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HENRY A. HOMES FUND

LIFE

OF

THOMAS ATTV^OOD.

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LIFE

OF

THOMAS ATTWOOD.

BY

C. M. WAKEFIELD.

" Remember, my friends, our weapons are Peace, Law, Order, Loyalty and
Union. Let us hold fast to these weapons, and I tell you that the day is not distant
when the liberty and prosperity of our country will be restored."

LONDON:
HARRISON & SONS, ST. MARTIN'S LANE,
PRINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HER MAJESTY.

;,

INTRODUCTION.

George Grote, the historian of Greece, speaking at the banquet
given at the Mansion House in honour of Thomas Attwood and
the Birmingham Deputation, on Wednesday, May 23rd, 1832,
upon the occasion of the passing of the great Reform Bill, said :
"But if, Gentlemen, I were required to name the person
whose services I appreciate highest, and whose feelings I envy
most, throughout this momentous period, I should not hesitate
to pronounce the name of Thomas Attwood. It is to him more
than to any other individual that we owe the success of this great
measure. He has taught the people to combine for a great
public purpose, without breaking any of the salutary restraints
of law, and without violating any of their obligations as private
citizens. He has divested the physical force of the country of
its terrors and its lawlessness, and has made it conducive to ends
of the highest public benefit."
The poet Campbell followed with a glowing compliment to
" that patriotic individual Mr. Attwood, who has pre-eminently,
even among eminent patriots, distinguished himself on the
present occasion in the cause of Reform."
"Twenty-five years ago," wrote the Birmingham Journal
in 1856, "there was no more popular man in the British Empire
than Thomas Attwood. As the creator of that public opinion
which is now omnipotent he was a poweir in the Sta.te.. The
leader of the most formidable confederacy, that the kingdom
ever saw, with no weapons but the will of the people, he used
that power with wisdom, temperance, and firmness, and brought
the nation safely through a crisis as perilous as that which was

vi INTRODUCTION.
consummated at Runnymede or Edge Hill, at the death of
Cromwell, or the flight of the second James,"
Elihu Burritt, in his Walks in the Black Country, page 17,
says :
" Very few thoughtful men of the nation can now doubt that
the storm would have burst upon the country with all the
desolation of civil war, if Thomas Attwood and the men of
Birmingham had not drawn the lightning out of the impending
tempest by the rod of moral force, which was grasped and
wielded by his steady hand."
Attwood himself, in a letter dated November 15th, 1838, says :
" I have lived to see some changes. I began the war against
the East India Monopoly, I saw its downfall. I began the
war against the American Orders in Council. I saw their aboli
tion. I began the late war against the Boroughmongering
Parliament. I saw its Reform''
The public services of Thomas Attwood having been of the
stupendous character briefly indicated by the foregoing extracts,
it must appear strange to every one that not only should no
memoir or biographical notice of him have ever appeared, but
that the historians of the period should have assumed that he
took but an insignificant part in the passing of the great Reform
Bill. The distinct and decided testimony of the historian of
Greece is, however, quite sufficient to settle this point definitely.-
The people have treated the memory of Attwood with their
customary forgetfulness, and the proverbial ingratitude of the
populace has been equalled by the negligence, carelessness, or
jealousy of historians. The sons and grandsons of the very
men who bawled themselves hoarse in his honour have almost
forgotten his name, whilst Alison, Martineau, and Molesworth
scarcely give him credit for any important actions whatever in
their respective histories.
Historians appear to have proceeded upon the principle that
only those persons who have inherited ancestral estates, or those
who have received titles, honours, and rewards from the Govern
ment, are worthy of commemoration in their pages, but should a
man have been foolish enough to serve his country for nothing.

