~!ir«ffif!j![t! Yale University Library Sif 39002004751591 ¦ CS-frG 3UL0 ±*]l£ SPEECHES AND ADDRESSES. BY HENRY W. HILLIARD. NEW YORK: HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE. 1855. ^Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year one thousand eight hundred and fifty-five, by HARPER & BROTHERS, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of New York. C6-5& i.Att TO THE HONORABLE WILLIAM C. PRESTON, of south carolina, My dear Sir, A grateful recollection of your many acts of kindness ex tended to me during my course in the South Carolina College, while preparing to enter upon the walks of life which you al ready adorned, and the cheering encouragement which you gave me when engaged in the study of a profession which your eloquence has so nobly illustrated, inspire the wish to leave some recorded expression of my exalted estimate of your genius and your character, and I therefore Smtrito tn quit tjjta ffalmra nf imj Iprojiw. HENRY W. H1LLIARD. Montgomery, Ala., February, 1855. CONTENTS. THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. A Speech delivered in the House of Representatives of Alabama, January, 1839 Page 9 THE OREGON QUESTION. A Speech delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States, January 6th, 1846 51 PAY OF TROOPS TO BE EMPLOYED AGAINST MEXICO. A Speech delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States, July 16th, 1846 78 THE WAR "WITH MEXICO. A Speech delivered in the House of Representatives ofthe United States, January 5th, 1847 84 RELIEF FOR IRELAND. A Speech delivered in the House of Representatives ofthe United States, March 3d, 1847 114 THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. A Speech delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States, December 18th, 1847 118 THE MISSION TO ROME. A. Speech delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States, March 4th, 1848 125 A GOVERNMENT FOR OREGON— POLICY OF THE ADMINIS TRATION. A Speech delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States, March 30th, 1848 129 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. A Speech delivered in the House of Representatives ofthe United States, April 3d, 1848 151 VI CONTENTS. REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. A Speech delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States, July 24th, 1848 Page 155 GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES.— THE NORTH AND THE SOUTH. A Speech delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States, February 10th, 1849 195 SLAVERY AND THE UNION. Remarks made in the House of Representatives of the United States, De cember 12th, 1849 226 ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA.— PRESIDENT TAYLOR'S POLICY. A Speech delivered in the House of Representatives ofthe United States, February 14th, 1850 236 EXPLANATION— PERSONAL AND POLITICAL. A Speech delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States, March 7th, 1850 262 DEATH OF PRESIDENT TAYLOR. A Speech delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States, July 10th, 1850 276 BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. A Speech delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States, August 28th, 1850 281 POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT TOWARD THE INDIANS. A Speech delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States, February 20th, 1851 315 VINDICATION OF MR. WEBSTER. Remarks made in the House of Representatives ofthe United States, Feb ruary 28th, 1851 319 ADDRESS TO CONSTITUENTS. A Paper addressed to the People of the Second Congressional District of Alabama, declining a re-election to Congress, December 3d, 1850 325 GENERAL TAYLOR'S CLAIMS TO THE PRESIDENCY. A Speech delivered at the Buena Vista Festival in the Chinese Museum, Philadelphia, February 22d, 1848 333 CONTENTS. Vil MASSACHUSETTS AND THE UNION. A Speech delivered at a Dinner given to a Committee of Congress by the City Council of Boston, March 13th, 1848 '. Page 343 AMERICAN INDUSTRY. A Speech delivered before the American Institute, at Castle Garden, New York, October 14th, 1850 348 THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. A Speech delivered in the Musical Fund Hall, Philadelphia, January 3d, 1851 357 CHARLES CARROLL, OF CARROLLTON. An Oration delivered in the Representatives' Hall, before the Legislature of Alabama and the Citizens of Tuscaloosa, December 7th, 1832 383 THE DEATH OF PRESIDENT HARRISON. An Oration delivered before the Citizens of Montgomery, Alabama, April 21st, 1841 397 THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. An Oration delivered before the Citizens of Montgomery, Alabama, Sep tember, 1852 410 DANIEL WEBSTER— HIS GENIUS AND CHARACTER. An Address before the Literary Club and Citizens of Montgomery, Ala bama, December, 1854 456 WOMAN— HER TRUE SPHERE. An Address delivered at the Commencement of La Grange Female College, La Grange, Georgia, July 12th, 1854 476 SPEECHES AND ADDRESSES. THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. A SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF ALABAMA, JANUARY, 1839. The Resolutions being under consideration, and after Mr. Smith, of Madison, had addressed the House, Mr. Hilliard rose and said, Mr. Speaker, — When I survey the magnitude of the question before us, and observe how deeply it af fects the public mind, I experience a sense of respons ibility which is almost painful. I am about to par ticipate in a discussion which has convulsed the whole country, which involves the largest interests of the people of the United States, and which must yet ex ert a powerful influence, for good or for evil, upon their fortunes. We are, sir, in the midst of a revolution; not a revolution conducted by arms, and accomplishing its purposes by the shedding of blood, but a revolution in the opinions and feelings of a great people ; a rev olution, not the less to be feared because it does not now call physical force to its aid, for it is moving the foundations of society, and it is impossible to say where its waves shall be stayed. Every thing established and venerable is threaten ed with destruction ; all that wisdom has approved 10 THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. is assaulted ; the most revered lessons of experience are despised; all must bow before that spirit of change which delights in nothing so much as experi ments upon hgiman society. I look with the most unaffected anxiety upon the present condition of our country. It seems to me to bear a strong resemblance to that which the French nation exhibited before the breaking forth of that convulsion which shook their ancient institutions with such terrible and destructive power. Every philosophical inquirer consents to the opinion that the writings of Voltaire and others of his school pre cipitated that nation into its unparalleled revolution. Mariners are accustomed to judge of the state of the elements by very small signs. The flight of the sea- bird over the mast, cleaving the air with its rapid wing, is regarded as an admonition to prepare for the gathering storm ; and when this solitary messenger, hurrying before the fury of the tempest, is driven far upon land, the sailor's wife utters a prayer for his protection, for she knows that the hour of his danger is at hand. Let us apply the same philosophy, for it is a wise one, to the affairs of our country. Ap peals are daily made to the worst passions of the people, and men, for selfish purposes, attempt to cre ate artificial and dangerous distinctions in society, and to array one class against another class. A want of respect for the laws is constantly manifested, and that deep veneration for our institutions which once characterized us as a people is rapidly passing away; that uncalculating attachment to the country and all that belongs to it, which may well be styled "the THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. 11 cheap defense of nations, " is losing its power. While I speak, sir, the Capitol of one of the states of this Union is held by an armed mob, the representatives ofthe people have been expelled from their seats, and the governor has been compelled to order out the military force of the state to restore order. These are indications of an unsound state of the public mind ; they are the small signs which precede the coming storm. Those who are engaged in the work of disturbing the order of society should remember that they may call up spirits which will not go down at their bidding. Neptune may be roused to shake the sea and land, but it may not be easy to prevail on him to wave his trident, and restore tranquillity and sunshine. I am satisfied that a perseverance in these disorganizing efforts will, in time, involve us in the utmost confusion and anarchy. Standing, then, where I do, the representative of a free and intelli gent people, honored with their confidence, and anx ious to discharge faithfully the trust reposed in me, I feel it to be my duty to meet every question of pub lic interest with a full and candid expression of my views. The scheme which the resolutions under con sideration propose to sustain is one of those which contemplates fundamental and serious changes in our political affairs. I shall endeavor to bestow upon it that calm and fair consideration which its importance deserves. All great questions ought to be examined with candor; mere party considerations should sink ; and we should search for truth under the guidance of a broad and enlightened patriotism. Discussions conducted in this spirit are not idle exhibitions ; they 12 THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. are contests _ in which error is beaten down. The halls of deliberative assemblies are battle-fields upon which the rights of mankind have been vindicated and set up, and the stormy debates with which they resound have shaken thrones and made kings turn pale with fear. We have been charged with a dis position to avoid this contest. I, sir, disclaim any such inclination. I may be so unfortunate as to err in opinion ; I may find myself unsupported here, but I shall not avoid discussion. I claim no forbearance, I ask no quarter. I have always admired the con duct of Camillus, when, upon his return to Rome, he found his countrymen counting out gold to their en emies as the price of their liberty: he interrupted the inglorious negotiation, and, striking his hand upon his sword, said "that the liberty of his country must be bought with steel, and not with gold." Sir, the principles which I hold, in common with other gen tlemen upon this floor, can live in the midst of bat tle ; they will survive it ; they will come out of it strengthened by the conflict. As to the spirit with which I enter into this de bate, I am sure that I claim nothing more than what is due me when I say that I seek only to know what system is best for my country. When I become satisfied that I have found it, I shall, without any ostentatious display of patriotism, give it my hearty support, without stopping to in quire as to its paternity. Indeed, as to the plan pro posed by the President of the United States, and so warmly commended by the gentleman from Madison, it would be no light task to undertake to ascertain its THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. 13 paternity. It is said that seven cities contended for the honor of having given birth to Homer : " Smyrna, Chios, Colophon, Salamis, Rhodos, Argos, Athens, Orbis de patria certat, Homer tua." I think there are as many aspirants to the equivocal honor of having given birth to the sub-treasury scheme — or, if gentlemen will pardon me, I will say the constitutional independent treasury scheme. That, I believe, from the latest advices, is the approved name which its friends have bestowed upon it. I am aware that it is most industriously attempted to appropriate to Mr. Calhoun the honor of having originated it; there must, however, rest upon the minds of his friends some painful doubts. In looking over a small work, written by Mr. Gal latin in 1830, upon banks and currency, I find the following paragraph : "It must, at the same time, be acknowledged, that inasmuch as the revenue may be collected, and the public moneys may be kept in public chests, and transferred to distant places without the assistance of banks, and as all this was once done in the United States, and continues to be done in several countries, without any public bank, it can not be asserted that those institutions are absolutely necessary for those purposes, if we take the word 'necessary' in that strict sense which has been alluded to. All this may be done, though with a greater risk, and in a more inconvenient and expensive manner. Public chests might be established, and public receivers, or sub- treasurers, might be appointed in the same places where there are now offices ofthe Bank ofthe United 14 THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. States, and specie might be transported from place to place, as the public service required it, or inland bills of exchange purchased from individuals." Here is a sketch of the plan. Mr. Calhoun was too warm a friend to the Bank ofthe United States to employ his powers in origina ting any system which should render the government independent of it ; and a plan so wild as this — so un- suited to the habits and interests of our people — could have found no favor in his eyes so long as there re mained the least hope of sustaining that splendid in stitution. It is idle to search his speeches — to call up any thing which fell from his lips, with the hope of discovering some evidence which may persuade the world that he favored this system at an early period. The sensation caused by the intelligence that he had signified his approbation of it Avhen proposed as an executive measure, sufficiently contradicts it. Gen eral Gordon is supposed by some to be the author of the scheme. He certainly introduced it to the atten tion of Congress, not with any hope of its adoption, but as a test of the strength of the deposit system. It is worthy of remark, that the measure was voted down by the friends of Mr. Van Buren, th© very gen tlemen who now hold it forth to the country as the wisest and purest scheme which has ever been exhib ited, and denounce with fierce zeal all who are un able to perceive its beauties or comprehend its merits. The plan is said to have been presented to General Gordon by Condy Raguet, who comes in for his share ofthe honor of its production. He finds a, competi tor in the late President of the United States, who THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. ' 15 presented the scheme to the world in a letter to the " Globe." But I believe that public opinion inclines to lay the system at the feet of Mr. Benton as his own fairly-begotten offspring ; and, sir, I agree fully with some one who declares that if the project pos sesses half the excellence claimed for it by its friends — if it is so replete with blessings to the American people, then its author, Thomas Hart Benton, de serves from their hands a statue of gold. But the gentleman from Madison assigns to it a much earlier birth ; he believes that the framers of the Constitu tion contemplated it. I shall not, sir, attempt to settle these conflicting claims. No matter where the scheme originated, it seems to me to come in a most questionable shape. From my political relations to Mr. Van Buren, I cer tainly was not prepared to look upon any proposition made by him with very partial eyes, but I trust that I was able to survey his measures with some fairness and candor. When I first read the message of the President of the United States, proposing to Con gress the adoption of the sub-treasury scheme, I was in a small village distant from my political friends. Uninfluenced by the uttered sentiment of a human being, I calmly examined it, and pronounced it at once to be a system that looked to the establishment of a colossal despotism. I have reviewed it since — - I have bestowed upon it much reflection ; but the first impression has deepened; my sentiments respecting it are unchanged. I am not insensible, sir, to the disadvantages to which I am subjected by this opinion. I am aware 16 THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. that it leaves me still in a minority. Let it be so. I have too long acted with a minority to experience any uneasiness in my position. I shall remain there until the ever-shifting tide of human affairs sweeps numbers to my side. I should be unworthy to sit here as the representative of an enlightened and mag nanimous people if I could permit myself to be moved by any array of hostile numbers, or seduced by the hope of acquiring honors. I see that the strictest party training is going on. I know that a proscriptive spirit is rising. Every appeal that can be made to human motives is urged, and names, supposed to be of bad odor, are freely be stowed upon those who have the firmness to oppose the administration. Sir, names can never affect prin ciples or change positions. Ingenuity may coin them, and effrontery apply them, but the actual relations of life remain the same. I am what I have ever been. In very early life I imbibed a deep attach ment for free principles, from the very nature of my studies. It is impossible for any one to read the history ofthe contests for popular liberty which have shaken the world — to see the great standard some times rising, and again sinking under the blows of power — without becoming deeply devoted to the cause of mankind. The feeling thus inspired has grown with my growth, and strengthened with my strength. My views of the political questions which concern our own country alone were formed in a state which is renowned for its attachment to the great principles of liberty, and whose people possess, in a degree un surpassed in ancient or modern times, all those lofty THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. 17 qualities which ennoble man. I mean, sir, the State of South Carolina. It is not a little singular that the first speech to which I ever listened in defense of the State Rights doctrine was made by the distinguished gentleman from Madison. He was at that time a member of the South Carolina Legislature. His fame was ripe ; his name was a tower of -strength ; and he fully sus tained his reputation by a powerful exhibition of those peculiar political principles for the defense of which that patriotic state has since become so distinguish ed. I was a boy, leaning from the gallery, and listen ing with eager ear to the debate. The impression then made on me has never passed away. The gen tleman alluded to was sustained on that occasion by a young and ardent man, rich in gifts and in prom ise, the morning of whose fame was darkened by sud den and eternal gloom. I speak of Mr. Nixon. I shall be indulged while I pay a tribute to his mem ory. Young and highly talented — surrounded by de voted friends, who predicted for him a glorious career — he had but started, when he was called out to that field which has so often proved fatal to genius and worth. He fell in a duel at Augusta. Like the young Greek in a chariot-race, who falls by the hand of an enemy when springing from the starting-point, so fell Nixon. Well, sir, from that hour to this I have entertain ed for the distinguished gentleman who now occupies a seat on this floor the profoundest respect. I feel the most unaffected regret in being compelled to dif fer with him now. He is in the camp of our ene- B 18 THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. mies, but I can not forget his past services. He will pardon me for comparing him with Coriolanus. It is well known that this distinguished Roman general, after he had rendered the most important services to his country, and acquired the amplest honors, left his native city, took up his residence among its ancient enemies the Volsci, and even led them armed against; it. Indeed, he would have leveled its walls, and have thrown open its palaces to be plundered by the hos tile hosts at whose head he marched, had not a moth er and a wife come forth, and moved his stern pur pose by their tears. We can make no such appeal to the gentleman who now marches at the head of our enemies against a citadel filled with his ancient friends and allies. We can only point him to that time-hon ored banner which floats over us, in defense of which I have seen his sword flash in the thickest and hot test of the fight, while engaged with us in repelling the Volsci, whom he now leads. I hold, sir, to-day, the same political principles which I held then, and I can not be affected by any party name which may be applied to those principles, nor can I be seduced into the support of the measure under consideration because it professes to be Repub lican. Epithets should be applied with great cau tion. Gentlemen quite as ardent in support of pe culiar measures as the friends of this question now are, and possessing quite as much political informar tion, have been known to abandon their theories and change their opinions. In looking over some of the state papers connected with the events of 1810, I find an able argument in favor of a National THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. 19 Bank presented to Congress in the shape of a pe. tition. By whom, sir, would you suppose that this petition was written ? Who enjoyed the honor of placing his name to it as the first signer? Condy Raguet. Will it be credited? I find, ,too, at a later period, Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Forsyth, Mr. King, our present senator in Congress, and other distinguished gentlemen class ed with the Republican school, voting for the re-char ter of that institution which has since become the subject of such deep and loud denunciation. This is surely enough to check the impetuous zeal of gentle men. It is a strong admonition to forbear. Sir, I deplore the intolerant spirit which I every day see manifested. Intolerance is hostile to every thing good and great ; it is utterly inconsistent with the spirit of freedom. As an Irish orator said of bigotry, "She has no head, and can not think ; she has no heart, and can not feel." The great business of intolerance is to accomplish party purposes at any sacrifice. I heard the argument of the gentleman from Mad ison with pleasure. I am always pleased to listen to the history of my country, whether the story relates to her battles or her politics, and the gentleman has glanced at both. It will not be expected that I should attempt a regular reply, as the argument, though dif fuse, consisting sometimes of narrative and sometimes of panegyric, sometimes unfolding the secrets of early cabinets, and sometimes recounting the deeds done upon the battle-field by the soldier, or upon the sea by the sailor, was aimed chiefly at a National Bank. Upon that subject I have but little to say. 20 THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. The first resolution presented by the gentleman proposes to instruct our senators and request our representatives in Congress to vote against the re- charter of the United States Bank, or any similar in stitution. The responsibility of the representative to his con stituents has been recognized in every republican gov ernment. It grows out of their relations, and must ever exist. Yet it is to be feared that the rights and duties which belong to the connection are often mis understood or abused — that the representative be comes insensible to the influence of lofty and noble considerations, and sacrifices his deliberate judgment to the servile fear of giving offense. This subject is strongly presented by Edmund Burke, whose great, enlightened, and philosophical mind comprehended every subject which it surveyed, while his resplend ent and varied eloquence illustrated and adorned it. In his address to the electors of Bristol, he says, "It- is the duty of the representative to sacrifice his re pose, his pleasures, his satisfactions to his constitu ents. But his unbiased opinion, his mature judg ment, his enlightened conscience, he ought not to sac rifice to you, to any man, or to any set of men living. They are a trust from Providence, for the abuse of which he is deeply answerable. Your representative owes you, not his industry only, but his judgment, and he betrays, instead of serving you, if he sacrifice it to your opinion." He adds again, " If government were a mere mat ter of will upon any side, yours, without question, ought to be superior. But government and legisla- THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. 21 tion are matters of reason and judgment, not of in clination. And what sort of reason is that in which the determination precedes the discussion ; in which one set of men deliberate and another decide ; and when those who form the conclusion are perhaps three hundred miles distant from those who hear the arguments V These are just and noble views, and it will at once occur to you what is the true relation of the repre sentative to his constituents. He is bound by the highest moral obligations to respect their wishes and to obey their will when their sober and matured judg ment has been ascertained. It is, then, upon this acknowledged responsibility of the representative that the doctrine of instruction rests, and we are called upon now to exercise this right. Sir, I will not question the right ofthe Legislature to instruct their senators in the Congress of the United States. It is the Virginia doctrine, and has received the sanction of the great body of the Re publican party, though never recognized, I think, in South Carolina. It must, however, occur to any one who has bestowed attention on the subject, that the connection between the representative and constituent is, in this instance, a peculiar one, and must be con trolled by considerations which do not apply to that relation generally. It is a right which the Legisla ture should rarely exercise, and the occasion which demands it ought to be extraordinary. I doubt if such occasions occur once in twenty years. The Sen ate of the United States is organized upon a plan 22 THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. calculated to give it stability and independence. That body, it was supposed, would be composed of men possessing intellectual and moral qualities ofthe high est order; and.it was the aim ofthe Constitution to insure in that branch of the government a fixed and steady policy, to protect the exercise of an enlighten ed and independent judgment, and to encourage the influence of lofty and expanded considerations. One third of that body is chosen every second year, so that much the larger portion consists of those who are familiar with its business, and interested in its pol icy. It will be remembered, too, that while repre sentatives are chosen for only two years, senators are elected for six. Sir, there must have been some de sign in this. The one body is intended to act as a check upon the other. In the representative branch of the national Legislature, every popular feeling, opinion, and even prejudice is expected to be felt and exhibited ; coming from the great body of the peo ple, directly responsible to them, and holding office. for so brief a season, they are supposed to feel sensi tively, and to reflect most faithfully, every fluctuation in public sentiment. But the Avaves of popular com motion, which will sometimes, in the purest republics, and among the most generous people, rise too sudden ly and mount too high, are expected to dash and break at the feet of a calm and unmoved Senate. I am supported in this opinion by the highest author ity. I have before me the "Federalist" — universally acknowledged to be an able and faithful commentary on the Constitution. It is well known that its de sign was to exhibit the true meaning of the several THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. 23 provisions ofthe Constitution, and to urge its claims upon the people, while the question of its adoption was pending. Of its authors it is necessary to say nothing ; it is enough to name them — Mr. Jay, Mr. Hamilton, and Mr. Madison. I will take the liberty of reading to the House a few words in relation to this particular subject : " The necessity of a Senate is not less indicated by the propensity of all single and numerous assemblies to yield to the impulse of sudden and violent pas sions, and to be seduced by factious leaders into in temperate and pernicious resolutions. Examples on this subject might be cited without number, and from proceedings within the United States as well as from the history of other nations. But a position that will not be contradicted need not be proved. All that need be remarked is, that a body which is to correct this infirmity ought itself to be free from it, and consequently ought to be less numerous. It ought, moreover, to possess great firmness, and con sequently ought to hold its authority by a tenure of considerable duration. "The mutability in the public councils, arising from a rapid succession of new members, however qualified they may be, points out, in the strongest manner, the necessity of some stable institution in the government. Every new election in the states is found to change one half of the representatives. From the change of men must proceed a change of opinions, and from a change of opinions a change of measures. But a continual change even of good measures is inconsistent with every rule of prudence 24 THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. and every prospect of success. The remark is veri fied in private life, and becomes more just, as well as more important, in national transactions." But, sir, this view is presented still more strongly in a succeeding number : "Thus far I have considered the circumstances which point out the necessity of a well-constructed Senate only as they relate to the representatives of the people. To a people as little blinded by preju dice or corrupted by flattery as those whom I address, I shall not scruple to add that such an institution may be sometimes necessary as a defense to the peo ple against their own temporary errors and delusions. As the cool and deliberate sense of the community ought in all governments, and actually wil.1 in all free governments, ultimately to prevail over the views of its rulers, so there are particular moments in pub lic affairs when the people, stimulated by some irreg ular passion or some illicit advantage, or misled by the artful misrepresentations of interested men, may call for measures which they themselves will be most ready to lament and condemn. In these critical mo ments,, how salutary will be the interference of some. temperate and respectable body of citizens, in order to check the misguided career, and to suspend the blow meditated by the people against themselves, un til reason, justice, and truth can regain their author ity over the public mind ! What bitter anguish would not the people of Athens have often avoided if their government had contained so provident a safeguard against the tyranny of their own passions? Popular liberty might then have escaped the indelible reproach THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. 25 of decreeing to the same citizens the hemlock on one day, and statues on the next." Surely, sir, no one can doubt that the great object sought in organizing the Senate was to render it sta ble and independent. It was expected that the im mediate representatives of the people would yield to any commotion, but it was intended that senators should stand firm until the storm had passed away, and the heavens were clear, and the form of Truth visible to all eyes. But, sir, if you instruct your senators in every instance, upon every occasion, small and great, you had better at once repeal that provi sion of the Constitution which secures to them their seats for six years, and make them really dependent on and submissive to you by electing them but for two. You change the form of our government, by destroying that very stability and independence which it was intended should be found in the Senate, if on all matters you legislate for your senators, forward to them peremptory instructions, and force them to obey your wishes or resign. I hope that I shall not be misunderstood in my views of this subject. I do not deny the right to in struct ; I am only throwing about it the guards and checks which ought to surround it. I shall never consent to instruct a senator in Congress unless the occasion be one of extraordinary danger and import ance. I solemnly protest against the abuse of this right ; I solemnly protest against the practice of bringing every party question to bear upon the de liberations of the United States Senate. Sir, has the mature sense of the people of Alabama, in rela- 26 THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. tion to the measure now under consideration, been ascertained ? Has it in any way been made known ? No, sir. And how will a magnanimous people re gard us, if we show ourselves so eager to "bend the supple hinges of the knee" as to anticipate their ac tion, and pledge them to the support of a measure which they have never yet sanctioned, and which I trust they never will sanction ? Gentlemen mistake the people of this country if they hope to excite their admiration or secure their confidence by displaying such inglorious zeal in approving every scheme pro posed by those in power. I am not prepared to make known the sentiments ofthe people of our state upon this subject. The great body of them have nev er entertained it ; and if, in some parts of the coun try, the measure has found favor, public opinion there can be revolutionized by bringing the system Upon the open field of free and bold discussion. I shall not, sir, approach the Senate of the United States with the small clamor of a few party leaders, and en deavor to persuade that body that it is the voice of a state which they hear. No, sir; first let the state speak. Is there the slightest danger that our sena tors will vote for a re-charter of the United States Bank? There is no such proposition before Con gress, and it is well known that body will presently adjourn. Where, then, is the necessity for any in struction on the subject? Why must these resolu tions be pressed through with such hot haste, and for warded to Washington City ? Because gentlemen en tertain the apprehension that our senators, whose sentiments are well known, and whose partisan fidel- THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. 27 ity no one doubts, may be seduced into the support of a proposition, not yet made, to re-charter a Bank of the United States. And are we called on, for this, to exercise the solemn right of instruction ? No, sir ; there is another object. This hue and cry about a National Bank is intended for effect. It is the beat of the reveille, rousing partisans from their slumbers when no enemy is in the field. It is the standard dipped in blood and flame, that it may dart through the country and assemble the clansmen — that it may call up the faithful from the mountain fastnesses of the North — from the level plains of the South, and from the broad but distant sea-board. A party gath ering is desired ; gentlemen who do not like the sub- treasury scheme are to be prevented from scrutinizing its odious features by the cry, which is ever thunder ed in their ears, of "a National Bank!" I do not believe that any plan is on foot to estab lish a National Bank ; the country is not asking for it, and the subject would sleep if it were not for the rising zeal of those who profess still to dread its pow er, and who seem to regard it as a monster over which a spell has been thrown by an incantation, through whose force it may yet break, and rouse itself like a giant refreshed with wine. These are the men who keep the question alive, and who find it very effect ive in their system of party training. I heard with pleasure the eloquent tribute paid by the gentleman from Madison to General Jackson as a soldier. He certainly deserves great praise; and whether we contemplate him pursuing the Indians through the wilderness, driving them to the cover of 28 THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. their gloomy swamps, braving the deadly rifle and the glittering tomahawk, or planting himself in front of a numerous, civilized, and disciplined army, accus tomed to war, and fresh from lately-won fields, he ex cites our admiration and our gratitude. Let him be crowned with the honors which he has earned. Tran quil may his old age be ! But I do believe that he was led into very errone ous and dangerous views of the relations ofthe states to each other, and to the general government. I confess myself, too, unable to comprehend the precise connection between General Jackson's mili tary services and the question of a re-charter of the United States Bank. The gentleman from Madison has interwoven them, and has painted at one moment his favorite hero encamped in the woods, subsisting on acorns and parched corn, and, at another, has sketched the dangers which belong to that institution which still disturbs his repose, and presents visions to his fancy as startling and appalling as those which shook Lochiel upon the eve of battle. He will par don me if I do not feel the force of his reasoning. Other distinguished gentlemen, who have fallen in with the present scheme of the administration, were once friendly to a National Bank. I do not doubt but that with many the change of opinion has been very sincere. I have already alluded to Mr. Calhoun's well-known sentiments, and the name of one of our present sena tors in the Congress of the United States, a gentle man of great worth, might be added. A gentleman now high in office in this state, when THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. 29 but a few years since a member of this House, was not satisfied with voting against a resolution con demning the United States Bank, but spread his pro test on the journal, and recorded his opinion in favor of the absolute necessity for such an institution. But, sir, the aspect of this question has wholly changed, and the condition of the country is widely different from what it was a few years since. Then the bank was in successful operation, and was regard ed by many most able and distinguished men as ab solutely essential to the country. So thought Mr. M 'Duffie, a sound constitutional lawyer, and a states man of extraordinary ability. A committee, of which he was a member, visited Philadelphia in 1832, clothed with full power to examine into the state of the bank. Mr. M 'Duffie and some others, dissenting from the report of the majority of the committee, submitted a counter report urging its re-charter. The popularity of the bank, and the sense of its importance, was even increased by the removal ofthe deposits and the events which succeeded. But, sir, the aspect ofthe question is now changed, as I before remarked. The country is rapidly accom modating itself to its circumstances. There has been a vast concentration of capital in New York. In Philadelphia, the Bank of the United States is oper ating extensively. Mr. Biddle himself would no doubt resist the attempt to create a National Bank. Let us now make suitable arrangements for an ample and sound circulation in the South, and the country is independent of such an institution. The gentleman from Madison remarked severely on 30 THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. Mr. Biddle's entering the cotton-market. This is the very last objection which I should make to him. It increases the demand for our staple commodity, and he can control it but in one way — by bidding more for it than any other purchaser. I am sorry to learn that his operations in this way are to be less extens ive in future. But, sir, I will dwell no longer on the Bank ofthe United States. The instructions proposed to be giv en to our senators respecting it are uncalled for ; it is a mere party maneuver, gotten up for selfish pur poses, and I shall not in any way lend it my aid. We are called on too, sir, to support that system which proposes to collect the public dues in gold and silver. I can not aid in fixing such a system upon the people of the United States. I have already ex pressed my deliberate opinion upon the subject in the resolutions which I had the honor to propose for the adoption of the Legislature, one of which declares that Congress ought to pass no law prohibiting the reception of the notes of specie-paying banks in dis charge of the public dues. There is no necessary connection between specie and property. The precious metals were very early selected to represent things really valuable, because of their scarcity, their durability, their uniformity of value, and other qualities which render them a con venient agent in commercial transactions. But, sir, will it be denied that, when society advances, when the wants of men become more numerous, and their transactions more complex, they are at liberty to sub stitute some more convenient representative of prop- THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. 31 erty ? Surely not. It would be most absurd to at tempt to restrict them to the use of the precious met als. I beg leave to borrow the opinion of a distin guished gentleman in South Carolina — Mr. Petigru. In a speech of great force which he delivered upon this subject in the Legislature of that state, he remarked: "When we speak of a measure or standard, we re fer to fixed and definite proportions, which are equal ly certain and unchangeable ; but when we speak of the precious metals as a measure or standard of val ue, we use the terms in a vague sense, as expressive ofthe use ofthe precious metals, but not of any qual ity that is inherent in them." This is a doctrine perfectly well understood by ev ery commercial nation on the globe, and, sir, it is a most useless enterprise to undertake to persuade the people of this country to abandon it. Nor, sir, will you be more successful in persuading them that the framers of the Constitution of the United States intended to prohibit the employment of some other than a metallic circulation. They were too enlarged in their views, too comprehensive in their mode of thinking, to attempt to fasten a spe cie currency upon this country. I am unable to con ceive how gentlemen reach the conclusion that the reception of bank bills in discharge of public dues "is a plain and palpable violation ofthe Constitu tion." It was not intended that any thing but gold and silver should be made a legal tender in payment of debts. The power is expressly denied to the States, and the general government has no control over individual contracts. But it is any thing else 32 THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. than a strict construction of the Constitution to in fer from this that it intended to forbid the use of all money except that supplied by the precious metals. If it had intended this, it was very easy so to have declared it in express terms. The Constitution has provided a standard of value, to remain unchanged, and to Avhich every other rep resentative of property may be reduced at the pleas ure of the creditor. But it has gone no farther ; it leaves the government and individuals at liberty to employ any circulation which their wants may de mand, and to receive whatever they may choose to select in discharge of claims which they hold. It is most strange that at this day a different con struction should be put on the Constitution, and that an effort should be made to break down the banking system. Let us recur to Mr. Calhoun's views of the powers of Congress over the currency in 1816. In his speech on the Bank Bill at that time before Congress, he says, "The only object the framers of the Constitution could have had in view in giving to Congress the power to coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, must have been to give a steadiness and fixed value to the currency of the United States." He is said by a distinguished states man to have insisted that the state of things existing at the time of the adoption of the Constitution af forded an argument in support of his construction. Mr. C. remarked farther: "For gold and silver coin are not the only money, but whatever is the medium of purchase and sale ; in which bank-paper alone was how employed." THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. 33 Sir, this is undeniably true at this time ; and, if so, what apology can the government offer to the peo ple for rejecting bank paper ? If it be money for the people — if the circumstances ofthe country have call ed it into being, and have given to it its present cir culation, by what reason can it be shown that the servants ofthe people ought not to receive it ? Con gress, most certainly, ought not to pass any law pro hibiting the reception of paper convertible into spe cie, in payment of dues to the government. Such a measure would neither be in harmony with the spir it of our institutions, nor friendly to the interests of our people. It would resemble more the edicts ofthe tyrant, who invented means for making the people feel the iron pressure of his power, and who sought, by destroying their prosperity, to break their spirit. Where is the necessity for such a measure? From whom do you demand gold and silver? From the People. To pay whom ? Officers — the very serv ants of the people. But, sir, the servitude is in the name only ; in all else they are princely. In the or dinary intercourse between man and man, paper will answer as a medium of exchange ; but when a sleek and salaried officer is to be paid, the man who earns his daily bread by the sweat of his broAv and the la bor of his hands must search for glittering coin, and must buy it, whatever inconvenience or expense it may cost to obtain it. Sir, a plain man, engaged in his daily avocations, and called on for a tribute of this kind by a courtly government collector, would be affected by it very much as Hotspur was by the de mand for his prisoners. C 34 THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. Sir, this scheme will never do ; it is unsuited to the latitude of the United States. I solemnly pro test against the measure in the name ofthe people. I protest against it in the name of those whose in terests gentlemen profess such an anxiety to guard. I shall to the last resist a measure which proposes to fasten upon them an odious and heavy tax, and to bind upon their necks a yoke not the less galling be cause it is made of gold or of silver, and not of iron. But it is contended that, by creating a strong demand for the precious metals, and excluding paper, the coun try will enjoy an abundant supply of gold and silver. This view is urged upon us by those who regard the absence of a large supply of gold and silver coin as a great evil, but the opinion is a mistaken one. Mr. Gal latin's opinion on this subject is entitled to weight, and he says, "With the greatest abundance of provis ions, it is impossible for a new country to purchase what it does not produce unless it has a market for its own products. Specie is a foreign product, and, though one of the most necessary, is not yet always that which is most imperatively required. We may aver from our own knowledge that the western coun ties of Pennsylvania had not, during more than twenty years after their first settlement, the specie necessary for their own internal trade and usual transactions." It by no means follows that the banishment of bank paper will insure the presence, of gold and sil ver. You may, like the western counties of Penn sylvania, have neither paper nor coin. Sound bank paper will not expel coin. But, sir, if we should admit all that the advocates THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. 35 of a hard-money currency contend for — if, by dishon oring bank paper, the quantity of gold and silver in the country Avould be increased, this would not pro duce a corresponding increase in its wealth. The country might be flooded with the precious metals, and yet be poor. They are unproductive in them selves; they are not wealth, but only a means of wealth. This opinion corresponds with those long before expressed by Dr. Franklin. ¦ It is a gross though common error to mistake the signs of wealth for wealth itself. Indeed, the great objection to the measures of the present administra tion is, that they are too narrow in their scope ; they leave out of view the great moral causes which ought to rank first in a country's resources; it has begun a retrograde march in ciAalization, and is striving to introduce into this young, wide, and rapidly-growing nation systems long since rejected by every people who have grown great and important. It is devis ing means to curb the spirit of enterprise in the American people, and to reduce us to the cold and barren condition of semi-barbarian nations. Com pare France with Great Britain. France is said to possess about four hundred millions of dollars of spe cie. Now, sir, travel through France: you may ad mire her vine-covered hills ; you may be pleased Avith the characteristic politeness of her people ; but what great works meet your eye? Where Avill you find a magnificent system of improvements to delight you, and to remind you of the century in which you live? You shall find nothing of all this. But pass into 36 THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. Great Britain, and you seem to have strode into an other century — you almost realize some ofthe dreams of Aladdin. Look at her shipping — look at her man ufactories — look at the moral grandeur of the nation. There exists at this moment a strong demand for more bank paper in our own state. In support of this, I appeal to the gentleman from Marengo, who, though devoted to the administration, and a warm advocate of its schemes, a few days since introduced to this House a petition for the charter of a bank in his neighborhood, which has commenced its issues without, I think, a dollar of specie ; and so numer ous were the petitioners, that, as the messenger bore it to your table, it hung like a mantle about him. The direct tendency of the sub-treasury scheme is to break doAvn the banking system of this country. By rejecting bank paper, and by requiring all public dues to be paid in gold and silver, a strong and steady demand is created for coin. When it is once under stood that specie will answer certain valuable pur poses which bank paper will not, gold and silver will become an article of trade; they will be regularly bought and sold at their market value. The demand can be supplied only by purchasing the article from individuals who speculate in funds, or by presenting bills at the counters of the banks % which issued them, and demanding specie. It is idle to hope that the banking system can be sustained under the operation of such a measure ; its prostration would be inevitable. The government would maintain an attitude of direct hostility to the banks ; it would put dishonor upon their bills by re- THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. 37 jecting them ; and would, by its example, encourage individuals to pursue the same narrow, selfish, and destructive policy. Credit is sensitive; confidence is essential to it; and if it is withheld by the government, it can not exist. I do not deny that there may be evils con nected with the banking system as it is at present conducted. It may be abused. If so, amend it ; take hold of it, and improve its structure, but do not con sent to destroy it. Do not lend your aid to the sup port of a scheme which, while it promises to deprive the banks of their power to do evil, at the same time robs them of their ability to do good. The gentleman from Madison has alluded to the soldiers and the sailors who fight our battles in connection with these institutions, and he paid an eloquent tribute to the American navy. No one, sir, feels a stronger regard for that class of our countrymen than I do. While upon the land our army did nobly in the contest with a powerful nation, upon the sea our navy cov ered itself Avith undying glory, and made our na tional banner, while it floated above the smoke of battle, an object of terror to its enemies, and of hope and pride to its friends. I do not believe that a more active, daring, and enterprising set of men live than our sailors. At this hour they are spreading American canvas in the northern seas amid the ice bergs ; among the luxuriant islands of the tropical region; upon the Pacific; upon the Mediterranean: they bear our produce to the ports of the most en lightened and commercial nations on the globe, and, touching with their vessels the shores of a people who 38 THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. have hitherto rejected all intercourse with mankind, they draw them into a wider traffic, and tempt them into an exchange of commodities. Yet, sir, is it a fair objection to banks that this class of our people do not happen to hold stock in them? The reason ing must be very peculiar which conducts one to such a conclusion. I deplore the effort%o steadily made to array one class against another. The pursuits of men are various; they are wisely ordered so; but this ought not to produce hostility and distrust. In this country the rich man is no enemy to the poor. He can not- be. This is a relation which is perpet ually changing. The laborer of this year becomes the moneyed man of the next. Under the benefi cent credit system which this country enjoys, he is enabled to engage in any enterprise which seems to him the most promising. If he inclines to agricul tural pursuits, he penetrates the wilderness ; by the aid of friends he secures a small tract of land, erects his humble cabin, clears the forest about him, and presently gathers from the generous soil its rich prod ucts; or, if he should prefer the busy occupation of trade, he engages in this, cautiously at first, but as his means increase he widens the sweep of his opera tions, and enjoys an ample return for his skill and industry; or it may be that he loves the sea; if so, he takes his place among daring and hardy associates, and, braving cold and danger in the pursuit, he strikes the harpoon into the whale, and returns laden with the spoil. Who, sir, does not know that this is so ber truth, and not a mere picture? Who desires to see this state of things changed? THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. 39 Those very men who are represented as sustaining such serious injury from bank monopolies, are aided in beginning their adventures by these institutions, and, after accumulating wealth, invest their profits in them. I hope, sir, that jealousies will never groAv up between different classes in this country; they would be far more dangerous than those which are founded in geographical relations. Yet it is gravely asserted that there ought not to be a geographical division of parties, but that the true and natural ground of party organization is to array the produc ing class, as it is termed, against the wealthy class. Those who favor such a distinction have looked into the history of the world to but little purpose. If it were introduced here, the contest between plebeians and patricians would be renewed ; contests which oft en shook the power ofthe Roman empire, and threat ened it with greater danger than any external force. The operation of the sub-treasury scheme would reduce the country to a very restricted circulation, and would cripple the enterprise of our people. The want of an ample circulation is acknowledged to be, in any country, a great evil, but in the United States it would be an evil of no common magnitude. It would at once check our advancement in the scale of national importance. I will read a single passage from a speech delivered in Congress by one of its ablest members, Mr. Legare, of South Carolina. He mentions the fact that Avithin a comparatively brief period some of the most fertile and beautiful tracts of the Roman territory had been depopulated ; and he remarks : 40 THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. "Nor, sir, was this owing to the despotism ofthe Csesars, as an excellent writer has well observed in reference to this passage ofthe 'Decline and Fall,1 and as this committee will do well to remark. There co-operated with that misgovernment a curse, which has been said, and is thus proved, to be worse than ' the inclemency of the seasons and the barrenness of the earth, ' a decreasing currency. The supply of the precious metals had been for upward of two centuries continually diminishing, while the quantity of them sent in quest of luxuries to the East, to return no more, had been increasing in the same proportion, and a revenue of 15 or £20,000,000 was constantly levied in gold and silver, to be expended at a distant capital or on the frontiers. " This important fact speaks volumes to us on this subject. It is unquestionably true that one of the greatest calamities of the declining empire was a cir culation diminishing so frightfully, that the pay of a general in the third century was nominally no high er than that of a private had been in the reign of Augustus. So much for the Roman sub-treasury system." Can it be doubted that the same result would fol low the introduction of it here ? It is contended that the value of paper money is too unsettled and fluctuating ; and a specie circula tion is desired, because of its stable and uniform val ue. It can not be denied that uniformity of value is a very important quality in a medium of exchange, yet it is by no means the only one which we desire. It is impossible to select any representative of THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. 41 property which shall possess a perfectly uniform value. While we admit that the precious metals possess a more uniform value than any other currency, yet it can not be denied that bank paper, at all times convertible into gold and silver, is sufficiently stable for all the purposes of trade. ¦ Banks supply, too, a circulation which possesses other very important qual ities ; and among them, abundance. An abundant circulation is absolutely essential to the prosperity of this nation ; without it, the laboring classes toil in vain ; they never rise above the condition of their birth ; the son inherits poverty from his father, and in turn transmits it to his children. Public improve ments can not advance ; capitalists will not aid them ; they employ their funds in more profitable and more selfish enterprises. The very tendency of a restricted circulation is to increase the means of the wealthy and to impoverish the needy. As to convenience, no one will hesitate to admit that bank paper possesses it in a much higher degree than specie. We are a commercial people. Our coun try is an extended one. We are accustomed to pass from one extremity to the other — to push our enter prises, sometimes on the Western frontier, and again on the Southern coast. We need an expanded and convenient currency, which shall cost neither labor or expense in its transportation. Do not bring upon us the Spartan policy ; do not shape your legislation upon the model of the ancient lawgiver, Lycurgus. He sought to preserve the virtue of his people by re straining them from commerce, and by forbidding 42 THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. them to travel. He accomplished his object by con fining them to the use of iron money, and by distrib uting property among them equally. We are fast adopting the one scheme ; is there no danger that the other will be forced upon us? Indulge me in one more reference to Dr. Franklin : "Paper money, well funded, has another great ad vantage over gold and silver : its lightness of car riage, and the little room that is occupied by a great sum, whereby it is capable of being more easily and more safely, because more privately, conveyed from place to place. Gold and silver are not intrinsically of equal value with iron, a metal in itself capable of many more beneficial uses to mankind. Their value rests chiefly in the estimation they happen to be in among the generality of nations, and the credit given to the opinion that that estimation will continue, otherwise a pound of gold would not be a real equiv alent even for a bushel of wheat. Any other well- founded credit is as much an equivalent as gold and silver, and in some cases more so, or it would not be preferred by commercial people in different countries. Not to mention again our own bank bills, Holland, which understands the value of cash as well as any people in the world, would never part with gold and silver for credit (as they do when they put it into their bank, from whence little of it is ever afterward draAvn out), if they did not think and find the credit a full equivalent." Sir, such a currency as I have described our peo ple will have. Look abroad at our growing trade. See our spreading commerce. Observe the activity THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. 43 which pervades every department of life, and say, sir, do you think that the specie system will suit this country? Are you prepared to invite the govern ment to begin the work of fixing it upon us, by re quiring all its dues to be paid in gold and silver ? I trust not. Nor can I consent that the public funds shall be intrusted to the keeping of executive depend ents. The financial objections to the system are nu merous. One of them is strongly stated by Mr. Cheves. He insists that it is a most unwise policy to collect the public dues in gold and silver, and then place the money in the hands of individual agents. You thus abstract it from circulation ; it lies in the vaults of sub-treasurers ; it answers no useful pur pose in life ; and this mass of metal might as well, for the time, be returned to the mines from which it was dug. Nor is the plan a safe one. It exposes the public treasure to be plundered, and presents strong temptation to an abuse of trust. Need I ar gue the point ? I will not : convincing, astounding facts are at hand. Recently, two individuals having charge of the public funds have been ascertained to be defaulters to most extravagant amounts ; one, I think, for a million of dollars, and the other a still greater sum. It would be much safer to compel the collector to place the funds in some safe bank on spe cial deposit. It may be asked in what the advantage would lie. In this, sir. The transaction would, to some extent, be known. Secresy is the protector of crime : pour in light, and it dies. The amount of money deposited in bank by the collector is known to the officers of the institution, and so is the amount 44 THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. removed by him, and even this danger of publicity acts as a check upon him. His conduct is subjected to scrutiny, and any thing extraordinary in it attracts notoriety. Can it be supposed that, under the oper ation of such a system, Mr. Swartwout could have practiced such an extravagant fraud upon the gov ernment as it has lately suffered at his hands? or that his friend, Mr. Price, could have been so success ful in his peculations ? But, sir, there is a much more serious objection to this system than I have yet named. I mean the in creased power which it confers on the President. The public funds ought to be placed beyond his con trol ; they ought not to be in the hands of his crea tures — of those of whom *t may be literally said, "He saith to one, come, and he cometh; and to an other, go, and he goeth." The result would be the building up of a vast and overshadowing executive power, under whose crushing influence popular lib erty would expire. The Constitution of the United States was framed by men profoundly acquainted with political philos ophy. They intended to secure by that instrument as perfect a distribution of political power as could be attained, for they well knew that to concentrate them in the same hands would leave but little hope for the existence of popular liberty. The grand dis tinction between the condition of a free people and of a nation ruled by a king wielding unlimited pow er, is to be found in this : the one not only enjoys actual liberty, but they are protected in its enjoy ment ; their rights are guarded by laws ; while the THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. 45 other, though they may be governed by a wise and lenient ruler, and may be indulged in the exercise of their rights to as great an extent as a people govern ing themselves, yet they possess no security for their perpetuation : this is dependent on the caprice of one man. In the government of the United States, the exec utive power is conferred on the President. It is his duty to see that the laws are faithfully observed; and, to sustain the high and important functions which belong to his office, he commands the whole military force of the country. Other powers are assigned to Congress ; and among them, the control of the pub lic funds — in itself a very high trust. They, the representatives of the people, are to guard the treas ure of the nation with unrelaxing vigilance, and no appropriation can be made without their action. It will at once be seen how deeply this arrangement con cerns popular liberty, and any measure which pro poses to disturb this adjustment of powers is con demned by the Constitution, and is hostile to the dearest public interests. It was remarked by the gentleman from Madison that it is made the duty of the President, by the Con stitution, to appoint public officers, and that the Treas ury Department Avas attached to the executive branch of the government. This is true, sir, but it was nev er thus attached by the Constitution. The Presi dent's control over that department is acquired by indirection. No such officer as Secretary of the Treas ury is named in the Constitution ; but the general power of nominating to office is given to the Presi- 46 THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. dent, and by the existing construction of his author ity, which allows him to remove from office those who have been appointed, he possesses an unlimited influence over an officer who, from the highest con siderations, ought to be wholly independent of him. Yet it is proposed to extend this dangerous influence still further. Not content Avith making the head of the Treasury Department the mere creature of the President — an automaton to move as he shall direct — there are those who desire to see the whole treasure of the people placed in the hands of subordinate of ficers — sub-treasurers, scattered throughout the coun try, Avho owe their official existence to his will, and may be discharged at any moment by the opening of his lips. Will the American people tolerate this alarming encroachment on their rights ? It must at once be seen that it disturbs the balance of power in the government, and confers on the President more than kingly authority. Let some great crisis arrive ; let a reckless and grasping leader sit in the presiden tial chair ; let him desire to accomplish some favorite scheme, the success of which requires money; if it be refused by Congress, what is to prevent his seizing the public funds ? The scruples or remonstrances of his dependents ? What answer did Cassar give when resisted by Metellus ? He laid his hand upon his sword. Sir, the lesson is sufficiently instructive. I will add to my own views those of General Jackson, expressed to Congress in his message of 1835 : "I need only add to what I have on former occa sions said on this subject generally, that in the regu lations which Congress may prescribe respecting the THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. 47 custody of the public money, it is desirable that as little discretion as may be deemed consistent with their safe keeping should be given to the executive agents. No one can be more deeply impressed than I am Avith the soundness of the doctrine which re strains and limits, by specific provisions, executive direction, as far as it can be done consistently with the preservation of its constitutional character. In respect to the control oAJgr the public money, this doctrine is peculiarly applicable, and is in harmony with the great principle which I felt I was sustain ing in the controversy with the Bank of the United States." Yet gentlemen who daily denounce Federalists — who rejoice in the opposite name — who very coolly appropriate to themselves all the political virtue in the land, are clamorous for a measure which clothes the President with giant power. I trust, sir, for their sakes and for ours — for the love I bear our common country — for the hope I cherish of our trans mitting to coming generations the noble institutions under which we live, that the system which those in power are striving to establish may never prevail in this land. One of the resolutions offered by me for the con sideration of the House proposes the establishment of a Southern Bank. Such an institution is of great importance to the Southern and Southwestern States. It would supply a circulation of wide credit, and at the same time aid greatly our efforts to open a direct trade with foreign countries. In the Northern cities there is a vast accumulation of capital, and of late 48 THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. the most extensive financial arrangements have been effected. The country is rapidly accommodating it self to circumstances ; and we must here bring about a countervailing influence, or we shall be again out stripped. I certainly do not desire to foster section al prejudices ; there ought to be no hostility between the North and the South; but there should exist a generous rivalry. We are allied to each other by the glorious recollections of thp past — by a participation in common struggles and common triumphs, and by the proud destiny which the future unfolds to us. Yet, sir, the South is "my own, my native land" — my home, and the birth-place of my children. Her people are my people ; her hopes are my hopes ; her interests are my interests. I desire to see her cities grow, her languid commerce revive, her ports crowd ed with shipping, her agricultural industry enriching her own sons, and her merchants "princes in the land. " I wish to see our educated young men engage more generally in mercantile pursuits, and thus aid in developing the resources and increasing the wealth of their country by a comprehensive and enlightened conduct of commercial business. It would gratify me much to see one of my own sons engage success fully in this honorable pursuit. Why should the South longer hold back? Compare the exports of Charleston with those of New York : the difference is considerable ; but the difference in the amount re spectively imported into each of these cities is vastly greater. Let us stand idle no longer. But individ ual capital in the South not being employed in the importing trade, it is important at once to afford the THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. 49 means to those who will engage in it by the estab lishment of such a bank as I have. mentioned. While it aids the great objects of our wishes, it will supply such a circulation as our wants demand. I have thus, sir, expressed my views of the impor tant subject under consideration. It may be the last act of my public life. I knoAv that the. proscriptive spirit of party is gaining strength, and that it toler ates no freedom of thought. If it be, I shall. carry with me into private life the consolation derived from the. advice of Cato of Utica . to , his son: "My son, avoid public life:, it is incompatible Avith what is due to virtue and to the. gods." If. the time has come when all independence of opinion must be sacrificed at the shrine of power — when the people will sustain no man who dares to be candid, then I desire to have no participation in the administration of public affairs. I can be much happier and much more prof itably employed in giving my attention to humbler duties. But, sir, I entreat gentlemen to pause — I urge them to resist this measure. I trust that they will not lend their aid in fastening it upon the coun try. Let us look at history; let us remember that, in the language of Bolingbroke, it is philosophy teaching by examples. By such measures as that which I now call upon them to resist — by surrender ing all power into the hands of a favorite ruler, pop ular liberty has always been betrayed. Let us be faithful to our great trust. From the battle-fields of all the earth upon which Liberty has set up her standard, there comes to us a cry to be faithful ; from the crumbled senate-halls of nations forever passed D 50 THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM. away there comes to us an imploring appeal not to betray the cause of mankind. Let us not be deaf. But, sir, if this system must prevail — if, in all its co lossal proportions, it is to be fixed upon the Ameri can people, and their liberties shall expire under it, "thou canst not say I did it." Fisher Ames at one time, upon the floor of Congress, wished that he was able to raise his voice until it reached every log cabin beyond the mountains, that he might warn the un suspecting inhabitants of the impending Indian tom ahawk. I wish, sir, that I could make my voice heard in every dwelling throughout this land. Fee ble as it is, I would admonish a great people to rise in their strength, and put down a system which, if once established, may fix upon them and their chil dren a giant despotism. \ THE OREGON QUESTION. A SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, JANUARY 6th, 1846. The Speaker announced as the unfinished business the following joint reso lution, reported by Mr. C. J. Ingersoll, from the Committee on Foreign Affairs : "Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States forth with cause notice to be given to the government of Great Britain that the Con vention between the United States and Great Britain, concerning the Territory of Oregon, ofthe sixth of August, 1827, signed at London, shall be annulled and abrogated twelve months after the expiration ofthe said term of notice, conform ably to the second article ofthe said convention ofthe sixth of August, 1827." Mr. Hilliard, being entitled to the floor, rose and said : Mr. Speaker, — In entering upon the discussion of the great question at present before the House, it will be proper for a moment to recur to the history of the relations of the government of the United States with that of Great Britain in regard to the Territory of Oregon. It is well known that, after several fruitless attempts had been made to adjust the difference between them in relation to the sovereignty of that district of country, both powers had at length agreed to adjourn the question over, and they had mu tually entered into the convention of 1818, by which treaty it was understood that the two parties were to enjoy certain privileges in regard to the territory, which were clearly specified and defined. In the sum mer of 1827, when this convention was about to ex pire by its own limitation, provision was made to per petuate this mutual understanding, simply with the 52 THE OREGON QUESTION. purpose of preserving peace between the parties, and without yielding any portion of the original claims which had been respectively put forth. It is now proposed in this House to terminate that convention, conformably to a provisional article embodied in the instrument itself. Should that termination be brought about as pro posed, what will be the relative positions of this coun try and of Great Britain in regard to the Oregon Ter ritory ? For an ansAver to this question, we are refer red back to the relation subsisting between them be fore the convention was entered into. That relation must, then, be reneAved, and the two nations will stand as conflicting claimants before the civilized world for the entire control over the whole territory. Here, then, comes in the question as to our title — Avhether founded on discovery, exploration, and set tlement by our OAvn citizens, or resting on the claims of Spain ; for Ave shall bring both our own title and the title of Spain to fortify our position, when we meet our competitor in the presence ofthe civilized world. I shall not enter on this question of title ; it has recently been exhibited with great ability, and I should only render myself tedious by repeating argu ments which have already been placed in the clearest light. I simply desire to say, that on the question of our title to Oregon I rely mainly on the previous title of Spain, although I am far from underrating the merits of discoveries and settlements in that re gion by our own enterprising citizens. I admit these, and duly appreciate them ; but, as I have already said, my main reliance is placed on the Spanish title THE OREGON QUESTION. 53 — a title which we did not possess at the time our dis pute Avith England arose ; for it is my belief that, had this title then been ours, the convention of 1818 would never have had an existence. So long as this title remained in the hands of Spain, Great Britain treat ed it with the contempt which marked all her conduct toward that power. Pitt's rooted aversion to Spain is Avell known ; he inherited it from his father, and it made itself manifest in all his public conduct when the occasion provoked it ; indeed, it was but the sen timent of the British nation. So that, although the moral power of that title was as great as it is now, it was not regarded with the respect Avhich was due to it. That title has been recently so convincingly, I may say so triumphantly, pleaded by our present Sec retary of State, that it must have carried actual dis may into the British cabinet, and it has certainly placed our own claim to the country upon more ele vated and commanding ground than it ever stood on before. It is now an American title ; and, with what ever contempt Great Britain might have felt herself warranted in treating it when in the possession of Spain, she will not so treat it Avhen it is put forth before the world as the claim of the United States. I do not speak this boastfully, but I desire that Great Britain shall know that we comprehend our rights, and, I thank God, Ave are able to maintain them. I do not desire, sir, to be understood as putting out of the question our own American title. A late Secretary of State (Mr. Calhoun), Avhose fame is commensurate with the extent of civilization, has placed the American claim on Captain Gray's dis- 54 THE OREGON QUESTION. covery of the mouth of the Columbia River, and on that admitted principle of international law that, by whatsoever nation the mouth of a river is discovered, to that nation belongs the whole of the valley which is drained by its waters. I feel this claim to be of great consequence ; and I must confess that I felt the greatest amazement when, in the debate of Saturday, a distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Winthrop) disclaimed all reliance upon it. Rich as Massachusetts is — and I acknowledge her rich in all that can give elevation to a state — I do not think her, however, in circumstances to abandon such an honor as this discovery. The gentleman came to this House, as I have understood, Avith a rich inheritance of an cestral fame, to which he has largely added in well- merited reputation of his own ; but if he thinks him self entitled to disclaim and cast away this discovery by Captain Gray, I will take it up. If Massachusetts cast him off, I will claim him for the United States. The gentleman has said that Captain Gray, as a navi gator in the Avaters of the Pacific, had no thought of making discoveries on behalf of his country, or of add ing any thing to her territorial clainis, but had sim ply been prosecuting a little harmless trade in fish and peltry. This may be so ; but still he coasted those shores in a vessel of his own, with our national flag waving over his head — in a vessel which, accord ing to the doctrine of an eminent statesman, whose fame belongs alike to Massachusetts and to his whole country, was part and parcel of the American soil. Mr. Webster, in his correspondence with Lord Ash- burton, states the doctrine with great clearness and force. THE OREGON QUESTION. 55 "But, nevertheless, the law of nations, as I have stated it, and the statutes of governments founded on that law, as I have referred to them, show that en lightened nations, in modern times, do clearly hold that the jurisdiction and laws of a nation accompany her ships, not only over the high seas, but into ports and harbors, or wheresoever else they may be water- borne, for the general purpose of governing and reg ulating the rights, duties, and obligations of those on board thereof; and that to the extent of the exercise of this jurisdiction they are considered as parts of the territory of the nation herself." This principle, thus laid down, is not likely to be disputed hereafter among civilized nations ; and it re sults from it that, while the jurisdiction of the nation silently accompanies the vessel in all its course, ex tending over it sleepless and efficient protection, all the discoveries which that vessel makes are for the nation. It was in this spirit that Captain Gray, when in that distant region he entered the mouth of that great stream which had never before been enter ed by any navigator, gave to it the name of his ship — Columbia — thus identifying with it through all time memories of his country and his home. [Mr. Winthrop rose to explain, and the floor being yielded to him for that purpose, he went on to say that the honorable gentleman from Alabama seemed entirely to have misunderstood him. So far from disclaiming or casting away this discovery of Captain Gray, he had, on the contrary, expressly said that he considered it, after all, as our best resort, and as con taining in itself the best claim we could show to the 56 THE OREGON QUESTION. possession of Oregon ; and he had added that Massa chusetts, and especially the people of Boston, felt proud of Gray as a fellow-citizen, and of his discovery as shedding a lustre upon the city of his birth and the state of which he was a citizen.] Mr. Hilliard resumed, and said he was glad to be set right, and, if he had misapprehended the gentle man, to have that misapprehension corrected. He certainly had not intended to misrepresent him. [Mr. Winthrop. Certainly not.] • Still, sir, it seems to me that the gentleman attaches too little value and importance to the title, of any sort, which we hold to the Oregon country. When Captain Gray trod the deck of his ship, having the American colors at his mast-head, whatever new ter ritory -or river he discovered was for. us, the people of the United States. I congratulate Massachusetts that one of her native-born sons has by his enter prise added so much splendor to the records of early discovery on this continent. Honored be the name of Gray. I am prepared to stand by the title of which he has furnished so valuable an element. As to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Winthrop), I can say with entire truth that I greatly admire his spirit and bearing ; on most points we entirely agree ; but I can not consent with the gentleman in any de gree to disparage our title, because it is to be set against that of a powerful and imperious nation. I will not yield a tittle of it. The gentleman talked slightingly about musty records. I do not share in this feeling ; I reverence musty records, and hold them as precious. With a musty record I can up- THE OREGON QUESTION. 57 turn the whole face of human society. With the musty record of Magna Charta in my hand, I can revolutionize the face of Europe, if permitted to pre sent its principles to the minds of her population. I trust that if the dust of age and neglect should ever gather on the sacred volume of our Constitution, and there be a descendant of mine on this floor, represent ing a Southern people as I do, he will be able to call up from that musty record a moral power potent enough to shield their liberties, and to resuscitate and bless the condition of society throughout this land. On the evidence contained in musty records I found my belief that every inch of Oregon is ours. I can see no break in our title from latitude 42° to latitude 54° 40'. I do not say that I would not arrange for any portion of the territory lying between those par allels. It is not for me to make any such arrange ment. That power has been placed by the Constitu tion in the hands of another branch of this govern ment. It is altogether proper that the President should regard all the great interests ofthe country in adjusting a difficult national question. I am not dis posed to disturb his functions. I do not Avish to com mit the House on that point. But I hold our title to be so clear and so capable of demonstration, that, but for the colossal power of Great Britain, and the haugh tiness Avith which she has been accustomed to treat all other nations in the conduct of her diplomacy, I can not but believe that she would withdraw from the contest, overwhelmed by the force of argument which she can not refute. But there are some Avho admit that Great Britain 58 THE OREGON QUESTION. can not maintain her claims to the territory in dis pute upon the grounds to which I have referred, who yet insist that she may extend her possessions in that region upon the principle of continuity of domain. What right has Great Britain to set up a claim to Oregon on the ground of continuity of territory ? Is the seat of her sovereignty on this continent? No; her possessions here and her rights here are colonial. This continent is the seat of our empire. In this view, the venerable gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Adams), and all who have examined the sub ject, will, I am sure, concur, and they will bear me out in saying that this ought to outweigh every oth er consideration in a question of this character. The seat of England's sovereignty is across the Atlantic. Holding here only colonial possessions, she seeks to extend them still farther, when neither the compact ness nor the security of her empire requires it, and when her claims come in conflict with those of a na tion holding their original sovereignty on this conti nent. If, then, our title to the territory of Oregon is clear, the next question which presents itself is as to our wisest course to perfect that title. What course ought we to take to secure the possession of that which is ours by title ? In my judgment — and I make the as sertion with profound deference to the opinions of others — "inactivity" is no longer "masterly." I re peat it, inactivity is no longer masterly. There are occasions when, to save what is dear to us, it becomes necessary to act promptly : to act with decision, and to act immediately, is often the only way to act with THE OREGON QUESTION. 59 effect. I do not see that we have any course left but to act, whether we regard the perpetuity of peace, or the possession ofthe territory in dispute. If we would avoid war, we must have the causes of war passed upon and settled. It is not always by adjourning over great, and difficult, and delicate questions, that war can be avoided. Our condition in regard to Or egon is such as to demand action — intelligent, prompt, decisive, comprehensive action. If we should leave this question open, in the present state of the two countries, who can avoid seeing that Avar is inevita- ble? When Lord Ashburton returned to England, after having successfully arranged the difficulties about the northeastern boundary, and was congratulated in the British Parliament on his success, I believe that ex perienced statesman said that the national sky was then clear and without a cloud, saving one minute speck upon the horizon, which he did not doubt would soon disappear. But how has his prediction been fulfilled? That little speck, then no bigger than a man's hand, and scarce perceptible on the far-off margin of the heavens, has since become a dark, and lowering, and portentous cloud ; it has swept over the face of the sky, and hangs all over our north western frontier, gloomy as night. The Avhole aspect of the question is changed ; and, if Ave wish now to maintain our position as the friends of peace, it is time we awoke to action. We must assert our rights ; we must shun a temporizing policy ; we must adopt vigorous measures, and carry them to the very far thest verge to which they can be maintained without 60 THE OREGON QUESTION. a violation of the terms of the convention ; other wise we shall find that the population of the two na tions, intermixing in that remote territory, carrying with them the prejudices and the heat of the con tending parties, protected by and amenable to con flicting jurisdictions, entering into the eager competi tion of trade, will, at no distant day, precipitate us into a war with Great Britain. Nor, sir, is the danger of war all that is involved in the adjournment of this question; we incur the danger of losing the territory altogether. And why do I think so ? From the whole colonial history of the British empire. There was a time when Spain possessed great and extensive colonies, but they have dwindled away. There was a time when France could boast of her colonies, but they have dwindled away. There was a time when Holland swept the seas with her fleets, and held important colonial pos sessions, but they have dwindled away. In the mean time, Great Britain has gone on, growing in strength, extending in power, and spreading her armies abroad into every part of the habitable Avorld. Her lan guage, her laws, her military prowess fill both hemi spheres, while she has belted the globe with her for tresses, to say nothing of her colonies. The British people and their government well understand- the management of colonies. When in Europe a short time since, a distinguished British diplomatist said to me, ' ' Sir, France does not understand how to manage colonies; we do understand it;" and he spoke the truth. Since the year 1609, Great Britain has acquired no less than forty-one colonies, twenty-four THE OREGON QUESTION. 61 of which she has obtained by settlement, nine by ca pitulation, and eight by cession. In the possession of Oregon she seeks to plant herself there permanent ly, and is employing all her power and all her skill to establish her authority over the greater part of that region. At Willamette Falls, in latitude 45° 20', there is a prosperous and growing settlement ; a factory, es tablished by the Hudson's Bay Company, is in oper ation there, under the control of Dr. M 'Laughlin, fac tor to that company, and Avhose copartner is her maj esty's magistrate for that district. This settlement, sometimes called Oregon City, is under the influence of this Dr. M 'Laughlin, a man of fine person, of fin ished and winning manners, of great wealth and un bounded hospitality ; an intelligent man, long expe rienced in business, and well-informed on all subjects connected with his position. Under the auspices of such an individual, have we not reason to expect that Great Britain will go on to plant herself in the pos session and occupancy of the country in such a man ner that we can not expel her, at least not without a severe struggle? If we refuse to protect the thousands of our own citizens who are, and the multitude more who soon will be, in Oregon, may they not conclude, as they are neglected by their own government, to throw off their allegiance, and go over to a government Avhich never refuses and never forgets to protect its citizens in every part of the world ? Their right to do so is a recognized principle of international laAv. If the government refuses its protection, citizens may throAv 62 THE OREGON QUESTION. off their allegiance, and transfer themselves to the jurisdiction of a government that will do its duty ; or, they may determine to set up for themselves, and rear an independent and rival government. Under these circumstances, I am decidedly in favor of ex tending to them our laws and protection. I propose now, sir, to consider the action we should take in carrying out this important policy; and, first, as to this question of notice. I think we ought at once to provide for giving the notice so often referred to in this debate ; nay, I think we must do it. Yet I am not for doing it either in the form proposed in the bill reported by the honorable chairman of the Committee on Territories (Mr. Douglass), or in the resolution more recently reported by the distinguish ed chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. It is my misfortune to differ in opinion from both, and it is my purpose, before resuming my seat, to offer an amendment, striking out in the resolution the words which refer to giving this notice by a joint act of both houses, and inserting a provision empow ering the President of the United States to give such notice when, in his opinion, the public welfare shall require it. I was at first inclined, with the gentle man from Kentucky near me (Mr. Davis), to consider the giving of this notice as an exercise of the execu tive power with which the House had nothing to do ; but, on further reflection, I have changed that opin ion. It is very true that the formation of such a convention is an exercise of the treaty-making pow er, but it does not therefore follow that the dissolv ing the convention must be the exclusive act of that THE OREGON QUESTION. 63 power. That is a different question ; because the "government of the United States," according to the terms of the convention, was one of the high contract ing parties, and of that government this House, as well as the President and Senate, constitute a part. Yet there are grave reasons why Congress, instead of taking the power into its own hands, should lodge it in the hands of the President. I shall not be sus pected of a disposition to increase, unnecessarily, the power of the President ; but I am willing to give the present executive the power which he asks in this matter. I am for giving to the executive all the enr ergy and efficiency which he requires to act in a mat ter of this kind. The country has placed the Presi dent where he is, and the responsibility is his. When the government of Great Britain learns that he is clothed with this power, they will comprehend what a mighty element it is, and will be the more inclined to act with deference to him and to us. It seems to me that all the friends of peace in the House should consent to such an arrangement. It has been said very generally that negotiations have been renewed at London — [Mr. C. J. Ingersoll, chairman of the Committee of Foreign Affairs. That is not a fact. They have not been renewed.] If not, they may yet be. I trust they will be. I am for multiplying the chances for adjustment and peace. The President will have the whole field be fore him, and I am for lodging with him this great element of negotiation. As proposed by the bill from the Committee on Territories, and by the resolution 64 THE OREGON QUESTION. now under consideration, the notice is made absolute; it goes forth in a hostile shape, and no choice is left to the President as to times and seasons, which are often matters of great importance. The power, if given as I propose it, will be quite as effectual, as if exercised absolutely by the House, yet it will leave to the wisdom and discretion ofthe executive the se lection of the manner and time of giving the notice. It imposes on him no responsibility which any exec utive ought to wish to shun. It places him in a grand position, invested with ample power, conferred by the confidence of his country, and it opens before him the opportunity of accomplishing great good for the nation and for the world. I wish to present another Adew. I desire the adop tion of a different plan from that which has been reported from the Committee on Territories as to the extension of our laws over Oregon. It is a part of the plan proposed by. the committee to make do nations of land to actual settlers, and this while the. convention still continues in force; this I can not but consider as a violation of that instrument. I do not think so as to the principle of settlement ; our people may go into that country in any numbers, and they ought to be protected. The bill provides, too, for the extension of the laws of Iowa over Oregon. This will be a mere nominal extension of jurisdiction, and will result in no practical good. It will serve only to make the settlers in that remote district of country acquainted with our laws by their threaten- ings, but the measure can afford them no efficient protection. I should prefer the establishment of a THE OREGON QUESTION. 