
morrow the troops commence their march upon the base of our
future operations between Fort Willshire and the Block Drift or

34° APPENDIX II. C1835.
the line of the Chumie, which runs into the Keiskamma near the
Fort. I went up there last Saturday and had a beautiful ride of
three days, doing everything I had to do and returning a day and
a half sooner than I was expected. It is really wonderful how I
bear work. I spread my karosse and lie down with my saddle
bags under my head, and after thanking my God and blessing my
dear old woman, am asleep in a moment. The bivouac we are
going to is really one of the most beautiful things I ever saw,
and, thanks to the late rains, the grass everywhere is up to the
horses' fetlocks. To-morrow I start with my escort — my corps of
Guides, my led horses, my interpreters, my secretaries. How you
would laugh to see such a motley group !
So I am to take care they do not shoot at me from the Bush ?
That story about old Jem * and me was founded on very little
truth. In the middle of my Fish River fight, just as Jem was
cooking some coffee and I was writing, when we were surrounded
by soldiers, three shots were fired at the whole. I certainly
jumped up and rattled the impudent rascals " out of that" pretty
quick ; but, old girl, I am too much of a Rifleman to be caught
napping without every precaution of war. But they do put such
trash in the papers occasionally, it is quite amusing.
Camp near Fort Willshire, 12th March.
I wish you could see me, because then, you know, I could see
you. It is very delightful to unbend and not act always the
great man, although I assure you we laugh in camp sometimes
famously. I almost kill Hallifax at some of my roar-outs to the
soldiers. Yesterday morning, just before daylight in Fort Will
shire, I desired his bugler to blow the " rouse," which you well
remember. He said he did not know it. "D  you, sir, blow
something." So he blew up a quadrille, and I began to dance.
I thought Hallifax would have laughed till he died. What a
burlesque upon our school of war !
Grahamstown, 16th March, 1835.
When I came flying down from Fort Willshire the other day
it was, as you may suppose, for the purpose of inducing my master
to get under weigh and not to mind a Kafir and a half, which
* Major William Cox.

1835.J DISTRIBUTION OF THE FORCE, 341
CoL Somerset's arrangements with nearly 3000 men were going
to catch. Master and I very nearly fell out. In his string of
operations in last week's paper, signed by Kitty Dutton, my
attack on the enemy's position was left out. After some little
jaw, he said he thought it too bold a thing to attempt with the
force under my command, so I bristled up and said, " Rely upon
it, whenever I hear of a Kafir, so soon will I be at him with
whatever force I can collect. This is the way to treat so con
temptible an enemy, although too much caution cannot be adopted
to prevent a surprise, or too much activity used in following up
any advantage obtained. This, sir, is my maxim, and one which
shall guide me throughout the campaign." "Oh, it is a very
proper feeling, but discretion is also to be observed."
I have at last spurred him into a move, and I hope we shall
get on and bring things to a close, for I am really tired of this
slow work. I want to be at Charlie's Hope again. 17th March.
The 72 nd Regiment marched yesterday for the camp at Fort
Willshire, and the whole of the troops will be in motion, I hope,
to-morrow to concentrate. Sir Benjamin has given out a General
Order appointing me to command the ist Division.
ist Division : 100 of the Cape Corps, 40 Corps of Guides, two
6-pounders, 300 Swellendam Burghers, the whole of the 72 nd
Regiment, the ist Provisional Battalion of Hottentots, 430
strong. Officered by H. Peddie.
2nd Division, 2 guns, 750 Burghers, 200 Cape Corps, Lieut.-
Col. Somerset.
3rd Division : 250 Burghers, 50 Cape Corps, two 3-pounders,
2nd Provisional Battalion, 374 strong (an excellent body of men),
Major Cox.
4th Division : 500 Burghers, Field Commandant Van Wyk.
The troops will thus advance —
Left. Left-Centre. Centre. Right.
Van Wyk. Major Cox. Me myself and Col. Somerset.
Sir Slow as far
as he goes.
Lieut-Col. England is to command the ordinary Frontier
Posts and Grahamstown and has 1800 men, just 100 more than

342 APPENDIX II. [1835.
I had when I took the command here, re-established villages and
posts which had been so shamefully abandoned, and invaded
Kafirland with 430 men, so that I think the 2nd line may be
considered safe and no necessity for any panic. But really it is
astonishing to see how they funk.
His Excellency has just sent for me, good old man, to say he
is not pleased with his General Order of yesterday appointing me
to the command of the Division. He says it cramps my power,
so he has put in orders that I am to be second in command,
continuing my duties as Chief of the Staff, by which means I can
order everybody about like himself. It also gives old Peddie a
command, which I am very glad of. 18th March.
In this stupid little room in which I am writing, I think
rather too much of an old faithful woman at Charlie's Hope, but
as I hope soon to lick Tyalie, I hope soon to be with her. But my
hair has grown grey. I think, if it progresses as heretofore, I shall
have a white top altogether. Not quite so bad as that either !
But it is grey. Oh, I should like at this moment to ride into
the dear little square ! I can hear your voice when I left you on
the ist January, as plainly as possible. Do you recollect the
glove in the hackney coach in London ? * And so it will be again,
alma mia ! 20th March, 8 o'clock.
Don't be jealous, but my landlady has just sent me a present
of half a dozen of champagne and two stone bottles of curagoa,
rather a treat to me the latter. The former I will astonish some
body or other with in the bivouac. Fine campaigning this, is it
not? I have just packed my leave-behind box and remaining papers,
got a canteen of brandy for Paddy Balfour and myself, and ten
pounds of tobacco for my escort, filled the two bags you made
with tea and sugar, put up my knife, fork, and spoon, and thirteen
plates into a leather letter-bag. The tea-kettle is tied to my
saddle-bags. We make carbonada on a forked stick, oh, so good
it is ! quite different to what it is when done in a frying-pan : you
then stick the one end of the stick in the ground, whilst the hot
* See vol. i. p. 212.

1835.] GRAHAMSTOWN. 343
meat hisses in your face as you recline on jour karosse a la
Turque. Very fine. But the old round table at Charlie's Hope
would do as well !
I really am capitally equipped, and if you were like me, young,
I should like to have you with me. God knows but it will be
cold before we get back. This Grahamstown itself is the coldest
place in Africa. The moment you are five miles from it, the
climate is much milder. Not a tree near it, scarcely a bush, and
such bleak cold-looking hills you cannot conceive, as cold as the
Pyrenees — where you rather roughed it than otherwise in the old
paved tent. Do you remember when old Billy Mein, 52nd, used
to come and drink with me grog made of very bad rum ? We
were not so nice then as to have brandy.
I have desired you have a Grahamstown journal sent you,
and I beg you not to believe more than one-half of the alarming
lies that will be published in it. This place ought to be called
" Necessity," for it is the mother of invention.
Adios, alma mia di mi corazon. You have a good long letter
this time. Enrique.
Camp near Willshire, 25th March.
Up at four ; sing out to cook for coffee ; " Minni " (sergeant
of the escort), " feed horses " ; " Japps, rouse up the escort " ;
"Up saddle, camp." Marched as soon as light into a nice
bivouac I have a most beautiful bush, and a still better one for
His Excellency, and one between us both for Kittie. Capital
breakfast ; cows give lots of milk. Secretaries all at work building
me a hut. Twenty men on fatigue building one for His Excel
lency, who has not yet arrived.
• Nine o'clock. " Escort, up saddle " ; " Japps, order Pompey for
me and Minni's horse for Captain Jervis. We are going to look
for a new line of road." Return to camp at one, having chalked
out my road and sent a hundred men with Jervis to repair it.
Report of five Kafirs prowling about the camp. Their spoor
discovered back over the Keiskamma. Learn that His Excellency
is not to leave Grahamstown for a day or two. Much mortified ;
I have built him a noble hut. Have a most capital hut myself,
just completed, and wish una vieja muger que se llama Juana was
within it.

344 APPENDIX II. [1835.
Just received a report that some cattle are seen on the other
side of the river. "Japps! a horse and my escort." "Ah, ah,
sir ! " Up saddle and off.
Just come back. I fancy I see some, and send out a patrol
of 50 men under Field-Commandant Linde', Swellendam Burghers.
The finest old fellow upwards of 70 I ever saw, except my poor
old Padre. Just such a game old fellow as he is. Order dinner.
Bruintjes (you must be acquainted with him) ; Painter and Minni
you know ; all these are occasionally called in my delicate voice.
Our conversation is now beginning. "Well, Bruintjes, what's
for dinner ? " " Some skin beef I can for soup mak." (" Don't
make such a jaw, men; I can't hear what my cook says.")
"Some pampoose too, sar, what master bring from Kafirland.
Leetle onion, sar; a leg mutton for rost, sar; some bock what
left yesterday, sar, what the Boers send master for hash; dat
plenty, sar." " Yes, by G — d, plenty, Bruintjes. Well, good
fellow, mind, coffee ready directly after dinner, then you shall have
your grog. Keep me waiting, no grog. Japps, what the devil
are those loose horses doing here about my hut?" Japps, in a
voice something between thunder and the croak of a frog, roars
out, " Heigh, you d — d Boers ! You take way your horse from
Coronel." The prospect of a good dinner makes me think I am
dirty. " Painter, lay out my dressing things, lots of water, and
a clean shirt." A glorious splash, the water as cool as possible,
the day not being so hot as yesterday. I think in a day or so
it may rain. All the better for our grass. The cow-boy, " Black
Jim." " Well, Jim, what do you want ? " " Kraal to be made
for master's cows." " Very well, Jim ; but make a kraal for the
calves too." " Yah, Mynheer." " Or no grog." " Yah, Mynheer."
"Now, be off."
"Field-Commandant Dreyer wishes to speak with you, sir,"
says the orderly sergeant. " Well, Dreyer, why the devil won't
you come in ? What a ceremonious humbug ! " " Coronel was
busy write." " Oh, you be d— d, and come in sit. Well, vaar
is the Kafir ? " "I canno say, meinheer. Coronel must loup
into Kafirland." "How can I, Dreyer? I must wait for the
Governor." "Well, where is the Governor? He must come;
my mans is tired for ' nix mak.' " * " Can't help it, Dreyer."
* Le. tired of doing nothing.

1835-3 A DAY IN CAMP. 345
"Well, Sandford, what do you want? Paddie Balfour, and
be whipped to you, don't make such a noise. Japps, send this
order to Commandants Linde' and Dreyer." " Yas, sar."
Sandford. " Colonel, I want an escort for empty waggons to
Grahamstown." "How many?" "Twenty-two." "By Heavens,
we shall eat up all our stores, lying idling here : I will order an
escort. Let them make haste back, and lots of rice and spirits,
mind." " We are getting very short of beef too, sir." " Dam
nation, I hear nothing but bad news. Orderly, tell Greyling
and Nel" (two capital Boers) "to come to me immediately. I
will get meat, Sandford. Any more bad news?" "No, sir,
plenty of stores as yet." " Well, Ford, did you bleed them ? "
" No, the camp is very healthy, and the wounded at Fort Willshire
are all doing well." " Send for Adair. Order an escort for Sand-
ford's waggons. Ford, come and dine with me, and be off now,
I am busy. Well, Greyling and Nel, where are the bullocks and
sheep ? " "I know no tings, sar." " The devil you don't. Be off
both of you immediately beyond Fort Beaufort. Bring me 40,000
sheep." "Nay, Mynheer." "Well, go and bring me as many
bullocks and sheep as I shall give you an order for, when I and
the commissary. have made our calculations. Here, Andrews"
(the Dutch secretary), " make out passports and authorities for all
persons to aid and assist Greyling and Nel to go to Beaufort for
sheep. Well, sir, what do you want ? " (A great fat stupid-
looking Boer standing at the hut door.) "Mynheer, mi
vrouw  " " Andrews, what the devil does he want ? " " To
go home, sir, or to have his gun mended." " No, sir " (in a very
low voice); " I want to go to my vrouw, but by G — d I can't."
" No more shall you. Go to your camp, and be ready to shoot
Kafirs. Here, bugler, sound the grog-horn." Then such a
hurrah ! " Almost dinner-time, Painter ? " " No, sir, only five."
" You are wrong." " No, sir, I am right." " You, sir, why do
you contradict me ? It is six by my appetite. Well, Hallifax,
what is going on in Fort Willshire ? " " Fort Harry, sir, will be
finished in a day or two." (A little post he has established as a
look-out, and named after me.*) " Wounded doing well." " Are
you going to stay and dine ? " " With great pleasure." ' Southey "
captain of Guides), " let this way-post be sent to Captain Jervis,
* See p 355-

346 APPENDIX II. [i835-
who knows where to place it at the turn-off of the new road."
" Well, Bagot, what is it ? " (He commands a battalion of Hotten
tots.) " Shall I post any additional sentries to-night ? " " Why ? "
" Five Kafirs were about the camp." " I care not a  if 5000
were around] my camp. I will post my own picquets, ah ! and
sentries too — or vedettes, as I call them ; ah ! and take good
care of our camp too. Five Kafirs shan't take us, be assured."
Well, old woman, this is a little specimen of one of my days
in camp ; so that you may readily conceive what a holiday a ride
is. But all this is good fun enough, compared to the quill-driving
in Grahamstown. 3|r 3(c * flp 3s- 3|c
What shall I do to-morrow? Think of old Juana. Yes,
because I do nothing else, I believe ; although all the fellows
wonder what the devil I am made of. I am here, there, and
everywhere. No party do I ever send out but in two seconds I
am amongst them; when theyi look grave I sing (beautifully,
as you know), and the Boers laugh at my gaiety beyond every
thing. A young, big, fat Dutchman has just come to my tent
door, saying that he has no blanket, and that it is very wet.
What is he to do ? " Go to the devil, and warm yourself, you
spoony. Make a fire, sir, and sing over it. I have given you
grog. Why, I never had a blanket campaigning for ten years.
You want pluck, sir. Be off." This is the way I go on almost
day and night.
Night scene. " Hallo, sentry." " Sir." " What the devil
are the dogs making such a noise about ? " " Don't know, sir ;
they always make a noise." "Are the horses right?" "Yes,
sir." " What horse is that, biting himself so ? " " That horse is
master's old horse, what carries the canteen." Then sleep. In
an hour, "What horses are those I hear moving?" "Some
escort with letters for Coronel." Out with a lucifer: light
candles. Sometimes the letters are worthy a candle, oftener cock-
and-bull stories. Lie down and sleep again. "Sentry, near
daylight?" "No, sir, moon." "I wish the dogs were at the
devil." " Make too plenty noise, sir." Sleep. Soon after, awake,
look at my watch. " Hallo, bugler, blow the rouse ; Japps,
feed; Bruintjes, coffee. Painter!" "Coming, sir!" "Where
are the straps to my trousers ? " " Under your 'ead, sir." " Why,
what an ass you are ! Leave them in my boots. You, Jim,

I83S-] CHARACTER OF THE WAR. 347
where's the milk?" "Here, Mynheer." "Balfour, where are
you ? " " Coming, sir." " Why, the shadow in your tent makes
you look like the knave of clubs." . . .
Adios, hija. Tufiel,fiel, Enrique.
Camp on the Debe Flats,
8 o'clock on the night of the ist April, Tom Fool's Day.
We are now pretty well collected, and Master is quite ready
for anything. He is really a perfect soldier in the field, and to
hear him laugh when I blow up the fellows in Dutch (that is, my
Dutch) ! But his delight is to dine and breakfast with me,
particularly the latter. Our breakfast to-day was really perfection.
I have some excellent guides to all the passes in the ridge
of hills which we are going to stir up to look for cattle. This
Kafir war is nothing else than that. Read of Walter Scott's
Borderers, and you will learn what Kafir warfare is :
" He would ride
A foray on the Scottish side."
It is just that. You gallop in, and half by force, half by
stratagem, pounce upon them wherever you can find them ;
frighten their wives, burn their homes, lift their cattle, and return
home quite triumphant. 4th April.
Last night at eight o'clock, on our return from a march of
twenty-two hours, I received your dear letter. Yesterday I
roared myself into one of my Vittoria lost voices,* and to-day I
am whispering and swearing exclusively for my own amusement,
for no one hears me. Old Doyle says I am still in advance in the
talking way, and could afford a yearfs silence at least. Murray
is sitting with me ; he is my great friend. Your description of
your robbery and the "cuchillo "t is highly amusing. I ought to
publish it in this army, and show what a Spanish woman dare,
for, by heavens ! here I have some arrant cowards. The Boers
of the old Commandos talk of the glories of former times, when
the Kafirs had only assagais. But now that they have a few guns,
which they use very badly, Mynheer funks. There are, however,
some very fine fellows amongst them.
* See vol. i. p. 100, t " Knife."

348 APPENDIX II. tl835-
Quite delighted to hear of the " Green Jacket " getting on the
windows. We want very much some " Green Jackets " * here,
for this warfare has all— nay ! more than all— the fatigue of any
other without the real excitement of war. Oh ! the noise of the
devils of captured cattle. Above a thousand head of cows and
calves are now roaring in our ears.
Headquarters, Camp on the Debe, Jth April, 1835.
Our Hottentots are the most willing fellows possible. I call
them my children, and all their little complaints, wants, and
grievances they lay before me, which I listen to most patiently,
for I exact a deal of work from them. ... I will send off a
warning order to the troops to march to-morrow at daylight.
I always like to give the fellows all the warning I can. Arrange
ments, as His old Excellency calls them, are leather and prunella ;
for though he writes them beautifully, and in the most military
and technical terms, there is not a soul in this camp who under
stands what he means ; so that the pith of the matter is contained
in the words, " March at daylight to-morrow, Monday, the 6th
instant, commissariat and other waggons following column."
There it is, and all hands understand that it takes just two hours
for our commissariat train to arrive, from the moving off of the
first waggon to the arrival of the last, when the road is good.
You may, therefore, General Juana, conceive what it must be
when there is any serious obstacle to pass. It is really quite ridicu
lous to see the proportion of soldiers to the waggons ; for when
stretched out on the road, each with eight bullocks, it looks as if
each soldier had one waggon at least. You, General Juana,
accustomed only to regular armies (except a few guerrillas or so),
would laugh to see our motley group, with every costume of a
mean kind which can be imagined, — the Boer with his old white
slouch hat, his long gun, his miserable saddle and bridle; the
Hottentots with a little low-crowned hat, black jacket and trousers;
the 72nd's men with crackers,! their pipe-clayed belts left behind,
and a little ordinary pouch substituted for the large one, wearing
a forage cap with a large red leather peak, which makes every
man look exactly as if he had sore eyes; old Dutton strutting
about the camp in the paraphernalia of a Kafir chieftain's wife.
* I.e. soldiers of the Rifle Brigade.
t I.e. brown, buckskin trousers (Munro, Records of Service, i. 205).

1835.] SIR BENJAMIN D'URBAN. 349
Camp on the Buffalo, daylight or nearly so,
Friday, 10th April, 1835.
The Third Division, under Jem Cox, and the Fourth Division
are going to remain here to hunt the rebel chiefs, while the First
and Second and Headquarters go on to Hintza to bring back the
captured cattle. I hope twelve days may see us back here again.
Bivouac on the Gunga Rivulet, six miles from the
Gonoube River, 4 p.m., nth April, 1835.
I am writing on my knees, the table not having arrived in
the waggon just yet, in a most beautiful bivouac on the banks of
a woody streamlet with beautiful water, and grass up to the knees.
We have marched twenty miles from the Buffalo upon the main
road into Kafirland over very open country without seeing any
thing but some Kafir cranes, two khorans, and three partridges.
Lots of kraals, but all have been deserted for some time.
I am half afraid Master is only to go to the Gonoube to
morrow—six miles — and halt the next day. Such slow work is
quite dreadful. Last night I had a regular fight with him. He
funked dividing the army — nay, actually gave it up for all I could
say or do. I was perfectly mortified. However, in the middle
of the night he changed his mind, and I had it all my own way.
He is far too scientific for this guerrilla warfare, always full of
combinations and reserves, and rears, and fronts, and cautions
and dangers, and false movements, and doubts and fears. The
greatest fault one can be guilty of is dash. Yet it is the thing,
and there is nothing to fear.
I wish you were with me just now. The tent is all pitched,
my table up, the rushes laid down, all my clothes put inside (as
it looks as if a heavy dew were going to fall), a large heap of beau
tiful dry wood laid ready to light at daylight. The soup has been
on at least two hours. Our dinner, I hope, will be good, for me
most certainly, for all I care about is soup with rice, and I eat such
a lot, about five times as much as when with my dear old woman.
We get also a lot of beautiful pumpkins from the Kafirs' gardens,
which help the soup, and we boil it with our rice. To-day, had
there been time, we should have had a hare, which one of the men
brought me yesterday ; which I ordered to be stewed with rice
and a piece of ham (Viva Espana !). But then we ought to have

35° APPENDIX II. [i«35.
had un poco de aceyte y una cdbeza de ajos* ... I wonder how
I write Spanish. Do you understand it or not ? I get on just as
fast with it as English, anyhow ; and if you do not understand,
'tis you who have forgot your own language, and no]t I how to
write it. 6 o'clock, evening. 12th.
No ladies or any cattle brought in to-day, but I think we are
running the whole population to earth on the Kei. There are
great marks or spoors of innumerable cattle having been driven
towards it. This should be our boundary. It is as bare of wood
as the fens in my country, or even your country, scarcely covert
for a hare, much less for the wily Kafir, whom I look upon just
as a wild beast and try to hunt him as such. I little thought
that the pains I took to make a huntsman of myself would here
after befit me for a general of renown in Kafir warfare. But so
it is. " Right ahead " and a " forward cast " will soon ensure
you " Woo-hoop," or as you call it " Oo-oop." (Don't " queeze "
me, it is very " estraordinary," you always do so.)
I hope that you may hear from me every week. I do my
best to ensure it, and as yet I trust you have not been disappointed.
If you are, be assured it cannot be helped. The distance is so
enormous, and the odd devils we have to send as escorts with
the mails do not, like regular soldiers, enable one to say that it
will arrive on such an hour on such a day. The Hottentots are
to be trusted, poor fellows ; but the Boers are too fond of sleep
ing. Although I get on famously with them, I have no particular
opinion of their pluck, and always have about me my twelve men
with double-barrelled guns, my escort, with old Japps, whose
very holloa ! would frighten a Kafir if his shot did not. Twelve
more plucky fellows I never saw, and they watch me like hawks.
If I move, they are after me and all round me, and every night
mount sentry over me. If I whisper, Japps hears me. My
bugler is no great hand as a musician, but the gamest fellow I
ever saw (I am my own trumpeter, n'est-ce pas, ma f emmet);
but all our fighting is now over. It is quite an affair of Smith-
field Market now, or will be in a few days.
* " A little oil and a clove of garlic."

1835.] A DAY'S DELAY. 35 1
Daylight on the 13th April.
We were all ready to march, when Master sent for me, and
because Somerset's division is not up yet, has ordered a halt. I
remonstrated, but it was of no use. He became touchy, talked
of principal combination, military errors, etc. So I dropped the
matter, as I always find it best to do at the moment, and renew
it hereafter. Upon the whole, we are doing very well, but I
fear he does not think so. He has been disappointed in not
fighting a general action ; which is a thing as likely to occur as
that, j^such were the case, the Kafirs would beat us.
They are in terrible dismay. Last night (for always two or three
of them creep near us), the wind being favourable and the night
very still, my Kafir guide sitting by the fire distinctly heard one
call to another, " Ah, ah, the troops are come, and we shall be
all killed." In my tent I heard their howl. I will indulge in
another wash, although it cannot wash away the stain of this
day's delay.
A nice cool morning, and I hope the day may be so too, for we
have no shade. Not that I care about it ; my hands are as black
as my face, and that is the colour of dear little Moira's nozzle, and
my head about as gray as her nose. A big Dutchman just put
me in half a rage. He came for a bullock skin. I gave him
the order on the commissary, and the brute said he did not know
where or who the commissary was. Now surely it was right to
blow up such a fellow ? I have improved in my Dutch wonder
fully, almost as much as your dear Spanish figure has progressed
towards the Dutch.
This lost day is a bore. I shall be tired of it all soon.
Indeed, the little excitement there was in the warfare has sub
sided, now that we have no enemy and I cannot make my little
patrols. I have no ambition to be a Smithfield Market drover.
We will make Hintza's Kafirs drive our cattle back, and guard
it too. As I have before told you, it is wonderful how these
devils can make the cattle go, when they are ever so tired. I
feel delay more than ever, but a light heart (which thank
God I possess) keeps me the most lively fellow in the camp.
All the fellows in camp rejoice in me, thank God, and the
soldiers would go to the devil for me. I feed them well. Two
of the wounded fellows passed me yesterday, those with assagai
wounds who had been with Murray.. "Well, my boys, how are

352 APPENDIX II. [1835.
you?" " Oh, quite well, sir." "Ah, it is me who gets you into
such scrapes." "We will soon be ready to fight under your
honour again with all our hearts and souls."
Halting-day, 13th April (continued).
We are just going to take a ride — Master, me, and escort —
upon the road to the Kei, with some of our guides. And then
such questions as he will ask these fellows, who are as ignorant
of what he wants to come at as possible — the name of this hill,
and the other, the source of this river, and that t'yaron, some
times with impatience. But the dear old gentleman sets down
all this to the credit of science and information, and thinks my
guerrilla ideas are far too wild. To-day he said, " In your view
of the case there is no combination. All is trusted to a blind
succession of chances." So I bristled up and said, "General,
war in itself is a succession of chances, like all other games.
But science must be its basis, and the great science of war is
to adapt its principles to the enemy you have to contend with
and the nature of the country. If you do not, you give him
so many chances of the game." This rather posed him. " Oh,
certainly, I do not deny that. On the contrary, I agree with it."
I did not like to push him any further, for the great danger I
have to avoid is that of assuming towards him a dictatorial
manner; and God knows my manner is brusque enough, soften
it down as I will. I am obliged sometimes to speak out ; but
I do so with every endeavour to avoid hurting his feelings.
14th April, 4 o'clock in the afternoon.
Just arrived from a march. We have taken a Fingo, a Kafir
of an inferior order, who has given us very important information.
He states that Hintza has all the Colonial cattle collected and
ready to restore to us, and that he is within two days' march of
us at his residence near the missionary station of Butterworth.
I ought to have told you where we are : which is, as the crow
flies, within six miles of the Kei, but twelve miles by the waggon
road. The bed of the river is very evident, and the country now
most beautiful again, intersected with ravines on a minor scale
like those of the Pyrenees, beautifully studded with gardens, and
with pumpkins innumerable.