INTRODUCTION. vii
they seem to have thought him unworthy of notice. That Tory
historians should have written under such an impression is not,
perhaps, surprising, but nobler and juster views of historic truth
might have been expected from those who profess the Liberal
creed. Amongst all the historians to whom I have alluded, the
conduct of Mr. Molesworth is the most extraordinary, for that
gentleman informs us that he writes under the patronage of
the Right Honourable John Bright, and that eminent politician
himself states, in an extract prefixed to Mr, Molesworth's work,
that he believes the book to be "honestly" written. Mr. Bright
has represented Birmingham for twenty-five years, and must
surely know something of the deeds of his great predecessor,
and how he can state that he believes a book to be " honestly "
written which professes to give the history of the Reform Bill, and
yet scarcely mentions the name of Attwood, is indeed a mystery.
Of course, all this ingratitude is of no consequence whatever,
so far as Thomas Attwood himself is concerned. He has gone
from the scene of his labours, and posthumous fame was the very
last thing he troubled himself about. He who despised rank,
wealth, and honours during life might easily enough have
acquired fame after death, had he cared for it. But it has
appeared to me to be a sad pity that his own relatives should
possess absolutely no record of his extraordinary life, and that,
in particular, his younger descendants should grow up in total
ignorance of the splendid public services, and especially of the
unselfish patriotism of their great, but unfortunate and ill-
requited, ancestor. For these reasons, although possessing no
literary experience whatever, and having passed my life in
avocations very different indeed from those of an author, I have
endeavoured to put together the following pages, and should
only a dozen of my relatives, or even only my own children,
appreciate the trouble and expense I have incurred in collecting
the materials for them, I shall be satisfied.
There is one painful subject to which I feel that candour and
fairness demand that an allusion should be made. Where so
much has been said of the great deeds of Thomas Attwood it

viii INTRODUCTION.
does not seem to be right to pass over in silence the fact that
at the failure of the firm of Attwood, Spooner & Company in
1865, many inhabitants of Birmingham censured the conduct
of certain members of the Attwood family, and that even the
illustrious memory of Thomas Attwood did not escape some
cruel and unjust reflections. I am told indeed, and I hope
correctly, that a juster and more grateful spirit now prevails
in Birmingham, and that the true causes of that unfortunate
disaster are now pretty generally understood. But, be that as
it may, I hold it sufficient to say here, that whatever any one
may choose to think respecting the commercial catastrophe
referred to, it can form no possible reason or excuse for con
signing to ungrateful oblivion the record of such a hfe as that
which I have endeavoured to narrate.
In compiling the following pages, I have not attempted to
write a smooth and readable biography. Even if my literary
abilities had been equal to the task, I think I should have
preferred the method I have chosen. My object has been
rather to show what Attwood himself thought, and what his
contemporaries thought of him, than what I think about him
myself I am aware that the plan adopted renders a memoir
somewhat broken and tedious, but I think that the defects are
more than counterbalanced by the advantages. There is another
reason why I have wished in many cases to preserve the ipsissima
verba of eye-witnesses, even when their diction appears awkward
at the present day. The popularity of Attwood was so extra
ordinary, and the affection with which he inspired the masses
so altogether unprecedented, that unless I produced con
temporary evidence of the fact in the very words of those who
experienced it, I should be suspected of exaggeration.
This little work has presented greater difficulties than are
at first apparent, owing to the premature deaths of the whole
generation intervening between myself and my grandfather.
My recollections of him are only those of a child, and I have
never had the advantage of consulting any one who worked with
him in his prime. It must be confessed that his letters, on the
whole, are disappointing, and it is not difficult to discover the

INTRODUCTION. ix
reason. The man was incorruptible, and the Ministers and
every one else knew it. He had the most utter abhorrence of
anything approaching to an intrigue — of anything secret or
underhand. The Whig Ministers openly courted his alliance,
and he, as openly, declined it. Henceforth there was no room
for any of that confidential intercourse which often renders the
correspondence of great men most interesting when it is most
discreditable, and hence it arises that the letters of many a
fawning courtier, of many a selfish place-hunter, are better
suited to the public taste than those of the self-denying patriot.
I have generally left the politics of Attwood to speak for
themselves, and have inserted the criticisms of his opponents
as well as the encomiums of his friends ; but I think I may
venture to make one remark. It has generally been supposed
that Liberals and Radicals alone have reason to revere the
memory of Thomas Attwood. But I think the time has
arrived when moderate men of all political parties must admit
their obligations to him for his conduct in 1832. All historians,
even those who unworthily omit the name of Attwood, agree
that if the first Reform Bill had not been passed in a peaceful,
legal, and orderly fashion, a violent revolution would have ensued,
and it is more than probable that the aristocracy and the Church
and possibly the Crown itself, would have gone to pieces in the
struggle. We cannot tell what is in store for us in the immediate
future, but it seems to me that the Church of England and the
House of Lords owe an additional lease of at least fifty years'
existence to the founder of Political Unions. Surely, then.
Conservatives as well as Liberals should admit their obligations
to his memory. With respect to his proceedings subsequent
to 1832, it is, of course, only Radicals, and extreme Radicals
too, who can be expected to approve of them, but even here men
of all parties must admire his unselfish integrity.
I shall now close my remarks upon Attwood's character with
the following brief summary. During forty years he devoted
himself with unwearied energy to the public service. He
pubHshed fifty pamphlets and more than a hundred long printed
letters upon his favourite subject of the Currency ; he ruined