65 territorial government, so organized as not to conflict Avith the provisions of the convention. My plan would be to send them out a governor — a sagacious, prudent, experienced, cautious man, Avho would be able to SAveep the whole field Avith his eye, and give information and counsel to the government here as to what was doing and what ought to be done. If any gentleman doubts our power to establish such a government over the whole of the territory, or ap prehends collision Avith the British authorities, then, I say, place your governor south of the Columbia River; that, at least, is a portion of the territory Avhich, I presume, no gentleman in the House is pre pared to surrender. The language of every one here, I doubt not, Avill be like that of the poet : " And many a banner shall be torn, And many a knight to ground be borne, And many a sheaf of shafts be spent, Ere Scotland's king shall cross the Trent." The officers of the Hudson's Bay Company are there, and British magistrates of some description are there also ; why should not our officers and our magistrates be there too? Will not their authority carry with it respect for the American laws and gOA'- ernment? Besides the measure which I have just been con sidering, certain resolutions have been introduced s here which I desire for a moment to refer to. Those offered by the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Winthrop), which look to the adjustment of the Ore gon dispute without war, I certainly admire. The spirit in Avhich they are presented calls for my pro- foundest respect, and I hail them as the exponent of E 66 THE OREGON QUESTION. the sentiment, of an enlightened and Christian age ; and yet I can not vote for them. In my humble judgment, the matter to which they refer — the mode of adjusting a pending political question — belongs to another branch of this government, and their adop tion by us might seriously interfere with the exercise of its functions. As to the counter resolution intro duced by the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Doug lass), I am decidedly opposed to it. It declares that the whole of Oregon is ours up to the parallel of 54° 40', and is intended to commit this House against any negotiation which brings us less than that extent of territory. Now I have already stated my person al conviction as to the extent of our rights, but I will not consent to express any legislative opinion on a matter which clearly belongs to another department. I am for giving the executive full discretion and the amplest scope. This is no party question ; it sweeps beyond all such considerations, and, in the measures connected with it, party feelings and influences should be far from every mind. The country is in a crisis. I feel it to be a crisis; and I am ready to say God speed to the man who shall carry us honorably and safely through it. At an hour like this, I will vote for no resolutions embodying opinions on the one. hand or the other. Let the government take ground which is impregnable, and maintain it with a firm ness that shall command respect. And now, sir, I am met with the question, "Sup pose these measures should lead to war?" I do not think they will lead to war ; they ought not. But Ave are not at liberty, in this matter, to turn away b THE OREGON QUESTION. 67 from a just consideration of the national rights and the national honor, to look at consequences. We are going onward, as Ave should, protecting our own citi zens. We are folloAving the example ofthe republic of Rome, which caused Roman law to prevail, and the aegis of Roman protection to be extended wher ever Roman citizens passed. I abhor war. Re views have no charms for me. The detailed history of battles, and all the slaughters of victory, do but disgust me. I never look with admiration on scenes like these, unless it is Avhen I see a brave and suffer ing people, borne down by oppression, rising up, with united heart, to beat back their oppressors. In regard to the lust of conquest, which has been spoken of as being a derogation to our national char acter, I am ready to confess that I have heard with regret the language held by some gentlemen here about pushing. forward our acquisitions, and planting the American eagle on various points of this conti nent, and all over the Avorld. The expression of such sentiments is the very course to arm all the world against us. The French Revolution has operated more than all other things to disgrace and overthroAv all republican ideas in Europe. And why? Be cause the lust of conquest which grew out of and ac companied that revolution rose so high as to become a terror to the world. France — republican France — sent her armies abroad in every direction. Their movements evinced the highest military skill, and were followed every where by the most splendid vic tories, until French valor was at once the admiration and the dread of all surrounding nations, and the 68 THE OREGON QUESTION. name of France Avas like the sound of a trumpet to the remotest bounds ofthe Avorld. But what Avas the effect? A terrible retribution. And the memory of those conquests and those costly victories is now so linked to the notion of republicanism in Europe that nothing can break the association. Republican ideas must struggle up for half a century before they can reach the position they held in Europe before that great convulsion. I wish for nothing of the kind among us. I deprecate every indication of such a spirit. I believe our system of government to be the wisest and our institutions the happiest Avhich the world ever saAv ; and regarding as I do the happiness of my race, I hope they Avill spread throughout man kind; but let them spread by their own inherent moral power, until the happiness they produce shall create a spectacle for the world to see and to admire. Let this be the triumph of my country. I desire her to realize the prophetic description of Archbishop Cranmer: " Wherever the bright sun of heaven shall shine, Her honor and the gTeatness of her name Shall be, and make new nations ; she shall nourish, And, like a mountain cedar, reach her branches To all the plains about her ; Our children's children shall see this, And bless Heaven." Peaceful triumphs alone are those which I seek — the benign virtues of reason and truth. These I de sire, and none other. If, however, while pursuing such a policy — a policy wise, vigorous, but concilia tory, war should come upon us, I trust the country will be prepared to meet it. If it should come upon THE OREGON QUESTION. 69 us as the result of a moderate but firm assertion of our national rights, the response in every American bosom must be, "Let it come." The venerable gen tleman from Massachusetts near me (Mr. Adams), in tones Avhich rang on my heart like a trumpet, remind ed me of the days of our revolutionary glory. The old fire which blazed so brightly in that ever-memo rable struggle seemed to be flashing up Avithin him, and, while I listened to his patriotic strains, I felt assured that in such a cause we should all act as one man. If we should go into the war in this spirit, I should feel little anxiety as to how we should come out of it. The power of England is fast culminating to its highest point. It must soon reach that chmax in the history of nations from Avhich they have, one after another, commenced their decline, and she ought not to enter into a contest with a great power. If Avise counsels prevail, she will not. Yet, if she should be so irrational, on the ground of such a controversy as that of Oregon, to rush into such a contest, I trust that she Avill be driven back from these shores shorn of her splendor ; and she may be very sure that when this happens it will prove no temporary eclipse, but Avill endure for all time to come, and she will be left a portent in the political heavens, " Shedding disastrous twilight over half the nations." I know her poAver — I knoAv the multitude of her fleets — I know the bravery and discipline of her ar mies ; but, in a Avar thus brought upon us, we ought not to waste a moment in looking at these. We ought to feel confident in our position, confident in our resources, confident in the patriotism of our peo- 70 THE OREGON QUESTION.' pie, and, above all, confident in the blessing of the great Ruler of nations. With these, and with a just cause, I feel that this country is able to resist any attack, and I am confident that we should be good against a world in arms. But I am admonished by the clock that I must hasten to some other topics which yet remain. I now invite gentlemen to turn their attention for a moment to the importance of Oregon, for I believe that its intrinsic importance has been overlooked or much undervalued. And, first, looking at it in a po litical view, it must be admitted to be of great value to us. England has a frontier to the north of us extending three thousand miles, and stretching en tirely across the continent. If Ave permit her to come from that line some five hundred miles down the coast of the Pacific, we shall give her the opportunity of filling up the only break which now exists in that line of continuous fortification with which her energy and vast resources have encompassed the globe. Why is it that she presses with so much earnestness and per tinacity for a strip of land along our western borders? Is it the soil? Is it the trade? No. She could enjoy the trade if the territory Avas ours ; and it cer tainly would be, in that vieAV, better to resign a strip of territory than to lose a good neighbor. These, however, are not the considerations which make her so anxious and so persevering. It is the political value of the territory, which, Avith her accustomed sa gacity, she sees and appreciates. Statesmen ought not to bound their view by things which are at the moment within the range of their eyes. They ought THE OREGON QUESTION. 71 to lift their vision until it embraces the broad field which belongs to the future also. This the British statesmen are in the habit of doing ; and Ave, if we are wise, will folloAV their example. Before we count the value of Oregon, we must look across the Pacific, and estimate that trade with China and the Eastern Archipelago which is soon to open upon us in all its riches, grandeur, and magnificence. As things now exist, our vessels, returning from the ports of Eastern Asia, have, as it were, to run the gauntlet through a long line of British naval posts, from which they are exposed to attack. Her numerous naval stations enable her to keep her fleets in every sea, and how ever widely-spread this Eastern commerce may be, and hoAvever inestimable its value, it is subject in a mo ment to be arrested. But if Ave establish our posts and plant our settlements on the shores ofthe Pacific, our commerce will float in comparative safety over the tranquil bosom of that wide-spread ocean. Sure ly, in this view of the subject, it would be poor policy in us to yield what is essential to the prosperity of our commerce in that part of the world. Again, I regard this controversy respecting Oregon as a national question in the strictest sense of the term. I differed from some of my Whig friends re specting the annexation of Texas, for I viewed it, as I view this, as a national question. In adopting my conclusions, and in conforming to them my course of action in relation to that important subject, I was not conscious of one particle of selfish feeling. What I did I did for my country, for the whole country, for the welfare and aggrandizement of this nation. I 72 THE OREGON QUESTION. was in Europe when that question was first agitated, and witnessed the jealousies of European cabinets in regard to it, and their intrigues and combinations to defeat the annexation, and I felt my American blood roused at the spectacle. I look on Oregon in just the same way ; with us it is no Northern, no South ern question. I have come up here as a national representative. True, I can not wholly divest myself of feelings Avhich were born Avith me, and of early memories which nothing can efface ; but, God help ing me, I intend to do strict and equal justice to all. In my course in this hall, I shall look alone to the national aggrandizement and the national glory ; and I knoAv well that in such a course the people I represent will sustain me. I have not been long enough their representative to say, with John Ran dolph, that no man ever had such constituents ; but I have lived among them, and know them, and I know they will sustain me. I shall enter into no movement of a merely party character, nor shall I be found entering into a combination to elevate or to depress any section of the country at the expense of another. My political career may be short, and the accomplishment may fall far short ofthe purpose, but the conception of duty, at least, shall be glorious ; and if an earnest effort to come up to it constitutes glory, then my career, long or short, shall be glorious. Gentlemen have spoken of the policy of President Monroe, who declared to the nations ofthe Old World that they would not be tolerated in any interference Avith the balance of poAver on this continent, and that they must establish no more colonies on our shores. THE OREGON QUESTION. 73 I am in favor of this policy, so far as it can with justice be carried out. Where European nations have already possessions on this continent, they should be suffered to hold them without molestation ; but we may Avell oppose their planting new colonies in this our Avestern world. The honor of this sentiment, however, it is but fair to say, belongs, justly, as much to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Adams) as it does to' Mr. Monroe ; for, although the latter was the chief magistrate, the former was at the same time Secretary of State, and if he did not suggest, he certainly sanctioned the policy. The present execu tive maintains the same doctrine, and, I doubt not, the whole country will heartily come into it. I have some facts bearing upon the commercial value of Oregon to us Avhich I deem of the first mo ment. England and the United States are the only competitors for the trade of southern China ; the trade ofthe northern portion of China is in the hands ofthe Russians, and is mainly conducted at an annual fair held at Kiachta, lasting for about two months, at which the traders ofthe two nations assemble and carry on their commercial transactions ; but south China is in the hands of England and this country, who are competitors for the profits of the trade. En gland imports every year four hundred and fifty thou sand chests of tea, while we import two hundred thou sand, besides muslins and silks, and other commod ities of great value. In this gainful traffic England regards us a rival power, and she is by no means disposed to give it up. The coast of Oregon fronts that of China, and pre- 74 THE OREGON QUESTION. sents great facilities for carrying on this important branch of our commerce. Fully to avail ourselves, however, of these advantages, we ought to connect Oregon with the State of Missouri by the construc tion of a rail-road. This is not so wild and visionary a scheme as at the first view some gentlemen may be disposed to consider it. Let them reflect that it is but about fifteen years since Mr. Huskisson lost his life in an experimental trip between Liverpool and Manchester, over the first rail-road ever constructed in England. And what is she doing in that system now? And then look on the Continent, and see already completed a large part of one continuous line of rail-road, which is to stretch out twenty-seven hundred miles, entirely across Eu rope, from Odessa to Bremen, while another line will presently extend from the Adriatic for near a thou sand miles. And yet some gentlemen stand and look aghast when any one speaks of a rail-road across our continent, as if it were something wondrous and alto gether unheard of before. Should such a road be con structed, it will become the great higlvway of the world ; we shall, before long, monopolize the trade of the eastern coasts of Asia. At present, it is stated that the shortest possible voyage from London to Canton occupies seventy days ; but it is estimated, over such a rail-road, a traveler might pass from Lon don to Canton in forty days. There is no wildness, no extravagance in the idea, but it is a matter of so ber sense and plain calculation. What a magnificent idea does it present to the mind, and who can calcu late the results to Avhich it Avill lead ! With a route THE OREGON QUESTION. 75 so short and so direct as this, might Ave not reason ably hope to command both the trade and the travel ofthe world ? Ingrafted on this plan, and as its nat ural adjunct, is the extension of a magnetic telegraph, Avhich Avill folloAV the course ofthe road ; unite these tAvo, and Avhere is the imagination Avhich can grasp the consequences ! Whale-ships, returning from their long and hazardous voyages, might touch upon the Pacific coast, and instantly transmit across the con tinent tidings of their safety and their success. In either of the views which I have presented, it is impossible that the importance of Oregon can be overlooked. I trust that these great results will be realized, and I hope at no distant day to see a mail line established across the continent. England has very recently been engaged in an experiment in as certaining the shortest overland route across the Con tinent to the East Indies, and I believe the Oriental Steam Company has determined on that through Germany, by Trieste ; but if we construct this rail road, she will then be dependent on us for the short est and most expeditious, as well as the safest route to China and her East India possessions. Is not the language of Berkeley in the progress of fulfillment when he Avrote that immortal line, "Westward the star of empire takes its way?" When Oregon shall be in our possession, when we shall have established a profitable trade with China through her ports, when our ships traverse the Pacific as they now cross the Atlantic, and all the countless consequences of such a state of things begin to flow in upon us, then Avill be fulfilled that vision which 76 THE OREGON QUESTION. rapt and filled the mind of Nunez as he gazed over the placid waves of the Pacific. I will now address myself for a moment to the mor al aspect of this great question. Gentlemen have talked much and eloquently about the horrors of war. 'I should regret the necessity of a war ; I should de plore its dreadful scenes ; but if the possession of Or egon gives us a territory opening upon the nation prospects such as I now describe, and if, for the sim ple exercise of our rights in regard to it, Great Brit ain should wage upon us an unjust war, the regret which every one must feel will at least have much to counterbalance it. One of England's own writers has said, "The possible destiny ofthe United States of America, as a nation of one hundred millions of freemen, stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific, living under the laws of Alfred, and speaking the language of Shakspeare and Milton, is an august con ception. " It is an august conception, finely embodied ; and I trust in God that it Avill, at no distant time, become a reality. I trust that the world will see, through all time, our people living not only under the laws of Alfred, but that they will be heard to speak through out our wide-spread borders the language of Shaks peare and Milton. Above all is it my prayer that, as long as our posterity shall continue to inhabit these mountains and plains, and hills and valleys, they may be found living under the sacred institutions of Chris tianity. Put these things together, and Avhat a pic ture do they present to the mental eye ! Civilization and intelligence started in the East ; they have trav- THE OREGON QUESTION. 77 eled and are still traveling westward ; but when they shall have completed the circuit of the earth, and reached the extremest verge of the Pacific shores, then, unlike the fabled god of the ancients, who dip ped his glowing axle in the western Avave, they will there take up their permanent abode ; then shall Ave enjoy the sublime destiny of returning these blessings to their ancient seat ; then will it be ours to give the priceless benefits of our free institutions, and the pure and healthful light of the Gospel back to the dark family which has so long lost both truth and freedom ; then may Christianity plant herself there^ and while with one hand she points to the Polynesian Isles, re joicing in the late recovered treasure of revealed truth, with the other present the Bible to the Chinese. It is our duty to aid in this great Avork. I trust we shall esteem it as much our honor as our duty. Let us not, like some of the British missionaries, give them the Bible in one hand and opium in the other, but bless them only with the pure Avord of truth. I hope the day is not distant — soon, soon may its daAvn arise — to shed upon the farthest and the most be nighted of nations the splendor of more than a trop ical sun. Mr. Hilliard closed by offering an amendment such as he had indicated in the course of his remarks. PAY OF TROOPS TO BE EMPLOYED AGAINST MEXICO. A SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, JULY 16th, 1846. Mr. Speaker, — We are at war with Mexico, and I rise to speak of that war freely. It is not my inten tion to discuss the origin of that war, but I wish to give my vi#ws as to the manner in which it should be conducted, and to state the objects which ought to be secured by carrying it on successfully. This is not the time to investigate the causes which led to the war, but it is all-important that Ave should com prehend the responsibility that rests upon us, and see clearly the results ofthe contest. I believe, sir, it is understood on all sides that there are three questions affecting our relations with Mexico, and which must be settled before our troops are recalled: the debts acknowledged to be due to our citizens, the annexa tion of Texas by our government, and the boundary line between the two republics. All these are sub jects of dispute, and they must be disposed of before peace is restored. As to the first of these causes of difference, it is undoubtedly our right and our duty to enforce the payment of debts acknowledged to be just, and so long withheld; but this alone would not have disturbed the peace between the two countries. We should have endeavored to bring Mexico to a settlement of PAY OF TROOPS EMPLOYED AGAINST MEXICO. 79 these claims, without resorting to arms to enforce them ; but, as we are now at war, all causes of disa greement must be removed, and the debts must be paid. As to the annexation of Texas, the right of the United States to undertake and accomplish that measure is too clear to be questioned; nor can we permit Mexico, or any other power, to interfere with or to dispute that right. Our self-respect and our obligations to Texas alike forbid it. Texas has already been acknowledged to be an in dependent state by England, by France, by Holland, and by our own government ; Mexico could not, there fore, rightfully complain of the United States for the act Of annexation. Admitting Texas to be independ ent for one purpose is to admit her to be independent for all purposes. There can be no qualified political independence; the very term independence implies perfect freedom from allegiance to any other power. The truth is, sir, the annexation of Texas was a natural, proper, and inevitable result, groAving out of the sympathies, the kindred blood, and the neighbor hood of the tAvo countries. Long before the event occurred, it was clearly foreseen that it would take place. When that great political question was under dis cussion, I Avas in Europe. I had the honor, at that time, to represent our government at the court of Brussels, and in an official intervieAV with Count Goblet D'Alviella, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, I distinctly announced to him that the annexation would take place some time before it occurred. 80 PAY OF TROOPS EMPLOYED AGAINST MEXICO. The whole resources of the Mexican republic, aid ed by European powers hostile to it, could not have prevented it. Mexico felt that her power over Tex as was gone; and I learned, in that interview to Avhich I have just referred, that she was hostile to the measure of annexation, not because she had any hope of reducing that state again into obedience to her au thority, but it was her wish to interpose a feeble in dependent republic between her borders and our own. She desired to establish a barrier which might shut out the popular surges of this great country, lest they should submerge her; and she was actually prepared to acknowledge the independence of Texas, provided that republic would stipulate never to become an nexed to the United States. While I thus state my opinion Avith so much freedom in favor of the right of our government to acquire Texas, I do not hesi tate, at the same time, to say that it would have been wiser to have effected that great measure by treaty, and to have conciliated Mexico, than to have precip itated the question and plunged the country into war. It is impossible to deny to Mr. Clay the tribute of our unqualified admiration when we regard his course upon this question; he saw the direction which the popular current was taking, but with true courage he resisted and attempted to control it. He desired to avoid war Avith a neighboring government professing to be republican, and he would have treated a people too feeble to resist us Avith forbearance and consider ation. If he had been elected to the Presidency, Texas would have been annexed, and it would have been accomplished without shedding a drop of blood. PAY OP TROOPS EMPLOYED AGAINST MEXICO. 81 But, sir, we are at war; we can not permit Mexico to question our right to annex Texas, and peace can not be restored between the two countries until this question is forever settled. As to the western boundary of Texas, it is not my intention to discuss that question at this time ; it is not before this forum ; it will be settled by negotia tion Avith Mexico, and it is not my desire to embar rass it by calling upon this House for an expression of opinion in regard to it. These, then, are the objects to be attained in this war. Let us keep them steadily in view; there is great danger lest we lose sight of them. As to the manner in which the war should be con ducted, it seems to me that it ought to be pressed with vigor ; that a powerful army should be sent into the field, and that every thing should be done which can be done to subdue Mexico speedily, and to com pel her to submit to just and reasonable terms as the basis of peace. A protracted war is to be dreaded ; it would engender a spirit of conquest, and, losing sight of the legitimate objects which are now before us, we might seek to overrun and hold Mexico in perpetual subjection. The war ought to be conducted with humanity, but in this instance vigor and humanity are identical. When Mexico submits to our arms, we must not insist upon hard terms in negotiating a treaty of peace ; a powerful and great nation may well afford to be generous and magnanimous. We must have a speedy peace, or the lust of conquest, rising beyond our control, will impel us to carry our victorious F 82 PAY OF TROOPS EMPLOYED AGAINST MEXICO. arms over all Mexico, and the nation will feel what Macbeth felt when he exclaimed, " I am in blood steep'd now so far, Returning were as tedious as go o'er." In concluding a negotiation with Mexico, we may find it necessary to take a part of her territory in payment of our just claims against her. It is very desirable to acquire California, and seat our p*Ower on the shores of the Pacific ; but it must be freely offered to us, in payment of debts due to us, or we must pay liberally for it. It must not be torn away from a feeble republic as a conquered province. I feel a strong desire to see our institutions estab lished upon that distant coast, confronting, as it does, a benighted nation long sunk in barbarism, but teem ing with all the elements of civilization, and which, when roused and attracted by the energy and enter prise of our population, will seek our shores, and thus bring the New World in contact with the Old in a realm where they never met before. We need feel no apprehension as to this extension of our territorial possessions; the structure of our government will enable it to embrace the widest em pire. Like the fabled tent in the Arabian Nights, its dimensions may be extended at pleasure. It will cover a small or a great people ; expansion will not impair its strength. These, sir, are my views of the war, very briefly but very frankly stated. It is impossible to overlook the advantages which may be derived from the contest in which we are engaged, but we must never forget what is due to ourselves as a Christian people; we must PAY OF TROOPS EMPLOYED AGAINST MEXICO. 83 never forget what is due to the cause of mankind, nor must we overlook what is due to a feeble repub lic. The first movement on the part of Mexico to ward the restoration of peace must be met by us promptly and generously. Every consideration demands this from us. It is far more important to preserve the principles of a free government than to acquire any territory, how ever extensive or however desirable it may be. I shall vote for this bill making appropriations for the support of the troops engaged in the war with Mexico. I am for granting the largest supplies which the contest demands. It is no longer a question of peace or war ; Ave are already engaged in the conflict, and the arms of the country must be sustained until an honorable peace can be secured. THE WAR WITH MEXICO. A SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, JANUARY 5th, 1847. The House being in Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union, and having under consideration the bill to raise', for a limited time, an additional mil itary force, and for other purposes, Mr. Hilliard rose and said : Mr. Chairman, — The debate which arose upon re ferring the President's message to the several com mittees took so wide a range that I forbore to take any part in it, but preferred to wait until some prac tical question should come up which would afford bet ter ground for what I desire to say. Such a ques tion is now before us, and it involves the same topics. I do not wish to be understood as complaining ofthe spirited and interesting debate Avhich has already ta ken place ; I only regret the asperities which, in too many instances, have marked it on both sides. In all constitutional governments where the represent ative principle is recognized, great latitude of debate must be allowed. The spirit of liberty will make it self heard wherever it exists. It spoke out in the stormy debates of the ancient republics, and it has often shaken the throne and arrested kingly poAver in England. In the language of Burke, "Something must be pardoned to the spirit of liberty." The course of executive power must be boldly surveyed ; it ought to be. Even in royal governments, where it is usual for the monarch in person to address the legislative bodies, it is customary, in discussing the THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 85 reply to the speech from the throne, for the widest latitude of debate to be indulged in, and the utmost freedom of remark is permitted without complaint. In England, especially, the reply of Parliament to the royal speech usually manifests the highest degree of jealousy on the part of that body for the rights of Englishmen. And shall we, who profess to have yet larger views of public liberty, attempt to restrain the utmost latitude of remark on the course of those in trusted with power? Certainly not. Previous to Mr. Jefferson's time, the American presidents came to Congress at the opening of the session, and ad dressed both Houses in person. It was usual, too, for each House to reply to the speech of the Presi dent ; and this afforded the opportunity of discuss ing with freedom the executive measures. At the opening ofthe session of Congress in 1801, Mr. Jeffer son adopted, as most convenient, the practice of send ing a message to the two houses ; and although this form of executive communication made a reply un necessary, yet we are informed by the parliamentary history of the period that a very animated debate took place on the topics it contained. I trust the day will never come when, in this government, such freedom will be denied. A French king once said, "I am the State," but a President of the United States can use no such language. He occupies, it is true, an elevated and very influential position in the government, but the severest examination of his course in the exercise of his functions, in whatever di rection they may be put forth, is consistent with the purest patriotism. 86 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. While, then, sir, I claim for myself, and for other gentlemen of this House, the privilege of discussing executive communications Avith -the greatest freedom, it is not my purpose to enter at large upon an exam ination of the message which the President has lately sent to Congress. There are, however, some subjects which it brings before us of such magnitude, and which must so largely affect the character and happi ness of the country, that I can not consent to let them pass without giving my views of them. We have reached an important point in our history. We are at war. For once, I believe in the existence of a crisis. It is not that there is any thing portentous in the elements which surround us ; the nation with Avhich Ave are at war is a feeble one, and we have nothing to fear from her arms. But a question which was started at the close of the last session, and which has already been reAdved since the commencement of the present one, is sufficiently ominous.* Like a sea- bird driven far inland, it may be a messenger which gives notice of the coming tempest. This question grows out ofthe great topic presented in the message, the war ; and it is here, in this hall, Avhere we have heard some extraordinary declarations made in con nection with it, that I desire to speak of it. I do not wish to precipitate this great question ; it ought not to have been brought here ; but, as it is here, it must be met. This hall should not be converted into an arena for hot controversy, by bringing for discussion here a subject which does not fairly come * The Hon. Mr. Wilmot's resolution as to slavery, and the Hon. Mr. Preston King's bill and speech on the same subject. THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 87 within the range of our deliberations, and which must shake, not only this Capitol, but this republic. But, first, as to the war. This is the great theme of the message — the prominent colossal figure in the foreground of the picture, about which the other ob jects are grouped in humbler and smaller proportions. I suppose it must be so ; our foreign relations, with the single unhappy exception referred to, are all of the most amicable kind ; our internal tranquillity is perfect ; the vast resources of our country are in a course of prosperous development. There is but the one check to our prosperity ; but for this, the Presi dent informs us, the public debt would have been dis charged, and we might now have been engaged in plans for increasing the happiness of our people, and advancing in our high career of civilization. But, though it must be admitted that war is a calamity, yet I can not bring myself to agree with those who think it best to arrest all our movements against Mexico. I concur in opinion with a distinguished senator from Delaware (Mr. J. M. Clayton), who some days since took occasion to say that he was de cidedly in favor of sustaining the government in the prosecution of the war. My honorable friend from Philadelphia (Mr. J. R. Ingersoll) has avowed, the same determination. I do not see that any other course is left us. The question is not noAv whether we shall plunge into a war or not ; the question is, a war having been commenced, shall we sustain it, or shall we let it go down? Shall we infuse neAv vigor into the war by voting the men and the money asked for, or shall we withdraw all support from the 88 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. war, and arrest it before it has accomplished its ob jects ? If the question were now presented to me between peace and war, I should undoubtedly be in favor of peace. But no such election is presented to us. The spectacle before us is a war in progress, our own coun try ©n one side, a foreign country on the other ; our OAvn country, at every step which our armies take, holding forth an offer of peace — an offer which the enemy, as yet, have shown no disposition to entertain. This is enough for me. I range myself on that side on which I see the standard of my country. Over the troops now in Mexico floats the same standard which was borne through the storms of the Revolu tion ; it Avas often dimmed with the smoke of battle ; hostile bayonets bristled about it, and sometimes seem ed to surround and overbear it ; but it emerged from that long and fierce conflict covered with the light of victory. Who is willing to see that banner giving back before the enemy, or trailing in the dust ? Who does not desire that it may be borne in triumph on whatever breeze it may be flung ? I am sure that ev ery gentleman here exults in its triumphs. The fleets which noAv blockade the ports and cruise along- the coasts of Mexico bear the same glorious flag that streamed from the mast-head of the Consti tution when she carried the thunder of our arms to distant seas, and spread dismay among the enemies of our rising commerce ; or, guarding the line of our own coast from the ravages of a formidable foe, rush ed down triumphantly upon her prey. So long as that flag is flying, no matter under what sky, Amer- THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 89 ican hearts Avill mourn over its reverses, and rejoice in its triumphs. The question before Congress is, ' ' Shall we pros ecute this war ?" On that question I can not hesitate for a moment. The Constitution has conferred on Congress the prerogative of declaring Avar. We have recognized the Avar, and by that vote Ave have made the chief magistrate responsible for the mode of con ducting it. So long as the President is thus respons ible, by the theory of our government he is charged with the conduct of the war. He is invested with all the authority which belongs to that important station. It is for us to say hoAV far we will go in voting supplies ; and it must be a great crisis — one such as I have never yet seen, and which has never occurred in our history, Avhich would warrant me in refusing to vote them. Other gentlemen must, of course, decide for themselves ; these are my convic tions. I shall, therefore, while I should be happy to see this war brought to a speedy and honorable term ination, continue to sustain the government in its prosecution till such terms of peace as we ought to accept can be secured. I trust, too, that this Avill be the sentiment of the whole country. So far, the progress of the war has been marked by a self-sacri ficing and patriotic spirit which illustrates our free institutions, and by victories as remarkable and brill iant as any which history records. Whatever regrets may be felt at the interruption of the long career of peace which our country has enjoyed, Ave have at least gratifying proof that it has left no enervating influ ence on the national character. 90 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. But we must not lose sight of the objects of the war. Every war has its object. • In our two contests with Great Britain we had great objects before us. The war of the Revolution was undertaken in defense of a great principle. The spirit of liberty revolted against taxation which was too light to be felt as a burden, but which was too great a violation of prin ciple to be borne by men who were jealous ofthe en croachments of power. "They snuffed oppression in the tainted gale." They struck for freedom, and in the mighty struggle which ensued they had the sympathy of mankind. The contest undertaken for liberty ended in independence. In the later war with that power, the object Avas the immunity of our flag; we undertook to maintain that doctrine, so important to a free commercial state, that those who sailed in an American ship should look to the flag that floated over them for protection, and find in its sanctity se curity against arrest by any power, upon any sea where it might be borne. What is the object of the present war ? The invi olability of our soil, and redress for past wrongs. Whenever Mexico shall be disposed to yield these, we are bound to accept them. Till then, we ought not to hesitate a moment, not only to hold what we have obtained, but to make, if necessary to the attain ment of these objects, still stronger demonstrations. Until the objects of the war are accomplished, we must prosecute these objects. But we owe it to our selves, more even than to Mexico, to take care that these objects are not lost sight of in the heat of the contest. THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 91 I trust we are not carrying on a war for aggrand izement ; if so, we should have selected some other adversary, and not have made the point of our lance ring against the shield of our weakest neighbor. Nor is it a war for the acquisition of territory. We do not wish to strip a feeble state of her posses sions because we are stronger than she. But, until Mexico shall give some unequivocal sign that she is Avilling to grant us an honorable peace, the war must be continued, and ought to be prosecuted with the utmost vigor. I would not be understood by this to mean that I favor any particular plan for conducting the war ; I simply desire to say that such wise and energetic measures ought to be adopted as will save us from the evils of a protracted conflict. There is much wisdom in the advice of Polonius to Laertes : " Beware Of entrance to a quarrel ; but, being in, Bear it, that the opposer may beware of thee." If from the heaAW clouds which overspread Mexico I could see the dove of peace coming to us, bearing but a single olive-leaf in her mouth, I would most gladly hail her approach ; but in the absence of any such pacific sign, I hold that we are bound, as a na tion, to prosecute the war. We ought not to strike Avith a view to dismember the possessions of a weaker people, but our opera tions ought to be characterized by unfaltering energy, and by such a putting forth of strength as shall teach those against whom they are directed that it is their interest to seek a speedy peace. I would accept the first sign of such a disposition on the part of Mexico, 92 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. and, so far from degrading or crushing her, I would meet her with the most generous terms. They should be marked by the magnanimity of a great nation treating with a weak one. Through this war, then, we desire to reach a peace. The President avows this to be the purpose of the government in carrying it on. This is well. It should be so conducted as to leave no room for doubt upon this point. It ought not to appear that while we profess to seek to tranquillize our frontier, to fix our boundary with a neighbor, and to redress acknowledged wrongs, there is a deeper and con cealed object. Are there any indications of a lust of dominion in this war ? Are there any features in the events which have occurred in its progress which may be misunderstood ? I am not, in a factious spir it, about to inquire whether the President has tran scended his authority. I have a loftier purpose. It is comparatively a small question how the adminis tration has used the power intrusted to it, except as its acts affect the character of the country. I propose to inquire whether any thing has occur red which exposes us to the charge of entertaining the purpose of wresting provinces from Mexico by strength, and holding them as permanent acquisitions against her consent. Any early instructions which look to this object, or any subsequent violations of the law of nations which go to show such a purpose on the part of the administration, must dishonor our national character and impair our strength. If this be the object of the war, then is it diverted from its true and legitimate purpose. For the time being, THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 93 the President has the conduct of the war under his charge. The question is, whether the instructions he has caused to be given, and the events of the war, disclose or not a purpose of conquest, and the perma nent acquisition of territory? I shall speak to this question in a spirit of fair ness, as I have already said, with the view of inquir ing whether the President has abused his functions, but in the hope of doing something toward arresting a tendency in our affairs Avhich, if it is permitted to go on, must prove alike fatal to our national charac ter and to our free institutions. Let us examine the instructions which those who Avere sent out to conduct this war took with them. I find among the papers sent to us by the President, in answer to a resolution of this House, moved by the honorable gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Davis), a letter from the Secretary of War, addressed to Gen eral Kearney, under date of June 3, 1846, and marked " confidential," from which I will read a single insig nificant paragraph : "You may assure the people of those proAdnces that it is the wish and design of the United States to provide for them a free government with the least possible delay, similar to that which exists in our Territories. They will then be called on to exercise the rights of freemen in electing their own represent atives to the Territorial Legislature. It is foreseen that what relates to the civil government will be a difficult and unpleasant part of your duty, and much must necessarily be left to your own discretion." How was this discretion employed ? In declaring 94 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. that the conquered provinces were annexed to the United States, in subverting the existing civil gov ernment, looking evidently to the permanent incor poration of the whole territory into the American confederacy. He seemed to comprehend the full scope of the meaning of the Secretary of War, that they should be provided with "a free government with the least possible delay ;" and certainly no gov ernment was ever organized with greater expedition than that which this victorious general set up in New Mexico. Even Ariel doing the bidding of Prospero hardly displayed more swift obedience. Not only was this free government provided for the inhabitants of those remote regions, but they were assured, under instructions from the same high quar ter, that they would soon ' ' be called on to exercise the rights of freemen in electing their own represent atives to the Territorial Legislature." It is impos sible to overlook these things, and they do seem to disclose the existence of a scheme for the conquest and the permanent acquisition of territory at that early day. I shall now turn for a moment to the instructions from the Navy Department, and the operations under them. The Secretary of the Navy, in a letter dated June 8, 1846, and addressed to Commodore Sloat, Avrites : "In like manner, if California separates herself from our enemy, the Central Mexican government, and establishes a government of its own, under the auspices of the American flag, you will take such measures as will best promote the attachment of the THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 95 people of California to the United States, will ad vance their prosperity, and will make that vast re gion a desirable place of residence for emigrants from our soil." How evidently the permanent occupation of that vast region, by emigrants from our soil, seems to be contemplated. This idea is strengthened by pursu ing the instructions given at a subsequent date, July 12, 1846, from the same secretary to the same officer : "The object ofthe United States has reference to the ultimate peace with Mexico ; and if at that peace the basis of the uti possidetis shall be established, the government expects, through your forces, to be found in actual possession of Upper California." The instructions from the same department, ad dressed to the senior officer in command ofthe United States naval forces in the Pacific Ocean, look to the same result. They are dated August 13th, and be gin as follows : " Commodore, — The United States being in a state of war by the action of Mexico, it is desired by the prosecution of hostilities to hasten the return of peace, and to secure it on advantageous conditions. For this purpose, orders have been given to the squad ron in the Pacific to take and keep possession of Up per California, especially of the ports of San Fran cisco, of Monterey, and of San Diego ; and also, if opportunity offer, and the people favor, to take pos session, by an inland expedition, of Puebla de los Angelos, near San Diego. "On reaching the Pacific, your first duty will be to ascertain if these orders have been carried into ef- 96 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. feet ; if not, you will take immediate possession of Upper California, especially of the three ports of San Francisco, Monterey, and San Diego, so that if the treaty of peace shall be made on the basis of the uti possidetis, it may leave California to the United States." Here is a full and unequivocal avowal of the wish of the government to have the operations against California so conducted, that when a treaty of peace is made with Mexico, if the basis of the uti possidetis shall be established, we may be left in possession of that important and coveted territory. That this ba sis would be urged by our government can hardly be doubted, for it would leave us in possession, not only of all our own territory, but of vast acquisitions from Mexico. Let us add to these instructions one more paragraph, hardly less significant than those already read, from a letter addressed by the Secretary of the Navy to Commodore Stockton, and I do not see how any one can resist the conclusion that, from the very commencement of these hostilities with Mexico, the permanent acquisition of vast territorial possessions Avas distinctly in the view of the administration. "You will therefore, under no circumstances, vol untarily lower the flag of the United States, or relin quish the actual possession of Upper California. Of other points ofthe Mexican territory which the forces under your command may occupy, you will maintain the possession or withdraw, as in your judgment may be most advantageous in prosecution ofthe war." But of California, the possession was not to be given up under any circumstances whatever. I do THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 97 not undertake to say whether the acquisition of Cal ifornia, or any other of the Mexican possessions, is desirable or not. I am inquiring into the purpose, on the part of the government, to hold these prov inces as permanent conquests. I pass over the ex traordinary proclamations published to the inhabit ants of California from the sea and from the land ; the one professing to issue from the "Commander- in-chief of the United States naval force in the Pa cific Ocean," and the other dated in the City of An gel?, from the "Commander-in-chief and Governor of the Territory of California, " and am willing to rest the case upon papers emanating from those who hold a confidential relation to the executive. But, sir, whatever are to be the results of the war, it ought not to be carried on so as to violate the law of nations. That code is not to be disregarded ; it is sacred, and ought to be solemnly observed by us, and by all other nations. It is not a collection of abstract essays on public questions of right and wrong. This is a law which is never silent ; it speaks in the midst of arms. It is as diffusive as the air we breathe ; it spreads itself by a sort of omnipresence over land and sea. Taking its rise in a sense of right, which even in early times was powerful enough to vindicate itself, it has gath ered new strength with the advance of civilization, and it is attended in this age by sanctions which no people may disregard. Gustavus Adolphus, in all the wars which he undertook for civil and religious liberty, carried the book of Grotius with him as his guide We should be always ready to do this law G 98 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. homage. It realizes Hooker's noble description of Law in general : "Of law there can be no less acknowl edged than that her seat is the bosom of God, her voice the harmony of the world ; all things in heav en and earth do her homage ; the very least as feel ing her care, and the greatest as not exempt from her power.'1'' Now, what is the language of this law in regard to the rights which result from conquest? Vattel, who has been referred to more than once in the course ofthe remarks which have been made on this subject, says: "The conqueror who takes a town or province from his enemy can not justly acquire over it any other rights than such as belonged to the sovereign against whom he has taken up arms. War authorizes him to possess himself of what belongs to his enemy ; if he deprives him of the sovereignty of that town or province, he acquires it, such as it is, with all its lim itations and modifications. Accordingly, care is usu ally taken to stipulate, both in particular stipulations and in treaties of peace, that the towns and countries ceded shall retain all their liberties, privileges, and im munities.'''' This is the extent of the rights which the conquer or acquires over possessions which the opposing sov ereign held in subjection to his authority, but which did not fully belong to him ; and it is the same right which a successful invader acquires over cities or provinces which he overruns, but which are not re garded as permanent acquisitions, "to be thencefor ward united with the new state." THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 99 "But if the conqueror thinks proper to retain the sovereignty ofthe conquered state, and has a right to retain it, the same principles must also determine the manner in Avhich he is to treat that state. If it is against the sovereign alone that he has just cause of complaint, reason plainly evinces that he acquires no other rights by his conquest than such as belonged to the sovereign whom he has dispossessed ; and, on the submission of the people, he is bound to govern them according to the laws ofthe state." Now, sir, this defines precisely the extent of our rights over those Mexican states which are occupied by our armies. We have expelled the sovereignty of that nation from those territories, and have acquired it. We hold the supreme power there, and the peo ple, 'having submitted to our arms, are "to be gov erned according to the laws ofthe state." The argument made by the gentleman from Vir ginia (Mr. Bayly) on this subject is an able one ; but he misapplies the law, which he very correctly lays down. He says, "We acquire the rights ofthe con quered nation, whatever they are, " and quotes from Wheaton in support of his proposition. No one will question the authority or the law, which asserts that "the right ofthe state to its public property or do main is absolute, and excludes that of its own sub jects as well as other nations," and which defines the national proprietary right in respect to those things belonging to private individuals or bodies corporate within its territorial limits as absolute, as far as it excludes other nations, and as only paramount in re spect to members ofthe state. The other doctrine, 100 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. too, which has been laid down, that ofthe " uti pos sidetis, " will be as little questioned : "The existing state of possession is maintained, except so far as altered by the terms of treaty. If nothing be said about the conquered countries or places, they remain with the conqueror, and his title can not afterward be called in question." But, sir, this law applies to the rights acquired by the conqueror over the property found in the con quered territory, whether public or private, and de termines the results which would follow the conclu sion of a treaty of peace under a certain state of facts. It does not touch the question of political rights, im munities, and privileges. The question is, when the conquered sovereignty gives back before the advancing conqueror, and retires from the territory in dispute, to what does the conqueror succeed? To the rights of the conquered sovereign ; that is, to the right of administering the government of the conquered ter ritory while he holds it. But is the civil government to be subverted, and all existing internal laws to be displaced, and principles and forms which the con queror may happen to think good to be imposed ar bitrarily upon the inhabitants of provinces tempo rarily subjected to his power ? This is the point to be regarded ; for, I repeat, the question as to property does not come up here ; it is a question of political right — -a question of far high er interest and importance. When the gentleman from Virginia comes to speak of our duties in respect to the country now held by military occupation, he insists that "we are required THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 101 to establish temporary civil governments, or, rather, '¦quasi'1 civil governments — civil in their form and rules of proceeding, and military in their origin ; es tablished to protect the rights of persons and prop erty ofthe vanquished during the military occupancy of the country. The right, nay, the duty, to estab lish such governments involves the right to determine upon its form. What it shall be is purely a matter of expediency and convenience. Upon principle, it would seem that it ought to be assimilated as near as ' possible to the forms of the conquering nation. As in all wars by land the acquisition of territory is look ed to as probable, the sooner the people are intro duced to the form of government under which they are in future to live, the better. And the vanquished have no right to complain, but rather to be grateful, when the form adopted is not worse than the one su perseded. And even when it is worse, they must sub mit to it as the fortune of war. " I must dissent from all this. I can not admit that these principles apply to our rights over the Mexican territory now held by our arms. They apply to com plete conquests and permanent acquisitions, not to such as are held in temporary possession merely. Vattel, in laying down the doctrine, expressly re fers to a conquered town or province which has pass ed "into the power ofthe conqueror. Thenceforward united with the new state to which it belongs, if it be a loser by the change, that is a misfortune which it must wholly impute to the fortune of war." When does the right thus to treat the conquered territory arise ? When, in the language of the same Avriter, 102 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. "by the treaty of peace, or the entire submission and extinction ofthe state to which those towns and prov inces belonged, the acquisition is completed, and the property becomes stable and perfect." I readily admit, that if a conquered possession is to be permanently held and incorporated with the terri tory of the conquering nation as its own, the con queror has a right to extend his own laws over it ab solutely, but not when the tenure is temporary only. In that case, the country must be governed by the subsisting laws. Those who so hold it are not to ex pel the laws which existed there before it came into their possession. A gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Holmes) promptly put this matter in its true light, and another gentleman from the same state (Mr. Woodward) has clearly and forcibly exhibited the law of nations upon the subject. It may well be remarked here, too, that it is not for the conquering general to say what shall be the form of government of, the country which he has seized. He is bound to maintain his military occu pation of it, but he can do no more. Nor can the President provide a civil government, for he merely holds the supreme command of the forces ; it is for this government, acting through its several depart ments, to establish laws over it. These principles are not contradicted by the decis ion ofthe Supreme Court in the case ofthe United States vs. Rice, which has been referred to. The question involved there was one of property, as af fected by a change of sovereignty, not a question of civil liberty or of political rights. The facts were THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 103 these : Goods were imported into Castine in Septem ber, 1814, during its occupation by the enemy, and remained there until its evacuation. Upon the re- establishment ofthe American government, were they subject to duties imposed by our revenue laws? The Supreme Court declared they were not, upon the principle that the sovereignty of the United States over the territory in possession of the British troops was suspended, and the inhabitants passed under a temporary allegiance to the British government, and were under such laws as they chose to recognize and enforce. -,,-- The proclamation of General Harrison has been referred to, but there is a broad contrast between that document and the proclamation of General Kearney. I feel a profound interest in the memory of Harrison ; it is consecrated by good deeds, and has received the seal of death. A long life, marked at every step by purity in his personal relations, and by his respect for public law, was closed in the midst ofthe gratulations which greeted him from all parts of this great repub lic on the occasion ofthe most astonishing political victory which the annals of this country can show. In referring to his proclamation, dated the 17th of October, 1812, we find no subversion of subsisting laws; no appointment of judges, attorney general, sheriffs, and a hundred other officers; no new and complex system of laws instituted. True, the com missions of all magistrates were suspended, but their authority was still continued under that of the Unit ed States. In taking possession of Upper Canada, he said -to the inhabitants, 104 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. "The district is now in the quiet possession of our troops; it becomes necessary to provide for its gov ernment; therefore we hereby proclaim and make known, that the rights and privileges of the inhabit ants, and the laws and customs ofthe country, as they existed or were in force at the period of our arrival, shall continue to prevail." Had a course like this been pursued, we should have been spared the present controversy. The spec tacle would not have been presented to the world of our indecent haste to provide new forms of govern ment the moment we had obtained possession of one of the provinces of our enemy. I have thus, sir, endeavored to present the real question, which is not whether a milder or harsher form of government has been introduced by our army into the Mexican states which we hold in subjection, but whether the occupied provinces are regarded and treated as permanent conquests already annexed to this country. It is not my object to cast any censure either on the President or his officers; but the in structions to which I have referred, and the disregard of obvious principles of international law, seem to disclose the purpose of making this a war of con quest. Indeed, some gentlemen upon this floor, friends too of the President, do not hesitate to avow that it is such. Among other significant declarations on this subject, a gentleman from New York (Mr. Gordon) informed us some days since that they in tended "to keep what we have." Against this rising lust of dominion, we ought at once to take a position and set up a standard. If it should spread and THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 105 gather strength, it will prove fatal to our free insti tutions. Our very successes will ruin us. Cicero attributes the decline and fall of the Roman empire to the oblivion ofthe great principles which they had recognized in their earlier days and humbler fortunes. In the early extension of her power, she became, in his language, "the patroness rather than the mistress ofthe world." All this passed away with the tri umphs of Sylla. Our government is one of consent ; it rests so lightly upon its citizens that its weight is not felt. If we should become engaged in wars for the extension of our sway, overrunning neighboring states, and bringing into our confederacy a reluctant people, the whole character of our political system will be changed; it will be converted into a political despotism, and we shall furnish another grand and instructive, but unhappy instance ofthe failure of in stitutions intended to provide for the protection of human liberty. " Such is the moral of all earthly tales ; 'Tis but the same rehearsal of the past, First freedom, and then glory ; when that fails, Corruption, slavery, barbarism at last ; And history, with all her volumes vast, Hath but one page." I am not averse to the extension of the territory ofthe United States, nor do I feel on that subject the apprehensions which haunt the minds of some gen tlemen. Such is the elasticity of our federal system of government, that it may be extended over any space, great or small. It resembles the fabled tent in the Arabian Nights, which could cover with its folds few or many. Steam and the magnetic tele- 106 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. graph overcome space, and bring together remote parts ; but if territory is to be acquired, let it be in a legitimate way, by purchase, or by the coming in of a neighboring people who have attained a high degree of civilization. If our institutions are to extend themselves, let it be by their own inherent and peace ful power, not by the aggressive force of arms. Our national character and the purity of our political sys tem are of far more consequence to us than any amount of territory which we can acquire. There are other topics to which I must now turn. The gentleman from the State of New York, to whom I have already referred (Mr. Gordon), informed the House that "the people ofthe United States meant to hold on to California; they meant to conquer it, and make it a permanent acquisition. That was what they meant to do with it. The President nei ther meant to do, nor had he the power to do, any thing as to the disposition of our conquests. Gen tlemen might be very easy; in due time, the American people would take proper care both of California and New Mexico. Of one thing they might be assured, those provinces would never return to Mexico again." This is explicit enough, and we ought to feel under obligations to the honorable gentleman, who is a member of the party in power, for an avowal so frank and unequivocal. Not content, however, with enlightening us as to the objects of the war, he pro ceeds to inform us upon "another subject, and one of no trifling moment. The people of the United States — a vast majority of them, at least — were not only for the war, and for retaining this conquered ter- THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 107 ritory as an indemnity for the robberies and spolia tions of Mexico, but they meant to make it a free TERRITORY." Such, then, is a bold declaration of the purpose to hold New Mexico and California as permanent ac quisitions, to be incorporated with this confederacy, and to exclude slavery from the whole territory. In the same spirit, another gentleman from New York (Mr. Preston King) brought forward yesterday morning a measure which looked to the acquisition of territory from Mexico, and which provided for the total exclusion of slavery from it ; and to-day, taking advantage of the permission which the House grant ed him to make a personal explanation, he has spoken at length upon this subject, insisting upon the perma nent annexation of new territory, to be hereafter con verted into FREE STATES. I regret the introduction of this subject. It is im possible to overlook the danger which it brings with it. Gentlemen belonging to the party in power in sist that this war shall be converted into a war of conquest ; that large and important states, stretching through several parallels of latitude, shall be torn from Mexico, and incorporated into our confederacy; that peace shall be made upon no other terms, no matter how ample the remuneration tendered for past wrongs may be ; and that the territory thus acquired shall be made to increase the preponderance of one section of the Union, by legislating here in advance as to the character of the population which shall overspread it. I take noAV the ground Avhich I took before on the 108 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. Oregon question. We have no right to say to the executive department of the government what shall be done in settling the terms of a treaty, and I there fore consider it highly improper to introduce such projects here as have been referred to. The attempt to fix in advance, by a vote of this House, the terms of a treaty hereafter to be concludeid with Mexico, is a solemn interference with the prov ince and duties of another department of this govern ment. That duty belongs to the treaty-making pow er, which, by the Constitution, is vested in the Presi dent and the Senate. It is for this House to discuss questions of a very different character. Each depart ment of the government should be left to the undis turbed exercise of its OAvn functions. It is as unwise . as it is unbecoming in us to leave the sphere of our legislative duties ; we shall find full employment in a faithful attention to them in the present state of our national affairs, without yielding to the prompt ings of a discursive philanthropy, which can only in jure where it seeks to guide. If this scheme of ac quiring territory is persisted in, and the power of this government is to be brought to bear upon it so as to exclude slavery from every part of it, it must be seen, by all who have bestowed any reflection upon the history of the organization and progress of our polit ical system, that the most serious, I may say disas trous, results will follow. This Union can only stand on those compromises which I regard in their sacred obligation as second only to the Constitution. The compromise which has already taken place on the Missouri question was sufficiently disadvantageous to THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 109 the South. The South does not interfere in the con cerns ofthe North. A' lofty feeling of brotherhood for the people of this whole country is cherished there. I, for one, rejoice in the splendid achieve ments and unprecedented success of the industry and enterprise of New England as much as any man. I turn with pride to her revolutionary history. I ad mire the genius which she sends to our national coun cils. I survey with pleasure the vast resources and rapid growth of this whole country. Why is it, then, that no opportunity is lost to proscribe the South, to subject our internal policy to censure, and to direct against our institutions the sentiment of mankind, both at home and abroad? Gentlemen have tran scended the rules which should govern them here ; if they proceed, they will rend the bonds of this Union as Samson burst the withes that bound him. Is this the doctrine to be acted on, that territory must be acquired, and, wherever, acquired, free labor may be suffered to go there, but the men of the South must not take their slaves Avith them there ? When this great question was agitated in 1820, a Northern man, Mr. Holmes, of Maine, said that to regulate slavery was the attribute of sovereign power. He used this language : "To regulate the relation between different mem bers of a community, or to establish or prohibit slav ery, is an attribute of sovereign power. * * * * The gentleman from NeAv York has told us that a slave representation beyond the original states is un equal and contrary to the spirit of the compact. I know not where the gentleman derived his authority ; 110 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. surely not from the Constitution. It is there argued that the representation shall be apportioned accord ing to the number of free persons and three fifths of the slaves, not in such states as then existed, but ' in such as may be included within the Union.1 This language is explicit and positive." Mr. Macon, of North Carolina, took part in the same debate — that which grew out of the Missouri question. That good and great man, at once calm and wise, was distinguished for a patriotism which was comprehensive enough to embrace his whole country. He said, "The gentleman from New Hampshire has said that the Constitution was a compromise as to slaves. This is no doubt true, but not a compromise to emancipate. The states that held them could free them, as others had done, without asking or consult ing the convention or Congress. But it was a com promise as to representation, and nothing else." This is the language of truth and justice. But we are told now that the North willhold the conquered Mexican provinces, but that neither I, nor any South ern man, nor our children, nor our children's children, shall set a foot within them unless we consent to abandon our property. This is not a place to dis cuss the question of slavery. It is a subject that should never be named in this hall. It is an insti tution which belongs to the Southern States, and gen tlemen do those states great wrong to press them or that subject here. The Missouri Compromise did them much injustice. Suppose the South should select a particular institu- THE WAR WITH MEXICO. Ill tion existing in the Northern States, or a particular feature in Northern society — the labor of operatives in factories, for instance — and undertake to denounce it and overthrow it, how would it be regarded? What would they think and say of such a proceed ing ? Why, then, is this course pursued toward the South? The slave population must have a representation somewhere. By the compromise ofthe Constitution, the slave states are deprived of a portion of their po litical importance. What, then, is to be gained by limiting slavery to the precise extent which it now occupies? Will it ameliorate the condition of the slave ? Would their introduction into new territory increase their number ? The object is clearly a polit ical one, thinly disguised by an assumed philanthropy. Suppose you could even succeed, by keeping the sla very within its present limits, in bringing about its abolition, would not the political importance of these people be increased by rising from a three fifth to a full representation ? If there are other states to be formed at our side, under the same burning sun, and covering the same fertile plains, will they not have common interests, and ought they not to have common institutions and common sympathies ? Why is every occasion seized on to bring this unprofitable and dangerous question into the field of controversy ? I ask, in the name of the Constitution, and ofthe men who formed our in stitutions as they exist, that this subject shall not be made here a theme for angry disputation. Let not gentlemen disturb the regular course of business in 112 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. this body by rising in their places, and meeting us Avith projects and speeches such as those to which we have listened. If this is to be done, this government will become unequal, and its days will be numbered. The spirit still lingers in the South which produced our Revolution — a spirit whieh Avill contend for po litical rights to the very last. The people of those states love this Union ; they glory in the past, and hope for the future. They will cling to the pillars of the Constitution as long as they can ; they will listen to the parting words of Washington, still vi brating in their ears, as long as endurance is possible ; but, when they find that they are to be down-trodden, they will be constrained, though it be with deep grief, to give up an alliance which is to be marked only by Avrongs and oppressions, and gather about their homes and their property. Sir, I trust that hour will never come. The spir it which has this day been manifested by the member from New York ought to be rebuked, and the blame for the introduction of this subject ought not to be thrown from him upon the gentleman from Tennes see (Mr. Gentry), who spoke of it only because he had the sagacity to see the question coming. It is time to meet it. If it is provided that the states on this side the Mississippi shall be equally balanced in re spect to slavery, why should not the same balance be permitted to exist on the other side ? As to the acquisition of Mexican territory, it is a question which belongs to the treaty-making power. We should not now discuss it. But, as it has been thrust upon our attention, I have felt it my duty, as THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 113 a Southern man, to express my own views. If ter ritory is to be acquired, let it be subjected to compro mises which have been already formed. I do not wish for any violation of the Missouri Compromise. Let it stand in letter and spirit. Let the line upon which it runs be extended to the Pacific Ocean. I hope to see that worst of all party spirit, the spir it of geographical party, forever banished from this hall. If kept alive here, it will lead to the fiercest collision which has ever been witnessed in this coun try. When it becomes dominant, and the rights of the North are exalted above those of the South — when fraternal affection is lost in a struggle for party as cendency — when patriotism dwindles down into a nar row regard for a mere section of our country, then will this government, erected by our fathers for the protection of human liberty, and which has awaken ed throughout the world the noblest hopes, totter to its fall. II ; RELIEF FOR IRELAND. A SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, MARCH 3d, 1847. I earnestly desire, Mr. Speaker, the passage of this bill. It makes no appropriation of money, but it authorizes the employment of two of our ships, the Jamestown and the Macedonian, to bear the contribu tions of individual benevolence to the starving peo ple of Ireland. No object can be nobler than this. Never has a stronger appeal been made to the sym pathies of a people than that which Ireland in her destitution makes to ours, and I trust that the House will not hesitate to respond to it promptly, generous ly, nobly. Here is an opportunity to demonstrate that, as a Christian nation, we feel the full elevation and unselfishness ofthe divine sentiment, "It is more blessed to give than to receive." Let us promptly grant to the Secretary ofthe Navy the authority which this bill asks for, that the grace ful assent of the government may be given to a no ble act of individual munificence. Such opportuni ties do not often present themselves to nations, and they are too precious to be lost. There would be, as the honorable gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Winthrop) has remarked, a beau tiful coincidence in the name of one of the vessels to be employed in this great errand of charity. The Jamestown at once calls up the most interesting asso- RELIEF FOR IRELAND. 115 ciations connected with our own early history; we look back to that feeble settlement on the shores of Virginia, when the colonists, far from the mother- country, and surrounded by a savage and fierce race, were straitened for the means of subsistence, and when they awaited long and anxiously the arrival of a ship from England as their only relief from im pending famine. But, sir, it seems to me that the coincidence be tween the name of the other vessel and the service to which it is destined would be equally striking and happy: the Macedonian reminds us of that Macedo nian cry which reached the ear of the great apostle in the midst of his extended field of labor, which knew no limits but the boundaries of the peopled world — "Come over and help us." I trust that no impediments will be throAvn in the way of such an enterprise as this. Let the world behold the spectacle of the youngest among the na tions ministering to the sufferings and the wants of one of the oldest. There is a moral power in such examples which can not be lost upon mankind. The proudest triumphs of war — the grandest displays of a nation's power in mustering invincible armies and sending out mighty fleets — all the glory ever won upon the world's most renoAvned battle-fields — all the achievements of the greatest captains in ancient or modern times — all such glory as this must pale be fore such an act of national sympathy and benevo lence as the world will witness when the American ships, freighted with food for a starving people sep arated from us by the breadth of the Atlantic, shall 116 RELIEF FOR IRELAND. drop their anchors in the waters which wash the coast of Ireland. To nothing in all our annals will the philanthropist turn with higher satisfaction, when he searches the pages which record our national prog ress and glory, than to the passage of this bill by the Congress of the United States. I confess, sir, that there is something in the con dition of Ireland, and in the character of the Irish people, which profoundly interests me. Her wrongs — the heroic spirit of her people— the genius and the eloquence of her sons — the spectacle of the bravest and the most generous of them dying on the scaf fold, or sent into exile — all this interests and binds me. In all the battles which have decided the fate of Europe in our time, and which have given the Brit ish empire the first place among the great powers of the world, Irish valor has turned the fortunes of 'the day, and Irish blood has. been spilled with gen erous profusion and uncalculating ardor. Yet to day her people are under the ban ofthe government which they have upheld ; the fertile soil of Ireland, teeming with abundance, is made to support for eign landlords — absentees, who squander abroad the wealth which Ireland yields, and the cry of famish ing thousands comes sounding across the waters into our ears. Sir, we can not be deaf to that cry. Let us send our national ships to her shores ; let the flag of the United States, as it floats in the breezes which fan the Irish coast, be hailed by that people as the en sign of hope and deliverance ; and let the heart of RELIEF FOR IRELAND. 117 Ireland receive the assurance that in America there is a sympathy with suffering ever ready to minister to and to relieve the destitution of a brave and gen erous nation. SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. A SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, DECEMBER 18th, 1847. Mr. Hilliard undertook to move the postponement to a day certain, and then < proceeded as follows : Mr. Speaker, — It so happens that I am the only member of the Board of Regents of the Smithsonian Institution now entitled to a seat on this floor. It is important to secure the good-will of the country in behalf of an enterprise so elevated — one might say, so sublime. There exists some misconception in regard to the institution, and idle rumors are afloat which may affect it injuriously. Scientific establishments are not to go out and court popularity, but they must not be indifferent to public sentiment. Before en tering upon the stormy and engrossing debates in which we shall presently be engaged, I desire, by a simple statement of facts, to give the House a view of the history, condition, and plans of an institution which so strongly appeals to us for protection, Mr. Smithson's bequest was a noble one. He gave his whole property to found, at the City of Washing ton, "an establishment for the increase and diffusion of knowledge among men." America was selected as the field for so wide and beneficent a design. Young, vigorous, rapidly increasing in numbers, this country afforded the best ground upon which to rest SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. 119 an establishment which was designed to enlighten mankind. Entering into the spirit of this bequest, Congress passed an act making the most liberal provision for carrying it into practical effect. The whole sum, with its accumulated interest, was turned over to the establishment created by the act, composed of the President and Vice-president of the United States, the Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of War, the Secretary of the Navy, the Postmaster General, the Attorney General, the chief justice, and the Commissioner of the Patent Office of the United States, and the Mayor of the City of Washington, during the time for which they shall hold their respective offices, and such other persons as they may elect honorary members. The sum amounted to five hundred and fifteen thousand, one hundred and sixty-nine dollars, and a further sum of two hundred and forty-two thousand, one hundred and twenty-nine dollars, being the accumulated inter est upon that sum since it came into possession of the government. The principal sum was forever to remain untouched ; the interest was appropriated to the erection of the building and incidental expenses. The building to be erected was to meet the provi sions of the act, which required it to contain suitable rooms or halls for the reception and arrangement, upon a liberal scale, of objects of natural history, in cluding a geological and mineralogical cabinet ; also. a chemical laboratory, a library, a gallery of art, and the necessary lecture-rooms. Another section pro vides that, in proportion as suitable arrangements 120 SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. can be made for their reception, all objects of art, and of foreign and curious research, and all objects of natural history, plants, and geological and miner- alogical specimens, belonging or hereafter to belong to the United States, which may be in the City of Washington, shall be delivered to the care of the in stitution, and so classed and arranged as best to fa cilitate the examination and study of them in the building to be erected. This at once empties the great hall of the Patent Office, three hundred and fif ty feet long, of its contents. It must be at once seen that the Smithsonian building ought, if it is to ac commodate these great and various objects, to be of ample dimensions. This building, too, was to be erected without delay. The site was to be selected " forthwith," "and so soon" as that was done, the Board was to proceed with the erection of the build ing. The Board of Regents faithfully studied the will of Mr. Smithson and the law creating the establish ment. Two things were to be accomplished. First, to in crease knowledge by original research ; and then, sec ond, to diffuse it by suitable and efficient agencies ; or, in the language of the venerable and distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Adams), "to spread knowledge throughout the world." The task devolved by Congress on the Regents was no light one. They were called on to organize and set on foot this establishment, so beneficent in its conception, so comprehensive in its design. The act of Congress, prescribed certain parts of the plan, and SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. 121 left the other parts to be devised by the Board of Regents. That part of the plan which was em braced in the act of Congress had almost exclusive reference to the diffusion of knowledge. The means which provide for the increase have been supplied by the Regents. We have been charged with being wildly extrava gant, laying out large sums in purchasing old books. A story has been circulated that we paid $2500 for an old and rare copy of the Bible. Now, sir, no man loves the Bible more than I do, but I could not have consented to an expenditure of that sort. I dare say no one member of the Board ever dreamed of such an expenditure. Agajn, some have charged us with being too utili tarian, confining our operations to an improvement of the physical condition of mankind. We have cer tainly endeavored, in our plan of organization, to provide for the entire wants of mankind, and to meet the spirit of the age. We have brought into our service a gentleman who stands in the front rank of the science of the country — I mean Professor Henry, formerly of Princeton. His name is well known in Europe, and is associated with that of Faraday, and Arago, and Quetelet. I have before me the plan of organization adopted for the operations of the insti tution, to which I desire to call the attention of the House, but which (as Marc Antony said, on a much more important occasion, about the will of Cassar), pardon me, I do not intend to read. I wish every gentleman in the House would read it, for it would receive on all sides a warm and generous support. 122 SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. I desire to submit a few remarks in regard to our building. We were authorized by Congress to ex pend $240,000 in its erection; but, in view of the wide field of knowledge to be cultivated, the Regents resolved to save a part of this sum and add it to the principal. Keeping in view the great interests to be provided for, it was resolved to erect a building of proportions sufficiently ample to meet the require ments of the act of Congress, and of a style which should not offend the eye. This has been effected; a contract has been entered into, and a plan of expend iture agreed upon, which, while the building is grad ually constructed, will carry out the plan to full com pletion, and at the end of five years from the time of its commencement. So far from having expended the sum appropriated by Congress for the purpose, we shall have, after erecting the structure, providing for its warming and ventilation, and the inclosure of the grounds, $140, 000 to return to the principal sum. In the mean while, we are carrying on the operations of the institution, stimulating original researches, publishing contributions to science, and gradually in creasing our library. At the same time, we pay our debts as we go on. This is, of course, accomplished by using the interest on the $240,000 for the build ing, and the annually accruing interest on the prin cipal fund for meeting the regular expenses of the institution. The transactions of the present year are highly in teresting, and will soon be published in a volume, which will compare well with similar publications in Europe. SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. 123 With the building, so far as it has gone, all paid for, and every debt discharged, we shall have at the end of the year $10,000 more than we received from Congress. Is there any necessity for a standing committee of this House? How is the Board of Regents com posed ? The act of Congress declares that it shall be constituted of the Vice-president of the United States, the chief justice of the United States, the Mayor of the City of Washington, three members of the Senate, three members of the House of Repre sentatives, together with six other persons not mem-. bers of Congress. Each house of Congress, it will be perceived, has three members of the Board of Re gents ; and it is required by law that the Board shall submit to Congress at each session a report of the operations, expenditures, and condition ofthe institu tion. At the last session I presented a full report, ac cording to law, which I now have before me ; it was printed and circulated. Another report is about to be presented, embracing the report of the building committee, a paper containing some three hundred pages, full of useful information, which I should be happy to see printed. Is it, then, necessary to ap point a committee ? Is it proper ? Is it becoming ? A committee of this House appointed "to superin tend the affairs of the Smithsonian Institution!" This committee will bring under its supervision the Vice-president ofthe United States, the chief justice, three senators, three representatives, and six citizens at large, selected because of their character and at- 124 SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. tainments. May I most respectfully ask, Who will superintend the affairs of that committee of five? Where is the necessity for thus complicating the ma chinery of an institution which ought to be left to enjoy the repose which science loves ? I hope, sir, that this institution, so important to this country and to mankind, will not be launched on the ever-heaving sea of politics. If that should hap pen, we should soon lose sight of land ; storms and shipwreck would await us, and the hopes which crowned our noble enterprise in its commencement would perish with us. I thank the House for the attention with which they have heard these remarks ; it evinces the inter est which they feel in an institution which claims their protection. Mr. Hilliard concluded by moving to lay the pro posed rule on the table. THE MISSION TO ROME. A SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, MARCH 4th, 1848. Mr. Chairman, — I regret, sir, that the opportunity has not been afforded me of replying to the speech of my honorable friend from Pennsylvania (Mr. Levin) before the present time. The committee are now just about to vote on the appropriation which provides the means of openmg diplomatic intercourse with the Papal States. The speech was remarkable for the beauty of its language, and the elevated tone of many of its sentiments ; but it lacked one great quality — liberality. There was about it nothing of toleration. It disclosed none of the spirit of the beautiful senti ment of St. Augustine: "Let there be charity in all things." I can not, of course, within the few minutes allowed me, attempt an elaborate reply to the speech of the honorable gentleman, but I shall seek an ear ly occasion to do so, when I hope to be able to show that there is much in the present condition of Italy to awaken the hopes of all men who watch with interest the progress of reform throughout the world. In the mean while, let us not, in our impatience, forget that there is a mighty difference between reform and rev olution. A reformation is brought about by the steady but gradual march of truth, while a revolu tion, like the earthquake, too often upheaves only to overthrow and crush. 