I835-] AT THE KEI. 353
15 April, 4 o'clock in the morning.
Just received a -beautiful letter from Master, which put me
in great alarm — full of very military reasons why our march to
day should be delayed, and begging me to come to him that
we might discuss it. So off I started from my barrack-sheets and
karosse, and after a little preamble I found him much more easily
turned into my path than I expected. So we start to-day at
seven. The enemy is so disheartened now, that I think if you
were here with your female attendants and that large knife, with
a red cloak on, the sable foe would fly before you.
" Now, Paddy Balfour, you ugly beast with your moustaches,
pour out the coffee, and be d  d to you."
" Battle over, sleep in clover ;
Who so happy as we in camp ? "
I am in great spirits this morning at having overcome the
delay. " Up saddle." 6 o'clock, 15th April.
This day has turned out much more auspicious than my
utmost desire anticipated. I told you in the morning I was
in high spirits, because Master consented to march down to
the Kei. So I took care to be long before my time on
horseback at his tent, with the advanced guard and my escort.
He said with his usual politeness, "Pray, do not wait for meK
Smith. Go on." The hint was quite enough. It was all I
wanted, and off I set in as fast a shuffle as I could keep the
cavalry horses in, down to the river (about n miles). We could
observe the tops of the hills (almost mountains) on the other side
covered with Kafirs. The more there were, the more I pushed
on. On my arrival at the ford, I was challenged from the opposite
side by " Hallo, English, do you know what river this is ? This
is Hintza's country. What do you want here?" I halted my
troops, and made my Kafir desire one of them to lay down his
arms and to come down to the river to speak to me. They were
dreadfully frightened, but at last one laid down his assagai and
by degrees in about an hour approached my Kafir. I told him
to say that we were come to make Hintza give an answer to our
former demand; that we would enter their country for the present
as friends. All depended upon themselves and Hintza whether
or not we were afterwards enemies.
VOL. II. 2 A

354 APPENDIX II. [i835-
During our conference we were joined by His Excellency,
who highly approved of what I was doing. I went close to our
side of the river — my Kafir sitting in the middle, Hintza's Kafir
on the opposite side — and had a long jaw,* which ended in our
entering Hintza's country, for the moment as friends, and sending
off for him. But no Kafir was to come near us with an assagai.
The Kafir was a clever fellow, and wanted me to name a place to
meet Hintza. I told him Hintza should have been on the river
to meet the Governor, and we should march on until Hintza came.
His Excellency was satisfied, so I said, " Now, sir, let us cross
immediately." He was full of two or three little doubts, fears,
military precautions, when I could stand it no longer, and roared
out, " Mount ! " " Now, General," I said, " I will cross, and you
will see every fellow fly before me. Then pray send the whole
army on."
It was as I said. The fellow with whom I had the parley
came up to me on my ascent from the river and told me he
would desire the people to keep out of my way and would lead
me wherever I might like to go. He is a most civil, athletic
savage, 6 feet 3 inches high. He is now sitting with me, having
eaten half a sheep, and his manner is really very fine. He liked
my gingered tea exceedingly, but could not bear brandy. We have
just had a visit from three of Hintza's councillors. He himself is
in the upper country. We have told them what I have before
stated, and they are to send off for their king immediately. They
promised fairly, and seemed terribly frightened when we threatened
them with Fakoo in their rear.
I can talk Kafir wonderfully — Asapd, " come here " ; A Bamba,
"good-bye"; Ekwee, "yes". Now that is a great deal to learn in one
day, besides crossing a river and getting over a flock of sheep rather
than soldiers, pleasing a master, writing nonsense to an " auld
wife," and orders for the camp, blowing up fifty people at least,
shaking hands with some fifty Kafirs, and giving them tobacco,
and a breakfast to two of them, who were highly delighted. The
graceful air and gentlemanlike manner in which they thank you
is really astonishing. No French marquis of the anden rigime
could exceed their bow and expression of countenance. The
* Alexander has a picture of this scene, with others of the war,
drawn by Major Michell, Surveyor-General.

1835.J IN HINTZA'S COUNTRY. 355
knowledge they have, too, of passing events is totally surprising.
They are perfect politicians, and talk to me of the general policy
of our countries.

4 o'clock, 16 April.
On the road to Butterworth, Hintza's residence.
Gona Camp, 7 miles over the Kei.
Hallifax, who literally loves me, has made a fort, which he and
Bingham — the impudent rascals! — call Fort Harry, just above
Fort Willshire; and last night they sent me a copy of a drawing
they have made of it, and which I send to you. It is a very
useful little work, I assure you, and must be admired by you
because its name is Harry.

FORT -HARRY.
Ha Hi fa-*, et BiitgAa-m fecit
Old Pato has just arrived with the waggons and one of his
chiefs, come, he said, to learn the news. He has sent a message
to his cousin Hintza. Old Pato says Hintza is a great chief. We
must wait patiently with him, and give him time. He is a great
chief. So I told him, great or small, if he or a messenger from
him were not in to-morrow, I would be at his people immediately.
At this old Pato and his captain laughed fit to kill themselves.
They are two monkey-faced rascals, but they are dressed like
Dutchmen, and really very well-behaved fellows. Adios for el
momenta.

356 APPENDIX II. [1835.
17th April, 4 o'clock in the afternoon.
After rather an uninteresting march, the country being very
monotonous, here we are in the most beautiful and highly culti
vated valley, close to Hintza's residence and immediately in
front of the missionary institution of Butterworth, formerly
occupied by Mr. Ayliff, but now abandoned. We breakfasted in
a nice little ravine with good water and visits innumerable from
the Fingoes, whose cattle are grazing all around us, giving the air
of harmony, peace, and confidence. These Fingoes are a race of
men formerly dispersed by Dingaan's tribe. They took refuge in
Kafirland, and are but ill treated and little looked upon by the
Kafirs. They are exceedingly inclined to befriend us, and if
Mr. Hintza is not what I know he will be, we will arm all these
Fingoes and use them as an instrument of vengeance against
their oppressors. They are a fine athletic set of fellows.
Master is very communicative to me, and, I am vain enough
to think, takes my advice, but it is difficult to advise. My mind
is not enough awake to the subject. When the responsibility is
mine, my versatile disposition turns the subject in a thousand ways,
and at daylight a bright ray of intellect has heretofore been kind
enough to say, " Enrique, do so-and-so." It is really astonishing
when I reflect upon my late career ; everything has occurred to
me as if by inspiration. All my little successes have flaahed
across my mind in an instant, and have been to the utmost of my
power as instantly put into execution. Midday, Saturday 18th.
One of Hintza's principal councillors, who came to us the first
day, has just come in with a long tail, and claims an audience. He
is a little shrewd-looking old fellow with a tiger-skin karosse, and
brings as a present and token of good faith and amity a bullock.
We have given him a saddle and bridle, and oh, the delight
of the fellow ! Thirty-five are sitting round me, having thrown
off their karosses, as naked as they were born, one, a great
orator, holding forth to the honour of the British nation — I
dare say a great humbug ; however, we can humbug too. I have
just given all of the councillor's tail a piece of tobacco, and his
orator a tinder-box; also to two a knife apiece, and oh, such
kissing of hands ! He says Hintza will be here to-night or to
morrow.

I83S-3 FINGOES. 357
7 o'clock. — Oh, it has just begun to lighten tremendously, and
the thunder rolls ten thousand cannon. Such vivid lightning I
scarcely ever saw, like a blue light at sea, and lasting almost as
long. Heavens, what a storm ! I must shut up my desk. Good
God, how it blows and rains and lightens ! The candle is almost
flapped out with the walls of the tent; I will finish this page
though, if possible, rain or no rain. Viva Mr. Hintza's country !
You are a changeable fellow, hot and cold, wet and dry, light and
dark in a moment. Blow, rain, thunder, lighten, but pray let me
write to my poor old wife, for I can't go to my bed yet, the rain
so spatters through my tent. Evening of the 19th, Sunday.
About 2000 Fingo captains have come in to say they must
return into the colony with their wives and families, which will be
granted them, so that I shall have a pretty increase of my cares.
These are, as I have before told you, real game fellows, and,
supported by my best of Hottentots, will drive more cattle out of
the kloofs on the bed of the Kei in one day than we could in a
week. It will be a measure of great policy, too, to bring with us
a settlement of people so well disposed towards us and place
them upon our new frontier. They appear to be of a much more
docile nature than the wild Kafir, whose head is mischief and
heart deceit.
I therefore hope to see them and their families comfortably
located on a good ground and their huts built before winter,
and hereafter they must be taught to build cottages. I
feel convinced that nothing would tend to the civilization of
these poor people more than domestic comfort in a nice cottage
in place of lying all together like dogs in a kennel. . . . Good
night, my soul, my love, my wife.
Enrique.
9 o'clock at night, 19th April.
I have just received a deputation of royal blood. The look
out officer reported to me that about one hundred Kafirs were
coming towards the camp in a friendly manner and without
assagais, so off I started with my orderlies to meet them, making
sure they were from Hintza. On my approach I halted them, and

35^ APPENDIX II. [1835.
desired one to come out, when out came a tiger-karosse man.
He said he was the captain, Kuba, come to pay his respects to the
Governor, and asked the news, which is their mode of wishing to
know whether we are friends or foes. I told him that four of his
people might come with him, and I would then conduct him to
the Governor. The Governor told them the news was with
Hintza. This was all they could get from him, but he was very
civil. We encamp in a very curious way — not as in the Peninsula,
the General some distance from the camp. We are all in a square,
the troops outside, the General and staff and all the commissariat
and oxen and waggons within. Sentries outside of the whole.
I have just returned from poor old Master, who now is very
ki7id to me, and treats me with the most marked attention. He
said, " Well, have you, sent the sketch of yourself to Mrs. Smith ? "
"Oh yes." "Do you know what Michell says?" "No, sir."
" Why, that if he could get you to stand still for one minute,
he could make a perfect likeness of you." " By God, sir, I have
not time to stand still." "I believe you," said the old boy;
" you have not stood still ; " and he shook my hand. 20th April.
I have just ordered Bruintjes to bring me a camp-kettle lid
full of embers, and now am quite warm. Such a cold day as this
would put me in a fever about you, were you here, lest you
should get cold, lest you should not have all you want. - For years
now (that horrid thing, Time !) you have been accustomed to
luxury. When I was first troubled with you, you were a little,
wiry, violent, ill-tempered, loving, always faithful, little devil, and
kept your word to a degree which at your age and for your sex was
as remarkable as meritorious. How often have I admired you
for it ! Had it not been for your own good sense and faith to
me, I should not have had my dearest love as a young woman,
nor an old Boba to whom to pour out the feelings of an affec
tionate heart. But please Almighty God, I shall have this old
woman with me, until we both dwindle to our mother earth.
And when the awful time comes, grant we go together at the
same moment !
It is time we changed our camp. This delightful valley, so
beautiful in its crops of Indian and Kafir corn, the hills around,

I83S-] A DEPUTATION FROM HINTZA. 359
so luxuriantly clothed with grass, are all now eaten off or trod
down by the innumerable bullocks, horses, and animals we have
with us, and bear the countenance of what you have so often seen
— war and devastation. When we march to a fresh bivouac, all
is again green and gay.
" Battle over, sleep in clover ;
Who so happy as we in camp ? "
Answer, "Enrique with his Juana at Charlie's Hope." Oh, I
must tell you of the compliment the Kafirs paid me the other day
by calling me a beauty 1 They yesterday, after looking at my feet
in my brown boots, asked the interpreter where I put my toes, and
then like great baboons they laughed at their own wit, so that we
all turned to and laughed also.
The soldiers were very much amused yesterday with me,
when cross-questioning one of the Hottentot deserters. I asked
his name, which was — what do you think ? — Henri Smith ! By
Jupiter, how the fellows laughed ! However, I had my jaw too by
saying, " All Smiths are sharp, active-looking fellows, and so is
our deserter rascal."
I am glad to see those rogues leave the Kafirs. Nothing
disheartens the brutes so much as the supposition that you know
what they are doing. They will, on account of it — we are given
to understand — change their plans even. It is just so with a wild
beast (you were a sportswoman once, you know, dearest). Head
a wolf, fox, hare, any bite de chasse, and it will change its whole
plan of escape immediately. So it is with the Kafir.
10 o'clock, 20th April.
Somerset's division, or rather the dtbris of it, has just
arrived in twos and threes, forty times worse than the army of
Burgos was in the pig-shooting days which you witnessed. This
is the way in which it has marched these three days. To-morrow
His Excellency inspects this division (what a name for it !), and I
will answer for it we will still muster a few horses fit to do
something. 23rd April, daylight.
My fifty Fingoes just coming in like Trojans. I have
ordered each 3 pounds of meat. Upon my word, I never saw

360 APPENDIX II. C1835.
anything so fine as my fifty Fingoes, all with their assagais and
their shields, and singing as they marched along, all aroused
as if the blood of their forefathers was flowing through their
veins, when their nation was independent and important
amongst the other savages. They then gave me a war-whoop,
and jumped, and then sang again most melodiously in a
deep sonorous voice, with a most harmonious bass. Nothing
villainous in their countenances, but full of heroism and fine
feeling. 9 at night.— Oh, such a Johnny Raw as old John Bell sent up
to us to-day, young  ! The General did not know what the
devil to do with him, and sent for me. I soon appointed him a
Volunteer to the ist Provisional Battalion, and as he had neither
tea, sugar, coffee, nor brandy, he was a pleasant fellow to join a
half-starved officers' mess. I set him up with 2 lbs. tea, 4 lbs.
sugar, 4 lbs. coffee, and a canteen of brandy, with this good
advice: "Be broad awake, sir, and learn to speak quick." I
was very near telling him to get his hair cut. Tell dear old John
to send us no more such trash.
Bivouac on the T'solo, a small stream running into the T'somo,
which runs into the Kei, 30th April, 1835.
Viva Enrique!
Mi Queridissima Muger,
Since the 24th, I have not been able to talk with you,
and in these six days your old man has worked wonders. Hintza
dined with me yesterday, and is my son.
On the morning of the 24th instant, His Excellency having
waited nine days for a communication from Hintza and none
arriving, proclaimed hostilities to a chief named Kuba (Lynx-eyes),
and fired a gun in great ceremony. Knowing pretty well that
nothing but the most vigorous and indefatigable exertions would
bring this fickle chief to terms, I had a little bit of an army
of both divisions told off for me, with which I immediately
commenced operations, 'the results of which are detailed in
the accompanying two letters. With them I send my dear old
woman a copy of the General Order on the subject.
On the afternoon of yesterday, on my return, His Excellency,
who was most highly delighted at my success, informed me that
on the 27th and the 28th, he had received communications from

I835-] HINTZA RIDES INTO CAMP. 36 1
Hintza, but he had refused to treat with any one but himself.
"Right, sir," says I, "byG— d." He continued, "This after
noon you will see him himself, or I am the most deceived of
men." (However, I held in readiness a detachment of fresh
troops to march against Boku at two o'clock in the morning on a
fresh venture.)
About four our picquets reported a body of horsemen coming
in. We sent out Beresford to meet it, and in rode the Great
Chief, a very good-looking fellow, and his face, though black, the
very image of poor dear George IV. He seemed perfectly satis
fied of his safety among us, and acted majesty with great dignity,
though nearly naked like the rest. He said to the Governor that
he was ready to proceed to business.
His Excellency, therefore, read sentence by sentence a long
story of grievances, which our interpreter spoke. Hintza paid
great attention, occasionally made a remark, and when it came to
the terms on which we would make peace, he sighed two or three
times ; then gave a toss of his head and said he would consider
of them. I asked him to dine with me. He and one of his councillors
came, and you would have laughed to have seen us all. He fed
himself very well, ate enormously, drank only water, but lots of
coffee, with pounds of sugar in each cup. After dinner he began
politics. I soon saw he was for coming to terms. He said he
looked upon me as his Father. I therefore soon cleared my tent
of all but myself, the Interpreter, Hintza, and one of his councillors.
In deep whispers he proceeded to talk over the present state of
affairs, pointed out the insubordination of many of the chiefs
under him, and, to make a long story short, we swore eternal amity
and friendship and privately concluded peace on our terms. The
whole was to be publicly ratified in the morning.
I stuck to my son, turned out all the troops, and assembled
all the officers. The Governor appeared at their head, I and
Hintza and his councillors opposite. I having pledged myself to
be his patron and answer to the Governor for his fidelity (which
highly pleased him), he then ratified all the conditions of our
treaty and shook hands with the Governor and with me. -
I then said, " Now let it be proclaimed far and near that the
Great Chief Hintza has concluded a peace with the Great King
of England, and let the cannon fire."

362 APPENDIX II. [1835-
Three guns were loaded and fired in succession accordingly.
Hintza was delighted. All our prisoners had been released. We
had a capital breakfast together, and soon after gave him his pre
sents. I never saw a creature so delighted. He swears by me. The
main points of our treaty are these (there are several minor ones)
— that he shall within five days give up 25,000 head of cattle and
500 horses, and that this day twelvemonth he shall pay 25,000
more ancLsoo more horses. He is to place two hostages in our
hands for the fulfilment of his treaty, but as to hostages, he says,
" Why, I will remain wit}} you myself." He is to order the rebel
chiefs to submit, and to consider our enemies his. I am quite
amused with the fellow. Now, old woman, I give myself more
credit for my negotiations than anything else, and God knows I
have been the humble instrument for concluding this arduous
and laborious war most satisfactorily. I have followed the
enemy everywhere, driven him out of every den, captured 25,000
head of cattle in all, and concluded an honourable peace. The
poor Excellency is most delighted. The labour I have, en
countered from the morning of the 24th to the afternoon of the
30th has astonished everybody, nay, even myself. It is nearly
equal to my ride up from Cape Town.
Hintza's son is just come in, a very fine young man about
nineteen or twenty. I am to have the honour of his company at
dinner, with that of his papa, my son. . . . Oh, to-day my
heart was full to overflowing ! I had taken prisoner the brother
of a chief called Chopo. I told him yesterday that he or his
brother must pay 500 bullocks for his ransom. Then he said,
" My liberty is a hopeless case " ; and he sighed and looked so
melancholy, I quite pitied him. He was a very handsome, nice
youth. After peace was proclaimed, I sent for him and liberated
him, and I declare he made such demonstrations of real gratitude,
that the poor savage saw a tear steal down my cheek. I could
not help it. Poor fellow, how delighted I was to have it in my
power to confer the great boon of liberty on a poor fellow-creature 1
— almost a reward for my labour, I declare.
To-morrow we begin to turn our heads towards home, but we
must wait for the cattle. Hintza has sent in all directions for it,
and it is to be here in five days from to-morrow's sun.
How you would laugh to see me walking about the camp with
Hintza leaning on my arm !

1835O HINTZA REMAINS AS A HOSTAGE. 363
Four o'clock, 30th April.
What do you think has been my occupation for this last
half-hour ? One very much in my way. Stringing a large neck
lace of glass beads for young Hintza. I have just hung it round
his neck in three rows. ist May.
Just four months to-day since I left you, dearest. What a
time it does appear ! Good heavens ! four years at least.
There never were such game fellows as these Hottentots.
The other night in the Kei, after a terrific march, when we got up
to the enemy, I halloed them on like a pack of hounds, and, upon
my word, they flew past me through the bush like buffaloes, making
everything crack before them.
Only fancy, my dear old woman, what must have been my
five days' late campaign. I never shaved from the 24th to the
evening of the 29th, nor did I ever comb my hair. My toothbrush
my only luxury. I changed my pantaloons because in a cattle
hunt the mimosa bushes literally tore them off. The difficulty of
obtaining information where anything is going on occupies every
moment one has off horseback. One of the days I was out,
Paddy Balfour — meaning well, God knows — sent my led horses with
the infantry, and at night I had the gratification to find myself
25 miles from them. We had lots of cattle, but killing and eating
two hours after dark is rather a bore. Luckily, one of the men
gave me a bit of tongue — no salt nor biscuit, but I was delighted
with it. Next morning, on joining the infantry, having had no
cup of coffee, I was so hungry, by heavens ! I could have bit a
piece out of my wife's shoulder, when one of the escort hauled
out of a dirty haversack a bone of a goat, which he had already
had a gnaw at. So I turned to at that, and gnawed it as greedily
as little Moira seizes everything out of one's hand. However,
after joining my horses, I had a real good breakfast, and we then
marched 25 miles over mountains steeper than the Pyrenees, and
the weather down in the Amava was exceedingly hot. However,
we have overcome all difficulties. 8 o'clock in the evening, ist May.
I have written a very long letter to dear old John Bell. I
wish I could let him be behind the scenes in one of my councils

364 APPENDIX II. [1835.
with the chief. Such rascals as they are, trying to overreach you.
My delight is for a long time to keep playing with them, as
though thoughtlessly about to concede their request, then suddenly
to turn round when they least expect it, show them what they are
aiming at, and then say, "No, decidedly not. A man never
changes 'the word.' It is written — the cannons have fired."
This figurative and metaphorical mode of speech they are very
fond of. I carry on all our negotiations in this way, until it
comes to the point. Then I disrobe the question and put it in
plain matter-of-fact language. Altogether it is good fun for the
moment, but I can see that as these rascals are bereft of their
fears they will become troublesome and try every shift in their
power. We expect Thomson up daily. Master and he will have a
long ride or two — I think to decide on eligible spots for a line
of posts along the Kei. It is decided we take possession of all
this country ; but as yet we have not touched upon it to Hintza,
to whom it matters but little, as we take possession of no terri
tory belonging to him personally, but of a large portion of his
brother Boku's. There does not appear to be any particular love
between the two. 2nd May, 5 o'clock.
Just going to send His Majesty his coffee. I sent him one
cup yesterday morning, and asked if he would have any more
He said, " Oh yes ; I have a large belly."
Later. — On the march to-day met Boku coming in with 20
cattle — all the Colonial cattle he has, the villain.
We had a great scene in camp to-night There are about 150
followers of these chiefs in camp, and some of them have been
murdering the poor wretches of Fingoes, who have placed them
selves under our protection. So His Excellency got very natu
rally irate and blew them up considerably. After to-day's march
I recommended that all their assagais should be given up. By
way of intimidation Hintza said his people would throw them.
So I said I was delighted. I went in amongst them and ordered
them to lay down their assagais. They began to untie them and
really get ready to throw. So I laughed like the devil, and in a
voice like thunder ordered the picquet of thirty men standing with

1835.] HINTZA PLAYING A DOUBLE GAME. 365
their left flanks towards them about fifty yards off to wheel up to
its left, which brought their front immediately, opposite the group
of Kafirs, at the same time ordering my corps of Guides to file
round their rear. The cowards were electrified, and immediately
roared out, " Oh, we will give them up ! we will give them up ! "
and in two minutes they were collected. I then went in amongst
them with tobacco, and oh, such fun as I had throwing it in
amongst them and making them scramble for it !
Hintza, who is really gentlemanlike in his manner, his
brother Boku, another brother, and Kreili — Hintza's son — dined
with me. And 'I made them laugh too, although at first they
pretended to be rather sulky at their men's arms being taken
away. I allowed the chiefs to retain theirs.
Cox reports that Tyalie, etc., are in a state of the most
miserable alarm. He cannot get near any of them. They are
flying about in small parties, literally afraid for their lives.
3rd May, 10 at night.
My son Hintza and I, have been at loggerheads very much
this afternoon. I let him alone all day, although I could see he
was doing nothing nor intending to do anything. At 4 o'clock I
summoned him, Boku, and their great councillor Umtini to a
talk, and demanded that the two messengers should go to Tyalie
and Macomo. They struggled in every possible way. I stormed
with the Articles of Treaty in my hand, marched down an addi
tional picquet, doubled the sentries, and then said, " Hintza, my
son, I am pledged to the Governor for your faith, and my head
is likely to be cut off for your infidelity, so that if you do not
fulfil every tittle of the Articles of Peace, we will carry you, Hintza,
Boku, Vadana, and your son Kreili, with us into the Colony and
keep you until the good faith we have expected from you be
extracted by force."
You never saw fellows more astonished. I then made Hintza
and his great councillor Umtini come and dine with me. Hintza
and he at first were awfully dull, but ate a good dinner. I had
six sentries around my tent. After dinner I cleared it of all but
the Interpreter, and then said, " Now we will have a talk, and I
will again ' give you the word.' " The sentries were told off, and
when I said, " Are you there ? " every man was to roar out, " Yes,
sir."

366 APPENDIX II. [i835-
We parted friends, he in a funk, his followers all disarmed.
I marched him down to his tent with ten sentries. Ninety men of
the 72nd Regiment are round him, and every minute I make
them sing out " All right ! All right ! " from sentry to sentry. En
la moda Espanola, " Sentre alerte ? Alerte soy."
Poor devils ! If Hintza had been educated and had lived
among well-disposed Christians, he would have been a very fine
fellow. I like him and Umtini, but I hate all the rest except
young Kreili, his son, who is a very nice modest youth.

4th May. Monday morning, daylight,
Did I tell you that last night Hintza said he had rather at
once pay the 50,000 head than half in a year ? To this I agreed.
I have therefore promised Hintza that if in five suns more he
brings us the whole of our demand, I will return him 5000 bullocks
and 100 horses. Probably this may act upon him, for he will
certainly keep them for himself. 6 o'clock, 4th May.
My Royal Son has grown particularly modest or cold, for he
asked me to give him a pair of pantaloons. I gave him two.
His delight when you give him anything is quite " estraordinary."
Oh ! to-day the uncle of Maquay came in to see me. He says
(literally) his heart is full to me for my kindness when I might
have taken his life. All his wives thank me, and he will never
cease to love me. When he went away, he held my hand, kissed
it, and bid me good-bye, wishing me all the cattle in the world !
A fine manly-looking fellow. When he was quite out of sight, I
sent for him back and made him several presents. His gratitude
almost overflowed. I let him go first to see if he came in the
hope of getting something, but no, it was pure gratitude. One
can scarcely consider such a being a savage. If so, he had better
remain in his present state.
Poor devils ! these little opportunities of kindness make me
very happy for the moment. It is hardly fair so to frighten them,
but without it nothing can possibly be done with them.
I was perfectly satisfied with the message sent to-day to Tyalie
and Macomo. I summoned Hintza and all the royal personages

1835.] ORDER OF MARCH BACK TO THE KEI. 367
into my presence and desired them to send their message to the
rebels. Hintza told Boku to speak. He did so very slowly and
impressively to the purport I wished.