X INTRODUCTION.
himself and his family by his close application to public
business ; he underwent the colossal and exhausting labour of
founding the Birmingham Political Union, and of repeatedly
addressing at length, in the open air, the largest meetings ever
assembled in England ; he represented Birmingham for seven
sessions in Parliament ; and, finally, he was admitted by the
majority of his countrymen to have saved England from revolu
tion ; and for all these unparalleled services he never received
one petiny of the public money, or any title, office, pension, decoration,
or distinction of any kind from the Government, either for himself ,
his family, or his friends.
It now only remains for me to thank Mrs, Attwood, my wife,
and other relatives and friends who have assisted me in the
compilation of this memoir, and to express a hope that they will
be interested in the perusal of it,
C, M, WAKEFIELD.
Belmont, Uxbridge,
December wth, 1884.

Since this work went to press I have discovered a few errors
which I take the opportunity to correct. Matthias and Ann
Attwood were married at Rowley Regis Church, and not at
St. Kenelm's, as stated on page 3. Matthias Attwood, M.P.,
appears never to have actually sat for Fowey. He was returned
for that borough, but soon after unseated upon a petition.
The prayer on page 74 seems to have been composed by
Thomas Attwood, not with reference to his own illness, but
to that of a relative.
I must also venture to remark that the present critical and
humiliating state of our relations with Russia aff'ords a singular
and melancholy proof of the correctness of the views held by
Thomas Attwood with respect to the unscrupulous and aggres
sive tendencies of the great northern Power. Had the solemn
and repeated warnings of the Attwoods been listened to, England
would now have nothing to fear from Russia,
May gth, 1885.

CONTENTS,

PAGE
CHAPTER I,
Birth and Parentage — Probable Descent — Description of Hawne —
Early life and education ... ,,. .., ,,, ,.. ,.. i
CHAPTER II.
Joins the firm of Attwoods & Spooner — Serves as a Volunteer —
Drills at Warwick — Early letters to Miss Carless — His marriage
— Brief account of the Carless family — The Leasowes — Letters to
1812  9
CHAPTER 111,
Thomas Attwood, High Bailiff of Birmingham — His great popularity
— The artisans offer him their thanks — Revocation of the Orders
in Council — Letter of B. Cook — Richard Pratchett — Sir Charles
Mordaunt  ,..   25
CHAPTER IV.
Great Speech of Thomas Attwood against the renewal of the East
India Charter ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 33
CHAPTER V.
Letters from London in 1813 — Mr, Attwood is presented with a silver
cup by the artisans of Birmingham — Extraordinary character of
the presentation — Letters to 181 5 — The Remedy, or Thoughts on
the present Distresses — Letter to Lord Liverpool — Mr. Brougham
presents petition drawn up by Attwood from 17,000 inhabitants of
Birmingham — Cobbett's remarks — Correspondence with Brougham
and Arthur Young ... ... .., ,..  49
CHAPTER VI.
Letters during 1818 and 1819 — Mr. Peel's Bill for the resumption of
cash payments — Matthias Attwood calls meeting to oppose it and
is supported by Sir Robert Peel — Correspondence with Lord
Liverpool and Sir John Sinclair — Matthias Attwood returned for
Callington — Letters during 1820 ...  ,,. ,.. 66

CONTENTS.