126 THE MISSION TO ROME. That a reform is begun in Italy no man can doubt who will take the trouble to compare the present po litical state of that country with that which it exhib ited previous to the accession ofthe present pontiff. The spirit of reform is thoroughly roused in that beau tiful and classic land. It can never be put down. While a representative of the freest government on earth may be well employed in observing the progress of liberal principles in that interesting and important part of Europe, and may, at the same time, aid in diffusing a better knowledge of our political system, I can not discover that we can suffer any injury from such an intercourse. In my judgment, sir, neither Christianity nor free principles have any thing to fear from a conflict with opposing powers. I would send a minister to the Pa pal States as I would to any other power ; I would encourage every reform in the government ; I would cheer the friends of freedom in all Europe, by sending a minister from the United States of America, where the noblest toleration is granted to all opinions, to re side at a court where hitherto the policy has been to crush all freedom of thought and action. It would be a spectacle of high moral interest to see such a rep resentative from republican America taking his post amid the ruined temples and arches of a country where, in other days, republican Rome exhibited to the world its colossal proportions. Sir, I do not mistake the Pope for a Republican; far from it; but I recognize him as a reformer. I desire to send to all the states named in this bill ministers resident in the place of charges des affaires. THE MISSION TO ROME. 127 They would be accredited to the sovereign, while charges des affaires would be accredited to the Min ister of Foreign Affairs. My honorable friend and myself do not differ in our horror of an intolerant and dangerous religious system, but we do differ in our views ofthe true pol icy to be pursued toward the papal power. We both desire to sustain the Bible, and to vindicate Protest ant Christianity. I need not say that I am no par tisan ofthe Pope; on the contrary, there breathes not a man whose sympathy with the Protestant cause beats stronger or quicker than my own. I can never forget its battles nor its victories, its persecutions nor its triumphs. But, sir, I solemnly believe that toler ation is the wisest as well as noblest policy. The gentleman has been so indiscreet as to men tion the nineteenth century. Sir, there has been a time when such an argument as we have heard to-day would have been appropriate. It was that dark pe riod when the dungeon, the Inquisition, and the stake claimed as victims all Avho were convicted of heresy by a tribunal usurping the authority of God. But in this nineteenth century I am surprised to hear such views in an American Congress, from a gentle man so enlightened as my friend from Pennsylvania. He asks, What reforms has the Pope granted? I answer, that he has expelled from power a Secretary of State distinguished for his despotic and harsh opinions, and put in his place a man of liberal views ; he has thrown wide a door for the admission of his people, without respect to rank, who may come with petitions to him; he has caused a box to be placed 128 THE MISSION TO ROME. in the Vatican, where all who desire to submit their complaints to his own eye may deposit a statement of their wrongs; he has assembled a council to ad vise him as to the wants of his people; and if he had done nothing more than to transfer his alliance from Metternich to Louis Philippe, I should hail that as a great step in the progress of reform. Rely upon it, sir, the spirit of reform is waked up in Italy. It will "not down at the bidding" of armed and imperious Austria, or any other human power. I would send a minister from this republic to cheer it, to observe it, to report its progress. That spirit will, I trust, yet rekindle the fires upon the ru ined altars of freedom throughout Italy. Our true policy is to extend our peaceful relations with the world. We have nothing to fear from an intercourse of that kind with other powers. Truth is clad in more than triple steel, and I would bid her spread her standard in the very midst of the world, and take her station in front of the Vatican. By keeping the Papal See isolated, you strengthen it. It carries on its agencies in secret. Bring it upon the open field; do not shun it; bring it into open in tercourse with a free Protestant nation, and civil and religious liberty will achieve new triumphs. o A GOVERNMENT FOR OREGON— POLICY OF THE ADMINISTRATION. A SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, MARCH 30th, 1848. The House being in Committee of the Whole, and having under considera tion the bill to establish a Territorial Government in Oregon, Mr. Hilliard said, In rising to address the committee, I do not pro pose to discuss the proAdsions of the bill now before you, but there are some topics which stand connect ed with the general subject upon Avhich I desire to give my views. The bill provides for the organi zation of a territorial government for the people of Oregon. It is understood that negotiations are now pending with Mexico which will probably result in the extension of our territorial possessions. We shall soon be called on to provide a government for the people of New Mexico and of Upper California. I am not anxious to engage in a premature discus sion of topics which must come up when that legis lation is entered upon. I hope that the wisdom and moderation which have been displayed heretofore, in dealing with great questions affecting the interests of the people of this country, Avill characterize the legislation of Congress when that measure comes up for consideration, and that the political rights of the South will be regarded. They must be ; the South will aim at no exclusive advantages, nor Avill it sub mit to unjust and humiliating restrictions. The gen- I 130 A GOVERNMENT FOR OREGON. tleman who last addressed the committee on this question (Mr. Smart, of Maine) stated that the war in which we have been engaged with Mexico was not undertaken for the acquisition of territory, but to quiet the title to Texas. My honorable friend from Georgia, too (Mr. Cobb), some time since endeavored to make it appear that it Avas impossible to condemn the act of the President in ordering the advance of the army upon the Rio Grande, without condemning the previous act of the government in annexing Texas to the United States, and, at the same time, including in our censure the act of Congress Avhich voted the supplies necessary to carry on the war with Mexico. An honorable gentleman from South Carolina, for whose opinions I entertain a high respect (Mr. Rhett), has entered into an elaborate vindication of the policy of the ad ministration, in which he declares that the President Avas exerting his constitutional functions in ordering the army to the Rio Grande. Now, sir, I wholly dis sent from all these views ; and I shall, as rapidly as possible, state my objections to the course ofthe Pres ident and the policy of his administration in regard to the Mexican question. The time has arrived when we may be permitted to survey the ground over which we have passed since the opening of the war with Mexico. Hostilities are suspended ; peace is at hand — a peace which is, I trust, to prove a firm and last ing one between the two countries. It is not my pur pose to enter into an elaborate investigation ofthe causes which gave rise to the war ; that ground has been fully explored, and I should hardly hope to A GOVERNMENT FOR OREGON. 131 come back with a single discovery. I desire, howev er, to hold the administration up to its responsibility. A war may be provoked by causes which Avould fully justify it, and yet be precipitated by an unconstitu tional act. The President, in ordering the army to a position on the Rio Grande, clearly usurped powers not conferred on him by the Constitution. Texas Was annexed to this country by a resolution which left the western boundary of that state open, and pro vided that it should be ascertained and fixed by ne gotiation. If the President had become convinced that Mex ico would decline that mode of adjustment, and had satisfied Congress that a resort must be had to arms, we should have been at liberty to claim the Rio Bra vo as the Avestern boundary of Texas, and to direct the President to throw in a military force for its de fense. But, in the absence of such a declaration on the part of Congress, the order of the President to General Taylor to take up his position on the banks of that stream was a gross, palpable, violent usurpa tion of authority. No array of grievances committed by Mexico against this country will justify that or der ; no circumstances Avhich existed could vindicate that act of the President, while they may justify the act of Congress, and vindicate its recognition of this war. I do not deny that there Avas ample ground upon which to rest a declaration of war against Mex ico. I am not disposed to deny that there were hos tile threats and warlike preparations on the part of that republic ; but I do deny that the President had any constitutional authority Avhatever to decide the 132 A GOVERNMENT FOR OREGON. question of peace or war. That was a question for the decision of Congress ; the Constitution lodged there the authority to pass upon so momentous an issue ; and the act of the President, in deciding that the western boundary of Texas must be settled by arms, and not by negotiation, stands out as a bold usurpation of power which no circumstances can just ify or excuse. Still, this is purely a domestic question, and can not affect our relations Avith Mexico. It Avas an ill- advised step, invited attack, and led to hostilities. Congress thought proper to recognize these hostilities as acts of war ; and I felt at liberty to vote the sup plies necessary to carry on the war thus brought on, though I condemned the course of the President. I am not, however, ready at this time to vote for rais ing the ten additional regiments Avhich the President asks for. I am amazed that gentlemen should press the bill at a moment like this. Has there not been enough of war — enough of its pomp and circumstance — enough of its expense? With a good prospect for peace, must the country be again plunged, by reck less obedience to the demands of the President, into this wasteful expenditure? Some gentlemen, too, seem uneasy at voting against taking the bill up out of its order. The time has gone by for such appre hensions ; the war has become odious to the people ; the country desires peace. The President has gone down in the contest ; and, though he still rides along the lines, and strives to animate his followers to new struggles, he has none of the energy and power of manhood left him. A GOVERNMENT FOR OREGON. 133 " The times have been, That when the brains were out the man would die, And there an end ; but now they rise again, AVith twenty mortal murders on their crowns, And push us from our stools." What induced the President to seize this power which did not belong to him ? Was there danger of invasion? No. There were no settlements along the country bordering on the Rio Bravo to defend. So far as any thing American was concerned, it was as destitute of life as the Carnatic after the descent of Hyder Ali, as described by Burke in his celebrated speech on the Nabob of Arcot's debts. You might traverse the whole region and not see one man, not one woman, not one child, not one four- footed beast of any description whatever. Yet the friends of the President seek to justify his rash order for the advance of the army by persuading us that it was determined on under the apprehension of threat ened invasion. There must have been some other consideration — some ulterior, undisclosed object which the President had in view. By referring to the correspondence which took place between the Secretary of War and General Taylor, it will be perceived that, as early as the 15th of June, 1845, Mr. Bancroft, while in temporary charge of the War Department, Avrote to the com manding general in terms which Avould have author ized him at that time to pitch his tents on the banks of the Rio Bravo. On the 30th ofthe succeeding month the Secretary of War Avrote to him in similar terms : "The Rio Grande is claimed to be the boundary 134 A GOVERNMENT FOR OREGON. between the two countries, and up to this boundary you are to extend your protection, only excepting any posts on the eastern side thereof which are in the actual occupancy of Mexican forces or Mexican set tlements, over which the Republic of Texas did not exercise jurisdiction at the period of annexation, or shortly before that event. It is expected that, in se lecting the establishment for your troops, you will approach as near the boundary line, the Rio Grande, as prudence will dictate." On the 16th of October following, the Secretary of War again writes to this officer : "The information which we have received here renders it probable that no serious attempts Avill at present be made by Mexico to invade Texas, although she continues to threaten incursions. Previous in structions will have put you in possession of the views of the government of the United States, not only as to the extent of its territorial claims, but of its determination to assert them. * * * You Avill approach as near the western boundary of Texas (the Rio Grande) as circumstances will permit, having reference to reasonable security, to accommodations for putting your troops into Avinter huts, if deemed necessary, to the facility and certainty of procuring or receiving supplies, and to checking any attempted incursions by the Mexican forces on the Indian tribes. " Here, then, the Secretary of War, at a time when there Avas no serious apprehension of an invasion of Texas by a Mexican force, directs General Taylor to approach as near the Rio Grande as circumstances will permit. He is informed in the same letter that A GOVERNMENT FOR OREGON. 135 he need not wait for instructions from Washington to carry out what he might deem proper to be done. Still, General Taylor did not advance, until, on the 13th of January, 1846, the positive, decisive, fatal or der was sent to him to take a position on the east bank of the Rio Grande : "I am directed by the President to instruct you to advance and occupy, with the troops under your com mand, positions on or near the east bank of the Rio del Norte as soon as it can be conveniently done with reference to the season and the routes by which your movements must be made." Point Isabel, and points opposite Matamoras and Mier, in the vicinity of Laredo, are named as suita ble places for taking up his position. The order of the government was obeyed. Gen eral Taylor advanced upon Point Isabel, and took a position opposite Matamoras. Doubtless the President acted upon the idea that a feeble people were likely to be yielding in negotia tion when an army hung upon and threatened their exposed frontier. He disregarded the noble Roman maxim, " Parcere subjectis, debellare superbos." Hence, when a minister was sent to negotiate, an army was ordered to take possession of the very ter ritory which was to be the subject of negotiation, and a fleet hovered upon the coast of a province which that minister was instructed to purchase. If the force had been great enough, the policy might have been successful; but our small army invited attack from its apparent helplessness. 136 A GOVERNMENT FOR OREGON. There was something beyond the mere wish to qui et the title to Texas which the President had in view when he ordered the army to the Rio Bravo. He had just fallen back in inglorious retreat through five parallels of latitude on the Pacific coast before the most formidable power on the globe, and his aim ev idently was to illustrate his administration by acquir ing the northern provinces of Mexico. Phaeton was the reputed son of Phoebus, and, when his paternity was questioned, he visited the palace of the Sun, that he might prevail on his father to give him the means of proving his illustrious descent. Phoebus allowed him to drive his chariot for a day, and instructed him how to proceed through the regions of the air ; but the feeble hand of Phaeton could not guide the flying horses ; they departed from their track ; heaven and earth were threatened with conflagration, and order could not be restored until a bolt from the hand of Jupiter hurled the adventurous charioteer from his seat. The President, in his eagerness to vindicate his claim to the high station which he fills, ventured upon a policy which has brought about similar con fusion. General Jackson's tone toward France, which fortunately resulted in no mischief, was assumed by Mr. Polk in his negotiations with Great Britain upon the Oregon question, and we narrowly escaped war. It was employed against a feeble power with greater confidence of success. The President had set his heart upon acquiring New Mexico and California, and it occurred to him that the most successful mode of persuading Mexico to yield them up would be to station an army on her frontier and a fleet on her A GOVERNMENT FOR OREGON. 137 coast. That this was the aim of the President will clearly appear when the instructions given to Mr. Slidell are made public. He was sent to Mexico, not simply as a commissioner to settle open questions, and especially to fix the western boundary of Tex as, but it seems that he was instructed to spread be fore the Mexican government powerful considerations for giving up the desired provinces. As to New Mexico, Mr. Slidell was probably instructed to urge upon the Mexican government that it ought to be long to the United States, a great portion of it lying on this side of the Rio Grande, and included within the limits already claimed by Texas ; it was, too, a remote and detached province, the possession of which could not be advantageous to that country; but, if given up, she would be relieved from the trouble and expense of defending the inhabitants against the In dians. From these and other considerations, it was clear that New Mexico ought to belong to the United States. Nor was California to be overlooked; on the con trary, it was no doubt an important object of Mr. Slidell's mission to secure a large part of that prov ince. The possession of the bay and harbor of San Francisco was regarded as all important to the Unit ed States ; it was believed, too, that the Mexican gov ernment had but a slight hold on California, and that they would readily relinquish that hold for a suffix cient consideration. It is easy to trace the object ofthe administration; it is impossible to mistake it: the main business of Mr. Slidell was to acquire New Mexico and Califor- 138 A GOVERNMENT FOR OREGON. nia. A fleet had sailed for the Pacific; the instruc tions which the commander bore disclosed the pur pose of the government. Upper California was to be taken; it was to be held; it was, under no circum stances, to be given up ; we were to be found in pos session of it at the close ofthe war, so that if a treaty of peace should be made upon the basis of the uti possidetis, we might retain it. General Kearney was sent to take possession of New Mexico, and he was instructed by the Secretary of War to assure the people of that province that it was the wish and design of the United States to pro vide for them a free government with the least pos sible delay, similar to that which exists in our Terri tories. They were then to exercise the rights of free men by electing their own representatives to the Ter ritorial Legislature. The war has been prosecuted throughout for the purpose of securing NeAV Mexico and California. There has not been a moment since its commencement when the administration would have concluded a peace on any other terms. It was for this that General Taylor was ordered to advance beyond the Rio Grande after he had scattered the Mexican army in hopeless confusion, and to range his victorious troops along the Sierra Madre. The President at one time disclaimed any such purpose ; but in his last annual message he employs no equiv ocal language. Referring to his former declaration respecting the war, he says, "In my annual message to Congress of December last, I declared that the war had not been waged with a view to conquest, but, having been commenced by A GOVERNMENT FOR OREGON. 139 Mexico, it has been carried into the enemy's country, and Avill be vigorously prosecuted there with a view to obtain an honorable peace, and thereby secure am ple indemnity for the expenses of the war, as Avell as to our much-injured citizens who hold large pecuniary demands against Mexico. * * It has never been contemplated by me, as an object of the war, to make a permanent conquest of the Republic of Mexico, or to annihilate her separate existence as an independ ent nation." The disclaimer now, it will be observed, is as to the Republic of Mexico, and is not applied to the cov eted provinces. On the contrary, he boldly discloses his purpose to hold them in right of conquest : "In the mean time, as Mexico refuses all indem nity, we should adopt measures to indemnify our selves, by appropriating permanently a portion of her territory. Early after the commencement of the war, New Mexico and the Californias were taken possession of by our forces. Our military and na val commanders were ordered to conquer and hold them, subject to be disposed of by a treaty of peace. These provinces are now in our undisputed occupa tion, and have been so for many months, all resist ance on the part of Mexico having ceased Avithin their limits. I am satisfied that they should never be surrendered to Mexico." He advises Congress to extend over them the ju risdiction and laws of the United States at once, and insists that we ought not to wait for a treaty of peace, but consider them at once as constituent parts of our country. The President is, in some respects, a bold 140 A GOVERNMENT FOR OREGON. man; for in his annual message, upon which I am remarking, he asserts that Congress contemplated the acquisition of territorial indemnity when that body made proAdsion for the prosecution of the war. In seeking indemnity, he insists that the acquisition of territory was inevitable. It is impossible, sir, to ob serve the course of this administration without per ceiving that their object, from the first moment when they began to deal with the Mexican question, was the acquisition of the northern provinces of Mexico. These were to be torn from the central government, and held as the spoils of war. This is the meaning of indemnity for the past and security for the future — a phrase used as early as June, 1846, in a procla mation sent out to General Taylor. It requires no publication of secret instructions to demonstrate this. The President informs us, in his last annual message, that the commissioner sent out to negotiate a treaty of peace was authorized to agree to the establishment of the Rio Grande as the bound ary, from its entrance into the Gulf to its intersec tion with the southern boundary of New Mexico, in north latitude about thirty-two degrees, and to ob tain a cession to the United States of the provinces of New Mexico and the Californias, and the privilege of the right of way across the Isthmus of Tehuante- pec. The boundary of the Rio Grande, and the ces sion to the United States of New Mexico and Upper California, constituted an ultimatum which our com missioner Avas, under no circumstances, to yield. No one who thus traces the course of the adminis tration can be at any loss to account for the order A GOVERNMENT FOR OREGON. 141 which sent the American army to take a position on the Rio Grande. The country bordering on that stream was to be acquired ; New Mexico and Cali fornia were to be secured. This was an ultimatum to be yielded under no circumstances ; it Avas intend ed to be accomplished from the beginning, and the administration thought it a masterly policy to help the commissioner who Avas sent to negotiate for this territory by marching an army to intimidate the gov ernment with which he was treating. This object, so steadily kept in view by the admin istration, is about to be accomplished. If the treaty which has gone out to the Mexican government should be ratified, the Rio Grande becomes the west ern boundary of Texas, and New Mexico and Upper California will be added to our territorial posses sions ; at least we get all New Mexico, and so much of California as lies north of the River Gila, and a line drawn from its intersection with the Colorado to a point on the Pacific Ocean south of San Diego. If Ave had acquired the fabled garden of the Hesper- ides, the President could hardly be more full of ex ultation. It is worth while to inquire for a moment what this territory is worth. The strip of country .which fringes the Rio Grande can not be very valu able. The population is said to be sparse, and the crops are uncertain. New Mexico is described as a region wholly un- suited to an agricultural population. Lofty and rug ged mountains, narrow and poor valleys, make up its great features, while an absence of water and of Avood complete its uninviting aspect. A large portion is 142 A GOVERNMENT FOR OREGON. said to be made up "of rocks, sands, and desert wastes." It sustains a scattered and miserable pop ulation. Let us, however, take its value as estimated by the Secretary of State, who is understood to have authorized Mr. Slidell to offer for it five millions of dollars. The most intelligent travelers who have visited Upper California agree in describing it as a country wholly destitute of attractions for a people like our own. A very large proportion of the country is rep resented as unfit for cultivation, and incapable of supporting any dense population. Those parts of it which are susceptible of agriculture must be subject ed to it by irrigation. It has none of the resources which invite or encourage commerce. The most val uable acquisition is the Bay of San Francisco ; this will, it is to be hoped, give increased security to our Pacific commerce. I am not disposed to depreciate its value, nor will I introduce statements respecting it which might have this effect. Let us take Mr. Buchanan's estimate of the value of Upper Califor nia, embracing the Bay of San Francisco, which is understood to be fifteen millions of dollars ; while for an extension of this line on the Pacific, so as to take in Monterey, the administration authorized an offer of five millions more. Of what possible advantage can this extension of our territorial possessions be to us ? The Bay of San Francisco, as I have already said, is important to us in a commercial view ; and the barren regions of New Mexico and Upper California wili form a boundary over which, it is to be hoped, our spreading- popula- A GOVERNMENT FOR OREGON 143 tion will not be inclined to pass. But what do we pay for it ? Upward of twenty millions of dollars in cash, besides the whole expenses of the war, which will probably swell the amount to one hundred and fifty millions. Compare this with the amount paid by us for Louisiana. We gave for the rich and ex tensive territory included under that name eighty millions of francs — about fifteen millions of dollars. It was essential to us ; it completed the compactness of our territorial possessions ; it gave us the com mand of the entrance of the Mississippi, and, over looking every other feature, its importance may be estimated by a single glance at New Orleans. There is a great city, rapidly growing in population and Avealth ; a magnificent emporium of commerce, re ceiving the productions of a continent, and sending them out through all the world. Set down the cost of that immense and fertile territory by the side of the sum which we are to pay for our new acquisition, and you will be prepared to estimate the advantage which the policy of this administration has conferred upon the country. But there is another element of cost in the acqui sition of this new territory which must not be forgot ten. Louisiana Avas acquired by negotiation ; it was acquired in peace ; it came to us a purchase. But, in addition to the enormous outlay of money to which we are subjected by the policy of the administration in acquiring our new territorial possessions, we yield up twenty-five thousand human lives. The treaty which secures to us this territory is stained Avith blood. There is, too, yet another sacrifice Avhich Ave make in 144 A GOVERNMENT FOR OREGON. securing these coveted provinces — a sacrifice of the most costly kind — I mean, the loss of national char acter. With our ample resources, we shall soon re plenish our empty treasury, and our vigorous popu lation will hardly feel the check given to it by the loss of twenty-five thousand of our people ; but when will the character of the nation recover from the wound which it has received ? What art can relieve the national escutcheon from "the spots" which stain it ? We have received from the other side of the Atlantic the tidings of a convulsion which has over turned a throne ; an enthusiastic people, our former allies, long accustomed to admire our institutions, have established a republic. Our example has been felt throughout the world ; the high career which we have heretofore pursued, the glorious example of reg ulated liberty which we have exhibited, the magna nimity which has marked our intercourse with other nations — all this has awakened throughout the world the noblest hopes. But we now turn from this high career ; we carry our eagles in triumph over a neigh boring and feeble people, and we wrest from them provinces which they are reluctant to surrender. The example is a fatal one, and its influence upon the world must be disastrous. Say what we may, this is a conquest ; the Mexican government is driven from place to place, hunted down, overthrown, and then a bastard treaty is negotiated, Avhich is helped forward by the bayonet and the purse, bribery being called in to accomplish Avhat force could not effect. Against this mode of acquiring territory I solemnly protest. I do not object to the extension of our institutions, A GOVERNMENT FOR OREGON. 145 nor am I troubled with those apprehensions which seem to haunt the minds of some gentlemen in regard to this subject. There is a principle belonging to our system of confederated states which will bear ex pansion ; it can grasp a continent. Steam and the telegraph have so increased the means of communica tion, that the utmost points of our wide land are brought into the relations of neighborhood. But let this growth of our institutions be spontaneous and gradual, and let neighboring provinces seek to come within the sheltering sanctity of our government. This, then, is the achievement of the administra tion ; upon this acquisition of territory it rests its fame. What other public benefit can it claim to have conferred upon the country ? Has it done any thing toward developing the resources of the nation ? Has it done any thing for the commerce, the agriculture, or the industry of our people ? To Avhat single mon ument of its wisdom; its energy, or its enterprise can it point? No improvements have groAvn up under its hand ; it has brought upon the people the demor alizing influence of war, and it has entailed upOn the country an immense public debt. Suppose it had pursued a career of peace, how much greater would be our prosperity at the present moment. The vast sums expended in Avar would have been saved ; we should have been free from debt, and the very terri tory Avhich Ave are about to acquire at so great an ex penditure of money, and life, and character, might have been purchased for an inconsiderable sum. I am not insensible to the military glory which our arms have won in the late war with Mexico. The K 146 A GOVERNMENT FOR OREGON. brilliant achievements of our armies will compare well with those of any age or any nation. The blend* ed courage and skill of our officers, and the indomi table ardor of our troops, have illustrated the Amer ican name. But how was this glory earned ? Not by the administration, but in spite of the administra tion ; as Colonel Barre declared of the American col onies in the great struggle for independence, when it was said that they had been planted and nourished by the care of the mother country, "They planted by your care ! They have grown and prospered in spite of your care." The fostering hand of this administration might well have crushed an army of less vigorous materials. The officers in command have been watched with a jealousy which lost no occasion to exhibit itself. The army under General Taylor, after the splendid victo ries of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, overcom ing every obstacle, making up with their own energies for the want of the means of transportation, marched against Monterey, a walled city of immense strength, defended by a much greater force than that which attacked it, assaulted and carried it, and their victo rious leader was rewarded by the censure of an ad ministration Avhich, overlooking all the glory of such exploits, hastened to condemn an act which secured complete possession of the place — an act which was characterized by a Avisdom and humanity hardly less admirable than the courage and firmness of the illus trious captain who performed it. Deprived of his regular troops, he was left in an advanced and ex posed position, when, with a little army made up al- A GOVERNMENT FOR OREGON. 147 most wholly of volunteers, he received the shock of battle from a Mexican army twenty thousand strong, led by Santa Anna in person, and repulsed them. How much of the glory of Buena Vista is due to the administration ? Another distinguished officer, of splendid abilities, invested and took Vera Cruz and the Castle of San Juan de Ulloa, exhibiting the highest military skill ; pressing on to Cerro Gordo, he won a brilliant vic tory; and the government, busy with its fostering care, objected to the disposition which he made of his prisoners. . v Advancing upon the capital ; meeting and over coming obstacles in his march which remind us of the exploits of Cortes, he carries, with a small army, the city of Mexico ; and while the Avorld is resound ing Avith the fame of those achievements, Scott is re moved from the command of an army which he had led through these successive victories, and called to appear before a court of inquiry. But, sir, this administration is passing away; its days are rapidly drawing to a close. Let it go; it has lost the opportunity of doing good, and, I fear, has done great mischief. A young Frenchman called on Louis XIV. when that monarch had reached an advanced age, and asked him to confer an appoint ment on him. The monarch exclaimed impatiently, "You shall never have it while I live." "Very well, sire," replied the young gentleman, "I can af ford to wait." The country is young and vigorous, and will out live a bad administration; it can afford to Avait; but 148 A GOVERNMENT FOR OREGON. the administration leaves us a most unenviable her itage in its history. In speaking of it, one is almost ready to borrow Macauley's description of the reign of Charles II. : "Those are days which can never be recalled without a blush — days of dwarfish talents and gigantic vices." Let us turn from the past and look to the future. The party opposed to the administration will proba bly come into power. We certainly shall, if we do not throw away our advantages. The time has come when a very large proportion of the people of the United States desire to see one elevated to the pres idency who holds himself uncommitted to mere party measures, and looks out upon a horizon wide enough to embrace his whole country. The country has suf fered from the fierce collision of parties, and its great interests are passed upon by irresponsible bodies, calling themselves conventions, which sketch not only the plan of a political campaign, but lay doAvn the principles which shall govern an administration. I rejoice that one man has been found in the coun try with courage enough to refuse to lend himself to the advancement of mere party schemes, and who, following the great example of Washington, will ad minister the government for the good ofthe people of the whole country. We have always denounced a president who could never forget that he belonged to a party, or rise to the enlarged patriotism which ought to characterize the chief magistrate of the United States, and yet some object to the noble po sition which General Taylor takes when he refuses to practice the supple subserviency of a partisan. I re- A GOVERNMENT FOR OREGON. 149 gard that position with unqualified admiration. He does not deny his identity with the Whig party. He declares his unwillingness to conceal that fact from the American people. He frankly avows his desire to see some of the eminent men of that party elected to the presidency; but he refuses, with true dignity, to allow others to extort from him pledges, or to undertake to carry out any set of measures which others may wish to impose on him. To bor- -row his own language, he ' ' asks no favor and shrinks from no responsibility." He does not court popular favor. He remains in the quiet discharge of his du ties, and leaves the people to decide as they may think best whether he shall be called to administer the government, or left in the station which he now fills, and which he has rendered so illustrious. Such a course presents a broad contrast to that which is sometimes pursued by aspirants to the pres idency, who traverse sea and land to make proselytes,' and bid for the purple by committing themselves to the favorite schemes of different latitudes. Such ambition sometimes overleaps itself. The support which the popular sentiment of the country gives to General Taylor's noble position is a cheering indication. It is full of promise for the future, and reminds us of earlier and better days. I believe that the people will bear him triumphantly into the pres idency. He will administer the government with a strict regard to the Constitution; he will call into his cabinet the ablest of his political friends ; he Avill arrest the demoralizing practice of expelling good men from the subordinate offices to put ultra parti- 150 A GOVERNMENT FOR OREGON. sans in their place, and Avill return to the better rule of inquiring as to applicants, "Is he honest? Is he capable?" He will restore the great principles which belonged to the early republican administrations, and will guide' the country into a high career of prosper ity and glory. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. A SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, APRIL 3d, 1848. Mr. Speaker, — In moving to refer the resolutions and amendments which have been brought forward upon the subject of the late Revolution in France to the Committee' on Foreign Affairs^ .of which I am a member, I simply desire to. secure a proper expression of the sympathy which we feel in that movement. The occasion is one of no common moment ; it must deeply affect the cause of mankind throughout the Avorld. I am not ready to extend the sympathy of this government to any people who simply overturn a throne to plunge into the wild, unrestricted, and reckless experiment of ideal liberty. Every kingless government is not of necessity a republican govern ment. Liberty can not exist without law; its ele ments must be consolidated, and its great principles be embodied in a Constitution. The great movement in France must develop institutions before it accom plishes any permanent good for the French people. I confess that I am not free from apprehension as to the future ; the convulsion which exhibits a form so attractive to-day, may yet upturn the foundations of society, and result in the wildest anarchy. On the other hand, there is, in the great popular movement which has so suddenly and so successfully expelled royalty from France, much of promise for that beau- 152 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. tiful country and for mankind. I solemnly believe that the time has come when kingcraft has lost its hold upon the human mind. The world is waking from its deep slumber, and mankind begin to see that the right to govern belongs not to crowned kings, but to the great masses. The age in which we live will, I trust, witness the complete enfranchisement of nations which have long been governed too much. I think, sir, that we ought to sustain our minister (Mr. Rush), who so promptly, Avithout the opportu nity of consulting his government, hailed the popu lar movement which expelled a powerful dynasty and proclaimed a republic. It was a generous im pulse which prompted the act, and the country will applaud it. There are certainly some features in the scene which France presents not wholly agreeable to a thoughtful observer, and which awaken the apprehension that the provisional government just established has prom ised more than it can redeem. The, fraternity which has been adopted may not be consistent with regula ted liberty ; it may be the dream of idealists, and not the conception of a philosophical statesman. The measure, too, which has been adopted in regard to the labor and wages of operatives, doubling their com pensation, and undertaking to employ them on the part of the government, is a very unsafe one. Ev ery one accustomed to the order of well-regulated lib erty must see the danger of such legislation. It par takes too much ofthe character of a system of social reform too impracticable to be easily recognized. Still, these may be but temporary arrangements, de- THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 153 signed to give the new government time to adjust the complicated details of the great task which has been undertaken. There are circumstances which may awaken apprehension, but they can not repress sym pathy. No, sir, they can not prevent the expression of our deep and full sympathy with a people strug gling to make a free government like our own. I, for one, can not look upon such a spectacle unmoved. It may be premature — it may be even rash ; but I should think myself unworthy of a seat in an Amer ican Congress if I Could refuse to cheer a people en gaged in such a work. May they go on and prosper, and may they erect upon the soil of France a govern ment resting upon the great principles of constitu tional law, insuring order at home, commanding re spect abroad, and throwing over Europe the clear and. steady light of rational liberty. I regret, sir, that the gentleman from Massachu setts (Mr. Ashmun) has thought proper to connect with this subject another which does not belong to it. I do not impute to him any improper motive, but he must know that the people of this confederacy can not hear without painful sensibility their social insti tutions alluded to in such offensive terms. There is on the part of the South nothing aggressive ; they are content to sustain the government as it is ; they make no war upon the people or the institutions of the North. But, sir, they observe your movements here with profound interest. They know their rights, and there is throughout their entire borders a purpose to maintain them Avith a courage and firmness which nothing can intimidate or shake. 154 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. The feeling, then, in regard to the subject which has thus been thrust upon the House so recklessly, is so profound, so well settled, and, to borrow a mode of expression from the French, so eternal, that it is impossible to touch it without danger. I repeat, sir, that in moving to refer the resolutions before us to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, I have no hostile purpose. I desire that, when Congress does speak upon this subject, it shall speak in well weighed and becoming terms. I do not like the lan guage of these resolutions. It so happens that we are often called on to vote on propositions suddenly thrown into the House, when we can not express our own true sense. Let the resolutions go to the appror priate committee, and come back to us in a better .form. REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. A SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, JULY 24th, 1847. Mr. Speaker, — The message of the President, which has just been read, is so important, that I am unwilling to see it referred without some discussion. It is impossible for any man who claims to be even a casual observer of passing events to overlook the intensely interesting aspect which public affairs wear at the present moment. The Avar with Mexico has been brought to a close, and we must fix our atten tion on events transpiring at home, which possess as high a moral interest as the late brilliant achieve ments of our invading armies. I was here, sir, when the President communicated to Congress the startling fact that war had broken out upon our frontier, and I count it a piece of good fortune to be here now, when he informs us that peace is restored. The war has been attended with circumstances so extraordi nary, and has developed results so important, that I can not suffer them to pass without notice and ani madversion. Some days since Ave had a message from the Pres ident transmitting the treaty lately concluded Avith Mexico. That message Avas unworthy of the high source from which it came ; it wanted dignity ; it was totally destitute of that elevation of sentiment 156 REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. which ought to characterize such a state paper. It Avas Avritten in a boastful spirit, and proclaimed the success of our policy, Avithout a single allusion to the calamities of war, or a passing tribute to the courage or the patriotism of the dead who fell under the flag of our country, or to the living who brought it back in triumph. The President passes by all this, and comes with indecent haste to inform us that he has driven a good bargain with Mexico. In the very spirit of a hard dealer, he boasts of the advantages which he has won, by tearing from a feeble neighbor some of her finest territories, and adding them to pur own possessions. He says, "New Mexico and Upper California have been ceded by Mexico to the United States, and now con stitute a part of our country. Embracing nearly ten degrees of latitude, lying adjacent to the Oregon Ter ritory, and extending from the Pacific Ocean to the Rio Grande, a mean distance of nearly a thousand miles, it would be difficult to estimate the value of these possessions to the United States. They consti tute of themselves a country large enough for a great empire, and their acquisition is second only in import ance to that of Louisiana in 1803. Rich in mineral and agricultural resources, with a climate of great sa lubrity, they embrace the most important ports on the whole Pacific coast of the continent of North America. The possession of the ports of San Diego, Monterey, and the Bay of San Francisco will enable the United States to command the already valuable and rapidly increasing commerce ofthe Pacific." These are the terms in which the President boasts REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. 157 of the results of the war. Before I resume my seat, I think I shall be able to show that there is no ground for boasting or congratulation. One of three propo sitions is certainly true : either Mexico has lost by the treaty which has terminated the Avar, or we have lost by it, or it is a drawn bargain. If we have lost any thing by the arrangement, the administration will be held responsible for the loss ; if we have gained an advantage over Mexico, it reflects no credit upon a country so superior as our oaati is in power and re sources ; and if the advantages of the adjustment are to be considered as balanced, how is the President to answer to his conscience, to his country, and to man kind, for plunging us into a contest which has called for so profuse an expenditure of blood and of treas ure, and which has yielded such fruitless results ? He may take either of these hypotheses, and he will find that boasting is excluded. In commenting on the message, I shall observe the same order of subjects as is observable in the docu ment itself. It treats of the past, it exhibits the present, and it invites us to look to the future. I shall pursue the same order. This is an appropriate time to revieAv the policy of the administration, and to show the country its results. What was the condition of the country Avhen the administration came into poAver? We were almost free from debt ; that which had accumulated during a preceding administration had been reduced to an inconsiderable sum, under the influence of the wise and vigorous measures of a Whig Congress. Public credit, which Avas drooping, was fully re-established, 158 REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. and every great interest in the country was in a high state of prosperity. I comprehend what I say, sir. We all know that a financial system may be well enough adapted to a special emergency that it would not be wise to continue as a permanent arrangement. I repeat, sir, we were rapidly discharging our public debt. The President states in one of his messages, that, but for the war, that debt would have been ex tinguished. Our relations with the whole Avorld were pacific. Nothing threatened to disturb the profound peace Avhich the country had so long enjoyed except two questions — the one affecting our rights to the Terri tory of Oregon, and the other the western boundary of Texas. These questions became prominent only because of the manner in which they were treated by Mr. Polk's administration. We are all familiar with the history of the negotiations respecting Oregon. The question had been sleeping for years. Our peo ple were settling there, and strengthening every day the policy of "masterly inactivity," when suddenly our title to the Avhole territory Avas declared by a Democratic convention to be clear and indisputable. A question which had divided cabinets for years was disposed of in a few hours, and party banners dis played the word "Oregon" as an essential part of a creed. That party elected their president, and when he came up to be inaugurated, standing, on that grand occasion, in front of this Capitol, as the rep resentative of the Avhole American people, he Avho Was about to take charge of our foreign relations proclaimed, with indecent recklessness, in the face of REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. 159 the Avhole world, that our title to a territory which had been in dispute for half a century was clear and unquestionable. The natural and necessary conse quence Avas, that the question was at once invested with the highest importance, and the two greatest nations of Christendom began to arm, and were about to enter into a deadly contest about a few barren acres. This whole country was roused. The North looked with apprehension to the probable termination of a question whose settlement by arms must powerfully affect its manufacturing and commercial prosperity, while the South regarded it with equal anxiety in its bearing on the market for its great staples. A long and most excited controversy Avas carried on in both houses of Congress, the President, with his cabinet, asserting our right quite up to 54° 40', and announc ing their determination to stand by it to the last, when suddenly the Senate Avere informed that the line of 49° could be secured as our northern bounda ry, and the executive invited that body to advise him in advance as to its acceptance. The wisdom ' and the patriotism of the Senate averted from the country a most disastrous war. A body which had been fiercely denounced by the partisans of the Pres ident as insensible to the rights and the honor ofthe nation, came to his relief when their aid Avas invoked, and taking charge of a question which had, by mis management, wellnigh brought us into collision with England, they adjusted it, and restored a good under standing between two great Christian poAvers. It is perhaps proper that I should say my own personal opinion Avas, that we were rightfully entitled to the 160 REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. country as far north as 54° 40'; but as we had re peatedly offered, in former negotiations, to take 49°, I held that we were morally bound not to refuse a settlement on that parallel. I was willing to give Great Britain notice to terminate the joint occupancy of the country, because I apprehend that, if it Avere left as an open question, the President would involve us in a war. I voted for the notice as a peace meas ure. 'The other open question which affected our foreign relations, and which the administration took charge of, was Avith Mexico. This grew out of the annexa tion of Texas. I never doubted the right of the United States to admit Texas into the Union. Tex as had achieved her independence; she was an inde pendent state, de facto and de jure. I considered this question calmly and thoroughly while absent in Europe, away from the influence of party, and look ing only to the effect of the measure upon this coun try and upon the world. But, sir, it will be remem bered, the joint resolution by which Texas Avas an nexed provided, in order to avoid a conflict between that state and Mexico, that it was "to be formed subject to adjustment by this government of all ques tions of boundary that may arise Avith other govern ments." It Avas Avell known that the western bound ary of Texas was in dispute, and, while Texas claimed to the Rio Bravo del Norte, Congress reserved to our OAvn government the right to adjust this question re specting the extent of her territory. The President has repeatedly admitted that the eastern bank of that. stream Avas disputed territory, and has seemed to pre: REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. 161 fer the title of Mexico, by authorizing Mr. Slidell to offer that government compensation for the surrender of it. This boundary was to have been settled by negotiation ; the President was bound to adjust it in that way; he had no authority to control the ques tion in any other mode. If that failed, it became his duty to inform Congress of the fact. It would then have become our duty to decide what measures were necessary for the protection ofthe frontiers of Texas, and the great question of peace or war would have been decided by that body to which the Constitution has intrusted it. The President undertook to decide the question by arms; he assumed that the Rio Grande was the boundary between Texas and Mexi co ; and while Congress was actually sitting, while he was in daily communication with us, he usurped the power belonging to us, and sent an army to invade the very territory which he was endeavoring to se cure by negotiation. In the very message received to-day, he admits that the territory was all the while in dispute. Who can doubt that the President has transcended his authority? Who does not see that he usurped a dangerous power? I repeat that Con gress had the right to authorize the President to take possession of the territory, but, until he was invested with this power by us, his act was one of naked usurpation, too monstrous to be vindicated, and too dangerous to be passed over without censure. Lord Chatham said, in the British Parliament, in the true spirit of liberty, "Where law ends, tyranny begins." Sir, it is true; if we can surrender that principle, we surrender all that is worth preserving. L 162 REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. Give up to the President the poAver of making war; leave it to him to fix your boundaries, to back your negotiations with bayonets, to decide your questions Avith other nations by bringing up armies or fleets to aid the adjustment, and he will need no croAvn to make him royal; the very power with which you in vest him makes him every inch a king. The glory of our political system hitherto has been, that power was distributed, checked, guarded; that the legislative power was one thing, the executive power another, and that of the judiciary distinct from both these. But if the President is allowed to seize and exert one of the most important powers of Con gress—no less power than that of deciding the ques tion of war or peace — and if, in the very body whose authority has been thus violated and contemned; if in this body, which ought forever to stand between executive aggressions and popular rights; this body, without whose votes not a single tax can be laid, not a single dollar expended; if, I say, in this represent ative body, men are to rise up and sustain this usurp ation of the President, then it Avill hardly be worth While long to go through the forms of legislation. We may take down the mace from beside your chair ; we may leave these seats vacant, and, placing all the powers of the government in the hands of one man, commit the prosperity, the liberties, and the glory of the country to his keeping. When it Avas announced to us by the President that our troops had been attacked by the Mexican forces, the Whigs were ready to vote supplies for the army. They wished, it is true, to avoid war ; they objected REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. 163 to a preamble Avhich Avas contrived expressly to shield the unconstitutional act of the President ; they pre ferred to treat the collision on the banks of the Rio Grande as an assault on the part of Mexico which might be disavowed and atoned for without involving the countries in a protracted conflict ; they desired to defend the boundaries Avhich had been claimed and occupied without hastening to invade a neighboring country. But this did not suit the policy of the ex ecutive, and he accordingly poured our victorious ar mies into the Mexican territory, and he conquered and held provinces by force Avhich were ready, if he had waited, to drop into our hands like ripe fruit at a touch. Yet, in this document, the President de clares that the alternative of war Avas embraced by him reluctantly. Where was the necessity of inva sion after the brilliant victories of Palo Alto and Re- saca de la Palma ? When would the flying Mexicans have rallied and recrossed the Rio Grande? The very terror of Taylor's name would have driven them from the whole line of that stream. Having thus rapidly glanced at the past course of this administration, I desire to survey the scenes which surround us. Let us inquire what we have gained by this policy. It is not necessary to say that, while we entered into this war almost free from debt, we are now burdened with a heavy one. • I suppose our expenditures will not fall short of one hundred and fifty millions of dollars. When the interests or the honor of the country are at stake, we will not stop to count the cost of war. I adopt the glorious sen timent, which had its origin with a Southern man 164 REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. distinguished for his genius and his patriotism, "Mill ions for defense — not a cent for tribute ;" and I may add, Every thing for the glory of our country. But as the President seems in his message to cast up, in the spirit of one who drives a bargain, the advantages of the war, it is not amiss to keep in view the outlay of money in the acquisition of our possessions. But I will not dwell on this, nor will I undertake to es timate our other losses in the prosecution of this con test, which far exceed the most lavish expenditure of treasure. I shall not say a word of the unreturning brave, who went out so warm with hope, so full of energy and life — ofthe gallant men who died by dis ease, or who fell in battle under the flag of their coun try. Their memory is safe ; they fell as men who love their country are always ready to fall : " How sleep the brave, who sink to rest By all their country's wishes bless'd !" But there is a great question growing out of this war which can not be overlooked — a question too formidable to be neglected, and, it may be, too ex citing to be easily settled. It already flings its shad ow along the whole extent ofthe country. It wears an appalling aspect. It is pregnant with danger. The considerations which gather about it are so im portant, and the interests which it affects are so great, that it must awaken apprehension in any one who comprehends its power. I speak, sir, ofthe question which involves the rights of the slaveholding states of this confederacy. The territory which we have ac quired belongs to the people of this whole country, spread throughout its thirty states ; yet, in the organ- REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. 165 ization of territorial governments, it is sought by one portion of the people to secure the whole advantage of our new acquisitions to their exclusive benefit. The political power of the North is to be still farther swelled, Avhile the Southern States are to be girded in, and their people shut out from all enjoyment of property acquired by the mingled blood and the com mon treasure of the whole country. From the very battle-fields where the men of the South fell beneath the eagles of their country, their kindred are to be forever excluded. How shall this question be dis posed of? This is the question to which we must turn our attention. It rises before us in all its vast proportions ; it is the same question which Mr. Jef ferson described as striking upon his ear like the sound of a fire-bell at night, awaking him and filling him with terror. A profound anxiety pervades the public mind ; a sectional jealousy is aroused which threatens the harmony of these confederated states. At the North, a formidable organization is already exhibited; an ex-President ofthe United States leads a party whose aim is to destroy the political power of the South. Combinations are set on foot which break the lines of regular parties, and men are invited to abandon existing political associations, and gather about the standard of one who, forgetting all that is due to his country and his fame, draws off from his former allies, and takes a position as the chief of a faction. We greatly misapprehend the state of feeling both at the North and at the South if we do not see that it is becoming thoroughly roused. Let us not under- 166 REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. rate the importance and the results of this question. In a country so extensive as ours, sectional jealousies and political divisions, organized upon geographical lines, are always alarming. It should ever be the aim of patriotism to repress them. The President, alluding to the existing feeling in the country, says : "There has, perhaps, been no period since the warn ing so impressively given by Washington to his coun trymen, to guard against geographical divisions and sectional parties, which appeals with greater force than the present to the patriotic, sober-minded, and reflecting of all parties, and of all sections of our country. Who can calculate the value of our glo rious Union? It is a model and example of free government to all the world, and is the star of hope and haven of rest to the oppressed of every clime. By its preservation we have been rapidly advanced as a nation to a height of strength, power, and hap piness without a parallel in the history of the world. As we extend its blessing over new regions, shall we be so unwise as to endanger its existence by geograph ical divisions and dissensions ?" After precipitating the country into this perilous position by his war of conquest, he invokes the pa triotism of Congress, and complacently appeals to the counsels of Washington. In the recent debates of the Senate, it has been said that this question threatens the Union. Who has forced it upon us ? Is not this administration respon sible for all the consequences that may grow out of it ? No man can be indifferent as to what is passing around us. As well might men be indifferent who REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. 167 stand upon the deck of a vessel drifting upon break ers ; their very roar is already in our ears. In this hall, even, there are men who devote their lives to the single business of agitation — who employ all their energies in alienating the North from the South, and who seek, by every means within their power, to inflame the popular mind of every other portion of the Union against the people of the slave- holding states. Yielding themselves up to this single object, forgetting all that is glorious in the common history of these states, and overlooking all that is cheering in the future, impelled by a sleepless and undying hatred to the South, this party — if it deserves to be called by a name so honorable — is the very im personation of that bigotry which rushes forward with an averted face in its reckless career, deaf alike to the voice of reason and of patriotism. It is high time to appeal to the patriotism of the country — to call on the people to save this glorious structure reared by the men of the Revolution ; for we can not be insensible to the responsibility of our position ; all the past appeals to us — voices from the battle-fields where liberty struck, and from the senate- chambers where liberty spoke, call on us to be faith ful to our great trust; and those who are to come after us seem to press into our presence with silent but beseeching faces, and implore us to save our country in this crisis. If we ever intend to rescue the country from the perils which invest it, we ought to do it now. In regard to the authority of Congress over the territories of the United States, I desire to give my 168 REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. views. The question, at all times an interesting one, has now assumed great practical importance. The first proposition which I shall state is, that Congress possesses exclusive power to legislate for the territo ries ofthe United States. Of this I do not entertain a doubt; and, while I have heard various opinions expressed here in regard to this subject, I am at a loss to see how any one who examines it can reach any other conclusion. That the whole power over the territories originally rests in Congress is perfectly clear, and it remains for those who assert that the right to legislate in respect to them belongs to the people who inhabit them to show at what time the power is transferred from Congress to the inhabitants. But, sir, this question has been so often examined here that I will not consume my limited time in con sidering it. My second proposition is that, while Congress pos sesses the exclusive power of legislation for the terri tories, that power is by no means an unlimited one. It is just here that gentlemen often fall into error. Exclusive does not mean unlimited. The power to which I refer is exclusive in that it acknowledges no co-ordinate jurisdiction ; but it is restricted, as are all the powers delegated to Congress. While Con gress, then, undertakes to exercise the power of ex clusive legislation for the territories, it is bound to carry on its legislation in reference to the character ofthe states of this confederacy, from which it derives the power. It must regard the rights of all the states, and can not, without an abuse of its power, legislate for the benefit of one section at the expense REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. 169 of another ; it is an abuse of its power as an agent for the states, I care not whether the legislation be for the benefit of the South at the expense of the North, or for the benefit ofthe North at the expense ofthe South. This brings me to my third proposition, which is, that Congress is not, in its legislation for the Terri tories, to look to their welfare alone, but is bound to regard the good of the parties interested in the own ership of the Territories. This, it will be perceived, is in direct opposition to the opinions advanced by a distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts, the suc cessor of Mr. Adams (Mr. Mann), in his beautiful in troductory speech in this hall — a speech which, I con fess, I listened to with admiration, though I strongly dissented from some of its sentiments. The gentle man insists that Congress, in legislating for the Ter ritories, must look to their good alone, and shape all measures so as to advance their prosperity, without any regard to the rights of the people of the several states. This doctrine, though it has a certain charm about it, is wholly erroneous. Let us apply this rea soning to the Territory of Oregon, which, stretching along the Pacific coast, fronts certain parts of north eastern Asia. Would Congress have a right to say that this territory should be occupied only by colo nists from China, because a prosperous trade might be attained with the East, and the prosperity of Or egon rapidly advanced if that course were taken? Unquestionably not. Or, suppose that Congress should happen to conclude that it was important to the welfare of that territory to allow only a manufac- 170 REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. turing population to remove there, would it be prop er to legislate for this object ? Unquestionably not. The gentleman from Massachusetts considers terri tory which we acquire as the property of this govern ment, and insists that Congress possesses the right to control it absolutely. This is a very common error. It results from a certain system of political training. If our government were a monarchy, and all powers, or the sovereign power, centred in the crown, the ar gument might hold good ; or it might be maintained if the states which we represent were consolidated into one great empire. But, sir, ours is a federative republic ; it bears no resemblance to an empire what ever ; it is a structure unlike what the world ever saw, deriving its powers from sovereign states, who are members of this confederation ; and this govern ment, this general government, can exercise none but the powers which are clearly granted to it by the states. Whatever territory is acquired is acquired for the people of the several states, and Congress must remember to exercise its legislative functions in regard to it as their agent. I am asked by my friend from New York (Mr. Duer) where the restrictions on the powers of Con gress are to be found? They result from the very nature of our political system. If there are parties to this confederacy, a portion of whom would be in jured by the legislation of Congress, is Congress act ing in good faith when it exercises legislation in that direction ? Congress, as my friend from Tennessee, near me (Mr. Gentry), well suggests, would thus, as a common agent for all the states who are parties to REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. 171 the interest, abuse its power for the benefit of one or more of the parties. It can not be denied that all the states of this Union have a clear title to the property acquired by their government, and they have an equal ly clear equitable right to its enjoyment. The distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts has, it seems to me, fallen into another error. He regards agriculture as of little moment in the cata logue of labor, but eulogized the manufacturing inter ests to a degree which, I confess, startled me, coming even from a gentleman from that section of the coun try. He drew a beautiful picture of the triumph of man over nature, representing him as a demigod standing by the side of a running stream, and bidding it to do his labor, or employing as his agents all the elements in the material universe. In his eye, the Avheel driving a thousand spindles is an object of far higher interest than outspread fields waving with grain. The demigod who commands the Penobscot, the Kennebeck, the Merrimack, or the Connecticut, to saw timber, to make cloth, to grind corn, is far more noble, as well as potent, in his estimation, than the man who fells the forest, who lays bare the earth with the plowshare, and who gathers the abundance of the fields into his granaries. I would not under value manufactures, nor any of the mechanic arts. The gentleman shall not surpass me in my admiration of human skill. I will visit Avith him all the facto ries of New England. I will follow his lead along the rushing streams which set in motion all the busy machinery of his region. I will go with him into every workshop Avhere art plies its unceasing toil, and 172 REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. I will rejoice over every sign of prosperity which meets us in our progress. But, sir, I will then ask him to go forth with me to the fields, to see them laid. open for the reception of the precious seed, or white for the harvest ; I will bid him listen to the cheerful songs of labor that greet the ear, and I Avill then call on him to say Avith me that the earth presents no more beautiful spectacle than this, and that no employment is nobler than the simple, peaceful pursuit which God gave to man when he drove him out of Paradise. I do not desire to disparage any branch of industry, but I place agriculture highest in the scale of human labor. But this great interest the gentleman seemed to overlook ; and because the cultivation of the soil by slave labor would, in his opinion, hinder the pros perity of the territories where it is introduced, he Avould exclude this labor from them all. Proceeding on the idea that all the territorial possessions belong to the general government, and not to the states ; proceeding on the idea that in legislating for the Ter ritories Congress must look to their welfare alone, he would exclude slavery, for the simple reason that slavery is not, in his judgment, suited to the highest development of their resources. The planter, with his slaves, who seeks to enter the territory, belonging to him in common with the people of this whole coun try, to cultivate the earth, is to be excluded, while the manufacturer is invited to take up his abode there, erect his buildings', and set his operatives to work. Why, this is the merest sophistry which the world ever heard, of. The calamity of our times is, that we have abandoned the great, broad, clear principles REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. 173 which distinguished the action of our fathers ; Ave are turning our eyes to new lights ; we are yielding our selves up to philosophical speculations in all the de^ partments of life, and patriotism is lost in a wild and erratic philanthropy. It is in this way that we be come alienated from each other. Let us recur to so ber elementary principles, and suffer ourselves to be guided by those high and holy motives which ani mated our fathers in the formation of this confeder acy. But, sir, while I contend for the right of the people represented by me here, to take their property into the Territories of the United States, and enjoy it ¦without molestation, I am ready to settle this great question in the spirit which has more than once saved this country. I do not ask every thing for the sec tion of the country from which I come. I wish here to allude to a proposition which has recently been started, and which has been the topic of conversation for some days past in the other branch of Congress ; I speak of what is called "the Compromise Bill." So far as I comprehend it, I unhesitatingly express my opposition to it; and if it should ever reach this House in its present shape, I shall cast my vote against it. The measure proposes to recognize and ratify the act ofthe Territorial Legislature of Oregon excluding slavery, and to leave the question in California and New Mexico to be decided by the courts under exist ing laws. The question as to the existence of slavery in any part of the United States is a political question, and 174 REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. not a judicial question. It has always been treated as a political question. When the question came up in the Convention which framed the Constitution, it is well known that conflicting views were entertained respecting it ; it was then discussed as a political question, and it proved to be a very formidable one. It was disposed of finally by a compromise which en tered into the formation of our political system — a compromise as wise as it was patriotic^— a compro mise which produced tranquillity then, and which de serves to be studied now. Upon the admission of Missouri into the Union, this question was again regarded as a political ques tion. The only barrier to the admission of that state was found in this question. A compromise was once more entered into — a compromise which, it was be lieved, was to be permanent, and which was regarded as binding upon the whole country, in letter and in spirit. It was a compromise which, in my judgment, sacrificed the just rights of the South, and of which the North should be the very last ever to complain. In obedience to its spirit, the South gave up a por tion of Louisiana to frame non-slaveholding states ; yet the successors of the very men who agreed to the Missouri Compromise, and who stretched the line of 36° 30' across an immense slaveholding territory, con tend to-day that slavery shall be excluded from all territory not included within the limits of the states lying even south of that parallel. The doctrine now is, that " free soil must remain free." This is a mod ern discovery, most opportunely made to suit the views of those who are engaged in this crusade against REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. 175 the South — a crusade which has not even misguided philanthropy to apologize for its excesses, but which aims to aggrandize the political power of the North. When Texas came into the Union, this question was again treated as a political question, and the Missouri Compromise line was once more recognized and ap plied to that state. Yet it is proposed now to treat this question as a judicial one, and to subject the po litical rights ofthe Southern States to the decision of the courts. Upon their construction of existing laws the whole question is to turn in California and New Mexico, while Oregon is absolutely surrendered. I object again to this " compromise, " because it is no settlement ofthe question; it is simply an adjourn ment of it. It leaves to Oregon the right to legislate for the exclusion of slavery, and it inhibits New Mex ico and California from exercising any right whatev er in regard to it — from legislating in any manner respecting slavery, while the claim of the owner to every slave which he introduces there is to be sub jected to the decision ofthe courts upon laws as they noAv exist there. Is this a settlement of the ques tion ? If it should be conceded that the courts would decide to admit slaves, and all legislation in respect to them is inhibited, who could hold his slaves when he got there ? Where Avould be their patrol laws ? where their laws for the security of property ? where the law to enable the master to compel obedience on the part of his slave ? Is it not obvious that no de cision made by the Supreme Court, before whom the question must finally come, would give satisfaction ? The agitation Avould go on ; it would grow fiercer ; 176 REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. it would dash its furious surges against the highest judicial tribunal of the country. If the decision should be favorable to the South, who can measure the extent of dissatisfaction which would pervade the North? The decision would disclose to the advo cates of the restrictive clauses that the laws of New Mexico and California tolerated slavery, and they would feel more powerfully than ever before the ne cessity of pressing their measure. But if the decis ion should be favorable to the North, as it is almost universally conceded it would be, how could we face our constituents after having given our support to a bill widen surrendered the very rights we were ex pected to guard ? No, sir ; this is no settlement of this alarming question ; the agitation will go on. I desire a compromise, earnestly desire it, but that com promise must be a settlement of the question. If I yield up any of the rights of those who have sent me here to represent them, and who honor me with their confidence, I must know the full extent of the sacri fice, and I must at least insure tranquillity when I make it. An arrangement which leaves all the ques tions in dispute unsettled, all the difficulties, and dan gers still threatening, can never receive my support. There is but one way to settle this question : that is, to treat it as a political question. It must be met openly, frankly, and in a patriotic spirit. We must act with firmness ; we must not shrink from the re sponsibility of our position ; we must inquire what is wise, what is equitable. Let the interests of all the states of this confederacy be regarded, and let us come right up to a line and adhere to it. It so hap- REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. 177 pened that, at the last session of Congress, I address ed the House immediately after Mr. Preston King brought in his resolution in favor of a measure now known as the Wilmot Proviso. I then said, "If this scheme of acquiring territory is persisted in, and the power of this government is brought to bear upon it so as to exclude slavery from every part of it, it must be seen by all who have bestowed any reflection on the history of the organization and prog ress of our political system, that the most serious, I may say disastrous, results Avill follow. This Union can only stand on those compromises which I regard in their sacred obligation as second only to the Con stitution. The compromise which has already taken place on the Missouri question was sufficiently disad vantageous to the South. * * If territory is to be acquired, let it be subjected to compromises Avhich have been already formed. I do not wish for any violation of the Missouri Compromise. Let it stand in letter and spirit. Let the line upon which it runs be extended to the Pacific Ocean." I am Avilling to abide by it this day. I know that ¦it gives up to the North the most valuable portion ofthe territory, but I am not willing to disturb a line which is already drawn. Spread out the map, and you will see that Monterey, San Francisco, the mouth of the Columbia River — in short, almost all that is valuable in our late acquisitions on the Pacific coast, lie north of the parallel of 36° 30'. We shall, how ever, by a settlement on that line, be able to ascertain what our rights are ; and I do not think a limit which has the sanction of precedent, and which seems to M 178 REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. bound the region where slave labor is likely to be employed profitably, would be disturbed. The question must be settled upon some terms; the country is in danger. I am amazed that gentle men do not see it. I will not question the patriotism of any gentleman for a moment. I can not conceive that one calling himself an American can entertain a malignity so dark as to desire to wrap this glorious structure under which we live in the fires of a con suming conflagration. But this question does involve the country in immense, immeasurable peril It ought to be settled at this time so that it can never be re vived again. The President has brought this danger upon us, and we must rescue the country from it. The Constitution must be brought out ofthe perils Avhich surround and threaten it. As its old name sake once was, it is noAv on a lee shore ; it must be saved. Turn its proAv once more upon the broad, open, and peaceful sea ; fling out from its tallest mast the old flag which had so long floated over it ; let the Avhole world see every star in the constellation ; tear away from the helm him who has been either too fee ble to guide it, or too faithless to execute his trust, and place there a man whose great heart has always beat true to his country, and whose strong arm will keep us in our course, no matter what adverse currents we may meet, or what storms may burst upon us. No mere partisan can settle this question. We must bring to the presidency a man in whose patriotism the whole country has confidence. A mere politician, throAvn up by the dark and turbid waters of party, has no moral power over a question of this sort. He PEVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. 179 must be a man tried in the presence of danger — a man whose courage never flinches on the battle-field, in the council-chamber, or in the executive chair. Having thus shoAvn the results of the foreign pol icy of the administration — a policy which turned the country out of its prosperous and peaceful career, and Avhich has brought upon it a large public debt and a most formidable internal question, I desire to look to the future. Shall the government go on as it has been carried on for the few past years, or shall it be turned upon a new, high, and pacific course ? This is a question which addresses itself to every American citizen. We are just entering into a contest which involves the most important results. Never did men strike for a nobler cause than that which now em ploys the energies of the Whigs ofthe United States. We are true to the great principles which distinguish ed the Whigs who first bore the name. They strug gled against Charles, Avho brought all the influence of the croAvn to bear against the representatives of the people. It was a battle between kingly power and the Parliament of England. Guided by the ad vice of such men as Buckingham and Strafford, the king exerted all his strength in the effort to keep doAvn the spirit of popular liberty in his dominions. On one occasion, when displeased with the proceedings of the House of Commons, he sent for the Journal, and with his own royal hand tore out the offensive record. That was one instance of expunging. A scheme is going on in this country by which popular rights and the popular will are likely to be less po tent here than they are to-day in England. It is 180 REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. worth while to remember that the struggle which be gan there between the monarch and the people ended in overthrowing the royal omnipotence, and in erect ing barriers about the rights ofthe people which have never since been borne down. It is significant enough that Buckingham fell a vic tim to the popular indignation, and Strafford, though the king Avas pledged to protect him, did not escape the scaffold; he laid down his head, exclaiming, "Put not your trust in princes, nor in the sons of men, for in them there is no salvation." Even Charles him self, after a protracted struggle with his people, was compelled to lay doAvn his own anointed head on the block in front of Whitehall, and the axe ofthe exe cutioner struck it off. There are great principles which are essential to liberty ; it can not exist without them. These the Whigs seek to preserve. The very first of these principles is resistance to executive power. It is a singular fact that the party styling itself Democratic seeks to clothe the President with almost royal attributes ; it sustains him in all his assumptions of authority — in all his usurpations of power. When defeated in a body representing the people, this party calls on the President to come to its aid with his veto. Who that witnessed it can ever forget the humiliating spectacle exhibited in this hall but a few days since? The representatives of the people, in the exercise of their legislative duty, hav ing inserted in a bill on its way through this house an appropriation of money for an object which, it Avas understood, would not meet executive favor, were REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. 181 actually threatened with the veto of the President ; and it is by no means certain that we shall yet es cape it. What is popular liberty Avorth if the rep resentatives ofthe people can not vote an appropria tion of the money of the people for a perfectly prop er national object without finding their legislation ar rested by the interposition ofthe executive Avill? Ac cording to the Democratic creed, the President is the mere head of a party ; measures passed by the rep resentatives of the people are to be arrested by his veto; schemes agreed on by his party, however odious to the people, are to be carried through by all the in fluence of executive patronage. The President occupies a great position in our po litical system. He should sit poised between the parties; but this modern creed makes him a mere partisan chief, and invites him to unite with the mi nority to defeat the action of the majority of the rep resentatives of the people, just as in royal govern ments the monarch is often in league Avith his OAvn creatures against the popular sentiment. It is important to comprehend the true relations between the executive and Congress. His functions are defined by the Constitution, and the reasons for conferring them are to be found in the speeches and Avritings ofthe men who created our political system. Patrick Henry's opposition to the executive feature of our political system is Avell known ; and if he could have lived to this day, he would have seen how fully his apprehensions were realized. The President of the United States should rise to a just conception of the duties of his exalted station, and he should aim 182 REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. to discharge them in an eminently patriotic spirit. No horizon less than that which embraces the Avhole country should limit his vision, and he should scru pulously forbear to transcend the authority which belongs to him in his great office. In the Constitu tion, the powers of each department of the govern ment are clearly defined. These powers are distrib uted: the legislative poAver, which is first named, is vested in Congress ; the executive power is vested in the President; and the judicial power is vested in the Supreme Court and such other courts as Congress may establish. The harmony of our system can only be preserved by a strict observance of this distribu tion of powers. The duty of the President is to exe cute the laws, not to make them ; he is, from time to time, to give to Congress information of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expe dient. His duty being thus discharged, he is to await the action of Congress ; and when a bill is presented to him, he must sign it, or, if he disapprove it, must return it with his objections. It is then in the power of Congress to pass the bill thus objected to by a vote of two thirds. Now it is important to inquire into the reasons for conferring on the President this power of returning bills passed by Congress. Is the power arbitrary, or is it only to be exerted in certain cases which de mand the solemn interposition ofthe executive veto? It will be found, on looking into the history of the government, that the great consideration which in duced the framers of the Constitution to give this REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. 183 power to the President Avas to enable him to protect the executive department; and it Avas certainly in tended, also, as a check upon improper legislation. It is stated by Alexander Hamilton, in No. 73 ofthe Federalist : "The propensity ofthe legislative department to intrude upon the rights and to absorb the powers of other departments has already been more than once suggested ; the insufficiency of a mere parchment de lineation of the boundaries of each has also been re marked upon ; and the necessity of furnishing each with constitutional arms for its own defense has been inferred and proved. From these clear and indubi table principles results the propriety of a negative, either absolute or qualified, in the executive, upon the acts of the legislative branches. Without the one or the other, the former would be absolutely un able to defend himself against the depredations of the latter. He might gradually be stripped of his authorities by successive resolutions, or annihilated by a single vote; and, in the one mode or the other, the legislative and executive powers might speedily come to be blended in the same hands. If even no propensity had ever discovered itself in the legislative body to invade the rights of the executive, the rules of just reasoning and theoretic propriety would of themselves teach us that the one ought not to be left at the mercy ofthe other, but ought to possess a con stitutional and effectual power of self-defense. But the power has a further use; it not only serves as a shield to the executive, but it furnishes an additional security against the enaction of improper laws." 184 REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. This is the reasoning which Mr. Hamilton resorted to in vindication of a power which, when it was con ferred on the President, startled the Republicans of that day. It proves satisfactorily that the power was designed to be used as a defensive one, and not as an aggressive one. We all see that the legislative and the executive powers are coming to be blended in the same hands, but is it by the encroachment of the legislative upon the executive department of the government? Mr. Hamilton adds: "The primary inducement to conferring the pow er in question upon the executive is to enable him to defend himself; the secondary is to increase the chances in favor of the community against the pass ing of bad laws, through haste, inadvertence, or de sign. * * * * The superior weight and influ ence ofthe legislative body in a free government, and the hazard to the executive in a trial of strength with that body, afford a satisfactory security that the neg ative would generally be employed with great cau tion, and that in its exercise there would oftener be room for a charge of timidity than of rashness. A king of Great Britain, with all his train of sovereign attributes, and with all the influence he draws from a thousand sources, would, at this day, hesitate to put a negative upon the joint resolutions of the two houses of Parliament. * * * A very considera ble period has elapsed since the negative ofthe crown has been exercised." Now, sir, I appeal to the country, and I ask, Have our late presidents exerted this power in this spirit? REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. 185 Have they shown any reluctance to employ it? Is the legislation of Congress as independent and unbi ased as it ought to be? Are not the personal opin ions of the executive too much consulted? When the President returned, with his objections, the French Spoliation Bill, he was guilty of a clear encroachment on the rights of Congress. There was not a single principle involved in that bill calling for the execu tive veto. It was a mere act of executive authority when he refused to sign a bill which had received the votes of large majorities in both branches of Con gress, on full discussion, and against which there was no constitutional objection. Story, in his Commentaries on the Constitution, concurs in the views stated by Mr. Hamilton in the Federalist as to the reasons for conferring this pow er on the President. In the 13th chapter of his third book the subject is fully considered, and the first and main reason assigned for it is "the constitutional ne cessity of arming the executive with powers for its OAvn defense, to prevent the President from becoming, what it is well known the governors of some of the states are, a mere pageant and shadow of magistracy." A full examination of the debates on the Constitu tion, and of the writings of other able commentators, to which I have not time to refer, would strengthen the views which I have presented, and clearly show how widely our later presidents have departed from the principles and the examples of earlier times. From the day when the Roman tribune took his seat at the entrance of the senate chamber, and arrested the decrees of that body by the word "veto," up to 186 REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. the present hour, there have been more instances of its arbitrary exercise by the President of the United States, standing at the head of a modern republican government, than the whole history of nations besides can show. Mr. Burke, in his letter to the sheriffs of Bristol, remarks, "The king's negative to bills is one ofthe most undisputed of the royal prerogatives, and it extends to all cases whatsoever. I am far from certain that, if several laAvs which I know had fallen under the stroke of that sceptre, the public would have had a very great loss. But it is not the propriety of the exercise which is in question; the exercise itself is Avisely forborne. Its repose may be the preservation of its existence, and its existence may be the means of saving the Constitution itself on an occasion wor thy of bringing it forth." This is the language of Edmund Burke, a man dis tinguished as much for his regard for the rights of the people as for his genius and his learning. The exercise of this great poAver is, in the British govern ment, Avisely forborne ; it has not been employed in England since 1692. But, sir, there are other considerations involved in the political contest now going on in the country. The Democratic party is committed to a policy which leads to aggression, war, and conquest, while the Whigs desire to preserve peace with all the world, to stimulate the industry, and to develop the resources ofthe country. California and New Mexico are ours, and costly acquisitions we must admit them to be; Yucatan has barely escaped our grasp ; and what REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. 187 other neighboring provinces are next to be overrun, and conquered, and annexed, no man can tell. Our true policy is peace. We are set apart by a dividing ocean from the Old World ; we have nothing to do Avith its complicated system ; we have no balance of poAver to preserve — no intervention to make in the affairs of other nations. We should desire friendly relations Avith every people, entangling alliances Avith none. When the rights or the honor of the country demand it, we Avill go to war, as we have done tAvice Avith Great Britain ; but war is too great a calamity, and too much opposed to the principles of Christian civilization for any insufficient cause. With the bless ing of God, we shall advance rapidly enough in a career of peace. Our poHtical system is at once great and economical ; it should be kept so. We need never go to war to extend our territory or to increase our wealth and power. Patrick Henry said, in the true Ameri can spirit, "Those nations which have gone forth in search of grandeur, power, and splendor, have also fallen a sacrifice and been victims to their own folly." I was struck last summer with an article which met my eye in one of the best Reviews of our day, a French Review, "La Revue des Deux Mondes,"in which the writer says, "The spectacle which North America offers us to day is nothing less than the whole of the New Con tinent learning to recognize its masters in the Anglo- Americans, in education ; and the simple and beau tiful Constitution of 1789, aftr^ half a century only of existence, extending an influence under which all must come, sooner or later." 188 REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. This great triumph, if we are true to our principles, will be accomplished Avithout arms. Which of these two parties, holding these opposing sentiments, will control the government? The fate of this country and the peace of the world depend on the issue. It is almost as if the direct question of peace or war were put to the people. The two candidates who are presented to the coun try for the high office of the presidency represent pre cisely the ideas which I have endeavored to exhibit as belonging to the two parties. General Cass is the very embodiment of the ag gressive tendencies of the Democratic party. When has he ever been found on the side of peace ? When did he ever advocate moderation? Was it when the Oregon question was before the country ? He stood out against the adjustment of that question to the last moment. He contended for the boundary of 54° 40'. When the country demanded a settlement upon the barrier of 49°, he would have involved two great Christian and kindred nations in Avar rather than yield up a portion of remote territory which had long been in dispute. What would have been the result if he had then been President ? He displayed the same spirit when the Mexican question came up. He was eager for war — would not listen to sober counsels, but brought all his influence to bear against the Avise and pacific policy of Mr. Calhoun. But on territorial acquisitions he would ' ' swallow the whole of Mexico." He earnestly advocated the scheme of pouring our troops into Yucatan, and was ready to seize Cuba upon the slightest pretext. He, day after REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. 