5th May, an hour before daylight.
They trumped up a tale in the camp last night that the Kafirs
were going to make an attempt that night to rescue their chiefs,
by help of a body without. I laughed at it most heartily, but as
Master placed much credit in it as a likely thing to occur (very
likely !), why, to please him I took the necessary precautions, as
he terms it. Amongst others, I desired Captain Murray of the
72nd, should the attempt be made, to go in very quietly to
Hintza's and Boku's tent and put them to death, but not to do
so until there was a probability of a rescue ; so their escape was
pretty well provided for, I think.
All is quiet, however, as I ventured to anticipate, contrary to
the opinion of all other persons, or nearly so, in camp ; but they
none of them have been quite so often on outlying picquet as
you have been, or accustomed to the little constant services of
danger on which I have been for a number of years. (What a
conceited old rascal you are, Mr. Enrique !)
This is the 5th sun ; now for the faith of my son. I expect
some of the 25,000 head, but not all, because I know he has not
had time to fetch it since the Peace, so far off had he driven it.
Oh, how all that delay at Grahamstown has altered every
thing ! It might have been all over a month ago, the farmers in
their homes, the families who had suffered from the invasion
in possession of cattle and roofing their houses or rebuilding
them ; land apportioned to those who wished for it in the new
boundary ; every Kafir tribe dreading the name of an Englishman
from the rapidity as well as force with which he strikes ; thousands
of pounds saved to our country ; and last, but by no means least,
I at home with my dearest faithful wife.
2 o'clock. — I have just given out the order of march for
the ist and 2nd Divisions for to-morrow, the 6th ; the latter to
cross the Kei, and continue its march back to the Colony
with the captured cattle, Fingoes, etc., and all the impedimenta ;
the first division to move into the camp just on this side of the

368 APPENDIX II. [1835-
Kei, where we halted and1 bivouacked the first day after we
crossed. My tent just filled with Dutchmen come to bid me good-bye.
They all march to-morrow, thank Heaven. I do pity them ; but if
ever Job had had to deal with them, I feel satisfied he would not
have acquired his character for patience. I am liked by them, how
ever, and, notwithstanding the many rowings I have given them,
am glad to part friends with all that are good for anything.
Afternoon. — The poor Boers keep coming in to bid me good
bye, and with all their hearts. God knows, it is with all my heart
I say good-bye. I would never attempt to learn Dutch now.
Such is my horror of the language, a bevy of beautiful maidens
could not tempt me into a Dutch parley.
9 at night. — The Clarksbury party have at last arrived — lots
of parsons ; and we march to-morrow towards the Kei.
Boku was to have brought 600 head of cattle in to-day for the
murder of Purcell and Armstrong. His messengers came after
dark, bringing in nineteen head. So I sent Paddy Balfour to kick
them out of camp, and the Interpreter to Boku to say I had
done so.
Later. — I have just given Kili, or Kreili, a necklace for his
mother. The youth was quite delighted. You cannot conceive a
more handsome half-black fellow. He has such a gentlemanlike
figure. At first I thought he wanted intellect, but to-day I find it is
nothing but modesty. We were talking of the Kei and the rivers
which fall into it, when he became quite eloquent, and described
the great river, its source, and tributary streams far better than
his father or the prime minister. My Royal guests were in great
spirits indeed. Hintza talked much about his fifteen queens.
They have increased five lately. At first he acknowledged to
only ten. He says he loves them much. He never ceases to
think of them, when I do not bring out the long paper. He is
always horrified at the long paper. I told him to-night we were
going to cross the Kei to-morrow. He said, " Very well ; I am
doing all I can about the cattle, but I, like others, must have
time. I cannot perform impossibilities. The cattle are so far
off, they could not be here within the five suns."

1835.] A WET DAY. 369
Morning of the 6th.
The day has turned out so wet, I have been obliged to
countermand the march of the two Divisions. The roads here are
so steep and so slippery in descending and ascending to and from
the Kei, they are totally impassable to the waggons. Therefore
discretion says " halt," and patience says " the devil."
If you were to see howN Paddy Balfour works for me now, how
he tries to have all my things about me right and comfortable !
And in the field he is a very useful and a proper plucky fellow,
and now knows something about his business, as do a very few
more of them — ignorant enough at first, but all, all, most ready
and willing to learn. They fly to obey, nay, even anticipate
my wishes. Thank God ! I never wish to serve with a nicer set
of fellows. How it does rain ! Well, a fine day to-morrow. How it used
to rain in the Pyrenees, ti acordas, mi pobredta t * Oh, how I
pitied you some days, although I never said so ! But the most
varmint thing you ever did was to get on your horse that cold day
and ride to Mont de Marsan to return the poor kind woman her
bridal basin. f No person on earth but you would have done that.
I do not think I told you that in one of his notes to me
Master expressed a wish that I would move Cox's 3rd Division
from the immediate vicinity of the enemy, that is, from the
Amatola to Brownlee's missionary station on the Buffalo, at the
point where the high-road crosses into Kafirland. I said, " What
is the object, sir ? " " Oh," he says, "then the army will be con
centrated." " Sir," I said, " the sole object I have aimed at and
studied is to send the troops in every direction in detachments
strong enough to protect themselves, because such is the practice
of the enemy. I have never yet sent out any detachment that
they did not do something, either take some cattle or a horse or
shoot a Kafir or two." So he said, "Very well, let the 3rd
Division remain where it is." However, \o please him, I have
sent 300 of Van Wyk's 4th Division there, because it does not
matter whether they are there or in any other place, they are so
sick of the war, although they have done much and good service
and are real game and plucky fellows. So by agreeing in trifles,
as I told you, I succeed in getting the essentials as I like.
* "Do you remember, poor child? " t See vol. i. p. 168.
VOL. II. 2 B

370 APPENDIX II. [i835-
Ah ! all this is very fine, but I am naturally so lazy a fellow I
long to be back again. I do not mind the fox-hunting part of it,
but the dry official writing is awful.
Hija, I have just thought of a very nice amusement for you,
and one which would be very probably hereafter useful to me.
Copy in a book everything descriptive of what we have done, my
scenes with my followers, my descriptions of the war, Kafir chiefs,
policy, etc., in short, everything but my touterias* The rest I
will some day publish in the life and adventures of Harry and
Jenny Smith. 7th May.
This wet weather does put me in mind of the Pyrenees — that
cold camp we had on the very top of them, when our tent was
floored with large cold stones, the only time I ever smoked a little,
when you made me a little paper segar, and tea, too, to drink
with it.
It is so cold, too; however, cold or no cold, in future, if I
campaign again in a friend's country, my Juana must be of the
party ; I cannot again be separated. But in this savage warfare,
it would have been folly, nay, the height of cruelty, to have
brought you.
Half-past 12. — Hang the rain! it has begun again as hard
as ever. Oh, how I see you now, I think, at Government House in
your fancy dress, your dearest shape so divulged, aquella grada
Espanola, the remembrance of our youthful days and what you
have gone through for me, brought back by the costume; all
the room admiring you and your dress, and in that room one
heart in which the universal admiration is concentrated, because
he knows that love of a woman is his own, and knows what others
do not — the qualities other mind, the generosity of her heart, the
superiority of her character, void of all littleness, the strength of
mind of a noble-hearted man, the soft feelings and affection of the
most delicate of her sex ! —
" Yet are Spain's maids no race of Amazons,
But framed for all the witching arts of love."
I see you sitting thus dressed at dinner. How I watch you
* " Nonsense."

I835-] PROPOSED ANNEXATION. 37 1
sometimes when I see you animated, your dear full bosom heav
ing, your eyes flashing fire, whilst with a heart of innocence and
joy you are recounting some of our old campaigning stories, and
the listeners wonder that a creature so delicately framed could
have endured such awful fatigue and for one unworthy of her !
Oh, God bless her !
5 (? clock. — My master has just sent me a confidential com
munication which in the strictest confidence I impart to my own
soul for her, her sacred ear alone. It is a copy of his ultimate
treaty of peace with Hintza when the latter has fulfilled the
engagements of his former treaty ; a copy, that is to say, of his
proclamation declaring the territory conquered up to the Kei to
belong to his Britannic Majesty, including the territory beyond
the T'somo. That is, the new boundary-line of this colony is to
extend to the sea, up the Kei, following the course of the T'somo
to the Stormberg. It will include a most magnificent track of
country, I assure you.
The whole is framed upon various conversations which I have
had with him.
I have just sent for Umtini, and have desired him to tell
Hintza that as two days have passed beyond the time named in
the Treaty and he has done next to nothing to fulfil it, he, his
son, Boku and Vadana with their retinue, are our prisoners-of-
war, and that we now demand the 50,000 cattle and the 1000
horses before he is liberated. Umtini began a parley, but as
usual I took hold of the Treaty of Peace, thumped it and gave
him " the word," then assumed the civil and asked him what he
wanted. He said, a sheep, some biscuit, and some tobacco. We
shook hands, and so we parted. 9 o'clock at night.
Just done dinner. We had Major White there, the Assistant
Quartermaster-General, a very excellent fellow, very fond of me
¦ and argument. I never argue except with old Johnstone, but
White, Murray, and Beresford had plenty to say, laying down the
law about everything. These kind of conversations make one
laugh sometimes, but oh ! how I do hate man's society ; the same
monotonous ideas day after day. Give me strong exercise all day
and lots of women to talk with at dinner, and then to my own

372 APPENDIX II. [1835,
home with my own. But times alter, and so do I. Give me my
own fireside, my own wife, my dogs, my horses, my domestic
happiness, and let me alone.
Just finished a very long and laborious report for His Excel
lency, with comments upon his ideas of the new frontier line, its
defence, and the force to be kept in the field for the purpose of
driving the hostile tribes, even though they make peace with us,
across the Kei. Near us they cannot stay. I differ very little in
a general point of view from my Master, but he is for not occupy
ing a post nearer than thirty miles to the Kei, I am for occupy
ing a more advanced one, within ten or eleven miles of it, and
patrolling frequently up to it. There is a degree of weakness
which I am averse to avow in proclaiming an extensive territory as
ours, and not placing a soldier upon it within thirty miles of the
boundary. These posts will be all fortified so as to prevent any
aggression on the part of the enemy, and a moderate time after
the proclamation I would shoot every Kafir not authorized to
remain in our territory. Head Quarters, east of the Kei, 8th May, 1835.
Now, my dearest old companion, comes the tug of war !
As I expected, but dare not previously say so, I am to be
kept upon the frontier, Heaven knows how long! My Head
Quarters are to be on the Buffalo, where there was a nice house,
a missionary station. It has been burned, but as the walls stand
it may soon be made habitable. Come to the welcoming arms of
your faithful husband ! 9th May.
On the Kei, ready to cross to-morrow, when a great ceremony
will be performed, in proclaiming our conquered territory. The
new boundary is to be the Kei. This is better than the T'somo,
as the T'somo runs far too much in Hintza's country.
How I long to get to the Buffalo, to see where and how I shall
build our house ! Williams of the Engineers is ordered up with
Sappers, etc., and that is to be his first occupation. We are
going to found a town there, to be called William's Town ; but this
is a secret.
I fear this cunning rogue, Hintza, will give us some trouble
ere we get the cattle. He is a shuffling scoundrel. I am making

I83S-] DEATH OF HfNTZA. 373
him go with me to-day on a bit of a tour. He says he can get
the cattle if I can help.
God bless you, dearest woman ; the pleasure I think on, dream
on, is in some degree banished by a knowledge of the fatigue
which you must undergo. God bless you ! But when we meet
we will forget all, and then, in light marching order, once more we
will go together, together everywhere. As the old man cam
paigns so well, why should not the old woman ? Enrique.

Fort Smith, 18th May, 1835.
On the right bank of the Kei, about seven miles from it.
Viva Enrique !
This is the 9th day, and I have not sent a word to my
dear old wife. The hand of the Almighty God has been again
upon me. Since I last wrote to you from the other bank of the
Kei, I have made one of the most extraordinary marches ever
made by troops, but I enclose a copy of my despatch.
One day (Mr. Hintza's, the scoundrel) was an awful one, I
assure you. What. with hunting him, and taking the cattle at
night, I was rather done, I admit ; but I had some mutton chops
and coffee, and in an hour was fit again for a night's march. At
three o'clock did I again set off on a venture. Though it was
not successful as to bullocks, it had a fine political effect, that in
three days from the bed of the Kei, a British force was in sight of
the bed of the Umtata, etc.
Oh ! if I could but describe the countenance of Hintza when
I seized him by the throat and he was in the act of falling. A
devil could not have breathed more liquid flame. I shall never
forget it. I have his bracelets for you, and, what is more, the
assagai he sent flying after me, as also his bundle. The pains I
took to conciliate and treat kindly that savage ! A pack of fox
hounds would have followed me all over the world with a half of
it, but such blackguards as these fellows are, cannot be described.
They are the most determined and practised liars in the universe.
We do not march till the day after to-morrow, for all I can
say and do. But being now within the Colony, it is quite
ridiculous how much at home we feel. I had a long letter from
Cox to-day. He has had an interview with Tyalie and Macomo,

374 APPENDIX II. [1835.
who are anxious for peace. I know not what they will think of
our having taken possession of their country.
Poor man ! what a loss Major White is to us all ! He lived
with me, poor fellow, and we were mutually much attached. I
have told him a thousand times what would occur. I even on
one occasion forbad his going with me, only he promised so
faithfully to stay with the column. He is universally regretted.
19th May.
This day at 12 o'clock we liberated Kreili, Vadana, his uncle,
Sotoo, a councillor, and Nomsa, a councillor, and Piet Chingele,
a half-Hottentot villain — Kreili having agreed to fulfil his father's
treaty of peace.
We march to-morrow, leaving Warden with eighty Kat River
Legion, one officer and twenty men, Cape Mounted Rifles, eighty
of the 72nd Regiment, and one howitzer.
This is the advanced post of my command, and forty- eight
miles from my Head Quarters, the Buffalo or William's Town.
20th May.
Marched from the Kei, and arrived and bivouacked on the
Gonoube Hill, above the river of that name, at three o'clock, and
immediately chalked out a redoubt to contain fifty men ; Lester,
72 nd Regiment, to command. 21st May.
All the troops at work at daylight finishing the redoubt, which
is named Fort Wellington.
May 23rd, Buffalo River, and our winter quarters, which
is to be called King William's Town.
The house, as I think I have before stated, has been burnt, but
the walls and the chimneys are standing. We will soon, therefore,
put a roof on to it, and it will be a snug little box enough. There
is a capital garden full of fruit trees, young and flourishing:
peaches, apricots, plums, apples, pears, some vines ; very rich
land, and ground enough to grow quantities of Indian and Kafir
corn. The site for the town is beautiful. The main road will run
through it, and the river also. It will be perfectly magnificent.

I83S-] PROVINCE. OF QUEEN ADELAIDE. 375
The poor old Governor is so. kind to-day. At dinner I asked
Thomson where we could get rafters for the house. " Oh, we
must cut them where we can." " No," says Master, " let the dimen
sions be immediately taken and I will send off express to
Grahamstown for them." I felt this more than anything, because
I often talk to him about you, and he saw I was pleased. He is
a wonderfully good-hearted man, and wants nothing but a little
more nerve.
I will soon have up more soldiers. We are generally to have
here about 1200 men. I only hope so many will not be
assembled as to induce Government to send out a Major-General
to supersede me. King William's Town, 26th May, 1835.
The old Master is all kindness to me. When he speaks of
the new province, he always calls it " Your province." I shall
also have the command of the whole of the frontier from Algoa
Bay to the Kei, or I would not stay. 8 o'clock at night, 27th May.
Had a most beautiful ride to-day, and took 17 head of cattle.
Two milch cows, worthy a place in my dairy, have been placed
there, and two, less valuable, have been discarded. I have
named three places — one " Kempt's Valley," another " Barnard's
Vale " and " Ford," a third " Hotham Hill." I follow the bed of
the Buffalo upwards to my estate. The road, which will be good,
but is now a path, took us up to my estate and Murray Castle,
where formerly I took 5000 head of cattle and on this occasion
the present few. We crossed the river three times, all good fords
but one, the stream most clear and beautiful, and each succeeding
valley more calculated than the former for a village or a farm or
anything. It is certainly a most beautiful country, this Province
of Queen Adelaide. King William's Town, 7th June, 1835.
My own queridissima Muger,
I returned to Head Quarters last night after a foray of
eleven days, during which I have again, thank God, rendered my
country very essential service and the enemy considerable
loss. . . .

376 APPENDIX II. [1835.
I mention all this to you to show how rejoiced I must have
been on my return, after such hard labour, to receive your queri
dissima carta, telling me you were on the road, since the 4th
June, Thursday. nth of June, 8 o'clock at night.
His Excellency started very early this morning for Grahams
town. I have sent off Paddy Balfour to meet you, and my
trusty ensign Low, with 20 of my most faithful Hottentots to
accompany you, and never to quit your waggon. Paddy will also
turn out 20 cavalry. 15th June.
I have had 30 men at work all day, and all the Artillery,
poor fellows. The delight with which they do anything for
me is quite amusing and gratifying, but I rather think all their
labours are to please you, for I heard them talking of your nice
house at Cape Town, and then to come and live here in a tent !
The Scotchmen said it was "an awfu' change," and they all
rubbed, and swept, and laughed, and I jawed, and gave them a
glass to drink your health. 22nd June, midday.
Last night I would not write, hoping that by trying not to
think quite so much of you I should not dream, and kick about
so, and this morning I had so much to do I could not, but
nothing would do. Oh, such nights as I pass ! I really believe
the sentry thinks I am mad, such questions I ask him. To-day
it is raining like the deuce, so I am conjuring up flowing rivers
again and 5000 impediments. How in the name of wonder
did you get on when I was away from you ? You had nothing
to do. I to-day have plenty, but I can settle to nothing,
and I am so irritable, I am quite ashamed of myself. I feel
satisfied Balfour has reached you. This is a consolation to me,
for I know he will exert himself, and take the greatest care of you, -
and he has been with me now long enough to learn how to over
come difficulties. God grant I may hear from Balfour to-day, and
that to-morrow I may meet you at Fort Willshire. 24th June.
Surely this day we shall meet. Oh, such a night as I have
had! I could neither sleep, nor toss about, nor dream, nor

1835.] JUANA SMITH'S JOURNEY. 377
anything, but lie and listen, hoping every moment to hear the
footsteps of horses crossing the ford, bringing me letters from you
and Balfour, saying when — oh, when ! — I was to be at Fort Will
shire. Oh, such a merit as I make of it, when people ask me if
they may go to fetch their wives ! " D  it, sir, I cannot go for
my own," although, poor fellows, I do so long to say, " Yes, you
shall have leave." But it must not be. There is plenty here for
every one to do yet, and for more too if we had them. I imagine
your itinerary: the 18th, Uitenhage; 19th, Quagga Flats; 20th,
Grahamstown ; 21st, halt; 22nd, Hermanus Kraal ; 23rd, Willshire ;
24th  . Oh, dare I hope it, my own dearest, that this night I
shall receive thee ?

( 378 )

APPENDIX III.
Address of Colonel Smith to the Caffer Chiefs, 7th
January, 1836.
Having closely applied myself to become thoroughly acquainted
with your wants, I have now lived long enough amongst you, my
children, to observe them.
Field Commandants, Field Cornets, and Heads of Kraals —
the Laws of our Country are rules established by the authority of
its King, or Governor, and his Councillors, to direct the conduct
and secure the rights of its inhabitants. You have all lately been
received, at your own request and humble desire, and in the
mercy of his Excellency the Governor, as British subjects, con
sequently are now governed by the British law, which, widely
differing from your own, will require on my part some explana
tion, in order to point out to you the necessary procedure in
cases where the interpretation of the Law, and its coercive power,
is required. Having been placed over you by his Excellency the
Governor as your Ruler since the day peace was concluded, and
as he holds me strictly responsible to him to see justice duly
administered to all — that the Laws are neither outraged, nor
individuals oppressed or ill-used — so have I, since that period, as
you all well know, watched over your rights and interests, for
your benefit, so to govern you that gradually you might become
so accustomed to our manner of proceeding, as to enable you to
observe the impartiality with which the Law is enforced, falling
equally heavy upon those who are its aggressors, rich or poor,
black or white, and equally protecting all. I have therefore
called together this large assembly, personally to explain to
you, to the best of my ability, the mode you are to adopt as

1836.] ADDRESS TO THE KAFIR CHIEFS. 379
Magistrates, when crime is brought under your observation, in
conjunction with the British Resident.
Whoever it was among you who first suggested the idea of
your becoming British subjects, deserves to be marked by you
as a man who has rendered you the most eminent service. Did
not your great father, Gaika, on his death-bed, assemble his
sons around him and with his dying breath tell them to hold
fast the word of peace with the English ? This you did not do :
what ensued? You were almost utterly destroyed, soon would
have been annihilated, and driven from your native country ; your
women and children were starving, almost the prey of wild beasts,
and the widows of 4000 of your warriors lament their husbands
slain during the war ; the greater part of your cattle starved or
taken ; your plunder, so treacherously seized from the Colony, lost
to you from the robberies of others ; you were in a lamentable,
nay, a deplorable plight; you sought and asked for mercy — it
was granted you. You also begged to be received as British
subjects ; this has been granted you, and you are now the subjects
of the most powerful nation, whose laws, manners, customs, and
institutions are the wonder of the world. This was your state
when I took you " out of the bush," since which three moons
have barely passed over your heads ; land has been given you,
your gardens are flourishing ; your clergymen are returned to you,
hoping to forget your sins in observing your penitence ; a trade
is established for you ; your persons and property are protected
by the equity of the British law — no man can now be " eat up,"
unless found guilty of crime, and condemned by your judges ;
and in place of being the beaten, the degraded, humbled, morti
fied people you were in the bush, you are taken by the hand, and
called " brother " by the greatest nation under the protection of
Almighty God. You tell me that you are naked and ignorant,
that I must teach you to clothe yourselves, to know good from
evil, that you are willing to learn, and that you wish to be real
Englishmen. Mark me, then. Years ago the English were as
naked as you, and ignorant as you, as cruel as you were in the
late war ; but the bright day which has opened upon you, dawned
upon them ; they first learnt to believe in the omnipotent power
of Almighty God, who judges every man according to his actions ;
worshipped, honoured, and obeyed Him ; they loved their neigh
bours as themselves, and respecting their property, ceased to be

380 APPENDIX III. [1836.
thieves ; they believed all that the ministers of God told them ;
they sent their children to be taught to read and write; they
learnt the use of money, and carried on an honest trade with each
other, selling their skins, etc.,. and buying clothes as you see us all
now dressed. Some were labourers in the field, some tended the
herds and flocks, some made implements of husbandry, built
houses, made arms, and every other thing you see your brother-
Englishmen possess ; while others made laws to govern the whole,
under the King, whom we all love. Thus civilization gradually
advanced, while we became acquainted with the works of art;
knowledge increased, we threw off the yoke of despotism and
barbarism, cast away our vicious habits, and put to death or
banished by the Law every one who by sin, crime, and wicked
ness was a pest and an enemy to society at large. Do you sup
pose that we have all these things by lying sleeping all day long
under a bush? No; but by habits of daily industry, working as
you see me do, and all the people around me, each day becoming
wiser than the other : and by avoiding the evils of yesterday,
striving to improve ourselves to-day. Such now may be your
case, provided you cease to do the following things : —
I. First, to " eat up " one another. This is theft.
II. To murder or kill any one.
III. To believe in witchcraft. This is all folly and ignorance
of the worst description. Did not Eno's " rain-maker " desire you
to go to war, and encourage you by telling you that you would beat
the English, the greatest nation in the world, whose power exceeds
yours as much as the waters of the Keiskamma do the pools of
the Penla rivulet ? How dare the villain tell you such lies ? Was
he not the first man shot when the troops moved on Eno's kraal,
after I came amongst you, and was then as much your bitter
enemy as I am now your true friend ?
IV. Perjury, or giving false witness against any one.
V. Setting houses on fire, and destroying property.
VI. Rape. And above all (having this day taken the oath of
allegiance) —
VII. Treason, or lifting up your hand against the King, the
Governor, his officers, magistrates, soldiers, and subjects.
The British Law punishes these crimes with death ; by avoid
ing them we have become the great, powerful, and enlightened
and happy nation you see, going about the world teaching others

1836.] ADDRESS TO THE KAFIR CHIEFS. 38 1
to imitate us, and we are now instructing you. Do you wish to
be real Englishmen, or to be naked, and almost wild men?
Speak, I say, that I may know your hearts.
******
You have spoken well ; your brothers will assist you. This day
has his Excellency the Governor clothed your Chief Magistrates
and Field Cornets according to their rank, to show you how
England expects her subjects to appear. From this time hence
forth no more presents of clothes will be given you ; by trade (as
we do) you must clothe yourselves, and look no more to me for
presents but for some important and good service rendered to
the State. Such I will reward, because his Excellency the
Governor loves to reward merit. Since you have been under my
protection the oldest men tell me there has been less crime than
they ever knew : but this, though it pleases me, does not satisfy
me. There shall be no stealing, one from the other ; above all,
from the King — or, as you would term it, the Great Kraal — the
Governor or his people. Beware, I say, of theft, and as I protect
you, so will I punish you, until the Law, by the rigour with which
I will wield it,, shall root out this evil from amongst you. Our
clergymen will teach you what God expects from you, what you
must do to expect God's mercy and love in the next world : thus you
will all learn to love God. , You may send your children to school,
or you are wicked and base parents ; and by your good example
and speaking the truth, teach them what they may become with the
advantages of an education, which you have not, and could not
receive. Above all, do not despair or despond, or say, " We are
poor people ; we know nothing." Rouse yourselves : remember
what I have told you, that the English were once as you now are,
and that you may become what they are at present.
In the great change of laws by which you are now governed,
one of the most important is that of not tolerating your being
" eaten up." Now, this protects the weak ; the strong from time
immemorial possessed amongst you this power, which custom
made a right of the Chief, though it was a curse to you : do not
therefore suppose that the English Law while it protects one part
injures the other. No, such is not the case ; your Chiefs who
from custom possessed this power by which their kraals were
filled with cattle, and by which they were enabled to reward those
who performed good service, must, your merciful and provident

382 APPENDIX III. [1836.
Governor says, receive an equivalent ; besides, being now your
magistrates, much of their time and attention will be taken up for
your advantage. You must therefore contribute to their support
and dignity.
A regulation is now framing that each kraal pay so many
cattle or calves in the hundred annually to each other [each chief?]
on the day the ox is paid to the King of England for the land
which you possess, and which he had conquered from you. No
time will be lost in carrying this arrangement into effect. Thus
you see, Macomo, Tyalie, Umhala, and the others of your kindred
who from birth possess rights and privileges, you will be hereafter
amply provided for.
To the heads of kraals and villages do I now address myself.
You are responsible for the good conduct of the people of
your village ; if you exert yourselves and do your duty, crime will
be checked and ultimately stopped. No man ought to be absent
without your knowledge. No man can return with cattle or horses
without your knowing it, and whenever a crime shall have been
committed by a kraal, I will make the whole responsible to me,
if they do not produce the offenders and the stolen property.
You shall leave off this wicked practice of stealing from one,
another in the way you do ; the English Law will make honest
men of you — you shall not steal.
You must see that your people are active and industrious, that
they work in the garden ; it is the duty of men to work in the
fields, not of women; they ought to make and mend your clothes
and their own, and to keep the children clean, wash your clothes,
cook your food, and take care of the milk. You well know from
observation what work the English do, and what their women ;
this you must imitate, and not sleep half your time and pass the
rest in drowsy inactivity ; these things you must do, and you will
soon reap the fruits of your labour.
Magistrates and all assembled ! As you wish to be real English
men, you must observe their manners and customs in everything ;
and as you are rapidly ceasing to believe in witchcraft, and at the
death of any of your friends and relatives (an affliction to whiph
we are all liable) beginning to omit the witch-dance and the burn
ing your huts and clothes, so do I now call upon you to bury
your dead, as you see we do, and not drag out the corpse ere the

1836.] ADDRESS TO THE KAFIR CHIEFS. 383
vital spark is extinct, and cast it forth for food for wild beasts and
birds of prey — the thought, even, makes a Christian and a civilized
man shudder. To the first man who has the misfortune to lose
one of his relatives, if he decently inter him, will I give an ox.
How can you bear to see those whom in life you loved and
cherished — your aged father, who taught you your manly exercises
and provided you with food ; your mother, who nursed you as a
child, who attended you in your sickness, who for years watched
over you, contributing to your wants or wishes ; your brother, sister,
nearest relation and dearest friends, dragged from amongst you
ere dead, and thrown out to the dog? We English not only make
coffins to bury our dead, but raise upon the spot where our dearest
friends' earthly remains are deposited, monuments to perpetuate
their virtues ; and when wicked men whose lives have been forfeited
to the offended laws of our country for any Of the crimes which I
have enumerated to you are buried (for we even bury them also),
such spot is marked with the ignominy it deserves ; and our youth,
as they pass the tomb of the good man, have an example of the
respect due to virtue set before them ; or are taught to abhor the
crime which merited an ignominious death by the wretched mound
which marks the sinner's grave. Thus as you loved your relatives
in life, so you are bound to cherish their memory, and deposit
their mortal remains in their parent earth. Englishmen not only
do this, but the clergyman prays over the grave, and these matters
of moment connected with the immortality of your souls the
missionaries will teach you when you attend Divine worship.
But your dead you must bury, as I point out, if you wish to be real
Christians and Englishmen.
At this great meeting let me impress upon you, that all previous
animosities among yourselves be forgotten, and while the great
English nation now regard you as British subjects and brothers,
love your neighbours as yourself, fear God, honour your King,
and the Governor, his representative.