189 day, urged the adoption ofthe Ten Regiment Bill when peace was at hand, and by that single measure would have involved the country in a useless expenditure of three millions of dollars. His public character is well known in Europe. An eminent British states man has sketched it with surprising fidelity. Lord Brougham, in his speech in the House of Lords on the Ashburton treaty, said, in reference to the alarm ing crisis through which England and America had just passed, "It was thus rendered inevitably certain that, if any mischance had happened to peace in Europe — if any war, or any thing like war, had broken out on this side of the Atlantic, one spark of that fire which would then have broken out in the Old World, borne across the ocean, would have kindled the train, thus ready laid to explode, extended this flame to America, and involved the New World as well as the Old in endless war. And if I am asked whether there was any likelihood of that spark being flung off, I must refer, though I am loath to broach any matters but those immediately under discussion, to a man exist ing in France, who may be said to have been, and still to be, the impersonation of hostile feeling, the promoter of discord between America and England." Lord Brougham proceeded to name General Cass as 'this man, and to describe his character and course in terms which I forbear to quote, because I do not concur in some of his sentiments. I refer to this speech to show that General Cass's belligerent quali ties are as well known in Europe as they are in Amer ica. Such, sir, is General Cass, and it is not easy to 190 REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. imagine how the government could be intrusted to more dangerous hands. I turn with pleasure to the candidate of the Whig party, General Taylor, great as a soldier, and greater yet as a man. His life has been passed in the camp, and yet he regards "war at all times and under all circumstances as a national calamity, to be avoided, if compatible Avith the national honor. " There is noth ing of a boastful spirit in this beautiful language. It is the sentiment of one who knows what war is, and who knows how to estimate the cost of even the most brilliant victories. Nor is he ambitious of con quests ; he comprehends the true glory of his coun try, and sees that its prosperity is to be advanced by adopting a magnanimous and pacific policy in our intercourse with other nations. "The principles of our government, as well as its true policy, is opposed to the subjugation of other nations, and the dismem berment of other countries by conquest." His idea of the relation between the executive and Congress is singularly clear and just, and is admirably ex pressed: "The personal opinions ofthe individual who may happen to occupy the executive chair ought not to control the action of Congress upon questions of do mestic policy, nor ought his objections to be inter posed where questions of constitutional power have been settled by the various departments of govern ment, and acquiesced in by the people." In a single letter he has shed the clearest light upon a subject to which I have already referred; I mean, sir, the power conferred on the President to REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. 191 arrest the legislation of Congress by the interposition of his veto : "The power given by the Constitution to the ex ecutive to interpose his veto is a high conservative power, but, in my opinion, should never be exercised except in cases of clear violation ofthe Constitution, or manifest haste and want of consideration by Con gress." Such are General Taylor's opinions, and they will commend themselves to the people of this whole country. His conception of the dignity, the respon sibility, and the duties of the executive, his respect for the legislative powers of Congress, and his readi ness to obey the popular will within the lunits ofthe Constitution, show him to be eminently qualified for the great trust which we Avish to commit to his hands. His position is a noble one. Without solicitation on his part, he has been brought before the country as a candidate for the first office in the government, and such is the confidence in his integrity that no pledges are demanded from him. The strongest pledge which the country can have is to be found in his own great qualities. Unselfish and unambitious, he yields himself to the call of his countrymen; he has no private purposes to accomplish, no party pro jects to build up, no enemies to punish — nothing to serve but his country. • His great character is glori ously exhibited in his military career. We are at a loss whether to admire most his faithful discharge of every duty, his genius and courage in battle, or the humanity which impelled him, when the battle was over, to minister to suffering. The eagles of his 192 REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. country have never known defeat when borne by him. There is a self-reliance about him — a consciousness of strength — a determination to drive his enemy be fore him, which makes an army under his command invincible. Cromwell was accustomed to ride down at the head of his Ironsides against the most for midable hosts, and dash against them like a living avalanche which nothing could resist; and, like him, Taylor, with his strong will, his iron purpose, and his unflinching courage, has, at the head of a few well- trained American troops, driven before him powerful armies. Perhaps in the history of the world the power of a single will was never more triumphantly exhibited than it was at Buena Vista. Taylor had been advised to fall back for safety on Monterey. Stripped of some of his best troops — far advanced in the enemy's country, with an army numbering only about four thousand, and but one tenth of them reg ulars — with no reserved force to support him — with the intelligence brought in that Santa Anna, at the head of twenty thousand men, was marching against him, there he took his position in a gorge of the Sierra Madre, and determined to meet the shock of battle. If we desire to know what thoughts Occu pied the mind of the American commander when he took that responsibility, we have only to open a let ter Avritten to a friend the evening before the battle. Comprehending the danger of his position, and con scious that a great struggle awaited him, he commits to writing the sentiments which filled his heart: "This may be the last communication you will re ceive from me. I have been stripped by the govern- REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. 193 ment of regular troops, and reduced in volunteers ; and thus stripped, and at the mercy of the foe, I have been expected by my country to retreat or resign. But I shall do neither. I care not for myself, but I feel deeply for the noble soldiers who are about to be sacrificed by their country. We shall stand and give them battle, relying on a just Providence for a right result." No, sir, he would neither retreat nor resign ; he would fight. There flashed forth a great spirit : the battle came; the odds were fearful, but who could doubt the result when American troops stood in that modern Thermopylae, and in the presence of such a leader ? It was in vain that Mexican artillery play ed upon their ranks, or Mexican infantry bore down with the bayonet, or Mexican lancers charged. The spirit ofthe great leader pervaded the men who fought with him, and a single glance of his eye could reani mate a wavering column. Like Napoleon at the Danube, he held his men under fire because he was exposed to it himself; and, like him, wherever he rode along the lines, mounted on a white charger, a con spicuous mark for balls, men would stand and be shot down, but they would not give way. Of Taylor on that day it may be said, as it has been said of Lannes at Montebello, "He was the rock of that battle-field around which men stood with a tenacity that nothing could move. If he had fallen, in five minutes that battle would have been a rout." That battle closed General Taylor's military career, and that battle alone gives him a title to immortality. His country will now need his services at home. There are other gen- N 194 REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF PRESIDENT POLK. erals to whom she may commit her armies ; there is but one to whom she will intrust the government. It is a glorious spectacle to see such a man called to administer the government: he rises far above party; he looks into the open Constitution for his guide. Men of all creeds welcome him, and invoke God's blessing upon him in his great task. With a slight change of words, we may apply to him the cel ebrated prophecy which hailed the advent of a Brit ish sovereign whose reign opened under auspices promising to advance the glory and prosperity of the realm : " In his days every man shall eat in safety Under his own vine what he plants, and sing The merry songs of peace to all his neighbors." GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITO RIES—THE NORTH AND THE SOUTH. A SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, FEBRUARY 10th, 1849. The House being in Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union, and having under consideration the bill providing governments for the new Terri tories, and in respect to slavery therein, Mr. Hilliard said, Mr. Chairman, — I shall follow the example ofthe gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Preston), who address ed the committee a day or two since, and proceed at once to give my views of the importance of establish ing a government for the inhabitants of the territory recently acquired from Mexico, based upon principles which seem to me to be perfectly proper in them selves, and which promise tranquillity to the whole country. I am not insensible to the importance of this question. A question of greater magnitude has not come up in our' time ; and in addressing myself to it, I shall endeavor, so far as may be proper, to lose sight of my allegiance to party or section; I shall hope to treat it as a great American question. In my judgment, the transfer of that territory to . the United States has devolved on us an important duty — a duty which we can neither overlook nor neg lect. We are in full and undisturbed possession of an extensive region, which was subjected to our arms during the late war with Mexico, and which has since been ceded to us by a treaty concluded with that re- 196 GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. public, the ratifications of which were exchanged at Queretaro on the 30th of May, 1848. By the terms of that treaty, the government of the United States is bound to pay to that of Mexico fifteen millions of dollars, and also to assume and pay to the claimants all the amounts which may be due to them by reason of the claims already liquidated and decided against the Mexican republic, under the conventions hereto fore held between that government and our own, as well as certain other demands which our citizens may have against the Mexican government, not exceeding three and a quarter millions of dollars. Now, sir, this territory, for the cession of which we have undertaken to make these payments, is, as I have already observed, in our possession ; our people are at this moment engaged in gathering the rich treas ures which its mines yield. It has been wrested from Mexico ; it can never be restored to her. I can see no mode of escape from the payment of this debt. In my judgment, the national honor is involved in making the payment which the treaty provides for ; and though I most reluctantly differ from some of my friends who have already expressed themselves on this point, I am compelled to say, that while I clearly recognize the right of this House to partici pate, to a certain extent, in the negotiations carried on by the other branches of the government, so far, at least, as the granting the necessary appropriations to perfect these negotiations is concerned — holding this doctrine, clearly admitting it, being quite ready to allow that cases might come up where I should be in favor of exerting that right on the part of the GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. 197 House, yet, under the present circumstances, I could not, under my obligations as a member of the Amer ican Congress, vote to withhold from Mexico the pay ment of the sum which Ave are bound by the treaty to make. A territory torn from a feeble government, now in our full possession, forever separated from the republic to which it belonged, must be paid for. To refuse it would be to expose ourselves to the charge of national repudiation in a very offensive sense. Whether we give or withhold a government, the ter ritory must be paid for in perfect good faith. I hold this to be our first duty. Again, sir, I think we ought to provide a govern ment for the inhabitants of that territory with as lit tle delay as possible. Numbers of our own people have already gone there, others are on their way, and these will need our protection. By looking into the treaty, especially at the ninth article, it Avill be seen, too, that we have undertaken to protect those Mexi cans who, by remaining in the ceded territory, have become citizens of the United States, in the full en joyment of their liberty and property. How can we discharge this duty if we do not provide a govern ment for them ? How can we protect them, unless Ave expend over them our jurisdiction and authority ? I say, then, that our first duty is to pay for this ter ritory, and our next to provide a government for its inhabitants. We ought to do both as speedily as may be. Heretofore, every attempt to provide a government for this territory has proved fruitless. An import ant question involved in it has baffled the wisest 198 GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. counsels. Before proceeding to^give my own ideas of this great question, Avhich I shall do with diffi dence, but at the same time with entire earnestness and candor, I shall recur to a history of the attempts which have been made to settle it. It will be remembered that some time during the last session of Congress, a distinguished senator from Delaware (Mr. Clayton) brought forward in the Sen ate a measure named by its friends the Compromise Bill, which undertook to dispose of the question. That bill sought to establish a territorial government for the inhabitants of that territory, without making any provision for the adjustment of the conflicting claims of the North and the South, but turned them over to the judicial tribunals of the country, to as certain the extent of their privileges. It passed the Senate after an interesting debate, and came to this House, where, upon the motion of my friend from Georgia (Mr. Stephens), who sits before me, animated by the most patriotic motives, as I have never doubt ed, by a vote of 112 to 97, it was laid on the table. The proposition failed. There existed too great a conflict of opinion as to its effects to allow the hope that it would settle the question. It would have divided opinion throughout the country still more widely, ranging the Northern and the Southern states as contestants before the Supreme Court. The second attempt to settle this question appeared in an amendment moved by a senator from Illinois (Mr. Douglass), for Avhom I entertain a high respect. He proposed to attach to the Oregon Bill, then be fore the Senate, an amendment, extending the Mis- GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. 199 souri Compromise line to the Pacific Ocean, in the same sense and with the same understanding in which it was originally adopted, applying it to all territory now belonging to, or hereafter to be acquired by the United States. That proposition came to this House, and was here rejected by a vote of 82 for and 121 against it. The bill went back to the Senate; that body receded from its amendment; the Oregon Bill was passed without this recognition of the com promise line ; it received the signature of the Presi dent, taking away from this measure one great ele ment of adjustment, of which it should never have been deprived, and this question is still open. Now I desire to say that, in my humble judgment, that would have been a perfectly fair settlement of this great question. The line which it proposed to stretch to the Pacific Ocean was a marked line. It had a historical weight about it. It had the sanction of patriotic example. It would have disposed forever not only of the present question, but of all kindred questions. The House thought proper to reject it, and, of course, I must acquiesce in that decision. There is another question directly connected with this of which I have been speaking, on which I de sire to offer some views, and which ought also to be settled. By the joint resolution of March 1, 1845, admitting Texas as a state into this Union, or, rather, providing for her annexation to the United States, it was enacted that the state should be form ed, subject to the adjustment by this government of all questions of boundary that might arise with other governments. Now it is perfectly well known that 200 GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. Texas had a disputed question of boundary with Mexico at the time of her admission. That state, by an act of her own Congress of December, 1836, de clared her western boundary to be the Rio Grande, the whole extent of it from its mouth to its source, and thence due north to the forty-second degree of north latitude. We annexed Texas, claiming that boundary, and we Undertook to settle her quarrel with Mexico. An attempt to do this by negotiation failed. A resort Avas had to arms. The government of the United States proceeded to urge our right to the country embraced within the limits of Texas, thus defined, against Mexico. Now it will be very well remembered that we claimed the country border ing on the Rio Grande as our own soil, through no other right than that which we had derived from Texas. We sent our troops there to occupy that territory, distinctly on the ground that it was em braced within the limits of the Republic of Texas, which, having been annexed to the United States, devolved on us the duty of protecting its soil from violation. On the very banks of the Rio Grande the battles of the 8th and 9th of May were fought ; and here I can not forbear to say that the crowning victory of that second day, as Cromwell would have called it, not only shed its undying lustre upon the American flag, but disclosed to our eyes one who has never since been lost sight of — one who, having earned upon successive battle-fields a military fame Avhich gives him rank Avith the greatest captains of any age, is about to enter on a career which will cover him with as much civic glory. GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. 201 Whatever may be thought ofthe claim of Texas to the Rio Grande as her western boundary, as against Mexico, it must be seen that her claim, to the full ex tent of her limits, as against the United States, rests on the strongest ground. Our late treaty with Mex ico has put us in undisputed possession of every foot of the territory claimed by Texas in her contest with that republic. The western boundary claimed by Texas before her annexation to the United States — a boundary which this government, after her annex ation, undertook to assert and to secure by negotia tion, and, failing in that, occupied and held by force ; a boundary which we have compelled Mexico to ad mit, must be the boundary of Texas as one of the states of this Union. There is no longer a party left to dispute this boundary. Having extinguished the claim of Mexico, Texas is left with a clear title to the full extent of the limits which she defined and assert ed as against that republic. The government of the United States can not appropriate to its own use any part of the disputed territory. It reserved the right to adjust questions touching the boundaries of Tex as with other governments. The only question of boundary in which Texas was interested has been settled by us in our late treaty with Mexico, and this government is now estopped from saying any thing against the claim of Texas to the boundary which she originally marked out for herself. So clear is this, that the President of the United States, in a special message sent to this House in July last, distinctly and fully admits the claim of Texas in all its extent. I very well remember that a gentleman 202 GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. from Kentucky (Mr. Duncan) addressed an argument to the House last summer, a short time before the ad journment of Congress, in which he maintained the claim of Texas to her western boundary in the most clear, satisfactory, and convincing manner ; it is an argument which I think any gentleman holding dif ferent opinions will find it difficult to answer. These two questions, then— that respecting the gov ernment of the territory which we have acquired from Mexico, and that respecting the limits of Texas — are kindred questions ; they ought to be settled at the same time, otherwise you transfer the dispute as to the boundaries of that state to the new state which you propose to form out of the territory which was involved in it while it constituted a part of Mexico. At this moment the subject is within your control. When states shall have been formed and admitted, it will cease to be so forever. I can conceive of no question- more delicate or more difficult than that of deciding between the conflicting claims of sovereign states as to domain. Yet this is the very question Avhich you are about to bring up, if, without defining the limits of Texas, you proceed to form or admit a new state, asserting its right to territory east of the Rio Grande. It is better to avoid this great question by wise legislation than to turn it over to the highest judicial tribunal in our country for its decision, after it shall have assumed the gravity of a dispute as to domain betAveen two sovereign states of this Union. Let us give to the inhabitants ofthe territory which we have lately acquired a government ; let us declare and fix the limits of Texas. GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. 203 Not only are these kindred questions — they are dis turbing questions. They have never ceased to excite us since the admission of Texas. Is this agitation, I ask, to go on ? There are persons who are deeply interested in keeping up this agitation. Preferring tempest to tranquillity, they let loose the Avinds from their caves to blow upon the great deep ; but, most fortunately, we, like Neptune, hold the trident which can still the wild waters, let the Avinds blow ever so fiercely. Shall we exert that power, or shall we sit inactive in the midst of such a scene ? Having observed no disposition in any quarter of the House to move in a matter which is certainly formidable enough, I brought forward two bills which I tendered to the House, and desired to submit to a select committee, which committee might give them a candid, thorough, patient examination, and report upon them. I did it because I believed there was merit enough in the proposition, if it could be fairly brought before the House, to give hope of its success. But before the proposition could be fairly exhibited — before even the whole plan could be presented, the most violent opposition was shown to it ; and being unwilling to suffer one part to go out unaccompanied by the other, I withdrew both bills, and shall offer them as a substitute for the bills reported from the Committee on Territories. I wish now briefly to explain the plan to which I have referred, and which I think the proper one for putting these questions forever at rest. I propose to authorize the people inhabiting that part of Califor nia west ofthe Sierra Nevada to form a Constitution, 204 GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. and apply for admission as a state into this Union. The boundaries of that state would be these : lying on the Pacific, extending eastward to the summit of the Sierra Nevada range of mountains, it Avill have Oregon on the north, while it will bend with the Si erra Nevada range in a southwest direction, finding its southern limit at the parallel of 34° 30', where, from an inspection of the map, it will be observed, that range of mountains touches the Pacific Ocean. These are natural boundaries. The waters at the southern base of these mountains empty into differ ent channels, parting as on a dividing ridge, and run ning northward and southward. Within these lim its may be formed a state which, besides its great mineral wealth, its beautiful and fertile valleys, and its delightful climate, will own the finest harbcrs on the Pacific coast. One of our OAvn countrymen (Fremont), whose gen ius and whose training eminently qualify him for the task of estimating the advantages of such a re gion, and the fidelity of whose descriptions is unques tionable, says of that part of California, "West of the Sierra Nevada, and between that mountain and the sea, is the second grand division of California, and the only part to which the name ap plies in the current language of the country. It is the occupied and inhabited part, and so different in character, so divided by the mountain wall of the Si erra from the Great Basin above, as to constitute a region to itself, with a structure and configuration, a soil, climate, and productions of its own; and as Northern Persia may be referred to as some type of GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. 205 the former, so may Italy be referred to as some point of comparison for the latter. North and south, the region embraces about ten degrees of latitude ; from 32°, where it touches the peninsula of California, to 42°, where it bounds on Oregon. East and west, from the Sierra Nevada to the sea, it will average, in the middle parts, one hundred and fifty miles ; in the northern parts, two hundred, giving an area of above one hundred thousand square miles. "Perhaps few parts ofthe world can produce in Such perfection so great a variety of fruits and grains as the large and various region inclosing the Bay of San Francisco, and drained by its waters. A view of the map will show that region and its great extent, comprehending the entire valleys of the Sacramento and San Joaquin, and the whole western slope of the Sierra Nevada." This Avill give us some idea of what the State of California, Avith its appropriate boundaries, is likely to become. The territory not included within the limits of that state, nor embraced within the boundaries of Texas, as I propose to run them, may be governed in such manner as Congress may prescribe until it contains sufficient population for a state. In defining the limits of Texas, I would cut off from that state all her domain lying above the par allel of 36° 30' north latitude, a territory of great ex tent, which, it has been well stated by the gentleman from Kentucky, to whom I have already alluded (Mr. Duncan), is conceded to be large enough to form at 206 GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. least two states. It is known to contain 43,537 square miles. Let the northern boundary of Texas begin where the parallel of 36° 30' cuts her eastern boundary; let it extend along that parallel, westward, to the summit of the Sierra Nevada range of mount ains, already fixed on as marking the eastern limits of the State of California, and thence follow those limits to the Pacific Ocean. I would grant to Texas all the territory lately acquired from Mexico south of the northern boundary which I have just sketched, subject to the conditions under which Texas was ad mitted into the Union. The joint resolution for an nexing Texas to the United States provides, among other things, that "new states of convenient size, not exceeding four in number, in addition to said State of Texas, and having sufficient population, may here after, by consent of said state, be formed out of the territory thereof, which shall be entitled to admission under the provisions of the Federal Constitution. And such states as may be formed out of that por tion of said territory lying south of 36° 30' north latitude, commonly known as the Missouri Compro mise line, shall be admitted into the Union with or without slavery, as the people of each state asking admission may desire. And in such state or states as shall be formed out of such territory north of said Missouri Compromise line, slavery or involuntary servitude (except for crimes) shall be prohibited." I would, of course, provide also that all public lands within the territory thus granted to Texas should be reserved to the United States. These are the great features of the bills which I GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. 207 wish to submit for the consideration ofthe commit tee, and they agree, in the main, with those ofthe bill brought forward by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Preston) ; at least, we both desire to relieve the inhabitants of the territory which is the subject of our legislation from territorial restraints as soon as they are in circumstances to form and maintain a state government. We differ upon the subject of boundaries : he would give the vast region which has been ceded to us by Mexico to the jurisdiction of the inhabitants now there, who are mainly concentrated in the neighborhood of San Francisco, and authorize them to create a state, stretching its authority over its whole extent, and regulating by its laws the right of property for the people who are already upon the soil, and who may hereafter make their abode there. Now, sir, I am quite ready to concede to the people of California proper — a community residing west of the Sierra Nevada — the right to form a state, with its proper boundaries, but I am not willing to allow them to stretch their jurisdiction along the whole Pacific coast, and embrace within their limits the whole extent ofthe vast region lying outside of those proper boundaries, settling in advance the great ques tions now before the country, and deciding by their laws upon the rights of our citizens who may wish hereafter to reside there. If the people of California proper are ready to come into this Union as a state, let them come in ; the bill which I have the honor to submit proAddes for their admission. But why should the whole ter ritory be subjected to their legislation? The right 208 GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. of a people to establish a government for themselves — a great popular right, which I shall never deny — is one thing, and the extent of their domain is quite another thing. It may be very important to allow the people west ofthe Sierra Nevada to exercise this right at this time, and I desire that they shall exer cise it speedily ; but it does not follow that it is wise or proper to allow them to subject the whole extent of our lately-acquired territory to their laws for all time to come. The very principle for which the gen tleman contends would forbid this, for the grant of such a power as he wishes to confer upon the inhab itants already in California would deprive future set tlers in other parts of our new territory of the right of establishing a government for themselves. The bill offered by the gentleman from Virginia makes no provision respecting the limits of Texas, but leaves the boundary of that state to be ascertained and fixed by the judicial tribunals of the country. I wish, sir, as I have already said, to settle that question, and in defining the limits of Texas I would deal with her liberally. I would reward the confi dence with which she came into this Union by a gen erous reception. I would treat her claims as a pow erful confederacy ought to treat the claims of a great state — a state heretofore sovereign and independent, and voluntarily subjecting herself to the authority of our Constitution. Do not, with this state in your presence asserting her ancient rights, turn her over to your courts, and instruct them to look carefully into "the bond," and then fix her limits within the narrowest bounds. GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. 209 It will be seen that the settlement which I propose is an approximation to the Missouri Compromise line; but there are important points of difference. By that line, as it was- drawn by the senator from Illinois in his amendment to the Oregon Bill, Texas was left in possession of her entire domain, stretching up to the 42d parallel of latitude, while the Compro mise line was extended to the Pacific Ocean, cutting off the base of the State of California lying within the boundaries which I have described. Now the bill which I offer cuts off from Texas all her territory north of 36° 30', and leaves the State of California in possession of its entire territory, pursuing a natu ral and great boundary until it enters the Pacific Ocean at the parallel of 34° 30' north latitude. So far as slavery is concerned, it is conceded that it will never enter any part of the territory lying above 36° 30' not embraced within, the contemplated State of California, while no. one doubts that the State of California, when organized, will prohibit its intro duction. That part of the territory granted to Texas will be covered with a population who will tolerate or exclude slavery, as the soil, the climate, the rela tive situation of that region, and the wishes of its in habitants may determine, referring that question to the decision of the people of the states hereafter to be formed there. I suppose it is admitted that Tex as will, at some day, be subdivided into several states. By the resolution of annexation, it was provided that this should take place, with the consent of Texas, Avhen her territory contained a sufficient population. I am willing to rely upon the patriotic spirit of the o 210 GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. people of that state for their consent to this arrange ment ; if other gentlemen are not, it may be specially provided for in this bill, by making it a condition precedent of this extension of her limits, that this subdivision is to be made by the government of the United States at some proper time, to be judged of by Congress, out of territory lying north of the En- senado. Gentlemen representing states interested in the exclusion of slavery from all territory belonging to the United States may, it seems to me, readily consent to vote for this measure. It takes from Texas a large part of her domain, for the loss of which she is compensated by an extension of her western boundary. It does not establish slavery within any part of the new territory subjected to the jurisdiction of Texas, but leaves the existence of that description of labor to depend for the present upon natural causes, and refers it hereafter to the decision of the people that may reside there. The right to decide this question for themselves is one of those great political rights of which no one should desire to deprive them. The states formed out ofthe ter ritory taken from Texas, lying north of 36° 30', would exclude slavery, while those lying south of it might tolerate or exclude it. But the great advantage se cured by such a division of the territory would be that a class of states lying beloAV that line, as well as those lying above it, would be homogeneous in their character. Let us now inquire into the comparative advant ages which the northern and southern portions of this confederacy would derive from such an adjust- GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. 211 ment of their conflicting claims. The number of square miles in that part of the territory lately ceded to the United States, not embraced within the limits claimed by Texas, is 526,078; of this, New Mexico contains 77,387 square miles, while California meas ures 448,691. It will at once be seen what a dis proportion would exist between the respective shares of the North and the South, if all California should be given to the former and New Mexico to the latter. By confining the limits of Texas Avithin the paral lel of 36° 30', and extending that line, as I propose to do, the North Avould hold possession of a part of the domain of Texas amounting to 43,537 square miles, of California 303,457 square miles, and of New Mexico 33,898— in all, 380,892 square miles; while the South would receive of California only 145,234 square miles, of NeAv Mexico 43,489 square miles — in all, 188,723 square miles: giving to the North an excess, under this division, of some 200,000 square miles. Let it be borne in mind that the territory of Texas alone, which would be cut off to the North by the line which I desire to draw, Avould be sufficient to make six states, each one as large as the State of Massachusetts, or a single state larger than Ohio, and nearly as large as New York. When you come to survey the fine harbors embraced within the pro posed State of California, especially that of San Francisco, which, in the language of one of our naval officers, is large enough to contain all the shipping ofthe world; when you come to consider the miner al wealth of that region, its productive soil, and its 212 GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. beautiful mountain slopes, you perceive that the North would receive the lion's share, while the South would hold but a small part of the Pacific coast, em bracing the inconsiderable harbor of San Diego. Fremont says the "Bay of San Francisco has been celebrated, from the time of its first discovery, as one of the finest in the Avorld, and is justly entitled to that character, even under the seaman's view of a mere harbor. But when all the accessory advantages which belong to it — fertile and picturesque depend ent country; mildness and salubrity of climate ; con nection with the great interior valley of the Sacra mento and San Joaquin; its vast resources for ship timber, grain, and cattle — when these advantages are taken into the account, with its geographical position on the line of communication with Asia, it rises into an importance far above that of a mere harbor, and deserves a particular notice in any account of mari time California. Its latitudinal position is that of Lisbon; its climate, that of Southern Italy; settle ments upon it for more than half a century attest its healthiness ; bold shores and mountains give it grand eur; the extent and fertility of its dependent country give it great resources for agriculture, commerce, and population." Add to this extensive and important region (which, under the plan we are now considering, goes to the North, increasing its maritime power) Oregon, with its 341,467 square miles, you find that the domain recently acquired on the Pacific by that section of the Union is overshadowing. This brings me to a part of the question which I GOVERNMENTS FOR. THE NEW TERRITORIES. 213 desire to press upon the consideration of this com mittee with earnestness. Is it intended to exclude the South from all participation in our acquisition upon the Pacific coast? Will the North, with its vast Atlantic possessions and its vast Pacific acqui sitions, insist upon shutting out the South forever from all participation in the benefits of this, great ac cession to our maritime power? Can not our insti tutions, which Ave brought into the confederacy with us, and about Avhich the Constitution, from the very first hour of its existence — springing into being, like Minerva, full-groAvn^ — threw its. protecting segis^ — can not these institutions be carried there With us? Are we to be noAv excluded, thus settling forever the po litical question that the South can have no share in the acquisitions which may hereafter be made along the Pacific coast? swelling the already vast power of the North, and making the disproportion against the South still greater. I do not allow myself to entertain any jealousy of the North. On the contrary, I rejoice in the pros perity of that part - of my country. I glory in the great qualities of New England, for instance- — quali ties which have covered rock-girt regions and a reluc tant soil with every exhibition which wealth, and genius, and civilization can furnish — qualities which have been gloriously displayed, both in peace and in war — qualities which have enabled her to carry the flag of our country in triumph over the ocean, wheth er against British vessels, bristling with guns and bearing the cross of St. George, or in the quiet pur suit of a peaceful commerce, or folloAving the whale 214 GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. into the Arctic seas. These are qualities in which I claim a participation. They do not belong to New England, they belong to the whole country. But, Avhile I make this admission — it is not an admission — while I proclaim this sentiment with all the warmth of my heart, I desire to say with equal sincerity that, in my judgment, the balance of power which has heretofore been maintained by the two great sections of our confederacy is essential to wise and conserva tive legislation, and to the preservation of our insti tutions. Firmly believing this — it is from no hostil ity to the North, it is from a profound conviction that the best interests of the Avhole country demand that this equipoise, if possible, shall be maintained — believing this, as I do, I can not give my consent to any policy which shall strengthen the disproportion against the South, or make the influence ofthe North still more powerful. If any bill is to pass this body by which the South is to be shut out from all partic ipation in our late acquisitions, that bill must pass Avithout my aid. Mr. Chairman, I am about to make a statement which may be thought to have the demerit of too much frankness. I shall make it in all candor. There is a domestic institution in the South which in some sort insulates us from all mankind. The civilized world is against us. I know it; I compre hend it ; I feel it. A sentiment which took its birth in England, which has since spread over the Conti nent of Europe, which now covers a large propor tion of our own country — that sentiment, gathering strength with every advancing year, threatens to over- GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. 215 Avhelm us. The tide has been rising higher and higher, until, sir, we begin to feel the spray breaking over the very embankments which surround us. Our moral condition at the South resembles the physical condition of Holland, where dikes, thrown up by the ingenuity of man, hardly protect the habitations of man against the incursions ofthe sea. If the South were in a commanding position, I should be willing to concede much ; but because of her very weakness, I shall stand by her to the last. My eyes first be held the light there, and there my eyes shall close upon it. I was nurtured in the bosom ofthe South, and I wish to rest in her bosom when this conscious ness is at an end, and this form wasting in the dust. No change of circumstances, no overwhelming power arrayed against her, no decline of her fortunes, can ever induce me, for one, to forget or to forsake her. " For, though the ear be all unstrung, Still, still it loves the Lowland tongue." Holding the opinions that I do — representing a people thus invested by the civilized world — I can not consent, for one single moment, to abandon any part of their claims. Before I consent, by any act or vote of mine, to surrender one jot or one tittle of the rights, or the honor, or the glory of the South, "my right hand shall forget its cunning, and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth." I know that the gentlemen who surround me from the other portions of the confederacy respect me the more for the sentiment. If the South can not rely upon us to urge her claims and vindicate her honor, where, in all the earth, can she look for advocates? No; rep- 216 GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. resenting a people invested as Ave are, I can never give my consent to any measure which diminishes any portion of their rights. I have already, Mr. Chairman, shown the points of resemblance and the points of difference between the bill offered by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Preston) and the measure which I have the honor to submit. Noav I intend, throughout this entire speech, to use the utmost frankness. If the whole territory ceded to us by Mexico is made one state, as that gen tleman proposes it shall be, then this question, for which we have all along been contending, is decided against us. Who does not see it? Who does not comprehend it? The very regiment first sent out by the President of the United States, that from New York, would have decided it against us long ago ; and if you leave it to the people now there to settle this question, it is forever gone. I see it too well to doubt it for a single moment. If we have been con tending for any substantial right, it is to be given up. I do not know that we can do better; the time for protecting the South was when the treaty was before the Senate. There was the field upon which our rights might have been maintained; and since that fortunate hour has been suffered to go by, it may be that it is too late to retrieve our fortunes. But I do not hesitate to say, in full view of my friend (Mr. Preston), and with perfect respect for his patriotism as Avell as his intellect, that if we accept the bill of the gentleman, we shall be in circumstances precisely similar to those in which Francis I. found himself after the battle of Pa via, and in writing to our con- GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. 217 stituents we may employ the very language which he addressed to his mother: "Allis lost save our hon or." Who questions this? I admit that our honor is Avorth all the rest. But who does not perceive that to make a single state out of this new territory, and to allow the people there to-day, inhabiting a part ofthe territory, to legislate for the whole of it; — to subject its entire extent to their exclusive jurisdic tion — to allow them to decide upon the question of slavery or no slavery, is substantially to abandon every thing which the South has heretofore claimed? I do not desire to influence the votes of gentlemen either from the South or the North; let them take the question on their own responsibility ; but I frank ly give my view of the effects of the bill which the gentleman proposes. It is said that slave labor can never be carried prof itably into that region. * Why, then, I ask, seek to exclude it by odious legislation? What patriotic motive — what high consideration — what generous impulse can urge gentlemen to press upon us an of fensive measure, in advance of an exclusion which, they insist, will be as certainly secured by the exist ing laws of nature? It is nothing short of bigotry — mere blind bigotry — which, in the language of an Irish orator, "has no head, and can not think — has no heart, and can not feel." Why urge a measure of this sort? Why not leave to the laws' of nature what the laws of nature will surely accomplish? There can be no objection to the size of the State of Texas, with the boundaries which I propose for it, that does not apply with equal force to the State of 218 GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. California, which the gentleman from Virginia pro poses to create. If it be said that Texas Avill be too large with this extension of her boundaries, I would ask if California will not be too large, covering the vast region which is to be embraced within its limits? Do you object to extending the boundary of Texas to the Pacific? You must, then, also object to ex tending the boundaries of California from the Pacific to the limits of Texas. Let it be borne in mind that this is to be a temporary arrangement; that the new territory which I propose to give to Texas is to be subdivided hereafter into states. I regard it as a limited subjection to the jurisdiction of Texas — a sub jection which Avill cease when it possesses a sufficient population to form a separate state. Virginia was once a state vast in extent; so Avas Georgia; but both these great states, animated by patriotic mo tives, have surrendered a large amount of their terri torial possessions. Texas will follow their example. Neither can there be any objection to altering the boundary of California or New Mexico. Mexican provinces have no fixed boundaries like our states, but are modified or subdivided to suit the convenience of the supreme power. I confess, sir, my desire to secure the vast region which we have recently acquired by treaty, and to see it embraced within the Union as an integral part of our domain. We may spread our system of govern ment with perfect safety. Our progress is pacific. It grows out of the inherent energy of our people and the character of our institutions. The progress of the Roman Empire was military ; the weight of GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. 219 its chariot- Avheel crushed every thing in its course; tribes, provinces, nations, were subdued by the force of arms, and Avere held in subjection by resistless pow er. When they recovered strength, they threw off the yoke, and turned their spears against their op pressors. Such a system lost its strength by exten sion. A decay of the central power suffered the re mote possessions to feel their independence and as sert their liberty ; and an empire built up by arms, covering the civilized world, making a single city the seat of boundless imperial power, fell by its oavu weight. The very principle upon which the struc ture was raised announced the certainty of its destruc tion. Our system, too, is a representative republic — local in one respect, and federal in another. In the philosophical language of Montesquieu, quoted with approbation by Alexander Hamilton, who was one of the first, if not the first statesman to whom this country has given birth, "A confederate republic has all the internal advantages of a republican, to gether Avith the external force of a monarchical gov ernment. As this government is composed of small republics, it enjoys the internal happiness of each ; and with respect to its external situation, it is pos sessed, by means of the association, of all the advan tages of large monarchies." We can afford to spread a government over this entire continent — at least, so much as belongs to us — without the slightest appre hension of internal disorders or of dissolution. The truth is, Ave find our strength in our union. Neigh boring states are rival states. I have seen it recent ly stated that the Avars of the time of Louis XIV, 220 GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. and since, are, at this day, an annual charge upon the states of Europe of five hundred millions of dollars, besides several millions more, which must be taken into the account, for maintaining standing armies to protect themselves against each other. Who desires to see such a state of things upon 'this continent ? Who would give away any portion of our- territory? Some of the very considerations which induce" me to maintain the Union as it is now would induce me to embrace within the Union all the territories which belong to us. I am, therefore, opposed to the idea which I have heard thrown out in conversation, and sometimes expressed where the gravity and dignity of a speech go with it — the idea of cutting off any part of this territory which now belongs to us, so as to make an independent republic. A senator, distin guished for his intellect and his learning (Mr. Ben ton), said, I believe, in a speech delivered by him some years since, that "he desired to see the god Terminus placed on the summit ofthe Rocky Mountains, mark ing the boundary between the two republics — an At lantic republic and a Pacific republic." I do not, for a moment, participate in the sentiment. It does not meet my approbation on any single principle ; and I am happy to see that distinguished senator himself now urging the construction of a great national high way across the continent. The danger of border- wars, conflicting commercial systems, rival < interests, all forbid the existence of an independent kindred state ; the national safety, national tranquillity^ and national glory, all demand an extension of our polit ical system over our entire domain. I trust that "the GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. 221 god Terminus" will never stand on the Rocky Mount ains, nor on the , Sierra Nevada, but that he will sink under the placid waves of the Pacific, and that our government will be outspread over the entire rer gion which belongs to us. I desire to realize the pic ture of one people extending from the St. Lawrence to the .Gulf of Mexico, and from the Atlantic to the Pacific, living under the same laws, speaking the same language, professing the same religious faith, bearing the same national standard, calling up the same glo rious recollections, and looking forward to the same glorious hopes. This is Avhat I desire to see realized. The sun in his course has looked dovfn upon many a glorious exhibition of commercial Avealth and politi cal power ; he has seen the Assyrian, the Macedoni an, and the Roman empires rise and fall ; he sees, to day, the British empire. in the full pride of its power ; but never, in his Whole course, has he turned his burn ing vision upon a spectacle of commercial wealth, political poAver, and national glory like that which this country will present when we have carried our institutions over our entire domain. For one, I desire to realize it, and to realize it as speedily as possible. There is, in my judgment, a great advantage to be derived by the American nation from the acquisition of California as an essential and permanent portion of this republic. I do not speak of its mineral Avealth. I allude to considerations far more important — I mean its harbors. We need harbors on the Pacific coast. We must have them ; and California, as it happens, presents the finest the world has ever seen. I have already referred to the harbor of San Fran- 222 GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. ciscch Before we pronounce this to be a small ac quisition — for I can not consent to view it in a party light, opposed as I was to the acquisition of territory, and to making- Avar upon a feeble people ; opposed as I Avas to it, I regard the question as now settled, and I am prepared to estimate the full value of the acqui sition — we must look to the trade with Asia; we must look to the gainful traffic of the Eastern Archi pelago and of China before we pronounce this a light or trifling acquisition. The time is not far distant when we shall import into California the muslins, silks, teas, and other commodities of great value pro duced by China. The time is not far distant when the neighboring islands will be covered with an in dustrious and civilized population, consuming our products and exchanging their commodities with us. The time is not far distant Avhen our Eastern trade, now carried on with Asia at great risk, running the gauntlet ofthe British naval posts, will be transferred to the tranquil bosom of the Pacific, and be conduct ed in comparative security. The time is not far dis tant when an idea will be realized which I remember to have thrown out in the first speech I ever made on this floor: Ave shall have a rail-road running through our entire domain, connecting the East with the West, and the trade and travel of the whole world Avill be turned across this road, through our western ports, into the Pacific. I confess I value an acquisi tion which brings to us a promise of this sort; and, for one, I shall do all in my power — as Mexico has lost the territory, as it is noAv in our possession — toward securing it, and making it a permanent part of our GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. 223 possessions. When the institutions of this country are thus carried out — when our religion, and laws, and civilization are seated on the shores of the Pa cific — Avhen they begin to spread their splendor over the neighboring islands and upon the distant East — then, I say, this country Avill present a picture which the philanthropist, the statesman, and the Christian may contemplate with unmixed delight. Let it come in our time — the sooner the better. I earnestly de sire it may all be realized. But while I have this feeling in all the strength with which I have expressed it, at the same time I do not hesitate to say that I prefer the Union of these states to any increase of wealth or any accession of power. I love old alliances too Avell to seek new ones at the expense of the old. Highly as I value California, glorious as is the picture Avhich the fu ture presents, I would cast it all away, as my eloquent friend from Indiana (Mr. Thompson) said the other day, rather than put in peril this Union as it exists to-day Sir, I do not regard the Union as in any danger. Far from it. But the time may come when the fra ternal feeling which gives this Union all its value may be destroyed. The time may come when the lofty patriotism which noAv pervades the American bosom, and makes the American feel — whether tread ing the hills of New England, the plains ofthe South, or the prairies of the West — " This is my own, my native land," may expire — when every thing like patriotism shall be lost, and national glory and national power shall 224 GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES.1 be maintained at the sacrifice of that sentiment which first brought these kindred states into voluntary and cordial union. I have already said that I am a Southern man by birth, by rearing, by allegiance, by all' the mighty sympathies which can bind the heart of a man to his people ; but I claim the wider and still more glorious privilege of being a citizen of the American Union ; and while I love the South, I should love the South less if it did not form a part of this Union. No act of mine shall ever do anything toward surrendering the glory and the rights of the section from which I come ; no act of mine shall ever do any thing toward weakening the tie which binds us together as. a com mon country. I have heretofore never participated in any scheme of that kind, and while God gives me reason I never shall. I' will encounter any haz ard, here or at home, before I will take part in any combination looking to any such purpose. There are rights, many rights, dear to us as a Southern people. I know it. But no man shall make me count the cost of this Union ; no man shall bring me to the point when I will run over the estimate to see what I can afford to give up, the South or the Union. I will cling to both. I will never be brought into a cold arithmetical estimate of that description. If I thought the organizing a government for California Avould put this Union in peril, I would forever with hold that government. If I thought the surrender of that territory Avas necessary to the preservation of our harmony or our fraternal feeling, I would give up that territory now and forever. But I can not GOVERNMENTS FOR THE NEW TERRITORIES. 225 believe that all patriotic feeling is lost in the repre sentatives of the people. That can not be. We have the manliness, the patriotism, the wisdom to construct a government, I am sure, which will con cede something on all sides, and leave us all far bet ter off, because we shall have disposed of these dis turbing questions, and henceforth we shall better un derstand each other. I see my time is rapidly drawing to a close. I have endeavored to exhibit this scheme as clearly as possible. I know that in the short time allotted to me I can not do it justice. But I believe it possesses great merits. I think it ought to be seriously con sidered. I do not pretend to say what bill I shall vote for if mine is rejected, or whether I shall vote for any; but I do say I never will consent to any enactment on the part of this body, if I can prevent it, which makes that portion of the Union which I in part represent in any manner less in dignity, less in glory, or less in co-ordinate sovereignty than other portions. Let the Union stand, and stand, if it may be, FOREVER. I rejoice to hope it Avill. But, at the same time, I desire to see harmony prevail among the several states of the Union — harmony like that which reigns in the spheres. If we must rival each other, let us differ from each other as one star differ- eth from another star in glory; and let us be held together in our mighty sweep through the vast orbit we are filling, not by a binding girdle of iron, but by the indestructible power of universal attraction. P SLAVERY AND THE UNION. REMARKS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, DECEMBER 12th, 1849. Mr. Hilliard said : The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Allen), who has just resumed his seat, affects to disregard the declarations which several gentlemen have made to-day in this hall in relation to the perilous condi tion to which the government is now brought, on the ground that they have spoken under the influence of passion; and he treats this impressive occasion with unbecoming levity, in likening the irrepressible burst of feeling which has more than once interrupted the course of this debate, to the contrived applause which brought one of Oliver Goldsmith's earliest plays into notice. A calmer man never addressed him than the one Avho now rises to speak upon this great topic which has so unexpectedly been brought up for dis cussion, and I say to him and to this whole House that the union of these states is in great peril. It has been precipitated into this condition by an utter oblivion, on the part of gentlemen representing the non-slaveholding states, of the feeling and purpose of the people of the southern portion of this confed eracy, in regard to the threatened encroachments on their rights. I have never known, throughout the entire southern country, so settled and deep a feeling upon the subject to which I have referred — the at- SLAVERY AND THE UNION. 227 tempt to exclude slavery from the territories of the United States — as now exists there. And I solemnly declare, speaking from a thorough acquaintance with that people — a people among whom I was born and have been brought up, that if this legislation is to be persisted in, this Union can not stand. The gentle man (Mr. Allen) says that the Union is in no danger ; that the gentlemen who have announced its dangers could not even remove one of the marble columns which support this hall; yet I would remind him that the hand of a child may fling a torch into a tem ple which Avill reduce the magnificent structure to ashes. He and his associates are heaping combusti ble materials against the lofty columns of this Union which the hand of a child may at any time fire. It is time for eArery true friend of the Union to speak out ; if it is to be rescued from the perils which in vest it, it must be done by a manly, truthful, bold declaration of the sentiments ofthe Southern people. I employ no threatening language. I know too well Avhat is due to others, from what I feel to be due to myself, to use any other language than such as I desire others to use toward myself. I address gentlemen who can comprehend elevated considera tions, and who will act under the promptings of pat riotic sentiments at this solemn conjuncture. In speaking for the people who have once more honored me with their confidence in sending me here to rep resent them, I feel it to be my duty to say that, while they cherish a profound attachment to the Union, they will never submit to any legislation which places their state in an inferior relation to the other states 228 SLAVERY AND THE UNION. of this great confederacy. They will never hesitate when the choice comes to be made between danger and dishonor. They would regard a dissolution of the Union as a calamity — a calamity too great to be estimated; but they would esteem submission to leg islation which at once deprives them of their rights and degrades them as a still greater calamity. For my own part, I have never admired a phrase which has become somewhat current, that "we shall be com pelled to calculate the value ofthe Union." The value of the Union Avhich binds these states together is incalculable; its priceless value defies all the ordinary methods of computation; it is conse crated by battles, and triumphs, and glories which belong to the past ; it embraces a people of kindred blood scattered throughout these states,- speaking the same language, and holding the same religious faith ; it secures to us innumerable blessings ; it looks forward to a future still more prosperous and more glorious than the past. But, though all this be so, it may be destroyed, and Avill be, unless the measures which some gentlemen in this hall seem so resolute to press are at once arrested. A brave, generous, high-spirited people, who comprehend their rights, and who know how important it is for free states to resist the first encroachment of tyranny, in whatever shape it may come, will, under the pressure of a great necessity, break off an alliance which employs the machinery of a common government against them without pausing to cast up its value. The Union is a government of consent, not of force. When the soul of the Union is fled, how can it longer survive? SLAVERY AND THE UNION. 229 When the fraternal affection which holds us together in willing association is destroyed, what girdle can be thrown around these states strong enough to bind them ? It is of no avail that you point to a future of convulsion and blood which lies beyond the hour of our separation. Any thing is to be preferred to an ignominious submission to tyranny — tyranny which revels in the mere wantonness of its strength. Men resign life rather than submit to that which robs life of its value. I appeal to the friends of the Union. I may well avoAv myself to be one of them. In the canvass through which I passed last summer, I bore in my hand that banner which the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. M'Dowell) described in that elo quent speech by which we were all so much moved at the last session. I bore that great banner in tri umph. I spoke for the Union. I urged upon the generous people who gathered about me, and heard me, forbearance. I insisted that we should trust to the forms of the government for protection until we found them insufficient barriers. I vindicated the people ofthe Northern States, and did not hesitate to declare that it was my belief the unjust legislation in regard to the government of the territories of the United States, which had been threatened, and against which they were so indignant, would never be con summated. Now, then, gentlemen, I appeal to you; I call on you for forbearance, and I solemnly declare to you that it rests with you to save the government from the perils which surround it. Upon you will rest the responsibility of settling this great question. The people of these states, the civilized world, and 230 SLAVERY AND THE UNION. the God of the universe will hold you responsible for the consequences. It is in your power to restore harmony to our system — to turn the government from the dangers upon which it is driving; and you can do it Avithout a single sacrifice. The Wilmot Proviso, as it is styled by those who claim to repre sent that measure on this floor — the Wilmot Provi so, which seeks to exclude the citizens of the slave- holding states from California and New Mexico, has not a single principle to recommend it. It rests nei ther upon generosity, nor justice, nor constitutional law, and it asserts a doctrine which would not be tolerated for a single moment, if applied to the ordi nary transactions of life, in any part of the civilized world. Mr. Schenck here interposed to give his views of the Wilmot Proviso, disclaiming that name for it, and asserting that it was the ordinance of 1787 Avhich was intended to be applied to the territories ofthe United States. Mr. Hilliard resumed his remarks, and said, What Virginia generously gave was subjected to the ordi nance of 1787. I shall not now stop to speak of that ordinance ; its authority was questioned by some of the ablest men of that day ; but let it pass. The attempt to settle the Wilmot Proviso now on the ba sis of the ordinance of 1787 is a vain effort. The Wilmot Proviso is a selfish scheme, which proposes to seize upon and appropriate the entire territory ac quired from Mexico by the common exertion, and common treasure, and, what is more, the common blood of the people of this whole country, for the SLAVERY AND THE UNION. 231 benefit of the non-slaveholding portion of this con federacy. The people of the Southern States, who bore their full share of the cost of the war, whether you regard the outlay of money or the still more pre cious expenditure of human life, are to be denied any participation in the fruits of the victory. Can you expect them to bear it? Would you not despise them if they did ? You admit that there already ex ists an insuperable barrier against the introduction of slavery into those territories, and yet you insist upon excluding it by bringing the authority of this government — a government which ought to protect the rights of all its citizens alike — to provide for its exclusion by positive legislation. If you persist in this course, gentlemen, you must take the responsibil ity of all the consequences which grow out of it. A gentleman from North Carolina, now before me (Mr. Clingman), one of the most conservative who occu pies a seat on this floor, has clearly stated, in his re cent letter, the settled purpose ofthe whole Southern people in regard to this measure ; and he added that no people had been known to prosper long after sub mitting to an unjust and degrading encroachment on their rights. We do not intend to furnish another illustration of that great political truth. Spare us, gentlemen, the necessity of choosing between submis sion to unjust and degrading encroachments on our rights, or a disruption of the ties which bind us to gether. Let me remind you ofthe relations which we hold to this threatening question. Your policy is aggress ive, ours is defensive. You seize the machinery ofthe 232 SLAVERY AND THE UNION. government and turn it against us. We ask you to forbear, and to leave us in the enjoyment of whatev er rights we may possess. It is in your power to save the Union; it is in your power to destroy it. Carry out the measures with which you threaten us, and it Avill then be too late to save it. You can not keep down the elements which will heave beneath the government which to-day displays its glorious pro portions to the world. The internal fires ofthe earth can not be kept down by the weight of the mount ains which press them ; they will flame up. Nor is there strength enough in this government to keep doAvn the feeling which the consummation of the in justice you contemplate will arouse throughout the whole Southern country. You have heard Virginia speak through her Legis lature ; Alabama has passed her resolutions in sol emn form ; and the voice of Mississippi comes up like the rush of her own great waters. I feel at lib erty to speak out plainly. I have been charged with being too national — with cherishing so profound an attachment to the Union that I was ready to surren der the rights of the South to save it. I do not re gret a single exertion which I have made in behalf of the Union. If I can now do any thing toward averting impending calamities, I shall gladly do it. But I can go no farther. If, having eyes, you refuse to see, and having ears, you refuse to hear — if you will not regard the remonstrances of a people now thor oughly roused by the unjust measures with which they are threatened, my mind is made up to stand with the people of that oppressed section of the Union SLAVERY AND THE UNION. 233 in resistance to your measures and your power. You have the majority, but the will of a majority can not disturb the great principles of the Constitution, nor can it interpret the Constitution. In our government we are protected against the tyranny of a popular majority — the Avorst of all tyrannies — by the provi sions of the Constitution. When the poAver of the majority transcends the limits of the Constitution, it ceases to be law, and becomes usurpation. Before resuming my seat, I desire to allude, if gen tlemen will allow me, to what occurred in the pre liminary meeting Avhich nominated Mr. Winthrop for the speakership. [Cries of " Certainly, certainly" — " Go on."] When I came to Washington, it was my purpose to vote for Mr. Winthrop for speaker. An accomplished gentleman, admirably fitted in every way to preside over a body like this, my personal friend, I could not hesitate to vote for him. When, however, in the meeting to which I have referred, a resolution was brought forward which was intended as the basis of an understanding in regard to our ac tion upon the dangerous question of which I have just been speaking, and when I found that we could agree upon nothing at that time, I saw the difficulties of my position. I did not expect the resolution to pass, but I did hope that a free conference would fol low, in which we might come to some good under standing. Failing in this, I withheld my vote for some days from my friend (Mr. Winthrop), and I know that this was felt far more by me than it could be by him. In the mean while, having conversed freely with several leading gentlemen from the non-slave- 234 SLAVERY AND THE UNION. holding states in regard to the slavery question, I found, on their part, a better disposition toward the Southern States and their rights than I had ever ob served before. I felt, too, that the House ought to be organized ; and it seemed to me that it was in ev ery way important to secure a speaker friendly to the administration. The administration ought to be able to bring its measures fairly before the country, and this it could not do with a speaker and with commit tees hostile to its policy. I did not doubt that when its measures were fairly presented to the country, the people would sustain the administration, for I believe that its measures are characterized by honesty and by ability. In the hope, then, that the dangerous legis lation in reference to slavery would not be pressed, and that the influence of the. Southern Whig mem bers over that legislation would be far greater by as sociating Avith than by drawing off from our North ern friends, I determined to aid in the election of our candidate for speaker. Now, gentlemen, I have spoken out freely what I felt it to be my duty to say. We must look the dan gers which threaten us in the face. The Union must be saved. Do not suffer men, whose vocation it is to agitate dangerous questions, to drive you upon fatal measures. There is patriotism enough, and there is firmness enough, to arrest the evils which threaten us. I repeat what I have said — those of us who sit with you as representatives from the Southern States on this side of the chamber, can go no farther. The people of the State of Alabama look to this Congress Avith the deepest interest. They will hail SLAVERY AND THE UNION. 235 with joy the triumph of a patriotic and magnanimous policy ; but if other counsels prevail, and your legis lation should be so misguided as to deprive them of rights which they hold dear, they Avill, I believe, throw off the authority of a government which has ceased to answer the ends for which it was created. I still hope that the cloud which hangs so darkly above us at. this moment will pass away, and that our country will go forward in its glorious career, en joying the highest internal prosperity, and giving to the world the noblest example that has ever been fur nished of liberty and order, of strength and tranquil lity. ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA.— PRESI DENT TAYLOR'S POLICY. A SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, FEBRUARY 14th, 1850. The House being in Committee of the AVhole on the State of the Union, Mr. Boyd, of Kentucky, in the chair, Mr. Hilliard addressed the committee as fol lows: Mr. Chairman, — I rise, sir, to discuss the recom mendations of the President in relation to the gov ernment of the territory acquired from Mexico by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. His views are expressed with great frankness and directness, and they ought to be treated by us in the same spirit. That the course which the President has thought proper to pursue toward the inhabitants of that ex tensive and distant territory has been adopted under a sense of duty, and .that his recommendations to Congress respecting the future political condition of its people are prompted by patriotic motives, no one can doubt, however widely some may find it necessa ry to dissent from the policy which he advises. It is his desire, to use his own language, "to. afford to the wisdom and patriotism of Congress the opportu nity of avoiding bitter and angry dissensions among the people of the United States." He informs us that the people of that part of California which lies on the Pacific have formed a plan of a State Consti tution, and will soon apply for admission as a state; ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. 237 and he recommends that they shall be received, if their proposed Constitution, Avhen submitted to Con gress, shall be found to be in compliance with the re quisitions of the Constitution of the United States. He further recommends that Congress shall forbear to establish any government over that part ofthe ter ritory which lies eastward of the new state of Cali fornia, or over New Mexico, leaving to the people the privilege of governing themselves in the mean while as they may deem best, and trusting the great question which noAv excites such painful sensations in the country to the silent effect of causes which will settle it, independent of the action of Congress. This is the policy Avhich the President recommends to us, and he invokes in its support the wisdom and patriotism of Congress. Never at any time have these qualities been in higher demand than they are at this moment ; never has a parliamentary body had greater interests confided to it than those which to day engage us ; never have men acting for their country been appealed to by nobler considerations than those which address themselves to the Congress of the United States. Sir, I have bestowed upon this great question the most earnest reflection ; I have studied it thoroughly and with the most sincere re spect for the motives of the President and the best wishes for the success of his administration. I find it impossible to give my support to the policy which he recommends. I shall discuss that policy with perfect freedom. I hope that the friends ofthe Pres ident will ever merit the tribute paid by Tacitus to the Britons, ' ' Utpareant non-dum ut serviant. " They 238 ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. know how to respect power, but they do not know how to serve. The plan recommended by the President leaves the great question which now excites such angry dissen sions throughout the country open, at least so far as the territory embraced within the boundary claimed by New Mexico and Deseret is concerned. I desire to settle the question — not a part of the question, but the whole question — and to settle it completely. A partial settlement would leave the great controversy still open; the agitation would go on, and would prove fatal alike to the tranquil action of the govern ment and to the interests of the Southern States. The state of the country demands that the subject should be disposed of by an adjustment so complete as to insure repose. Never, since the moment when the government was established, has it been exposed to dangers such as now threaten it. In that great contest which grew up from the application of Mis souri to enter the Union, and from the attempt which was then made to impose on her a restriction affect ing her domestic institutions, Mr. Jefferson wrote to a friend that he regarded it as the most momentous question which had ever threatened the Union; and that, in the darkest hour of the Revolutionary strug gle, he had never felt such apprehensions as then op pressed him. The aspect of affairs is darker to-day than it was in the gloomiest hour of that contest. The whole strength of the North is put in array against the South, and it is announced as their set tled policy that slavery shall be confined to the limits which it now occupies in the United States. The ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. 239 North — the populous, teeming, poAverful North — confident in its strength, forgetting the early struggle through which it passed in common with the South, forgetting the spirit which animated those who form ed the Constitution — a spirit which existed when the South was the stronger and the North the weaker party — the North, planting itself upon what it calls a great principle, announces its purpose to limit slavery henceforth and forever; to deny the South any share of the lately-acquired territory, or in the acquisitions Avhich the government of the United States may hereafter make, whether by purchase, by conquest, or by any other mode of annexation. A spirit equally determined prevails at the South ; throughout that entire region there exists a single purpose in regard to this threatened aggression, and that is to resist it to the last. At this moment, then, sir, Avhen the North and the South thus confront each other — when the danger of collision is so great that men scarcely know how long it can be averted — when one ofthe most experienced statesmen of the country, whose long and brilliant career, affording him the opportunity of taking part in all the great affairs of the government for more than a quarter of a century, declared but the other day, in the senate chamber, that he rose every morn ing expecting to hear of some public disaster grow ing out of this alarming question — at this moment, sir, we are admonished by our regard for the Avelfare of the people of the United States to settle the ques tion promptly, decidedly, and completely. To admit California, and to leave New Mexico and 240 ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. the country now known as Deseret without agreeing upon their forms of government, would merely shift the ground of the controversy. It could not end it. Slavery, excluded from California by the Constitution of that state, would leave no field for any further ex ertion on the part of its enemies, but they would en ter upon the task of excluding it from the remaining Territories with a zeal quickened by their late success. The President, in recommending delay, supposed that the softening influence of time would operate favorably on the question, by restoring harmony to our councils, and reviving a patriotic spirit through out the country; while I can see no prospect of re pose but in a prompt and complete adjustment ofthe source of our dissensions. If, sir, the tranquillity ofthe country demands a settlement of this alarming question, it is equally de manded by the interest ofthe slaveholding states. If we should admit California into the Union as a state, with the boundaries now claimed by its inhabitants, without receiving guarantees for the protection of our rights in other portions ofthe territories belonging to us, we should transfer the sceptre of political power at once and forever into the hands of the enemies of our institutions, and the slaveholding states would enter upon a fixed, dreary, hopeless minority, in the face of a growing aggression which threatens our very existence. To-day we hold a balance in the Senate of the United States, but the entrance of another non- slaveholding state into the Union would turn that balance against us. We shall never be stronger than we are to-day. So far as we can read the future, we ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. 241 must expect the disproportion against us to grow. To-day, then, it is our duty to ascertain and fix the future policy of this government. The time is come when the slaveholding states must throw up barriers against all future aggressions, unless they are ready to surrender all weight in the confederacy of which they form a part, and tamely submit to any policy which an overwhelming major ity may impose upon them. The time is come not only to resist the measures which noAv threaten them, but to demand guarantees for their future protection. I repeat it, sir, we shall never be stronger than we are to-day, and we must therefore settle to-day the in terests of the great future which is opening before us. We are strong enough now to repel the aggressions Avhich threaten us, and to secure ample protection for our future safety if we have the spirit to press our demands. If I required any thing to remind me of my duty to the people I represent in this crisis, it would be found in the letter of the honorable gentleman from New York (Mr. Duer), who sits near me, lately ad dressed to the editor of an influential journal publish ed at the capital of his state. That letter discloses the whole policy of the movement against the inter ests ofthe Southern States ; it insists that the aim of those Avho seek to exclude slavery from Deseret and New Mexico may be accomplished with perfect cer tainty by the admission of California into the Union at this time. It advises delay as to the Territories, but it is merely delay. The honorable gentleman does not conceal his purpose, but, with a frankness, Q 242 ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. which is creditable to him, he undertakes to persuade the impatient advocates of the Wilmot Proviso that the true mode of accomplishing their object is to wel come California into the Union now, with her Con stitution excluding slavery, and to deal with the Ter-, ritories hereafter. Sir, nothing can be Aviser than this ; the conception is an admirable one ; the great Frederick, nor the still greater Napoleon, neither of these successful commanders could have projected a more skillful plan for the campaign. The gentleman comprehends that the, question, as an entire question, is too formidable to be disposed of at once. In over running the territories Avhich he would secure for Northern dominion, he would take California first, and then throAV his force into the remaining portions of the territory. For one, sir, I am for offering battle at once. I am for staking every thing upon a single field. We shall never be in better condition for contesting it than we are now. And if we are hereafter to struggle for a foothold in Deseret and New Mexico, I prefer to struggle for ascendency in California too, that we may bear our institutions with us to the Pacific coast. It is due, sir, to the President to say, that, in rec ommending the admittance of California, and the withholding governments from the remaining por tions ofthe territory, he believed that the tranquillity of the country would be preserved, and that the in terests of the Southern States would be secured. Rec ognizing the great popular right of self-government in the inhabitants of the Territories, and believing that the very large increase of American population in ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. 243 California entitled it to admission as a state, he rec ommended the policy to which I have adverted ; but, sir, it is apparent that the North will adopt only one part of the President's policy. They will consent to sustain his recommendations as to California, but they advertise us, in unmistakable terms, that they go with him no farther. I shall then insist, sir, upon an immediate and complete settlement of this whole question, and I earnestly trust that the people of the whole Southern country will insist on it ; that they will hold the po sition they have taken ; and that, merging every oth er question in this, forgetting all differences, they will come up in this great struggle Avith the compactness of a Grecian phalanx and the resistless tread of a Roman legion. Before entering upon the consideration ofthe prop er mode of settling this controversy, I shall examine the relations which the North and the South respect ively hold to it. And here I desire to say that I shall not consent to argue this as a moral question ; this is no place for such discussions ; the question is purely a political one. This government was not establish ed to regulate moral questions, but to protect political rights. Nor shall I appeal to the benevolent dispo sition of gentlemen to regard with favor the exposed condition of our population. This government has no power to interfere with our internal affairs. We feel no apprehension as to intestine commotions. We invoke in our behalf no sentiments but those Avhich ought to animate the equal representatives of a free and a kindred people. 244 ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. We insist upon a great political right, resting upon broad constitutional grounds. That we shall main tain the right at whatever cost, I do not doubt. The very question which now occupies us was be fore the Convention which framed the Constitution. It engaged the attention of that great body of wise and patriotic men. It was debated ; it was referred to committees ; it Avas the subject of long and anx ious sittings. And when it came to be disposed of, the extreme vieAvs of neither party prevailed, but a perfectly definite arrangement was entered into, and, that it might be perpetuated, it was wrought into the very body of the Constitution. A great mind of our own times, the expiring gleams of which were seen in this hall — a mind whose sym pathies were all with the enemies of slavery, admit ted that the slaveholding lords of the South, as he styled them, demanded and secured three provisions for their benefit as conditions upon which they as sented to the Constitution : the apportionment of rep resentatives so as to include slaves in the estimate of population, the privilege of importing slaves for twen ty years, and the stipulation to deliver up fugitives from labor. It will be observed, sir, that no power was assert ed by the Convention over slavery ; they did not un dertake to control it ; on the contrary, the slavehold ing states then asserted, as they now assert, that the right to hold slaves was independent of the Consti tution. It is true, there were provisions for the pro tection of the enjoyment of this right, the guarantee to suppress insurrection, and the stipulations to re- ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. 245 store fugitives from labor ; but the first of these is a power never likely to be invoked, and the second, al though it Avas adopted Avithout a single dissenting voice, is to-day habitually disregarded. The power to regulate imposts was given to Con gress, and, lest that power should be exerted to arrest the importation of slaves, it was restricted in its ap plication to that traffic until the year 1808. Is it not clear that, but for these provisions of the Con stitution — provisions inserted to secure an increase of slaves to protect that property, and to enable the Southern States to maintain their balance in the confederacy — they never would have come into the Union? Turn to the debates in Convention, and you will find spread upon their pages ample proof of the determination of these states never to consent to the creation of a government that did not contain the most explicit provisions for the protection of their property, then and thereafter. The pages ofthe Fed eralist afford the most unmistakable evidence of the same fact. Alexander Hamilton, in advocating the adoption of the Constitution before the State Con vention of New York, stated that the provision enu merating three fifths ofthe slaves as the basis of rep resentation was insisted upon resolutely by the South ern States, and that, but for this concession, they would have refused to come into the Union. In the great debate upon the admittance of Missouri, one of the ablest advocates of the restrictive measure which the North sought to impose upon that state (Mr. Sergeant, of Pennsylvania) made the important admis sion that the right ofthe slaveholding states to their 246 ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. property is paramount to the Constitution itself; that there is no express grant in the Constitution for lim iting slavery upon the admittance of new states ; and that to preserve the balance of the states then and thereafter, the rule of three fifths was adopted. Sir, let it be borne in mind that the balance be tween the Southern States, which were to continue slaveholding and planting states, and the Northern States, was to be preserved. We can not now con sent to abandon the ground which we have held from the establishment of the government. Any policy which proposes now to lessen the security of our prop erty — to shake the guarantees by which we enjoy it — to disturb the weight which we hold in the confed eracy, will encounter, on our part, uncompromising opposition. The great question was revived upon the applica tion of Missouri to become a state ofthe Union. The territory out of which that state was formed had been acquired from France by the influence of the South. Under the Northern policy, Louisiana would never have been acquired; indeed, under the influence of Northern statesmen, a treaty was at one time nearly concluded, relinquishing the right to navigate the southern waters of the Mississippi. Mr. Pinckney, of South Carolina, with the aid of other statesmen who took the Southern view of the question — who comprehended the importance of bringing that exten sive region under our dominion, and especially of se curing the mouth of the Mississippi — undertook and carried out the great measure which acquired for us that magnificent accession to our wealth and our pow- ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. 247 er. Yet, sir, when Missouri applied for admittance into the Union,, the Northern statesmen demanded that the South should be excluded from all partici pation in the benefits of the acquisition which they had made, and they actually succeeded in subjecting the South to a compromise, or, rather, a capitulation, which limited slavery within the parallel of thirty- six degrees and a half north latitude in all the terri tory acquired from France. That extensive region was at that time a slave- holding region ; yet this limitation of slavery was de manded by the North, and the line of 36° 30' was stretched across it, cutting off the South from a large share ofthe acquisition to which she had mainly con tributed; and independent states, since formed out of territory which was at that time open to slavery, have entered the Union to throw their weight against the interest and the policy of the slaveholding states. Yes, sir, the North actually appropriated a large share of the territory which was acquired in the face of its policy ; and to-day, when another aggression is at tempted against the rights and the honor ofthe South ern States, when the people of those states threaten to resist the aggression, they are told that the mouth of the Mississippi shall be wrested from their do minion, and that its waters shall be ever free to the people of the North. The mouth of the Mississippi —'-acquired by the genius and the policy of Southern statesmen — the mouth of the Mississippi, emptying its tribute in a far southern latitude — the mouth of the Mississippi is to be held by the power of the North, even if these states should form themselves 248 ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. j into separate confederacies. I earnestly trust that the union of these states will never be broken up ; that the aggressions which threaten to destroy it may be arrested, and that the mighty waves of the floods which dash against it may be stilled by the hand mightier than the Avaters ; but if a course of contin ual Avrong on the part of the North should drive the people ofthe Southern States into resistance ; if, un happily, this government shall be rent asunder, you may rest assured, sir, the mouth of the Mississippi will belong to the South. Texas has been annexed to the United States; and one of the conditions of its admittance was, that in such states as might be formed out of its territory north of the Missouri Compromise line, slavery should be prohibited. There was a ready disposition to rec ognize this compromise line when it was to be ap plied to a slaveholding territory. Such, sir, is the history of the controversy which grew up between the North and the South in regard to slavery from the establishment of the government up to the present moment. To-day we find ourselves once more confronted, and the relative attitude ofthe two sections is in perfect harmony with their past his tory. The North is still advancing with its aggres sions, more imperious than it has ever been before, and the South, now thoroughly aroused to a sense of danger as well as of wrong, demands only an equita ble participation in our recent acquisition. In turn ing to the history of our country, I look upon the course of the Southern States with the highest satis faction. They have stood by the Constitution in the ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. 249 noblest spirit ; they have borne the pressure of the government ; they have witnessed the steady decline of their commercial prosperity ; they have seen their emporiums languish and their ships decay ; yet, un der all this adverse fortune, they have stood by the country ; they have asked no legislation for their ben efit ; they have poured their wealth into your treas ury ; they have seen it scattered Avithout stint in oth er parts of the confederacy ; yet, with a patriotism unchilled by time and undiminished by wrong, they have stood by the country ; they have sent their sons to fight your battles, and they have rejoiced in your prosperity. I may well say this ; for, upon entering Congress in the winter of 1845, I found the govern ment engaged hi an angry discussion with Great Brit ain respecting Oregon, a remote northwestern terri tory, in which the South could have no possible in terest beyond the common interest which we all feel in maintaining the rights and the honor of the nation. Yet I unhesitatingly expressed my determination to assert the claim of the United States, and to main tain it at whatever cost. Other Southern gentlemen did the same thing ; and it is a fact, perhaps not gen erally knoAvn, that the bill raising men and providing supplies for the war with Mexico was originally in tended to prepare the country for a contest with Great Britain. What are our relations to-day? Having just emerged from a Avar with Mexico, in which the South bore its part well, to say no more, and having con cluded a treaty of peace which leaves us in posses sion of an extensive territory overrun by our arms — 250 ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. a territory stretching from about the thirty-second to the forty-second parallel of north latitude, it is now demanded by the North that the people of the slave- holding states shall be excluded from any share in the acquisition, unless they consent, in migrating thither, to abandon an important part of their prop erty, and to change their whole habit of life. It is insisted by the Northern States that slavery shall be arrested — that it shall be extended no farther in any direction — that it is to be forever hedged within its present limits. This is your demand. You are, sir, acting upon Clarkson's advice, who, not content with destroying the prosperity of the British West Indies, tendered his advice to the abo litionists of the United States. He Avrote: "You must either separate yourselves from all political con nection with the South, and make your own laws, or, if you do not choose such a separation, you must break up the political ascendency which the Southern have for so long a time had over the Northern States." You demand that the equipoise heretofore established between the northern and southern por tions of the Union shall be destroyed ; that from this time forth there shall be, on the part of the slave- holding states, no participation in any of the acqui sitions which this republic may make. The whole action of the government henceforth is to be for your benefit ; the fruits of our diplomacy, the triumphs of our arms, the outlay of our wealth, the progress of our power, all are to be yours, and we are to hold an inferior, dependent, abject relation to you. Either you denounce us as unworthy to as- ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. 251 sociate with you as equal states because of the im morality of our institutions, or you seek to acquire over us a political advantage. We can submit nei ther to the one relation nor the other. If, with the spirit of the Pharisee, you lift up your hands, and thank God that you are better than we are ; if, turn ing your backs upon a region cursed with slavery, you survey with complacency your better heritage, we may submit with some composure to the exhibi tion ; but if, overlooking all evils at home — the crime, the wretchedness, the pauperism in your midst, you enter upon an itinerant search after moral disorders at a distance, compassing sea and land to bring the slaveholders ofthe South under the influence of your fatal philanthropy ; if, not content with hurling your anathemas against us, you bring the power of this government to the aid of your schemes, we shall take measures to convince you of our fixed purpose to re pel aggressions upon our political rights. We, sir, have hitherto borne your assaults, your criticisms, your homilies — the tide of vulgar abuse, which has for half a century poured forth against us from declaimers, newspaper writers, and pamphlet eers ; we have even submitted to bear the insulting resolutions of the Legislatures of co-ordinate states ; we have borne the agitation of the slavery ques tion, when that very agitation is as clear, though not as gross, a violation of our right to hold slaves as to have them taken out of our possession; for it must be acknowledged that there is a mere difference of degree between having a right questioned and as saulted and having it wrested away; we have borne 252 ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. the constant evasion of the constitutional provis ion to surrender fugitives from labor — all, all this Ave have borne; but your demand now to appropri ate the entire territory acquired from Mexico at the close of a national war in which the whole country participated, the declaration of your fixed purpose to bind down the slaveholding states within their pres ent limits, has aroused a spirit which you will find it no easy task to subdue. Survey, sir, the whole ex tent of that wide-spread region, beginning at the Po tomac, which rolls its waters in our view, to the al most tropical plains of Southern Texas, and you Avill see signs which may Avell fix your attention ; one spirit moves the entire mass of awakened and indig nant freemen. You may almost hear the tones in which they announce their solemn purpose, not only to resist your threatened encroachments, but to de mand guarantees for their future safety. If it be your settled policy to deny the slavehold ing states any participation in the territory now be longing to us, or hereafter to belong to us, then the time is come when the Southern States must decide a grave question — either to submit to a gradual but perfectly certain change in their organic structure, or to resist the threatened encroachment on their rights at every hazard. It is no imaginary Avrong of which we complain ; it is a colossal, overshadowing evil against which we contend. Our honor and our existence are alike in volved in the issue. The cause which threatens to disturb our peace and plunge us into convulsions may seem to you a slight one ; but let me remind you that ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. 253 slight causes have given rise to the fiercest and most desolating Avars which history records. The plow ing up a feAV acres of sacred soil plunged the states of Greece into a sanguinary conflict ; an attempt to collect ship-money shook the empire of England, drove Hampden to the field, where he lost his life in one of the first battles ever fought for constitutional liberty, and brought the anointed head of a king to the block ; while a tax of a few cents on a pound of tea drove the British colonies into a war Avhich broke the dominion of the British government, and left them independent states. No, sir, it is no imaginary Avrong of Avhich we complain. Your act which ex cludes us from the territory of the United States de cides a great principle against us ; it involves the very existence ofthe Southern States. If Ave submit, Ave have examples before our eyes of the condition to which we shall be reduced. Ireland — luxuriant, fertile, degraded, starving Ireland — is a picture of what we should be. With her representa tion in Parliament, she constitutes nominally a por tion of the British empire, yet the policy of that empire degrades and ruins her. What battle has been fought of late years by British arms where Irish blood has not been freely spilled, and where Irish val or has not contributed to Avin the day? In all the bloody fields of the Peninsula, between the Pyrenees and the Alps, they bore the British ensign in triumph against the marshals of France, and at Waterloo they upheld it for Wellington against the magnifi cently stern array which Napoleon mustered in per son. But what has this done for Ireland? When 254 ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. her sons, unable longer to bear her degradation and her Avretchedness, speak out for their country and de nounce the power which oppresses and crushes her, they are torn from her bosom, and if they escape the scaffold, they are sent into banishment manacled with felons. To-day every Southern man walks erect, with conscious dignity; he surveys the whole country with patriotic pride ; he sits in the council of the nation an equal among equals. He can never consent to be degraded from this position, to have the section from which he comes placed under the ban of the govern ment, and to have the people whom he represents brought into an inferior relation to it. A resistance to the aggressions with which we are threatened can bring us no worse fate than this. If Ave could hope to escape the physical deterioration which would cer tainly follow a submission to the policy to which it is proposed to subject us, we should sink into a moral degradation far worse. The scholar who approaches Athens from the sea forgets her orators, her poets, and all the ruined glory of her once unrivaled archi tecture, and fixes his eye upon the tomb of Themisto- cles. In flinging a glance upon the sea and the land, every thing is forgotten but the battles of freedom which consecrated every spot the eye takes in. The illustrious people who once dwelt there, holding slaves as we do, maintained their national existence by pre serving a spirit which resisted all attempts at inva sion. The Southern States can maintain their posi tion in the Union only by cultivating a spirit which makes their people stand ready to defend their equal claim to the benefits of the government against every assault. ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. 255 In settling this great question, then, I shall insist upon a recognition of our right to a fall participation in the late acquisition of territory. I do not care to measure exactly the extent of territory, and divide acres Avith precision, but the principle must be ad mitted, the great principle, that in the division ofthe property of the United States, and in the enjoyment of political rights, the people of the slaveholding states hold a perfect equality. As to the Wilmot Proviso, sir, I do not fear its application to the ter ritory ; the truth is, you have no right to adopt it, and no power to enforce it. But I should be unjust to the gentlemen from the non-slaveholding states if I did not express my gratification at the manly course of those Avho, a feAv days since, voted down the reso lution which instructed a committee of this House to report a bill containing it. You profess to derive your power over the subject from the Constitution, and many of you rest it on the second clause of the third section of the fourth article, which declares, "That Congress shall have power to dispose of, and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States ;" but has it never occurred to you that the very same clause proceeds to declare, "And nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to preju dice any claims of the United States or of any par ticular state?" If you construe this restriction upon the power of Congress so as to make it apply to the interests of the states in the mere property of the United States or its proceeds, you must at the same time admit that the first part of the clause grants no 256 ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. greater jurisdiction than the control of the property, and confers no political power. In other words, if you derive the power of Congress to govern the Ter ritories from the clause we are now considering, you must take the latter part ofthe clause as a restriction upon the grant of power. It is much to be doubted whether you have the right to govern the Territories of the United States to any greater extent than to legislate for the benefit of the public property. By referring to the debates in Convention upon the adoption ofthe Constitution, you will find that a proposition was brought forward to give Congress power to create governments for the people of the Territories of the United States ; before the proposi tion came to be acted on, it was modified, and the clause to Avhich I have referred is the provision to Avhich the Convention agreed. Mr. Pinckney, of South Carolina, in his speech upon the Missouri question, to which I have already referred, says, Certainly no power to legislate against the interest of any state, even before the Territories are admitted as states, was conferred by the Conven tion upon Congress. Mr. Pinckney, it will be re membered, was a member of the Convention, and he does not hesitate to give the opinion which I have stated. I shall frankly declare, for myself, I prefer to set tle this question by adopting the Missouri Compro mise line in the sense in which it was originally ap plied to the territory acquired from France ; it is a marked line ; it has the force of precedent ; a certain moral poAver attaches to it, and it is supposed to lim- ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. 257 it the northern boundary beyond which the natural products which employ slave labor profitably can not pass. Let that line be stretched to the Pacific, and let the stormy debates and the angry dissensions which noAv shake the government sink into the bosom of that broad ocean. This will give the North much the larger share of the territory, the whole acquisition being about five hundred and twenty-six thousand and seventy-eight square miles. The parallel of thir ty-six degrees and a half, if stretched across it, would leave the North in possession of three hundred and thirty-seven thousand, three hundred and fifty-five square miles, and would leave the South one hundred and eighty-eight thousand, seven hundred and twenty- eight square miles, making an excess in favor of the North of about one hundred and fifty thousand square miles. But I do not care for this. I wish to settle the question, and I wish to settle it upon such terms as Avill relieve the Southern States from the ban of the government, and secure a recognition of their rights. When it was proposed last winter to admit Cali fornia as a state, authorizing the inhabitants then there to form a Constitution with that object, I op posed it. I stood ready to recognize the right ofthe people to provide a government for themselves, but I was unwilling to subject the vast territory to the jurisdiction ofthe inhabitants then there. I believed it would result in the sacrifice of the substantial rights of the Southern people. A regiment raised in the interior of New York, for the express purpose R 258 ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. of colonizing California had been sent out by the late Secretary of War, and was disbanded there. I could not doubt their decision in regard to slavery. I was unwilling, too, that the new state should embrace within its limits the whole extent ofthe Pacific coast, and I insisted upon a plan of settlement which would allow the people ofthe slaveholding states the oppor tunity of colonizing that country. I know, Mr. Chairman, that you, together with the present speaker of the House, and several other dis tinguished gentlemen on both sides of the chamber, did favor the bill which was brought forward by the present Secretary ofthe Navy, who was at that time a member of this House. Others planted themselves upon the ground assumed by General Cass, who thought it best to leave the people in the full enjoy ment of the rights of self-government. I know that a great change has taken place in the numbers and character ofthe population noAv there ; but I still in sist, if California is to come into the Union, let the state be admitted with the Missouri Compromise line for its southern boundary, and let us settle the whole question upon that line, or let us have some other equivalent which recognizes the right of a slavehold ing people- to divide the territory, and to reside there in the enjoyment of their property. As to the fact that the people of the Territory of California have thought proper to adopt a state Constitution in ad vance of any preliminary action on the part of Con gress, I do not regard that as a very serious obstacle. An act on our part now admitting the state would relate back to the original proceeding, and would le- ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. 259 galize it. Such a course on our part would not be without late precedents in its favor. As to the provision of the Constitution in respect to slavery, I suppose no one would desire to make that a subject of debate here, and least of all will any Southern man consent to let the question of the ad mittance of the state turn upon that point. The right of the people creating a state government to determine that question for themselves is perfectly clear, and, for one, I shall never consent to have it questioned. And here, sir, allow me to say, that I have heard with profound regret the remarks which have been made by some gentlemen on this floor in regard to the course which the President has thought proper to pursue toward the inhabitants of California. His patriotism needs no vindication here ; it is attested by a long career in the public service, and it has been illustrated upon hard-fought fields, Avhere the great ensign ofthe republic floating above him caught new lustre from his achievements. Such assaults can not harm him. They are powerless ; and it will yet be found that his hold upon the confidence and affection of his country can not be shaken. He thought it best to encourage the people of California to prepare a state government, but he did not for a moment attempt to interfere with the free exercise ofthe rights ofthe citizens in fixing the character of that government. In deciding the great question which is before us, let party be forgotten, and let us remember our coun try. Let us settle this great controversy which to day threatens to overthrow the noblest government 260 ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. upon which the sun has ever shone. It is full of danger. Gentlemen may not be enabled to realize it, but the controversy is full of danger. It is stated in a late British magazine that the government of that powerful empire was, in April, 1848, in great danger of being overthrown; that if, out ofthe six thousand soldiers who at that time mustered in the metropolis, one half of the number had gone over to the people, the government would have gone down. The events of an hour may destroy the noblest fabrics. The oak, through whose branches the tem pest has swept for a century, yields up its strength to a single flash of the lightning. I desire, most ear nestly desire, to save the Union. Those of us who contend for the rights of the South must not be charged with treason against it. We are the true friends of the Union, but we desire to maintain the government in its purity. We can not submit to the tranquillity which a despotism Avould impose. We hold that political truth is like revealed truth : let it first be ' ' pure, then peaceable. " Deal with us justly ; meet us in the spirit which animated the men who sat side by side in the Conven tion which established the Constitution under which we live ; recognize us as a kindred people ; admit our claims to a full participation in the benefits of a com mon government ; legislate for this whole country as your country in all its amplitude, and you will find us ready to go on with you in the great future which opens before us, prepared to share your fortunes, for good or for evil, through all the vicissitudes which it may bring — "Animis, opibusque parati." ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. 261 As we now stand, confronted in angry controversy, I am sure that I may say, while the people I repre sent will contribute every thing to maintain the gov ernment in its just and equal action, they will never submit to acts of oppression ; they will give wealth and life itself to maintain your power and defend your honor, but, as one man, they will adopt the lan guage of one of the most distinguished statesmen of South Carolina, no longer living, "Millions for de fense, not a cent for tribute." At the close of his remarks, Mr. Hilliard gave notice of his intention to offer an amendment to the resolu tion, proposing to refer that portion of the message relating to the Territories, so as to instruct the Com mittee on Territories to report a bill for the protec tion ofthe citizens ofthe United States in their prop erty, of whatever description, in the territories ac quired from Mexico by the treaty of Guadalupe Hi dalgo. EXPLANATION— PERSONAL AND PO LITICAL. A SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, MARCH 7th, 1850. Mr. Hilliard rose and said : Mr. Chairman, — The Methodist Episcopal Church, with which I have been connected since I attained manhood, devolves on certain of its members, engaged in the various pursuits of life, the duty of enforcing occasionally in public the religious truths held by that body of Christians. This duty has been de volved on me by that Church. I am not insensible to the criticism to which it subjects me ; but such are my convictions in regard to the duty, that I have no purpose of relinquishing it while I live. A sense of this religious obligation has restrained me on all oc casions, in my intercourse with society, from any de parture from the most perfect courtesy. Since my connection with the Congress of the United States, I have habitually forborne to trespass on the rights, or even the feelings, of any of its members. If on any occasion I had done so from inadvertence, I should, Avhen reminded of it, have promptly repaired the Avrong. My self-respect, as well as a sense of justice, dictated this course ; and that I have uniformly ad- •hered to it, is well known to gentlemen with whom I have had the honor to serve on this floor for years past. I may safely appeal to gentlemen on both EXPLANATION PERSONAL AND POLITICAL. 263 sides of the chamber to sustain me in this state ment. On the other hand, I have at all times supposed that no gentleman would alloAV himself to allude in any offensive sense to my religious profession. There exists a strong disposition in vulgar minds to do this, but I believe that no one has so far violated the rules of decorum as to do so, with two exceptions. A member from Pennsylvania, who addressed the committee some days since, felt himself at liberty to urge me to call on my illustrious friend, as he styled the President of the United States, and announce to him, in inspired language, his impending doom. He selected the very language Avhich I was to utter in the ear ofthe President, "Accursed is the man-steal- er ;," and I was to add to this a solemn entreaty to him to abandon his slave property, if he desired to escape the divine wrath. I shall not offer a single remark in regard to the offensiveness of this language, in its application to the chief magistrate of the na tion, or to myself as a member of this House, but shall leave it to that prompt condemnation which it Avill meet from every man who has any just sense of propriety. The other exception to which I refer is the mem ber from North Carolina, who spoke yesterday. That member thought proper to charge me, without a sin gle provocation on my part, with "desecrating the Scriptures, by quotations from them urging the citi zens ofthe United States to shed each other's blood ;" and he proceeded farther to charge me with a design to break up this Union. These charges were gratu- 264 EXPLANATION — PERSONAL AND POLITICAL. itously made. It was not my purpose to interfere with the member in the course of his speech. His very gross allusion to me drew from me an unpre meditated and indignant denial. Gross as the assault upon me Was — none could be more so — I should have replied to it in less offensive language. A moment's reflection would have enabled me to do so, but my indignation was, for the moment, irrepressible. I pronounced it ' ' false, " as it most certainly was. Still, sir, however little respect was due to the member who could bring against me such an atrocious charge, I ought to have checked an indignation which, how ever natural it is to feel under such an outrage, im pelled me to make a harsher reply than I could have desired to make in a cooler moment. But, sir, it was an impulse which every generous man will at once understand and excuse. In looking around this arena, Mr. Chairman, the member had a perfect right to select his adversary ; but, however much the world may applaud the dis cretion with which the member exercised his right in singling me out, it will not be likely to award him an ovation for any success which he may win in the con test. He thought it proper — perhaps I should say prudent — to pass by all others, and to throw his gauntlet immediately at my feet as he entered the gladiatorial ring, at the moment in which he referred to me in a manner which almost every other member of the House but himself would have felt should shield me from assault. I repeat, sir, the world may applaud the member's discretion, whatever it may say of his manliness. EXPLANATION PERSONAL AND POLITICAL. 265 Now, sir, I deny that I have on any occasion em ployed the Scriptures for the purpose which the mem ber charges on me. Indeed, I have never drawn upon them, as I remember, for any purpose whatever in the debates of this House. I have never sought to vindicate slavery by a single quotation from them. In my late speech, I expressly declined to argue the question affecting the rights of the people represent ed by me, in respect to slavery, on moral grounds, because the argument would admit the jurisdiction of the forum ; and I urged none but poHtical consider ations in support of those rights. Much less, sir, have I at any time sought to bring the authority of the sacred volume to the support of violent measures. I distinctly and emphatically re pel the charge. Let my speech be examined, and it will be found that the charge of the member from North Carolina is without even the coloring of truth. It was, I am- confident, hastily uttered. It proceeded from the unbalanced character of that member's mind, and his malignant disposition toward Southern mem bers, who might be supposed ready to condemn his extraordinary course at this critical conjuncture. If I had thought proper to search the Scriptures for guidance at this time, I am quite sure that I should have found nothing in them to encourage an aban donment of duty by one who is intrusted by his con stituents with the high functions of a representative, nor to favor a treasonable surrender, on his part, of the rights which he was chosen to uphold and defend. I am here as the representative of others. Their rights are committed to my keeping. Whatever I 266 EXPLANATION PERSONAL AND POLITICAL. may encounter, I shall vigorously and faithfully con tend for those rights. I find nothing in human or di vine teachings to encourage me to do otherwise. On the contrary, if I could shrink from their mainte nance because of any apprehension of encountering opposition from the open enemies or false friends of those rights, I should incur the censure of the whole Christian and political world. In my late speech I made a single brief quotation from the Scriptures, the object of which could not be tortured to mean what the member has charged, but asserted what ev ery one must admit to be true, that in a constitutional government, political truth, like revealed truth, must be open to the freest discussion — a right denied only by a despotic government, which enforces tranquillity by the crushing might of power, and formidable only to tyrants and to traitors. The other charge brought by the member, in his heedless manner, as to my disposition "to break up the' Union, is also without any foundation in fact. It is an error into which he has fallen from the pres ent temper of his mind, which inclines him to sus pect every Southern man, who says a word in behalf of his section, of hostility to the Union. All such members he undertakes to arraign and censure. I challenge him or any other member of this House to produce a single remark of mine which favors the scheme of disunion. No man living is more pro foundly devoted to the Union than I am. We owe to it our prosperity, our power, and our glory. Its destruction would involve our own country in irre trievable ruin, and it would spread dismay through EXPLANATION PERSONAL AND POLITICAL. 267 the ranks of the friends of liberty in every part of the world. So far from looking to its disruption as a remedy for political evils, I would put my life in peril, at any hour, to save it. To my vision it seems to be invest ed with dangers. I have pointed them out. I have appealed earnestly to the patriotism of this body to save the Union by a Avise, just, and noble use of power. This Avould avert impending troubles, Avhile it would insure for the whole country a glorious fu ture. It wotild strengthen the Union. I claim to be as true a friend to the Union as the member from North Carolina. We differ in this : I stand with my people ; he takes occasion, at this conjuncture, when his section is threatened by the overwhelming power of a majority, to approach the feet of power, and to give it whatever aid his abilities or his position may enable him to furnish. He spoke of the wrongs Avhich his section has endured in terms which were listened to with satisfaction only by those who op pose the very rights which he was sent here to uphold and vindicate. His course of remark could hardly fail to fill Southern men with indignation, and even Northern men with contempt. He goes over the Avhole field of controversy, and can not find a single grievance of which the South has a right to complain — not even the disregard of the constitutional provis ion to surrender fugitives from labor, which Northern gentlemen themselves admit to be a wrong. He be comes, indeed, the champion of the majority ; invites them to press their measures, and threatens his own people, if they resist, with the military power of the government. 268 EXPLANATION PERSONAL AND POLITICAL. However ready I may be, on all proper occasions, to do homage to the high qualities of the North, I can not, at a moment like this, when the whole strength of that powerful section of the Union is ar rayed against the South, hesitate to take part with the people among whom Providence has cast my lot, in the great struggle through which they are now passing. Nor can I comprehend how, any Southern man, acquainted with the history of his country, fa miliar with the Avrongs to which the South has been subjected in regard to the question now before Con gress, can for a moment forget or forsake the cause of that generous and gallant people. The nobler sym pathies of our nature, in the absence of all the obli gations of patriotism, should impel us to range our selves on the side of the feeble against the strong. The course ofthe member from North Carolina seems to me to outrage both ; it does violence alike to the nobler impulses of our nature and to the dictates of patriotism ; and, whether it is considered in regard to me or to his country, it is not likely to be com mended for its elevation, its generosity, or its manli ness. A gentleman from New York, who sits before me, I observe, intimates that he approves the course of the gentleman from North Carolina in coming to the aid ofthe North at this conjuncture, and says that the gentleman from North Carolina sees things through the same medium that he does. That is more than I have charged ; for the gentleman from New York has, on every occasion when a question came up affecting the rights ofthe South, voted against the South. He EXPLANATION PERSONAL AND POLITICAL. 269 has, on every occasion, from first to last, voted for the Wilmot Proviso, and sustained Gott's resolution as to slavery in the District of Columbia. These gentlemen, sir — the one coming from New York, and the other from North Carolina — sent here by constituencies so widely differing upon this ques tion, see things through the same medium ! I thank the gentleman from New York for the timely remark. He admits the extraordinary posi tion of the member from North Carolina, and he ac counts for it by saying that they " see things through the same medium." Such are the commendations which a Southern representative receives when he lends himself to carry out the objects of Northern power. Sir, when at home, I did what I could to allay sec tional feeling. I spoke for the Union. I pointed to its glorious ensign, floating in conscious pride over this broad continent, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and borne by our adventurous seamen into all the waters of the globe. I urged the people Avho sur rounded me, and to whom the wildest appeals were addressed by those who undertook to ride me down, to cherish a patriotic regard for the whole country ; and I assured them that no act of aggression on their rights would be made by Congress, and that, if it were attempted, the act would be arrested by the President of their choice. But, sir, standing here, in the midst of the representatives of other states, I have felt it. to be my duty to resist every measure which would be regarded by the people for Avhom I speak as an en croachment on their rights or their honor, and to urge 270 EXPLANATION — PERSONAL AND POLITICAL. upon this great body, representing the whole country, the views which they entertain of a question which so deeply affects them. To have done otherwise would, in my judgment, have been a gross abandonment of duty — duty to my immediate constituents and to my whole country. While I have thus aimed to do my duty here faithfully and efficiently, I have, in my cor respondence with those I represent, contributed what I could to encourage a sound sentiment at home — to repress rather than to excite dissatisfaction. I have stated my hope in the just action of Congress, and my confidence in the President. I have discouraged all movements toward effecting a sectional organiza tion, believing that an occasion Avould not arise call ing for any other means of redress than those which the forms of the government afford. In the early part ofthe session, when it was impossible to foresee Avhat would be done, I joined my colleagues in ad dressing a letter to the governor, in the hope that the real sentiment ofthe people of Alabama would be ut tered in firm and moderate resolutions on the part of the Legislature, and that the executive of the state would be empowered, in the event of a serious ag gression being made by the government upon their rights, to bring the subject before the people them selves, to decide upon it as they alone have the right to do. Such, sir, has been my course, adopted under a high sense of duty. My aim has been to maintain the rights of the people represented by me, and, at the same time, to avert from the Union every cause of trouble — so little do I deserve to be classed with EXPLANATION — PERSONAL AND POLITICAL. 271 those who desire to break up the Union. God grant that it may outride every storm ! It is not to be denied that to those who represent a feeble section it must sometimes appear to be imprac ticable. Their constituents depend for their security upon a strict observance of the organic law. This they must insist upon. It may put them in conflict with a majority — their firmness may even threaten shocks to the system — but they must hold their posi tion ; for when they abandon it, they surrender the rights which they were appointed to guard to the unchecked dominion of poAver. This government, without the Constitution, would be an absolute des potism. Those of us who have contended for the rights of the Southern people, and have demanded for them the protection of the government, may be denounced for a time ; traitors may assail us ; the surges will dash against us ; but when the storm is gone by, and the great question now before us is settled, reason and truth will reassert their dominion, and will vindicate us against the charge of faction. It Avill then be seen how much we have contributed to restore the action of the government to its true course, and that de termined resistance to aggression is the only effectual mode of maintaining conservative principles. In our contests here, sir, this must be borne in mind. In the language of Edmund Burke, "some thing must be allowed to the spirit of liberty." I shall do my duty; no considerations shall deter me from it — no reproaches can discourage — no threats can intimidate me. Harmony can only be maintained 272 EXPLANATION — PERSONAL AND POLITICAL. throughout this wide-spread republic by a wise, patri otic, and noble use of power. The people in every part of it must feel that their rights are protected. To wield the power of the government either to en rich one section at the expense of another, or to de stroy the securities which protect the property of every portion of the people, must give rise to dissat isfaction, and if the Avrong be heavy enough, it will occasion angry and even fatal convulsions. The right of revolution resides in every people under heaven ; and there are wrongs which will drive them to the exercise of it, unless they are already fit to be made slaves. No people who comprehend and love liberty will bear too heavy a pressure from power. He who stands ready, as the representative of a free people, to surrender their rights to the demands of power, and to proclaim that no wrongs can drive them into resist ance to their government, is already dead to the noble impulses which can alone preserve liberty. If, sir, this Union could be maintained by force — if it could exist after the whole power of the govern ment came to be employed against the property of the people of one half of the states, Avhat generous or right-minded man, come from Avhat section he may, would not prefer to maintain it by a just exercise of the political functions which he holds — by a magnan imous forbearance in the use of strength, than by military power? Sir, this Union can be perpetuated — not by force — not by bayonets, but by cherishing the spirit which gave it its existence, and by a rigid adherence to the Constitution. I take this occasion to say that I ask EXPLANATION — PERSONAL AND POLITICAL. 273 for no amendment to the Constitution; let it stand; let it be observed in letter and in spirit. May it be perpetual! I do not desire to throw any additional obstacles in the way of a speedy settlement of the great question now pending. I earnestly desire to see it disposed of in a spirit which will inspire fresh confidence in the government, and give new strength to the Union. The member from North Carolina, in his extraor dinary speech yesterday, did not content himself with inviting us to accompany him to the tomb of Wash ington,, whither we should all have gone as willing pilgrims, but he alluded to Jackson in such terms as to revive party animosities which have hardly yet had time to die out, and which, at this moment espe cially, ought not to be revived. He spoke of his ex ertions for the preservation of the Union, and of the menaces which, at a certain period of our country's history, he had uttered. He then passed *to the President of the United States, and hoped that the same special Providence which had preserved the lives of the two illustrious men already alluded to, would keep him, and that he too might be able, in spite of all resistance, to save the Union. How would that gentleman wish him to preserve it? By military power? By the exercise of his great abili ties as a military leader ? Sir, I greatly misconceive the character of the President if he would not infi nitely prefer to serve his country and to save the Un ion by employing pacific measures than by an appeal to arms. My confidence in the President is unlim ited. Recognizing in him great qualities, which fitted S 274 EXPLANATION — PERSONAL AND POLITICAL. him, as I believed, for a faithful and efficient per formance of executive trusts, I contributed what I could to secure his nomination at Philadelphia. I had the impression that the member from North Carolina was opposed to it. He now informs me that he was not, but aided to bring it about. I with pleasure accept his statement of the fact, and thank him — at least for that. He says, however, that he was not in a Methodist church in that city. If he had sometimes visited such places, his morals and his manners would prob ably both be better than they are to-day. The re mark only discloses the incurable proneness of the member to a line of conduct which must prove far more injurious to him than it can possibly be to others. As my position puts it out of my power to appeal to the only considerations which seem to be poten tial in holding him to the observance of a decent de meanor, I must, of course, expect to hear from him the rudest remarks which his nature can suggest. No one will be at a loss to account for such a display of his spirit. I was observing, sir, that my confidence in the President, so far from being diminished by a personal knowledge of him, has gained strength. I, too, look to him in this great crisis. The laurels which encir cle his brow have been nobly earned; he does not desire to have them crimsoned with fraternal blood. History has already claimed his military achieve ments for the brightest pages in which she records great exploits. I earnestly hope that the influence EXPLANATION PERSONAL AND POLITICAL. 275 of his high station and his great character will, through all his future days, be thrown on the side of peace ; that the evening of his life may be crowned with even more glorious trophies than war has yield ed him; that his administration will be illustrated by an unswerving adherence to the Constitution — by a firm protection of the rights of the weak, whenso ever they are threatened by the power ofthe strong; and that his country will hereafter rank him with her benefactors, less on account ofthe victories which he has won in the field, than for the triumphs which yet await him in a wise, just, and noble performance of the duties of the great office to which he has been called by the American people. DEATH OF PRESIDENT TAYLOR. A SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, JULY 10th, 1850. Mr. Hilliard rose and said, Mr. Speaker, — At the suggestion of those in whose judgment I have confidence, I rise to offer a humble tribute to the memory of the great man who has just fallen in our midst. If he were living, I should leave others to eulogize him ; as he is dead, I choose to speak of him. And yet I am so over whelmed by the event which has just occurred, that I can scarcely find language to express what I feel. Some events are so impressive that they leave little occasion for words — they are too great to be enlarged on. I am almost ready to follow the example of a great French orator, who, when called on to pro nounce a funeral oration upon a deceased monarch, laid his hand upon the head of the dead king, and exclaimed, "There is nothing great but God." Sir, there is nothing great but God. General Taylor's whole career illustrated the high qualities which so eminently distinguished him. I do not dwell upon his battle-fields — they belong to history, and they will find a place upon the brightest pages which record such exploits. Nor shall I speak of his courage — it is unnecessary; that is attested by hard-fought fields, and brilliant victories won under his eye against overwhelming numbers. But I wish DEATH OF PRESIDENT TAYLOR. 277 to speak of that high sense of duty which character ized his Avhole life — that steady purpose to do Avhat he believed to be right, at all times and in all places. In the performance of duty, nothing could move him; he marched directly upon the road where that called him. The reference to this trait in his character has been appropriately made by the gentleman from Illi nois (Mr. Baker), and it deserves to be observed and dwelt upon. To him, as fully as to any one I have ever known, may be applied the high eulogium of "incorrupta fides" — he kept his faith with all men. You might dissent from his opinions, you might find fault with his judgment, but, when he took his position, he kept it ; his sense of duty sustained him, and opposition only served to make him the more steadfast in holding it. It is said of Napoleon that the great quality which distinguished him, next to his genius, was his love of glory; so that Avhen he marched his army into Egypt, the appeal which he made to them on the eve of battle was, ' ' Soldiers, forty centuries look down upon you from these pyramids." General Taylor rather resembled Lord Nelson, who, Avhen about to engage the enemy's fleet, sent to his several officers in command of his ships the words, "England expects every man to do his duty." This was the constant aim of the illustrious man Avho has just been called away from us. This great quality, which sheds such lustre upon his name, gave him that success which so uniformly attended him. When about to engage in battle at Buena Vista with the overwhelming army opposed to him, he compre- 278 DEATH OF PRESIDENT TAYLOR. hended the danger which invested him, but he had made up his mind that it was his duty to stand there, and, in his OAvn beautiful language, Avritten before the engagement, "he looked to Providence for a good result." General Taylor's character was American — dis tinctly and decidedly American. He Avas invited to quit the army and take the chief magistracy of the republic. He did so with unaffected reluctance, from a sincere distrust of his fitness for such a station. But as in the army he had obeyed every order of his government, he now obeyed the call of his country men, and, laying aside his plumed hat, his epaulets, and his sword, he entered upon the functions of his new and great position with an honest purpose to do his duty. Unlike Cassar, who repelled the proffered croAvn while he coveted it, he came with diffidence to the high position to which he had been called, and un ostentatiously employed himself with its appropriate duties, his whole course evincing his profound sense of the value of constitutional liberty, and his man ners illustrating the beautiful simplicity of his char acter. ' Sir, this illustrious man is called away from us at a moment most critical. Never have I known the republic in such peril as now surrounds it. My friend from Massachusetts (Mr. Winthrop) has well said that it is so clearly an interposition of Providence, that he is ready to exclaim, "The chariots of Israel and the horsemen thereof." Sir, I agree to this. It is an interposition of Prov- DEATH OF PRESIDENT TAYLOR. 279 idence, and it comes to us in a trying hour. But I am not dismayed. My trust in Providence is un shaken. Our country has been delivered, guided, made glorious by a good Providence. It will be so still. I remember, when the prophet referred to by the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Winthrop) Avas surrounded by a hostile force, and all hope of escape seemed cut off, that a young man who was with him cried out in great fear, and the reply of the prophet Avas a prayer that the young man's eyes might be opened. He then saw that all Avithin the hostile lines Avere "chariots and horsemen of fire," ready to succor and to deliver the beleaguered city. So will it be with us. The dangers which threaten us Avill be averted, and, I trust, forever disposed of. The solemn event which has just occurred will ar rest the angry current which has swept us on so fiercely. It imposes a truce, at least for a season, upon contending parties. In the mean while, a bet ter feeling may spring up, and we may ask, "Why do we struggle with each other ? Are we not breth ren?" The nation Avill be impressed with the be reavement which it has suffered, and the tide of sor row which sweeps throughout the country will ad monish us to agree in wise, patriotic, and fraternal counsels. The very event which Ave deplore, and which we regard as a calamity, Avill be overruled for good ; and He that sitteth on high, mightier than the Avater-floods, will put forth his poAver and cause a great calm. Sir, death is at all times a solemn event ; it touches both time and eternity ; it terminates an earthly ex- 280 DEATH OF PRESIDENT TAYLOR. istence, it opens an immortal one. But this death will strike the world as an event marked by more than common solemnity. We mingle our tears over the bier of the chief magistrate of a great nation. We Avill honor his memory, and we will claim his fame for his whole country. Henceforth he belongs to his country, and his name is a part of our common inheritance. His last public act was in honor ofthe memory of Washington: he fixed his eyes upon that noble monument which is rising to the skies, built up by the present generation for one whom all call bless ed. By this time he has, it may be hoped, met the revered Father of his Country in a world where their companionship will be eternal. His memory is safe — no human events can now affect it ; the great qual ities, the private virtues, the public services, all that is precious in his memory, has received the seal of Death. " The love where Death has set his seal, Nor age can chill, nor rival steal, Nor falsehood disavow." BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEX ICO. A SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, AUGUST 28th, 1850. Mr. Hilliard said, Mr. Speaker, — I feel some reluctance in address ing the House at this time, but the profound anxiety •with which I regard the state of the country impels me to speak. We present the extraordinary specta cle of a people prosperous beyond example, rapidly advancing in wealth and power, at peace with every nation on the globe, sending our products and the fruits of our industry of every description under the protection of our flag to all parts of the world, our ports crowded with emigrants flying from the oppres sion of European systems of government to seek a refuge and a home under our own free institutions, yet torn by internal dissensions which threaten to overthrow the republic. I could not survey this scene with any other feel ing than that of profound apprehension, if it were not for the reflection that we hold the subject of con troversy completely within our control. The whole task of adjustment is confided to us. The subject so long discussed in the Senate has passed from that body ; it is now before us ; no other human tribunal can decide it ; the responsibility, with all its weight, 282 BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. rests upon us. We can give the country peace, or Ave can withhold it. I intend, sir, at whatever hazard or sacrifice of a personal kind, to do my duty to the country, and to contribute what I can, consistently Avith my obliga tions as a representative, to the adjustment of the great questions which are before us. They are kin dred questions ; some of them may be said to be de pendent on each other. They all grew out of the annexation of Texas. The first of these questions in dignity and impor tance is that respecting the limits ofthe State of Tex as. That state claims for her western boundary the Rio Grande del Norte, from its mouth to its source, and a line thence due north to the forty-second par allel of north latitude. Texas was a state of the Mexican republic ; she took up arms against that government; threw off its authority; declared hei* independence, and established it triumphantly upon the field of San Jacinto. She proceeded to organize a permanent government, and declared her limits. Was she entitled to the territory which she claimed as an independent state ? Was her title to the coun try lying on the Rio Grande, and which Mexico claimed adversely, and in part held by actual occu pancy, good as against that republic ? This question depends upon the principle whether a state, after a successful revolution, is entitled to the territory embraced within her ancient boundaries, or whether it is to be confined to the limits within which she has actually established her jurisdiction by the sword. BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. 283 The independence of Texas was recognized by the United States, by Great Britain, by France, and by Holland. The ancient limits ofthe new state stretch ed to the Rio Grande, from its mouth to El Paso. It at that time constituted a part of an extensive country, to all of which the name of Louisiana was applied. That province extended to the Rio Grande, and this was insisted upon by Mr. Monroe and by Mr. Pinckney in 1805, in the most emphatic terms. They argued the title of the United States to that district of territory, and maintained it. The claim had the sanction of Mr. Jefferson, who was at that time President, and of Mr. Madison, who was Secre tary of State. Subsequently that part of the prov ince of Louisiana known as Texas was ceded by the United States to Spain. Mexico, by a successful revolution, wrested the Spanish provinces from that power, and Texas became one ofthe states ofthe new republic. By the revolution to which I have already advert ed, she became an independent state, and declared her ancient boundaries, with the farther claim to the ter ritory on the Upper Rio Grande. She was proceed ing to bring the whole territory claimed by her un der her jurisdiction at the period of her annexation to the United States. There might, be a difference of opinion as to the validity of the title of Texas to the territory bor dering on the Rio Grande, but there is much in her history to sustain it. She was an independent state, and recognized as such by the great powers ofthe world. Mr. Webster, when Secretary of State in 1842, 284 BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. I in his characteristic style, marked with clearness and power, addressed an emphatic statement of the polit ical condition of Texas to our minister then residing at the city of Mexico : "From the time of the battle, of San Jacinto, in April, 1836, to the present moment, Texas has ex hibited the same external signs of national independ ence as Mexico herself, and with as much stability of government. Practically free and independent, acknowledged as a politicaPsovereignty by the prin cipal powers of the world, no hostile foot finding rest Avithin her territory for six or seven years, and Mex ico herself refraining for all that period from any at tempt to re-establish her own authority over that ter ritory," &c, &c. Such was Texas previous to her annexation to the United States, a free and independent state, sending and receiving diplomatic agents to and from other states, enjoying all the rights of a regular and- well- established government, and embracing within the boundaries asserted by her all the territory which , she now claims. I proceed now to inquire into the validity of her title to this territory as one of the states of the Union. Whatever conclusion might be reached upon an investigation of her claim to the territory against the adverse claim of Mexico previous to her annex ation to the United States, it seems to me that her title to this territory at this time is supported by con siderations too powerful to be resisted. If there be any adverse title, it is in the United States, and I am confident that a statement ofthe argument in support BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. 285 of the claim of Texas as against that set up for the United States, must bring all minds to which it is presented to an admission, however reluctantly made, of its validity and its strength. The claim of Texas to all the territory now em braced within the limits fixed by her Constitution was well known to the government of the United States previous to the annexation of that state. Mr. Vinton (Mr. Hilliard yielding the floor to him for explanation) stated that it had been several times asserted upon this floor that the boundaries of Texas were fixed in her Constitution, but that, upon exam ination, he had not been able to find them laid down in any Constitution formed by that state. Mr. Hilliard resumed : It is not at all important, Mr. Speaker, so far as the argument is concerned, whether the boundaries of Texas were defined by her Constitution or not. They were certainly defined clearly by an act of her Legislature ; and this solemn declaration of the title of Texas to the whole extent of the territory bordering on the Rio Grande del Norte, from its mouth to its source, continuing upon a line drawn thence to the forty-second parallel of latitude, was made knoAvn to the government of the United States when the measure of annexation was proposed to that state. That part of the territory lying on the Upper Rio Grande was certainly held at that time by Mexico, but Texas was asserting her title to it, and taking steps to bring it under her ju risdiction. It was our policy to avoid a war with Mexico, and as this disputed boundary-line might lead to a col- 286 BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. lision between Texas and that republic, and of course involve the United States in it, it was provided in the resolutions by which Texas was annexed to the Union, that the adjustment of all questions of bound ary should be intrusted to the government of the United States. The precise language is this: "Said state to be formed, subject to the adjustment by this government of all questions of boundary that may arise with other governments." The United States government then was made ac quainted with the claim of Texas, and undertook to adjust it— not to relinquish it, not to negotiate that it might vest in itself, but to adjust it ; which devolved upon our government the duty of enforcing the claim of Texas, and of urging it upon Mexico in good faith. At that time, no other construction than this was put upon the resolutions of annexation ; they were clearly understood by the two contracting parties — the government of the United States and that of Texas — by Mexico, and by all the world. In pursu ance of the resolutions, the President of the United States promptly opened communications with the government of Mexico, that republic having with drawn its minister from Washington, and proposed to negotiate for the recognition of the Rio Grande del Norte as the western boundary of Texas. Mex ico actually consented to receive a commissioner to negotiate for that object. Mr. Polk thought it prop er to send an envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the government of Mexico, with general powers. Mr. Slidell was selected to perform the delicate and important duties which his mission BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. 287 involved. He proceeded to Vera Cruz, and was urged by the friends of the government then existing in Mexico to wait until its power was somewhat bet ter consolidated before approaching the capital ; he declined the counsel, inconsiderately hastened to the city of Mexico, and presented his credentials, which were rejected, on the ground that the relations be tween the United States and Mexico were not such as to render it proper that the ordinary diplomatic intercourse should be resumed between them, and that it was understood a special commissioner was to be accredited to the Mexican government, empowered to negotiate for the adjustment of questions growing out of the annexation of Texas. What was the view taken at that time by our gov ernment of the claim of Texas to the Rio Grande as her boundary? The only part of the territory which the government of the United States thought Mexico could dispute with Texas was that bordering on the upper part of that stream, and embraced Avithin the limits of the province of New Mexico ; and that it undertook to secure for Texas. This Avill be made perfectly plain by looking into the instructions which Mr. Buchanan, then Secretary of State, gave to Mr. Slidell when about to enter upon his mission. It must be borne in mind that some of our citizens had claims on Mexico, which that republic had not found it convenient to discharge. The internal disorders from which it had suffered had impoverished it. These claims were for years pressed upon Mexico, and when Mr. Slidell was about to enter upon the task of negotiating with Mexico for the adjustment 288 BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. of the dispute with Texas in regard to her boundary, he was instructed by Mr. Buchanan to bring them up for settlement. It was well knoAvn that Mexico was not able at that time to pay them, but it was for this precise reason that Mr. Slidell was to urge them. Mr. Buchanan says : " The fact is too well known to the world that the Mexican government are not now in a condition to satisfy these claims by the payment of money. Un less the debt should be assumed by the government of the United Stutes, the claimants can not receive what is' justly their due. Fortunately, the joint res olution of Congress, approved 1st March, 1845, 'for annexing Texas to the United States,1 presents the means of satisfying these claims, in perfect consist ency with the interests as well as the honor of both republics. It has reserved to this government the adjustment ' of all questions of boundary that may arise Avith other governments.' This question of boundary may therefore be adjusted in such a man ner between the tAvo republics as to cast the burden of debt due to American claimants on their own gov ernment, while it will do no injury to Mexico." Mr. Buchanan proceeded to inform Mr. Slidell that Texas declared the Rio del Norte, from its mouth to its source, to be a boundary of that republic, and stated that the right of Texas to that boundary as far up the stream as El Paso was. not likely to be ques tioned seriously. His argument in support of that position is an able one. He admitted that the case in regard to New Mexico was different, and that Texas had never subjected that part of the territory BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. 289 to her jurisdiction. What, then, was the view taken by the government of the United States of the claim of Texas to the territory lying on the Rio Grande ? Clearly that, so far as the territory up to El Paso was concerned, it was too strong to be questioned, and that so much of it as was north of that point was subject to adjustment with Mexico. The title of Texas to that part ofthe territory was to be urged, and Mr. Slidell was instructed to offer to assume the payment of all the just claims of our citizens against Mexico, "should she agree that the line shall be established along the boundary defined by the act of Congress of Texas, approved December 19, 1836, to wit: beginning at the mouth of the Rio Grande, thence up the principal stream of said river to its source, thence due north to the forty-second degree of north latitude. " A debt already pronounced to be worthless was to be discharged, in consideration of a relinquishment by the party from whom it was due of a disputed claim to the territory within the declared limits of one ofthe United States. Mr. Slidell was instructed to offer the payment of five millions of dollars to Mexico, should she agree to transfer to the United States that part of New Mexico west of the Rio Grande ; and one of the considerations which he Avas to present to Mexico, to induce her to consent to the sale of this province, was the fact that so much of it as was east of the river dividing it was already em braced within the limits declared by Texas. He was instructed to offer a still larger- sum for Upper Cali fornia. T 290 BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. Such, sir, was the Adew taken by the government of the United States of the title of Texas to the ter ritory claimed by her at the date of her annexation, when that title was to be asserted and maintained against the adverse claim of Mexico. The title of Texas was asserted, and the government of the Unit ed States offered to that of Mexico a worthless debt due to our citizens for a worthless claim set up against one ofthe states. Upon Mr. Slideli's rejection by the government of Mexico, what was then the course of our government? Was the title of Texas abandoned? Was it ever re garded as a doubtful title ? So far from it, General Taylor proceeded, under orders from the government, to take possession of the territory between the Nue ces and that stream ; and selecting a position on the very bank of the Rio Grande — the extreme western line claimed by Texas — he threw up his works op posite Matamoras. That position was chosen with a view to the defense of the whole territory claimed by the state which we had taken under our protec tion, and it was occupied as the soil of the United States, because it was a part of Texas. Mr. Ashmun (interrupting Mr. H.) held that these were the acts of but a single branch of the govern ment — of the executive. Congress, he said, had sol emnly refused to recognize the constitutionality of those acts. Mr. Howard reminded the gentleman from Massa chusetts that, in his orders to General Taylor, Secre tary Marcy had directed him to take post on the Rio Grande, which was to be the western boundary of BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. 291 Texas in case the annexation then pending took place. Mr. Hilliard resumed. No, Mr. Speaker, the force of this clear recognition of the Rio Grande as the western boundary of Texas by the government of the United States can not be impaired in that way. Congress immediately voted supplies to enable Gen eral Taylor to hold his position, and that vote was a solemn recognition of the boundary asserted by Tex as ; otherwise, instead of voting supplies, the troops should have been instantly withdrawn to some point east of the Nueces. I do not vindicate the course of the President; his order should not have been given without the authority of Congress ; but I insist that the subsequent action of Congress was an explicit recognition of the validity of the title of Texas to the full extent of the boundaries asserted hy her. In fact, the action of every department of the govern ment which has had any reference to the claim of Texas upon the territory embraced Avithin the bound aries defined by the act of her Legislature, has recog nised and affirmed that claim to its fullest extent. The occupation of the country bordering on the Rio Grande was followed by a war with Mexico. Our troops held that country, overran and took pos session of New Mexico and Upper California, and brought them under the flag of the United States as conquered provinces. By a series of brilliant victo ries, a complete ascendency was obtained over Mex ico, and a treaty of peace and of limits was at length concluded with that republic, leaving the United States in possession of every acre of the territory 292 BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. claimed by Texas, and a large district of country be sides, stretching to the Pacific Ocean. The adverse claim of Mexico to the territory east of the Rio Grande was extinguished, and, eo instante, the title of Texas covered it. The government of the United States is, in the language of the law, estopped from asserting any claim to that territory; its mouth is closed; it is forever concluded by its own admis sions — by its OAvn assertions — by its OAvn acts. The only adverse title to that of Texas being abandoned, the title of that state to its whole territory is good against the world. The treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo does not make any transfer of territory to the United States, but the boundaries between the two republics are defined; and while the limits of NeAV Mexico are referred to as forming part of the new boundary, the reference is to the southern and western limits, no mention being made ofthe eastern boundary of that province. The map which accompanied the treaty shows, I believe, the territory of Texas marked out as asserted by her Legislature, and as recognized by the government of the United States. Hoav can the boundaries of that state be now ques tioned by the United States? Let us suppose that Mexico had accepted the offer which Mr. Slidell was empowered to make, and had Avithdrawn her claim to that part of New Mexico east of the Rio Grande, Avould not Texas have been invited by our govern ment at once to extend her jurisdiction over that ter ritory? Or if, upon the march of General Taylor to the Rio Grande, Mexico had declined war, and had abandoned all the territory claimed by her east of BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. 293 that stream, Avould it have occurred to the govern ment of the United States to question the right of Texas to take instant possession of the whole extent of it ? No, sir ; and if Ave had never acquired that part of the province of NeAV Mexico which lies Avest of the Rio Grande, no one Avould have disputed the title of Texas to the fragment east of the river. Can the claim of Texas be affected by the acquisition of the western part ofthe province? After the ratification of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, the President of the United States, in a message to the House of Representatives, admitted the right of Texas to take possession of the country Avhich she claimed, in its fullest extent. He refers to the joint resolution of Congress annexing Texas to the United States, and the adjustment of questions of boundary for which it provides, and adds : "Until the exchange ofthe ratifications ofthe late treaty, NeAV Mexico never became an undisputed por tion of the United States, and it would therefore have been premature to deliver over to Texas that portion of it on the east side of the Rio Grande to which she asserted a claim. # :j: ? * :.:: J.1: % *£ "Under the circumstances existing during the pendency of the Avar, and while the whole of New Mexico, as claimed by our enemy, Avas in our military occupation, I Avas not unmindful of the rights of Texas to that portion of it Avhich she claimed to be within her limits." While the war with Mexico was in progress, the Governor of Texas demanded of the government of 294 BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. the United States an explanation ofthe reasons for organizing a government at Santa Fe ; and the Sec retary of War, under instructions from the President, replied that the government was a temporary one, and would cease upon the conclusion of a treaty of peace with Mexico. ' ' Nothing, " he adds, ' ' therefore, can be more certain than that this temporary govern ment, resulting from necessity, can never injuriously affect the right which the President believes to be justly asserted by Texas to the whole territory on this side of the Rio Grande whenever the Mexican claim to it shall have been extinguished by treaty." During the progress of the war, while Texas, in common with the other states, was contributing her part toward achieving the victories which resulted in the acquisition of the immense territory ceded to us by Mexico, she was assured that her title to the whole extent of the Rio Grande was recognized, and that no occupation of it by the military forces ofthe United States could injuriously affect it. Now, sir, I insist that the title of Texas to the whole of the country claimed by her is perfect, and that the government of the United States ought promptly to declare it to be so, and to invite that state either to extend its jurisdiction over it, or to accept some satisfactory boundary, with ample com pensation for the relinquishment of her right to the territory which she consents to give up. The claim of Texas is resisted upon two grounds. Some insist that her title to the territory bordering on the Rio Grande vests in the United States, while others set up a claim for New Mexico, and object to any divi- BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. 295 sion of that province upon the ground that the gov ernment is bound by the terms of the treaty to admit it as a state into the Union. I trust that I have already satisfactorily shown that the government of the United States could not acquire the title to the territory in dispute ; it set up no claim of its own ; it undertook to assert that of Texas ; it extinguished the adverse claim of Mexico, the only adverse claim in existence, and by that means perfected the title of Texas. Tq allow the government now to assert its own title would be a violation of every principle of equity, which no judi cial tribunal could sanction, and would be a flagrant breach of good faith, Avhich the universal sentiment of mankind would condemn. As to New Mexico, it is not to be regarded as a political community, or an entity, as Carlyle would express it, but as so much territory belonging to the United States, except that part of it which is included within the limits of Texas. We may construct a government for it, and embrace the whole territory west of the Rio Grande in it, or we may divide it, as we think best. The treaty does not guarantee to the inhabitants a separate existence as a political community. Its lan guage is, "The Mexicans who, in the territories aforesaid, shall not preserve the character of citizens of the Mexican republic, conformably with what is stipulated in the preceding article, shall be incorpo rated into the Union ofthe United States, and be ad mitted at the proper time (to be judged of by the Congress ofthe United States) to the enjoyment of 296 BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. all the rights of citizens ofthe United States, accord ing to the principles of the Constitution, and, in the mean time, shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty and property, and se cured in the free exercise of their religion without re striction." The territories referred to in this article, the ninth, are those which previously belonged to Mex ico, and the inhabitants are to enjoy certain rights instantly — such as the right of liberty, of property, and of religion ; and subsequently, when Congress shall judge it to be proper, they are to have conferred on them the privileges of American citizens by being incorporated into the Union. How incorporated into the Union ? As separate states ? The treaty is silent as to states — it speaks of inhabitants, of indi viduals. To contend that the provinces, or, in other words, the territories previously belonging to Mex ico, are to be admitted as states, and that reference is to be had to their former boundaries, is a gross mis construction of the treaty ; it would, if accepted and acted on, put it out of our power to limit the bound aries of Upper California tq smaller dimensions than it heretofore possessed. The treaty simply guaran tees to the inhabitants of the territories acquired from Mexico the privilege of American citizenship. This privilege might have been denied to them by the government ofthe United States if there had not been an explicit stipulation to that effect in the treaty, and they might have been kept perpetually under the same absolute form of rule to which they are now subjected by the neglect of Congress to provide a bet ter system for them. BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. 297 Story, in his Avork on the Constitution, says : "In cases of confirmation or cession by treaty, the acquisition becomes firm and stable, and the ceded territory becomes a part of the nation to which it is annexed, either on terms stipulated in the treaty, or on such as its new master shall impose. The rela tions ofthe inhabitants with each other do not change, but their relations with their former sovereign are dissolved, and new relations are created between them and their new sovereign. If the treaty stipu lates that they shall enjoy the privileges, rights, and immunities of citizens of the States, the treaty, as a part of the law of the land, becomes obligatory in these respects. Whether the same effects would re sult from the mere fact of their becoming inhabitants and citizens by the cession, without any express stip ulation, may deserve inquiry, if the question should ever occur." It was to secure the rights of citizens -of the United States to the inhabitants of the territories acquired from Mexico, and who should become permanent res idents within them, that the ninth article ofthe treaty was inserted; for, without that article, the inhabit ants, cut off from their own country, might never, after their transfer to another sovereignty, enjoy the rights and immunities of citizenship. This is all that the government of the United States, in the treaty, undertakes to do ; it must protect the inhabitants in the enjoyment ofthe privileges enumerated until they rise to the higher dignity of citizens, by being incor porated into some state of the Union. That would, ipso facto, make them citizens of the United States, 298 BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. and, so far from being a violation of the treaty, it would be an explicit compliance with its terms. So far, then, as that objection to extending the jurisdic tion of Texas over the territory which at one time constituted a part of New' Mexico is concerned, it is disposed of. The obligation upon Congress to recog nize and respect the title of that state to the whole extent ofthe territory claimed by her, seems to me to be clear and imperative. Yet I am aware that many persons think of that title very differently; they question it, and insist that the state should be turned over to the Supreme Court for a decision upon her claim to the Rio Grande as her western boundary. Some, indeed, go so far as to deny that Texas has even the color of title to any part of the territory be yond the Nueces ; and, in reply to her earnest demand that her jurisdiction shall be acknowledged over her own soil, they urge that arms shall be employed to resist her attempt to enforce it. Mr. Speaker, Texas ought to be dealt with gener ously. So far from meriting the reproaches with which she is sometimes loaded, she ought to receive a cordial welcome into the family of American states. By her own gallantry she originated and carried through successfully a revolution against the govern ment of Mexico, when that republic overthrew the Constitution which was framed for the protection of the liberties of her people. Alone, with a sparse pop ulation, with slender means, with no regular troops, that state formed the heroic purpose of achieving its independence, and it accomplished it. The field of San Jacinto takes rank with other plains upon which BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. 299 tyranny has been cloven down, and the flag of free dom has been unfurled. That flag, spread to the breeze by the brave men who struck for liberty un der it, with a single star glittering upon its folds, was never lowered ; it Avas kept flying until the eyes of the civilized world caught sight of it, and hailed it as the ensign of an independent state, and- the great powers ofthe globe sent their embassadors to welcome her into the family of nations. She appealed to us to receive her, and we rejected her. She was still threatened with the power of the government from which she had revolted. She turned naturally to us for succor, for defense ; we did not extend it. We acknowledged her independence — so did the sover eigns of Europe. In the course of years, when the state had grown strong, and when powerful nations sought to bind her to them by treaties of friendship and commerce — when her existence was no longer a thing to be questioned, but her young energies began to develop themselves, and to influence the affairs of the Chris tian world, then Ave proffered our alliance, and in vited her to merge her nationality in the American Union. Sir, it is within my personal knowledge that, as early as 1844, the independence of Texas might have been acknowledged by Mexico upon the condition that she would bind herself to continue an independent state, unconnected with our confederacy. I was at that time in Europe, and in an interview ¦with an official person of high rank, this fact was dis closed to me. Mexico foresaw her danger from our neighboring power, and it was her object to interpose 300 BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. a feebler republic between herself and the United States as a barrier against an incursion which she dreaded. Some of the great states of Europe Avere interested in effecting this arrangement from other considerations. I informed our government of the state of affairs, and the next year it became known to the world that Mexico had in the most solemn form consented, through the intervention ofthe Brit ish and French governments, to acknowledge the in dependence of Texas, provided she would stipulate not to annex herself or to become subject to any coun try whatever. I am asked if Mexico consented to acknowledge the Rio Grande as the boundary of Texas. My re ply is, that I heard no other condition named than that of remaining a distinct state. That was the single condition. But Texas, true to her American sympathies, true to her lineage, true to her love of constitutional lib erty, declined the proposal, and entered into our Union, giving another star to our flag, and adding to our possessions a magnificent domain. And now, sir, when this state asks for the bound aries which she has at all times asserted, we are call ed on to turn her over to the Supreme Court to have them passed upon. We have heretofore acknowl edged her boundaries — acknowledged, did I say? we have asserted them, urged them, vindicated them at the mouth of the cannon, shed the blood of our peo ple in defense of them ; and now, when we have suc ceeded in having them granted by her ancient foe, we bid this young state, coming to us upon our own earn- BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. 301 est invitation, to go and make good her claim, if she can, before our OAvn judicial tribunal. I know that it is an august tribunal : I would not lessen its imposing dignity ; I would rather add to it every sanction that could give potency to its high functions ; but I trust that an American Congress will never send Texas away from its" chambers to urge her claim to her boundaries before any tribunal under Heaven. It is a spectacle which I never desire to witness ;" it would leave an ineffaceable stain upon our escutcheon, which to-day is a resplendent one. I am not surprised at the impatience which Texas exhibits under the delay of our government to ac knowledge her rightful jurisdiction over her soil, but I trust she will not attempt to assert her claim by arms. Under our system, arms must not decide such disputes. There is no place for them. Law, consti tutional law, lifts up its voice between contending parties, and by its majesty rebukes the appeal to arms. They are not in harmony Avith the system which binds these states. They must not be em ployed on either side in this controversy. They are to be taken up only when a people, hopeless of other relief against a government which oppresses them, appeal to the ultima ratio of kings, of states, and of men. If Texas should listen to the counsel of those who urge her to employ force in vindication of her rights, she will listen to unwise and rash counselors. It is not her interest to introduce brute force for the arbitrament of disputes under this government. Let her rather invoke the aegis of law. Let her appeal to us. I have an unshaken confidence in the honor, 302 BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. the magnanimity, and the patriotism of Congress. The bill sent to us from the Senate, and upon which a question is about to be taken, is a pledge of the purpose of that body, at least, to treat her claims with the consideration which they deserve. Opin ions are divided as to the extent of the territory which rightfully belongs to Texas, and the terms pro posed to that state in the bill before us form a proper basis for the adjustment of that important dispute.' So far from being ready to vote at this time to re ject the bill, I intend to give it my support, if I can be satisfied that the territory cut off from Texas will not be subjected to some act of legislation by Con gress hostile to the interests ofthe Southern people; and I have already assurances that no such act will find favor in either House. The bill will receive my support upon two consid erations. In the first place, it will promote the in terests of Texas ; and, in the second place, it will give peace to the whole country. As to the interests of Texas, they are comprehend ed by her able and patriotic senators. The bill re ceived their support when it was before the Senate. I am willing to accept their action as the exponent of the sentiments ofthe people of that state in regard to their rights. The parallel of 36° 30' north latitude is fixed upon as the northern boundary of that state, and that line is adhered to until it touches the 103d degree of lon gitude ; the boundary then runs south upon that line until it intersects the 3 2d parallel of north latitude, which it pursues west to the Rio Grande del Norte. BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. 303 This boundary, it will be perceived, follows the line of 36° 30' until it approaches the country settled by a Mexican population, when it diverges, as I have described it, so as to exclude them. This arrangement is a wise one ; it leaves out of the limits of Texas a people differing in origin, relig ion, opinions, and tastes from the great body of the people of that state. People differing so widely, where the caste is so marked, never could constitute a homogeneous population, and Texas is far better off without them than she could be with them. The ter ritory embraced within the limits, defined in the bill for that state is very large, and secures to her every substantial advantage which she could desire. The ten millions of dollars Avill enable her to meet 'the claims against her, and relieve this young state from the pressure of a debt incurred in achieving her independence. But, sir, if it be advantageous to Texas to accept the terms proposed in the bill, it is still more impor tant to the country at large that they should be adopted. The people of the United States demand that this controversy shall be settled, and they Avill hail with the highest satisfaction a measure which re stores to the country the peace which it so earnestly desires. What do they regard ten millions of dollars in comparison with the relief which the country will experience from the adjustment of a controversy which has too long already swept it like a tempest? Every interest in the country has suffered from its rage, and the world beholds with amazement the American Congress overlooking all other subjects, 304 BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. foreign and domestic, and engrossed in a discussion Avhich threatens to destroy the very existence of the government. Sir, it is time to bring this controversy to a conclusion. I desire to see peace. It is a bless ing above all price. It is objected to the bill before us, by some gentle men from the Northern States, that the boundaries defined in it cut off from New Mexico a part of its territory. This objection has not the least founda tion. I have already shown that New Mexico is not a political community, with limits fixed by the treaty. Even if it were to be maintained as such, with all the territory which belonged to it while a province of Mexico, I can satisfy every one that the bounda ries marked out for Texas in the bill upon your table do not in any way interfere Avith the boundaries of New Mexico. The truth is, the limits of New Mexico are not even approached by the line fixed on as the western boundary of Texas, before its intersection with the thirty-second parallel of north latitude, and it touches those limits only at El Paso. I now present to the House two very interesting maps, to which I invite attention. They were found in the Palace of Mexico, among the official papers of the war department of that republic, by an American officer of great intelli gence and high character, when our army occupied its capital, and they were put into my hands by him. One is a French map ; the other seems to have been prepared according to law, for the use ofthe Mexican War Office, and exhibits an exact delineation of the extent of each department of Mexico. The first is BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. 305 by Brue, dated Paris, 1825 ; the other was prepared subsequent to a decree ofthe Mexioan government of 1836, dividing the territory of the republic into de partments, which are named, and which are marked on it in manuscript. Both maps show that the province of New Mexico was of limited extent, embracing a district of coun try bordering on both sides of the Rio Grande, and not even approaching the 103d degree of longitude. It Avill be observed that I do: not introduce these maps to afford any evidence of the extent of Tex as; I am now directing my argument to another point, and that is, that the lines , proposed in the Senate's bill for the boundaries of Texas do not in the slightest degree interfere with those of New Mexico. Nothing can be plainer than that; it is shoAvn not only by the maps which I have produced, but by all those which can be produced, of any au thenticity, and by all. the descriptions which have been given to the world of the geography of that district of country. Gentlemen, then, may dismiss all anxiety. as to the boundaries of New Mexico, about which so much so licitude is expressed ; they are not disturbed by the limits assigned to Texas in the bill which has been sent to us from the Senate. All objections to the boundaries of that state proposed in the bill give way upon investigation. The country claimed for New Mexico is open Indian territory, and the limits of that province Avill be largely extended if they are made to embrace all that is not included Avithin the boundaries of Texas. u 306 BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. The considerations in favor of the bill are over whelming. It appeals to the highest motives which can act upon the House — to its generosity, its justice,' its patriotism. No selfish considerations; no sec-; tional animosity ; no narrow view of policy ; no ap prehension of personal risk should, for a single mo ment, be allowed to hinder its passage. It will, I am confident, find a powerful support from the great body of the American people. They are always loyal to the country, and they will hail with the en thusiasm of true patriotism the success of a measure which restores peace to thirty kindred states. But, sir, this is not the only duty which we have to perform. We have already too long neglected to establish governments for the inhabitants of the ter ritories ceded to us by Mexico. The government in New Mexico, if it may be called a government, ought not to have been suffered to endure for a single month after the meeting of Congress. It is a reproach to us ; it is a monstrous anomaly in our political sys tem. It resembles the Roman proconsular govern ments, by Avhich that imperial power held its con quered provinces in subjection. Absolute power is confided to the hands of a military governor. What security do the inhabitants enjoy from oppression as hard and as cruel as that which was inflicted upon the people of Sicily by Verres, when he was praator of that province ? Before an appeal could be taken to our government, the grossest wrongs might be en dured by the inhabitants of that distant district of country, who have been transferred to our jurisdic tion by a solemn treaty, and by our own citizens who BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. 307- are seeking homes there. The Mexicans who con tinue to reside there in the hope of becoming Amer ican citizens have the strongest claim to our protec tion. Torn from their own country by the fortune of war ; subjected for a long time to a strict military government ; transferred at last to the nation with which they had been at war, they are entitled to the rights which the treaty was supposed to secure to them. They are entitled to something beyond the mere privilege to remain upon the soil: they are to be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty and property, and in the free exercise of their religion Avithout restriction; and this, too, be fore they are admitted to the enjoyment of the rights of citizens of the United States. Suppose these rights are violated, where are they to look for redress ? Troops stationed at Santa Fe to repel attacks from Indians do not, in my judgment, acquit us of our solemn obligation. It is impera tive upon us ; let us do our duty. It has been too long neglected. The delay, and the causes of the de lay, alike reproach us. Let us establish territorial governments for the people of New Mexico and Utah. These governments should not only be free from any restriction upon the rights ofthe citizens of the United States, but they should secure to the in habitants the ample protection of American law. An American Congress can not withhold that. It is due to the Mexicans who are brought under our jurisdiction, and to our citizens residing there, that Ave should confer upon them the blessings of good government. If the system of American law be bet- 308 BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. ter than that of Mexican law, they are entitled to its benefits. Is there nothing in the right of trial by jury? Is the writ of habeas corpus of no value? Is not the common law to be prized, Avith its innumer able privileges? These — all these the inhabitants of our Territories should enjoy; and especially should they be secured to our citizens, hardy and enterpris ing men, Avho turn their backs upon their native coun try and take up their abode in the wilderness, which they will presently convert into fields' teeming with the varied fruits of industry. Every obstruction ought to be removed out of the way of our people who desire to emigrate to our Territories. The American citizen is entitled to the protection of his government in the enjoyment of his life, his liberty, and his property, wherever he fixes his residence, if the soil be under the jurisdiction of the flag of the United States. I do not give my assent to the doc trine of non-intervention. The power to govern the Territories belongs to the government of the United States, and it must be employed for the benefit of the people of all the states. The power may be right fully employed to remove obstructions out of the way of the enjoyment of their rights of every description in the Territories, but it can not be employed to put restrictions upon the enjoyment of those rights. The one act would be an exercise of its legitimate functions, the other would be an abuse of them. The governments organized for the territories ac quired from Mexico should be established upon these principles. The blessings of good government would be secured to the inhabitants of those remote posses- BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. 309 sions, and harmony would be restored to the whole country. The time is come to look out upon the whole sweep ofthe horizon which encircles our broad land, with a firm purpose to do our duty to the peo ple of every part of it. We must rise to a noble view of our duties as American representatives, and bring our minds to a full survey of the interests of the great country which Providence has intrusted to our legislation. The troubles which surround us have resulted from an attempt to turn the government of the United States from the true sphere of its action. Established by the people of the States for their com mon benefit, with great but limited powers, some have -sought to control it for selfish purposes — to bring it to bear in favor of a section or against a sec tion. Its balance has been disturbed. It is distrust ed by the people of the States against which its poAv- er is directed, and their affections, which clung to it with ardor, begin to suffer an alienation, which is as natural as it is likely to be fatal, unless it be arrest ed. The government must regain their confidence by poising itself upon the basis of the Constitution, and by giving to ' the country an administration national in its aim and spirit. Our political system is a com plex one. It blends the elements of popular power with the vigor of a stable government. In the states of Greece the principle was, for the first time, recog nized, that the government was established for the good of the community. In the language of a cele brated English Avriter on Greece, ' ' From the earliest times it was not the monarch, but the state, that called forth the .virtue of devotion and inspired the enthusiasm of loyalty." 