( 384 )

APPENDIX IV.
Extracts from Sir Harry Smith's Letters from India, to
his Sister, Mrs Sargant.
Loodhiana, 12th Feb. 1842.
You must excuse, dear Alice, my referring you to Sir James's
letter for information as to the tragedy of Cabool, but my labours
now are great. He sent me such a character to give Lord Ellen
borough. I had also a very handsome letter from dear Lord
Fitzroy Somerset, saying his son was with Lord E., and he would
thank me " to instil into him some of that chivalrous and gallant
spirit which has been your guide in your military career."
Juana unites with me in love to you all, dearest sister, and if
I am actively employed you shall not have cause to accuse me of
a want of energy, pluck, or decision, with a jealousy of time, that
thing of all others in war for which all great generals have been
remarkable. " Time is everything in War," says Wellington, and
daily experience verifies it.
Harry.

I suppose you started, like a half-broken horse, when I told
you I was driving four-in-hand. You will start again, I hope,
when I say after having had the use of it since I have been in
India, having driven it from point to point seven hundred and
two miles of good roads and bad, I have sold it for £loo.
It is gone as a present to Shere Singh, King of the Punjaub at'
Lahore, the son and successor of old Runjeet. There's a bit of
luck for you !

t842.j war in Afghanistan. 385
Simla, 3rd June, 1842.
My dearest Alice,
On the 24th May I received your letters of 31st
March and 6th April. And while you wrote them full of that
excitement and ardour for the fame of your country and the
ambitious honour of your brother, he was quietly pruning rose-
water trees, training jessamine, lopping forest trees, and improving
his ways, like Cincinnati^, with this exception, I fear — 'that in his,
case, there is no chance of being drawn from his retreat into
activity and the service of his country.
It rejoices me to see the vigour with which the people of
England always meet disaster and rush to its reparation with
heart, hand, and pocket.
lam of the War Party. Money will overcome every difficulty,
expended with economy and supported by energy and activity.
My Lord E. is now of a pacific turn, and, as I told you last
month, our troops are ordered to withdraw. Simla, July 1, 1842.
This L[ord] you have sent us as a Moghul, by the powers, he
is an arbitrary boy, and veers about like a weather-cock. Maybe
a wonderful scholar, but, rest assured, unless he materially
changes,  . " The wind bloweth where it listeth," but terrestrial
rulers must be guided by locomotive principles slower than steam-
coaches. Poor dear old Father ! my heart aches when I think what age
reduces us to. I inherit many of his noble ideas as to courage, I
hope.- His has been a wonderful career of strength both of mind
and body. We unite in love to all. God bless you, dear Alice.
Harry.
Simla, 7th Sept. 1842.
The great Lord arrived yesterday. The Staff and Commander-
in-Chief were ordered to his Lordship's own house to receive him.
I was the only person introduced. He came up in a most ready
manner, shook hands, and said, " I am delighted to make your
acquaintance, General Smith. I have heard a great deal about
you indeed." I was very near laughing and saying, " I hope no
harm," but as Great Moghul he is our king. He is a wild fellow,
VOL. II. 2 C

3&6 APPENDIX. IV. ti842.
depend on it. His A.D.C.'s are all great friends of mine. I hear
his Lordship prides himself on his military ability. It is more
than my note and its continuation* are inclined to do. Oh, the
grievous procedure since November last ! Simla, 15th Oct. 1842.
You will rejoice to learn that Lord E. has taken a great fancy
to me and treats me quite as an old friend. Upon the receipt
of any news of importance he will run down to my house to tell
me or write a note. I have had frequent long conversations with
his Lordship. He has a perfect knowledge of the affairs and
state of India and the mode to preserve it, and, although he jumps
to very rapid conclusions, they are usually just and accurate,
therefore cease to be classed as errors.
I have done two or three military things for him with which
he was highly satisfied, and in the military shows and spectacles
he proposes for our camp at Ferozepore upon the return of the
army at the Indus and the reception of the monarch of Lahore,
Shere Singh, his Lordship tells me I must be prepared to assist
him. . . . Once more adieu, dear sister. How I long once more to
visit my native land ! What a period of banishment has mine
been ! Out of thirty-seven years' service, I have only been six
in Great Britain, five of that in Scotland.
Ferozepore, 15th December, 1842.
My Dear Alice,
It is not often I complain of a want of time, but I
may venture this mail to do so, such humbug, as well as serious
matters, am I engaged in. Our Moghul is non-compos, as sure
as eggs are the produce of fowls, with all his pomp and trash, to
meet an army of imaginary victors. Loodhiana, 17th Jan. 1843.
Our Moghul is mad, undoubtedly — a species of military mad
ness, of pomp, ceremony, renown, and it is incredible to what an
extent of frenzied excitement he has worked himself up. Among
* See p. 118, sup.

1843.] THE GATES OF SOMNAUTH. 387
other acts of extraordinary folly, so at enmity with the cause of
Christ and so calculated to sow discord between Hindoos and
Mussulmans, is his dragging these old portals about called the Gates
of Somnauth, a temple which once existed, but is now a Moslem
ruin. He conjured up in his imagination that Hindoos would
flock in myriads from every quarter of pagan India to sacrifice at
the holy shrine of these memorable portals, whereas not a votary
of Brahma ever, even out of curiosity, came to look at them, their
history being obsolete among an ignorant people. Mussulmans
are indignant at this attempt to degrade them in the eyes of those
whom their swords subdued, and the holy Cross of Christ stands
appalled, while all Christians shudder at this sacrilegious attempt
to perpetuate the barbarities of Paganism by contributing towards
its maintenance. The attempt has, however, been as futile as
monstrous. Our course is not one to sow discord amongst
those we have conquered.
Our united love to poor old Father and you all.
Harry.

Simla, June, 1843.
My dearest Alice,
The state of poor dear Father from your description is
melancholy indeed. " Yet is their strength then but labour and
sorrow." Poor old man ! an iron though never over-robust frame
has enabled you to endure much, to struggle against difficulties,
to contend with excitement, and to bear great bodily exertion.
God's will be done ! All things must end, and our only prayer
ought now to be, however painful the blow we must anticipate,
" Lord, now lettest Thou Thy servant depart in peace." And we
must add, " Almighty and most merciful Father, grant that he may
receive Thy salvation." " Beats the strong heart, the less the lips
avow." Heaven bless him !
Our m — d Moghul has started from Agra to Calcutta by order,
we hear, of the Court of Directors. He therefore may be regarded
as en route to Downing Street to encore his " song of triumph."
He is a fickle fellow, but has told me twenty times, " The moment
I am not fully supported from home, I go." He was always very
kind to me.

388 APPENDIX IV. [1843.
Allahabad, 9th Aug. 1843.
A wish was expressed by Sir J. Nicolls, as also by Sir H.
Gough, that I should proceed to meet the latter in Calcutta. In
three days after the receipt of this wish, I and Juana started dak,
as it is called ; that is, in a wooden box, a palanquin, somewhat
like a giant sailor's trunk, borne on the shoulders of four men by
a pole projecting fore and aft, with four other men to relieve
them, eight to each palanquin. The eight men are again relieved
at about ten-mile stages. The pace is not rail-road ; it averages
three and a half miles per hour.
The heat we endured until we reached Delhi cannot be
described. After that we got through the greater part of our
day's work by night ; from hence we shall steam it, and complete
a journey of 1300 odd miles. Calcutta, 10th Sept. 1843.
I like my new master much, and with his Irish heart he appears
readily to warm to me. t He is very much delighted at my exer
tion to join, but I am cruelly worked just now, writing from four
o'clock every morning till dark, then dinners, parties, balls, etc.,
so that even my aptitude to labour must fail if our Staff did not
relieve me. 1 8th Jan. 1844, Gwalior.
My dearest Alice,
As I know my welfare is one of your leading stars, I tell
you I am all well, and likely to be decorated with the Star of
Gwalior !
Our Chief is a gallant fellow, but no genius as a tactician on
strategic principles, but he licked the foe and took every gun
(56), right well served and every gunner bayoneted at his gun ;
while the Division under General Grey on the same day beat
the enemy opposed to him, several miles distant from us, and
took every gun he had (25).
The devils before us had the most pluck, though, by far.
You had a brother and two nephews in the field. Hugh's *
regiment was the most distinguished with General Grey. Indeed,
theirs was the brunt of the battle, and the youth behaved nobly,
* Hugh Smith, son of Harry Smith's " Waterloo brother," Thomas.

1844.] MAHARAJPORE AND PUNIAR. 389
all his comrades say. Harry's * corps was but little engaged, yet I
saw the boy looking as cool as his usual placidity renders him.
I had a most narrow escape. A cannon-shot contused my right
leg and carried away my stirrup and leather, passing under the
horse's chest. The force of the ball against the stirrup nearly
threw the horse on his side. I thought my leg was smashed, so
benumbed was it, but it was not cut. I never got off, nor until I
could move my toes upon a return of sensation was I aware that
my leg was whole and my stirrup was gone ; the very leg I was
wounded in years ago. Thank God, though still black, it is all
right now. My horse, a noble Arab.f which I rode all day (my
other horses, of course, being out of the way), had two slight
wounds besides his miraculous escape from various round shot.
Among a set in India, it is the f at on de parler that India could
be kept with Seapoys alone. He who says this is a fool.
They could not keep it, though transferred to them by England's
best blood. There is on earth nothing equal to the "British
soldier." Now for your gratification. Poor dear Juana, who was on an
elephant under the fire of cannon, is to be " Lady." Poor dear
old wife, she has been very far from well for some time. The
Commander-in-Chief, who is a very warm-hearted fellow, says he
insures me the K.C.B., which will please you more than me. . . .
We are also to have a brass star for every officer and soldier made
out of the captured cannon, and as Juana is again a heroine, I
want a gold star to be made at the jeweller's who makes mine, ac
cording to the sketch enclosed, which she would wear as a brooch,
the enamel part representing the ribbon.
May God bless you all is the fervent prayer of all us stars of
Gwalior ! Faithfully your brother,
Harry.
As you have fancy in such things, make me out some sort of
arms for approval ; but I like my present crest of all things, as it
resembles a game-cock ; and remember I am Sir Harry Smith —
none of your Henries.— H. G. S.
* Harry Smith, son of the " third Waterloo brother," Charles.
t See pp. 315, 316.

39° APPENDIX IV. [1844.
Camp Umbala, 18 March, 1844.
My dearest Alice,
You must forgive me this post, but what with marching,
my report going home, etc., I have a mass of papers and business
on my table, which must be cleared to-day. For I never have
one thing any one day that I do not finish ; and my table every
evening is as clear as an Indian sky. God bless you all !
Harry.
Simla, 1 July, 1844.
Dearest Alice,
As to the shield, I prefer the one I returned. But we
must have a better elephant. His hind legs are all wrong.
Now for the motto, which, believe me, I have not lightly
chosen, and which I intend pertinaciously to adhere to — " Inter
milites miles." As a boy, as I was a jawing fellow, I always
had a great sway among my comrades : and progressively the
truth neutralized the vanity of the assertion that I had ever been
looked up to in my profession. Thus, " Inter milites miles " — " A
soldier among soldiers." And, thank Heaven, I have served with
soldiers. Pray, be sure I do not adopt or assume anything bordering
on the preposterous or beyond the limit of decided right. Are
you sure this Vandyked sort of a coronet is right for the lion to
dance on ? I wish that lion was a Rifle soldier ; but I suppose
that cannot be. I must fight for supporters. Then I would have
a Rifleman and a 52nd soldier, the component parts of my gallant
old Brigade in the Light Division. If the Rifleman could be put
on duty, Brother Tom would correct his uniform and position.
Your brother,
H. G. Smith.
Rest assured all of you, no honour is half equal to the love I
bear you all in heart. I am the same
Harry.
Simla, ist July, 1844.
Lord Ellenborough's government has been one stamped with
indelible proof of striking ability, exertion, zeal, and assiduity,

1844.] LORD ELLENBOROUGH. 39 1
but founded on no just and firm principles of future durability,
establishing and altering things at the moment without reflecting
whether for ultimate benefit to posterity. Such innovations in
established government require a gradual introduction, and must
not be prematurely forced if they are to be a wholesome fruit
and for the welfare of such a vast and heterogeneous nation.-
He saw clearly many existing errors, many practices which re
quired reform or were capable of amendment ; but jumped to
such rapid conclusions that in the most instances the remedy
increased rather than alleviated the evil.
India is an ancient and peculiar country, replete with pre
judices and bigoted to custom. The introduction of any change
requires to be gradual to effect a benefit. Such benefit his pre
cipitancy usually defeated. The complicated systems of modern
governments obviously found their origin in those simple
forms of patriarchal rule not as yet in the East obliterated.
Laws must be adapted to the people ; their nature must be gentle
and calm, and not marked by any outward appearance of strong
feeling. He was elated in success beyond all bounds of modera
tion, in reverse depressed below all conception, in difficulties
wavering and undecided; thus evincing a want of that moral
courage without which, in situations of great responsibility, the
most consummate ability and zeal are useless, and a straightfor
ward, bold, and plodding fellow of very inferior talent makes the
better governor. In the military execution of a large portion of
his duty his zeal for the nominal welfare of the soldier has been
unbounded ; but it must not be regarded as illiberal or unchari
table if I remark that this appears to be founded on a personal
vanity which has acquired for him the appropriate soubriquet
of a Brummagem Napoleon. With great affectation of liberality,
accompanied certainly by several such acts, he has shown a
miserly parsimony a great governor should avoid, — just, probably,
in principle or founded on rule ; but such a principle (however
anomalous the assertion) must bend to circumstance in all states,
whether in the civil or military branch. Hence my lord drove
the Seapoy army into mutiny by an indiscreet exercise of what I
admit was a right, but one which the Seapoy did not understand
under very trying and peculiar circumstances, and in the
midst of this mutiny moral courage was wanting. By conceding
the pecuniary point, mutiny in that army of mutineers had been

392 APPENDIX IV. [1844.
reduced to implicit and unqualified obedience. The matter was
unadvisedly smoothed over, and the strong, goes to the wall.
Militarily, too, my lord had another awful fault : one which, had he
continued long enough as Governor-General, would have sapped
the true base of discipline that every soldier must look up to the
authority placed immediately over him, and all to their Com
mander-in-Chief. Whereas he would correspond with officers
commanding regiments, even with individuals ; would frame orders
which were indeed within his legitimate province, but which
etiquette, or, what is a better reason, common sense, demands
should be previously submitted to the Gommander-in-Chief, for
an opinion as to how they would work ; would appoint officers to
civil departments without any reference to their military character
for rectitude, or whether they could advantageously be spared
from their regiments. Thus it was evident that the fundamental
principles of good government were not respected, and, while
these interior errors existed, external ones of great magnitude
were in operation ; but these require more time to dwell on than
I can bestow. As a whole, Lord Ellenborough's administration
will be extolled by the home government. He can speak, and
will well defend himself. He has some great acts to boast of
(whatever their intrinsic merit) which will so eclipse the appa
rently little ones I have recorded (which still are the component
parts of one great whole, like wheels in a watch) that he will be
deemed a noble martyr and become ere long President of the
Board of Control. India will be the gainer by his removal and
by the man (if I mistake not) who succeeds him, my old friend
Sir Henry Hardinge. By way of summary of my lord's character.
An excess of vanity, and contempt for the opinions of others or
their feelings, but, as with many a man, not naturally a bad heart
where self-interest and aggrandisement are not the controlling
powers. In early life he had not been taught to withdraw his
thoughts from self-will and to fix them upon the dictates of con
science, to watch narrowly the rapid movements and changes
which take place in all men's ideas, to form distinct notions of
the intellectual faculties of others and the result and operations
of his own acts. Had such been the case, it is more likely he
would have acquired just habits of thinking and been more
accustomed to analyze his own feelings and trains of thought. If
a man of his great capability and powers of reasoning be placed

1844.] HARDINGE AND GOUGH. 393
in early life in minor situations of responsibility, and thus be
afforded opportunities of observing the diligence and aptitude for
industry of those around, and subsequently succeed to supreme
authority, he has acquired an indispensable quality — that of giving
every one his meed of credit, until he has displayed inefficiency or
incompetency. In the profession of my lord's father * every man
is innocent until found guilty, but with our " Law " every man
was guilty who ventured an opinion in variance with his own.
Lord Ellenborough has been very kind to me, and as I ever feel
for any man under a visitation, so I do for him, and I have
written to him. Simla, 1 2th Sep. 1844.
My dearest Alice, .
What do you think I have been at work at for the last
month ? Some memoirs of my life and Juana's and my adven
tures — all from memory. I have got into Jamaica, and have
written nearly 400 pages of closely-put-together foolscap. Will
you like to decipher and correct it ? It will be done in a fort
night — that is, the rough ; for as yet I have never read over one
sheet I have written, but rushed ahead as water finds its level.
There are a variety of stories and events in it
The new Governor-General is winning golden opinions by his
deportment and the regularity with which he transacts business.
He says in his letter to me the labour is incessant, much of it
trifles which ought to be settled in the departments they belong
to. He has hit off one of the great evils of this government
pretty quick evidently. The rumour here is very general that, Sir
Hugh Gough not having taken the hint to make way for Sir
Henry Hardinge, it will be renewed in a less evasive communica
tion. If he be made a peer and they give him the pension as
in the case of Lord Keane (my dear old friend who is fast
decaying), I am of opinion Sir Hugh Gough would willingly
return to his native land, covered with honours, wallowing in
wealth, possessing a good heart, a gallant hand, and no  .
It is wonderful how fortune adheres to some men, and supplies
all the deficiencies of nature.
You addressed a letter to me the other day " Sir Henry." My
name is and shall be Harry. .
* Edward Law, Lord Ellenborough, Lord Chief Justice of England.

394 APPENDIX IV. [1844.
Simla, 15th October, 1844.
Well, I have finished the anecdotes of a very long military
career from my entrance into the army in 1805 to the end of the
campaign of Gwalior. It is a voluminous tale, containing up
wards of six hundred pages of foolscap, written all over without
margin in my beautiful autograph as closely as this paper, but I
fear ten times as illegible. I have never read a page of it since
my scrawling it over at full gallop, and wish you well through it.
If I am to send it, great circumspection must be used as to names
and descriptions of men and events, or they might do others an
injury (which Heaven forfend) and myself too. Whether it may
not be advisable not to print it all until I am on the shelf in our
retreat or in my grave for the benefit of my widow remains for
you and Sir James Kempt to decide on inspection.
I very much regret to say the new Moghul has begun his
career as Governor-General in a very little, calculating way, as
a banker's clerk might be expected to do ; and all accounts from
Calcutta agree in saying that he funks responsibility beyond con
ception, throwing himself into the hands of understrappers.
This won't do for India. It must be governed by energy and
decision. "Sic volo" like my lord Ellenborough. It would
appear that if these two men's minds could be manufactured into
one, the corn being preserved and the chaff scattered to the
winds, then a Governor-General would be manufactured appro
priate for the rdle. The Company servants, civil and military, are
an exclusive race of beings and of all things must be controlled.
There is now a sort of reaction from great control to concession
and a seeking the opinion of others. I hope he is only studying
his lesson. I am sorry indeed to hear poor Nancy * has been unwell. God
bless her, she was a wild, light-hearted thing once, like my wife.

Umbala, 14th Jan. 1845.
My book is in the hills. Harry Lorrequer would make a
good story of it. You may ask him if you like, and let me know
what he says of it. I ought to expect half the proceeds. It is
a book that would take wonderfully. Suppress actual names.
* His youngest sister, Miss Anna Maria Smith.

I845-] SIR HARRY'S AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 395
All my old comrades would speedily know the hero and heroine
of the romance. I hope to return to my dear old wife by the
middle of March.
Harry.

Simla, 15th March, 1845.
Your description of railroads astonishes the eyes of a
Whittlesea man. It is a very curious circumstance that one of
the Romans' great roads ran down to Eastrey near Charles' farm,
that is, between our two old fields, from whichT have fetched up
old Jack from grass many a time, and Charles' large farm (the
Decoy is the name, I think). These railroads will have an effect
on the world, whether for good or evil, and will change its popula
tion to one community, either saints or devils or a bastard mixture
of both.

Simla, ist May, 1845 (the Merry Month).
I have not a word of news to give you. Affairs in the Punjaub
are like the waves of the sea, agitated more or less, but not by the
wind, but the blast of the mutinous trumpets of the rabble army.
I hope we may have a slap at it, because I rely upon Sir Henry
Hardinge desiring to give me a command, which I firmly believe
Sir Hugh Gough would not oppose, for I never got on smoother
_with any of my generals, and he is as warm-hearted a fellow as
ever breathed, and does right and acquits himself manfully to the
extent of the powers the Lord has bestowed upon him.
I am glad to observe the English feeling which strikes at so
condemnable a system as that of opening letters. I would rather
fight to put down a Revolution arising from private correspon
dents than cock a pop-gun to maintain so nefarious a breach of
all public and private confidence. We are in danger enough from
the Mesmerites telling us in a deep sleep what is going on in the
next room (a three-feet wall intervening), without having recourse
to the other side of a thin sheet of paper.
Juana's health is capital, thank God, but I am never half so
well in the hills as on the plains. Nothing can be more beautiful
than our situation, but I love the winter gallops on the plains as
flat as the Bedford level.

396 APPENDIX IV. [1845.
Simla, 24th Aug. 1845.
By the last mail's papers, as well as by your letter, I see that
dear Sir James Kempt was at the Waterloo Dinner, and I have
this day written to congratulate him.
The way in which the Duke, dear old and modern hero, drank
his health was truly flattering to Sir James and most gratifying to
all his many and faithful friends. But I really wish some of the
glories of the Peninsula were occasionally commemorated by such
fetes. Many of the battles are superior to Waterloo in the annals
of the art of war ; but not being succeeded by such momentous
political results to all Europe (ah ! to the world), they are suffered
to dwindle into oblivion. Nor is there a medal on the breast of
any cicatrized hero to hand down to posterity the glories and
victories of the previous age. History to the educated will do it,
but a few petty baubles in possession of the many families of
Great Britain would ocularly demonstrate " My grandfather, sire,
uncle, or brother achieved this in battle," and thus the courage
and patriotism of the sire would descend on the son.*
Every ass in India is covered with medals, though the sum of
his fighting does not equal one of our days. The battle of
Salamanca was the most scientific the Duke fought, Vittoria in
result the greatest, Talavera in slaughter equalled Waterloo, — yet
these names and many others are only seen upon the colours of
regiments. My old corps, having no colours, has no record of its
deeds. As to writing to Mrs. Holdich, Lord alive, it gives one no
trouble, especially when cheered by the happy feeling of doing
right. I suppose a million or so of letters go through my hands
per annum ; one or two more or less is like a drop of water in the
ocean or a hogshead in Whittlesea mere.
Headquarters, Simla, ist Sept. 1845.
Oh that I was in England, partridge-shooting !
My dearest Alice,
— Ah, what a bore ! A note from the Commander-in-
Chief to prepare a very heavy report, which will take me some
hours, when I was anticipating a comfortable talk with my dear
sister. With all my writing, however, half an hour makes little
* The Peninsular medal was granted in 1847.

1845-3 BATTLE OF FEROZESHAH. 397
difference, although on the most conspicuous part of my writing-
desk is pasted in large characters the tenth verse of the ninth
chapter of Ecclesiastes.*
When shall I enjoy that liberty so pleasing, when emancipated
from all the shackles and labours, bars, bonds, and tempers, which
business lays on us, and which we have to contend with ? Alas !
memory takes us by the hand and leads us back to our early
haunts, habits, and friends — the flower garden of other years —
and points out all the blossoms we may never more behold,
although in imagination as beautiful as ever. Still hope encourages
us in such sweet sensations and sustains us in the belief there
may be some years of quiet and recreation in store for us,
surrounded by those we love, and eased of the labours of public
life. Many of my old comrades say, " How could you, Harry,
get on without something to do ? " I laugh, for I am ever busy.
I love books and gardens. I am as interested in the growth of a
pet plant as in the results of my more arduous labours ; and the
charm of the word " home " often inspires me to exertion.
Now, dearest Alice, to my report. My head must be full of
cannon, musquets, sabres, rations, tents, transport for baggage,
sick, lame and lazy, shirts, shoes, pipeclay, tobacco, soap, etc., etc
Harry.
Left bank of the Sutlej, 28th Dec. 1845.
My dearest Alice,
Your old brother Harry has only a few minutes to say
to you and his dear friend Sir James Kempt he has at length in
India had an opportunity of distinguishing himself as much as
you both could wish, in the three most sanguinary conflicts with
the Sikhs, and he with his own hand, the first man in, planted
the colour of H.M.'s 50th Regiment on the walls of the head
quarter village from which the great battle was named, Feroze
shuhur. A bloody fight it has been, as you will see by the papers.
I was with the old 50th hand to hand in their trenches when four
battalions of Avitabile's (so called from having been drilled by
that officer) bore down in furious onslaught upon my Division
which I now command — two Brigades, H.M.'s 31st and two
Native Regiments in one, the 50th and two Native Regiments in
* " Whatsoever thy hand findeth to do, do it with thy might."

398 APPENDIX IV. [1846.
the Other. In the affair of the 18th my Division took twelve guns
and a howitzer ; in the great battle, three fine standards ; and on
the 22nd my Division made a furious charge and completed the
victory. I was placed on the night of the 21st in a most critical
and perilous position in the very middle of the whole Sikh
(though beaten) army, completely surrounded by thousands, and
at three o'clock succeeded in drawing off my troops, and received
the thanks of Sir H. H. : " Smith, it was your boldness and
audacity that saved to us the victory." Poor old General Sale
asked leave on the 18th to serve with me. I gave him a Battalion,
at the head of which he received his mortal wound. Our loss
has been as great in proportion as in our most bloody fights in the
Peninsula. All my Staff were wounded, A.A.G. and A.Q.M.G.
in two places. My A.D.C, Eliza Holdich's son, wounded in the
hand, one horse killed, one wounded. Myself and my horses
escaped, with the blessing of Almighty Providence, without a
scratch. I was in the saddle from half-past two on the morning
of the 21st to four o'clock in the afternoon of the 23rd. My dear,
dear gallant young friend Somerset received his mortal wound
close to me, and fell in my A.D.C.'s arms. Tell Sir James I will
send him next mail copy of my report ; this, I cannot. I have
no clerks as when A.G. Dear Juana is at Meerut, thank God,
well out of the way. Your old humbug of a brother's name up in
the army, I do assure you, especially with Sir Henry Hardinge
and Sir Hugh Gough. Sir H. H. treats and takes and asks
my opinion for as much as it is worth, as my dear, dear friend
Sir James would. Heaven bless you, I know this will gratify you
and Sir James. So I send this on a thick scrawl of paper. I have
not time to read it over.
Harry.