310 BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. Asia had produced only despotisms, not relieved by a single provision for the protection of human lib erty. The power of the monarch was supported at the expense of popular rights. The two systems met in conflict at Salamis and at Platsea. The triumph of Greece was complete, and the struggle of opinion on the soil of Europe inbehalf of the rights of mankind has been maintained ever since. Reverses have never crushed it. The weight of the most powerful throne has never completely overwhelmed it. It has assert ed its ever-springing vigor, and is to-day bringing ev ery government beneath the heavens under its sway. Our system is an improvement upon those which took their rise in Greece. It is no longer the state whose glory is to be enhanced by the sacrifice of individual rights, but it is the happiness ofthe people who com pose the state which is to be secured. The splendor or power of the government can not be advanced -at the expense of the rights of the citizen. The repre sentative principle — a principle which belongs to modern systems — secures the rights ofthe individual and the strength of the state. Can this system be maintained ? It can ; it Avill be ; it must be. With all its faults — guided, as it sometimes is, by unwise counsels — it is the noblest political structure which the world ever saw, and secures more practical liberty to mankind than every other existing government. Let it be administered in the spirit in which it was conceived, and it will stand through the expanding cycles of the future. I know, sir, that some in our own country pronounce it a failure, and it may be that some desire to overthrow it. Its complex char- BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. 311 acter, blending the powers of a general government with those ofthe several states, exposes it to dangers from its own action. The dangers result from an oc casional tendency to centralization — from an assump tion of powers by the general government not grant ed in the Constitution. This will always give rise to dissatisfaction in the States, whose interest it is to resist any encroachments upon their rights. Chief-justice Marshall once remarked of the court over which he presided, "This court never leans." Those who are intrusted with the administration of the government should interpret its grant of powers in the same spirit, neither enlarging nor limiting them ; and if this course be adhered to, the Union of these states will outlive the predictions of its timid friends and the impotent struggles of its enemies. The extent of our domain can not impair its strength. The improvements of modern civilization Avill enable us to plant our self-sustaining institutions as firmly upon the shores of the Pacific as they are seated upon those of the Atlantic. If there be those in any part of our wide-spread limits, north or south, who are striving to divide this growing empire — who seek to magnify rather than to remove the causes of disagreement — who utter un ceasing complaints against the government for the abuse of its powers, and yet reject all measures of re dress, I have no sympathy with them. The respon sibility of perpetuating the existence of the govern ment rests mainly on the North. It holds the des tiny of the country in its hands. I appeal to gentle- 312 BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. men from that section of the Union to come up at this critical hour, when the eyes of the nation are turned upon us with mingled anxiety and hope, and adjust the unhappy controversy which has so long disturbed our councils. The crusade which has been carried on against the institutions ofthe South must be abandoned. If per sisted in, it will precipitate us into struggles which may end in the destruction of the republic. The nobler feelings which are sometimes appealed to in the fierce warfare directed against us will only betray a misguided people into acts of hostility, which will involve us all in common ruin. Those who fol low you will then hold you responsible for calamities which can no longer be averted. Then may they who looked to you for counsel — to you, who undertook the task of leading them in the perilous enterprise upon which they were entering — to you, placed where you could see all the wrong and all the danger — reproach you in the language of the great dramatist : "Hadst thou but shook thy head, or made a pause, When I spake darkly what I purposed, Or turned an eye of doubt upon my face." Mr. Speaker, I have never permitted myself to look to a destruction of the government as a remedy for existing evils. I have not sought to explore the dark and perilous future which lies beyond the hour of sep aration between these states, bound together by so many ties. I have a sincere desire to preserve the Union. Its disruption would involve the North and the South in common ruin. Rival states, with stand ing armies, and fortresses bristling with guns erected BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. 313 upon streams now flowing in peace between kindred states; conflicting interests ; heavy commercial regu lations fettering trade now untrammeled — all this would replace the wide scene of prosperity and hap piness Avhich now salutes the eye as it surveys the whole extent of our country. Nor would this be all : rival states would soon be come belligerent states, and armies would be employ ed to decide the supremacy between them. The flag that floats to-day over every part of our wide domain, from the banks of the St. LaAvrence, in full view of the British possessions, to the coast of the Pacific, where it meets the eye of the navigator returning from Asia, and upon our ships, which bear it upon all the waters of the earth, is known and honored as the ensign of a great and powerful republic ; it is as sociated with all the glories of our past history ; its folds glitter at this moment before the eyes of man kind as the sign of hope and of universal freedom ; and I trust that it Avill forever fly with undiminished splendor above free, independent, and kindred states, not divided into petty principalities or feeble leagues, but united, as they now are, under a government the mightiest, the freest, and the happiest upon which the sun looks down. If the glorious system under which we live goes down, it leaves the world not a single example of a free and great nation. The noblest, the grandest, the most successful of all human experiments in behalf of constitutional liberty will have failed, and the world can not hope to reconstruct a stable, powerful, and enduring political system for the protection of 314 BOUNDARY OF TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO. popular rights. Put out the light which streams from our institutions upon the world, and it is extin guished forever. " I know not where is that Promethean heat That can thy light relume." . POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT TO WARD THE INDIANS. A SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, FEBRUARY 20th, 1851. Mr. Chairman, — While I wish to see economy in the use of public money in every part of the govern ment, I shall vote for the largest sum which it is pro posed to assert in this bill as an appropriation for the payment of Indian agents. We must either pay agents to look after the In dians, or we must pay troops to fight them : our al ternative is conciliation or war ; and whether we re gard economy or humanity, we can not for a moment hesitate which policy to adopt. It is far cheaper — leaving out of view nobler con siderations — to deal in a magnanimous and liberal spirit with these wild tribes than it would be to make war upon them. We must make them respect us; they must be taught to expect justice from us, and to confide in our good disposition toward them. Whenever you succeed in impressing them with a sense of your justice and your power ; whenever they can be made to comprehend that you intend to deal honestly with them, and learn that, if they violate the treaties which they have made with you, your troops are able to beat them, you will have no further trouble with them. At all times peace is to be preferred to Avar, if the 316 POLICY OF GOVERNMENT TOWARD THE INDIANS.' honor and the rights ofthe country can be maintain ed without a resort to arms ; but especially ought we to pursue a pacific policy toward the feebler tribes who are now dependent upon our bounty. Their condition makes a powerful appeal to our humanity. It is not to be denied that they have been demoralized by their intercourse With us ; they have lost all their former heroic qualities, and have learn ed only the vices ofthe white race. It is far wiser, sir, by a liberal appropriation to se- cure'the services of competent and trustworthy agents, who will conciliate the Indians, arid teach them to submit to your government, than it would be to ap propriate a less sum, and send worthless men to deal with them — men who will serve only to demoralize them still more, and to spread distrust among the tribes whom We are bound by every consideration to cherish and protect. I can not view the history of that unfortunate peo ple without the profoundest regret. Compare their condition to-day with their happy and prosperous state when they first welcomed the white race to their shores. Powerful, warlike, and brave, they dwelt in native majesty in their forest homes, and they held all these broad lands which we now claim as our heritage. They have retreated before our advancing civilization ; they have not a single resting-place be tween the Atlantic and the Mississippi — all that wide domain is lost to them ; they are almost with out a home ; they can no longer follow the setting sun in his course, for powerful states are growing up on the Pacific shore ; their native dignity has disap- POLICY OF GOVERNMENT TOWARD THE INDIANS, 317 peared; their numerous and warlike tribes have dwindled away; their numbers are diminishing so rapidly that it can not be doubted the race will be come extinct ; and yet they retain that fierce spirit which impels them to resent the wrongs inflicted upon them by. their oppressors. Is it not far nobler, sir — is it not far wiser, to deal generously with such a people, than to attempt, by a false economy, to lessen the appropriations for their benefit? Expend your money freely upon them — lavish it rather than stint it. Pay your Indian agents well; secure the confi dence of these unfortunate tribes, and you will find it, in the end, true economy. I never wish to see a gun turned against the In dian hereafter, or a weapon raised to strike the fee ble race ; infinitely would I prefer to adopt the just and magnanimous policy of Mr. Jefferson, and cher ish the descendants ofthe aborigines whom you have dispossessed of their homes. It is even now almost too late to atone for the wrongs and injuries which we have inflicted upon them ; but, whatever we can do to brighten their future ; whatever we can do to reclaim them from their degradation ; Avhatever we can do to make them acquainted with a true civiliza tion, and to make them feel the elevating influences of a genuine Christianity, which in its unselfishness seeks only to lift up, to cheer, and to guide ; what ever we can do to compensate for the past, let us do freely. Such, sir, are my views of the policy proper to be pursued toward the Indian tribes. I shall vote for 318 POLICY OF GOVERNMENT TOWARD THE INDIANS. the largest appropriations which the bill proposes. I trust that the committee will agree with me, and that the action ofthe government in its dealings with the Indian tribes will hereafter exhibit a policy which blends economy with humanity, and true statesman ship with exalted Christian sentiment. VINDICATION OF MR. WEBSTER. REMARKS MADE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, FEBRUARY 25th, 1851. I think it must be clear to all, Mr. Chairman, that this debate has taken a most unfortunate turn. Who could have imagined that in a debate upon a bill pro viding for the payment of the indemnity due to Mex ico, a heated and violent speech would be uttered against the Secretary of State ? It Avill be admitted by the most malignant assail ants of that eminent man that he has not sought to incur the responsibilities or to perform the duties which we are about to put upon him. It is not by his own act that he undertakes the task of conducting a negotiation for the payment of a debt which this nation owes. That duty has devolved upon him by law ; and with that apparent to us all, it must occur to every man of ordinary charity or of ordinary fair ness, that at a moment when we are debating a meas ure of public policy like this, it is a most ungenerous turn to give the discussion to make it personal to the Secretary of State. Like the gentleman who has just taken his seat (Mr. Ashmun), and who comes from Massachusetts, the home of the great statesman, I shall content myself with an expression of my indig nant sense of the wrong which has been done to us all by the colleague of that gentleman (Mr. Allen), in 320 VINDICATION OF MR. WEBSTER. his speech this evening, without attempting an elab orate defense of Mr. Webster. The charge recoils from the great mark against Avhich it is hurled like a javelin from the broad shield of Achilles. I know nothing of the circumstances which have been referred to, but I am very sure that every gen tleman of every party will agree with me in thinking that public reputation is public property ; that the fame of a great man is not to be thrown away idly ; that a good name is to be valued above all price ; and that extraordinary, groundless, and malignant charges are not to be thrown out in a body like this, whose proceedings are published to the whole world, with out being replied to with something like severity, if not with indignation. A splendid reputation, that honors the country, to say the least of it, and throws its lustre about the American name, is prized by me beyond all price ; and a great life, whose golden orb is already setting beneath the horizon of time, is so much venerated by me, that I can not consent to see a single speck placed upon it by any malignant hand. Indeed, sir, if I could, I would send down to pos terity the fame of every great American statesman of every party, without a single spot to stain it or a sin gle shadow to dim it. There is not a man living among us, I care not how fierce the rivalry of party may have been, or how heated the contests into which we have been plunged — there is not an illustrious living American Avhose good name I do not value, and I should rejoice to VINDICATION OF MR. WEBSTER. 321 know that every one of them would preserve through out his life an untarnished fame, and sleep at the close of his career in an honored grave. And I ven ture to say, sir, that there is not a gentleman present this evening who has not listened with impatience to the charges which have been so unnecessarily, so wan tonly, and, I believe I may say, so wickedly uttered against one of our most illustrious men. Mr. Chairman, I must be allowed to say that much of the hostility which we have witnessed this evening is due to the fact that, in' the contest which has just gone by, when a cloud hung over this country which threw its portentous shadow over the whole heavens, so that good men began to tremble for the fate ofthe government, and bad men began to hope that it would be overthroAvn — it Avas because at that moment this great man stood up for his country, and denounced the factions that would destroy it, that this fierce hos tility is exhibited. It is because he took upon him the great task of resisting the legions which were bearing down against the rights of the South, bring ing all the energy and strength of his intellect into the service of his country, and holding up the Con stitution as a shield for the protection of our rights, that he has been so grossly and wantonly assailed. I do not doubt, sir, that all this hostility exhibited by the Free-Soil faction is due to the fact that the great statesman who is the object of it threw himself, at that momentous crisis in our history, in the way of their destructive schemes, and contributed so large ly toward effecting that pacification which the coun try has hailed with so much satisfaction. Mr. Web- X 322 VINDICATION OF MR. WEBSTER. ster put every thing at stake for the country, and, notwithstanding attacks of this kind, his fame, which was resplendent before, Avill go down to posterity with still higher lustre than it could have worn but for the courage which he displayed on that occasion. He stands out before the eyes of mankind in a far grander position than he Avould have occupied had he not taken that bold stand, with so much generos ity and Avith so much self-sacrificing patriotism in behalf of the rights of the Southern people. For one, as an American, I thank him for his courage ; and, as a Southern man, I am grateful to him for his magnanimity. His name will be recorded upon the brightest pages of the history of our times, in the noblest terms. Massachusetts may repudiate him; I do not believe she will. Massachusetts will be true to her own fame, and will stand by her great son ; but if she Avere to repudiate him, the nation Avould take him up. He is in no danger ; he stands stronger to day in the affections of his countrymen than he ever stood before. Such shafts as have been hurled at him can not reach him. Among the first acts of my public life in this hall was a defense of Mr. Webster from charges brought against him by a distinguished gentleman from Penn sylvania, who, I was confident, misapprehended the facts of which he spoke. I then said that, having but a feAV months before returned from Europe, where I held a diplomatic appointment which brought me into official relations Avith Mr. Webster, and gave me the opportunity of learning the sentiments ofthe pub- VINDICATION OF MR. WEBSTER. 323 lie men of Europe respecting him, I could unhesita tingly declare that he had exhibited the utmost solic itude for the Avelfare and the honor of his country; that his great fame filled every American citizen with pride ; and that in the glorious constellation of illus trious names adorning the republic, there Avas not one Avhich shone Avith greater splendor than that of Daniel Webster. My service in this House is about to close. I shall retire from it voluntarily, and I count it a piece of good fortune that one of my last acts here is the vin dication of that great statesman. I have had but one opinion of him from the beginning to the end. He rises in our midst like some tall cliff; mists and shadoAvs settle at his feet, but eternal sunshine gilds his noble brow. The heavens are now serene — they are crowded and adorned with constellations ; but every one Avho looks back to the period of which I have spoken will remember that they were overcast Avith clouds; the first star that broke the darkness and cheered the country, then full of anxiety, was Daniel Webster. Since then, others have appeared, but he Avill ever wear the great honor of emerging first, with all his splendor, from the gloom which overshadowed us. Mr. Chairman, I have felt that it was due to the personal and political relations which I bear to that eminent man that I should make this public declara tion of my confidence in him. I believe that he is upright ; so far as the public counsels of his country can bear witness to his course, it has been above suspicion ; every act shows that he 324 VINDICATION OF MR. WEBSTER. has lived for his country. I believe that he has no higher aspiration than that which he has so nobly and eloquently expressed in the conclusion of one of his own great speeches, that the last feeble and lin gering glance of his eyes might, when for the last time they saw the sun in the heavens, behold him shining upon states still united and prosperous, and the gor geous ensign ofthe republic "still full high advanced, its arms and trophies streaming in their original lus tre, not a stripe erased or polluted, not a single star obscured, bearing for its motto no such miserable in terrogatory as, What is all this Avorth? nor those other words of delusion and folly, Liberty first and Union afterward, but every where spread all over in characters of living light, blazing on all its ample folds, as they float over the sea and over the land, and in every wind under the whole heaven, that other sentiment, dear to every true American heart, Liberty and Union ; now and forever, one and inseparable." ADDRESS TO CONSTITUENTS. A PAPER ADDRESSED TO THE PEOPLE OF THE SECOND CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT OF ALABAMA, DECLINING A RE-ELECTION TO CONGRESS, DE CEMBER .3d, 1850. Before entering upon the engrossing duties of the session of Congress which has just opened, I wish to execute a purpose which was formed long since, and to which I still adhere — that is, to decline a re-elec tion to the House of Representatives. Some of my friends were made acquainted with this purpose more than a twelvemonth ago, but, as I continue to receive letters from gentlemen residing in different parts of the district urging me to consent to be a candidate once more, I think it best to announce my determina tion to retire in a public and formal manner. At the expiration of my present term I shall have been engaged in your service for six successive years. While I have fully appreciated the honor of repre senting you in the Congress of the United States, I have at all times been sensible of the great duties which the trust devolved Upon me. I have encoun tered opposition, and my course has been freely can vassed, but I believe that I have enjoyed a large share of your confidence. I have endeavored through out my public life to do my duty faithfully. I have been, at every step of my progress, animated with the hope of advancing your interests, and of contributing somewhat to the prosperity and the glory of the whole country. This consciousness is above all price. 326 address to constituents. I shall cherish it through life. It would sustain me even in the face of your froAvns, and under the bur den of your censure. I have, however, the high sat isfaction of believing that my course meets the appro bation of a very large majority of those who have re peatedly chosen me to represent them. The period through which the country has passed since I entered Congress is justly regarded as one of the most eventful in our history. Within that time, Texas has been annexed to the United States ; Ave have carried on and brought to a close a brilliant war ; we have acquired from Mexico, by treaty, vast posses sions which have seated our power and our institu tions on the Pacific, so that we now stretch an undis puted empire over a territory bounded by the two great oceans of theworld; we have just passed through a storm Avhich swept the country with unprecedented fury, and which has tried the strength of our polit ical system. The stately fabric still stands, and is, I hope, destined to stand, when the history ofthe strug gle through which Ave have come Avill be referred to only as an illustration of the power of a confederate republic to exist in the midst of great popular com motions. The great questions ofthe time seem noAv to be settled ; the receding waves and the brighten ing horizon promise a season of repose. We are at peace with all the Avorld, and we have at the head of the government an administration Avhich announces for its guidance principles so just, so wise, and, I may say, so noble, that we may hope to escape collision with foreign poAvers, while the rights and the honor of our country are vigorously maintained and vindi- ADDRESS TO CONSTITUENTS. 327 cated. The administration, too, is pledged to the support ofthe adjustment of domestic troubles which Congress so lately effected, after the longest and most important session it ever held. Having borne my part in these important events, I feel that I may retire from the place to which you have repeatedly elevated me without exposing myself to the charge of indifference to your interests, or a disposition to shrink from any responsibility which I ought to encounter. The events which have transpired within the last twelve months, so far from impairing the strength of our political system, have really served to demon strate it. There is, to-day, a growing conviction in the mind of the whole nation, that the Constitution must be adhered to in its pristine spirit, and that, Avhile it is adhered to, the republic will endure. A storm which sweeps the ocean and drives the vessel before its fury makes the mariner look more closely to his means of safety, and a political convulsion Avhich threatens to overthrow the government brings about a recurrence to the great elementary principles upon which the fabric rests. States spread over a continent, with every variety of soil and climate, with diverse interests, rapidly advancing in wealth, pow er, and population, and held together by a general government of great but limited powers, must feel that their harmonious progress can be secured only by a faithful adherence to the Constitution. Some who witness our unprecedented growth express the apprehension that our territory is becoming too wide ly extended to be embraced within a single govern- 328 ADDRESS TO CONSTITUENTS. ment. I do not, for a moment, share this apprehen sion. The great political fabric under which we live is new and complex, and, I believe, capable of great enlargement. Nothing in ancient or modern times can furnish a resemblance to it. It does not consist of a single state, like some of the ancient republics, nor is it an empire like the Roman, concentrating its strength in a single central seat of power, and spread ing its arms and its institutions by conquest over re mote regions. Our groAvth is natural and sponta neous ; if is the result of the inherent energy of our people, and it .does not enfeeble the general govern ment by bringing new states under its jurisdiction. The Roman empire sent its eagles, in the hands of the Roman soldier, from the African desert to North ern Germany, and from the Euphrates to the Atlan tic Ocean. The principle upon which this empire was extended was force : a decay ofthe central pow er left the distant possessions at liberty to assert their independence, and they threw off. a yoke which the feeble hand of a degenerate race could no longer bind upon their necks. But our progress is the spread of a great family, all bearing with them the law, the traditions, the sympathies, and the religion of those from whom they have removed. Our system of gov ernment, too, blends, the advantages of a local juris diction with the authority of a federal power. Mon tesquieu, one of the most philosophical political writ ers which any age has produced, says that "a Confed erate Republic has all the internal advantages of a republican, together with the external force of a mo narchical government. As this government is com- ADDRESS TO CONSTITUENTS. 329 posed of small republics, it enjoys the internal hap piness of each, and, Avith respect to its external situ ation, it is possessed, by means of the association, of all the advantages of large monarchies." Our gov ernment, then, being a confederate republic, will en able us to spread our population and our institutions over our entire domain. We must bear in mind, too, that modern civilization has wrought great changes in the relations which nations bear to each other. The means of intercommunication are so improved by modern science, that those parts of the world which we have been accustomed to consider the most re mote from each other are brought into neighborhood. Steam and the magnetic telegraph enable us to cir culate ideas throughout our wide-spread limits with a rapidity that overcomes time and distance ; what is uttered or Avritten at the seat of the federal govern ment is addressed directly to the great body of the American people ; they observe the movements of the government, and pass upon our measures as if they were present at the capital. The action of the gov ernment is felt immediately at the most remote points, and an impression is made as directly upon the great mind of the nation as if its widely-scattered popula tion were gathered into a single community. The progress of business in the halls of Congress is known in New Orleans, Cincinnati, and Boston as soon as it is known in Washington. Even the most remote parts of our country are not really more distant from each other than the most widely-separated points of the old thirteen states were when a single government was established for them. These means of intercom- 330 ADDRESS TO CONSTITUENTS. munication must be increased; they must be taxed as lightly as possible; postage must be reduced; rail roads must be multiplied, and the Pacific coast must be brought nearer to us by the early construction of one of those great highways of commerce and of trav el. The scheme of retaliation lately projected of dis criminating against the products of other states must be abandoned, and our whole legislation — the legisla tion of Congress and the legislation of the States — must be guided by a comprehensive, national, and patriotic spirit. These states must regard each oth er as kindred states ; the Constitution must be recog nized in all of them as the supreme law ; and the acts of Congress, passed in accordance with its provisions, must be obeyed ; and Ave must fix in our own minds and in our hearts the idea that, as we have had a common origin, we must have a common destiny. If the past has witnessed our struggles, let the future exhibit our triumphs. Let the great standard of the republic forever float over states associated in a Union as indissoluble as it is glorious. The disturbing question which has threatened to array one section against another in irreconcilable hostility is disposed of. I comprehended its danger, and I foresaw that the agitation Avhich attended it would be fatal, unless the government could be brought to confine its action within the limits ordained by the Constitution. I felt it to be my duty, in the early part of the late session of Congress, to assert your rights in the strongest terms, and to state in the most explicit manner what it seemed to me must be the certain and disastrous issue of any act of aggression ADDRESS TO CONSTITUENTS. 331 on them by the general government. This frankness Avas due to you, to the North, by whose representa tives hostile measures were urged, and to the country at large. The protracted discussion carried on in Congress, and the angry feeling which too often char acterized it, filled the country with apprehension, and impeded the progress of public business. But that scene prepared the way for the great measures which folloAved, and which constitute a com plete adjustment of the alarming controversy which for so long a time disturbed the repose of the coun try. The beginning was necessary to the end. The adjustment, in the language of President Fillmore's admirable message, is to be regarded as a "final one." The general government possesses no power to inter fere with our domestic institutions ; its power ex hausts itself when it touches the limits of a state. Let us, then, cultivate a patriotism large enough to embrace our whole country. Let us hope that our rights will be respected by the other states of the Union. Let us forbear any hostile acts on our OAvn part. I certainly desire to see in the midst of the great agricultural regions of the South a varied in dustry, which shall rival that ofthe North, and Avhich shall spread over our fertile plains all the embellish ments which wealth and a high civilization can be stow. I desire, too, to see a direct trade with foreign countries carried on through Southern ports. But I desire to see all this brought about by the enterprise and the energy of our people, entering into a bold and generous competition Avith those of the other states. We should seek to make Alabama a great and wealthy 332 ADDRESS TO CONSTITUENTS. state, and we can do this by the vigorous development of our resources. Our fertile soil, our noble streams, our great cotton crop, our exhaustless mineral wealth, our population intelligent, industrious, enterprising, and religious, these will enable us to advance with a steady and rapid march in civilization, without re sorting to legislative expedients to tax the products of other states associated with us in a common gov ernment, one of the great objects of which is to keep open the channels of intercommunication. These are my views ; they are frankly expressed, and I hope that they will meet your approbation. In bringing our connection as constituents and represent ative to a close, I beg you to receive them as the sen timents of a heart penetrated with a sense of your kindness, and unswervingly devoted to those who, throughout my political course, have given me a sup port as steady as it has been generous. I shall re turn to enter upon my duties once more as a citizen. I fixed my residence among you when young and in experienced, and I shall return to my cherished home with an affection for it which neither time nor ab sence have chilled. Coming as I now am to mature manhood, I feel that I must employ the vigor of my life in attention to interests which have been too long neglected, and I shall gladly relinquish the honors and the responsibilities of public life, to enter upon the quieter but happier duties of a private station. Henry W. Hilliard. Washington, December 3d, 1850. GENERAL TAYLOR'S CLAIMS TO THE PRESIDENCY A SPEECH DELIVERED AT THE BUENA VISTA FESTIVAL, HELD IN THE CHINESE MUSEUM, PHILADELPHIA, FEBRUARY 22d, 1848. We meet, fellow-citizens, under the most interest ing circumstances ; the past and the future shed their blended light upon us. I rejoice that I am here on this occasion, and that I see around me so large an assemblage of the citizens of Philadelphia — a city re nowned not only for its wealth and intelligence, but for its constant attachment to Whig principles. I know that a double motive brings us together this evening ; we come to celebrate the anniversary of a day which gave Washington to the world, and of a day which opened upon one ofthe most extraordinary battle-scenes which has occurred in ancient or modern times — a battle-scene which exhibited the great qual ities of another American general who so strongly resembles Washington — I mean General Zachary Taylor. The day will go down to posterity with these glorious associations, and will call out from succeeding generations ever-increasing gratulations. We meet not only to celebrate these great results, but to counsel together, on this hallowed anniversary, upon the best interests of the country. At the close ofthe Revolutionary war, the colonies which had fought through that great struggle became united states, under a system of. confederation which 334 general taylor's claims to the presidency. did not accomplish the objects for which it was cre ated. A Convention met to form a more perfect un ion, composed of the leading spirits of the time, and the present Constitution was agreed upon. Who was chosen to guide the new government into the troubled waters of an untried future ? Not Adams, trained as he was in the departments of civil life ; not Hamilton, Avith his clear, profound, and compre hensive intellect ; not Jefferson, with all his genius, courage, and enthusiasm. No, to none of these was the helm committed in that trying hour ; but the bold, manly, vigorous hand of Washington grasped it, and the world saw the doubt and apprehension of a young nation, just entering upon its career, soon give way to confidence and hope. The simple grandeur of that first president was suited to the great proportions of the government which he undertook to administer. We live in event ful times. The great virtues of the early days of the republic seem almost lost to us. We need some man who is not simply a politician ; some man cast in a noble mould ; some man endeared to the Amer ican people by his services ; some man who, on try ing occasions, has displayed both courage and wis dom ; some man whose public and private character are alike spotless, to vindicate the principles of the American government, and bring it back to its purer and better days. In the order of Providence, such a man is present ed to us now. That man is General Zachary Taylor. (Great acclamation.) We desire to-day, in the midst of the impressive GENERAL TAYLORS CLAIMS TO THE PRESIDENCY. 335 scenes which surround us, to present him to the peo ple of the United States as a candidate for the pres idency. Washington once filled that great station. After the lapse of half a century, we wish to see it filled by Taylor, whose name and deeds will be for ever associated with his. We present General Taylor as a candidate, not merely because of his great strength with the Amer ican people, but because of the great qualities which belong to him. To a mind clear and vigorous he adds a great heart. His enlightened judgment, his self-possession in the midst of danger, his keen fore sight, his love of truth, his independence, his unself ishness, his modesty, these all proclaim him great. His whole character is admirably balanced, display ing a rare combination of high endowments. How complete is his oblivion of self! His whole course is characterized by a generous regard for oth ers. His reception at New Orleans was a brilliant one, and a friend remarked to him, ' ' General, this is a bright day for you; you must have enjoyed it." "Not altogether," he replied; "there Avere so many. women and children present that I was afraid some of them would get hurt. " Was there ever before a man heard of, who, upon the occasion of a great and imposing public reception, was more alarmed for the safety of women and children than elated at the hon ors paid him ? This little incident, so unimportant in itself, beautifully illustrates a great character. Was there ever before a man known among us who spoke of others as better qualified than himself for an office to Avhich the uplifted voice of a nation was 336 GENERAL TAYLOR'S CLAIMS TO THE PRESIDENCY. calling him ? In the letter just read to us, General Taylor speaks of Henry Clay as better suited (tre mendous applause) to the presidency than himself. I rejoice, fellow-citizens, at this demonstration of re gard for Mr. Clay. It proves your attachment to the Whig cause. It attests the sacrifice you make in giving up one Avho has long stood at the helm, and firmly held his station amid tempest and storm. You have done battle for him nobly, and you still cheer him, while you rally round the standard of a great captain who will lead us to certain victory. (Loud cheers.) Taylor is worthy to lead you; his great services and his great character alike claim your confidence. Of him it may be said, as one said of a noble Roman, , " The elements are So mix'd in him, that Nature might stand up, And say to all the world, This is a man." His character is illustrated by his career. We all remember the profound anxiety which pervaded the country when the news reached us that the small army under General Taylor, then stationed upon the Rio Grande, was threatened by an overwhelming Mexican force ; that Thornton and his company were cut off, and that an attack was about to be made on Fort Brown. The commanding general had marched to Point Isabel for his supplies. He was returning ; but he seemed to be cut off by a Mexican army, which occupied the ground before him, and threaten ed to annihilate him. The battle of Palo Alto was fought, and the Mexicans gave back before the Amer ican guns. The next morning a council of officers was GENERAL TAYLOR'S CLAIMS TO THE PRESIDENCY. 337 assembled, and the question was asked, " Shall we re turn to Point Isabel, or advance to Fort Brown?" There were brave officers who thought it rash to ad vance in the face of an overwhelming force, strongly posted, and they thought it best to fall back. After hearing opinions, General Taylor said, ' ' Gentlemen, if I live, I will sleep in Fort Brown to-night." With what anxiety did the little garrison left there await the result of that day's fight ! The fierce and exult ing hosts poured down upon the American troops, and for a moment hid them from view; but Avhen the cloud of battle was rent, out rode Taylor at their head, the broken ranks of the Mexican army flying before him, and bearing to Fort BroAvn the first news of their own defeat, as they swept by in utter terror and confusion. The next conflict between the American and Mex ican arms took place at Monterey — a walled city, fill ed with troops, and defying attack. But it yielded to the impetuous valor of American soldiers, led on by Taylor. No strength of position, no disproportion of numbers, could withstand them. The annals of the world can not furnish a parallel to such an ex ploit. The semi-fabulous accounts of the conquest of Gra nada show no such achievement. But at Buena Vista General Taylor exhibited the great qualities which belong to him so conspicuously that the world saw he was a man cast in no common mould. It must be remembered that a very large proportion of the regular force was withdrawn from him, and he was left in an advanced and exposed Y 338 GENERAL TAYLOR'S CLAIMS TO THE PRESIDENCY. position, 'supported only by a small body of volun teers. The Mexican army, tAventy thousand strong, was bearing down upon him, led by their greatest chief, Santa Anna. In this perilous position, it became General Taylor's duty to determine whether he should stand and make battle against such fearful odds, or fall back upon Monterey, as he had been authorized to do by the commander-in-chief. The great consid erations involved in his decision passed in review be fore him. If he fell back, he must abandon to the en emy the whole country Avhich the position command ed. The spirit of the army, too, Avould be damped by a retreat. Yet his returning spies reported the ad- ¦ vance of the Mexican force in all its overpowering strength ; and, as he looked out upon his own lines, he saw himself supported by less than five thousand troops, and of these only two squadrons of cavalry and three battalions of light artillery, making just four hundred and fifty-three (453) men, were regular soldiers. He resolved to stand. His mind swept the Avhole horizon about him. He saw his danger, but he saw his duty, and he resolved to stand. The shock of battle came. The infuriated Mexican hosts poured doAvn upon the little body of American troops, almost surrounding them ; but Taylor was there, unshaken as a rock, against which the billows dash in vain ; and when no regiment could be found to support a battery, he supported it himself. When, after two days' struggle, the smoke of battle cleared away from that hard-fought field, there stood Taylor, his bayonets gilded by the sun of victory, and GENERAL TAYLOR'S CLAIMS TO THE PRESIDENCY. 339 the banner of his country, Avhich floated over him, crowned Avith imperishable victory. We need, at this moment, such a man to stand for- Avard as our leader. The crisis demands him, and we may thank an overruling Providence that the crisis has produced him. Trying occasions call out great men. They are sometimes born amid convulsions, which they afterward guide for the good of mankind. Now, when the goA^ernment is in the hands of a reck less administration, Ave must Avrest it from those who Avould drive it headlong upon swift destruction. We Avant a leader Avho Avill open the way to victory — who Avill scatter the serried ranks of the opposing force — and that leader is "the old thunderer of the Cordil leras." Victory knows his standard. Even noAv, poised in mid air, it waits to see that standard once more flung out under the heavens, to light upon it, and proclaim a peaceful and beneficent conquest. It is said he is not a Whig. Who can doubt, after the letter Avhich we have read here to-night ? He is not the mere creature of a party. I honor him for it. He belongs to his country — to his whole country; and, if he should undertake the administration of the government, he will enter upon his great task, as Washington did, uncommitted, unfettered, looking to no resolutions of a Convention, but looking to the condition of the country and to the Constitution. He is a Whig — a Whig in principle, a Whig in affinities — and he Avill be a Whig upon the noblest model. There is a broad distinction between the principles and the measures of a party. The great principle of 340 GENERAL TAYLOR'S CLAIMS TO THE PRESIDENCY. the Whig party is its conservative feeling, its dispo sition to check the headlong career of a dangerous ad ministration, to arrest the proclivity of the govern ment, and bring it back to the purer and better days of the republic. Measures are designed to carry out principles, and must vary with the changing condi tion of the country. But there is an ever-springing vigor about the great principles of the Whig party ; and in view of them, in the noblest sense ofthe term, General Taylor is a Whig. The country has suffered too much from mere partisans, and I desire to con tribute to the election of a President who will rise into the loftier character of a patriot. Gentlemen, at this hour we must look to our cause. We must give up men. I have stood by Mr. Clay with unshrinking fidelity. At Harrisburg, in 1839, I sustained his nomination up to the last moment; but, when General Harrison was chosen, I took my place under his standard, and followed it into the thickest ofthe fight. In my judgment, we must take the same course now, or our cause is doomed to dis aster and defeat. We are practical men. We shall not indulge the wild enthusiasm which would impel us into a desper ate, hopeless conflict for the elevation of a favorite leader. Men must give way that the cause may tri umph. Under General Taylor's banner we fear no defeat. He stood upon the field of Buena Vista sup ported mainly by volunteers — the regular troops had been withdrawn from him; and yet, Avhen Santa Anna, Avith his twenty thousand men, rushed down upon him, they recoiled from the shock, covered with GENERAL TAYLOR'S CLAIMS TO THE PRESIDENCY. 341 inglorious defeat. So it is now. General Taylor stands out the candidate of the people. He is sus tained only by volunteers. The regular forces have not yet come into the field. But he can not be driven from his position ; and if attacked by any force, under any leader, he will give them another Buena Vista. I see around me gallant spirits, and I know that, when General Taylor's name is brought forward, they will spring to their guns as Bragg and Washington did to their batteries. The States are ready to declare for him. New En gland will soon fling out his banner. New York is already sending its forces to his support, and will give him the vote of an empire. Pennsylvania will march its legions into the lines which form about him. Vir ginia only waits to hear his name proclaimed to join the mighty Whig phalanx. A shout for Taylor comes up from the great West; while almost the whole South — North Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi, Loui siana, and Florida — have already declared for him ; and I firmly believe that, if we spread that banner to the breeze in Alabama, we shall be able, though against great odds, to bring the ship, so long mis guided, into the Whig line of battle. Rome was accustomed to call home her victorious generals, and reward them Avith public triumphs. We shall call home a general, so modest, so pure, so like Washington, to give him a still higher reward. We have other generals to lead our armies to battle, but to him — to Taylor — we shall intrust the helm of state. He leads home no captives ; he leaves behind no prisoners in chains ; and he returns, as we hope, 342 GENERAL TAYLOR'S CLAIMS TO THE PRESIDENCY. to wield, Avith the blessing of God, the powers of the chief magistracy, and to bring back the government to its ancient purity. George Washington was the first President o± the United States. In the gallery of the King of the French, at Versailles, in a collection of illustrious por traits, I saw the form of that American Avhose fame is so wide that mankind claim it as a heritage, and I rejoiced that I was an American. I trust that noAv, from the very storm of battle, another man is disclosed to the view of the American people, who, while he resembles Washington in the great lineaments of his character, Avill administer the government as he did. Such is my conviction of the dangers to which the country is exposed — such my earnest wish to bring the government back to its earlier and better days, that, whatever standard there may be in the field, my heart, my voice, my energies shall be employed in support of General Taylor. MASSACHUSETTS AND THE UNION. A SPEECH DELIVERED IN BOSTON, AT A DINNER GIVEN BY THE CITY COUNCIL TO A COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS, MARCH 13th, 1848. Mr. President, — The very handsome tribute to Alabama to Avhich we have just listened calls for some reply on my part. I should be insensible too, sir, to generous emo tions, if I could remain silent after the allusion which has been made to the state of Avhich I am the only representative present by the very eloquent and dis tinguished gentleman (Hon. Harrison Gray Otis) to Avhose speech we have all listened Avith so much pleas ure. If there Avere nothing else to make this even ing remarkable — if we could forget that every state ofthe Union has her representative here — if we could forget the dignified character of that national mission which assembles us in this city — if we could overlook the number of other distinguished persons who are here this evening, the presence of that gentleman alone would impart to it a peculiar interest. His illustrious career is already historical. He stands before us a noble impersonation of the great qualities Avhich rendered the earlier period of our country's history so renowned. Belonging to a younger generation, I think myself most fortunate in being present on this occasion ; I have heard one whose fame long since inspired the wish to meet him, and whose eloquence gave him the 344 MASSACHUSETTS AND THE UNION. pre-eminence in Congress in those days when that was regarded as the highest distinction in this coun try. In his speech this evening he has shed light upon an eventful period in our history, and has shown that New England felt her full share of patriotic ar dor even at the commencement of the late war with Great Britain. He speaks of Alabama as she was when the sav age roamed through her native forests, and when the beauty of her scenery might have induced the adven turous traveler to penetrate far into the green and pathless wilderness, or to explore her noble streams, if the Indian in his untamed ferocity had not driven him away from bowers hardly less beautiful than those of Eden. If he were now to visit Alabama, he would find that the wilderness had been made glad ; the Indian has followed in the track of the setting sun ; civiliza tion, wealth, and refinement would meet his view, and the gentleman would find himself welcomed to homes whose hospitality might tempt him to linger long under our Southern skies. It is quite true, Mr. President, that I am strongly attached to the Union ; my sentiments are not mis understood by the gentleman who has done me the honor to refer to them ; and I knoAv, sir, that the people of Alabama are faithful to the Union. A more patriotic people can not be found any where : they Avill stand by the government and the Constitution. With peculiar interests, it is but nat ural that they should exhibit some sensibility in re gard to the legislation of Congress, and the spirit MASSACHUSETTS AND THE UNION. 345 manifested by other states ; indeed, they must have lost all revolutionary recollections if they did not watch with jealousy the encroachments ofthe govern ment, and demand from it an ample protection for all their property and all their rights. They confide in the good faith ofthe people ofthe United States, and in the just action ofthe government, which, they trust, will never transcend the limits of the Constitu tion. I think, sir, I may promise for Alabama that she will stand shoulder to shoulder with Massachusetts in upholding the Constitution and the Union. Mas sachusetts has been true to the Union throughout her whole history, and she will be loyal to it while her granite hills stand. How could she be otherwise? She is covered all over with monuments which mark the spots where the battles of freedom were fought ; the blood of martyrs consecrates her soil ; and the American, of all future times, will tread her plains and Adsit her heights vsdth such emotions as swelled the bosom of the Athenian when he stood upon Mar athon or Thermopylae This very city was the cradle of American liberty, and the convulsion which rocked it was the Revolu tion. Yonder harbor witnessed the first resistance of the American people to the tyranny of the Brit ish government. That granite column, which rises in its noble pro portions not far from the spot where we are now as sembled, marks the place where American valor first resisted and repelled British troops. But a little way from us is the spot where Wash- 346 MASSACHUSETTS AND THE UNION. ington rode out to take command of the army of the Revolution. Fanueil Hall yet rings with the tones of indignant and heroic men, Avho defied the colossal power of Great Britain. The house of Hancock yet stands, recalling the early struggles of that eventful period, and bringing Advidly before us the man Avhose bold signature first graced the Declaration of Independence. The ashes of the elder Adams are mingling with your soil, and we have just borne the remains of his illustrious son to the family tomb at Quincy. Nor is it in the past alone that Ave find Massachu setts has shown her loyalty to the country, and her fidelity to the Union. At this moment her sons are engaged in the public councils, and are emulating the noble example set them by the men of that great gen eration which has almost passed away. To one of them especially is the country indebted for services to the Union, and that country has con ferred upon him the proudest title which an Amer ican citizen can wear — Defender of the Constitution. His argument in defense of the Union, made some years since in the Senate of the United States, in re ply to Mr. Hayne, of South Carolina, Avho, with all the ardor and frankness of his nature, spoke for the South, and uttered an indignant and vehement denun ciation of the government, which seemed to be con trolled by the policy ofthe North, ranks with the no blest orations of ancient or modern times. Never to the people of Athens, nor to the Senate of Rome, nor to the British Parliament, were nobler MASSACHUSETTS AND THE UNION. 347 words addressed. That speech will stand when the walls of the Capitol in which it was uttered have crumbled into dust, when the granite column on Bunker Hill is leveled by time, and when these proud states may no longer constitute a great confederacy. The sentiment with Avhich that speech closes is the sentiment of the American people ; they have learn ed it by heart ; future generations will utter it with glowing patriotism and irrepressible enthusiasm ; and every where throughout the wide-spread borders of the republic the great popular cry will be, in all times when liberty is in danger or the Union threatened with disruption, "Liberty and Union ; now and for ever, one and inseparable." AMERICAN INDUSTRY. A SPEECH DELIVERED BEFORE THE AMERICAN INSTITUTE AT CASTLE GARDEN, NEW YORK, OCTOBER 14th, 1850, Mr. Hilliard then rose, amid loud applause. He said : I feel myself honored, fellow-citizens, in being thus introduced to you by the venerable and distinguished President ofthe American Institute, who has so long devoted his talents and energies to the cause of in dustry, and the development of the resources of this great state. And I feel myself honored, too, in being thus re ceived by you, representing as you do the industry, the skill, the wealth, and the enterprise which are so rapidly advancing our country in civilization. I come to you from a distant state — a state known to you mainly, so far, by its agriculture, yet not want ing in mineral resources, and already engaged suc cessfully in manufactures. But, coming from that state to this emporium of commerce — this city which has already outstripped every city on the Continent of Europe, and which is destined soon to rival the great metropolis of England itself — coming to this city, I feel there are some considerations which bind us together in common sympathy. I can, on the present occasion, when there is so much all around you to interest you, advert to but one or two of these considerations. The first of these is, that we belong to the same country; we are all AMERICAN INDUSTRY. 349 Americans ; we are all citizens of one government. I come from a state washed by the waters ofthe Gulf of Mexico, and I am now in a city belonging to a great state washed by the St. Lawrence, and stand this evening in a building against which the waves of New York Bay break; yet the broad expanse which stretches between New York and Alabama, between your home and my home, is our common country. Every part of it — every plain, and mount ain, and stream, and village, and city, all belong to us ; and over the whole extent of it, the same great and beneficent poHtical system spreads its majestic proportions. The same flag that floats over your shipping floats over ours ; the same historic recollections which warm your hearts warm ours ; and the same future that has opened to your eyes has opened to ours. Diversities I know there are; great states, called by different names, there are; but they are not hostile states. No fortress frowns upon the streams which mark their boundaries ; it is but an extension of the same family; they have spread from the Atlantic shores to the Mississippi — to the Rocky Mountains — to the Pacific coast, but they have borne with them every where the same religious and political institutions. As Americans, therefore, I know that in this we shall sympathize with each other — we have a com mon country ; common in its origin, common in its history, and common in its destiny. There is another consideration to which I will advert. It is this : We are all alike interested in the success of American in dustry; Ave feel we are pledged to this great cause. 3'50 AMERICAN INDUSTRY. The industry which belongs to the North interests us ofthe South; and, gentlemen, I say to you, standing here as a representative in the Congress of the Unit ed States, in my judgment, the common government ought to grant a wise, moderate, and steady protec tion to American industry. I believe that agriculture, the first great employ ment of man — the noblest employment of man — agri culture, which takes one from his fireside into the fields, where with the plow he turns the soil to the face of heaven, and casts the seed in Avith his hands — agriculture should enjoy the support of the govern ment, Avhose protection should also be equally ex tended to the mechanic arts. Let the artisan who labors at the forge or in the work-shop feel that his government cares for and protects him, and he will feel an interest in the prosperity of his government. I regard this exhibition as one of the noblest dis plays of American character. It is like America ! Some years since, when in Europe, I Avitnessed an Exhibition of Industry in Paris ; it Avas composed chiefly of articles of beauty and grace. Every where the eye rested on some article marked by exquisite skill. Every thing attested the perfection to Avhich art had been carried in some of its branches. But when I entered your Fair to-night, I found that you are employed chiefly in the production of useful articles. I find here the plow, the scythe, the axe, and among these the manufactures of our looms. Of all the branches of human industry and specimens of excellent skill, the great elements I see are those of power — mighty industry, spreading happiness over the land. AMERICAN INDUSTRY. 351 In former times, wealth and industry were expend ed for the benefit of the feAv. The head of a power ful dynasty,. one who had his retainers, enjoyed chiefly the result of their labors. It is not so now. The skill of the mechanic, the power of the artisan, and the wealth of the capitalist, these are now employed for the benefit of the masses ; not to make the great greater and the rich richer, but to spread comfort among the masses, to make their firesides smile with happiness, and their children rejoice in the home of industry. This is the great picture which America presents — industry diffusing wealth among the masses. It is a glorious spectacle of Avide-spread happiness. The tendency of our institutions is to diffuse Avealth rather than to concentrate it in a few hands, and I rejoice that it is so. But understand me ; wealth is entitled to protection as well as industry. I have no sympa thy Avith that class of reformers who Avould strip the wealthy of their possessions, and scatter them abroad in the vain hope of augmenting the sum of human happiness by destroying the great principles Avhich bind society together. Far be it from me, gentlemen. I would have every man enjoy his individual prop erty ; I am for that sort of industry which spreads wealth among the laboring classes, and elevates them gradually to the scale that rises above them. Government is constituted for the good of those who support it ; no government can be stable or powerful which is not administered for their benefit. I find that I have announced a great political doc trine ; it is one Avhich history teaches, and future gen- 352 AMERICAN INDUSTRY. erations will write it upon the face of the whole earth. No government ought to stand which over looks or neglects the welfare of its people. The American government, the greatest popular govern ment which the world has ever beheld, is established for the protection of its people in all their rights, at home and abroad. When the American citizen quits his own shores, he looks to his government for pro tection against the tyranny of other governments; upon the high seas he feels, in the flag that floats over him, ample security, because the whole power of America goes with that flag ; and, wherever he may go in his travels, he feels that his far-distant home guarantees his safety. But, gentlemen, this is not the only object for which our government was established. The citizen must be protected in the enjoyment ofthe fruits of his industry. The government, in conducting its great operations, must not overlook the individual prosperity of its people, or sacrifice their personal welfare merely to advance the glory of the state. It should, in its action, foster the labor of its people. I do not mean that it should shower benefits upon the indolent ; far from it. We raise our revenue by laying imposts. Now, are we to do this for the pur pose of raising the greatest amount of revenue, and thus increase our treasury? Far from it. We are so to lay them upon foreign imports as to discrimin ate in favor of our own industry ; not so as to keep out the foreign article, but to do what shall result to the benefit of the producer at home. While we thus raise an ample revenue, and carry on the government, AMERICAN INDUSTRY. 353 we shall make the system tributary to the prosperity of the whole country — the North and the South — and to all classes — the manufacturer and the planter. And now, gentlemen, allow me to say, speaking to you as a Southern man, that the diversified interests of our great country must all be respected. There must be no war made by the South upon the proper ty and the industry of the North, nor must there be any war made by the North upon the property and the industry ofthe South. I appeal to you, Mr. Pres ident, distinguished as you have been in public life, personal character and mind, to hear me, when I ut ter this great truth. We must make no Avar upon your property and industry, and you must make no war upon ours. This is the great conservative ele ment of our Union ; it is only upon this grant that Ave can hold together as a general government. We are one people, with a common origin ; our interests, however diversified, are yet kindred and dependent ; our history and our destiny are the same. While we understand each other in this respect, there is no dif ficulty in upholding the government. I am a South ern man by birth, by education, by innumerable and indestructible ties ; my ashes will mingle with South ern soil ; but my heart beats with exultation, which I should attempt in vain to express in words, when I survey the growth, the prosperity, and the rising glo ries of this whole country. Your resources, great as they are — your wealth, teeming as it is — this magnif icent display of mechanic art — none of this awakens within me any jealous or unworthy feeling. I rejoice in your prosperity ; I would cheer you in the bright Z 354 AMERICAN INDUSTRY. career which opens before you ; all this constitutes a part of the power, the glory of my country ; and I look forAvard to the day Avhen, in the midst of the great agricultural regions of the South, a varied in dustry will appear to add new embellishments and new riches to a region for which Providence has al ready done so much. Our manufacturing establish ments are multiplying, and Avill, I hope, soon rival yours. My own state is making rapid progress in this way. It is Avith this feeling that I greet you this evening — an American citizen addressing American citizens ! I desire the Union of these states to stand through all coming time. On the occasion to which my hon orable friend the president has referred, I said in the House of Representatives what I am happy to say here : "I have never looked to a destruction of the government as a remedy for existing evils. Rival states would soon become belligerent states, and ar mies would be employed to decide the supremacy be tween them. The flag that floats to-day over every part of our wide-spread country, from the banks of the St. Lawrence, in full view of the British posses sions, to the shores ofthe Pacific, where it catches the eye of the navigator returning from Asia, and from our ships, which bear it upon all the waters of the earth, is known and honored as the ensign of a great and powerful republic. It is associated with all the glories of our past history; its folds glitter before the eyes of mankind as the sign of hope and universal freedom; and I trust that it Avill forever fly over states free, prosperous, and kindred; not divided into AMERICAN INDUSTRY. 355 petty principalities or feeble leagues, but united, as they are to-day, under a government the freest, the happiest, and the noblest upon which the sun has ever shone." This sentiment I adhere to ; here and elsewhere I proclaim it; I desire to see the Union Avhich binds these states stand. To perpetuate it, we must be just to each other. We occupy a great central position ; Europe lies on one side of us, Asia on the other f and if we hold together as one people, no glass is broad enough or clear enough to read the horoscope which the future opens before us. Here agriculture Avill yield its ex- haustless treasures; here commerce will bring the products of every clime ; mechanic industry will achieve its greatest triumphs ; the arts will produce their noblest works ; intellect will accomplish its high est labors and exhibit its grandest discoveries ; civil ization will here make its abode, and surround itself with every thing which can adorn and brighten hu man life. Let us, then, stand by the Constitution. The ene mies of the Constitution are the enemies of the gov ernment — the enemies ofthe country. The govern ment can not exist unless the Constitution is to be obeyed. If some of its provisions seem to bear hard on you, you must remember that some of its provis ions seem to bear hard on us. The Constitution must be respected; its authority is supreme. We must bear and forbear. When a crisis comes which appeals to our sectional sentiments — a crisis which would ar ray the North against the South — let us rekindle our 356 AMERICAN INDUSTRY. patriotism, by going back to the scenes in which the great and the good men took part who formed the Constitution, and we shall learn from them to deal with each other as members of the same great family, and to cherish a patriotism broad enough to embrace Our WHOLE COUNTRY. I thank you, fellow-citizens, for your kind indul gence in bearing with me, and for the very cordial manner in which you have responded to the senti ments which I have ventured to express. THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. A SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE MUSICAL FUND HALL, PHILADELPHIA, JANUARY 3d, 1851. On the 3d of August, 1492, three small ships in the port of Palos, on the coast of Spain, were seen to spread their sails to the Avinds, and direct their course to the west. They bore Christopher Columbus and his companions, who, leaving the shores of Europe, sought a new world. For eight long years genius had struggled against discouragements ; Genoa, France, England, and Portugal had all rejected the earnest appeals of that great navigator, whose mind was fill ed with the sublime conception of a spherical and poised world. Isabella of Spain at length gave him the means for entering upon his great voyage ; and, committing himself to the guidance of Him who made the sea, he called up from the midst of the wide wa ters this continent, and presented it to civilized man. Full of mingled anxiety and hope — contending with the fears of the weak, and the opposing counsels of the ignorant, rwho began to murmur that they were about to be sacrificed to the wild dream of an ambi tious adventurer — compelled to keep two reckonings of his voyage, the true one privately, lest his crew should discover the progress they were making in un known seas — perplexed himself at observing, for the first time, the variation of the needle, as if he were passing away from the ordinary laws of the physical 358 THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. world, that bold navigator still spread his canvas with a steady hand, and kept on his course. By the 10th of October the consternation of his crew rose so high that they could hardly be restrain ed from breaking forth into open mutiny. They ex claimed against him as a reckless adventurer, sweep ing into the dangers of a boundless sea, and bearing them to a returnless distance from the shores of Eu rope. Columbus Avas unmoved; he trod the deck with a firm step, and his eye swept the horizon. The very next day after quelling his insurgent crew, when the evening prayer Avas over, he ordered a careful look-out for land, and remained himself till a late hour on the high deck of his vessel. He fancied that he saw lands and lights. Was it an illusion, or was a world heretofore unknown about to rise upon his vision ? At two o'clock in the morning, a gun Avas fired from the foremost ship as a signal that land was seen. That gun announced to the world the discov ery of a continent. The discovery Avas made at the right time. Until that hour, this continent had been kept hid away from the Old World. Parts of Asia, Africa, and Europe were knoAvn to the ancients, and modern na tions had spread themselves over those continents. The time had come, in the order of Providence, for bringing: America to the vieAV of the civilized world. Great inventions and improvements in the arts had just been disclosed, and a grand event in the moral Avorld Avas at hand when this new and vast continent rose up before Europe. Nine years before its discov ery, Martin Luther was born. Thus the Avorld saw THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. 359 a new continent brought to light at the very time Avhenthe enfranchisement of mind began. Who can measure the extent of the influence which these tAvo events, the birth of Martin Luther and the discovery of America, have exerted upon the human race ? The vast extent of America afforded a place of refuge for the persecuted advocates of civil and religious liberty. Sheltered within its deep wildernesses, they could wor ship God, and they cultivated the great principles which afterAvard found so glorious a development in the Revolution Avhich emancipated the colonies plant ed by Great Britain, and gave a new impulse to the cause of human liberty throughout the whole world. In spreading out the map of the world, we observe that it is divided into certain great parts. Of these, the American continent is one, and it is set apart from the other portions of the earth by oceans. Prov idence has given to us the fairest portion ofthe north ern division of this great continent. Our inheritance stretches through the temperate zone, and is bounded by the two great oceans of the world. Our grant is like that of the patriarch : ' ' Lift up, now, thine eyes, and look from the place where thou art, northward and southward, and eastward and westward ; for all the land which thou seest, to thee will I give it, and to thy seed forever." Flying from intolerance and persecution for the re ligious and political opinions which they held, men who comprehended and loved liberty sought in the undisturbed forests of North America a refuge and an abode. England sent out colonies, and they brought with them the high qualities of the race which has 360 THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. led the way in spreading the great principle of free dom — freedom in religion and freedom in government — over the world ; a race which has converted an isl and, Avhich formed the remotest outpost of Roman conquests, into the seat of an empire more extensive than that of Rome in its proudest days ; which has not only belted the globe with its fortresses, and sent its flag into all the seas of the earth, but whose mil itary glory and maritime power, surpassing as they do any thing which the ancient or modern world ever beheld, are less objects of our admiration than that high civilization Avhich they serve to diffuse. These states grew up out of colonies planted by a Protestant free people. Their whole history may be written in a single sentence : they Avere settled by Englishmen and Protestants. An attempt, on the part of En gland, to disregard, in the government ofthe colonies, the principles Avhich were so much prized at home, excited resistance. Blood was shed; battles were fought ; a revolution was organized ; independence Avas declared ; and the earnest men who proclaimed it, pledging to each other their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor, fought through the protracted war Avhich followed and established it. Then came the task of forming a government. Separated from the systems of the Old World by the Atlantic — con scious of their responsibility — profoundly acquainted with the events of history, and with its ancient and modern illustrations all before their eyes, the men who undertook the task of erecting a new government brought to it the noblest qualities. They presented a sublime spectacle. History describes upon none THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. 361 of its pages such a scene. Other governments had grown up under circumstances Avhose imperious press ure gave them their peculiar forms, and they had been modified, from time to time, to keep pace with an advancing civilization; but here was a govern ment created by men emancipated from all foreign in fluence, and who, in their deliberations, acknowledged no supreme authority but that of God. States, al ready republican and independent, were formed into a confederation; and the great principles of the gov ernment were embodied in a Constitution. The Union then established has ever since existed. Un der its protection, we have grown from weakness to strength. Our wealth, our population, and our pow er have steadily advanced ; and to-day we hold an un disputed empire over a territory stretching from the St. Lawrence to the Gulf of Mexico ; and the sparse population which, when the government was formed, fringed the Atlantic coast, has spread itself westward, the Rocky Mountains have been passed, and the laws, the letters, the traditions, and the religion of the col onists are seated upon the shores ofthe Pacific. Our progress has more than transcended that of the fabled god ofthe ancients, who, beginning his morning jour ney in the east, drove his flaming chariot through the sky, until he dipped his gloAving axle in the western waves. Behind us have sprung up all the blessings of a high civilization ; nor Avill they disappear be neath the waves of that placid ocean Avhich Ave have reached in our march. There they Avill groAV and flourish, and their kindling lustre will spread over the Polynesian Islands, and gild the distant shores of 362 THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. Asia with a richer and purer splendor than they have ever enjoyed before. In thus glancing at the history of our government, we do not go back to a fabulous antiquity ; we do not trace its origin to an age cov ered Avith mists and shadows ; we seek no Egerian cave to find its source ; no early barbarian usages mix themselves Avith its principles. The clear light of day rests upon it. We know the men who formed it ; Ave grasp the Constitution which they gave us. I purpose at this time to consider the relations be- tAveen the government and the people of the United States ; to inquire into the rights which the republic guarantees to the citizen, and the duty which the cit izen owes to the republic. The great principle Avhich lies at the foundation of the government of the United States is that which declares the people to be the source of all political poAver. This doctrine is unknown in systems where the supreme authority is in the hands of a monarch. In the most liberal monarchies, concessions which could no longer be safely withheld have been reluct antly granted to the people. The power of the croAvn resists the power of the- masses. All power Avhich has not been expressly granted aAvay belongs to the sovereign ; but, in our system, the precise re verse of this is the true doctrine ; the supreme pow er belongs to the people, and they have created and defined the restraints upon popular liberty. The structure of our political system is peculiar — the Avorld, in its whole history, does not furnish a single parallel. Sovereign and independent states are united in a confederacy which Avields a few great powers af- THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. 363 fecting both our foreign and domestic relations, while the state governments, or the people themselves, hold the entire authority, which has not been conferred upon the federal government. This arrangement provides every safeguard for personal liberty, Avhile it secures national strength. These states are not what Montesquieu styles "an assemblage of societies" allied for certain general purposes ; they have estab lished a government invested Avith sovereign power for the full exercise of the functions conferred upon it. But our political system is not a consolidated one, confiding all power to the general government. As a despotism is the simplest of all forms of gov ernment, conferring absolute poAver upon a single in dividual, ours is the most complex of all forms, sub dividing, balancing, and checking the powers vested in its several parts. Alexander Hamilton, " clarum et venerabile nomen" has sketched the character of our government in that clear and philosophical style for which he was so distinguished ; and I quote him the more freely, for he will not be suspected of con ceding too much to the doctrine of state sovereignty: "An entire consolidation ofthe states into one com plete national sovereignty Avould imply an entire sub ordination of the parts, and whatever powers might remain in them would be altogether dependent on the general will. But, as the plan of the Convention aims only at a partial union or consolidation, the state governments would clearly retain all the rights of sovereignty which they before had, and which were not, by that act, exclusively delegated to the United States. This exclusive delegation, or, rather, aliena- 364 THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. tion, of state sovereignty would only exist in three cases — where the Constitution in express terms grant ed an exclusive authority to the Union; where it granted, in one instance, an authority to the Union, and, in another, prohibited the states from exercising the like authority ; and where it granted an author ity to the Union to which a similar authority in the states would be absolutely and totally contradictory and repugnant." Here, then, it will be perceived, are some of the peculiarities of our political system : a federal gov ernment is created, its powers are defined and limit ed, and, as it possesses no inherent authority, it de rives all which belongs to it from grants expressly made to it. The tenth article ofthe amendments to the Constitution is in these words: "The poAvers not delegated to the United States by the Constitu tion, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people." Our government rests upon the Constitution; that is supreme — it binds the states — it restrains the peo ple — it controls Congress — it limits the authority of the executive. This is the grand feature in our in stitutions — all power which the people have consent ed to delegate is clearly defined in the Constitution. The people are the source of poAver, but the people do not administer the government. The popular Avill is only to control the action of the government so far as it may make itself felt through the forms which the Constitution has prescribed. Here we rec ognize the broad distinction between a republic and a simple democracy. In a republic like our own, THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. 365 where the representative principle is adopted, the people consent to commit the administration of pub lic affairs to certain magistrates, chosen by them selves, in accordance with the supreme laws. In a democracy, such as history exhibits as existing for merly in Greece, the people are the government. Liberty, in such a state, is always in danger ; it has no ramparts for its protection against the wildest passions of the multitude. It has been well said, ' ' The ancient democracies, in which the people them selves deliberated, never possessed one feature of good government ; their very character was tyranny, their figure deformity." The Constitution — not the will of a majority — is the supreme law of the United States. A more disastrous political condition could not be imagined than that to which we should be ex posed if the restraints which the Constitution imposes were withdraAvn. The wildness of party, the mad ness of fanaticism, the selfishness of sections, aided by powerful geographical combinations, would be brought to bear upon the legislation of Congress. Against these evils we are protected by the clear def inition of the powers of the several departments of the government Avhich we find in that great instru ment whose silent power guides and restrains. Our government is one of consent, not force. Like the planetary system, it is kept in harmonious action by the great law of universal attraction. Yet, while it rests so lightly on those whom it protects, it is the strongest government on earth. Upon every sea Avhere our flag is seen, our power is acknowledged. The stars which glitter upon its folds announce to 366 THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. the whole world the union of free states — states which, in their very infancy, cast off the dominion of the most formidable power on the globe — states Avhich are growing beyond all example in numbers and resources — states which already surpass every other nation in all the elements of a high civilization, and which promise to realize, in the future which opens before them, the noblest hopes which the friends of mankind have ever dared to indulge. Let this Union stand through all the cycles of coming time. Then will our country fulfill the noble pro phetic description of Archbishop Cranmer : " AVherever the bright sun of heaven shall shine, Her honor and the greatness of her name Shall be, and make new nations ; she shall nourish, And, like a mountain cedar, reach her branches To all the plains about her. Our children's children shall see this, And bless Heaven." In glancing at the relation which the American citizen bears to his government, Ave must not overlook the great fact that the civil liberty which he enjoys is not dependent upon the character and disposition of those who may happen to be in power, but is pro tected by muniments which can not be borne down, and which guarantee to him the undisturbed posses sion of his noble inheritance through every change of administration. An absolute monarch, of liberal views and amiable temper, may administer his gov ernment for the good of his subjects, but the nature of the government affords them no security against tyranny under some future ruler. There is no polit ical truth in the celebrated lines of a great English poet, Pope — THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. 367 " For forms of government let fools contest ; Whate'er is best administered is best." Every people who comprehend liberty will set up barriers for its protection against the encroachments of despotic power, and their value has been illustrated in every generation since the barons of England, at Runnymede, Avrested from John the Great Charter. The great fundamental principle of our institu tions, which declares the people to be the source of power, at the same time opens to all the avenues to distinction and office. Poverty and humble birth are no obstacles in the way of worth and talents. In Rome, Cincinnatus was called from his plow to the supreme poAver, and in America the humblest citizen may be elevated to the highest station. In the great contests of life, a very large proportion of our most eminent men have risen to distinction from humble families. Truth, manliness, uprightness, and energy are the great qualities which make themselves felt in our institutions. It is a beautiful illustration of their power to stimulate exertion and encourage merit, to see one who owes nothing to birth rising from his humble fortunes to the highest trusts and the noblest stations of the republic, asserting his claims to distinction without the aid of heraldry, and by his own great qualities vindicating his right to the honors of his country. We confer neither stars, nor garters, nor ribbons ; but Ave do confer the noblest earthly reward which can be realized, next to our own consciousness of having done well, in giving to those who have served their country faithfully the unbought thanks of millions of freemen. It is theirs 368 THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. " The applause of listening senates to command, The threats of pain and ruin to despise — To scatter plenty o'er a smiling land, And read their history in a nation's eyes." The American citizen enjoys the unrestricted right of worshiping God in any form that he may prefer. In the beautiful language of the prophet, "We sit every man under his vine and under his fig-tree, and none make us afraid." Here every creed is tolerated, and religion invites into her temples every sect. They worship side by side, as in the ancient encampment of Israel, each tribe distinguished by its own banner, but every tribe looking up to the living God for guid ance and protection. Liberty of conscience is ours in the broadest sense, and it is a liberty precious be yond description. Who shall attempt to fix its val ue ? Let the noble army of martyrs rise up and say Avhat it is worth. Let those who died in the battles fought to maintain it answer. Let the victims ofthe dungeon and the Inquisition come up and say Avhat it is, before Ave write it doAvn as a small thing. Let the ship's company, who, with the Bible in their hands, ventured in the frail Mayflower across a wide and stormy sea, and, escaping from persecutions on land and dangers on the deep, stood cold and faint upon the shores of a wide unknown world, come up and speak to us. We can almost hear their solemn ap peals to us to guard well this great right. By the memory of the past^— by all that we hold dear now — by the glorious hopes of the future, we pledge our selves to be faithful to the great trust. After this rapid survey of the rights which the re public confers upon its citizens, I purpose to inquire THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. 369 for a moment into the duties which the citizen OAves to the republic. The right of self-government de volves upon those Avho enjoy it the duty of studying the character of their institutions. Where every one exercises the lofty privilege of deciding by his vote what laws shall govern his country, and what magis trates shall administer them, he owes it to himself, to his children, to his country, and, I may say, to man kind, to study and to comprehend the questions which affect the great interests committed, in some degree, to his keeping. Under our government, ignorance is crime. Of all knoAvledge it may be said, in a good sense, ' ' its entrance giveth light. " Let it be spread among the people — let it be sent to the laborer where he is toiling in the fields — let it cheer the artisan in his daily industry — let it light the home of every man as he enters it in the evening, and gild it, however humble it may be, and the country is safe. We all owe a duty to our race ; "no man liveth to himself. " Selfishness has no place in a popular government like ours. Every word of truth that is uttered helps the cause of mankind ; every great thought strengthens good government. Nothing that is good is lost ; its immortality is sure ; the vibrations of sound, Ave are informed, do not cease at the lips ofthe speaker, but spread themselves through the air until they encircle the globe ; and thus the voice of truth swells Avith in creasing volume as its Avitnesses continue to plead in its behalf, until its tones shake the earth, and find an echo in heaven. Every citizen of the United States feels himself invested Avith the majesty of freedom; his voice is heard in the councils of the nation, his Aa 370 THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. vote decides the measures ofthe government. Ought he not to be enlightened? In a free government there must always be parties, and there should be. It has been said that " eternal vigilance is the price of liberty ;" and nothing so stim ulates vigilance as the conflicting opinions of parties. But we should ever remember that the claims of our country are above the claims of party. So far from lending ourselves to schemes Avhich threaten the pros perity, the safety, or the glory ofthe nation, we should not hesitate to arrest them, nor to plant ourselves in opposition even to our political associates when they seek to promote them. At such times, Ave ought Avith true courage to speak out, and to put every thing at stake for the cause of truth. A more hu miliating spectacle is never exhibited than that which we see in a man endowed Avith great parts Avho loses sight of noble objects, and sacrifices to party faculties Avhich God gave for the good of mankind. Nor can we Avithhold our admiration from the statesman who has the courage to breast the current when it rolls about him deep and strong. Such men are like isl ands in great streams, covered for a time with mire and the confused deposit of the turbid Avaters ; this only serves to increase their fertility, and the rich and lofty groAvth Avhich is produced upon such soil at once attests their strength, and enables them to resist the violence of a current which, without such obstacles, might only carry destruction in its course. A party, in the best sense ofthe word, is a great political body, holding liberal sentiments and aiming at patriotic objects. Such a body is entitled to respect ; but a THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. 371 faction, Avhatever may be its numbers, is contempt ible. The American citizen should never forget that all questions which come up in the action of the govern ment are to be settled by the moral power of public sentiment. In our system there is no room for vio lence. The majesty ofthe law is ever present, silent but mighty. Every means of controlling public sen timent may be employed ; opinion may find utterance in every shape ; the press is free ; popular meetings may assemble in any number — all that can be accom plished by persuasion, by appeals the most energetic, by all the instrumentalities of moral power, may be brought to bear upon political questions. But force, brute force, is never to be thought of. So far the history of our government has nobly vindicated the principles of the government. It was not to be sup posed that a grand popular system like our own could go forward without encountering some obstruc tions — shocks; convulsions Avere to be expected; but these have so far served only to demonstrate its strength. The popular enthusiasm has sometimes risen high ; the contending surges of public opinion have dashed against the Constitution; the noise of the waves and the tumult of the people, thundering against the barriers of law, have threatened to break beyond all bounds ; but when the great question Avhich called up the commotion has been decided, what a calm has succeeded ! How soon has tranquil lity overspread the whole surface Avhich was so lately agitated ! The ocean sometimes exhibits a scene of wild sublimity. This great highway of nations, de- 372 THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. signed to enable the inhabitants of widely-separated climes to hold intercourse Avith each other, is some times seen in majestic repose, whitened with the sails of a busy commerce ; but when swept with storms, and the resounding waves threaten to swallow navi gation up, the scattered fleet, Avith rent sails, is seen flying before the fury of the tempest, and to the eye ofthe mariner the sea presents but a wide picture of hopeless confusion and terror. Yet, when the serene sky and tranquil deep once more return, the seaman spreads the adventurous canvas over his dismasted ship, and the sea-bird stretches his wings over the subsiding billows. The character of the American government must be what the character of the American people is ; it is idle to hope for any great elevation in the one, un less the other be enlightened and pure. I can not forbear here to borrow the language ofthe noble ode of Sir William Jones : " AVhat constitutes a state 1 Not high-raised battlements or labored mound, Thick wall, or moated gate ; Not cities proud, with spires and turrets crown'd ; Not bays and broad-arm'd ports, Where, laughing at the storm, rich navies ride ; Not starred and spangled courts, Where low-brow'd baseness wafts perfume to pride. No ; men — high-minded men — ******* These constitute a state ; And sovereign law, that state's collected will, High over thrones and globes elate, Sits empress, crowning good, repressing ill." The American statesman owes a high duty to his country. Relying, as he must do, for success on pop- THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. 373 ular support, there is throughout his career a power ful temptation to betray his trust^to surrender his independence to the Avill of others — to court favor by yielding up his own convictions to the voice of the multitude. This temptation he must resist; manli ness and a steady adherence to truth, whether in fa vor or out of favor, must mark the course of every man who will not lose his own respect. Popularity may be bought at too high a price. Who can with hold his admiration from the sentiments of an emi nent English judge, uttered in the midst of a fierce popular excitement ? " It is true, " said Lord Mans field, "I love popularity, but it is that popularity Avhich follows, not that which is run after ; the pop ularity which, sooner or later, is sure to croAvn the pursuit of noble ends by noble means. " If there be one quality which the statesmen of our country at the present time ought to cultivate above all others, it is independence ; not a defiance of the ascertained will of the people, but a manly, steady ad herence to principle through good report and evil re port ; a stout defense of right through sunshine and through storm ; holding the lofty ground of truth against all assailants. This independence every man should cultivate who aspires to serve his country. What nobler spectacle can be looked upon than that Avhich is exhibited by a statesman who plants himself in defense of a great principle, and coura geously meets its assailants, as Prince James did when he saw the rising band of Roderick Dhu gath ering about him, and in proud indignation exclaims with him, 374 THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. " Come one, come all ; this rock shall fly From its firm base as soon as I !" History, the chronicler of the past, has preserved for the undying veneration of mankind the names of those who, in the midst of scenes that try men, have risen above the influence of objects which would have been controlling with inferior souls. Out of the il lustrious annals of ancient and modern times, we shall select but two examples : Gustavus Adolphus, called while yet a young prince td lead the forces of the Protestant League, when sceptred monarchs combined to persecute and hunt down those who threw off the authority ofthe Church of Rome, invaded Germany, declaring in advance that the single object which led him to march into the ter ritory of another prince was to vindicate the right of conscience in the great matter of religion. He met and drove before him the ablest generals who could be found to oppose him ; even Tilly, at the head of the imperial army, could not stand before him. The Emperor Ferdinand, alarmed at his impetuous and restless advance, sent to him proposals for peace; he Avas ready to grant him the greatest personal ad vantages ; he offered to add Pomerania to his pos sessions; but Gustavus Adolphus replied that he had invaded Germany, not for his OAvn aggrandize ment, but for the protection of his fellow-Protest ants. Nobly refusing to listen to any terms but such as would secure to them the rights of conscience, he gave up his life for the great cause which he had espoused; he opened his last battle joining those about him in singing one of Luther's hymns; his THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. 