Camp on the Field of Battle, Aloowal, ist Feb. 1846.
My dearest Alice,
I have only one moment to say I have gained, in a
separate command of 2700 cavalry, 32 guns, and 9000 infantry,
one of the most glorious batties ever fought in India, driving the
enemy over the Sutledge double my numbers, posted in an
intrenched camp with 75 guns, 52 of which are at my tent door,
the others lost in the passage of the river, or spiked in its bed.

1846.] BATTLE OF ALIWAL. 399
Not a gun did they get over. And oh, the fearful sight the river
presents ! the bodies having swollen float of men, horses, camels,
bullocks, etc. Thousands must have perished, many threw away
their arms and fled headlong into the broad river and difficult
ford. They had about fifty large boats, which added to the
confusion. Some of them were sunk, my thirty-two pieces of
cannon pounding them all. Never was victory more complete
and never was one fought under more happy circumstances,
literally with the pomp of a field-day; and right well did all
behave. I brought well into action each arm as auxiliary to the
other, but see my dispatch, which will be published as soon as
you get this. I have not a moment to write. Send this to dear
Sir James Kempt, and tell him my being thus distinguished I owe
entirely to his friendship and good opinion of me. Send this to
him, for I have not a moment to write. Your brother,
Harry.

To W. M. Ford, Esq., Staff Surgeon, Chatham.
Headquarters, Simla, 4th May, 1846.
The enemy we have had to contend with lately are proper
varmint fellows, and had they been commanded by Massena's,
Ney^, Soult's, Augereau's victors, they would have made us look
sharp to have victor"d them. I never saw men shot out of trees
before. At Moodkee the bold rascals got into trees, shot our
fellows in the rear, at first without our knowing where the shot
came from, but when we discovered the where, it was the most
extraordinary thing I ever saw to see half a dozen fellows out of
each tree come rolling down like cock pheasants or capercailzie.
When repulsed from their guns and position, they would some
times throw down their musquets and come on sword and target
(they all carry excellent swords) like antient Greeks.

( 4°o )

APPENDIX V.
Sir Harry Smith's Recall from the Cape.
A. Copy of a Despatch from Earl Grey to Governor Sir H. G.
Smith, Bart., G.C.B.
Downing Street, January 14, 1852.
Sir, I have received and laid before the Queen your
despatches of the 5th and 19th of November, reporting the
results of the operations of the war since the date of your
despatches by the previous mail.
2. I learn from these despatches that another month of this
distressing warfare has passed away, and though the force at
your disposal had been increased to a very considerable amount
no advantage of any real importance has been gained over the
enemy, while the loss of Her Majesty's troops has been exceed
ingly heavy, that very distinguished officer, Lieutenant-Colonel
Fordyce, being included among those who have fallen.
3. I have said, that no real advantage has been gained,
because, while you state that positions of extraordinary strength
have been stormed, and it is clear that the most determined
courage has been shown by Her Majesty's troops, these successes
(if they can be called so) have been entirely barren of useful
results; and it appears from the reports of Major-General
Somerset, and particularly from his despatch dated the 9th of
November, that the ground thus hardly won could not be
retained, and that the position which was carried at the price
of such heavy loss to the 74th Regiment on the 6th of November,
was only held until the Major-General " withdrew the troops in
the afternoon," when it would seem that there was no obstacle
to its being re-occupied by the enemy, and that in fact it was so.

1852.] RECALL OF SIR HARRY SMITH. 401
4. For several months your despatches have been of a similar
character. You have described to me operations which I have
constantly been assured had been attended with success, and
had inflicted heavy loss upon the enemy, while there could be no
doubt that the troops had fought with their accustomed gallantry ;
but at the same time I was quite unable to discover that any
ground had really been gained, while it was obvious that the
enemy, far from being* discouraged by their supposed defeats,
were from month to month increasing in boldness and determina
tion ; and the lists of casualties but too clearly proved that the
loss they had inflicted was at least as certain, and bore no small
proportion to that which they were believed to have sustained.
5. It was impossible that I should continue to receive
intelligence of this description by many successive mails without
being led to entertain very serious doubts whether the war had
been conducted with the energy and the judgment which were
necessary to bring it to an early and successful issue; but
distressing as was the anxiety which these doubts occasioned,
I have not hitherto allowed them to induce me to deprive you
of that support which I know it is of the utmost importance to
the public service that those in high military commands should
be able to rely on not having lightly withdrawn from them by the
advisers of the Crown, when, in situations of difficulty and danger,
success rjoes not at once attend their exertions.
6. But the information I have now received has converted
what was before only a very serious doubt, into conviction ; and
it is my painful duty to inform you that having consulted my
colleagues on the subject, they have concurred with me in coming
to the conclusion, that upon a careful review of the events of
the war and those which preceded its breaking out, there is
evidence, which it is impossible longer to resist, that you have
failed in showing that foresight, energy, and judgment which
your very difficult position required, and that therefore we should
not be justified in shrinking from tendering to the Queen our
humble advice that the Government of the Cape of Good Hope
and the conduct of the war should be placed in other hands.
It has accordingly been my duty to submit to Her Majesty my
advice that Major-General Cathcart should be appointed to relieve
you, of which Her Majesty has been pleased to approve, and that
officer will very shortly proceed to the Cape for that purpose.
VOL. II. 2D

402 APPENDIX V. [1852.
7. I need hardly assure you that I cannot make this com
munication without great pain and sincere reluctance, and that
nothing but a sense of imperative duty would have led my
colleagues and myself to take the course we have felt ourselves
compelled to adopt.
We do full justice to the ardent zeal for Her Majesty's
service which you have uniformly displayed, we have not forgot
how greatly you have distinguished yourself on former occasions,
and what a high military reputation you have deservedly obtained ;
but we have been compelled to believe that, perhaps from the
failure of your health, and your being no longer able to exercise
as close a personal superintendence as formerly over the conduct
of affairs, you have failed in giving either to your military opera
tions or to your political measures bearing upon the war, that
character of vigour and judgment which are necessary to inspire
confidence in the inhabitants and troops, and to command
success. I must remind you that the first error which was
committed, and to which I believe the failure of a policy otherwise
sound, and the calamity of the war, are mainly attributable, was
the premature reduction of the British force under your command.
I must take upon myself a share of the blame for this mistake,
inasmuch as I had probably too- often and too strongly pressed
upon you the importance of reducing the number of troops as
soon as this could be safely done. Still your discretion was
unfettered, you were left to decide for yourself when the troops
should be sent home, since this was a point on which a judgment
could only be formed on the spot ; and the error, therefore, was
your own of supposing that a large proportion of the force which
you found in the colony could without danger so soon be
dispensed with.
8. I must also remind you, that up to the eve of the actual
breaking out of hostilities you continued to send me the strongest
assurances that there existed no real danger, and that the
apprehensions expressed by the frontier farmers were unfounded.
Even when the war began, you were so little aware of its true
character that you made no application to me for additional
force; and neither in your public nor your private letters did
you give me the slightest intimation that such aid was required ;
and the reinforcements, which were immediately despatched, as
well as those which have been subsequently sent, have all, with

185*.] LORD GREY'S REASONS FOR THE RECALL. 403
the exception of the last, anticipated your demands for them.
It is not for me to express any opinion on the detail of your
military operations; but it must strike even an unprofessional
observer, that by the employment of means which you considered
adequate for the purpose no serious impression appears to have
been made on the enemy. It follows that you have either been
entirely mistaken in your judgment, and have consequently led
Her Majesty's Government into error as to the character of the
war, and the amount of force required; or else that you have
failed in using with effect the force at your disposal.
9. With regard to the political measures bearing upon the
result of the war, I must refer you to the despatch which I have
been compelled to address to you by the present mail on the
neglect of the precautions obviously required, in order to obstruct
the supply of ammunition to the enemy. The fault in this
respect must no doubt be in part attributed to the Colonial
Secretary, whom you had left in charge of the Government at
Cape Town ; but if you had intimated to me that Mr. Montagu
could not alone adequately discharge the arduous duties which
devolved upon him in your absence, I should not have failed
immediately to have afforded you further assistance, by the
appointment of a Civil Lieutenant-Governor, to reside at Cape
Town during the war, — a step I propose adopting, now that the
necessity for it has thus been disclosed to me.
10. I must also observe, that you have, I believe, truly
represented to me, that if you had had the Kafirs only to contend
with, the war would long since have been brought to a close ;
and that what has made them such formidable enemies has been
the assistance they have derived from the rebel Hottentots, too
many of whom had been trained as soldiers in the ranks of the
British army. But if this is; as I believe, a correct view of the
subject, I must regard it as a most fatal error that the first
instances of treason amongst this class of the inhabitants of the
Cape were not dealt with more promptly and more severely. I
cannot resist the belief that, had this been done, the contagion
of disaffection would have been stayed, as the prompt punishment
of the real traitors would have calmed the fears naturally excited
amongst the white inhabitants by seeing their impunity, and
would thus have prevented the colonists of, European descent
from being led to entertain and display that indiscriminate

404 APPENDIX V. [1852.
jealousy of their coloured fellow-subjects, which has been, as there
is too much reason to fear, the means of driving into disaffection
many of the latter who were not originally inclined to it.
1 1. Lastly, I must regard it as a grievous error that you have
allowed the administration of the Orange River Territory to
remain too long in the hands of an officer in your own opinion
unequal to the task, and that by this and other mistakes in your
management of the Dutch inhabitants of the frontier districts,
you have failed to conciliate that important class by whose
cordial co-operation there can be no doubt that you would have!*
been enabled to bring the war to a much earlier termination
than there is now a prospect of; while, on the contrary, by the
distracted condition of the Sovereignty, your difficulties in
Kaffraria have been very seriously increased. The manner in
which, by judicious management, Mr. Pine has succeeded in
Natal in securing the confidence and attachment of the Dutch
farmers, as described in your despatch No. 193, clearly proves
that, if properly treated, they may be rendered loyal and useful
subjects of the Crown.
12. It has been with nluch reluctance that I have entered
into this review of the errors which you seem to me to have
committed, but I have thought it due to your position and to
your high reputation to show that Her Majesty's servants have
not determined to advise the Queen to supersede you in the
midst of the war without sufficient cause for doing so ; and for
this reason, painful as it has been to me to write to you in such
a tone of censure, I have been compelled to point out the errors
into which you have been betrayed. It is, however, some
satisfaction to me to be able to add, that I have no doubt it has
been your judgment only which has been in fault, and that, to
the best of your ability, you have endeavoured to acquit yourself
of duties of no ordinary difficulty ; nor do I doubt that in more
regular warfare against a civilized enemy, and if your military
operations had been less complicated by political difficulties, you
would have achieved the same success by which you had formerly
been so much distinguished. I am, &c.
(Signed) Grey.
Lieut-General Sir H. G. Smith, Bart.

1852.] SIR HARRY SMITH'S DEFENCE. 405
B. Memoranda to serve as Data in meeting the accusations brought
forward in Earl Grey's Despatch of the 14th January, 1852.*
Camp Blinkwater, 12th March, 1852.
1. I am not aware that the not bringing a war to a speedy
conclusion with inadequate means is a proof of incompetency in a
General, nor even when his means and those opposed to him are
nearly balanced. It rather argues the strength and prowess of
the enemy. History affords many instances of long and pro
tracted wars, conducted by men of consummate ability, who
constantly had occasion to report the result of glorious and
sanguinary victories which, however immediately successful, did
not do more than merely lead to the conclusion of the contest.
I have had to contend with, I may say, an invisible enemy, hardly
ever to be met with in an assailable position. In other wars to
which I allude officers of rank may have fallen, but their fall,
however greatly to be deplored, was not considered of importance
in connection with the conduct of the campaign. The loss of
Lieut-Colonel Fordyce I much regret. He showed himself with
his telescope outside the bush and was picked off by some skilful
Hottentot — a chance which might happen to any soldier. The
other officers who rushed to aid him fell under similar circum
stances. I am at a loss to understand how casualties of this
description can attach culpability to the General. If every
General Officer were removed from his command because his
career was not a continued current of success, not one would
retain it. In the instance immediately in question I assert that
the troops were eminently successful, their success enabling me
to carry operations into a distant part of the country, the impor
tant result of which best speaks for itself.
2. Earl Grey attaches blame to me for not having given the
necessary "vigour and judgment" to my military operations, or
to the " political measures bearing upon the war." A reference
to my detailed instructions to the officers in command of the
constant patrols will, I think, sufficiently show that the movements
of the troops have been carefully watched over and well directed.
* I am not aware what use, if any, Sir Harry made of these
" memoranda,"

406 APPENDIX V. [1852.
I am not aware that it is the duty of a Governor and Commander-
in-Chief to head patrols. On one critical occasion, when a vigorous
personal example was required, when it was necessary to show
that I was regardless of the sudden and extensive desertion' in
the Cape Corps, I hesitated nbt for a moment to take the field
in person, in direct command of a large patrol ; and by some
rapid and completely successful movements not only restored full
confidence throughout the army, but in all probability arrested
the further spread of disaffection. But although this energetic
and decided step upon my part was at the moment called for,
and although in former days as Colonel Smith I led patrols under
the late Sir Benjamin D'Urban and gained some reputation as a
bush fighter, my position as Governor and Commander-in-Chief
and the interests of Her Majesty's service directed me to place
myself at some central point, from which the general movements
of the troops could be best controlled and the duties of the
Civil Government equally administered. Neither of them were
ever delayed a single day. For this purpose no position could be
so advantageous as King William's Town — the base of general
operations, the very focus of all movements.
3. Earl Grey states that I have failed in using with effect the
force at my disposal. I have some experience in war, and I
assert that no body of Her Majesty's troops was ever more ener
getically applied under more appalling circumstances of difficulty ;
and none were ever more successful. And although the troops
have been so unceasingly and energetically employed, they have
suffered no privation, so well have I cared for their provision ;
while at the same time so rigid has been the economy I have
observed and enforced, that many thousands of pounds have been
saved to my country. The comments of Earl Grey on my not
having done as much with the force placed under my command
as might have been done, would be very natural if such were in
point of fact the case. But it appears to me His Lordship has
not drawn this inference from my voluminous and explanatory
despatches, nor borne in mind the dates of arrival of reinforce
ments ; but has reached this conclusion through the medium of
irritable disappointment, the flippant statements of indirect
correspondence, and the garbled statements of the opposition
newspapers. I will therefore analyse the mode in which these
reinforcements reached me and their respective dates of arrival.

1852.] SIR HARRY SMITH'S DEFENCE. 407
It is perfectly correct that I never asked for troops until the war
was far advanced and had assumed a much more formidable
appearance than was originally anticipated. I then recommended
that two Regiments of Infantry should be sent out in addition to
those already arrived or on their passage. These had been
already ordered, the 43rd Light Infantry being one, the ist
Battalion Rifle Brigade the other. I always reasoned that, as
Lord Grey had so repeatedly and peremptorily directed a reduc
tion of the force at the Cape, he would see the necessity, if
he desired to retain British Kaffraria, of at once sending rein
forcements. My reasoning was correct. I also relied upon a
general turn out of the frontier population, and neither I nor
any other man anticipated a Hottentot Rebellion.
On the 25th April, 185 1, drafts for Regiments, amounting to
300 men, reached the Cape in the Singapore, Peninsular and
Oriental Company's steamer. I landed them at the mouth of
Buffalo. On the 12th of May, the 74th Regiment reached the Cape,
after a passage of 58 days in H.M. Steamer Vulcan. I landed
it at Algoa Bay, so as to move on the interior line of defence.
On the 8th August the 2nd Queen's arrived, a period of 86 days
having elapsed since they were ordered for embarkation, a delay
which caused me great disappointment. I landed them at the
mouth of the Buffalo, having been compelled to detach Lieut-
Colonel Eyre and the majority of the 73rd to within the Colony
for the defence of Lower Albany and Graham's Town, a service
which he most effectually performed.
On the 29th July I received authority to send to the Mauritius
for the Reserve Battalion 12 th Regiment. Commodore Wyvill,
with his usual energy, placed H.M. S.S. Hermes, under that most
energetic officer, Captain Fishbourne, at my disposal. She sailed
from Simon's Bay on the 24th July, touched at the mouth of the
Buffalo, received my orders to proceed to the Mauritius, and on
the 27th August, with the greatest expedition, landed as I
directed the whole Regiment at Algoa Bay, so as again to rein
force the interior line of defence.
On the 29th August, 200 drafts for Regiments arrived from
England. On the 19 Sept. the 60th arrived, after a very tedious passage
of 66 days in H.M. steamers Retribution and Sidon; and were
landed at the Buffalo. At the same time a detachment of the 12th

408 APPENDIX V. [1852.
Lancers arrived after a passage of 76 days in the Berkshire
Transport. The head quarters and remainder of the 1 2th Lancers
did not arrive until the 4th Oct., after a very slow passage of 91
days. The horses for the Regiment were in readiness at King
William's Town. The whole of the troops were in the field on
the arrival of the 60th, which Corps also marched in three or four
days, that is, as soon as they were able after their long voyage. I
am not aware that any delay occurred in the application of these
reinforcements, which were, on the contrary, employed in the
most energetic manner; and, as results prove, with military judg
ment. Yet before their services could be well felt, Earl Grey
relieved me from my command, because Lieut.-Colonel Fordyce,
a very gallant officer, placed himself, to look through his telescope,
within shot of a paltry ambuscade of Hottentots.
After I had invaded Kreili's country, the 43rd Light Infantry
arrived. They were sent immediately mto the field as an escort
of provisions to Forts White and Cox by way of initiation ; and
on their return were at once moved on the Kei in reserve and
support. It was intimated to me that the ist Battalion Rifle Brigade
would, as one of the Regiments I had asked for, be immediately
sent out. So great, however, had been the delay, that I wrote to
Earl Grey saying that our successes against the enemy were such,
that if this Corps had not left England I didjiot then require it.
A few days before I was relieved it reached the Cape after a
passage oi eighty-four days. I ordered it to Algoa Bay, thence to
the Blinkwater, to preserve that country, which I had just cleared,
from any reoccupation by the enemy. This was the only service
I had for it ; and as it had not arrived two months previously as
I had expected, I deeply regretted its having left England. In
the then state of affairs it was not required. I appeal to every
General Officer in H.M. Army if more could have been done, and
I turn to my own local experience, and cast aside the theory of
abstract and disappointed expectations.
4. With respect to my " political measures bearing upon the
war," my conviction is that my central position at King
William's Town — the best in a military point of view— enabled
me effectually, by personal care and supervision, to preserve the
neutrality of the formidable T'Slambie tribes, who, had I been
absent, would assuredly have joined in the revolt. No man was

1852.] SIR HARRY SMITH'S DEFENCE. 409
ever surrounded by greater embarrassments ; but in the midst of
them I preserved my position.
5. Earl Grey alludes to the state of my health. It is assuredly
not so good as it was twenty years ago ; a half-century of unre
mitting service in every quarter of the globe must naturally have
made some inroads, but no measure of government, civil or
military, has ever, from this or any other cause, remained neglected
for one moment.
6. Adverting to Earl Grey's remark as to the premature reduc
tion of the force, in which he confesses to participate in the blame
(if there be any), I must observe that he most emphatically urged
the measure upon me, desiring my reasons for delay in the event
of my not carrying it into effect. I could more honestly, at the
moment, reduce the force than give reasons for not doing so. I
am now censured for having met the views of Her Majesty's
Government. 7. Previously to the outbreak, I undoubtedly sent continued
assurances to Earl Grey that no real danger existed. I believed
what was brought before me by the officers directly associated
with the Kafirs. I could myself see nothing on the part of the
people indicative of a hostile feeling. If I have been deceived,
Europe in the present age affords various and similar examples.
Upon the first outbreak of the war, I was certainly ignorant of
its real character. No one apprehended the rebellion of the
treacherous Hottentots. And had the burgher population turned
out, as I had every reason and right to expect, it would have
never taken place, and the Kafir rebellion would have been
quelled at the outset. Opinions after results are easily and may
be decidedly given.
8. As to the supply of firearms and ammunition, and the
want of energy imputed to myself and to the Secretary to Govern
ment in suppressing their introduction, a reference to my de
spatches will show that all that was possible was effected.
9. Earl Grey proceeds to regard as a most fatal error my
having failed to deal more promptly with treason on the part of
the Hottentots. My position at the time referred to was one, I
believe, of as great difficulty as man was ever placed in. The whole
Hottentot population at that period had been taught they were an
" oppressed and an ill-used race," and that the precepts of Holy
Writ tolerated their seeking redress by arms. Some thousands

4IO APPENDIX V. [1852.
of them were in my camp, with a few hundreds only of British
soldiers ; while General Somerset was surrounded by Hottentots.
When evidence was forthcoming, I proceeded to military trial.
But I must advisedly assert that had I, at that period, executed
the condemned, the torch of revolt would have blazed throughout
the Colony. I am regardless of an opinion to the contrary
advanced by any man. I assert as an undoubted fact that by my
course of proceeding I weathered a storm which would otherwise
have burst over me with irresistible fury ; that the exercise of
sound discretion in this instance saved the Colony ; and that a
contrary course would have ruined it. To strengthen this asser
tion, I desire to remark that a few weeks only have elapsed since
the legislature of this Colony was deterred from passing an
ordinance for the prevention of "squatting" on Government
lands, a very general impression prevailing that the Hottentot
population would arise to resist it. In the course of enquiry
facts will show the difficulty of my position, and bear me out in
my line of proceeding ; in the correctness of which I rejoice, and
shall do so to the latest period of my existence, reflecting that
sound judgment saved the colony. The white inhabitants were
very naturally excited by the treachery of their Hottentot
servants, and jump to the conclusion that hanging a few would
have been a sovereign panacea. I know as much of the
Hottentot character as most men ; and the contrary, I say, would
have been the effect.
10. Earl Grey regards it as a grievous error that I have not
removed Major Warden. I honestly admit that that officer might
have done better ; I had, however, no one to replace him ; and
he acted zealously and to the best of his abilities. He is very
popular with every well-disposed and loyal Dutchman. His
Lordship proceeds to remark that by this and other mistakes (a
somewhat comprehensive application of censure) I have failed to
conciliate the Dutch inhabitants. I need not scruple to say that
for many years I was most popular with them. Perhaps my too
anxious desire to serve both those within the Colony and beyond
the Orange River has been an error. Their not having turned
out, as they pretended they were desirous to do, is attributable to
no proceeding of mine; and if honesty of purpose and kindness
of manner fail to conciliate, I am as irresponsible for the effect
as incapable of seeking the good will of any one by other means.

1852.] SIR HARRY SMITH'S DEFENCE. 411
Earl Grey observes that Mr. Pine has succeeded in conciliating
many of the Dutch inhabitants of Natal. The Lieut.-Governor
acted upon my precedent and by my advice ; and has repeatedly
declared his perfect concurrence in the policy which I originated,
which has led to the present contented condition of the Natal
Boers. 1 1. In his concluding paragraph, Earl Grey states that he has
entered into a review of the errors which it seems to him I have
committed, regarding it due to my position and to my high
reputation to show that Her Majesty's servants have not deter
mined to advise the Queen to supersede me in the midst of these
errors without sufficient cause. I have served my Sovereign and
my Country, as few soldiers have had the good fortune to have
the opportunity of doing, for nearly fifty years. Daring that long
service I have never, until. now, received the slightest censure.
The difficulties which have surrounded me at the Cape of Good
Hope have been unparalleled. Earl Grey might have awaited the
result of operations which I apprized him were in progress and
which have been attended with eminent success. However much
it may appear to his Lordship that I have failed in using vigour
and judgment, facts will speak for themselves; and exonerate
a General from the stigma of deserving the greatest indignity
with which he can be visited — removal from the command of a
victorious army devoted to their Queen and Country and serving
in the highest spirits and with every confidence in their veteran
Commander. True copy of recorded Memoranda. John Garvock, Lieut-Col.
Late Priv. Sec. .

INDEX.

Aboyne, Lord, ii. 218
Achmuty, Col., i. 177, 378
Adalbert, Prince, of Prussia, ii. 305
Adams, G. G., A.R.A., ii. 326
Adour R., i. 1 66, 171
Afghanistan, war in, criticized, ii.
114-121, 134, 135, 384-387
Africa, South, ii. 1-110, 224-293,
333-383. 400-4"
Agra, ii. 125, 134, 387
Agueda R., i. 24, 48, 51, 56, 89 ;
French attacked at, i. 28, 29
Ahsin R., ii. 128, 132
Aire, i. 170
Akalies, ii. 141
Alameda, i. 24, 30, 89
Alava, Gen., i. 305 ; his story of
Wellington after Waterloo, i. 291
Albany, district of, ii. 95, 96, 276
Albert, Prince, ii.204, 219, 297, 305,
306
Albert, district of, ii. 229
Albuera, battle of, i, 50, 66, 278
Alcala, i. 79, 80, 92
Aldea de Ponte, i. 52
Alemtejo, the, i. 15, 47~5°» 54
Alexander, Lieut.-Col. (R.H.A.), ii.
183, 184
Algeo, Col., i. 132 ; death of, i. 133
Algeria, ii. 297
Algoa Bay, ii. II, 21, 247
Aliwal, battle of, i. 33 n. ; ij. 177-
191, 194, 196-198, 200-205, 210,
398, 399 ; Aliwal dispatch, ii. 178-
185, 198, 199 ; anniversaries of, ii.
234. 315

"Aliwal," horse, ii. 193, 218, 299,
306, 389 ; shot by Sir H. Smith, ii.
315. 3i6
Aliwal North, ii. 249 «., 293
Allahabad, ii. 122
Allen, Col. (Guards), i. 67
Alligators, i. 253, 254
Almaraz, i. 19, 321
Almeida, i. 24, 30, 34, 47 ; escape of
French garrison from, i. 48
Alston, Major R. D. (Glasgow), i.
328 n.
Alten, Gen., i. 79, 87, 100, 122, 142,
J43. 147. 148 «., 163
Amatola Mountains, ii. 261-287
(passim), 369
Amava, the, ii. 363
American War, i. 191-254
Andrews (secretary), ii. 345
Angelo, Major, ii. 183
Anglesey, Marquis of, ii. 297
Annapolis, i. 203, 204
Anta (Kafir chief), ii. 261
Antelope-shooting at the Cape, ii.
7,8
Antonio (a boy goatherd), i. 116,
129, 130
Antree Pass, ii. 127
Ants, sign of good luck, ii. 339
Antwerp, i. 281, 283
Apsley House, i. 356
Arapiles, the, i. 84
Aravaca, i. 82
Arbonne, i. 152, 155
Arcangues, Chateau d', i. 152, 154
Arganda, i. 79, 80
Arms of Sir Harry Smith, ii. 389,
390, 206-208

414

INDEX.