375 fearless exposure of his person was fatal to him, and, falling under the banner which he had borne with such self-sacrificing ardor, the very indignation which his troops felt in seeing such a leader slain won a brilliant victory for the Protestant cause. But our own country has exhibited the noblest example of rare and great qualities in the person of Washington. Look upon his picture, and you are ready to exclaim with Hamlet, " See what a grace was seated on this brow : Hyperion's curls ; the front of Jove himself; An eye like Mars, to threaten and command ; A station like the herald Mercury, New-lighted on a heaven-kissing hill ; A combination, and a form, indeed, Where every god did seem to set his seal, To give the world assurance of a man." His qualities were indeed rare and great. The darkest day that frowned upon the fortunes of his country found him as steady in its support as the brightest — firm in the presence of danger — undis mayed by reverses — full of resources when over- Avhelmed by numbers — moderate in the moment of victory. Called to administer a government whose existence began amid the misgivings of friends and the confi dent prediction of failure on the part of enemies, he conducted it Avith such signal wisdom and such pat riotic fidelity that distrust at home gave place to con fidence, and the world saw with wonder a great re public display its grand proportions on the Continent of America. Relinquishing with real satisfaction the power which he had consented to hold, and which he had wielded for the good of his country, unbiased 376 THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. by a single selfish consideration, he Avithdrew to the home which he so much loved. There, upon the banks of the Potomac, he engaged in the simple and unambitious agricultural pursuits which gave him so much pleasure, shedding about him a serene light, until he sank in death like the sun dropping his disk behind a world-wide horizon. A noble self-control and a sublime sense of duty were manifested in his whole life. The ordinary objects of ambition were in his eyes little and mean. Compare him for a sin gle moment with the Macedonian conqueror, who gave himself up to unbounded lust of conquest, and, standing on the verge of his dominions, Avept that there were no other Avorlds within reach of his arms ; or with Caesar, who, yielding to that infirmity of no ble minds, the love of power, fell in the very senate- chamber under the avenging dagger of Brutus ; or with Napoleon, whose brilliant but desolating career was checked at the moment when he had achieved his highest triumph, and he Avho had kept the na tions in awe was sent a prisoner to an island far from every field of his glory, and where the dashing billoAvs ofthe ever-heaving sea mocked the surges of his own passions, and Iioav immeasurably above them all does Washington stand out in the clear light of immor tality! American as he was, his fame is, regarded as the inheritance of the human race. Duty, the faith ful performance of every task to which he was called ¦ — this was the great aim of Washington's life. Pre cious be his memory ! Our country gave him birth ¦ — our country holds his ashes, and we would not ex change that simple tomb at Mount Vernon for the THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. 377 monumental marble of all the world besides. By his great example let the American statesman form his own character, and by a faithful discharge of every duty to his country, prove himself worthy to be a countryman of Washington. The republic confers upon the citizen the noblest privileges, and he owes to it the highest duties. In the immortal oration of Cicero against Verres, he de scribes with indignation the violation, on the part of the praetor, of the rights of a Roman citizen — a name which brought up at once the majesty of Roman law. The humblest citizen of the United States may claim a prouder name and invoke a nobler law. The re public should find in him a spirit ready to serve it, willing, if need be, to die for it. He should be pre pared at all times to uphold its authority. As our government is not one of force, but of consent, it ex pects from all its citizens a ready obedience to law. The Constitution is the strength of the government and the bulwark of personal liberty ; it must be up held. He Avho violates it is false to his country, to himself, and to his race. It can only be preserved by cultivating a profound regard for its spirit. A latitudinarian construction is as fatal to it as open violence ; it is but a choice between poison and the sword. Some of the difficulties Avhich are experi enced in administering the government arise from its complex character. To the general government cer tain enumerated powers have been committed; these, upon a fair construction, are to be employed in good faith for the general welfare : the states have reserved great rights ; these are to be sacredly observed. We 378 THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. are exposed to tAvo dangers — centralization, disunion. The general government, by transcending its author ity, may grow up into a colossal overshadowing power ; the rights of the states may be disregarded ; legislation may be corrupted, and Congress, yielding to a system of unscrupulous plunder, may employ its functions to enrich one section of the Union at the expense ofthe other. If so, the government, created with limited powers, resting upon compromises, and designed to advance the welfare of these states, will grow up into a vast consolidated empire, under whose shadow liberty will perish. Or dissensions may spring up, alienations may ensue, and a republic composed of states inheriting the great principles of liberty from an ancestry who comprehended their priceless value, inheriting traditions the most glori ous, wielding a power greater than that of Rome in its palmiest days, securing to the citizen at home the fullest enjoyment of civil liberty, and spreading a flag for the protection of his person and property, whose sanctity is respected wherever it is seen in "every part of the world — this republic, the noblest example of a free state upon which the sun ever turned his burning vision, may be broken asunder, and the states, which to-day exhibit such a wide pic ture of peace and prosperity, may be plunged into wars desolating, bloody, and hopeless. We must stand by the Constitution ; it is the great work upon which the government rests ; at its base the wildest billows break harmlessly, and the proudest hostile armaments, wrecked and shattered, will be but tro phies recording its poAver and its glory. THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. 379 The history of the republics of antiquity sometimes awakens the apprehension that our system can not endure. But, leaving out of vieAV the structural dif ference between those governments and our OAvn — a difference upon which we Avill not farther dwell at this moment than to say that, in the great states which extended their poAver beyond their original limits, the dominion was spread by conquests, while the extension of our power has been a natural and spontaneous growth ; our people have spread them selves over our wide domain, bearing with them the arts of peace, and planting the institutions of the country as firmly on the shores of the distant Pa cific as they were originally planted upon the shores of the Atlantic — leaving this out of view, and not staying to point out another feature peculiar to our government, that of a confederation of states, we possess a conservative element Avholly unknown to them, the Christian religion. This binds, elevates, enlightens, and purifies our whole system. The fram- ers of our government wisely determined to establish no political connection between Church and state, but yet Christianity was recognized in every department of our government. All who hold the offices of the country are called on, before undertaking their trusts, to bind themselves, by the awful sanctions revealed in the Word of God, to support the Constitution of the United States. Who can measure the extent of the influence which the religion of Jesus Christ exerts over the sentiments of the American people ? The spread of religion strengthens the government. Christianity is opposed to tyranny in every form; it 380 THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. addresses our race without reference to birth, or for tune, or latitude, or climate, and it exalts the whole family of man into a great brotherhood. An emi nent man of our own country, the late Mr. Grimke, of South Carolina, says "that the New Testament is the only genuine moral constitution of society, and its principles the only safe and wise foundation of civil and political institutions." When the Convention sitting to form the Consti tution found itself, after four or five weeks' consulta tion, perplexed, having searched ancient history for models, and viewed modern states all over Europe. without being able to find any thing suitable to the circumstances of our country, Franklin proposed to make a humble application to the Father of lights for illumination, saying that the longer he lived the more convinced he was ofthe truth "that God governs in the affairs of men ; and if a sparrow can not fall to the ground Avithout his notice, is it probable an em pire can rise without his aid?" The proposition pre vailed, and the Convention reached, under the divine guidance, that fortunate termination of its labors Avhich history records. Washington habitually em ployed divine guidance, and in his Farewell Address to his countrymen he left it as his solemnly-recorded sentiment that morality is essential to the success of the government, and that morality can not exist with out religion for its basis. Let us revere the Christian system as essential to our temporal prosperity and to our immortal hopes. If the American people, com prehending in this spirit the rights which the repub lic confers on them and the duties which they owe to THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. 381 the republic, prove faithful to their great trust, the illimitable future which opens upon our country Avill be glorious. It will exhibit a picture of power, of grandeur, and of freedom far transcending any which the world has yet produced; Ave shall realize the no ble vision which filled the mind of an English writer : "The possible destiny ofthe United States of Amer ica, as a nation of two hundred millions of freemen, stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific, living under the laws of Alfred, and speaking the language of Shakspeare and Milton, is an august conception. " Let us be true to ourselves ; let us preserve the Un ion, and we need not yield to the apprehensions which some express that our political system, so neAv and complex, Avill encounter the disasters which have overthrown the republics of antiquity. These gloomy predictions, uttered by those who see so many clouds resting on the future, and who have no faith in the stability of human institutions, may Avell be disre garded while we turn to the beautiful and philosoph ical remark of Edmund Burke, which occurs in one of his letters on a regicide peace. "I am not of the mind of those speculators who seem assured that all states have the same periods of infancy, manhood, and decrepitude that are found in individuals. Parables of this sort rather furnish similitudes to illustrate or adorn than to supply an alogies from Avhich to reason. Individuals are phys ical beings ; commonwealths are not physical, but moral essences." We are yet in the freshness of our youth ; our country, the latest born of the great nations, is like 382 THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. the youngest daughter of King Lear, the fairest of the sisters : " Ah ! mayst thou ever be what now thou art, Nor unbeseem the promise of thy spring." The horoscope which shone so resplendently over thy birth, O my country, announced a glorious desti ny. This day witnesses its grand fulfillment. Berke ley's vision, revealed in poetic measures, is fully real ized — " Time's noblest offspring is the last." A powerful nation, in the full vigor of her youth, unfurls the banner of freedom, and its mighty folds float over a continent ; throAvn out at first against a stormy sky, and in defiance of tyrants, it is bathed to-day in the light of peace ; the eyes of all mankind are fixed upon it as the sign of hope. Shall it be rent asunder? Shall its stars be quenched and its folds droop ? Shall it live in the memory of mai> kind only as the sign of fallen power and departed glory ? No ! No, let it float forever, the standard of a republic the proudest, the happiest, the greatest which the world has ever beheld. Let the sun, as he rises out ofthe Atlantic wave, gild it with his morning beam ; let him throw his parting splendor upon it as he sinks beneath the placid waters of the Pacific, its gorgeous folds still streaming with undiminished lustre over states free, powerful and prosperous, associated in a Union as indissoluble as it is glorious. CHARLES CARROLL, OF CARROLLTON. AN ORATION DELIVERED IN THE REPRESENTATIVES' HALL, BEFORE THE LEGISLATURE OF ALABAMA AND THE CITIZENS OF TUSCALOOSA, DE CEMBER 7th, 1832. The spectacle before us declares that this is an oc casion of no common interest. It is no ordinary event which has hushed the hum of business, and chilled the active current of life ; which has touched the voice of music with sadness ; which has assem bled us by a spontaneous impulse, the aged, and the middle-aged, and the young; which has clothed the executive ofthe state and its whole representation, and the various honorable orders among us, with the habiliments of mourning. It is not one of those events which touches the feelings and speaks to the affections of a single heart only, but which calls upon a nation to rise up, as one family, and mourn. The Angel of Death has touched a chord to which mill ions of hearts vibrate ; we have lost a common fa ther, and, as children of the republic, Ave have come up together to do honor to his memory. If ever any occasion deserved to be honored with services like these, it is the present. For deep and thrilling in terest, and for moral grandeur, it has scarcely a par allel in history. There is at all times something touching in the simplest tribute which is laid at the grave of virtue. It is a noble and wisely-ordered fac ulty of our nature, which forbids us to look with in- 384 CHARLES CARROLL, OF CARROLLTON. difference even upon the frail flower which the soli tary mourner teaches to spring above the humble resting-place of one whose memory is precious. This feeling has its foundation deep in the human heart. Its illustrations are to be found in the humble offer ings of the poor at the shrine of buried worth and affection, and in the solemn procession, the deep-toned dirge, the voice of eulogy, and the lofty column Avhich honor and perpetuate the memory of the great. And have we no offerings to present on this day? Shall we suffer this occasion to pass by unnoticed, or dwell upon it coldly? Not so. Here is every thing to call forth into full and living exercise the deepest and purest feelings of the heart; there is nothing to chill the ardor of its best affections about the memory of him Avho has just taken his leave of life. We call upon the noble ofthe earth, the friends of man, the lovers of civil liberty throughout the world, to sympathize with us in the scenes of this day. The lustre which the life of him whom we mourn sheds upon his tomb is all pure and stainless. The gentle eye of Religion itself may look upon it without a tear. Truth and Virtue meet above it and embrace each other. His glory was not gathered on the red battle-field ; he Avent not forth, with waving banners and flashing steel, to erect the temple of his fame amid the ruins of depopulated cities and deso lated lands. His conquests were wrought out by the mind, and the monuments Avhich mark them are cov ered all over with an intellectual and moral glory. The history of his success is to be found in the ad vancement of the great interests of the human fam- CHARLES CARROLL, OF CARROLLTON. 385 ily. When the marble which lifts its front to declare the glory of the conqueror shall be crumbling into very dust, the memory of the patriot, the philanthro pist, and statesman shall beam like a star in heaven, blessing the eye of the beholder throughout all time with its mild but undying lustre. It becomes us, then, to remember and honor the worth of Carroll. To obey this impulse of nature is both just and wise. To cherish the memory of the great and the good is alike honorable to the departed and profitable to the living. While Ave Avreathe the garland of affection over the dark portal ofthe tomb, we furnish to the surviving the strongest incitement to glory. On this occasion, what a crowd of recollections press upon the heart, and with Avhat mingled emotions do we dis charge this sacred duty ! We call up the turbulent, stormy period of our country's history ; we see before us that noble company, who, pledging every thing valuable and dear in the cause of their native land, and trusting to the strength and justice of omnipo tent truth, felt that they were "good against the world in arms." We ask ourselves, "Where are they?" and a voice from the tomb answers us, "Where are they?" They have fallen into the sleep that knows no waking. We seek for them among the walks of men, but Ave find them not ; the places which once knew them know them no more forever. They have passed into the Avorld of spirits. All, all are gone. He, the latest lingering survivor of that age, has just bid us a long farewell; Charles Carroll, of CarroUton, is no more ! He Avho lately stood among us like some ancient Bb 386 CHARLES CARROLL, OF CARROLLTON. ruin, grand even amid its decay, bearing itself up proudly under the ravages of time, a noble monument of an age gone by, is at last leveled with the dust. But we have not come up here to mourn with bitter ness. He had lived far beyond the ordinary allot ment of nature ; Ave would not recall him from his rest. After a long life of good deeds, surrounded with blessings, in the bosom of a great and happy family, he has gathered up his feet in peace, and gone to his fathers. You have looked upon the sun when he cometh forth in the east, rejoicing in kingly splendor, and traveling in the greatness of his strength, and pouring his flood of glorious golden light upon the earth throughout a long summer's day. You have seen him as, his journey accomplished, he drops his broad disk behind the hills of the west. What a majesty is there in his leave-taking, as his broad beam streams athwart hill and dale, and mountain and val ley, spreading out over the forest a sheet of gold, touching the tall spire with inimitable lustre, and lighting the firmament into a blaze of glory, as he draws around him the robes of his splendor! So calm, so pure, so bright Avas the closing hour of Car roll's long earthly day. Let us revert to some of those scenes which have marked his life with interest. Apart from the individual greatness of his charac ter, his connection with some of the most remarkable events in our national history would be sufficient to make him illustrious. Were his life barren of inci dent ; had there been no other act to rise up from its CHARLES CARROLL, OF CARROLLTON. 387 calm and even tenor to meet the gaze of the world, saving his putting his hand to the Declaration of In dependence, that one act Avould insure to him immor tality. Who might calculate the extent of danger and hazard which hung like an angry cloud over that scene ? Who shall estimate the amount of moral firmness it required to stake fortune, and reputation, and life itself upon the issue ? Who shall conjecture a limit to the influence it has exerted upon the polit ical condition of the Avhole world ? We look forth upon the terrible face of battle, -vhere nation arms to strive with nation ; Ave see the gorgeous ensigns floating high abora the conflicting ranks, the Avaving plumes, the glilRring steel; we mark the impetuous onset, the sweeping charge ; the deep thunder ofthe cannon comes to us mingled Avith the shouts of men, Avhile, amid the shock of host rushing against host, kings themselves turn pale with fear, and Death revels in the treading down of hu man life. What gives to this scene its deepest inter est, and why does the patriot await the result with suspended respiration and pale cheek? Because upon the issue hangs the fate of his country. If victory light upon his standard, his altar and his fireside are safe. What a grandeur, then, gathers about the Dec laration of Independence, regarded in this view, and hoAv far, in the importance of its results, does it out strip the scenes of battle ! Not the destiny of one nation, nor the hopes of one people only hung upon it. It cast its influence not upon one age only, but the destiny ofthe world, the entire cause of mankind, the interests of generations, these Avere moved at its 388 CHARLES CARROLL, OF CARROLLTON. going forth. To have been an actor in that scene entitles one to all praise, and secures to his memory ceaseless regard. Charles Carroll, of CarroUton, was born in Annap olis, in Maryland, on the 8th of September (O.S.), 1737. When very young, he was taken to the col lege of English Jesuits at St. Omer's, and entered there, where he remained until his fourteenth year, when he was removed to a college of French Jesuits at Rheims. There he remained but a single year, and was again removed to the college of Louis le Grand, where the two following years of his life were passed. Having employed one year in Bourges (the capital of the province of Berry) in the study of the civil laAV, he returned to college at Paris, and there continued until his tAventieth year, at Avhich time he visited London, and, taking apartments in the Tem ple, commenced the study ofthe laAV. " In 1764, when twenty-seven years of age, he returned home. These early advantages fitted him for acting in the turbulent scenes Avhich then distracted his country. The controversy between Great Britain and her col onies had begun to assume an angry aspect. The Stamp Act, in 1776, had excited much indignation. It had waked up among the people a wholesome spirit of investigation ; the relations ofthe countries Avere examined; their reciprocal rights and duties subjected to inquiry. Among those Avho Avere most active in distributing intelligence Avas Charles Car roll. He employed his pen ably and successfully un til the offensive act, which had given an impulse to the spirit of inquiry, Avas repealed, and quiet restored CHARLES CARROLL, OF CARROLLTON. 389 to the country. About this time there were in Mary land some local topics which excited much interest. As usual at that period, the contest was between the people and their rulers. Mr. Carroll stood with the people, and acquired, for an assumed name under which he "wrote in advocating their rights, great ce lebrity. He is said to have displayed in that contest singular firmness and decision, and to have developed an intellect of great strength. When this fictitious name became identified with Mr. Carroll, it at once raised him high in the regards ofthe people. In all their future controversies, they looked up to him as an advocate and a leader. He is said to have displayed great activity in pro jecting and supporting the measures at that time employed in opposing the colonial policy of Great Britain. The current of events was assuming a dark, turbulent, and angry look. Every power was brought by this great man into the service of his own native, injured land ; all was hazarded hi her behalf. He Avas no superficial observer. He looked deep into the broad and eternal principles of human life. He paid no servile homage to power ; his opinions were not to be bought Avith the luxuries, or shackled by the strength of kingly authority. He read at once the issue of the contest, and, trusting to the deathless poAver of right, he cast himself at once upon the tide, ready and willing to abide the result. Let us appreciate the nobleness of this conduct — let us contemplate and value its greatness. Bred up with in the dominions of kings, educated among a people Avho looked with awe and admiration upon royal 390 . CHARLES CARROLL, OF CARROLLTON. splendor, possessing immense wealth, which connect ed him with the noble, the titled, and the powerful, he laid his all freely upon the altar of his country's good. This is no common achievement ; it required a lofty spirit and a great mind to accomplish it. By some, the course of the colonies was censured ; by some, the cause was regarded as hopeless ; while oth ers supposed the excitement and the troubles evanes cent. But Mr. Carroll saAv in these early discon tents but the shadows of great events and the begin ning of evil. It is reported of him that, in a conversation with Mr. Chase, perhaps in 1772, that gentleman remark ed to him, "We have completely Avritten down our opponents." Mr. Carroll's reply illustrates his dis cernment : ' ' And do you think, " said he, ' ' that writ ing will settle the question between us ?" " Surely," replied Mr. Chase ; ' ' what else can we resort to ?" "The bayonet," Avas the answer. "Our arguments will only raise the feelings of the people to that pitch when open war will be looked for as the mode of set tling the dispute." And there is another incident highly creditable both to the sagacity and firmness of Mr. Carroll. Previous to the commencement of actual hostilities some years, Mr. Graves, a member of Parliament, Avrote to him on the subject of the disturbances in America, treating with ridicule the idea of resistance on the part of the colonies, and declaring that six thousand English soldiers would march from one end of the continent to the other. ' ' So they may, " was his reply, "but they will be masters ofthe spot only CHARLES CARROLL, OF CARROLLTON. 391 on which they encamp. They will find naught but enemies before them and around them. If we are beaten on the plains, Ave Avill retreat to the mount ains and defy them. Our resources will increase with our difficulties. Necessity Avill force us to ex ertion, until, tired of combating in vain against a spirit Avhich victory after victory can not subdue, your armies will evacuate our soil, and your country retire an immense loser from the contest. No, sir, we have made up our minds to abide the issue ofthe approaching struggle, and, though much blood may be spilled, Ave have no doubt of our ultimate success." The ability and spirit which Mr. Carroll had dis played on various occasions obtained for him the con fidence of his countrymen, and caused him to be re garded as one worthy to guide and control in the troubled scenes of the time. We could linger with much satisfaction over many of the incidents of his life about this period, but the occasion permits us to present only a few of the more prominent. We find Mr. Carroll, in the early part of the year 1776, an anxious spectator ofthe proceedings, truly momentous, of the General Congress, then sitting in Philadelphia. That body, having determined to in vite Canada to join the provinces in resisting Great Britain, appointed him a commissioner to proceed, in company Avith Dr. Franklin and Mr. Samuel Chase, to that country, and urge the measure. The very extensive powers conferred on the commission ers, and the immensely important interests confided to their care, illustrate the extent of Mr. Carroll's reputation, and the value attached to it. This effort, 392 CHARLES CARROLL, OF CARROLLTON. from a variety of causes quite beyond the control of the commissioners, resulted unsuccessfully, and Mr. Carroll returned to Philadelphia while the great sub ject of independence was under discussion. The rep resentatives from Maryland had received express in structions from its Convention, held in the latter part of the preceding year, to disavow in the most solemn manner all design in the colonies of independence. These shackles Mr. Carroll regarded as odious, and went forthwith to Annapolis, took his seat in the Convention, and urged the immediate withdrawal of these instructions. How striking is the attitude in which we now behold him ! The other colonies on the point of declaring themselves free and independ ent, and he urging his native colony not to be out stripped in the career of glory. An hour's delay might rivet her fetters, and suffer that tide in her af fairs which would lead her on to glorious fortune to pass by — to flow no more. His efforts were blessed and prevailed, and on the 2d of July, 1776, in the language of his biographer, ' ' the delegates of Mary land found themselves authorized to vote for inde pendence ! " He was now appointed a delegate to Congress, and on the eighteenth of July he took his seat. On the nineteenth, a resolution was passed directing the Dec laration of Independence to be engrossed on parch ment, that it might be signed by the members. This being done, Mr. Carroll was among the earliest who affixed their signatures. Let us pause for a moment and contemplate that scene. What an assemblage is here — how collected — hoAv full of dignity — how CHARLES CARROLL, OF CARROLLTON. 393 vast the subject of their deliberations, and what a lofty spirit they bring to the investigation ! How many Avould have advised the inglorious part of safety and submission. But there are moments when the poor counsels of the timid are despised ; when the spirit of the patriot lifts itself up, and shaking from around it the shackles which would bind it, and turning his glance from the dangers and clouds which loAver upon the scenes around him, looks into the far future, and sees in its brightness and glory a full re- Avard for his hazards and his toils. It is said, when Mr. Hancock asked Mr. Carroll if he would sign, he replied, "Most Avillingly." As he approached the desk of the secretary and affixed his name to the Declaration, some one in the lobby, ap prehensive of an unfortunate termination of the con test, and anticipating the confiscation of property which must follow, exclaimed, "There goes half a million at the dash of a pen!" But no : "there's a Divinity Avhich shapes our ends." True, he risked much — more, perhaps, than any other man — but he lost nothing. Mr. Carroll remained in Congress until 1778, when he returned home to give his services to his native state, to which he seems to have been deeply attached. In the year 1788, however, we find him in the Senate of the United States, immediately after the adoption of the Federal Constitution. In two years he va cated his seat, and, retiring once more to his native state, engaged in local politics until 1801, when his public life closed, at the age of sixty-three. The remainder of his life was passed in peaceful, 394 CHARLES CARROLL, OF CARROLLTON. and dignified, and happy retirement. He enjoyed a richer reward than ordinarily falls to the lot of man. He lived to see the work of his hands established. He saw growing up around him a great, virtuous, and happy family. He saw them spreading themselves out from the waves of the Atlantic to the foot of the Rocky Mountains, carrying with them the arts of civ ilized life, and laying deep the foundations of a great, and good, and enduring government. A beneficent Providence lengthened out his days, and permitted him to survive all who acted with him in the great and illustrious scene of his life. He saw them fall around him one by one, until, forsaken by those of his OAvn day, he felt himself standing amid a new gen eration. Let us visit him at his fireside : we see him surrounded by the elegances of life, receiving the ca resses of his children and his children's children, while, bending over the circle, Religion sheds her holy light. When, about to take leave of earth, he turned his eye for the last time upon its scenes, Avhat was the sight which met his dying vision? Glorious beyond de scription. He saw the broad lands about him soon covered with smiling fields, the forest giving back be fore the wave of population ; the institutions of his country striking their roots deep and spreading their branches wide. He saw that broad banner, which he had stretched out an arm to raise in the dark day of doubt and danger, when hostile bayonets bristled all around it, now floating high above proud, happy, and free states, undimmed by the smoke of war, unstain ed by the blood of battle, but covered all over with the blessed light of peace. CHARLES CARROLL, OF CARROLLTON. 395 We are here on this day to bid a last farewell to the signers of the Declaration of Independence. Hence forth they are not associated with the scenes of earth; their deeds have passed into history ; they belong to a brighter world. Farewell illustrious men. You can never pass from our hearts. Let us cherish their memory. When a truly great man falls, the nation should honor him ; they should hang their garlands about his urn ; all that can be done to make his fame enduring should be done free ly. The memory of such men constitutes the moral property of the nation, and when her fleets and ar mies are scattered and torn — when her cities are lev eled Avith the dust — when all her other monuments are crumbling beneath the march of Time, then the memory of her great and good will stand unmoved amid the Avrecks around, telling to all generations the story of her greatness, and encouraging man through out all time to good deeds. This forms a new and interesting era in our history. It furnishes fit occasion for surveying the scenes around-us. What place do Ave occupy among the na tions, and for what are we responsible ? This coun try is regarded as the last refuge of freedom, its only home upon the whole earth ; the eyes of the world are turned upon us ; Avith us the cause of all mankind rests. The friends of man in every nation look to us with anxious hope, and implore us to be faithful to the great trust; the memory ofthe great and the good throughout all ages supplicates us ; the noble army of martyrs in the cause of humanity stretch out their hands to us ; the blood and toil of our fathers cry 396 CHARLES CARROLL, OF CARROLLTON. aloud to us ; all, all entreat us to preserve the spirit of Liberty ; they admonish us by the Avrecks of for mer times ; and they bid us, by all the blood pouret^ out like Avater in the great cfiuse, not to forsake it. If the cause of freedom goes down here, it is in the dust throughout the world — it is driven back forever : lost are the hopes of mankind ; vain the sufferings and toils of patriots ; vain the blood of martyrs. Let these things inspire us ; let us tell the patriots who, amid the dark systems of other lands, bend their gaze upon us, that we will be faithful. Look around you: there is every thing to stimulate patriotism. If the poor inhabitant of a land frozen with eternal winter, or scorched by a burning sun, where the scanty vegetation Avhich Nature yields scarcely supplies his wants, and where a system of bondage pollutes his soil, and grinds him and his chil dren into the dust, still loves his native hills, and the scenes Avhere his eyes first beheld the light, and the valleys ' which Avitnessed the sports of his boyhood, shall the feeling sleep in our bosoms? Here, Avhere the bounties of Nature come forth almost spontane ously, Avhere smiling Plenty blesses all, and where, amid the pleasant breezes of a healthful clime, we may look upon our kindred, free and happy, and meet them undisturbed in the temple of God, here let love of country abound. God grant that these blessings may not be lost to us or our children ; but that the light of liberty which shines over our happy land may yet spread itself out, until the uttermost ends of the earth rejoice beneath its beam. THE DEATH OF PRESIDENT HARRISON. AN ORATION DELIVERED BEFORE THE CITIZENS OF MONTGOMERY, ALA BAMA, APRIL 21st, 1841. Antony, when standing by the body of his murder ed friend, in the presence of the Roman people, ex claimed, " I come to bury Csesar, not to praise him." And yet there was that in the history of Cassar which afforded an ample field for eulogy. He had borne the eagles of his country in triumph over every quar ter ofthe globe, and had planted them upon lands till then unknoAvn ; he had poured the wealth of broad and fertile provinces into the lap ofthe Imperial City, and had reared in it a colossal power which gave law to the world, and which gathered from tributary na tions whatever was beautiful, or rich, or rare in the productions of nature or in the works of art, where with to deck her own imperious brow. But Antony felt that, in the presence of his countrymen, he could not without apology speak of the virtues of his friend, for they all knew that, after having enriched Rome and made her glorious, he Avould have clothed him self Avith unchecked authority, and have ruled as per petual, dictator. On this occasion, standing in the midst of the American people, assembled to pay a melancholy of fering to the memory of our late venerable and illus trious chief magistrate, I may Avell speak of his vir- 398 THE DEATH OF PRESIDENT HARRISON. tues ; there is nothing to check the tribute Avhich gushes from our hearts. He fell not beneath the blow of indignant patriotism striking for an injured country. He had worn the helmet in her service ; he had fought beneath her standard when the smoke of battle covered it, and hostile bayonets bristled about it ; he had sat in her high councils ; and, when he had served her long and well, he retired to his own quiet home, and engaged in the pursuits of agriculture. But he was called to quit his retire ment, and take that lofty station where he must guide the vast and complicated concerns of a great people, and he yielded to the voice of his country. He had girded himself for the task, and had, with the hand of a master, sketched the broad, clear chart of his course ; and, Avhile the shouts of thousands and tens of thousands yet resounded in hearty congratulations — while the ear that heard him blessed him, and the eye that saAV him bore witness to him — in that very hour the gentle hand of his Maker Avas laid upon him, and he fell asleep in death. His heart was true to his country while the tide of life coursed through it. Unlike the Roman, who fell while clothing him self with the purple, the last sentiment that escaped his lips was the aspiration that the great principles of constitutional liberty might be carried out. While, then, we bury him, let us speak of his vir tues ; let not " The good be interred with his bones ;" let us cherish the memory of his noble qualities, and " Bequeath it, as a rich legacy, Unto our issue." THE DEATH OF PRESIDENT HARRISON. 399 For the first time in the history of government, the country has been called to mourn the death of its chief magistrate. An event in itself so solemn strikes upon the heart of the nation with the greater force from its suddenness. A Avhole people, who but yesterday were rejoicing, to-day are clad in mourn ing. In every part of our extended country, from the splendid mansions of the rich and the great to the humble cabins ofthe poor, may be seen the signs of grief, and every Avhere, upon the land and upon the sea, our drooping standard tells the story of a nation's sorrow. Nor is all this a tribute paid to the station alone ; it is the character of the man Avho filled that station that deepens the dirge which sAvells through our val leys and over our mountain-tops. True, these United States have lost their president, but that president was William Henry Harrison. I shall not be expected to-day to enter at length upon the history of that illustrious man; the coun try knoAvs it by heart. But yet it is so full of in struction, and has in it so much to encourage virtue, that I should not be pardoned if I were to pass it by altogether. It is impossible to forget, Avhile Ave trace his career from early youth up to the last moment of his life, that he was guided throughout by a high prin ciple, which never listened to temptation, and never shrunk from danger. He Avas cradled amid the storms of the Revolution, and was bred up by one of those immortal men Avho put their hands to that instrument Avhich declared subject colonies to be free and independent states, and who pledged to the 400 THE DEATH OF PRESIDENT HARRISON. cause their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor. In every department of life to which he was after ward called, he showed that the lessons of his child hood had not been lost upon him. In the year 1791, our northwestern borders Avere subject to the invasion of a ruthless enemy, who not only plundered, but desolated Avith fire and SAVord. The disastrous details of this conflagration and rapine spread over the whole country, and excited great in dignation. William Henry Harrison, then a stripling of eight een years, though engaged in professional studies, at once abandoned them. He received from the hands of Washington the commission of an ensign in the United States Artillery, and hastened to that part of our frontier known in the descriptive language ofthe times as "the dark and bloody ground." Here he commenced his career. He rose rapidly ; he was promoted to lieutenant; he fought beneath the eye of Anthony Wayne, that commander so full of cour age and energy, whose discipline was as strict as his daring was great ; and he attracted his notice, for, at the age of nineteen, he was chosen as one of the aids of that distinguished general. In the desperate bat tle of Miami he Avon laurels, and rose presently to the rank of a captain. He was now honored Avith the most important trusts ; but at the close of the year 1797, there being no longer war to employ his active services, he left the army, and commenced his civil career. He received the important appointment of secretary and lieutenant governor of the North- THE DEATH OF PRESIDENT HARRISON. 401 western Territory, and so ably and faithfully did he discharge the duties of his station, that he was cho sen the next year as the first representative of that country in the Congress of the United States. He had won reputation as a soldier, but he took high rank noAv as a sound and wise statesman. With that benevolence which was ever a part of his nature, he brought about that important change in the land sys tem which enabled the poor pioneer, who had gather ed about him his little family and had penetrated the wilderness, to buy a home. The next year Mr. Har rison was appointed to what Avas then a most impor tant and perilous post, governor of the Territory known then as Indiana, and Avas clothed with almost unlimited power over that vast region. He perform^ ed the trying duties of the station with unsurpassed ability, and, though the opportunities for amassing wealth were all around him, he refused them all, for he felt that a participation in such speculations would be a violation of his public trust. His power, great already, was augmented by Mr. Jefferson, who ap pointed him sole commissioner to treat with the In dians, and under this authority he obtained for his country more than sixty millions of acres. For thir teen years he was reappointed to the same high trust, and during that period, at the head of the army, fought the celebrated battle of Tippecanoe, a fierce and bloody engagement, which was conducted with the utmost spirit and skill. President Madison, in speaking of it in his message to Congress, says, "While it is deeply to be lamented that so many valuable lives have been lost in the action which took Cc 402 THE DEATH OF PRESIDENT HARRISON. place on the 9th ultimo [November, 1812], Congress will see with satisfaction the dauntless spirit and for titude victoriously displayed by every description of troops engaged, as well as the collected firmness which distinguished their commander, on an occasion re quiring the utmost exertion of valor and discipline." About this time our second war with Great Brit ain opened, and Governor Harrison rendered the most important services in putting the entire northwestern frontier in a state of defense. Illinois and Kentucky both sought his aid and shared his solicitude ; and so high did he stand in the public regard, that in his visits he Avas received with the acclamations of the people, and the highest honors were heaped upon him. Some evidence of the state of the public feeling toward him may be gathered from the fact that when General Winchester, a Revolutionary soldier and a brave officer, was put in chief command of the army, the troops would not march under him, but called for their favorite commander, General Harrison ; and the President, yielding to the Avishes of the whole coun try, appointed him commander-in-chief of the north western army. Here followed a brilliant series of services. The deep gloom which hung over our Avestern borders be gan to brighten ; the brave caught new enthusiasm, the timid became resolute, and the standard of our country, which had been trailing in the dust, was up held by the arm of Harrison, and borne high amid the gloom of battle till the light of glory covered it. The British army, up to this time flushed with sue- THE DEATH OF PRESIDENT HARRISON. 403 cess, gave back before the indomitable energy of re- inspirited troops, Avho pursued them into their own territory, and on the banks ofthe Thames repaired all past reverses, and established the glory of American arms. But it is needless to dwell on the military history of General Harrison ; nor, indeed, could we compress it into so brief a space. He would have glory enough had he never set a squadron in the field. In 1816, he took his seat as a representative from Ohio in the Congress of the United States, and there distin guished himself by his able and faithful discharge of his duties. It Avas there that he gave that memorable vote on the Missouri question. When, in reply to a friend, who told him he would ruin himself by the vote Avhich he proposed to give, he exclaimed, "It is better to ruin myself than to destroy the Constitu tion of my country." Like Curtius, who, clothing himself in his military robes, and mounting the steed which had borne him in battle, plunged into the chasm which Avas yaAvn- ing to ingulf Rome, but which closed over his de voted head, the high-souled representative, gathering about him all his honors, and with the laurels of vic tory yet blooming upon his brow, plunged into that abyss which yawned at his feet," and threatened to de stroy the institutions of his country. But "on such a sacrifice the gods. themselves pour incense." He rose strengthened. In 1824 he took his seat as a senator of. the United States, and in 1828 he Avas appointed by Mr. Adams envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the Republic of Colom- 404 THE DEATH OF PRESIDENT HARRISON. bia. He found this republic fast verging to a mili tary despotism, and he made that appeal to Bolivar, so full of noble eloquence, and which breathes the very spirit of liberty. One sentiment in that address is enough to immortalize him : "To be esteemed em inently great, it is necessary to be eminently good." From this mission it is well known that General Harrison was soon recalled. Returning to his home on the beautiful banks of the Ohio, he dwelt in the bosom of his family, and employed himself,, like Cin- cinnatus, in cultivating the earth. From this retirement he was called by the Harris burg Convention, and from that time up to the mo ment of his death he passed through the most extra ordinary scenes Avhich, perhaps, have fallen to the lot of any man. I would not disturb the sacred solem nity of this hour by any appeal to the distinctions of party, but I may be permitted to say that I have not found upon the pages of history a parallel for that spontaneous gushing out of a nation's enthusiasm, which, keeping within the barriers of constitutional order, swept every thing before it, and bore upon its bosom the citizen who, without rank, or wealth, or power, stood but now at the threshold of his own humble home, up to the very highest eminence of hu man glory. A member of that body which placed the name of William Henry Harrison before the American peo ple, I marked the Avonderful scene from its very be ginning, and it seems to rise before me like some gorgeous dream, sweeping through its rapid changes, and revealing its mighty lights and shadows. Alas THE DEATH OF PRESIDENT HARRISON. 405 that our glorious leader should so soon pass away into the darkness of the tomb ! The affections of a great people were fixed upon him. They hailed his nomination to the highest office within their gift with acclamation ; they gathered about him in vast multitudes that no man could number ; they almost laid aside the ordinary occupations of life that they might do him service. Wealth, and genius, and labor, and learning, and beauty, gave themselves up to his cause, and the states of this great confederacy called him to take that chair which had been first filled by Washington. The gravity of the American charac ter was for a time almost lost in the sentiment which was identified with the name of Harrison, and all classes of men hastened to testify their veneration for him whose fife had been given to his country, with scarcely a thought for himself. Look for a moment at the multitudes gathered to witness his inaugura tion, and say if in this country such a scene had ever before been exhibited. Nor was this magnificent spectacle called up by the power which was on that day conferred upon General Harrison. The heart was in it all. It was the pure, lofty, benevolent, patriotic character of the man which created it. Who, among the thousands that on that occasion heard the clear, trumpet tones of his voice proclaim ing the principles upon which his administration would be based, thought that, within a little month, that voice would be hushed in death, and the great heart, which beat so high with patriotic ardor, would beat no more. He died in the midst of his glory. He had out- 406 THE DEATH. OF PRESIDENT HARRISON. lived calumny ; he had vindicated himself before the World ; and then, surrounded by some members of his family, and a few faithful officers who had follow ed him in the red path of battle, and who had been with him through evil report and through good re port, he calmly breathed his last, and his soul rose, purified, to meet the Savior in whom he trusted. Farewell, illustrious man ! thy memory is em balmed. It is most honorable to the American people that, since the death ofthe President, all political rancor has passed away, and men of all parties unite in pay ing appropriate tributes to his memory. Throughout the Avide extent of our country there has been mani fested a deep sense of the national bereavement. The sympathies of a whole people are gathering about her who Avas the Avife of his youth and the wife of his old age. What can compensate her? All the honors which his country has heaped upon him are as nothing to her ; she sits bereaved in the humble home from which they called him to his country's service, and it is her house of mourning. But that country will care for her. The character of William Henry Harrison belongs to his country, and it will contribute no small share of our national glory. In all public trusts he was faithful : as the defender of his country's rights in the field, he ahvays bore our standard to victory ; and in those high civil stations to which he was called, he manifested the highest concern for the preserva tion of the great principles of constitutional liberty. The address delivered by him on the occasion of his THE DEATH OF PRESIDENT HARRISON. 407 taking the oath of office as President of the United States would alone place him among the first of men. The lofty patriotism which it breathes, and the com prehensive and just views Avhich it presents of the Constitution, Avill give it rank as a state paper ofthe highest order. When, too, we regard the late president as a man, we venerate him. He stands out in the clear atmo sphere of truth, and exhibits all the proportions of moral beauty. He was, in the highest sense of the term, an honest man : heaven's light did not visit any man of Avhom this could be said more emphatically. At this time, when all the world's splendor, and wealth, and glory have passed aAvay from him, how full of comfort is it to reflect that he had placed his trust in that Savior who died to redeem a lost world. Through life he exhibited this sentiment on many occasions. The Rev. Mr. HaAvley remarked that he had "preached to several presidents, but that General Harrison Avas the first one he had ever seen worship his Maker on his knees." It is said of him, too, that while he was on his way to Washington, at the hotel where he lodged in Pitts burg, a child in whom he had manifested much inter est was quite ill, and Avhen, about nine o'clock in the evening, the physician called on his little patient, he was informed that General Harrison had desired to learn the condition ofthe little sufferer. He entered the general's chamber, and found him engaged in read ing the Bible ; and so intently was he looking into its sacred pages, that he did not perceive the presence of the physician until he was accosted. Begging par- 408 THE DEATH OF PRESIDENT HARRISON. don for the seeming discourtesy, he heard the report of the condition of his little friend ; and in reply to the doctor's expression of surprise that he should at this hour be occupied in reading, Avhen he must need repose after the fatigues of a day passed in receiving a great multitude of visitors, he said, "It has grown to be a fixed habit with me noAv to read a portion of the Scriptures every night. I am never so late re tiring, or so weary, as to intermit that practice. It has been my habit for tAventy years — at first as a matter of duty, but it has now become a pleasure. I read the Bible every night." In the midst ofthe assembled multitude Avho heard his inaugural address, it is Avell known that he pro fessed his profound belief in the truth of the Chris tian religion and his reverence for its doctrines. Oth er presidents had spoken in general and very proper terms, certainly, of the Supreme Being, but he de clared his faith in the Christian system. During his last illness he received its consolations. We may well trust that his disembodied spirit, though it has passed away from the earth, has found a happy and eternal home amid brighter climes. While assembled here this day to honor the mem ory of the illustrious dead, let us bury all bitterness with him. We are American citizens ; we claim a common country; we rejoice together in the day of her prosperity, and mourn when the time of her af fliction cometh. Gathering, then, about the tomb of the brave and good man who was lately our president, let our hearts warm toward each other, and let us cherish THE DEATH OF PRESIDENT HARRISON. 409 the virtues of the departed hero and statesman as the common property of the nation : " Such a man Might be a copy to these younger times." In the language of the great poet, " This was the noblest Roman of them all ; His life was gentle ; and the elements So mixed in him, that Nature might stand up, • And say to all the world, This was a man." THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. AN ORATION DELIVERED BEFORE THE CITIZENS OF MONTGOMERY, ALA BAMA, SEPTEMBER, 1852. Pericles, in his oration over those Athenians who had first fallen in the PelopOnnesian war, declared it to be a debt of justice to pay superior honors to men who had devoted their lives in fighting for their country. What honors, then, are due to one who devoted his whole life to the service of his country; who did not reserve his heroism for a single impetuous act of self-sacrifice, but who, in his early manhood, conse crated himself to the republic ; who, throughout a long career, was identified with its glory ; whose de clining days were irradiated with a sunset glow of, patriotism ; and whose heart flamed, up to the last moment of his earthly existence, with the great pas sion of his life? It becomes us to bring our noblest offerings to him who thrice saved the republic ; who rose above a horizon yet glowing with the expiring lights of the Revolution, and for half a century shed the splendor of a great intellect upon our hemisphere ; who, belonging to our times, is regarded with the veneration which Ave are accustomed to pay to the illustrious men who laid the foundations of the gov ernment; and who, though so lately a living actor THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAT. 411 in the scenes of public life, is already sent to History with an imperishable crown upon his brow. It is a noble faculty of our nature which prompts our homage to greatness. We recognize in those who have toiled in the cause of humanity the quali ties which assimilate man to the Deity — which seem to lessen the distance between the finite and the infi nite. They appeal to that profound love for the good and the beautiful which lies hidden in every hu man heart. Hero worship is not a development of modern so ciety. The benefactors of their race in ancient times passed away from the earth to take their places among the stars, and were elevated to the circle of the gods ; and in this time of ours, ruled as the world is by the commercial spirit — prone as it is to gold- seeking and all forms of materialism, the heart of this nation beats with generous emotion when a true man appeals to it in tones of real earnestness, or per forms some heroic exploit, or falls in the service of the state. No man of our times has ruled the heart of the nation with a more potent or resistless sAvay than the great statesman to whose memory we are assembled this day to pay the last honors. For nearly half a century, the name of Henry Clay has been associated with the eventful and glorious history of our country; and I could not pay a nobler tribute to his genius and his patriotism than to enu merate the great measures which he either originated, or of Avhich he was the most ardent and powerful ad vocate. It was the boast of Augustus that he found 412 THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. Rome of brick and left it of marble. Mr. Clay might, in the closing days of his life, have lifted his illustrious head to a prouder survey than an imperial city converted from brick into marble ; he might have swept the broad horizon of his country with an un- dimmed eye, and have claimed her wealth, her indus try, her enterprise, her power, her glory, all that con stitutes the pride of independent America, with the Mississippi sending its mighty tide to the sea free from foreign sway, Avith ships which bear the flag of freedom to the remotest Avaters of the earth, with a government stretching its power without check over a continent, and planting its triumphant eagles upon the shores of the tivo great oceans of the world — he might have claimed all this, in a large sense, as the work of his hands, and looked upon it as emblazon ing his fame forever. To his labors we are indebted for the freedom of the seas, for a treaty with Great Britain which left us in undisputed possession of our own waters, for the success of manufacturers, for the great works of internal improvement, and, above all for that Union which to-day exists in the full pride of its power and its glory. Cicero, when about to speak of Pompey, congrat ulated himself that he had a theme so crowded with glorious associations that he could not fail to inter est his audience, for the exploits ofthe great Roman transcended those of the proudest names in imperial history, and conferred increased splendor upon the republic. Let this be my inspiration to-day ; let me take courage, as I look over this great multitude, in the reflection that, although I am not to speak of a THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. 413 military chieftain, the recital of whose great deeds in arms would rouse the hearts of all men, yet I am to speak of one who reached a still loftier eminence than can be attained in the field of battle ; whose majestic character lifts its summit to the heavens in the clear light of peace ; whose hand was raised to bless, and not to destroy ; whose name, for years past, has nev er been uttered in assemblies of the people without calling out shouts of enthusiasm ; and whose renoAvn is bounded only by the limits of the civilized world. I am to speak of Henry Clay. It is not possible, perhaps, to speak of so recent a career without catching something ofthe spirit ofthe times ; and it may be that the simple language of truth will arouse passions which have not yet settled down into that calm which Time spreads alike over the convulsions of nature and of states. But I must be allowed to speak of the character of the great statesman Avith freedom, and to portray the events which called out his powers, and over which he ex erted an influence so potential, with the fidelity which should distinguish the pages of history, whether the record be made before the actors have sunk out of the view of the living generation, or whether it be traced by one who looks across the cold atmosphere of intervening years at the scenes which he describes. Surrounded as I am by Americans, who assemble here, irrespective of party differences, to bring a gar land for the tomb of an illustrious patriot, I shall seek to treat Mr. Clay's acts, opinions, and merits as those of an American in whose fame we all have now a common interest. 414 THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. Mr. Clay was born in Hanover county, Virginia, on the 12th of April, 1777. He was fortunate both in the time and place of his birth. His youth was passed among men Avho had taken part in the struggles of the Revolution, and who, after the storm had gone by, were engaged un der the serene heavens in laying the foundations of a free government. In Virginia, that renowned commonwealth, which has nourished at her generous bosom so many illus trious sons, who, deriving their existence from a no ble lineage, were among the first to defy the power of Great Britain — in Virginia, within whose limits the last great battle of the Revolution was fought, and where so many statesmen arose who shared the perils of that great contest, and who, after achieving the independence of the country, had established the re public — there Mr. Clay formed the opinions and adopted the principles which governed his Avhole life. He greAV up under the training of Edmund Pendle ton, John Marshall, Bushrod Washington, and other eminent men who were engaged in public affairs, and with whom a young man of ardent and high aspira tions could not associate Avithout having his mind liberalized and his nature ennobled. No circum stance can be more fortunate for one who is to take part in the great . affairs of life than the privilege of seeing and hearing, in his youth, illustrious men — a privilege which often does more for the development of genius and the elevation of character than the most rigid training of the schools. Cicero traveled to Rhodes that he might be instructed in the cele- THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. 415 brated school of eloquence established there byJEschi- nes, and Ave have the immortal orations which he de livered in the forum and in the senate-chamber. Henry Clay, destitute ofthe gifts of fortune, ofthe means of foreign travel, of the advantages of a colle giate course, stood in the presence of Patrick Henry, and, while he heard the thunder of his eloquence, he caught an inspiration as fortunate as that Avhich the Roman senator found in his youth. Who can say Iioav far the whole career of Mr. Clay Avas influenced by that early and eager listening to the voice of Patrick Henry? Did not the mighty energies of that resistless orator find an echo in the bosom of the obscure youth who stood up to hear his trumpet tones? The same generous fire, the same clarion voice, the same rushing, impetuous power of intel lect belonged to both. The same spirit of patriotic fervor which animated the Demosthenes of Virginia flamed up in Henry Clay with equal ardor and brill iancy. It is Avorth while, for the sake of a cheering prin ciple which the fact contains, to say that the early life of Mr. Clay Avas one of toil ; in the fields, or wherever else the wants of his mother's family re quired, he labored ; and the hand Avhich, in the prime of manhood, directed the movements of the govern ment, had guided the plow as it turned up the soil to receive the seed. At fifteen, he entered the office of Mr. Tinsley, of Richmond, who was connected with the Court of Chancery, and there he attracted the at tention of Chancellor Wythe, who employed him as an amanuensis, directed his studies, introduced him to 416 THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. authors of solid worth, and opened his mind to receive the generous influence of classical learning. " There upon his opening soul First the genial ardor stole." At twenty, in the true spirit of self-reliance, he left Virginia, and established himself in Lexington, Ken tucky. The friendless youth took his place at the bar, and, relying upon his intellect, his energy, his in dustry, his honest purpose to do his duty, he estab lished his claim to consideration in the midst of full- grown men already eminent. Without a large acquaintance with law-books, or an extensive survey of the broad foundations of the system of jurisprudence inherited from England, Mr. Clay had applied his mind to a philosophical investi gation of its leading principles. These he had grasp ed Avith a mind singularly clear, rapid, and compre hensive ; and Avith an energy quite indomitable, and a faithful consecration of himself to every task which he undertook, he continued to rank through life as a laAvyer in the highest and best sense, and to win triumphs at the bar which many men of more re search, with inferior abilities, would in vain have at tempted. He was not destined to continue at the bar. He en tered early into the service of his country, and it is his political career which we are to review — a review of which it is not too much to say that it was the most splendid ever witnessed among the statesmen of this country. Rising rapidly to the highest heav ens, he flooded the country with his light through a long day, and when he sunk toward the horizon THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. 417 Avhich touches eternity, he threw the milder beams of his majestic intellect over the republic from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean. Mr. Clay's first ap pearance in Congress was as a senator from the State of Kentucky, a post which he held but for a short time. He was elected to the House of Representa tives, and took his seat in the Congress which was convened by the President's proclamation in Novem ber, 1811, when the aspect of our foreign relations Was threatening. He was instantly chosen speaker by an overwhelming majority. A higher proof of confidence in his abilities and character, or a nobler tribute to his patriotism, could not have been accorded; nor has any parliamentary body, in any country, ever brought to its serAdce a presiding officer more richly endowed Avith those great qualities, so rarely found blended in a single individual, which are required in one who rules the deliberations of a free popular as sembly. Prompt, firm, and decided, he impressed the House with a profound respect for his authority, while the manliness, frankness, and elegance of his manners secured to him the sincere good-will of the body, even in the midst of the most momentous and exciting debates. He continued to preside over the House through out his protracted service as a representative. Passing through the most eventful times, he con tinued firmly seated in the speaker's chair, and exert ed over the deliberations of that great popular body almost unlimited control. The House of Represent atives, created by the people — exhibiting the popu lar sympathies — swayed by the tempests which sweep Dd 418 THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. over the country — affording, from its large number • of members, opportunities for the powerful appeals of oratory — the seat of the nation's strength, where every tax-bill must originate, and where the quick in dignation excited by any assertion upon the rights or honor of the country may at once flame up into a declaration of war, Avas the proper theatre for the display of Mr. Clay's transcendent abilities. The Senate is a smaller body, embodying the conservative elements of the government, removed from the direct influence ofthe people, and so constituted as to with stand the surges of popular passions which some times thunder against its portals. In the House Mr. Clay acquired a commanding in fluence over the country. He became the popular leader, animating the Republican ranks to heroic ex ertions, denouncing in vehement and indignant terms all opposition to the measures ofthe administrations which he sustained, and on some occasions bearing aAvay not only the House, but the Senate and the executive, by his resistless will. His great strength was with the people. His heart beat in sympathy with their hearts ; they compre hended him ; they loved him ; they put their trust in him; and the pealing notes of his voice, uttered in the Capitol, found an echo in the remotest border of the American wilderness. He acquired the name of the "Great Commoner," a prouder title than kings can bestow with stars, or garters, or ribbons. Henry Brougham, when in the House of Com mons, was the most powerful man in the British em pire. The civilized world rang with his tones. No THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. 419 administration, backed as it might be by the powers of the crown, could stand before his assaults ; but from the day Avhen he took his seat in the House of Lords, and became a titled peer, his SAvay began to decline, and the consideration which he now enjoys is due to the splendid fame which he won as a repre sentative of the people. Pitt, the younger, never Avould surrender his seat in the Commons, which was to him a throne more powerful than that upon which his monarch sat. Mr. Clay, if he had continued in the House of Representatives, refusing to abandon that post for any office to.Avhich he was not called by the people, could have strode Avith the majesty of a demi-god into the presidency of the United States. In the Senate he was still poAverful, the leading mind in that body when it was crowded with men of the highest order, great in intellect, splendid in reputation : it rivaled the Roman senate in dignity, and transcended it in power. In that body he was great as Lord Chatham was in the House of Lords ; he could not be other- Avise than great ; but the day of his full-orbed splendor was when he stood in the House of Representatives, a tribune of the people. Refulgent he stood in the view of his country, full of promise, of hope, and of manhood. When Mr. Clay entered the House of Representatives, all Europe was engaged in a war Avhich shook the world, and our commerce was ex posed to its fury. It became a prey to the contend ing powers. England SAvept the seas Avith her fleets, and plundered our unprotected vessels, while she stripped them of such seamen as might be supposed 420 THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. to owe allegiance to the British crown. France seized our property wherever it could be found, and confiscated it under the decrees of Napoleon, who strove to range the Avorld against his imperial and powerful enemy. France at length yielded to our remonstrances, but Great Britain persisted in a course of aggression which roused the spirit of the nation, and drove us into a war which, although costly in treasure and in blood, vindicated our rights, and shed new lustre upon the flag, of the republic. Reluctant as the nation Avas to engage in Avar, Mr. Clay urged its policy and necessity; he organized the commit tees of the House so as to control its action ; he de- nounced the policy, the objects, and the measures of the British government, and attributed its hostility to the United States not to any wish to attack the interests of France by destroying our commerce, but to her dread of a young and powerful rival, who al ready sent her ships to every sea, manned by one hundred and twenty tars. He advocated an increase of the navy, for he comprehended that no modern nation can be really independent which is not pre pared to protect its people and its commerce in the most distant seas, and to cause its flag to be respected under whatever sky it is displayed. The country was put into an attitude of resistance, and in June, 1812, the committee on foreign relations reported to the House a bill declaring war against Great Britain. Mr. Clay advocated its passage with resistless pow er ; associated with him stood Mr. Lowndes, Mr. Cal houn, and Mr. Cheves, and they bore down all oppo sition. In the van of that group of statesmen Mr. THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. 421 Clay stood proudly eminent ; throughout the war he animated the country Avith his own spirit; no re verses could dishearten, no disasters could depress him. He exultingly announced every victory upon the seas, and his voice announced Avith vehement in dignation every proposition for peace which did not secure to us the amplest guarantees that our rights and our honor should be respected. He overwhelmed the opposition — he fired the friends of the administration with his own ardor — he inflamed the representatives of the people Avith a burning indignation against the imperious and haughty nation with whom the country was at war, by describing the wrong, the cruelty, and the suffer ing Avhich resulted from the practice of impressment, until, as he advanced in his gloAving philippic, the utter degradation of submitting to such a system was. felt by the members of the House so intensely that the tide of passion could be pent up no longer ; it burst forth before the eloquent statesman who Avas pleading for the honor and rights of the nation, and swept away all resistance to the war. Having urged the country to vindicate its rights by war, Mr. Clay was equally prompt and energetic in securing an honorable peace. He was associated with Mr. Adams, Mr. Gallatin, Mr. Bayard, and Mr. Russell in negotiating at Ghent a treaty of peace with the commissioners appointed on the part of Great Britain. The fisheries and the navigation of the Mississippi formed the chief difficulties in bring ing the negotiation to a friendly issue. The British commissioners insisted upon a recognition in the 422 THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. treaty of the right of Great Britain to navigate the Mississippi from its mouth to its source — a right which had hitherto been enjoyed in consideration of the privilege granted to citizens of the United States to fish within the British waters, and to dry and cure their fish upon British soil. Some of the American commissioners thought it best to perpetuate this stip ulation, but Mr. Clay announced his unalterable de termination "never to consent to purchase tempora ry and uncertain privileges within the British limits at the expense of putting a foreign and degrading mark upon the noblest of all our rivers." His views prevailed. Mr. Clay returned to his OAvn country with the proud consciousness of having placed her honor and her rights upon a footing which the Avhole Avorld would respect. The success of our arms upon the land, and the brilliant victories achieved by our young navy over the powerful fleets of Great Britain upon the sea, had caused the American name every where to be re spected; and the splendid example of a republic for midable in war, and yet ready to adjust all causes of controversy Avith moderation and justice, was beheld by the civilized world with unbounded admiration. The treaty of peace left us in possession of every right which we had asserted, and which we had un dertaken to vindicate by war ; our seamen might Adsit the remotest seas, and find protection in the flag that floated over them ; our commerce was safe from spoliation; and the noble river which rolls its Avaters through great states, beginning at the extreme north, and emptying into the Gulf of Mexico, was freed THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. 423 from foreign vassalage, and became, for the first time, American. In anticipation of his return, Mr. Clay had been elected to Congress by his constituents, and, entering the House of Representatives, he was im mediately chosen speaker by a vote almost unani mous. The South American colonies, animated by the example ofthe United States, Avere struggling for independence. The spectacle could not fail to inter est our people and our government, nor was it possi ble for a statesman like Mr. Clay, with quick sympa thies and enlarged philanthropy, to look on such a contest With indifference. He proposed to provide in the Appropriation Bill for the pay of a minister to the independent prov inces of the River de la Plata, and supported his mo tion by one of the most brilliant, comprehensive, and powerful speeches which he ever delivered. The moral grandeur of his position was never higher than on that occasion. He stood up to plead for the rec ognition of the independence of the South American states against the opinion of the world. Europe was, of course, opposed to the measure ; Congress would not consent to favor it ; the President was unwilling to commit the government of the United States to that extent; and yet Mr. Clay arose, refulgent and undismayed, against this universal opposition. He spoke in behalf of human freedom, and he drew from history his illustrations in support of the right of every people suffering under despotic rule to throw off the yoke of subjection, to create new defenses for their protection, or to take an independent station among the nations of the earth. 424 THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. England and our own country had both nobly vin-; dicated this great right. It is emblazoned in charac ters of unfading light in the history both of the En glish and American Revolutions. His speech in this great cause was replete with learning and eloquence. It announced in exulting tones the advent of free dom, and proclaimed with bounding hope the over throw of despotic power. Mr. Clay succeeded in bringing our government to a recognition of South American independence, and he was well rewarded for his generous exertions by the assurance that his words had infused new ardor into the bosoms of a brave people. His speech was read at the head of their armies, to excite them to still nobler struggles for liberty, and Bolivar addressed to him a grateful letter, acknowledging the essential service which he had rendered to their great cause. Upon certain great questions of American policy Mr. Clay entertained opinions which he frankly avowed through life. He believed that Congress possessed the power to appropriate money for works of internal improvement, and he urged the adoption of a comprehensive system to facilitate intercourse between the people of the several states, and to bind more closely the various parts of one wide-spread re public. The leading statesmen of our country have been diAdded upon this question ; it is yet a subject of debate, after all the light which has been shed upon it. The power was conceded by Mr. Jefferson, for he favored the construction of the Cumberland Road. Mr. Madison invited the attention of Con gress to the expediency of exercising their powers to THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. 425 effectuate a comprehensive system of roads and ca nals. Mr. Monroe proposed to make appropriation of money for like objects ; while Mr. Gallatin and Mr. Calhoun, when at the head of the War Depart ment, the one in 1808 and the other ten years later, advocated extensive measures of internal improve ment ; but the last named of these statesmen subse quently reviewed and modified his opinions. Mr. Clay persevered through life impressing the subject upon the attention of Congress, and to him more than any other of our statesmen is the country indebted for such public works as have been already accomplished, and for the vindication of the power ofthe government to undertake such enterprises — a power which, when guided by the spirit of the Con stitution, is a most important and beneficent one. The Cumberland Road, conceived and executed in a spirit as bold as that which constructed the Simplon Road over the Alps, opens a way across the Alle ghanies, and spreads before the eye of the traveler a noble memorial of the great statesman who labored so ardently and so faithfully to accomplish it. Upon another question, which, like that of inter nal improvements, has ranged the public men of the country in fierce opposition to each other, and which has more than once threatened to disturb the tran quillity of the government — the tariff — Mr. Clay en tertained opinions which, formed early in life, weee cherished throughout his career. He was the advocate of the system for the protec tion of American industry. He thought it essential to the true prosperity and 426 THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. the real independence of the United States that our people should produce at home the chief articles suit ed to the wants of man in civilized life. The variety of soil and climate — the adaptation of some parts of the country to agricultural productions — the aptness of some of our people to engage in commerce — all these natural elements would be supposed to work out their results ; but the skill required in the me chanic arts, the fluctuations in prices occasioned by changes in the affairs of European states, and the advantages possessed by foreign capitalists in the em ployment of pauper labor, seemed to him to require some protection for the manufacturing interest, and he perseveringly insisted that certain articles import ed into the country, and coming into opposition with our own productions, should be taxed, to enable the American manufacturer to compete with, rival estab lishments abroad. This system he named the Amer ican System. This is not the occasion to enter upon an examina tion ofthe merits of a system which has been so long and so fiercely debated ; but it is due to the truth of history to say that it found in Mr. Clay far the ablest advocate ever employed in its cause, while his ene mies acknowledged him to be the most magnanimous statesman that had ever conducted a great measure to which he was deeply committed through a long course of years and changing fortunes. He did not hesitate to yield up, from time to time, some of his cherished ideas in regard to it from a patriotic desire to secure to the government as large a share of confidence and satisfaction as could THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. 427 be attained amid the conflicting opinions of public men representing the diversified interests ofthe coun try. It was the good fortune of Mr. Clay to find him self more than once holding a controlling influence over important questions which tried the strength of the government, and on every occasion he displayed qualities so noble, so magnanimous, and so full ofthe spirit which in ancient or modern times has impelled men to sacrifices for the good of their country, that he has long been ranked with patriots Avho shed along the track of history the light of resplendent examples, to encourage mankind to the performance of deeds which deserve to be called heroic. In the controversy which sprung up upon the ap plication of Missouri to be admitted into the Union as a state, Mr. Clay displayed his great qualities, and rendered the most important services to the country. That controversy was far the most formidable which has ever occurred under our government. Mr. Jefferson, looking out upon the state of the country from his retirement in Virginia, Avas startled by the alarming aspect of affairs ; he declared that he regarded the question as the most momentous which had ever threatened the Union, and that, in the dark est hour of the Revolutionary struggle, he had nev er felt such apprehensions as then oppressed him. From the beginning to the end of that perilous agi tation, Mr. Clay labored without ceasing to bring about an adjustment, and at length succeeded in car rying through both houses of Congress a compromise which saved the Union and gave repose to the coun- 428 THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. try. The services rendered by him on that occasion were so signal, that he acquired, in addition to the ti tle ofthe "Great Commoner," another title still more illustrious, that of the "Great Pacificator" — a title to which he subsequently vindicated his name by services still more important and splendid. Mr. Clay had now attained the most commanding position; his brilliant talents, his important public services, his ardent patriotism, which, like that of the ancient Greeks, made him regard every thing as subordinate to the glory of the state ; his national views, which would not allow him to belong to a section of the Republic, had endeared him to the people, and, young as he was, he was presented to the country as a can didate for the presidency. Besides Mr. Clay, Mr. Adams, General Jackson, and Mr. Crawford became candidates. No choice was made by the people, and the election devolved upon the House of Representatives, by whom the Constitution provides one of the three candidates having the highest number of electoral votes shall be chosen President in cases where no one ofthe persons voted for shall have received a majority of the whole number. The three candidates highest on the list were General Jackson, Mr. Adams, and Mr. Craw ford. The provision in the Constitution which di rects the election to be made by the House of Rep resentatives in the event of a failure on the part of the people to choose the President, and which limits the choice to the three persons receiving the largest vote in the electoral colleges, of course leaves to the House the unrestricted privilege of selecting from the THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. 429 list either of the candidates ; otherwise it would be unnecessary to devolve upon the representatives of the people the duty of performing a formal act, and it would have been a provision in the fundamental law that a plurality of votes should entitle a candi date to the office of President. It was well known that Mr. Clay's influence in the House would enable him to decide the contest between the three persons returned to that body. It is believed that Mr. Craw ford would have been Mr. Clay's choice if the splen did intellect of that statesman had not been partially impaired by disease ; in its meridian effulgence, the shadows of an eclipse which never passed away began to steal over it. Between Mr. Adams and General Jackson Mr. Clay did not hesitate, and decided in favor of the former. His long public services, his learning, his eminent qualifications, and his position in the country, might have accounted satisfactorily for Mr. Clay's preference ; but no sooner was it ascer tained that he intended to vote for Mr. Adams, than the fiercest and most vindictive assault was made upon him, and reckless partisans of General Jack son persevered in charging upon him a corrupt bar gain with the new president for office, which would have disgraced a statesman in the time of Walpole, when the venality of the House of Commons was proverbial. Calumny found a great name to fasten upon, and it adhered to it Asrith a tenacity as shame less as it was malignant. That name has been tri umphantly vindicated by the subsequent career of the great statesman ; like the eagle soaring toward the sun, he rose high in the heavens, his eye blazing Avith ardor, and his Avings flashing with light. 430 THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. Mr. Clay accepted the place of Secretary of State in the cabinet of Mr. Adams. That was his error ; it exposed him to detraction, and gave that color to the injurious charge of his enemies which, if he had declined the office, it never could have possessed. But it was an error into which a pure and strong man was apt to fall. Conscious of his own integrity, he looked down with unmeasured scorn upon those who calumniated him. In this world of ours, it is, perhaps, not Avise to do so ; yet Avho can withhold his sympathy from the true man who Avill not swerve from his course to escape the attacks of his enemies? In this rapid glance at Mr. Clay's career, Ave have reached the period when he took leave of the House of Representatives, never to return to it. We have already said that it was the proper field for the exer cise of his great abilities. He had earned there a splendid reputation ; he had controlled the action of the government by the power which he exerted over the House; he had originated the most important measures of the country ; he had roused the nation to wage war with a haughty and powerful empire ; he had cheered the friends of liberty throughout the world by words of generous sympathy ; and he had effected a pacific adjustment of an angry and moment ous domestic controversy which shook the republic ; and now the ' ' Great Commoner" strode through the portal of that magnificent chamber which had so long rung with his tones, and ceased forever to be a Rep resentative of the People. Mr. Clay, when Secretary of State, was distinguish ed for the energy and comprehensiveness which he THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. 431 displayed in conducting the intercourse ofthe United States with foreign nations. His statesmanship was of the highest order. He established the relations of the United States with other powers upon a footing which gave security to commerce ; he extended to the young states of South America and to Greece, when fighting for independ ence, all the aid which a sound policy would allow ; he extended our foreign trade, and conducted the ne gotiations Avhich accomplished these objects in a spir it so firm and just, that the triumphs of peace rival ed those of war. At the expiration of the term for which Mr. Adams was elected, Mr. Clay left Wash ington and returned to Ashland. He soon appeared in the Senate of the United States. The memorable tariff dispute with South Carolina had groAvn to be a formidable and porten tous one. It turned upon a great constitutional prin ciple, and it is well knoAvn that the most dangerous of all disputes are those which involve a principle. Temporary abuses may be ridiculed ; an odious meas ure may be repealed ; the pressure of the government may be borne when the times require it ; but a law which overrides a constitutional barrier will be re sisted by a high-spirited people in a temper so heat ed by a sense of wrong that it sometimes flames up into a revolution. South Carolina, in solemn con vention, passed an ordinance declaring the revenue laws of the United States to be null and void with in her limits, and adopted decided measures for put ting the state into an attitude of resistance to the general government. General Jackson, who was at 432 THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. the head of the government, issued a proclamation, in which he denounced the proceedings of South Car olina as treasonable, urged the good citizens of that state who Avere opposed to Nullification to co-operate Avith him in maintaining the supremacy of the laws, and invited those who had hitherto taken part in the revolutionary movement to abandon the perilous course upon which they had entered. He leveled his thunders against the doctrine of Nullification and that of Secession, denying the right of the state either to set aside a law of the United States, or to with draw from the confederacy without the consent of all the states. In a special message to Congress, he de picted the state of the country, and demanded to be clothed with power to suppress by force any attempt at resistance on the part of South Carolina. Governor Hayne issued a counter-proclamation, encouraging the citizens of South Carolina to a steady and heroic support of their state in her daring and perilous position. The sky grew darker every hour. The day fixed upon by South Carolina for resistance to the revenue laws was rapidly approaching. The state planted herself in the pass of Thermopylae, and her sons Avere prepared to die in her defense. Mr. Calhoun had resigned the office of Vice-presi dent, and was chosen by his state a senator in that cri sis. The energy and resolution of his character were well known ; and entering the Senate when it was believed that his own person was not safe, he brought that intellectual power for which he was so distin guished into the defense of his state, and delivered in her cause far the ablest speech which he ever uttered THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. 433 in his whole career. His great antagonist was Mr. Webster, Avho had, in a previous debate with Mr. Hayne, delivered a speech in defense of the Union which stands unsurpassed by any oration of ancient or modern times. It combines the elegance of Cicero with the power of Demosthenes — the splendor of Burke with the vigor of Pitt. The Senate and the country witnessed the debate between Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Webster with the profoundest interest. It involved great organic principles, and the impending collision between the government and a state gave them an intenser significance and a higher grandeur. At that conjuncture, when the light seemed to have faded from the darkening horizon, Mr. Clay brought forward a measure which promised to restore peace to the country. He offered to the Senate his Compromise Bill, which provided for a decided but gradual reduc tion ofthe duties upon imported articles up to the year 1842, at which period they were to be fixed at a rate of twenty per cent, upon the home valuation — a prin ciple ofthe greatest importance in the revenue system. Mr. Calhoun" rose in the Senate, and gave his reluct ant consent to Mr. Clay's bill. It passed both houses of Congress, after encountering determined opposition in each of them, and South Carolina acquiesced in the measure of reconciliation. Civil war was avert ed, and the republic Avas saved. As the storm-cloud rolled away, the ship of state Avas seen riding proud ly over the subsiding billows, and it was the hand of Mr. Clay which grasped the helm and guided it into the open sea. Illustrious man! he had twice saved the republic. The North gave up, and the E E 434 THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. South no longer held back. Even Mr. Clay's ene mies were at peace Avith him. Mr. Randolph was seated in the senate-chamber, fingering upon the thea tre of his former fame, when Mr. Clay rose to speak upon the Compromise Bill. " Help me up," he said to his half-brother, Mr. Tucker; "I have come here to hear that voice." At the close of his speech, Mr. Clay walked to where Mr. Randolph was seated, and, grasping each other's hands, they lost all traces of their former feud. Mr. Clay now belonged more than ever to his coun try. He stood upon a proud eminence, and the grat itude ofthe people for his services rose to enthusiasm. His name mingled with the tones of patriotic exulta tion which hailed the adjustment of a controversy so portentous all over the country, and wherever he traveled, he was greeted with acclamations, and hon ored with the noblest triumphal progress which ever cheered a statesman. He had realized the reward so exquisitely expressed in those lines of Gray : " The applause of listening senates to command, The threats of pain and ruin to despise — To scatter plenty o'er a smiling land, And read his history in a nation's eyes." Mr. Clay's views in regard to the public lands were matured after a thorough examination of the subject, and he succeeded in carrying through both houses of Congress a bill which promised the best results, and which was only defeated by the action of the President, General Jackson, who retained it in his possession until after the adjournment of Con gress, and it, of course, failed to become a law. THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. 435 Mr. Clay's views as to the currency were also well matured; and it was his opinion that a national bank, in some form, was important, if not essential to the prosperity of the country. Congress agreed with him, and passed a bill for the re-charter of the Bank of the United States, which the President met Avith his veto. Then began the fierce contest between General Jackson and the bank — a contest which ended in the destruction of the bank, but which in volved the country in the heaviest commercial disas ters. An intense excitement pervaded Congress. Mr. Clay led the opposition to that memorable ad ministration,; and a more courageous or powerful leader has never appeared in any parliamentary body. The President, remarkable for the energy of his char acter and the strength of his will, with a personal popularity which seemed boundless, and at the head of a powerful party, marshaled all his forces, and hurled them against the opposing ranks ; but he was confronted by a leader as full of courage as himself, and whose steady soul nothing could intimidate — a leader who roused the Senate to the loftiest spirit of resistance to executive power, and who succeeded in spreading upon the records of that august body a resolution condemning the course of the President. On the last day of March, 1842, Mr. Clay rose to take a formal, and, as he supposed, a final leave of that body. The chamber Avas thronged with repre sentatives, foreign ministers, and others who had the privilege of entering it, and the gallery was filled with ladies, all eager to hear once more the tones of a voice unrivaled in its richness and power, and to 436 THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. Avitness a scene Avhich was to be an epoch in the an nals ofthe country. It has been immortalized, not only by being spread upon the pages which record the history ofthe times, but the pencil ofthe painter has sketched the scene with life-like fidelity. In looking upon the picture, the great scenes of English history rush upon the mind, and the event is asso ciated with the last speech ofthe Earl of Chatham in the House of Lords. The speech, full of dignity and pathos, moved the Senate to tears. As the last words were uttered, "And noAv, Mr. President and senators, I bid you all a long, a lasting, and a friend ly farewell," he resumed his seat amid a stillness as unbroken as if the living mass Avhich thronged the senate-chamber had been the ideal creation of a paint er. After an interval, Mr. Preston, of South Caro lina, moved that the Senate adjourn Avithout proceed ing to any business, and it did so. Mr. Clay stepped into the area, when a senator, who, like himself, had earned an imperishable fame in the service of his country, but between whom and the great statesman who had just taken leave of the Senate an estrange ment had grown up in trying and stormy times, ap proached him. It was Mr. Calhoun. Their inter course had been interrupted for five years, but now they grasped each other's hands and exchanged sal utations which were prompted by their great hearts. Early in the spring of 1844, Mr. Clay made an ex tensive tour through the Southern States. It was well known that' he was to be the Whig candidate for the presidency, yet his opinions upon all political questions Avhich interested the country were express- THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. 437 ed with perfect unreserve. It became known that a negotiation was in progress for the annexation of Texas to the United States, and Mr. Clay, without hesitation, announced his decided opposition to the scheme. He addressed a letter to the people, depict ing in strong terms the dangers which surrounded the question ; for his was a nature too honest and too proud to conceal any opinion for the sake of acquiring power. Texas Avas in a revolutionary state ; her in dependence had not been acknowledged by Mexico, and Mr. Clay declared his unconquerable opposition to any plan of annexation which did not embrace that republic as a party. With a full knowledge of his opinions, he Avas nominated by the Whigs for the presidency with an enthusiasm which promised a brilliant victory. For some months it seemed to the American people that Mr. Clay would be elected by acclamation. His splendid reputation, his illustrious public services, his acknowledged ability and expe rience as a statesman, the popular confidence which he enjoyed so largely, all seemed to render his success certain ; but, as the canvass advanced, it was perceived that his opinions in regard to Texas alienated friends, and rendered doubtful a contest which had opened for him so auspiciously. Mr. Van Buren, who had been looked to as the opposing candidate, had been set aside by the Democratic Convention on account of his declared opposition to the annexation of Tex as, and Mr. Polk, an ardent friend of the measure, re ceived the nomination. The result is well known. The canvass turned upon the Texas question; the popular feeling in favor of the measure rose so high 438 THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. as to surmount every other consideration, and Mr. Clay, with his brilliant personal qualities and his great public services, failed to reach the presidency. Coriolanus was refused the consulship ofthe people, though his scars had for a time influenced them in his favor. Mr. Clay re-entered the Senate on the third day of December, 1849, and was welcomed to a seat in that body by the assembled senators from every state, and by the voice of the American people. The state of the country induced him to return to a seat which he had relinquished, as he supposed, forever. The re sults of the annexation of Texas, which he had so clearly foreseen, and against which he had warned the country, had occurred, and he came, in the midst ofthe dangers which surrounded the republic, to res cue and to save it, or to perish with it. The war with Mexico had been brought to a close by a treaty which left us in possession of new and extensive territories. Portentous questions grew out of the splendid acquisition. The discovery of exhaustless beds of gold in Cali fornia attracted thousands to its distant shores, and a bold, intelligent, and spirited people, finding them selves on the coast of the Pacific without a regular government, organized a state, and applied to be ad mitted into the Union. Territorial governments were demanded for the protection of the people spreading over the vast regions now knoAvn as New Mexico and Utah. Texas insisted upon the recog nition of her boundaries, stretching to the Rio Grande del Norte and running far into New Mexico. To THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. 439 complicate these great subjects of legislation still far ther, an alarming question, which has more than once threatened the disruption of the government, sprang up — the question of slavery. The people of Califor nia had, by their Constitution, prohibited the intro duction of slaves within the limits of the large state carved out of the new territory, and it was proposed to prohibit their introduction into the Territories of New Mexico and Utah by an act of Congress. The anti-slavery sentiment ofthe country was roused into new activity by these momentous questions, and it became more imperious and exacting in its demands. It announced that the limits of slavery were forever fixed. As if these disturbing elements were insuffi cient to agitate the country and endanger the govern ment, they were inflamed yet more by an attempt to confine Texas within narrower limits than those to which that young and gallant state was entitled — even leaving out of view her claim upon the mag nanimity of the United States — and to bring about a collision between her people and the troops of the general government by precipitating a decision ad verse to her claims. The convulsion that shook the country while Con gress was engaged in settling these momentous ques tions is too recent to make it necessary to describe it. The ocean, when it has been swept by a tempest, even when the skies have cleared up, continues to heave its billows and to send its surges against the resounding shore, and we find ourselves yet in the midst of political events which remind us of the strength and fury of the storm "with which the coun- 440 THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. try was so lately visited. But we to-day send up, from hearts glowing with gratitude, our fervent thanks to Almighty God that the heavens are cldud- less ; that the republic covers with its protecting ea gles kindred states touching on the one side the At lantic and on the other the Pacific waters, and that its great standard, hailed all over the world as the banner of freedom, still displays upon its ample folds the gorgeous emblem of the Union which constitutes us one people. Mr. Clay is eminently entitled to the merit of the success of the great measures which res cued the country from its perils. He brought for ward, at an early day, his Report and Bill from the Committee of Thirteen, which proposed to admit Cal ifornia as a state into the Union ; to establish Terri torial governments for New Mexico and Utah with out any prohibition of slavery, and to tender propo sals to Texas for the establishment of her western and northern boundaries which could not fail to be satis factory to that state — measures which he continued to advocate, with unabated ardor and exhaustless en ergy, up to the day of their triumphant passage through both houses of Congress. The great task which he had undertaken upon entering the Senate was accomplished. He had saved the republic for the third time. It Avas the boast of Antony over the body of Caesar, that, although he had fallen under the avenging dagger of Brutus, he had thrice refused a kingly crown. How transcendently does the form of Mr. Clay rise above that of the Roman when Ave fix our eyes upon him in the last great act of his ca reer, and see him as he stands in the sublime attitude THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. 441 of an American senator who had thrice saved his country from civil war ! Themistocles earned imper ishable fame by the victory which he achieved over the Persians in the Bay of Salamis, but what was such a victory, brilliant as it was, compared with that great civic achievement of Mr. Clay which crowned his long and illustrious life ? After the accomplishment of his last great task, Mr. Clay's health gradually declined. He returned to Washington, at the opening of the late session of Congress, to defend the measures to which he had consecrated his last days. But the great soul which had so long urged his enfeebled body to patriotic tasks could no longer command his failing strength. Unable to take part in the deliberations of the Sen ate, he remained almost constantly in his chamber. The hope of visiting Ashland, and of closing his days in the sacred retirement of his home, for some time cheered him. He resigned his seat in the Senate, intending to quit Washington at the close of the ses sion of Congress. Spring came, with its genial influ ence reviving the face of Nature, but it brought with it no restoration to the declining powers of Mr. Clay. The hope of revisiting Ashland was relinquished, and he calmly awaited the stroke of death. In the summer of 1847 he had become a member of the Protestant Episcopal Church, and he found now in his chamber, about which the shadows of death were beginning to close, the cheering and sustaining power of an immortal hope. The dying statesman gradu ally withdrew his thoughts from the affairs of this world. He was never more to stand in the senate- 442 THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. chamber — never again to sAvay the passions of as sembled thousands by his resistless eloquence. The eyes which had flashed with patriotic fire were filled now with the mild radiance of the heaven to which they were turned. He spoke of his family, his friends, and his country, and said to a friend, "I am not afraid to die, sir. I have faith, hope, and some con fidence. I do not think any man can be entirely cer tain in regard to his future state, but I have an abid ing trust in the merits and mediation of our Savior." The sacrament of the Lord's Supper was adminis tered to him, and he meekly received those emblems of a death out of which spring our immortal hopes. He expired tranquilly on the 29th of June, in the 76th year of his age. " Statesman, yet friend to truth, of soul sincere, Of action faithful, and in honor clear, AVho broke no promise, served no private end, AVho gained no title, and who lost no friend ; Ennobled by himself, by all approved, Praised, wept, and honored by the land he loved." The announcement of Mr. Clay's death produced throughout the whole country the deepest sensation. It struck most hearts as if the intelligence of the death of a personal friend had reached them, and the whole people rose up to pay such honors to his mem ory as had never been accorded to any statesman of this country. The popular enthusiasm which was accustomed to greet him in his travels, was now converted into a pervading grief, which covered the multitudes who thronged about his honored remains as they were borne to the tomb, with the habiliments of a mourn- THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. 443 ing distinguished as much for its depth and sincerity as for its solemn magnificence. Mr. Clay's cast of character was American — dis tinctly American. It was his aim to develop the resources of his country, and to elevate it to a height of prosperity and grandeur never before reached by any nation in ancient or modern times. His plans were bold and comprehensive, looking to the happi ness and glory of the whole republic rather than to the advancement of any particular section. He com prehended the complex character of our government ; and while he left local interests to the protection of the states where they existed, he devoted his energies to the support of great measures, whose success he deemed essential to the full development of the boundless elements of wealth and power which the nation possessed. He has been charged with a pur pose to enrich one section of the country at the ex pense of another, but no man ever less deserved the charge. He could not belong to a section, but he gave his great faculties to the cause of his country — his whole country. The lofty summit upon which he stood as a states man enabled him to see the country in its broadest extent ; and while many stood upon a lower level — would see only the narrow district to which they happened to belong — his eyes swept the remotest verge of the vast domain embraced by our govern ment. Fortunately, most of the great questions which have arrayed the American people in oppos ing parties have been national and not sectional. A settled geographical division of parties, such as on 444 THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. one or two occasions we have witnessed, would be fatal to the republic. Mr. Clay was, beyond a question, the noblest illus tration of a national statesman which his country has ever produced. He kept his views rigidly within the limits ofthe Constitution, but within those limits all his faculties were employed in a steady and he roic struggle to give success to systems embracing the interests of the American people. His American System was an illustration of the breadth and nationality of his views. The South opposed it generally, but even here opinion was di vided in regard to it. The opinion, however, that its tendency was to foster the manufacturing enterprises of the North at the expense of the planting interest of the South gradually gained ground with us, and the utmost hostility existed against it in most of the Southern States. But Mr. Clay's aim never was for a moment to depress the one section and elevate the other. He believed that the system Avould be so ad justed by a wise discrimination in fixing the duties on imports as to result in an actual benefit to the whole country, making us independent of foreign es tablishments, preventing the balance of trade against us with other countries, and securing to the Southern people a domestic market for their products above that which they could find elsewhere. His magnifi cent system of Internal Improvements, limited to ob jects strictly national, was also the result ofthe com prehensive views which characterized him as a states man. If he had administered the government, it would not have been necessary to associate any one THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. 445 with him to keep the supreme executive poAver from swerving from a national course. The tAvo councils of Rome did not look more steadily to the glory of the empire than he would have looked to the glory of the republic. Mr. Clay's nationality was the re sult of a profound study ofthe nature of our govern ment — of the character of the American people. He contended for what seemed to him a just con struction of the Constitution, and he felt that, while a narrower interpretation of its meaning might save the government from occasional abuses, it would, at the same time, deny to it the powers which it really possessed, and render that a feeble and an inefficient system which Avas designed to be a great and benefi cent one. Some of our statesmen, apprehending danger from the power of the central government, have steadily resisted its growth, and, like Patrick Henry, have sought to hedge it in, as if it were a formidable des potism. With them the President is a monarch likely to become a despot. Others have desired to usurp the rights of the states, and to build up a pow erful consolidated government. Mr. Clay escaped both these extremes, and planted himself upon ground which the eminent French statesman, Casimir Perrier, would have pronounced le juste milieu. He recognized the rights of the states, and he claimed for the federal government its full power. Mr. Clay has been charged with ambi tion. That he deserved to attain power it would be useless to deny. Where is the statesman of noble aims and great abilities who does not desire it ? The 446 THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. remark of Burke is a philosophical truth, "Ambition is the malady of every extensive genius." But Mr. Clay's ambition was pure and generous. He never sought to attain power by unworthy means ; he never swerved from the direct path of duty to conciliate public favor. His sympathies with the people were full and sincere, but he never pan dered to their passions or bent before their clamors. His opinions upon all subjects were frankly express ed ; he disdained concealment. He never surrender ed his own independent sentiments, but courageously encountered the fiercest opposition to them, whether that opposition was presented by executive power, or by the representatives ofthe people, or by the people themselves. His remark, made to his friend, Mr. Preston, of South Carolina, revealed his character. In reply to a suggestion that the opinion which he was about to avow on a certain occasion might affect his position before the people, and endanger his elec tion to the presidency, he exclaimed, ' ' I would rather be right than be President." The heroic sentiment will become immortal. Mr. Clay did not exhibit the Roman sternness which characterized Mr. Calhoun, yet he possessed firmness in the highest degree. No man could plant himself more resolutely in defense of a position than Mr. Clay. Like Fitz-James, he would have met the whole band of Roderick Dhu without the yielding of a muscle. Yet no statesman of our country was ever so con ciliatory. Whatever may have been his ambition, it always gave way before the call of his country. He would meet, unmoved, any dangers Avhich threatened THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. 447 him personally, but he relinquished, without reluct ance, his most cherished opinions when the welfare of his country demanded the sacrifice. When urging upon the Senate the adoption of his Compromise Bill for adjusting the perilous contest with South Carolina, he said, " If I had yielded my self to the dictates of a cold, calculating, and pruden tial public policy, I would have stood still and un moved. I might even have silently gazed on the rag ing storm, enjoyed its loudest thunders, and left those who were charged with the care of the vessel of state to conduct it as they could." But he hastened to re store harmony to a distracted land. Mr. Clay's at tachment to the Union was profound and unconquer able. His failure to reach the highest office in the country never alienated his affections. While others enjoyed the supreme power, he never ceased to labor for the good of Rome. No personal success could have compensated him if his elevation to power had endangered the perpetuity of the government. He believed our system to be capable of vast ex pansion ; and when he saw our institutions seated on the Pacific shores, he insisted that Congress should promptly receive into the Union the State of Califor nia. A republic covering the continent with its in stitutions, and gathering under one common govern ment the mighty population spread from the Atlan tic to the Pacific, was the vision which filled his heart with exultation as he looked out upon his country for the last time. He sought to strengthen the gov ernment, not by usurpations of power, but by meas ures which would bind the remotest parts ofthe coun- 448 THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. try in willing and indestructible political bands. He preferred to carry his measures by enlisting in their support men of all parties, rather than to press them upon the country by the mere power of disciplined numbers. He saw clearly all the aspects of every question ; and Avhile his own courage Avas never in timidated, nor his resolute purpose ever shaken, he was at all times ready to modify his measures, so far as they could be modified without impairing their efficiency, or sacrificing the principles upon which they were based, that he might make them acceptable to those who did not agree Avith him. As a parlia mentary leader, Mr. Clay has never been equaled in this country. He combined with great abilities that faculty so important to success in political life — tact. His abilities commanded the attention of the polit ical bodies in whose debates he took part, and his tact enabled him to carry his measures. He Avas the boldest of all our statesmen. Wheth er in the House of Representatives sustaining an ad ministration, or in the Senate opposing the govern ment, his courage never sunk for a moment, and his crest rose still higher when leading the opposition than it did when defending its poAvers. He attacked the government, however powerfully intrenched, with as much vigor as Richard Coeur de Lion did the castle of Front-de-Boeuf, when he thun dered against its gates Avith his battle-axe, amid the missiles Avhich were showered upon him from its de fenders, regarding them no more than if they had been feathers or the thistle's down ; and his eye, flash ing along the Avavering columns of his allies, fired THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. 449 them with his own indomitable spirit. For years he presented to General Jackson a front which never blenched, and he defied his boundless popular power Avith a steady and heroic firmness which Avon for him the admiration of friends and foes, and presented to the country the noblest illustration of the august character of an American senator which has ever been witnessed. He possessed the qualities which would have made him a transcendently great military leader : the high courage — the quick perception — the comprehensive view of details scattered over a wide field — the de cision which adopts, without hesitation, the true course of action — the power to infuse his own ardor into the bosoms of those about him, and the faculty of inspiring the followers of his standard with un doubted confidence in his abilities. It is understood that Mr. Madison would have placed him at the head of the army in the last war Avith England if he could have been spared from the House of Representatives. . Mr. Clay's intellectual powers pre-eminently fitted him for a parliamentary career. Without the mass ive strength of Mr. Webster, or the condensed and logical force of Mr. Calhoun, he was more efficient than either. His mind Avas not in the least degree metaphysical ; it Avas altogether practical, rapid, and direct. He was capable of profound and patient analysis, and he has, in some of his more elaborate speeches, displayed this faculty with high success; but he preferred to present the great features of a subject, that it might be seen whole, rather than to Ff 450 THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. pursue its remote and less striking relations. His mind was characterized by originality, power, and comprehensiveness. His resources were inexhaust ible. The measures which Mr. Clay conceived and brought before Congress displayed statesmanship of the very highest order, and his fame will rest upon them as firmly as a mountain, lifting its head to the heavens, stands upon its granite base.. As an Orator, Mr. Clay stood unrivaled among the statesmen of our times ; and if the power of a statesman is to be measured by the control which he exerts over an audience, hd will take rank among the most illustrious men Avho, in ancient or modern times, have decided great questions by resistless eloquence. Mr. Calhoun was the finest type of the pure Greek intellect which this country has ever produced. His speeches resemble Grecian sculpture, with all the pu rity and hardness of marble, while they show that the chisel was guided by the hand of a master. . De mosthenes transcribed the history of Thucydides eight times, that he might acquire the strength and majesty of his style, and Mr. Calhoun had evidently studied the orations of the great Athenian with equal fidelity. He had much of his force and ardor, and his bearing was so full of dignity that it was easy to fancy, when you heard him, that you were listening to an oration from the lips of a Roman senator, who had formed his style in the severe schools of Greece. Mr. Webster's oratory reaches the highest pitch of grandeur. He combines the pure philosophical fac ulty of investigation which characterized the Greek mind with the athletic power and majesty which be- THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. 451 longed to the Roman style. There is in his orations a blended strength and beauty surpassing any thing to be found in ancient or modern productions. He stands like a statue of Hercules AArrought out of gold. He has been sometimes called the Demosthenes of this country, but the attributes which he displayed are not those which belonged to the Athenian orator. His speeches display the same power and beauty, and equal, if they do not surpass, in consummate ability, the noblest orations of Demosthenes ; but he wants the vehemence, the boldness, the impetuosity of the orator Avho Avielded the fierce democracy of Athens at his will, and who, in his impassioned ha rangues, "shook the Arsenal, and fulmined over Greece. " Mr. Clay's oratory differed from that of Mr. Web ster and of Mr. Calhoun, and it was more effective than that of either of his contemporaries. Less philo sophical than the one, and less majestic than the oth er, he surpassed them both in the sway which he ex erted over the assemblies Avhich he addressed. Clear, convincing, impassioned, and powerful, he spoke the language of truth in its most commanding tones, and the deductions of reason uttered from his lips seem ed to have caught the glow of inspiration. Lord Brougham thinks that the ancient orators fell nearly as far short of the modern in the sub stance of their orations, as they surpass them in their composition. He attributes this to the character of modern as semblies, which are places of business, where practical questions are discussed, and Avhere the audience must 452 THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. be convinced, and not merely entertained. Mr. Clay was eminently successful in addressing such assem blies. His large views, his sterling sense, the energy of his character, the earnestness of his manner, the sympathy between his mind and his body, gave him an ascendency over the intellect and the passions never displayed by any other American statesman. His form Avas tall and commanding ; his voice was unrivaled for its compass and richness ; and when he rose to animation in speaking, his countenance was lighted up with a glow Avhich shed a lustre upon his whole person. His sensibility Avas deep, and some times displayed itself in the most affecting manner. In the debates of the Compromise measures of the last Congress, it became proper for him, as a senator, to allude to his son Avho fell at Buena Vista. He was for a moment overcome with emotion, and, put ting his hand before his eyes, he sought in vain to repress the tears which gushed from them. These elements constituted him the prince of orators ; and whether before the Senate, or in the midst of the peo ple in their great assemblies, he asserted and main tained a dominion which none could dispute with him. He realized Mr. Webster's description of ora tory: "The clear conception outrunning the deduc tions of logic ; the high purpose ; the firm resolve ; the dauntless spirit, speaking on the tongue, beaming from the eye, informing every feature, and urging the Avhole man onward, right onward, to his object : this, this is eloquence, or, rather, it is something greater and higher than eloquence; it is action — noble, sublime, god-like action." His noblest efforts THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. 453 Avere invested with a fiery splendor; and he rushed onward in his impetuous career, like an ancient hero, upon poised feet, his formidable spear lifted in his strong right hand, the wheels of his chariot gloAving from the velocity of the onset, and their scythes sAveeping doAvn the adversaries that stood in his way. In conversation Mr. Clay excelled. Always ready, sometimes playful, often brilliant, there was a fas cination in his manner which drew around him friends outside ofthe circle of his political associates, and his frankness and generosity gave an indescriba ble charm to social life. " He was a man, take him for all in all, We shall not look upon his like again." Yet, with all these brilliant personal qualities, Henry Clay never became the President ofthe United States. In looking back to the times in which Mr. Clay, Mr. Calhoun, and Mr. Webster lived, the suc ceeding generations Avill be at a loss to account for the fact that neither of them ever attained the high est goal of their ambition. In Rome they would have divided the consulship. In England they would have administered the government, and have received the highest aristocratic distinctions. In this repub lic they could never reach the highest post in the government. Two of the great triumvirate have passed away from the world; their course is run. The third yet lingers upon the field of his glory, but without the slightest prospect of reaching the pres idency. Indeed, that splendid orb which has so long lighted our heavens is rapidly descending to- 454 THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. ward the horizon, and will soon disappear from it forever. The theory of our government requires a first-rate man to be placed at the head of the administration. In England the sovereign power is vested in a hered itary monarch. His capacity is a matter of no great moment ; the first minister of the crown is responsi ble for the government; But with us, the sovereign ty resides with the people, and the President ought to be a man of the highest order, for he holds the same relation to our government that the prime min ister holds to the British government. In revieAving Mr. Clay's career, the wonder is that he could have failed to become President. The statue of Brutus left out of the procession will awaken inquiry as to the cause. Cromwell is not allowed to rank with the sovereigns of England, al though he controlled the government as Protector, and gave the country the wisest and most brilliant administration which it ever enjoyed. Henry Clay, who has impressed his great character upon the in stitutions of this country, never became its president. But it is perhaps well that he died without reaching that station. His immortal words, "I would rather be right than be President," will thrill upon the hearts of the statesmen of the country, and animate them to a nobler aim than a mere lust of power. They will strive to serve their country, and to bear Avith them to the grave the consciousness of de serving its honors, even if the laurel should never encircle their brows. THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HENRY CLAY. 455 Mr. Clay's fame is imperishable ; no office could have added to its towering grandeur, or have shed upon it any additional lustre. It was becoming that he should die, as he had lived, "The Great Com moner." M DANIEL WEBSTER— HIS GENIUS AND CHARACTER. AN ADDRESS BEFORE THE LITERARY CLUB AND CITIZENS OF MONTGOM ERY, ALABAMA, DECEMBER, 1854. Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen, — We should read the history of the rise and fall of an em pire to little purpose if we failed to discover the causes which produced its prosperity or sapped its strength, and it would be an idle task to recount the events of a great life if we could not comprehend the elements which constituted its greatness. When a great man passes away from the world, we review his career, we linger over the grand pas sages of his life — his adversities and his triumphs ; but, while we desire to know what he has performed, we are far more deeply interested in discerning what he has thought and what he has felt. The external life, whatever may be its splendor, interests us less than the great soul itself. We study great historic periods not merely that we may trace the changing fortunes of a dynasty or the eventful progress of a nation, but we seek to read in the facts spread out before us the philosophy which they teach. We follow the hero from the battle-field and the statesman from the senate-chamber that we may study the man ; we seek to analyze him, and to read the soul which makes him what he really is — which DANIEL WEBSTER HIS GENIUS AND CHARACTER. 457 imparts to his life the heroism and the grandeur which the Avorld has discovered and applauded. Nothing interests us so much as character. It is our purpose this evening to exhibit, so far as we can in so brief a period, the character of a great statesman, Avho, as Clarendon says of the Duke of Buckingham, lately rode in the troubled and bois terous Avaters of public affairs as admiral, and to pre sent the qualities which, in their grand assemblage, gave him his pre-eminence among the men of our times. The traveler who visits the Alps feels his concep tions of the sublime heightened as he beholds that great mountain range lifting its ice-clad summits to the cloud-region. The soul, exalted and ennobled, enjoys a glorious communion with nature. But when the glance is turned upon Mont Blanc, standing in solitary grandeur, its head croAvned with everlasting glaciers, and towering above all surround ing objects, we recognize it at once as a monarch, peerless amid the colossal forms Avhich stand about it, and unapproachable in its eternal majesty. So, in exploring the civil history of our country," Avhen the eye glances along the line of illustrious men who have lived and died in the service of the repub lic, it rests upon the form of Daniel Webster as its grand proportions stand out before us against the sky of the past. Of his services to his party we have nothing to say, but of the majesty of his intellect, of the pro ductions of his pen, ofthe poAver of his eloquence — greater than any which the Avorld has heard since it 458 DANIEL WEBSTER — HIS GENIUS AND CHARACTER. listened to the impetuous Athenian — ofthe grandeur of his character we wish to speak. As we approach Athens from the sea, we look upon the tomb of Themistocles, a splendid tribute to his memory reared by his countrymen, who during his life disputed as to his merits, but who felt that after his death they might all claim a share in his fame. While standing upon the shore and looking upon the sea, where his great exploits had been per formed, all was forgotten but the heroic life which they had witnessed. Not in New England alone — not in Massachusetts only, whose history her illustri ous senator said the world knew by heart — not in that extensive and powerful part of the confederacy known as the North is the fame of Webster to be cherished ; it is a heritage which belongs to the whole nation, and men may be proud of it every where, from the forests of Maine to that distant Californian coast washed by the Pacific wave. How refreshing it is to escape from the dust, and the clamor, and the fierce hatreds of the political arena, to breathe an atmosphere fresh and vigorous, and to bathe our souls in the pure and pellucid wa ters of literature ! In this clear air we may see ob jects in their true proportions. Mr. Webster's youth was passed amid the rugged scenes of nature — forests, mountains, and snows. Something of the grandeur of his own nature may have been derived from this early communion with great external objects. He grew up in a stern school : labor was a law of life — labor in the fields, labor in the schools, labor every where. His early DANIEL WEBSTER HIS GENIUS AND CHARACTER. 459 poetry Avas the "Essay on Man" and the hymns of Watts. It is an affecting picture to see that boy, in his fa ther's fields, sharing his daily toils ; striving to pre pare the soil to receive the grain, or to save the products of the farm in harvest-time ; rising to be hold the sun come forth in the east, or watching the closing in of a dark New England winter night, as it descended upon the hills Avhich stood about his hum ble paternal roof. In a snow-storm a sleigh was seen ascending a hill in the State of New Hampshire, in which were seat ed a man already mature, of fine, bold face, and a youth of generous countenance. The elder traveler addresses some words to the younger which seem to move him, for he presently rests his head upon the shoulder of his companion, and his eyes are filled with tears. The travelers were Ebenezer Webster and his son Daniel, and the father had just announced to his son his purpose to send him to college. Daniel, over come with emotion at the opening of such a career, and at the thought of the sacrifice Avhich his fa ther is about to make for him, can not restrain his tears. There the ardor of a great soul broke forth, and the eye of the young eagle flashed as it turned for the first time toward the sun. It is not our purpose to trace the career of Mr. Webster, but our wish is to present a view of the man as he so lately stood among us ; to analyze his character ; to study the great elements which enter- 460 DANIEL WEBSTER — HIS GENIUS AND CHARACTER. ed into it ; and to discover where the secret of his strength was hid. A really great man is the grandest object which this world ever exhibits. The heavens in their mag nificence — the ocean in its sublime immensity — mountains standing firm upon their granite founda tions, all are less imposing than a living man in the possession of his highest faculties. Demosthenes urging the Athenians to march against Philip interests us more than all Greece. Hannibal scaling the Alps with his victorious le gions is a sublimer object than the Alps themselves. Marius seated upon the ruins of Carthage makes us forget the fall of an empire in contemplating the for tunes of a man. Nelson upon the deck of the Vic tory, with the star glittering upon his breast, is a grander sight than the two hostile fleets. Napoleon at Waterloo, riding to the brow of the hill at the head of the Imperial Guard Avhen they were to make their last charge upon the British lines, is an object of higher interest than all the stern array of battle beside. Lord Chatham sinking in the House of Lords is the noblest object in the British empire ; and Washington crossing the Delaware at night, amid the crashing ice, fixes our attention in the midst of the dread magnificence of the Avinter scene, and Ave look upon him as we would upon an avenging arch angel going forth to smite the invading army. Our country has produced some great men. They gloAV in the heaven ofthe past like stars in the firmament, and in that splendid constellation we see Webster in full-orbed glory. In history, as in the heavens, one star differeth from another star in glory. DANIEL WEBSTER HIS GENIUS AND CHARACTER. 461 It is not always that the majesty of the intellect is symbolized in the external man, but in the case of Webster it Avas so. His appearance was nothing less than grand. In the midst of his peers in the Senate, he stood like a tower, in shape and gesture proudly eminent ; or he sat, amid its august delibera tions, as if upon his broad shoulders alone he could bear the weight of the government. His head rose with an ample swell, which reminded one of that dome which Michael Angelo hung in the heavens. His eyes were large, dark, and with that fathomless depth which gives so fine an expression to the face. These, with his dark complexion and hair, presented at all times a spectacle which would fix the attention if seen in any assemblage of men ; but it was when he was roused by some great theme, or fired by some important debate, that he rose into an aspect of Olympian power and grandeur. Then we could com prehend Milton's description of the style of Demos thenes : " He shook the Arsenal, And fulmined over Greece." A thunder-cloud seemed at times to hang upon his broAv, but as he advanced in his argument, something like a smile, resembling a ray of sun-light, would pass over his features. No grander spectacle could be witnessed than that Avhich he presented Avhen his mighty intellect was in full play, and the great passions of his nature gloAved in his countenance. It was like looking upon a great mountain, in whose depths the molten ore, under the intense heat of internal fires, begins to flow, 462 DANIEL WEBSTER — HIS GENIUS AND CHARACTER. and at length pours out in a broad stream of living flame. There Avas a great deal of poetry in Mr. Webster's nature, and it was this that gave him his pre-emi nence as a writer and an orator. There can be no true eloquence which is not in some way allied to poetry, nor can there be true greatness of any kind which is the work of the head ; the heart must originate it, or it is no greatness at all. Practical men must be, if they would achieve great exploits in this latter half of the ' nineteenth century ; but the curse of our times is a utilitarian philosophy, falsely so called, which would ignore the heart within the living man, make him forget the green fields of his boyhood, the sweet recollections of home, the whole face of nature, and every thing but Mammon, , " The least erected spirit that fell from heaven ;" for even in heaven his looks and thoughts " Were always downward bent, admiring more The riches of heaven's pavement, trodden gold, Than aught divine or holy else enjoyed In vision beatific." Mr. Webster's heart was as large as his under standing. Even Theodore Parker, the mqst grace less, perhaps, of all living men, though a man of im mense genius ; a man who talks of the Bible, and yet denies its inspiration ; who, in the name of a disciple of Christ, seeks to darken the divine halo which en circles his brow; a man who, aspiring to be a free thinker, spreads his adventurous sails to the winds, and, losing sight of the heavens and the earth, has been greatly tossed by the waves, and who, in thick DANIEL WEBSTER HIS GENIUS AND CHARACTER. 463 darkness himself, seeks to extinguish the lights which guide other men to heaven — Theodore Parker, whose attack upon the character of Webster since his death is without a parallel for ferocity in the Avhole range of letters, from their dawn till now — even he admits that Mr. Webster, "in his earlier life, was fond of children, loved their prattle and their play. They, too, were fond of him, came to him as dust of iron to a loadstone, climbed on his back, or, Avhen he lay down, lay on his limbs and also slept." He says too, ' ' He was fond of nature, loving New Hampshire mountain scenery. He loved gardening, the purest of human pleasures. He Avas a farmer, and took a countryman's delight in country things-— - in loads of hay, in trees, in turnips, and the noble Indian corn, in monstrous swine. He had a patri arch's love of sheep — choice breeds thereof he had. * * * He loved to give the kine fodder. It was pleasant to hear his talk of oxen ; and but three days before he left the earth, too ill to visit them, his cat tle, lowing, came to see their sick lord, and as he stood in his door, his great oxen were driven up, that he might smell their healthy breath, and look his last on those broad, generous faces that were never false to him." And yet Theodore Parker says of Mr. Webster, "No living man has done so much to de bauch the conscience of the nation — to debauch the press, the pulpit, the forum, the bar!" Mr. Webster's love of nature, of animals, of birds (he would not allow them to be shot upon his grounds), and of children, vindicate him from the charge of a Avant of moral sentiments. His heart 464 DANIEL WEBSTER — HIS GENIUS AND CHARACTER. was never parched, even amid the burning heats of political life, which, alas ! blast too many kindly shoots ofthe soul. He loved nature passionately. The brooks, the hills, the valleys, the snow-clad mountains, the sun gilding the east with purple light, or kindling a blaze of splendor over all the western sky — all this he looked upon with a glance which took in the beauty and the glory of the scene. Nothing was lost upon him ; no sound which greeted the ear with music in its tones, no touch of nature upon the heavens or the earth which the eye could rest upon, wag unheeded by him. He saw every thing and he heard every thing as a poet sees and hears the aspects and voices of nature. All appealed to the great deep of his moral nature, as the stars of heaven are mirrored in the bosom of the ocean. Lord Byron, after a night's debauch in Venice, stood, in the tranquil morning, before the stars had faded out ofthe sky, and he looked up to them. He felt their reproving glance. "These stars," he ex claimed, "what nothings they make us appear!" Wr. Webster, Avalking one night with a friend, looked up to the star-lit heavens, and repeated the eighth Psalm: "O Lord our Lord," &c. He com prehended that, while the Lord had set his glory above the heavens, he had made man a little lower than the angels, and had crowned him with glory and honor. His was not a soul to sink overpowered by any scene of nature, however magnificent or sublime ; it rose and kindled with the glories which surrounded DANIEL WEBSTER — HIS GENIUS AND CHARACTER. 465 it; and while he felt awed beneath the display of God's power and glory in the outspread heavens, he at the same time felt his soul swell with adoring gratitude to Him because He did condescend to visit man. How he loved the morning we may learn from his Richmond letter. He explains what is meant by the "wings ofthe morning :" " Rays of light are wings;" and he says, " I never thought that Adam had much the advantage of us from having seen the world while it was nfew. The manifestations of the power of God, like his mercies, are new every morning and fresh every moment. I know the morning ; I am ac quainted with it, and I love it. I love it, fresh and sweet as it is^ — a daily new creation, breaking forth, and calling all that have life, and breath, and being to new adoration, new enjoyments, and new grati tude." His letters to John Taylor, >vho was managing his farm, are full of poetry. Writing in the senate- chamber, he translates Virgil's description of the opening of spring, and then asks his honest rural friend, ' ' John Taylor, Avhen you read these lines, do you not see the snow melting from the slopes of your French Brook pasture, and the new grass starting and growing in the trickling waters, all green, bright, and beautiful? and do you not see your Durham oxen smoking from heat and perspiration, as they draw along your great breaking-up plow, cutting and turn ing over the tough sward in your meadow in the great field?" This love of nature, this blending of the soul with Gg 466 DANIEL WEBSTER — HIS GENIUS AND CHARACTER. the glories and the harmonies of the universe, vindi cates Mr. Webster from the monstrous accusations brought against him. The soul Avhich can find its enjoyments in green fields, or under the heavens beam ing with stars, or beside the ocean, the image of eter nity, or Avitnessing the sports of children, or in listen ing to the voices of nature, is a soul in whose depths the gentle charities of life may be found nestling, and the pure gems of truth are hidden. Wordsworth himself did not love rural life, or the country and its pastoral scenes, more than Webster. Mr. Webster's nature was full of poetry, and it was this that gave him his greatness, his transcendent greatness as an Orator. His intellectual poAver was very great. He some times smote his adversaries in debate with a vast rock, seized in his monstrous grasp, and hurled Avith a force equal to that Avith which Ulysses sent the fragment flying through the air which he threw in the sports in which he took part at the court of A1-. cinous, upon his return from Troy : " Then, striding forward with a furious bound, He wrenched a rocky fragment from the ground, By far more ponderous, and more huge by far, Than what Phieacia's sons discharged in air ; Fierce from his arm th' enormous load he flings ; Sonorous through the shaded air it sings ; Couched to the earth, tempestuous as it flies, The crowd gaze upward while it cleaves the skies : Beyond all marks, with many a giddy round, # Down-rushing, it upturns a hill of ground." He pressed into his service all the elements about him, and he treasured up beautiful and great thoughts, that he might use them when the occasion came. DANIEL WEBSTER — HIS GENIUS AND CHARACTER. 467 Standing in Quebec, and witnessing a morning parade of British troops, he caught an idea of the Avide-spread power of England, Avhich he uttered years after in one of his great speeches. He was speaking of the principle of the Revolu tion, and he says of our fathers, "On this question of principle, Avhile actual suffering Avas yet afar off, they raised their flag against a power, to which, for purposes of foreign conquest and subjugation, Rome, in the height of her glory, is not to be compared ; a power Avhich has dotted over the surface of the whole globe with her possessions and military posts ; whose morning drum-beat, folloAving the sun, and keeping company with the hours, circles the earth daily with one continuous and unbroken strain of the martial airs of England. " Nothing in the language Avhich we speak is finer than the poetical thought which he introduces into his Bunker Hill speech when the great monument Avas inaugurated : "Let it rise — let it rise till it meet the sun in his coming. Let the earliest light of the morning gild it, and parting day linger and play on its summit." Another great quality in Mr. Webster's oratory Avas his acquaintance with classical literature, and this, Ave think, ought to be noticed next to that poet ical element in his nature to which we have just re ferred. He stands Avithout a rival among American states men in that style of oratory, excepting only John Randolph, Avhose discursive and eccentric orations can hardly be classed Avith regular parliamentary 468 DANIEL WEBSTER — HIS GENIUS AND CHARACTER. speeches, and Mr. Pinkney, of Maryland, Avhose fame rests chiefly upon his arguments before the Supreme Court of the United States, but Avhose beautiful speech in the case of the Nereid entitles him to a high rank in that school. In this respect the Brit ish statesmen far excel us. We read their speeches with delight ; they are in themselves classics. Two most felicitous quotations from the Iliad, which Mr. Webster made on two occasions of great interest to the country, occur to me. He closes his speech, made on the 7th of March, 1850, with a description ofthe completeness given to our extended territorial possessions by the acquisition of California. The two great oceans of the world then Avashed our borders. "We realize," he said, " on a mighty scale, the beautiful description of the ornamental border of the buckler of Achilles : " ' Now, the broad shield complete, the artist crowned With his last hand, and poured the ocean round ; In living silver seemed the waves to roll, And beat the buckler's verge, and.bound the whole.' " The other classical quotation to Avhich we allude was made in a speech delivered in the Senate, when Mr. Webster, after the death of General Taylor, re sumed the discussion of the Compromise measures, which had been interrupted by that event. He paid a beautiful tribute to the hero-President before enter ing upon his argument, and closed it Avith the lines from Homer, " Such honors Ilium to her hero paid, And peaceful slept the mighty Hector's shade." We can not, at this time, undertake to show the DANIEL WEBSTER HIS GENIUS AND CHARACTER. 469 advantages of classical learning, but we venture to say that it fertilizes the mind to an extraordinary de gree, and never fails to purify and elevate the tastes. There was a comprehensiveness in Mr. Webster's range of thoughts which never failed to appear in all that he wrote or spoke ; he never took a small view of a subject. This gave to his style a massiveness which distinguished it from that of any of his con temporaries. Indeed, it was Miltonic : Avhat the au thor of Paradise Lost was among poets, Mr. Webster Avas among the Avriters and the orators of our times. His logical poAver was great ; and he could furnish an argument ponderous as a cable which would hold a ship of war steady to its moorings in a tempest, Avhile his poetical nature, his refined taste, and his ac quaintance with general literature imparted an 'ornate beauty to his style, and a magnificence, rising some times into grandeur, which surpassed the noblest efforts of Cicero in ancient, or of Burke in modern times. There Avas a breadth of view in his examination of a question which reminded one Avho listened to him of the far-sweeping horizon Avhich N stretches around when Ave stand upon a mountain peak. All these elements, however, could not have given him that ascendency in the Senate which he held as an orator, if he had not possessed yet another qual ity — Patriotism. He loved his country with a fer vor that has never been surpassed. Impressive as he always was — great as he often was at the bar, in the senate-chamber, and before the people — he rose to sublimity when he spoke of the power and glory of the republic, or depicted its future grandeur. An 470 DANIEL WEBSTER — HIS GENIUS AND CHARACTER. indescribable majesty seemed to invest his person on such occasions, and he stood like an ancient demi god swaying the destinies of a nation. He loved New England ; he loved his paternal home in the New Hampshire hills, half hid amid the snow-drifts of winter; he loved Massachusetts, Avhich always cheered and sustained him ; but his love was not confined to New England: it Avas limited only by the remotest verge of the domain over which the eagles of his country flew. He was not a Massachu setts man, nor a New England man, nor a Northern man ; his great soul swept beyond these narrow lim its ; and while New Hampshire might claim him be cause she gave him birth, and Massachusetts might claim him as her great senator, and the North might claim him as the noblest and proudest advocate of her policy, shedding the splendor of his imperial in tellect over all her institutions, no section could ap propriate him, for he was himself nothing less than an American. It was this that imparted the highest glory to his great efforts. In ordinary times he was a senator from the State of Massachusetts, ready to vindicate her policy and defend her interests, with enlarged na tional views, it is true, all the while ; but when a great crisis came, Avhich involved the stability of the gov ernment, or threatened the glory of the republic, his soul expanded under the intense fires of patriotism, and his eye, like that of the eagle in the blaze of noonday splendor, swept the remotest verge of the country, and he forgot all lesser distinctions in the proud consciousness that he was an American sen ator. DANIEL WEBSTER — HIS GENIUS AND CHARACTER. 471 The greatest speech which he ever uttered was made in reply to Mr. Hayne. That speech, whether Ave regard the magnitude of the interests which it re- vieAved, the danger which impended over the institu tions of the country, the effect produced by its deliv ery, or the amazing grandeur of the effort itself, Avas as important and as impressive as a battle. All the great elements which entered into the com position of Mr. Webster's character Avere displayed in it. The figure with Avhich it opens, the allusion to the mariner, who has for days lost sight of the heavens, availing himself of the first pause in the storm to take his latitude ; his tribute to Massachu setts ; his passionate declaration of his purpose to stand by American liberty, or to fall with it amid the proudest monuments of her glory ; his great ar gument in defense ofthe integrity ofthe federal gov ernment; and his triumphant and sublime perora tion, closing with the memorable words, ' ' Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable" — all were characteristic of the orator, who Avas the liv ing impersonation of the idea Avhich has come doAvn to us from ancient Greece of transcendent eloquence like that of Demosthenes when he delivered the Ora tion for the Crown. Over the senate-chamber the American flag was flying, and through the glass dome its folds might be seen floating in the breeze, as Mr. Webster uttered that passage which described it bearing those words emblazoned upon it in characters of living light; and while the effect upon the audience which thronged every spot within the reach of his voice was over- 472 DANIEL WEBSTER HIS GENIUS AND CHARACTER. whelming, the words still ring in our ears, and the scene will be preserved by History and Painting as one ofthe most memorable and impressive which has occurred in the fortunes of the republic. But Ave can not linger this evening over scenes which attract us. We must content ourselves with a hurried glance at the great man whose form so lately towered among us so stately and majestic, and of whose sudden prostration we think, as Thack eray says of Lingo, with emotions such as we expe rience when we think of the fall of an empire. As a lawyer, Mr. Webster's fame was as high as that Avhich he had acquired as a statesman. From the day Avhen he delivered his argument before the Supreme Court of the United States in the Dart mouth College case, he took rank with the foremost men of the profession ; and amid all the engrossing demands upon his time and his intellect which his political duties made, he not only did not recede as a lawyer, but his reputation steadily grew to the last. His clear, strong, comprehensive sense enabled him to state a case in a Avay that made it almost unnec essary to argue it afterward. We should be unjust to Mr. Webster, and unjust to others, and unjust to that philosophy which ought always to shine through such an analysis as we have attempted, if we did not add that Mr. Webster's most intimate friends attributed his great success in life as an intellectual man to labor. He Avas laborious to an amazing degree, and he tasked his powers to their utmost range. Habitually an early riser, his work for the day was well advanced before other men had DANIEL WEBSTER HIS GENIUS AND CHARACTER. 473 risen from sleep. Well might he say, "I know the morning, and I love it." As a statesman he performed signal services. His papers written when Secretary of State will forever adorn our annals. His letter to Lord Ashburton on the right of search, in Avhich he declares that an American sailor must find his protection in the flag that floats over him ; his reply to the Austrian paper presented by Mr. Hulseman, in which he vindicates the principle of popular rights against the imperious and despotic doctrines of a nation whose territory, in comparison with our own, is but little more than a patch on the earth's surface — a letter which spread through Europe, rousing all the popular enthusiasm, so that the office of the American consul at Athens was thronged with visitors eager to see that proud defense of freedom — these and others will rank with the state papers of any country or of any times. His politics must not now be discussed ; but we may be allowed to say that it is the crowning glory of his career that the last great utterance which he . ever made — his speech ofthe 7th of March, 1850 — was an utterance of great and patriotic sentiments, sounding out through the whole land ; appealing to Massachu setts to stand by the Constitution ; assuring the South of his purpose to carry out the provisions of. the na tional compact ; calling upon the country, as a con script father might have appealed to Rome, to be true to herself — an utterance which will sound out to future ages. It was a heroic speech, and entitled him to the name which his friends had long ago given him of "Defender ofthe Constitution." 474 DANIEL WEBSTER HIS GENIUS AND CHARACTER. Such a man Avas "Not for an age, But for all time." Turning away from the Capitol, quitting his de partment of state Avith a heart yearning for the quiet of home, the fresh pure air of the sea-shore to fan his fevered cheek, and the endearments of kin dred to soothe his declining days, the great statesman went to Marshfield : he went there to die. These last days were as full of solemn grandeur as the light streaming through the stained-glass win dows of a cathedral. The statesman is lost sight of; we see only the man. There are words uttered which disclose the deep religious sentiment that was an ele ment in his nature ; words of trust in God ; broken utterances as to His rod and His staff supporting the steps about to enter the valley of the shadow of death ; words that tell how much of poetry there was in his heart ; broken lines of Gray's Elegy in a Coun try Church-yard, " The curfew tolls the knell of parting day ;" and a solemn, final leave-taking of the loved ones of his household. Then the light faded out of those large, lustrous eyes, and Webster was dead. Wherever the tidings spread, the flag of the coun try drooped; men were startled in high places and in humble ones ; some wept ; and all Avho could reach Marshfield Avent to look upon the dead majesty of the nation, as it lay in the deep, tranquil sleep of death, under the spreading boughs of an immense tree, which had often sheltered its lord when living. DANIEL WEBSTER HIS GENIUS AND CHARACTER. 475 What a career closed there ! a career far the most brilliant which has been seen in this country. We heard of his death as we should have received the intelligence of a national calamity. The shock Avas like that we should experience if we stood by and witnessed the fall of a castle, from Avhose battlements banners had been flung out, and through whose embrasures artillery had thundered, and at whose base the proudest armaments had per ished. His last days exhibited all the serene grandeur of his nature. His soul, turning away from the world and its objects, fixed its gaze upon the illimitable fu ture, Avhich spread before it like a shoreless ocean, upon whose tranquil waters the Star of Bethlehem threw its tremulous and unearthly lustre. His hand recorded his clear and emphatic confes sion of faith in the Redeemer, and in the divine in spiration of the Gospel. Those last days, what a glory streams through them — glory not without its shadows ! The last hours of the life of the dying statesman resembled a gorgeous sunset ; not the going down of a tropical sun in unclouded splendor, but the sun sinking behind the Alps, kindling upon every mount ain peak a blaze of glory, and pouring a flood of golden light upon the clouds which hung their sol emn drapery about his dying couch. WOMAN— HER TRUE SPHERE. AN ADDRESS DELIVERED AT THE COMMENCEMENT OF LA GRANGE FE MALE COLLEGE, LA GRANGE, GEORGIA, JULY 12th, 1854. In all the visible universe, crowded as it is with an endless variety of objects, there reigns every where an unbroken harmony. An unseen law stretches its resistless dominion throughout its boundless ex tent, and every thing obeys it — the smallest and the greatest; the flower which, with fragile stem, lifts its head' to greet the light, and the constellations which move in their brilliant and illimitable courses through the heavens. "There is one glory ofthe sun, and another glory of the moon, and another glory of the stars, for one star differeth from another star in glory." The sun drives his chariot of flame up the steep of heaven and down its western slope ; the moon floats through the serene sky in tranquil majesty, and the splendid constellations rule the night; yet every where, from the northern to the southern pole, there is no sound of discord, but all things display a blended power and wisdom, which we see Avith wonder and adoration, and, adding our voices to swell the mighty anthem which Nature utters, in tones which reach the throne of God, we exclaim, "All thy works praise Thee." So, too, in the elements which seem to strive with each other — they are made to contribute to the hap- WOMAN HER TRUE SPHERE. 477 piness of man and the beauty of the universe. The ocean, in its sublimity, dashes against its barriers, and threatens to submerge the world ; but it has its appointed bounds that it can not pass ; its proud waves are stayed by a silent, but all-pervading and resistless power; and the winds, which swell into tempests, would spread desolation over the earth if they were not restrained by that Almighty hand which guides and sustains all things. All the works of God, so far as we can see them, display order and adaptation. If we could stand with Uriel in the sun, and look out upon the uni verse, we should see its order and its beauty, and the ear would catch the notes ofthe great hymn of praise which, from all the spheres, floats upward to the Cre ator. Even in this world of ours all sights and all sounds are made to blend in harmony. Standing upon the mountains of Switzerland, the traveler sees spread out before him a wide landscape of wonderful beau ty: mountain peaks against the sky, the luminous clouds, the Avild torrents, the picturesque cottages, the awful frown of Mont Blanc, covered with ever lasting snow, and all the varied objects Avhich come Avithin the range of vision, are blended into one pic ture ; while the sounds which greet the ear — the song of the Swiss girl, the wild call of the peasant as he shouts to his flocks, or sings that song so dear to ev ery exile from his country, no matter where he hears it, uRanz des vaches" — all are blended in sweetness, and captivate the soul. The very soul of the universe is harmony. 478 WOMAN — HER TRUE SPHERE. Throughout the whole circle of created beings there is an endless diversity, and yet an unbroken order. If Ave ascend to the shining ranks of angelic hosts, we find that the same great law prevails. There are angels that excel in strength, and there is a gradation visible in the glorious forms which are marshaled, tier above tier, about the everlasting throne, from Michael, "of celestial armies prince," and Gabriel, "in military prowess next," and Uriel, who, seated in the sun, sees the whole circle of created worlds, doAvn to the humblest worshiper in the whole court of Heaven ; for " Order is Heaven's first law, and this confess'd, Some are, and must be, greater than the rest." It is the beautiful assurance of revelation that God created man in his oaati image. He invested him with dominion over all terrestrial things. Having made him a little lower than the angels, he crowned him with glory and honor. Not silently and darkly did man rise up into be ing, like the beasts, deriving their life from the earth, but he Avas created directly by the power of God, in the midst of adoring hosts of attendant angels, who filled the Avhole circle of the heavens, to witness the introduction into the ranks of intelligent and immor tal beings of man. Peerless he stood and surveyed the young world, glowing in the freshness and verdure of the morning of creation. His dominion embraced the round world, and he Avas without a rival in his extended empire. Then, because it was not good for man to be alone, WOMAN — HER TRUE SPHERE. 479 woman was created, the elements of her being derived from him, and she was given to him as a compan ion. Up to that moment even Paradise was a soli tude. " In vain the viewless seraph, lingering there At starry midnight, charm'd the silent air ; In vain the wild bird carol'd on the steep, To hail the sun slow wheeling from the deep ; In vain, to soothe the solitary shade, Aerial notes in mingling measure played — The summer wind, that shook the spangled tree ; The whispering wave, the murmur of the bee — Still slowly passed the melancholy day, And still the stranger wist not where to stray : The world was sad ! the garden was a wild ! And man, the hermit, sighed till woman smiled." Yet, although the world was sad, and even Para dise a wild until woman appeared in its green depths and scented bowers, still, upon her coming, the same great law which the universe had hitherto displayed — the law of order and of harmony — was recognized in the relations Avhich the two newly-created beings bore to each other. The whole structure of man — the qualities of his body and of his mind — differed from those displayed by woman. Nor was the dominion of man disputed by his new companion and friend ; for while he bore rule still in the midst of the world which lay subject to him, she acknowledged his authority, looked up to him for protection, and gently rested her head, clustering with curls, upon his broad, firm breast. Milton's description of Adam and Eve, as they walked in Paradise, is exquisitely beautiful, and it discloses the just and true relation which should, in all time, exist between two beings Avhom God has 480 WOMAN — HER TRUE SPHERE. formed to be companions through this earthly pil grimage. " Two of far nobler shape, erect and tall, Godlike erect, with native honor clad In naked majesty, seem'd lords of all, And worthy seem'd ; for in their looks divine The image of their glorious Maker shone — Truth, wisdom, sanctitude severe and pure (Severe, but in true filial wisdom placed) — AVhence true authority in men ; though both Not equal, as their sex not equal seem'd : For contemplation he and valor form'd ; For softness she, and sweet attractive grace ; He for God only, she for God in him : His fair, large front, and eye sublime, declared Absolute rule ; and hyacinthine locks Round from his parted forelock manly hung Clustering, but not beneath his shoulders broad ; She, as a veil, down to the slender waist, Her unadorned golden tresses wore Dishevel'd, but in wanton ringlets waved As the vine curls her tendrils ; which implied Subjection, but required with gentle sway, And by her yielded, by him best received ; Yielded with coy submission, modest pride, And sweet, reluctant, amorous delay." The sphere of man is Avidely different from that of woman, and there can be no rivalry between two be ings formed with faculties so diverse and for objects so dissimilar. There have been instances in the history of our race of men who have lost all manliness, and resign ed themselves to effeminate pursuits — men who, shrinking from the stern duties of life, have regarded its great tasks with as much aversion as the king's messenger, sent to demand Hotspur's prisoners, did the rough and perilous scenes of the battle-field — men who, forgetting the true dignity of manhood, WOMAN HER TRUE SPHERE. 481 take no part in the mighty achievements ofthe brave Avorld about us, but " They caper nimbly in a lady's chamber To the lascivious pleasing of a lute." And there have been women who have lost all the gentle and attractive grace of their sex, and, pressing into the empire which belongs exclusively to man, have disputed the dominion of the Avorld with him. It is but rarely that such instances fail to disgust us. We expect to see every man manly, and every wom an womanly. Paris, when compared with Hector, sinks into con tempt — flying from the battle-field to the arms of Helen, he rests ingloriously, while the helmet of Hec tor blazes in the serried ranks of war, and his dread spear drives back the invading Greeks* — Avhile Joan of Arc, with her splendid qualities and heroic virtue, leading the marshaled hosts of France from victory to victory, until she planted the drooping lilies of her country over fortresses and cities Avrested from the English troops, is less lovely in our eyes than the gentle maiden Avho follows in the red path of battle only to stanch the wound of the dying soldier, and to hold the cup of water to his parched lips. Man is formed for great exploits. It is his task to scale the mountain heights, to traverse continents, to explore the wide seas, to build cities, to fell for ests, to contend with Avild beasts, and redeem the earth from their incursions ; to sow the seed and gath er harvests ; to stand in battle, to lead armies ; to preach the everlasting Gospel, and to guide all pub lic affairs. These tasks become a man. Hh 482 WOMAN— HER TRUE SPHERE. But woman's sphere is widely different. It is hers to shed around home those dear delights which she alone can impart to it ; to cheer hours which, with out her presence, would be lonely or sad ; to encour age all the virtues ; to Avalk by the side of man, as an angel in the wilderness, guiding him to celestial realms ; and to illustrate all the charities of life by her sweet example. The harmony which we see every where in the uni verse is still undisturbed by the delightful inter course between two beings so closely allied, and yet so unlike. We do not expect to find in woman the sublime qualities which belong to man — those qualities which entitle him to absolute rule ; but her loveliness is none the less*for the Avant of them. In that splen did picture which is so vividly sketched in Ivanhoe, Avhen Richard Cceur de Lion attacks the castle of Front de Boeuf, our admiration is divided between the Black Knight, who thunders with his ponderous battle-axe against the gates, heedless of the missiles showered upon his head from the defenders on the walls, and the gentle Rebecca, Avho, looking through the lattice with blenched cheek, describes the waver ing fortunes of the battle to the Avounded Ivanhoe, Avho is unable to rise from his couch. In the sacred history Avhich records the early events of the Avorld, we read with admiration the account that is given of the heroic courage of Moses. The great leader of the hosts of Israel, when the cry rose in all the ranks that the Egyptians were pursuing, exclaimed, in tones that were heard above the confu- AVOMAN HER TRUE SPHERE. 483 sion and noise of the panic-stricken people — above the rush ofthe impetuous army marching doAvn upon them — above the roar of the sea upon whose margin they stood, "Stand still and see the salvation of God!" It was Moses Avho, after conducting the tribes through the Avaters Avhich stood up on either side as a wall, stretched forth that potent rod whose awful sweep brought back the Avild and . surging bil- Ioavs over the army of Pharaoh ; but it was Miriam Avho took a timbrel in her hand, and invited the beau tiful Avomen of Israel to follow her Avith timbrels and dances ; and all joined in that grand song of triumph which sAvelled in tones of majestic sweet ness over the rolling sea, "Sing ye to the Lord, for He hath triumphed gloriously ; the horse and his rider hath He throAvn into the sea." It was David whose prowess slew the haughty champion Avho defied the armies of Israel, but it was the women of Israel who came out from all the cities, singing and dancing, to meet him, with tabrets, with joy, and with instruments of music. It is becoming in man to achieve victories, it is becoming in woman to celebrate them. In the magnificent description of the royal Psalm ist, the sun is compared to a bridegroom coming out of his chamber, and rejoicing as a strong man to run a race. Thomson, in that poem which Avill live as long as the Seasons which he describes continue to visit the earth with floAvers, and fruits, and goldgn harvests in their train, says of the rising sun, " But yonder comes the powerful king of day, Rejoicing in the east." 484 WOMAN — HER TRUE SPHERE. Edmund Burke, in his description of the unfor tunate Maria Antoinette, says : "It is now sixteen or seventeen years since I saAV the Queen of France, then the Dauphiness, at Ver sailles, and surely never lighted on this orb, Avhich she hardly seemed to touch, a more delightful vision. I saw her just above the horizon, decorating and cheering the elevated sphere she just began to move in, glittering like the morning star, full of life, and splendor, and joy." No comparisons can be more felicitous than these ; for, independent of their beauty, they illustrate the qualities which distinguish the sexes. Man is the sun, in his strength and splendor ; woman the morn ing star, glittering in pure and tranquil beauty. Nor is this endless diversity and this all-pervading harmony which we see in the universe without de sign. It is a law of the universe. We read it in the sublime scenery of the heavens in Avhich the great constellations run their courses — where Arctu- rus and his sons exhibit their nightly splendors, and Orion leads up his burning hosts, and the Pleiades shed their sweet influences, and Mazzaroth marshals his glorious stars over the southern pole ; and we trace it in the violet that springs up in the depths of the forest, and in the fragile flower that blooms in ex quisite beauty in the very verge of the crater of the volcano, as if planted there to teach the adventurous traveler who explores the Avild scenery that God's dominion is every where. Not only in the visible universe, but in the spirit ual Avorld does this law prevail, binding systems in WOMAN HER TRUE SPHERE. 485 unbroken order, and keeping all intelligent beings in subjection to the ordinances of the Most High. It is a glorious thought, that every where through out the extended universe, Avhere the remotest world gleams like a pale star upon the farthest horizon, and out upon the wide seas ever heaving against the poles ; in the untrodden solitudes of the wilderness, and in all the ranks of living beings, from thrones and dominions in heaven down to the fallen spirits Avhose unblessed feet tread the burning marl of the infernal regions, Ave can still trace the great law of order Avhich binds all things and preserves all things in unbroken harmony. Woman in her sphere, moving in willing and beau tiful accord Avith this law, is one of the loveliest ob jects which the universe presents ; and while she seems only to adorn the career of man as a subject of his empire, her gentle dominion is as wide, and her sway as absolute, if not as imperious, as that of man. In all times, ancient and modern, she has been the cherished object of affection. Her part in the history of our race has been at once momentous, sad, and glorious. She first plucked the fruit " Of that forbidden tree, whose mortal taste Brought death into the world, and all our wo, With loss of Eden." Our great sire was not deceived; but Eve, being tempted, transgressed, and Adam, from boundless af fection for her, took the forbidden fruit from her hands. But it Avas a Avoman, too, a virgin of innocence 486 WOMAN — HER TRUE SPHERE. and beauty, who was the mother of our Lord, whose all-conquering arm brought us salvation, and rescued us from the ruin into which our race was plunged by that first fatal step. Let not woman be reproached with her first fault Avithout Ave, at the same time, recall that virgin moth er. Place the tAvo pictures side by side ; compare Eve, Avith wandering steps and sIoav, quitting Para dise, and looking back, Avith tearful eyes, to that once happy seat, with Mary, lifting her meek and glowing face toward heaven, and exclaiming, "My soul doth magnify the Lord, and my spirit hath rejoiced in God my Savior ; " For he hath regarded the low estate of his hand maiden : for behold, from henceforth all generations shall call me blessed." Since that hour when the blessed Virgin sang that SAveet song of joyful and grateful adoration, the whole Avorld of love and beauty has acknowledged her do minion. The true estimate of woman was unknown before. Up to that hour, the homage paid by man to the other sex was the wild passion which reveled in voluptuous delights, and which Avas symbolized in the form of Venus rising from the placid waters to rule the realm of love. Beautiful but sensual, that type of passion is still to be seen as the ancient mythology produced it ; the naked form of the Venus de Medici still lives in marble as the chisel of the sculptor traced it in lines of classic and immortal grace. That symbol, beautiful as" it is, represents the do minion of woman over the senses, but does not sug- WOMAN — HER TRUE SPHERE. 487 gest the tenderness and purity of love in its true poAver. Even in the wild extravagance of the days of chiv alry there was a refining influence in the adoration of the knight for his lady-love : it impelled him to noble deeds ; he wore in his helmet some slight me morial of her regard, and sought glory in the fierce battles of the times, that she might hear his praises sung. This devoted and noble attachment to woman was uttered in songs of wild and romantic beauty, and the whole picture wears a golden haze, Avhich reveals nothing gross or revolting. From the hour Avhen the Christian system began to gild the world with its rising light, and to purify the heart by its refining influence, a true regard for Avoman — for her person and her character — has been manifested. Now, the ideal of female beauty is no longer per sonified in the faultless form of Venus, but we turn to the lovely Virgin dwelling amid the hills of Judea, and recognize her as supreme in the realm of Avoman. Turning away from the graceful form of the ancient Queen of Love in faultless marble, we fix our eyes, sAvimming in tears, upon some picture of Raphael which represents the Virgin Mother, her face full of deep spiritual meaning, as if she would read the fu ture and learn the destiny of that wonderful Child set for the fall and rising again of many in Israel. How immeasurably does the Christian impersona tion of beauty surpass that Avhich is presented to us in the highest type of loveliness Avhich genius could 488 WOMAN — HER TRUE SPHERE. produce under the inspiration of mythology! Wom an is now regarded as an immortal being ; she is to tread the path of life by the side of man, his truest friend in his earthly pilgrimage, cheering the dark est hours with her tender sympathy, and shedding a brighter lustre over his happier ones by sharing his bliss. It is as a wife and a mother that woman is now to display her noblest qualities ; and her ambition — if we may give this name to her desire to excel — must not seek its gratification in the great world, but must be content with the quiet but hallowed compass of home. There she moves — a light, a blessing, and a glory ; and she reconstructs for man a new Para dise on earth, brighter and happier than the Eden which she lost for him. Man, expelled from the bowers of the eastern garden by the fault of woman, finds in a home lighted by her love Paradise regained. It is not because she is inferior to man that wom an is to take no part in the great affairs of life, but it is because she is far more beautiful in her own em pire than she could be by quitting it to mingle in scenes which would unfit her for the gentler duties and those lovely offices which not even an angel could perform so well. In her own orbit she is peerless, and amid the sanctities of home she shines with her true lustre. Capricious as she sometimes is in the world, and moving in the circles of fashion, she re veals in the chamber of suffering the true qualities of her nature. " O woman ! in our hours of ease, Uncertain, coy, and hard to please, WOMAN HER TRUE SPHERE. 489 And variable as the shade By the light, quivering aspen made — When pain and anguish wring the brow, A ministering angel thou 1" Sir Walter Scott pays this tribute to Clara de Clare, as she stoops to hold to the lips of the Avound- ed Marmion the Avater borne by her in the baron's casque to slake his thirst. Brought by his attendants to the spot where the captive maiden Avas detained to await the issue of that bloody fight of Floddenfield, she forgets all "wrongs, and hastens to relieve the dy ing man. The picture is as full of truth as it is of beauty. Elizabeth ruled her realm Avith extraordinary suc cess ; her genius and capacity excited universal admi ration. During her reign the power and the glory of England greAV into the grandest proportions, and the diadem which encircled her broAv shone with the greatest splendor. Mounted on a splendid horse, and riding at the head of an immense concourse of her subjects through the streets of London, to offer up thanks in the great Protestant Cathedral of Saint Paul's for the destruction of the Spanish Armada, she Avas a splendid spectacle — a magnificent imper sonation of regal power ; but who does not really feel a deeper and tenderer interest in the fortunes of the beautiful Mary Queen of Scots sighing in captiv ity, or even in those of the humbler and less culti vated Amy Robsart, the daughter of an obscure Dev onshire gentleman, Avho lost her life in her eagerness to greet the Earl of Leicester as he rode by the side of his royal mistress at the castle of Kenilworth ? The reigning Queen of England interests us far 490 WOMAN — HER TRUE SPHERE. more as a wife and a mother than as a sovereign; for while she commits the fortunes of that empire — so boundless that the sun never sets upon it — to her ministers, she herself rears her children, Avho cluster about her with all the fond affection Avhich Ave should look for in an humble cottage home. Victoria, seat ed upon the throne in the House of Lords, and read ing her royal speech upon the opening of Parliament, surrounded by all that is gorgeous in the British em pire — the lords, the commons, the great officers of the realm, foreign embassadors, and a vast assemblage of ladies of rank, all in the richest and most splendid costume — is merely a brilliant pageant ; but in the inner apartments of Windsor Castle, that superb country seat, unrivaled by any royal palace in the Avorld, she is a woman, a wife, and a mother, the centre of a family group, and performing offices at once the most beautiful which this world ever pre sents, and so closely connected Avith a future life that the light of immortality lends its sublime coloring to the picture. This, then, is Avoman's true empire. Her author ity is maintained, not by sword and spear, but by all the sweet and attractive graces which constitute the art of pleasing. The person, the mind, and the lieart must all re ceive attention, if she would make her rule lasting in her OAvn dominion. She does not compel, but she attracts. We resist her authority when she seems to demand our homage, but Ave yield a Avilling obedience to her sway Avhen she binds us by the affections. WOMAN — HER TRUE SPHERE. 491 Cleopatra captivated Julius Caesar when she was but twenty years of age, and she held Marc Antony in inglorious bondage at twenty-five. But does any one imagine that Caesar, the noblest Roman of them all, Avas attracted by the mere personal beauty of the youthful Queen of Egypt? He was remarkable for the vigor of his mind and the manliness of his character ; he marched at the head of his legions to the most distant and inhospi table countries, and Avhile his secretaries were borne on litters, he rode on horseback ; the rains of Gaul did not interrupt his marches, nor did angry streams impede him ; he bore the eagles of his country in tri umph over all enemies, whether cultivated or barba rian ; and he recorded the progress of his arms in a style so beautiful, that his commentaries are still read for their classic elegance. His ambition was bound less ; and though his person was tall and slender, and appeared to be incapable of great exertions, he dis played extraordinary energy. He blended strength and elegance in a remarkable degree. Yet it. is quite authentic that he could not resist the fascination of Cleopatra, but for a time yielded himself to her charms. Five years later, Antony, being in the East, saAV Cleopatra, and surrendered himself to her completely. In his wild passion, Rome, Octavia, and glory were all forgotten, and at her feet he lay down his share in that powerful triumvirate which held the majestic world in subjection. In her presence his character istic energy was lost, and his conquering legions, ready for battle and victory, lay in inglorious idle- 492 WOMAN HER TRUE SPHERE. ness, while he, their leader, bound by a spell which he could not break, passed his time in the gilded apartments of the Queen of Egypt. No mere personal beauty could have effected such conquests as these. Cleopatra possessed far higher charms than mere grace of person. She is described in history as possessing an infinite variety of accom plishments — the rarest literary acquirements, a knowledge of languages only equaled in ancient times by that attributed to Mithridates, the marvelous king of Pontus, the finest taste in the arts, an unexplain- able grace in her manners, the most bewitching powers of conversation, and a tone of voice which made those powers irresistible. There Avas a won derful fascination in the tone of her voice, and there was about her an Oriental voluptuousness and an ir resistible grace ; but without her mental accomplish ments, her brilliant conversation, her noble spirit, the grandeur of her character, and her fascinating man ners, she Avould never have been the enchantress she Avas, bringing to her feet the proudest rulers of the Avorld, and holding in subjection such men as Cassar, with his soaring ambition and powerful intellect, and Antony, renowned for his valor and his eloquence. Her death was characteristic : Avith no religion to sustain her but that of the Egyptians, which threw a voluptuous elegance over life, and gave the fullest license to the senses, she resolved to die rather than grace the triumphal train of Octavius. Adorned in her richest robes, the body of the dead Antony by her side on a golden couch, anointing herself with costly perfumes, the diadem of Egypt encircling her WOMAN — HER TRUE SPHERE. 493 brow, she applied the asp to her veins, and sunk into languor, forgetfulness, and death. Beauty is always attractive; but no woman who aspires to a lasting dominion, either over the great world, or, which is far better, over a single heart, ought to trust to personal charms. Even while they bloom, though it be in peerless splendor, they are less potent than the sweet spirit of a true Avoman beaming from her eyes, and a culti vated mind revealing its treasures in conversation. Such a woman Avakes the soul within us, and binds us by a fascination Avhich far transcends the strength of mere passion kindled by beauty. An intellectual, cultivated woman, of sweet temper, will hold us in pleasing bonds long after the decline of her personal charms, and we might address her in those lines of exquisite tenderness and beauty, " Thou wouldst still be adored, as this moment thou art, Let thy loveliness fade as it will, And round the dear ruin each wish of my heart Would twine itself verdantly still." The first great element which we desire to see in female character is virtuous principle ; not a mere disposition to conform to conventional requirements, but a heart really pure and fond of goodness. With out this, no beauty, no intellectual cultivation, no ac complishments, can make a woman really lovely. It is this property which " Gives to woman every tender grace, The smile of angels to a mortal face." In this Avorld, so full of vicissitude, and over Avhose expanding scenes the clouds of the future, 494 AVOMAN — HER TRUE SPHERE. darker or brighter, will rise, there is much to try us ; and in seeking a gentle friend to tread the rough pil grimage of life by our side, Ave wish to find in her a sweetness of temper Avhich nothing can disturb, and a cheerful spirit which flings its smile over the shad ows of life, and if it can not disperse, at least gilds them. Philosophy will not do ; intellectual resources will fail; books will open their pages to us in vain ; mu sic will lose its charms ; amusements will cease to at tract us ; and even society may no longer interest us ; but we can still turn to the angel of our home, and find in her beaming and happy face a solace for all our disappointments in the rough, wide, and heartless Avorld. The religion of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ is essential to the perfection of female character : it is the only resource which the ills of life can not ex haust. Charity never faileth. An infidel of our own sex is odious enough ; a Avoman who rejects Christianity is an object of un mixed and unmeasured aversion. It is her task to train her children, to fit them for this life and for that which is to come, and to cheer her husband when cares press upon him; and this she can not do unless, like Hope, she leans upon an anchor which never gives Avay. Such, young ladies, are our views of woman. One of the most promising signs of the times in which we live is the extraordinary attention paid to the education of your sex. Such institutions as this WOMAN HER TRUE SPHERE. 495 are glorious exponents of the progress of the nine teenth century. Here Avoman moves in her true sphere, and her influence over the great social life Avhich our country exhibits is powerful. When in Europe, Ave saw gorgeous palaces, and great schools of art, and noble monuments commem orating battles Avhich have decided the fortunes of the Avorld, and an endless variety of objects of inter est, but nowhere did Ave see any thing more beauti ful than this spectacle Avhich Ave witness to-day. In this country all the material elements abound, and we shall yet excel in the arts Avhich give such a charm to fife. In all that is grand, and beautiful, and truly great, Ave shall steadily groAV, until we at tain the highest civilization Avhich the world has ever produced. It should be our aim so to train our sons and our daughters in this great republic that they may be worthy of the grand destiny Avhich opens be fore them in the boundless future. Some of you are about to take leave of this institution. Go forth as ministering angels ; make the Avorlcl better and happier as you pass along through it. So far you have been engaged in the Avork of preparation, but real life now opens before you. No one can read the future : there is no astrologer at hand to consult the starlit heavens and reveal your destiny. This is wisely ordered: Ave are taught to trust to the guid ance of an invisible hand. There are all about us influences which act upon us in life : Ave can only re solve to do our duty, and commit our fortunes to the Deity. Exclude from your minds the doctrine of chance ; adhere firmly to principle, and in this well- 496 WOMAN HER TRUE SPHERE. ordered universe you Avill find that you tread life'; paths safely; the ground beneath your feet will be firm, and the heavens above will light you on you: Avay. Be cheerful, that you may be happy, and contrib ute to the happiness of others ; but regard life seri ously, as the field of duty and the scene of prepara tion for heaven. One of the most gifted of your own sex, Madan de Stael, in her Avork on Germany, says, "If we ex amine the course of human destiny, we shall see thai levity conducts to all that is bad in the Avorldi It is only in infancy that levity charms : it seems that the Creator yet leads the infant by the hand, and aids ii to enter gently upon the clouds of life. But Avher time delivers the man to himself, it is only in seri ousness of soul that he finds thoughts, sentiments. and virtues." Be true to yourselves. Modern civilization, witl all its ameliorations, has a tendency to give too mucl consideration to wealth. Advantages in life are noi to be overlooked, and in forming lasting engagements prudence ought to be regarded. But woman shoulc never sacrifice herself, nor permit others to sacrifice her, for money. Noble qualities, a cultivated intel lect, and a great soul, are worth more than all the money the Avorld ever produced. Riches take Avings, and often leave their possessoi to sink as Icarus did when his waxen pinions meltec in the sun ; but a true man continues to groAV ir public consideration and in real Avorth, rising from poverty and obscurity to the highest stations in life. AVOMAN HER TRUE SPHERE. 497 And noAv, young ladies, I must take leave of you. It may be said of you, as it was of our first parents, " Tho world is all before you, where to choose Your place of rest, and Providence your guide." May the Avorld be bright before you, and your steps, as they advance in its paths, be guided by Providence gently and safely, so that you may come, Avhen your earthly pilgrimage is ended, to that glori ous city Avhere there is no need of the sun by day, nor of the moon by night, but the Lord God himself lights it up with his own everlasting splendor. 1 1 THE END. fagSSfSBSB*""'"""