Armstrong (murdered by Kafirs Ap.
1835), ii. 368
Armstrong, Capt. (C.M.R.), ii. 18
Armstrong, Fort, ii. 265
Arragon R., crossing of, i. 109, 1 10
Arrhune. See Rhune
Arronchas, i. 49
Arruda, i. 35, 36
Arzobispo, bridge of, i. 19
Asche (Asch), i. 266
Assuduco (Governor of the Havan-
nah), i. 255
Atlantic, the, fishes and birds of, i.
360-363 ; voyages across, i. 4, 12,
13. 193. 208, 226-228, 257, 338,
339. 344. 352-354. 359-3^4
Auchmuty, Gen. Sir Samuel, i. 4,
359
Auckland (South Africa), ii. 230 ».,
261
Auckland, Lord, ii. 113-116
Autobiography, Sir H. Smith's, ii.
370. 393-395
Avitabile, Gen. (Sikh Army), ii. 154-
156, 176, 179, 182-184, 397
Ayliff, Mr. (missionary), ii. 356

B

Badajos, i. 16, 20, 23, 75 n. ; the
storming of, i. 31, 62-73, 75. 275 \
ii. 31 n.
Bagot (Hottentot Battalion), ii. 346
Bailie, Capt. John, ii. 53, 56
Bailie, Lieut. C, ii. 54, 62-64, 67
Baillie, Lieut. R. (72nd), ii. 6, 7
Balfour, Lieut. Arthur L. (called
"Paddy"), (72nd), ii. 37,40,41,
48, 69, 338, 342, 345, 347, 353,
363. 368, 369. 376, 377
Baltimore, i. 203, 204, 206 ; question
of an attack on, i. 206, 207 ; attack
repulsed, i. 221
Balvaird, Major (95th), i. 299
Bandits, Battle of the, i. 21-23
Baranhara, ii. 168-171
Barba del Puerco, i. 24
Barnard, Gen. Sir Andrew, i. 73, 112,
126, 127, 132, 163, 165-168, 174,
!75. 333 ; «• 137, 198 »., 205, 211,

214, 328, 330, 333 ; at Badajos, i.
63-66 ; at Nivelle, i. 146, 147 ;
commandant of Cambray, i. 308,
314, 315 ; letter to, ii. 206 ; death,
ii. 3°3
Barnard's Vale and Ford, ii. 375
Barnes, Sir E., i. 1 15, 302
Barney, Commodore (U.S.A.), i. 197
Barossa, i. 125 ; ii. 122
Ban-, Lieut.-Col., ii. 133, 145, 11.
Barrouilhet, i. 154 n.
Barwell, Major (9th), ii. 157
Bashee R., ii. 43, 44, 50-54
Basutos. See Moshesh
Bath, i. 207, 217
Bath, Marquis of, ii. 308, 309
Bathurst, ii. 276
Bathurst, Lord, i. 207, 213-216 ;
dispatches to, i. 214 «., 247 n.
Bavay, i. 287, 288
Baxter (? David), Staff Surgeon, i. 201
Baynes, Lieut. T. (39th), i. 254
Bayonne, i. 152, 153, 161
Beaufort, Duke of, ii. 213
Beaufort, Fort, ii. 18, 264, 276, 283,
345
Beaufort West, ii. 240
Beauport (Sussex), i. 320
Beckwith, Lieut. Robert (95th), i.
20
Beckwith, Major (R.B.), ii. 244
Beckwith, Major-Gen. Charles, i. 67,
87, 147, 148, 153, 172, 173, 297 ;
ii. 209, 304, 316, 317, 327, 330 ;
letters from, ii. 210, 298, 301,
3°3. 3°7. 3°8, 3°9. 3"
Beckwith, Mrs. Charles, ii. 307, 308
Beckwith, Mrs. (sen.), i. 324, 325
Beckwith, Sir George, i. 324
Beckwith, Sir T. Sydney, i. 14, 15,
24. 31. 39. 4°. 45. 49. 324! «¦
333; anecdotes of, i. 17, 35, 36,
38, 44, 46 ; invalided by ague, i.
63
Belem, i. 33 n., 34, 48 ; ii. 309
Belfast; i. 336-339
Bell, Gen. Sir John, i. 52, 53, 89,
225. 253, 350, 378 j ii. 2, 3, 97,
211, 214, 297, 307, 308, 316, 323,
327. 339» 360, 363 ; anecdotes of,
i. 177 ; ii. 327

INDEX.

415

Bell, Lady Catherine, ii. 2, 3, 297
Bere, Capt., ii. 183
Beresford, Lieut. H. T. (71st), ii. 361,
371
Beresford, Marshal, i. 96 «., 166, 175
Bergen Op Zoom, i. 128
Bermuda, island of, i. 194, 195
Bern, the Duke de, stag-hunting, i.
295-297
Bester, Paul, ii. 240
Bethany, S. Africa, ii. 246
Bethune (Mayor of Cambray), i. 315
Beyring, Col., i. 155
Bhoondree, ii. 183, 184
Biaritz, i. 154
Bidassoa R., i. 112, 131 ; fight at, i.
1 17-125
Biddulph, Lieut. (Hottentot Bat
talion), ii. 62, 63
Biddulph, Mr. (Resident at Winburg),
ii. 239
Bingham, Lieut. R. C. (75th), ii. 355
Birmingham, i. 322 ; ii. 305
Bladensburg, i. 204; battle of, i.
198-201 ; night-march from, i. 201,
202
Blakeney (? Lieut. -Col. Edw.), i. 242
Blantyre, Lord, i. 330
Blinkwater Post, ii. 283
Blinkwater stream, ii. 272, 405, 408
Bloemfontein, ii. 226, 233, 239, 246,
247, 248, 282, 286
Blucher, Marshal, i. 294 ; accident to,
i- 293
Boar-hunting, i. 21, 82
Boers, of Cape Colony, ii. I5» '8,
25, 103, 104, 263, 268, 338, 341,
344, 345. 346, 347, 348, 350, 351,
368, 410 ; migrations of, ii. 105,
106, 225, 226, 234, 235; across
the Orange, ii. 226, 232 ; rebellion
of, ii. 238-250; across the Vaal,
ii. 226, 286 ; in Natal, ii. 411. See
Orange River Sovereignty
Boileau, Capt., ii. 185
Boku (brother of Hintza), ii. 38, 39,
227, 361, 364, 365, 367, 368, 371
Bolton, Brig. S., ii. 147
Bombay, ii. 143
Boomplaats, battle of, ii. 242-246
Booth, Capt. W. (15th Hussars), i. 171

Bordeaux, i. 186, 216
Botha's Drift, ii. 240, 241
Bourlon, near Cambray, i. 300
Bowker, Joseph, army surgeon, i. 78
Bowker, Mr. T., ii. 218
Bowyer, Fort, capture of, i. 248-
251
Brabourne Lees, i. 3, 158
Bradford, Major, ii. 180
Bradford, Major-Gen. Sir T., i. 327,
328, 330, 332
"Brass Mare," the, i. 264, 302;
carries Juana Smith to Antwerp
and back, i. 281-288
Bright, John, M.P., ii. 303
Bringhurst, Major J. D., i. 377
Briton, Mr. (Harwich), i. 263, 264
Broadfoot, Major G.^ ii. 119 »., 154
Brooke, Col. Francis, i. 53, 195, 199
Brotherwood, Serg., i. 62
Brown (a spy), i. 198 ; saved by a
ruse, i. 205, 215
Brown, Col. (85th), i. 199
Brownlee, Chas. (Civil Commis
sioner), ii. 259, 287 n.
Brownlee, Rev. J., ii. 369
Brownrigg, David (surgeon), i. 39
Bruges, i. 264, 265
Bruintjes (cook), ii. 344, 346, 358
Brunswick, Ferdinand, Prince of, i.
324
Brussels, i. 260, 266, 267, 281, 286,
287, 297
Buccleugh, Duke of, i. 331
Budhowal, Budowal, ii. 168-180,
185 ; encounter with Sikhs at, ii.
171-174, 185-188, 198, 201, 203,
210
Buenos Ayres, i. 6 ; disastrous attack
on, i. 8-10, 237, 246, 247, 367
Buenos Ayres, near Lisbon, i. 33, 39
Buffalo, Poorts of the, ii. 30, 31, 100,
267
Buffalo R., ii. 60, 260, 349, 369, 372,
374, 375, 4°7
Buffeljaghts R., ii. 13
Buller, Col. (R.B.), ii. 244-246, 248
Bundelcund, ii. 121, 135
Burgess, Rev. G., i. 1 «., ii. 211
Burgher force, ii. 18, 40, 338, 341,
35°, 368

416

INDEX.

Burghersh, Lord, ii. 308
Burgos, i. 79, 83, 94 ; blown up by
the French, i. 96
Burmese war expected, ii. 1 14
Busseean, ii. 146, 168, 169, 200
Butler, Col. (American), story of, i.
240-242
Butterworth, ii. 33, 352, 355, 356

Cabool, ii. 117, 118 n., 121, 384
Cadoux, Capt. D. (95th), killed at
Vera, i. 121-125
Calais, i. 317
Calcavellos, i. 16, 17, 367
Calcutta, i. 355 ; ii. 112, 122-124
Calder the Leper (a spy), i. 198, 205,
215
Caledon, ii. 12
Calvert Fontein, ii. 245
Cambray, army of occupation quar
tered round, i. 298-316 ; last
review, i. 310 ;. Harry Smith
appointed Town Major of, i. 300 ;
coursing, i. 302-304
Cambridge, i. 368 ; ii. 219-221, 296
Cambridge, Duke of, ii. 297, 3P4,
3"
Cambridgeshire Yeomanry Cavalry,
i. 2 «. ; ii. 218, 220
Cameron, Capt. Alister (95th), i. 31,
64
Campbell, Capt., ii. 18
Campo Mayor, i. 20-22
Canary Islands, i. 360
Candahar,- ii. 118 n.
Cape Castle, i. 54 ; ii. 3, 4
Cape Colony, ii. i-no, 333~383 ;
Sir Harry's Governorship, ii. 224-
293,400-411; horse-breeding and
sport, ii. I5-10 ; fixing of frontier,
ii. 350, 364, 371, 372, 269 n. ;
annexations to, ii. 271 ; question of
Representative Assembly, ii. 251,
252, 255-258, 274, 292 ; Convict
question, ii. 253-255, 272, 273,
292, 329
Cape Mounted Rifles, ii. 16, 38, 40,
240, 243, 262, 337, 338, 341, 374 ;
ii. defection in, 265-"267, 277

Cape Town, ii. 288 ; Sir Harry
Smith there, ii. 2-14, 104-110,
227-228, 238 (cp. 2331-240, 250-
259, 260, 289-291 ; his treatment
of military prisoners at, ii. 333-335
Carbonada, ii. 342, 343
Cargill, Lieut. (52nd), story of, i. 136
Carlton House, i. 213
Carpio, i. 47
Casal Nova, fight at, i. 43
Castello Branco, i. 50
Castello de Vidi, i. 20
Castel Sarrasin, i. 181, 183, 185
Castilleur (Casteleur), Chateau of, i.
152, 154, 162
Castlereagh, Lord, i. 301
Cathcart, Gen. the Hon. George, ii.
279, 284, 286, 287, 288, 289, 290,
291, 401
Caucasus, ii. 297
Cawnpore, ii. 125, 139
Chalmers, Dr., ii. 2
Charlie's Hope (Col. H. Smith's
house at Rondebosch), ii. 338,
341, 342, 343, 359
Charras, the, marriage and other
customs of, i. 90, 91
Chesapeake, the, i. 194, 196, 208,
209
Chopo, ii. 362
Chounda, ii. 128
Christie, Capt., ii. 160
Chumbul R., ii. 125-127
Chumie R., ii. 340
Churchill, Lieut.-Col. C. H. (31st), ii.
317
Ciudad Rodrigo, i. 24, 39, 47, 48,
50-52, 61, 82-84, 89 ; besieged by
French, i. 28 ; captured by them,
i. 30 ; stormed by the English, i.
55-68
Civilizing of Kafirs, ii. 72-93, 222,
231. 258, 268, 273, 29°, 357, 378-
383
Celerico, i. 30
Clarksbury, ii. 368
Clausel, Marshal, i. 109, 11 1
Clavering, Gen. H. F., i. 193
Clerk, G. (Pol. Agent), ii. 116, 120
Clichy, i. 292
Clyde, the, i. 336-

INDEX.

417

Coa River, i. 48 ; battle of the, i. 2
»-. 3°, 3i> 65, 184
Cochrane, Adm. Sir A., i. 194, 197,
206
Cochrane, Lieut T. (95th), i. 99
Cockburn, Adm., i. 197, 200
Codrington, Adm., i. 197, 238
Coghlan, Col. (6lst), his funeral at
Toulouse, i. 180
Colborne, Col. John. See Seaton,
Lord
Colchester, i. 14
Cole, Gen. Sir Lowry, i. 52-54, 66,
78, 131, 133, 134, 292 ; Governor
ship of the Cape, ii. 2, 4, 10, 335
Cole, Lady Frances, ii. 3, 10
Colesberg, ii. 239, 241
Colonia del Sacramento, i. 6-8
Colville, Sir Charles, i. 66, 276
Conception, Fort, blown up, i. 30
Condesia [Condeixa], i. 43
Considine (? Lieut. Jas., 13th Light
Dragoons), i. 21
Constantine, Grand Duke of Russia,
i. 3!°
Convalescent hospitals, i. 347
Convict question. See Cape Colony
Cooper, Major, i. 253
Cope's History of the Rifle Brigade, i.
7 »., 123 «., 146 «., 251 n.
" Copenhagen " (Wellington's horse),
i. 270
Conma, battle of, i. 2 «., 16, 17,
259 ; retreat to, i. 84, 159
Coursing, in the Peninsula, i. 20, 38,
39. 55, 61-63, 89, 92; at Cambray,
i. 301-304 ; in Cape Colony, ii. 8
Coutts, Miss A. (Baroness Burdett-
Coutts), ii. 274
Cowley, Lord, ii. 302
Cox, Maj. W. (called "Jem ") (75th),
ii. 21, 22, 26, 28, 67-69, 336, 340,
341, 349. 365, 369, 373
Cox, Fort, ii. 67, 69, 70, 7*. 261,
263, 265, 408 ; Sir H. Smith shut
up in, ii. 262
Craufurd, Col., i. 284
Craufurd, Gen. Robert, i. 8, 9, 22,
24, 25, 30, 35, 50, 52, 56, 98, 177,
229; organizes the, "Light Divi
sion," i. iS ; criticism of, i. 28, 29,
' VOL. II.

31 ; popularity and unpopularity of,
i. 49 ; anecdote of, i. 51
Crimean War, ii. 298, 300-306
Cromer, i. 371
Cunningham, Capt. J. D., ii. 177
Cureton, Brig. C. R.,ii. 163, 164,
167, 168, 179, 182
Curtis, Mrs., ii. 138
Ciiyler, Col. J. G., ii. 15, 16
D
Dada Khasgee Wala, ii. 126, 127
Dak, a journey by, ii. 122, 388
Dalhousie, Lord, i. 97, 98, 340 ; ii.
5. 9. 12
Dalkeith, George IV.'s stay at, i,
331, 332
Darling, Major-Gen. R., i. 183
Dauphine, Isle, i. 251
Dawson, Capt. (52nd), i. 86
Debe Flats, ii. 347, 348
Debe Nek, ii. 262
Deedes, Mr., i. 319
De Lancey, Col, Sir William Howe,
i. 266
Deleytosa, i. 19
Delhi, ii. 139, 144, 200
De Litte, i. 37
De Montmorency, Lieut. R. E. (50th),
ii. 155
Denain, battle of, i. 306
Derby, Lord, ii. 314. See Stanley,
Lord
D'Este, Augustus Frederick, i. 226,
242
De Tabley, Lord, ii. 313
Devonport, ii. 298-301
Dholpore, ii. 125, 127
Dhuleep Singh (boy-Maharaja of
Lahore), ii. 142
Dhurmcote (Durrumkote), ii. 165-
168, 176, 177, 200
Dhyan Singh, ii. 142
Dick, Capt. (R. N.), i. 191
Dickson, Sir A., i. 239
Digby, Lieut. H. Robert (52nd), i.
169, 184, 189
Dingaan, ii. 356
Divisions. See Peninsular Army
Doby Hill. See Dough Boy Hill
2 E

418

INDEX.

Donkin, Sir Rufane, i. 20
Dos Casas, i. 30
Doubloons, story of, i. 80-84
Dough Boy Hill, Doby Hill, i. 19,
321
Douglas, Lord, i. 330
Douglas, Sir Howard, i. 340
Douro R., i. 24, 151 ; crossed by
Wellington's army, i. 94
Dover, i. 18, 318
Downie, Gen., i. 150
Downpatrick, i. 337
Doyle, Capt. John (72nd), ii. 347
Drake, Capt. T. (95th), i. 97, 98
Drake, Mr. (Havana), i. 255
Dreams, and their fulfilment, i. 156,
157, 299, 3°o
Dreyer (shot as a rebel), ii. 246,
247
Dreyer, Field Commandant, ii. 344,
345
Drummond, Maj. -Gen. ,i. 54 ; stories
of, i. 45, 50
Duck-shooting, i. 89
Duffy, Capt. (43rd), i. 57
Durban, ii. 226. See Port Natal
D'Urban, Sir B., ii. 272, 330;
Governor of the Cape, ii. 10-105 ;
recall, ii. 225 ; commands in the
Kafir War of 1835, ii. II-71, 338-
376 ; General Orders of, ii. 22, 24,
58, 61, 66 ; annexation of new
province, ii. 371 ; dispatches to, ii.
96, 97 ; memorandum to, ii. 333 ;
characterized, ii. 339, 341, 347,
349. 351-353, 358, 369. 375
Durrumkote. &?aDhurmcote
Dushani, ii. 76, 91
Dutch. See Boers
Dutton, Lieut. T. (71st) (called
"Kittie"), Mil. Sec. to Sir B.
D'Urban, ii. 341, 343, 348
Dyneley, Lieut., ii. 244

E
East India Company, ii. 204
Eaton (16th Lancers), ii. 190 n.
Eaton, Lieut. (95th), i. 15
Echallar, i. 115

Edinburgh, i. 324, 333; ii. 296;
George IV. 's visit to, i. 331-333
Eeles, Capt. Charles, i. 34, 89, 376 ;
goes coursing, i. 62, 63 ; killed at
Waterloo, i. 287
Eeles, Lieut. W. (95th), i. 15
El Bodon, i. 51, 52
Elcho, Lord, i. 330
Elder, Capt. (95th), i. 28
Elio, Major-Gen., i. 8 «., 79, 367
Ellenborough, Earl of, ii. 284 n. ;
Gov.-Gen. of India, ii. 118, 126,
127, 129 n., 135, 143, 384-387,
394; his administration, ii. 390-
393
Elley, Gen. Sir John, i. 183 ; story
of, i. 318
Elphinstone, Lord, ii. 112
Elphinstone, Major-Gen. W. Keith,
ii. 115, 116, 120
Elvas, i. 61, 73
Ely (Cambs), ii. 325; Sir Harry
Smith's reception at, ii. 216-218
Ely (South Africa), ii. 230
England, natural facilities for defence
against invasion, i. 319, 320
England, Gen., ii. 120
England, Lieut.-Col. Richard (75th),
ii. 341
Eno (Kosa chief), ii. 21, 380
Epinay, near Brussels, i. 266
Erskine, Sir W., i. 45, 47
Espeja, i. 47
Estremadura, i. 48, 61, 79
Evans, Gen. Sir De Lacy, i. 93, 195,
201, 206, 329 ; ii. 203, 214, 297
Exejo, i. 28
Eyre, Col. (73rd), ii. 276, 283, 407

Fairbairn, Mr. J., ii. 256
Fakoo (Pondo chief), ii. 78, 277,
354
Fall, Capt. T. (20th), i. 193, 204, 211,
222
Fane, Capt. T., i. 113, 115, 126, 127,
141, 154 J at " La Petite Rhune,"
i. 145 ; brings news of Harry
Smith's promotion, i. 293

INDEX.

419

Fequenas, i. 24
Ferozepore, ii. 144, 145, 150, 151,
»53> 159. 160, 162, 166, 190, 193,
200, 386
Ferozeshah, Ferozeshuhur, ii. 145,
150; battles of, ii. 151-162, 192,
198, 397. 398
Fimare, heights of, i. 310
Fingoes, ii. 33, 38, 40, 53, 58, 59, 65,
66, 280, 352, 356, 357, 359, 360,
364. 367 »
Firing uphill and down, i. 134
Fish R., ii. 22, 25, 224
Fish River bush, forays into, ii. 25-
29, 277, 278, 337, 340
Fishbourne, Capt. (R.N.), ii. 407
Fitzwilliam, Earl, ii. 218
Fleming, Adm., i. 336,345. 349, 35°.
351
Fleurus, i. 266
Florida, Gulf of, i. 257
Flying-fish, i. 360-363
Ford,;W. M. (Surgeon 72nd), ii. 345,
399
Fordyce, Lieut.-Col. (74th), ii. 280,
282, 400, 405, 408
Forster, Major, ii. 180
Fortifications, ii. 318-320
Four-in-hand driving, ii. 131, 384
Fox-hunting : in the Peninsula, i. 92 ;
at Cambray, i. 297, 298, 301, 378 ; in
England, i. 318, 319; in Cape
Colony, ii. 5, 6
Foz de Aronce, Foz D'Aruz, i. 273
France, after the war, i. 181 ; occu
pation of, i. 297-316
Frederick William, Prince, of Prussia,
ii. 306
Freer (Lieut. W. or Lieut. E.) (43rd),
i.65
Freixadas, i. 43
Fremantle, Lieut.-Col. F. (2nd Ft.
Guards), i. 291, 307
French and English officers, courtesy
between, i. 140, 141, 155, 156
French citizens and English officers,
courtesy between (after Waterloo),
i. 292, 312-315
French pillaging, i. 102, 103, 116
French prisoner's return home, i.
189, 190

French stag-hunting, i. 295-297
Freneda, i. 92
Fuentes D'Onoro, i. 89-92; battle
of, i. 49
Fuller's Hoek, ii. 283
Futteyghur, ii. 165, 166

Gaika (Kafir chief), ii. 69, 74, 76, 87,
91. 379
Gaikas, ii. 268, 272
Gallegos, i. 28, 47
Galston New Mills, night march to,
i. 328
Ganya (a Kafir councillor), ii. 74, 77,
85-88, 99, 101
Garden, Col., ii. 128
Gardner, Major T. C. (95th), i. 4,
7. 359
Garonne R., i. 175 ; voyage down
the, i. 184, 186
Garvock, Col., ii. 240, 298, 325, 411
Gave de Pau, i. 162
Gave d'Oleron, i. 147
Gazela (Kafir chief), ii. 86, 88, 89,
100
Gee, i. 170-172
Genanendal, ii. 339
Genappe, i. 269, 270
Germ, Mr. B. (15th Hussars), ii. 329
George (Cape Colony), ii. 13, 14
George IV., ii. 361 ; as Prince
Regent, i. 206, 213-216 ; his visit
to Edinburgh, i. 331-333
Ghent, i. 262, 264 ; English army at,
i. 265, 266
Gibbs, Gen., i. 227, 232, 235 ; death
of, i. 237
Gibbs, Major-Gen. Sir E., ii. 207
Gilbert, Major-Gen. Sir W. R., at
Moodkee, ii. 146, 147 ; at Feroze
shah, ii. 153-155. 161 »•
Gilmour, Major-Gen. Sir D. L., i. 14 ;
his mud hut, i. 141, 142 ; death of,
ii. 209
Glasgow, i. 322-336 ; ii. 296 ; dis
turbances at, i. 322-329 ; Volunteer
Sharpshooters, i. 328, 329 ; ii. 320,
321 ; recognition of H. Smith's

420

INDEX.

services, i. 335 ; testimonial after
Aliwal, ii. 221
Glasgow, Lord, i. 330, 336
Glenelg, Lord : joins in the outcry on
death of Hintza, ii. 59, 1 00;
exonerates Harry Smith, ii. 96, 97,
104 ; reverses D'Urban's settlement
of 1835, ii. 94, 95, 224, 225;
disastrous effects of this policy, ii.
95. 96. 105, 106, 225, 226, 238, 261
Goat-herds, organization of, i. 129,
130
Godby, Col. (Brigadier), ii. 168-175,
187, 200 ; at Aliwal, 179-182
Gomm, Sir W., i. 46, 292; extract
from letter, i. 44 ».
Gonoube Hill, ii. 374
Gonoube R., ii. 349
Goolab Singh, ii. 142
Goongrana, Fort, ii. 185
Gore, Hon. Charles (43rd), i. in,
287
Gosport, march to, i. 319, 320 ; Harry
Smith's stay in, i. 320-322
Gottenburgh, English fleet at, i. 15,
263, 367
Gough, Sir Hugh (afterwards Lord
Gough) : Commander-in-Chief in
India, ii. 122-124, 388, 393, 395 ;
Gwalior campaign, ii. 124-130, 132-
136, 388, 389; Sutlej campaign,
ii. 146-153, IS9-I69, 176, 179,
398 j after Aliwal, ii. 177, 189-191 ;
Sobraon, ii. 203, 204
Gough, Lady (at Maharajpore), ii.
138
Gough, Miss (at Maharajpore), ii.
138
Govind Gooroo, ii. 140
Graaf Reinet, ii. 18, 21, 249
Grahamstown, ii. 60, 64, 65, 71, 73,
90, 240, 247 n., 249, 337, 340, 367,
377 ; Harry Smith's ride to, ii.
11-17, 22 j panic at, ii. 14, 17,
338 ; defence of, ii. 17-20, 22, 23,
336, 341, 342, 346 5 after the war,
ii. 103 ; receives Sir Harry as
Governor, ii. 228, 229; again in
danger (1851), ii. 270, 276, 277 ;
climate at, ii. 343
Grant, Gen. Sir Lewis, i. 352

Grant, Major, ii. 159
Green, Mr. (Commissariat), ii. 243
Gregory, Major, ii. 28
Greville, Algernon Frederick, i. 355
Greville, Charles Cavendish Fulke,
i. 216
Grey, Earl, ii. 251-257, 260, 269,
274, 285, 294, 296 ; dispatches
from, ii. 278, 280, 281 ; dispatch
recalling Sir H. Smith, ii. 283,
284, 400-404 ; Sir H. Smith's reply
to, ii. 405-411
Grey, Major-Gen. Sir John, ii. 125-
134. 163, 388
Greyling (a Cape Boer), ii. 268, 345
Guadan Hills, ii. 42
Guadarama Pass, i. 78, 82
Guadiana R., i. 16, 62
Guanga R., ii. 42
Guernsey, ii. 297
Guerrilla warfare, ii. 282
Guides, Corps of, ii. 30, 40, 41, 45,
338, 340, 341, 345, 365
Guinaldo, 50-52, 54, 75, 89, 92-94
Gunga rivulet, ii. 349
Gungrana, ii. 169-174
Gurwood, Capt. J. (loth Hussars),
conduct at Ciudad Rodrigo, i. 56,
58
Guznee, ii. 118, 119 n.
Gwalior, war in, ii. 121-138, 388
H
Haca, La (a pass), i. 109
Haddon (Cape Colony), ii. 276
Haines, Mr. Commissary, his beagles,
i. 92
Halifax, Nova Scotia, i. 339, 340,
350 ; the garrison's farewell to
Harry Smith, i. 341-344
Hall, Dr., ii. 240, 244
Hallifax, Capt. R. D. (75th), ii. 340,
345. 355
Hamilton, Capt. (52nd), i. 199
Hardinge, Sir H. (afterwards Vis
count Hardinge) ; Peninsula, i. 62 ;
Secretary at War, i. 355 ; Governor-
General of India, ii. 143, 392-394 ;
Sikh War, ii. 143, 144 ; before Fe
rozeshah, ii. 150; Ferozeshah, ii.

INDEX.

421

153, 162 »., 199 ; before Aliwal, ii.
'65, 398 ; after Aliwal, ii. 190,
191, 194, 195, 208 ; rewarded, ii.
203, 204 ; at home, ii. 297 ; Com
mander-in-Chief, ii. 300, 302
Hardy, Sir T., i. 197
Hare, Fort, ii. 262, 265, 266, 268
Harrismith, ii. 293
Harry, Fort, ii. 345, 355
Harwich, i. 14, 262 ; Black Bull inn
at, i. 263, 264
Hastings, ii. 327
Havana (the Havannah), i. 30, 255,
259 > Spanish ladies of, i. 255 ;
the harbour, i. 256, 257
Havelock, Major-Gen. Sir H., i.
319 n. ; relations to Harry Smith,
i. 326 ; ii. 329, 330 ; in the Mutiny,
ii. 307, 308 ; letter from, ii. 1 19 n.
Havelock, Col. W., i. 31, 297 ; ii. 211
«., 307 n.
Hay, Lord Arthur, ii. 302
Haye Sainte, La, i. 270, 275
Heera Singh, ii. 142
Hermanus, ii. 264, 272
" Hermanus Kraal, ii. 18, 338, 377
Hervey, Col. Sir FeltonE.,-i. 299,
300 ; his greyhounds and Harry
Smith's, i. 302-304
Hicks, Brig., ii. 152, 182
Higgins (Staff-Surgeon), i. 39
Hill, Capt, ii. 163
Hill, Lord : Peninsular War, i. 37,
79, 82, 176 ; a sportsman, i. 302,
303 ; Commander-in-Chief, ii. 107,
335
Himbury, Serg. T. (95th), ii. 299,300
Hingonah, Camp, ii. 128
Hintza (great chief beyond the Kei),
ii, 32-60 (passim), 291, 337"373
{passim) ; evasive conduct, ii. 32,
33, 337 > war against, ii. 33, 353 ;
rides into camp, ii. 34, 361 ; hears
bagpipes, ii. 93 ; makes peace, ii.
37, 361 ; remains as hostage, ii. 37,
362 ; death, ii. 39"49. 373 5 outcry
in England, ii. 59, 60, 95, 96
Hobhouse, Sir J. Cam, ii. 214
Hofer, Andreas, ii. 297
Hogan, John (7th Fusiliers), i.253
Hogg, Major, ii. 278, 286

Holdich, Gen. Sir E. A., ii. 193, 240,
301, 302, 398 ; extracts from his
diary, ii. 240-249
Holdich, Rev. T., ii. 221
Holdich, Mrs. T., ii. 396, 398
Holmes, Lieut., ii. 174, 184
Holmes, Lieut. (R.N.), i. 191, 194,
195
Hope, Sir J., i. 154, 155, 330
Horse-racing, i. 55, 293
Hotham Hill, ii. 375
Hofham, Lord, ii. 202
Hottentots, ii. 18, 60, 89 ; enrolled in
war of 1835 as Ist and 2nd Pro
visional Battalions, ii. 25, 28-31,
4°. 50. 53-57. 62-64, 67, 106, 107,
34i. 357. 359, 363, 376; Kat
River legion, ii. 374 ; levies for war
of 185 1, ii. 263, 264, 270 ; defection
of (1835), ii. 28 ; do. (1851), ii.
264, 265, 270-273, 277, 403, 407,
409. See also Cape Mounted
Rifles, Kat River Settlement
Hougoumont, i. 268, 309
Howard of Effingham, Lord, i. 321,
323
Hubon (in Sikh service), ii. 143
Huebra, the fording of the, i. 84-86
Hull, ii. 301, 302
Hull, Capt. (43rd), i. 33
Hull, Major (16th Grenadiers), ii. 157
Hume, Major (27th), i. 271
Hunter, Samuel (Glasgow), i. 328 ».,
329
Hurreekee, ii. 164, 176
Hythe, i. 18

India, ii. 107-212, 384
Indian Army, defects of, ii. 136, 137
Indian Mutiny, ii. 307
Inspiration, bright ideas by, ii. 356
Ironmonger, Major (88th), i. 34,
48
Ituero, i. 59, 75

Jackson, Gen. (U.S.A.), i. 240
Jamaica, i. 342-351 ; yellow fever in,

422

INDEX.

i. 344-348 ; barrack accommoda
tion in, i. 345 ; tour of inspection
of, i. 348-350 ; slaves, i. 349
Jansi, i. 115
Japps (sergeant of escort), ii. 39, 48,
343. 344. 346, 35°
Jellalabad, ii. 117, 119 n.
Jervis, Capt., ii. 343, 345
Johnson, Capt. (Whittlesea Yeo
manry Cavalry), i. 2
Johnstone, Col. Wm. (once of 95th),
adventure of, i. 42, 43 ; at Ciudad
Rodrigo, i. 58, 179 ; at the Cape,
ii. 336. 371
Johnstone, Lieut. E. D. (95th), i.
179
Juanasburg, ii. 230 «., 261
Juggernauth, Temple of, ii. 112
Jugraon, ii. 167-177, 180, 186
Jullundur, the, ii. 187, 188
Jummoo, ii. 142
Junot, Marshal, i. 15

K
Kaffraria, British, ii. 230, 258;
war in, ii. 261-288
Kafir chiefs, meetings of, ii. 79. 80,
99, 100, 229-231, 249, 259, 260,
261, 378-383
Kafirland, ii. 19, 29
Kafirs, ii. 4, 5 ; their beauty, ii. 90 ;
ability, ii. 74 ; love of music, ii.
93 ; memory, ii. 101, 102 ; affec
tion, ii. 98, 100-103 > nne manners,
ii. 354 ; feudal attachment, ii. 273 ;
customs, ii. 35, 36, 72-93; mode
of communication, ii. 37, 38, 49, 84,
85 ; civilizing of, see Civilizing
Kafir wars: that of 1835, ii. n-71,
336-377, 379 5 that of 1847, ii.
221-223, 228, 229 ; that of 1850,
ii. 261-291, 400-411
Kakke (Mpako) R., ii. 53
Kat R., ii. 270
Kat River Settlement, ii. 18 ; revolt
of, ii. 264-267, 273 ; rebels tried,
ii. 275, 409, 410
Keane, Gen. Sir John (Lord Keane) :
in New Orleans expedition, i. 228,

235. 237, 245 ; Governor of
Jamaica, i. 340, 344-349 ; at home,
ii. 137
Kei R., ii. 34-57, 60-62, 69, 73, 80,
229, 278, 280, 282, 350-374, 408
Keiskamma R., ii. 29, 224, 229, 261,
266, 343, 380
Kempt, Gen. Sir James, i. 62, ill,
115, 142-144, 292, 323, 339; ii.
205, 330, 396-399; at Waterloo,
i. 270-273, 277 ; Governor of
Nova Scotia, i. 340, 341 ; part
ing words to Harry Smith, i. 343 ;
letters from, ii. 161 »., 198 ;
letters to, ii. 132, 193 ; death, ii.
3°3
Kempt's Valley, ii. 375
Kent, Duchess of, i. 323 ; ii. 213
Kent, Duke of, i. 310
Kilmarnock, i. 328
Kincaid, Sir John, i. 68, 146, 152,
214, 316, 339, 341 ; ii. 198 n., 211,
214, 330 ; letters from, ii. 197
King, Capt. (R.N.), i. 206, 208
Kingston, Jamaica, i. 344
King William's Town, founding of,
ii. 60, 372, 374 ; Harry Smith
established at, ii. 62-103, 375 i
departure from, ii. 100, 101; second
founding of, ii. 230 n. ; arrival of
Sir Harry Smith as Governor, ii.
229-232 ; visit after Boomplaats,
ii. 249 ; meets Kafir chiefs at, ii.
259, 260 ; his headquarters during
Kafir War, ii. 260-289, 4°6, 408 ;
dramatic departure from, ii. 289
Kitchen, Joe, story of, i. 167, 168
Knighton, Sir William, i. 332
Kok, Adam (Griqua captain), ii. 232,
233. 242
Koonap R., ii. 276
Kotze (a horse-breeder), ii. 8
Kreili, Kili (son of Hintza) : in the
British camp, ii. 34, 38, 39, 362,
363. 365, 366, 368, 371 ; as chief,
ii. 71, 80, 99, 374; meets Sir H.
Smith, now Governor, ii. 249; his
ambiguous policy during Kafir War,
1850-1852, ii. 264, 277 ; his
country invaded by Sir H. Smith,
ii. 278, 280, 282, 408

INDEX.

423

Krom Elbe (Kromme-Elleboog) R.,
ii. 242
Kruger, Gert, ii. 240, 247
Kuba (Hintza's councillor), ii. 33,
35. 358, 360
Kurnal, ii. 1 12

Lacy, Capt. T. E. (72nd), ii. 55
Ladwa, Rajah of, ii. 169, 178
Ladysmith, ii. 293
Lahore, ii. 135, 140, 141, 192, 384,
386 )
Lake, Adm., i. 340
Lai Singh, ii. 142, 145
Lambert, Gen. Sir John: commands
a brigade at New Orleans, i. 229-
236 ; commands in chief, i. 237 ;
retirement from New Orleans, i.
238-246 ; makes Smith his Mil.
Sec, i. 243 ; takes Fort Bowyer,
i. 248-250 ; disembarks army on
lie Dauphine, i. 251 ; at Havana,
i. 255-257 ; return to England,
i. 258-259; appoints Smith his
Major of Brigade, i. 260-262 ;
Waterloo campaign, i. 265-273,
288 ; wounded, i. 279 ; commands
divisions, i. 292, 298, 300, 355 ; at
home, i. 320, 357 ; ii. 137
Lambert, Mrs. R. (Miss Alice E.
Smith), ii. 311, 324
Lane, Lieut.-Col., ii. 180, 185
Larade, i. 51
Lawrence, Major (U.S.A.), i. 249-
251
Lawrence, Sir H. M., ii. 308
Lawrenson, Major, ii. 179, 183
Layton, Lieut. (95th), i. 20, 44
Leach, Capt. Jonathan (95th),. i. 20,
30, 41, 89; ii. 211, 214
Lennox, Lord G., i. 164
Lesaca, i. 127
Lester (72nd), ii. 374
Letters, the opening of, ii. 395
Le Verrier (astronomer), ii. 220
Leveson-Gower, Major-Gen., criti
cized, i. 8, 10, 246
Light Division. See Peninsular Army [

Linde, Field Commandant Swellen
dam Burghers, ii. 29, 344, 345
Lindsay (? Lieut. J. P. Lindsell), nth
Dragoons, i. 151, 262
Liniers (Commandant of Buenos
Ayres), i. 10
Lisbon, i. 15, 18, 33, 39
Littler, Major-Gen., ii. 144, 145,
149 ; at Ferozeshah, ii. 149-162
Liverpool, i. 353-355 ; ii. 204
"Lochinvar," Harry Smith's horse,
i. 287, 303, 311, 312, 319
London, i. 211-219, 355, 356, 368,
369; ii. 213-216, 311, 316, 319-
324, 327, 342 ; freedom of the
city, ii. 214 ; defence of, ii. 231
London Missionary Society, ii. 272
Lonsdale, Kafirland, ii. 19
Loodiana (Loodhiana), ii. 146, 168-
180, 186, 188, 189, 200, 201, 384
Louis XVIII. at Ghent, i. 265 ; his
entry into Paris, i. 292, 293
Louvres, i. 298
Lovett, Capt. G. W. M. (50th), ii.
155
Low, Ensign, ii. 376
Lucknow, relief of, ii. 307
Lugard, Capt. E., ii. 160
Lumley, Capt. (? F. D.), ii. 159
Lumley, Gen. J. R., ii. 159
Lumley, Hon. W., i. 10, 359
Lumsden, Capt. (R.N.), i. 339
Lushington (Mil. Sec. to Gen.
Jackson, U.S.A.), i. 245

M
McCaskill, Major-Gen, Sir John,
ii. 148
McCulloch, Capt. J. G. (95th), i.
273
Macdonald, Lieut.-Gen. Sir Alex., i.
47 (!) ; ii. 198 n.
Macdougall, Capt. D. (85th), i. 195,
222, 239, 333
MacDowell, Brig., ii. 1 79
Mackeson, Major, ii. 177, 180
Mackinnon, Col. G. H., in command
at King William's Town, ii. 230,
258, 259 ; engaged in the Kafir

424

INDEX.

War, ii. 263, 264, 267, 270, 275,
277
Mackinnon, Gen., killed, i. 57
McLeod, Major C, i. 31 ; mortally
wounded, i. 65
McLeod, Major N., i. 8
Macomo (son of Gaika, half-brother
to Sandilli) : in Kafir War, 1835, ii.
34, 67, 365, 366, 373 ; making of
peace, ii. 68, 69 ; after-relations,
ii. 76, 79, 86-89, 92, 101, 102,
382; meeting with Sir H. S. in
1847, ii. 228 ; in 1848, ii. 249 ;
joins in Kafir War of 1850-1853,
ii. 277, 278, 283
Madras, ii. 112
Madrid, i. 78, 79, 81, 255
Maharajpore, battle of, ii. 128-138,
315, 316, 388, 389
Mahrattas, ii. 127-138. See Maharaj
pore
Maitland, Sir Peregrine, ii. 226
Malcolm, Col., i. 194, 195
Malcolm, Rear-Adm., i. 186, 191-
193, 195-197, 240, 252, 253, 265,
266
Malines, i. 282
Maling, Surgeon John (52nd), i. 164
Malmesbury, Earl of, ii. 214 n.
Malplaquet, i. 290
Man, Isle of, governorship, i. 335
Manchester, ii. 301-317; "Art
Treasures Exhibition," ii. 306 ;
address from, ii. 312, 313 ; " Peter-
loo," i. 322
Mani (a Kafir messenger), ii. 101,
102
Manningham, Col. Coote (95th), i.
3«.
Maquay (Kafir chief), ii. 37, 366
March (Cambs), ii. 325
March, Lord. See Richmond, Duke of
Maria Josepha, i. 90
Marialva, i. 28, 47
Marines, i. 194
Marlborough, Duke of, i. 306 ; com
pared with Wellington, i. 290
Marmont, Marshal, i. 52, 75
Marsac, i. 181
Martiago, i. 51
Massena, Marshal, i. 30, 37, 41, 48

Medals and clasps of Sir Harry Smith,
ii. 326 ft.
Mein, Capt. William (52nd), i. 129,
130; ii. 343
Melk (a horse-breeder), ii. 8, 9
Mellish (? Col. H. F.), i. 302
Menzies, Mr. Justice^ i. 331 ; ii. 227 ;
letter to, ii. 193, 206
Mersey, the, i. 354
Metcalfe, Lord, ii. 141
Meyers (outfitter at Portsmouth), u
209, 210, 224
Michael, Grand Duke of Russia, i.
310
Michel, Col. (afterwards Gen. Sir
John), ii. 275, 283, 286
Michell, Major, ii. 354 n., 358
Military execution, i. 59, 60
Military prisoners, treatment of, ii.
333-335
Mill, Lieut. (R.A.), ii. 185
Milner Gibson, Mr., M.P., ii. 310
Minni, Sergt., ii. 343, 344
Misreewalla, ii. 159
Missionaries, ii. 77, 89, 92, 381, 383 ;
rescue of, ii. 21, 22, 368 ; degree
of success, ii. 90 ; bad political
influence, ii. 94-96, 272, 275, 409
hot.
Mississippi, the, i. 228, 230, 231, 233
Mobile, i. 248, 250, 251 n.
Modder R., ii. 226, 232
"Moira" (dog), ii. 351,363
Molesworth, Sir W., ii. 271-273
Molloy, Lieut. J. (95th), i. 21, 179
Mondego R., i. 15, 32, 33
Mons, i. 288, 290
Montagu, Mr. John (Colonial Secre
tary at the Cape), ii. 263, 292, 403,
409
Mont de Marsan, i. 166, 168 ; ii.
369
Monteron, Conde de, i. 38
Monte Video, expedition to, i. 4-10,
79, 359-367 5 storming of, ii. 295
Mont Martre (Montmartre), i. 291
Montrose, 3rd Duke of, i. 330; 4th
Duke, ii. 213
Moodkee, battle of, ii. 146-149, 198,
398, 399
Moore family, the, i. 379

INDMX.

425

Moore, Gen. Sir John, i. 3 «., 278 ;
ii. 197 n. ; Swedish expedition, i.
14 ; Peninsular expedition, i. 15-
17
Moore, Rev. George, i. 1 n.
Moore, Rev. T. C. C, i. 372, 377
Morell (staff-surgeon), i. 39
" Moro " (a Spanish greyhound), i.
38, 39, 61-63, 302
Moro Rock and Fort (Havana), i.
3°, 257
Moroco (Chief of the Barolongs), ii.
247
Moshesh (Chief of the Basutos), ii.
232, 233, 248, 270, 277, 278
Moustache ordered to be worn by
officers, ii. 306
Mullins, Col., i. 244
Murchison, Major, ii. 187, 189
Murphy, Major B. (88th), i. 34 n.
Murphy (old soldier), i. 337
Murray, Capt. A. S. (Rifle Brig.),
ii. 243, 244
Murray, Capt. George (72nd), ii. 30,
31, 40, 347, 351, 367, 371
Murray, Dr., ii. 112
Murray, Sir George, i. 142, 143, 162,
163
Murray Castle, ii. 375
Murray, Fort, ii. 289

N
Nann, Sergeant P., i. 21, 22
Napier, Gen. Sir Chas. J., ii. 198 n.,
297, 298 ; letter from, ii. 138 n.
Napier, Major-Gen. Sir George, i.
58; ii. 97, no, 225, 226, 232,
285 «.
Napier, Gen. Sir William F. P., ii.
211, 298, 322 ; at Nivelle, i. 145 ;
his History of the Peninsular War,
i. 43, 5°, "7, H6
Napoleon I., i. 258, 263 ; his tactics
at Waterloo, i. 276, 277
Napoleon III., ii. 302
Narinska, Prince and Princess, i. 305
Nassau, Island of, i. 351, 352
Natal, ii.. 106, 226, 235, 287, 404,
411 j Boers trek from, ii. 234

National defence, ii. 316-322
Nel (a Cape Boer), ii. 268, 345
Nepaul, ii. 135
Neuilly, i. 292, 293, 334
Newcastle-on-Tyne, ii. 310
Newmarket, i. 261, 262, 368
New Orleans, expedition to, i. 226-
247, 275 ; discussed by Wellington,
i. 304, 305
New Providence, i. 351
Ney, Marshal, masterly retreat of, i.
42 ; execution of, i. 294
Nicolls, Gen. Sir Jasper, ii. 113, 116,
122, 123, 388
Nicolls, Lady, ii. 113
Night marches, condemned, i. 202,
203
Nive R., fighting near, i. 153
Nivelle, the, i. 140; battle of, i.
141-151
Nomsa (great wife of Hintza), ii. 33,
71, 368 -
Nonibe (widow of Dushani), ii. 76,
91
Noorpoor, ii. 185
Norcott, Major-Gen. Sir Amos G., i.
318, 321, 340, 342
Norman Cross Barracks, French
prisoners at, i. 2, 3
Northey, Lieut. E. R. (52nd), i. 100
Norton, Lord (formerly Mr. (Sir)
C. Adderley), ii. 279
Nott, Gen., ii. 117-120
Nova Scotia, i. 338-344

O

O'Donneix (soldier of 95th), i. 88
Officers, British, ii. 304
Officers and soldiers, kindly relations
between, i. 26, 27, 88, 185, 254,
318, 321, 322, 337, 339, 340, 343,
344 ; ii. 1 19 »., 222, 223, 228, 287,
288, 289, 299, 230, 310, 325, 329
»•, 333-335, 348, 35°, 352
O'Hare, Major P. (95th), i. 15, 41,
42,65
" Old Chap " (war-horse), i. 93, no,
133, 148, 220
Oldham, Capt., ii. 277

426

INDEX.

Olite, i. 109
Olivenca, i. 75
Onguala, i. 21
Orange, Prince of, i. 297
Orange River district, ii. 226, 232.
See next heading
Orange River Sovereignty: pro
claimed, ii. 235-238 ; rebellion in,
put down, 238-250 ; progress of, ii.
258, 286, 287, 404, 410 ; trouble
with Moshesh, ii. 270, 277, 278,
282 ; proposed abandonment depre
cated by Sir Harry Smith, ii. 278,
279 ; abandonment, ii. 279
Oropesa, i. 19
Orthez, battle of, i. 162-166
Ostend, i. 262, 264
Ovens, Harry Smith's invention of, i.
252, 253
Owen, Mr. Mostyn, ii. 278, 286

Pack, Sir Denis, i. 7, 367
Padre, the. See Vicalbaro, Vicar of
Paget, Sir Edward, i. 16, 84, 85
Painter (servant), ii. 344-346
Pakenham, Gen. Sir E., i. 44, 52,
183, 221, 222, 328 ; his bravery,
i. 171 ; expedition against New
Orleans, failure and death, i. 226-
237, 242-244, 247, 304, 3°S
Palencia, i. 94, 95
Pamplona, i. 104, 105, 114
Paris, the allied armies at and near,
i. 2 »., 291-298 ; a visit in 1824,
i- 334, 335 5 another in 1854, ii.
302
Park (? E. Parker), i. 62
Parker, Adm. Sir Peter, i. 193
Partridge-shooting at the Cape, ii. 7
Pato (chief of the T'Slambies), ii.
229, 249, 262, 267, 268, 289, 355
Patuxen R., i. 197
Pauillac, i. 189, 190
Payne, Major C. W. M. (72nd), ii.
309 »., 315, 323; letters to, ii.
U3«.,3I4, 322-324
Peacock, Dean of Ely, ii. 216, 218
Pearson, Capt. (16th Lancers), ii. 183

Peddie, Col., ii. 341, 342
Pedro V. of Portugal, ii. 308, 309
Pedroso, i. 33 n.
Peel, Sir Robert, ii. 199, 202-204,
213
Peniche, i. 15
Peninsular Army —
ist Division, i. 87, 152, 154
2nd Division, i. 170
3rd Division, i. 47, 57, 58, 61-63,
67, 96, 117, 162, 163, 174, 175,
178 ; Wellington's praise of, i.
216
4th Division, i. 52, 61, 63, 65-67,
96, 117, 131, 133,146,175, 177,
178 ; ii. 205 ; Wellington's praise
of, i. 216
5th Division, i. 46, 47, 61, 63, 67
6th Division, i. 165, 175, 177, 178
7th Division, i. 97, 98, 100, 1 15,
125, 152, 155
Light Division, i. 18-181 (passim),
229, 33z, 337 5 "• 205-208, 222,
3°7. 335. 39° > organization of,
i. 18, 28, 129 ; inspected, i. 51 ;
Craufurd's instructions, i. 18, 98,
109 ; mode of warfare, i. 174,
180, 198, 199, 216, 217 ; dinner
given by the survivors to Sir
Harry Smith (1847), ii. 214-216,
222
Peninsular medal, ii. 216, 396
, Peninsular War, i. 15-181
Penla rivulet, ii. 380
" Peterloo," i. 328
Petit, Col. P. J. (50th), ii. 155
Peyton, Rev. Algernon, ii. 219
Philippolis, ii. 242
Phillips, Lieut.-Col. H. S., ii. 168,
169
Philour, ii. 168, 169, 175-179
Picquets, the posting of, i. 140, 141,
145. »5S. 172, 173. 179, 180. See
Sentries
Picton, Sir T., i. 32, 47, 163 ; at
Toulouse, i. 176 ; at Waterloo, i.
269, 270, 277, 278
Pine, Mr. (Sir) Benjamin, ii. 287,
404, 41 1
Pinhel, i. 30, 32
Pitt, Mr., ii. 318

INDEX.

427

Plate R., plains of the, i. 10, 11
Plymouth, ii. 298
Pollock, Gen. Sir George, ii. 116,
118, 119 n., 129
Pombala, i. 41
Ponsonby, Sir W., i. 270, 277
Poorein, ii. 181
Portalegre, i. 63
Port Elizabeth, ii. 228, 249
Port Natal, ii. 106. See Durban
Portsmouth, i. 4, 17, 222, 223, 258,
323 ; ii. 221-224, 294, 295 ; ad
dresses from, ii. 221, 294 ; George
Inn at, i. 17, 209, 224, 258 ; ii.
222, 294
Potter, Paul, his "Bull," i. 294
Pottinger, Sir Henry, ii. 227, 228,
234, 250 »., 251, 252
Power, Sir Manley, i. 244
Poza Velha, i, 49
Pratt, Lieut. (65th), i. 32, 33
Preston, Lanes, ii. 305
Pretorius, Mr. A. W. J., ii. 234, 235,
238 ; heads the disaffected Boers,
ii. 239-246
Prince Regent. See George IV.
Prinsep, Mr. H. Thoby, ii. 114
Proctor, — (21st Dragoons), ii. 6, 7, 9
Prussia, King of, i. 306, 307, 310
Prussians, the, at Waterloo, i. 276
Puniar, battle of, ii. 130, 388
Punjaub, tke, ii. 119 »., 120, 136,
«39, 395 J history of, ii. 139-143 5
war in, ii. 143-21 1, 397-399
Purcell (settler murdered Ap. 1835),
ii. 368
Putney, i. 215
Pyrenees, i. 114-117 ; ii. 343, 352,
363, 369. 37°; battles, i. 114,
"5

Quadraseyes, Quadrasies, i. 45, 47,
52
Quagga Flats, ii. 377
Quatre Bras, i. 2 «., 266, 278
Queen Adelaide, Province of, ii. 60,
61, 106, 225, 372, 374; Harry
Smith in command of, ii. 62-103,

375-377 J abandoned by order of
Lord Glenelg, ii. 94-103, 225, 261

R
Rademeyer, Field-Commandant, ii.
14, 268
Rae, Sir W., i. 327, 328
Raglan, Lord (Lord Fitzroy Somer
set), i. 58, 66, 75 n., 131, 132, 151,
164, 216, 350, 355 ; ii. 137, 138,
205, 3°2, 3°5, 331, 384
Ramsey, Hunts, ii. 325
Ramsgate, i. 317
Rawstorne, Capt, ii. 77, 85
Redinha, fighting at, i. 41-43, 76
Regiments (British Army) —
Guards, Brigade of,i. 17, 61, 315,
316
Grenadier Guards, i. 315, 316
7th Dragoon Guards, ii. 229
7th Hussars, i. 325, 326
9th Dragoons, i. 13
14th Light Dragoons, i. 28, 33, 49
16th Light Dragoons, i. 28, 44, 52
17th Light Dragoons, i. 359
12th Lancers, ii. 277, 407, 408
16th Lancers, ii. 163, 167, 169,
185, 186, 189
Coldstream Guards, i. 315, 316
2nd (Queen's), i. 34 n. ; ii. 277,
407
3rd (Buffs), i. 278; ii. 134
4th, i. 193, 199, 265, 268
7th Fusiliers, i. 233, 235, 238, 304
9th, ii. 157
21st, i. 194, 232, 244
22nd, i. 346-348
27th, i. 244, 265, 266, 268 ; loss
at Waterloo, i. 27 1, 272
29th, i. 34 *
31st, ii. 161, 170, 173, 182, 189,
397 ; at Sobraon, ii. 193, 194
33rd, i. 346-348
39th, ii. 133
40th, i. 7, 244, 265, 268, 359 ; ii.
133
43rd, i. 3 »., 15, 18, 28, 145 i ii-
407 ; at the Coa, i. 31 ; at
Ciudad Rodrigo, i. 57 j on the

428

INDEX.

Regiments (British Army) — con/.
New Orleans expedition, i. 233,
235, 238, 3°4
44th, i. 193, 199, 232
45th, i. 20 ; ii. 241, 243
50th, at Maharajpore, ii. 134; at
Moodkee, ii. 147 ; at Ferozeshah,
ii. 154-162, 397 ; at Aliwal, -ii.
182, 189; at Sobraon, ii. 193,194
52nd, i. 3 n., 15, 18, 21, 28, 45,
57-59, 85, 86, 98, 119, 120, 132,
134, 147-150, 152, 154, 164,
182 ; ii. 206, 208 ; in Nova
Scotia, i. 339, 340
53rd, ii. 169, 170, 173 ; at Aliwal,
ii. 179, 183, 189
60th Rifles, ii. 277
62nd, ii. 159
72nd (Highlanders), ii. 4, 18, 19,
21, 30, 40, 67,-337, 338, 341,
366, 374, 376
73rd, ii. 260, 276, 407 ; continuous
marches, ii. 277
74th, ii. 268, 269, 280, 400, 407
75th, ii. 20, 338
79th, i. 49
81st, i. 265, 268
84th, 1.-346-348
85th, i. 193
86th, i. 320
87th, i. 20, 359
88th, i. 20, 58
91st, ii. 240, 241, 243
95th (from 1816, Rifle Brigade), i.
2 »., 3-187 (passim), 325, 359-
367 5 «¦ 337, 34°, 348 ; formation,
i. 3 ; confidence in support, i.
99, 119 ; destructive fire, i. 174.
See next heading
Rifle Brigade, i. 329 n. ; ii. 206-
208, 229, 241, 258, 266, 299,
407 ; in Ireland, i. 336, 337 ;
Nova Scotia, 338-344; Sir H.
S. appointed Col. of 2nd Bat
talion, ii. 209 ; transferred to the
ist Battalion, ii. 303 ; his last
inspection, ii. 310
98th, ii. 4
Regiments (Indian Army) —
1st European Light Infantry, ii.
155, 157

Regiments (Indian Army)— ami.
3rd Light Cavalry, ii. 163, 165
19th Native Infantry, ii. 157
24th, ii. 157, .170
28th, ii. 157
30th, at Aliwal, ii. 179, 182, 183
36th, ii. 179
42nd,. ii. 147
47th, ii. 170, 190
48th, ii. 147, 182
73rd, ii. 157
Regiments (German) —
1st German Hussars, i. 24, 25, 28-
30, 45 ; stories of soldiers, i. 26,
27, 47, 48, 52 ; at Waterloo, i.
269 n.
Nassau and Frankfort desert from
the French, i. 155 ; at Waterloo,
i. 269
Regiments (French) —
32nd Voltigeurs, i. 160, 161
Regiments (Portuguese) —
1st and 3rd Cacadores, i. 28, 30,
56 n., 130, 132, 133, 160, 184, 185
Regiments. See also Cape Mounted
Rifles, Corps of Guides, Hottentots,
Marines
Reid, Lieut. W. (R.E.), i. 134, 135
Rendo, Heights of, i. 53
Renny, Col. (21st), i. 235, 237
Rentell, Lieut. (52nd), i. 21, 22
Rex, Mr., ii. 240, 244
Reynell, Major-Gen. Sir T., i. 330 ;
ii. 137
Reynier, Marshal, i. 45, 46
Rhune, La Petite, i. 140, 143-146
Richmond, Duke of (Lord March), i.
164, 165, 302 ; ii. 214
Riet R., ii. 226, 232
Rio Janeiro, i. 4, 364-366
Rio Mayor, i. 37, 38
Ripon, Earl of, ii. 213
Rivers, Harry, ii. 13
Roadmaking in the South African
bush, ii. 285
Robb, Dr. John, i. 23, 222, 223, 239,
240, 243
Robertson, Mr. Thomas Campbell, i.
114, 116
Robledillo, i. 54
Roborough Downs, ii. 300

INDEX.

429

Robson, James (Assistant-Surgeon),
i. 147
Roncesvalles, Pass of, i. 114
Rondebosch, ii. 12, 338, 341-343,
359 ; address from, ii. 290
Ross, Capt. C.(Cape Mounted Rifles),
ii. 40, 52, 56
Ross, (Sir) Hew D. (R.H.A.), i. 76,
88, 99 ; ii. 105, 214
Ross, Col. John (Rifle Brigade), i.
212
Ross, Major-Gen. Robert : Washing
ton and Baltimore expedition, i.
183, 191-208, 213, 214, 221, 222 ;
criticized, i. 197, 207
Ross, Mrs. Robert, i. 207, 217
Rowan, Col. Sir Charles, i. 51, 54,
151 ; K.C.B., ii. 198 «., 211
Runjeet Singh, ii. 1 14, 140, 141, 384
Runjoor Singh, ii. 168, 169, 178,
186
Russell, Lord John, ii. 284, 294
Russia, Emperor of, i. 310
Ryan, Col. T. ( 50th), ii. 155
Ryneveld (civil commissioner), ii. 18,
268

Sabugal, battle of, i. 45, 46
St Arnaud, Marshal, ii. 302
St. Cloud, ii. 302
St. Denis (Paris), i. 291
St. Germain, i. 294-297
St. Jean de Luz, i. 140
St. Michael, Island of, i. 193, 194
St. Sever, i. 167
Salamanca, i. 16, 17, 34 «., 48, 49.
78, 83, 254 ; battle of, i. 75, 76,
127, 151, 277 ; ii. 396
Sale, Gen. Sir Robert, ii. 117, 119
»-, 147, 398
Sajis, Lieut. (CM. Rifles), ii. 242
Sandflies, a remedy for, i. 254
Sandford (Commissary), ii. 345
Sandilli (Gaika chief), ii. 76, 88, 227,
229, 249, 277 ; stirs up the war of
1850, ii. 259-261
Sand River Convention, ii. 286
San Estevan, i. 112
San Felices el chico, i. 89

Sanguessa, i. 109, in, 112
San Millan, i. 97
San Muiios, i. 84
San Pedro, Fort of (Monte Video),
i. 8«.
San Sebastian, siege of, i. 113, 114,
"7, 125, 131 ; ii. 300
Santa Barbara, i. 112
Santarem, i. 37, 38
Sargant, Mrs. (Jane Alice Smith), i.
I «., 2 n., 356, 357,371 ; letter from,
i. 380, 381 ; letters to, ii. 192, 197,
198, 271, 384-399
Scinde, ii. 121, 135
Scinde R., ii. 127
Scott, Gunner (R.H.A.), ii. 184
Scott, Sir Walter, i. 332
Scovell, Sir George, A.Q.M.G., i.
268
Seapoys, ii. 134, 137, 141
Seaton, Capt. (Indian army), ii. 155,
157
Seaton, Lord (Col. Colborne), i.
i- 37, 55, 57, 120-123, 126, 127,
131, 133, 14°, 142-144, 152-154,
156, 170, 197, 199, 200, 201, 234 ;
ii- 3°3, 328, 333 ; severely wounded,
i- 58, 59 > commands a Brigade of
the Light Division, i. 124; military
qualities of, i. 130 ; recommends
H. Smith for a majority, i. 131,
132 ; a bold venture, i. 134-136 ;
storms La Petite Rhune, i. 144-146;
captures a fort, i. 147-150; shot
through his cap, i. 160 ; interests
himself in Harry Smith, i. 182,
183
Sea-voyage, its effect on troops, i.
199. 204
Sedgwick, Prof. Adam, i. 5 n. ; ii.
200 «., 216-221
Sentries, unnecessary, i. 320, 321 ; ii.
4. See also Picquets
Seyolo, ii. 100
Shadwell, Col. L., ii. 323-325
Shaw, Mr. (Corps of Guides), ii. 46
Shekawattee Brigade, ii. 176, 179-
iSs
Shepstone, Mr. (Sir) Theophilus (In
terpreter), ii. 36, 361, 365, 368;
story told by, ii. 247 ».

43°

INDEX.

Shere Singh, ii. 384, 386
Shorncliffe, i. 3 «., 299, 318-320
Sidbury (S. Africa), ii. 228
Sikhs, the, ii. 115, 116, 120, 395;
account of, ii. 139-145 ; war with,
ii. 145-210, 397-399
Sikonyela (Chief of the Batlokuas),
ii. 248
Simla, ii. 122, 139, 208 ; memoranda
dated from, ii. 118 n. ; letters from,
ii. 130, 205, 385-399
Simmons, Major George (95th), i.
32-34, 39, 4°. 48, 146 «-, 171 «¦>
330 ; death, ii. 309 ; letters to, ii.
205, 209, 3<>5
Skelton, Gen., ii. 119 »-
Skerrett, Gen., i. 113, 1 18-128
Slaves in Jamaica, i. 349
Smith, Miss Anna Maria, i. 2, n., 368,
369, 375, 38o, 381 ! «. 328, 394
Smith, Lieut. Band, ii. 169, 174
Smith, Capt. Charles (95th), i. 2 «.,
261, 263, 272, 357, 368, 369 »•>
375-378. 380 ; ii. 218 «., 220 ».,
303, 395 o . , ,
Smith, Eleanor (Harry Smiths
mother), i. I »-, 369. 37 '» 325 »
her parting command, i. 158, 159 ;
ii. 219 ; letter from, i- 37° > ner
death intimated in a dream, i. 156 ;
her death, i. 157, 373"375 i her
grave, i. 221
Smith, Eleanor Moore, i. 2 n., 371,
373, 38° J letters from, i. 368, 374,
379
Smith, Elizabeth, i. 2 n., 371, 375
Smith, George Moore, ii. 306, 324
Smith, Lieut. Harry, ii. 389
Smith, Sir Henry George Wakelyn
(Sir Harry), passim
Smith, Lieut-Col. Hugh, ii. 301,
325, 388
Smith, Jane Alice. See Sargant, Mrs.
Smith, John (Harry Smith's father),
i. 1 «., 156, 223, 259, 262, 263, 359
(dedication), 369, 370, 371, 375 ;
ii- 325, 344. 385, 387 » meets Juana
Smith in London, i. 217-219 ; visits
Cambray, i. 313, 314; his death,
i. 380, 381 ; letters from, i. 157,
288, 373. 376, 378

Smith, John Stona, i. 2 n. ; his mar
riage, i. 368, 369
Smith, Juana Maria de los Dolores
(Lady Smith) : meeting with Harry
Smith, i. 68-71 ; described, 70-
74; beloved by the soldiers, 77,
340; her riding, 75~77, 220,
308 ; her relations, 75, 76, 159 ;
her enjoyment of Madrid, 78, 79 ;
the lost doubloons, 80-83 ; at
Salamanca, 77, 78; campaigning
adventures, 85, 86, 89, 90, 101,
102, 108, 116; false alarms, 100,
133, '37, 260, 286, 287; lame,
94-96, no, m ; a night in a mud
hut, 141 ; forebodings of evil, 144,
151; in danger, 154; on field of
Orthez, 166 ; a brave ride, 167-
169; attacked by a mad woman,
172 ; at Toulouse, 179, 180 ;
separation from her husband, 182-
188 ; reunion in London, 212, 213 ;
visit to Bath, 217 ; meets her
father-in-law, 218, 219 ; at Whittle
sey, 220 ; fresh separation, 222,
223, 228, 251 ; reunion, 259, 260;
departure for Waterloo campaign,
261-267 > her adventures, 280-
288, 377; at Paris, 292-297;
serious illness, 298, 299 ; at Cam
bray, 301-316, 379 ; coursing,'302 ;
dancing, 305, 306 ; accomplish
ments, 308 ; presented to the
Emperor of Russia, 310, 311 ;
wins back "Lochinvar" in a.
raffle, 3 12; her dresses, 317 ; to
Gosport, 320 ; to Scotland, 323 ;
in Edinburgh, 324, 325, 333;
leaving Glasgow, 335, 336; in
Nova Scotia, 340; voyage, 344;
in Jamaica, 344-350; at Nassau,
352 ; voyage to Liverpool, 352-
357
 , At the Cape, ii. 3, 6, 7,
12 ; letters to, 336-377 ; journey
to King William's Town, 64, 65,
372-377 ; her life there, 65, 91,
100 ; return to Cape Town, 103 ;
voyage to Calcutta, 107, 110-112;
journey by d&k, 122, 388; at
Maharajpore, 137, 138, 389; Sikh

INDEX.

431

war, 205, 206, 210, 398 ; in Eng
land, 214 »., 216, 221 ; at Cape
Town, 227, 270, 271, 273, 291;
in England, 297, 299, 301, 303,
3°5, 306, 308, 310, 311, 314, 323,
324, 326 «., 331 ; death, 327 ;
described by her husband, 132,
219, 228, 313, 358, 370, 371
Smith, Mary (Mrs. Charles), i. 369
Smith, Mary Anne, i. 2 n.
Smith, Samuel, i. 2 «., 376
Smith, Col. Thomas L., i. 2 «., 21,
22, 78, 121, 123 «., 369-373, 377,
380, 390 ; ii. 214, 325 ; gazetted,
i. 14; severely wounded, 31-33;
at Ciudad Rodrigo, 56, 57 y with
Colborne after Vera, 135 ; goes
home, 184,1187 ; at Waterloo, 272 ;
a good adjutant, 372 ; death, ii.
328
Smith, Mrs. T. L., ii. 328
Smith, Wakelyn, i. 1 n.
Smith, William, i. 2 «., 381
Smith family, i. 1 ».
Smithfield, ii. 248
Smith, Fort, ii. 373
Smith's Tower, ii. 37
Smoking, i. 254 ; ii. 370
Smugglers, i. 126
Smyth, Capt. Charles, i. 287
Smyth, Major (16th Lancers), ii. 183
Sobral, i. 35
Sobraon, ii. 187 ; British position at,
ii. 163, 164, 190, 191 ; battle of,
ii. I9I-I95, 199, 203
Soldiers in confinement, treatment
of, "• 333-335
Somerset, Major Arthur, ii. 137,
154, 384, 398
Somerset, Lord Charles, ii. 5
Somerset, Lord Fitzroy. See Raglan,
Lord
Somerset, Col. (Major-Gen.) Henry:
in the war of 1835, ii. 16, 17, 21,
27, 34. 35. 341. 351. 359 ; in the
war of 1850, ii. 262-283, 4°°. 4J°
Somerset, Mount, ii. 337
Somnauth, the Gates of, ii. 387
Sonnact, ii. 171
Soult, Marshal, i. 48, 50, 84, 1 13,
"4. 319. 372

Southampton, ii. 212, 213
Southey, Richard (Corps of Guides) ;
Kafir war of 1835, ii. 42, 345 ;
shooting of Hintza, ii. 46-48, 60 ;
Boomplaats expedition, ii. 240,
246, 248
Spanish hatred of the French, i. 106-
108
Spanish soldiers, i. 185
Spanish Town, Jamaica, i. 345
Sparks, Capt. M. G. (49th), ii. 20
Speirs, A., Esq., i. 336
Spencer, Sir Brent, i. 47
Spencer, Lord Charles (95th), i. 170
Sport, i. 15, 20, 21, 38, 39, 55, 61,
63. 82, 89, 92, 162, 293, 295-298,
301-304, 308, 318, 319, 340, 343,
378 ; ii. 5-10, 104
Stackpoole, Capt., i. 227, 228
Stag-hunting: in Portugal, i. 21 ; at
St. Germain, i. 295-297
Stanley, Lord, ii. 251. See Derby,
Lord
Stanway (Provost Marshal), i. 82
Stedman, Brig., ii. 179
Stephanie, Queen of Portugal, ii.
3°9
Steuart, Capt. (95th), i. 184
Stewart, Capt. the Hon. James
(95th), i. 20, 38, 39, 41, 62, 63, 79,
92, 93, no
Stewart, Lieut. (88th), i. 58
Stewart, Lieut, and Adj. James
(95th), i. 29, 35, 43
Stewart, Major Jas., i. 348
Stewart, Major John (95th), i. 43
Stewart, the Hon. Sir W., i. 3, 87 ;
organizes the 95th, i. 3 n. ; anec
dote of, i. 170 ; his bravery, i.
170, 171
Stirling, Sir James, i. 255-258, 339
Stockenstrom, Capt. (Sir) Andries,
ii- 95. 97. 99. 100, 256, 289
Stovin, Lieut.-Col. F., i. 228, 233
Strachey, Lieut., ii. 180
Stretch, Capt., ii. 76
Strode, Lieut. (95th), i. 43
Struve (a man of science), ii. 220
Sturgeon, Major, i. 174
Suchet, Marshal, i. 161
Superstition, ii. 339

432

INDEX.

Suta (widow of Gaika), ii. 76, 86, 88,
9i
Sutlej (Sutledge) R., ii. 144, 162,
163, 169, 175, 179
Swaine, Capt. (R.N.), i. 228
Sweden, expedition to, i. 14, 15
Swellendam, ii. 13, 29, 344
Swetenham, Lieut. H. D. (16th
Lancers), ii. 174

Tabendoda (Tab 'Indoda), Mts., ii,
63, 266
Tafalla, L 109
Taggart, Lieut. (43rd), i. 64
Tagus, the, i. 20, 50
Talavera, battle of, i. 18, 19, 75 «.,
159 ; ii. 396
Talbot, Col. (14th), i. 29
Tambookies, ii. 283
Tarbes, battle of, i. 174, 175
Tarsac, i. 171
Taylor, Brig.,ii. 176, 177
Taylor, Col. Brook, ii. 302
Tej Singh, ii. 142, 145
Thackeray, W. M., on the Aliwal
dispatch, ii. 199
Theopolis, ii. 270
Thomson (? R.E.), ii. 364, 375
Thornton, Col. (85th), i. 195, 198,
199, 234, 235, 238, 239
Thunderstorm in S. Africa* ii. 357
" Tiny " (Juana Smith's horse), i. 76,
77, 85, 92-94, 102, 109, in, 169,
220, 260
Tormes R., i. 76
Toro, i. 94
Torres Vedras, i. 33
Toulouse, i. 76, 130, 167, 171, 179-
183, 216 ; battle of, i. 130, 176-
179 ; battle criticized, i. 178
Trafalgar, battle of, i. 192, 304
T'Slambies, ii. 73, 77, 83, 268, 276,
408
T'solo R., ii. 360
T'somo R., ii. 34, 360, 371, 372
Tucker, Col. (29th), i. 34
Tudela, i. 151
Tugela R., ii. 235

Tulwun, the Ghat of, ii. 178, 179
Turton, Capt., ii. 183, 185
Tyalie (son of the Chief Gaika) : in
1835-6, ii. 69-71/76, 79, 86-88,
90, 99, 100, 102, 342, 365, 366,
373, 382 ; in 1852, ii. 283
Tylden, Capt, ii. 267, 275
Tylden, Major Sir G., i. 233, 237
Tyrol, ii. 297

U

Uitenhage, ii. 14-16, 273, 377
Umdizini bush, ii. 29
Umhala„(chief of the T'Slambies) : in
1835-6, ii. 73, 76, 77-79, 83-88,
ioo, 382 ; in 1848, ii. 249
Umlanjeni (Kafir prophet), ii. 259
Umritsir, ii. 140
Umtata R., ii. 51, 53, 373
Umtini (Hintza's councillor), ii. 35,
36, 42-44, 49, 365, 366, 371
Uniacke, Capt. (95th), i. 56, 57
United Service Club, ii. 296
Upton, Hon. Arthur, i. 87
Ustaritz, i. 162

Vadana, ii. 365, 371, 374
Valde Mula, i. 30
Valenciennes, i. 298, 300, 311
Valiant, Major-Gen., ii. 133
Vallada, i. 37
Valle, i. 37, 38, 40
Vandeleur, Major-Gen. SirH., i. 51,
58, 63, 79, 80, 89, 93, 97, 98, 101,
104, in, 113, 126 ; stories of, i. 82,
105 ¦.
Van der Byl (a horse-breeder), ii. t j
Van Diemen's Land, ii. 255 >
Van Reenen (a horse-breeder), i-", V
Van Wyk, Field Commandant, >»J
268, 341, 369
Vera, i. 112, 113, 117, 131, 137;
attack at the bridge of, i. 1 18-125 »
storming of the Pass of, i. 133-
136, 159
Vernais, i. 298

INDEX.

433

Vet R., ii. 247, 248
Veterans, i. 337 ; discharge of, i. 321,
322
Vicalbaro, Vicar of, u 79-92 (passim)
Vic Begorre, i. 174
Victoria, Queen, ii. 213, 220, 301,
302, 306
Victoria, district of, ii. 229
Villa de Ciervo, i. 24, 25
Villa de Lobos, i. 24
Villalba, i. 108
Villa Vicosa, i. 16
Vimiero, battle of, i. 15
Vittoria, i. 93, 94 ; battle of, i. 97-
100, 105, 125, 277 ; ii. 396
"Vittoria," a pug dog, i. 101, 102,
154, 213, 220, 260, 281-283, 340
Vivian, Gen. Sir Hussey, i. 269 n.,
302, 329, 330, 333
Volunteers in the Duke's army, i.
261
Volunteer Movement, ii. 317-322
W
Wade (A.D.C. to Gen. Cole), i. 78
Wade, Col., ii. 333
Wade, Lieut. John (72nd), ii. 38
Wainwright, Capt. (R.N.), i. 206,
209
Waldemar, Prince (of Prussia), ii.
igo, 305
Waltham Cross, i. 259
War, the horrors of, i. 16, 17, 46, 67,
68, 102, 210, 274, 27; ; the science
of, ii. 352
Ward, Mrs. Harriet, ii. 228, 230 n.
Warden, Capt. (Major) Henry D., ii.
68, 69, 374; British Resident at
Bloemfontein, ii. 226, 232, 236,
239-242, 277, 404, 410
Washington, i. 151, 182, 203 ; capture
of, i. 200, 201, 206, 215, 309
Waterkloof, the, ii. 277, 278, 280,
283
Waterloo, battle of, i. 268-280, 309 ;
criticized, i. 276-279 ; the field
after the battle, i. 273-276, 279,
286, 287 ; the gazette, i. 377 ;
field revisited, i. 309, 310; anni
versary 1819, i. 322 ; do. 1840, ii.
VOL. II.

111 ; do. 1851, ii. 271 ; do. 1852
(Waterloo Banquet), ii. 296, 297 ;
do. 1855, ii. 305
Watin, Mons., i. 312-3151
Waugh, Capt. (16th Lancers), ii. 180
Wellesley, Sir Arthur. See next
heading
Wellington, Duke of, i. 18-181 (pas
sim), 263-316 (passim), 355 ».,372,
396; his discipline, i.32, 116, 136,
'37, 15°, 3°7, 308; his humane
warfare, i. 200 ; his justice, i. 132 ;
gives a hint of intended movements,
i. 80 ; plays a safe game, i. 155, ii.
188 ; his reticence, i. 124 ; know
ledge of the enemy, i. 37, 38, 142,
175, 176 ; use of spies, i. 104 ; sense
of his own dignity, i. 300 ; trusted
by his army, i. 94, 126, 307 ; as a
sportsman, i. 55, 92, 297, 301, 304 ;
stories of, i. 51, 52, 307, 356 ; com
pared with Marlborough, i. 290 ;
his opinion of the Light Division,
i. 216, ii. 222 ; a maxim of, ii. 384 ;
plans battle of the Nivelle, i. 142,
143 ; before battle of Orthez, i. 162,
163 ; before Waterloo, i. 267-270 ;
at Waterloo, i. 272, 276 ; after the
battle, i. 291 ; at Cambray, i. 301-
311 ; as Prime Minister, i. 165,
356 ; conversation on New Orleans
disaster, i. 304, 305 ; his brother,
i. 216 ; his praise of Sir H. S. after
Aliwal, ii. 198 n., 200-202, 204,
205, 326, 327, 330 ; at Cambridge,
ii. 220 ; letter to Sir Harry on the
Kafir war, ii. 269, 270, 273, 274 ;
defends Sir Harry's conduct of the
war, ii. 284, 285 ; gives last Water
loo Banquet, ii. 296, 297 ; death, ii.
298 ;' his letter on national defence,
ii. 316, 317 ; relations with Harry
and Juana Smith, i. 54, 150, 213,
299-310, 35°; "• 130, 131, 205,
213, 221, 296, 297, 298; Harry
Smith's master and pattern, ii. 197
n., 204, 205, 312, 328
Wellington, Fort, ii. 85, 269 ; built,
»¦ 374
Wessels, Field Cornet, ii. 247
West (soldier of 95th, Harry
2 F

434

INDEX.

Smith's servant), i. 77. 85, 89,
100, m, 168, 169, 172, 189, an,
223, 224, 253, 254, 258, 259,
262, 281-286 ; discharged from
the army, i. 322
Westminster, ii. 296
Wheeler, Brig. H.M. : at Moodkee,
ii. 147 ; at Aliwal, ii. 176, 1 79"
182, 189, 190, 201
White, Major (Burgher force, 1835),
ii. 40, 52, 53, 371, 374
White, Brig., ii. 145
White, Fort, ii. 263, 265, 266,
408
Whitelock, Gen., i. 7 »., 8, 9, 10 ;
criticized, i. 246, 247
Whittlesea (Whittlesey), Cambs., i.
1-3, 6 «., 77, 217, 357; ii.
303, 3°6, 395, 396, 397 ; Harry
Smith's first departure from, i.
158; visits to, i. 159, 220-222,
259-263 ; thoughts of, i. 108 ;
dream of, i. 156, 157 ; a wedding
and a funeral at, i. 368-371 ;
Yeomanry Cavalry of, i. 2, 3, ii.
218, 220; visit to, in 1847, ii.
216-219 ; Sir Harry and Lady
Smith buried at, ii. 324, 325,
327 ; letters from, i. 6- «., 288,
368-381
Whittlesea, Cape Colony, ii. 267,
275, 283, 293 ; its founding, ii.
232 n.
Williams, — (R.E.)i ii. 372
Willshire, Fort: 'Huring Kafir war

of 1835, ii. 18, 19, 21, 29, 30,65,
72, 338-341, 343. 355, 376, 377
Wilson, Brig., at Aliwal, ii. 179,
182
Winburg, ii. 226, 233, 238, 239*
241, 247, 248
Winterbottom, John (Adjutant 52nd),
i- 135
Wisbeach (Cambs.), ii. 325
Woburn (S. Africa), ii. 230 n., 261
Woodville, Mr. (Havana), i. 256
Wounded, kindness to the, i. 88, 101,
137-139. 171. 172, 204
Wright, Brig. (39th), ii. 133
Wyld, Brig., ii. 117
Wylly, Major A., i. 243
Wyvill, Commodore, ii. 407
X
Xabecca (Gnabecca) R., i. 44, 45
Xuramenha, fort of, i. 16

Yellow fever, i. 344-348
Yeomany Cavalry, i. 331 ; Whittle
sey troop, i. 2, 3 ; ii. 218, 220 ;
Scottish, i. 330, 331 ; Lord de
Tabley's regiment, ii. 313
Yorke, Gen. Sir Chas. ii. 323

ZAMORA, i. 385

THE END.

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