PAGE

CHAPTER VII.
Charles Attwood's letter on the subject of Queen Caroline — Evidence
of Thomas Attwood before Agricultural Committee — Death of
Miss Sarah Carless — Harborne Sunday School — Letter from
Brougham — Thos, Attwood visits France — Letter from Wilberforce
—Debate on the Currency between Huskisson and M. Attwood
— Their speeches highly praised by Alison — Death of Richard
Pratchett— Letters to end of 1824— Poem by Thomas Attwood ... 79
CHAPTER VIII.
Correspondence during 1825— The Great Panic — Important services
rendered by Attwood — Ingratitude of the Government — Com
mencement of the great case of Small v. Attwood — Letters
during 1826 — Visit to Rouen^Letters of Peel and Liverpool —
Caricature by Cruikshank — Correspondence with Sinclair,
Finlay, and Gladstone — Death of Lord Liverpool — Letters — John
Attwood's trial — The Scotch Banker — Attwood's estimate of
Cobbett — Conduct of Matthias Attwood in Parliament  97
CHAPTER IX,
Commencement of the great period of Attwood's life — Elihu Burritt's
opinion of his services — Birmingham Currency Petition — Great
Meeting on May Sth, 1829 — Attwood's speech received with
extraordinary enthusiasm — Letter from Cobbett — Contemptuous
rejection of the Currency Petition — Attwood determines to found
"The Birmingham Political Union" — Immense sacrifices
necessary — First meeting of friends for the purpose on the 14th
December, 1829 — Cobbett's remarks — Matthias Attwood ... 119
CHAPTER X.
Establishment of the Political Union on January 25th, 1830 — Extraor
dinary success of the movement — Objects, Rules, and Duties of
the Union — Its first declaration signed by Attwood, Scholefield,
Muntz, and 33 others — Lord Blandford joins the Union — First
Meeting of the Union on May 17th — Grandeur of the spectacle
— Thomas Attwood is presented with a gold medal by the
members — Speeches of Attwood, Scholefield, Hadley, and others,
and unqualified success of the first meeting — Attwood's letters
from London — Sir Francis Burdett visits Harborne and presides
at the first Annual Meeting of the Union — Alison on the
Parliamentary proceedings of M, Attwood — Deaths of George IV
and Huskisson — Grand dinner at Birmingham on October nth,
1 830, to celebrate French Revolution — Unprecedented magnitude
of the entertainment — Town's Meeting of December 13th in sup
port of Earl Grey — Triumphant speech of Attwood — Spread of
Political Unions throughout Britain — Petition of Rights — Charles
Attwood founds the Northern Political Union  i::i

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XI,

PAGE

Influence of Attwood felt everywhere — Lord John Russell introduces
the Reform Bill — Meeting of March 7th, 1831, to support Ministers
— The King dissolves Parliament — Excitement in Birmingham —
Letters — Lord Radnor and Sir Francis Burdett — Proceedings of
Charles Attwood at Newcastle — Letter from James to Benjamin
Attwood on Russian and Polish affairs — Matthias Attwood — Earl
Grey — Extraordinary petition from the Union presented by
O'Connell — Letters of Thomas Attwood to October, 1831 ... 156
CHAPTER XII.
Progress of the Reform Bill — First grand open-air meeting of the Politi
cal Union on October 3rd, 1831 — 100,000 persons present — Extra
ordinary order, magnificence and regularity of the proceedings —
Speech of Attwood — Gratitude of Ministers — Lord John Russell's
famous letter — Letters from Lord Althorp and Sir T. G. Skipwith
— Stormy discussion in the House of Lords — Fame of Attwood
— Abandonment of organisation of the Union — Mr. Attwood's
letters — Mr. Thornton's account of meeting at Studley — Gloomy
aspect of affairs — Small v. Attwood — Matthias Attwood ... ... 172
CHAPTER XIII,
The year 1832 the most important in Attwood's life — Letter from
Lafayette — 27,000 men solemnly pledge their obedience to Att
wood — Mr. De Bosco Attwood's narrative of the crisis — Great
Meeting of May 7th — Enormous assemblage of the people — Mr,
De B. Attwood's Call of the Unions sung by 200,000 persons —
Speech of Thomas Attwood setting forth the solemnity of the
occasion — Resignation of Earl Grey — Indignation of the people —
500 men of substance join the Union — Great spontaneous meeting
of May loth — Gloomy and serious aspect of affairs — " Solemn
Declaration" against the Duke of Wellington — The Duke resigns
— Earl Grey reinstated — Excessive joy of the populace — Mr.
Parkes's letter — 10,000 men assemble at Grove House and escort
Mr. Attwood to Birmingham, where a third great meeting is held
on May i6th, amidst the most extraordinary demonstrations of
popular gratitude  189
CHAPTER XIV.
Mr. Attwood arrives in London — His interview with Earl Grey — He
declines to accept any reward for his services — His final threat of
calling together a milhon of men upon Hampstead Heath — Mag
nificent reception at the Guildhall — He is presented with the
Freedom of the City — His eloquent speech on returning thanks —
Banquet at the Mansion House — Testimony of Grote, Campbell,
and others to his vast services — Letters to his wife — Return to

xiv CONTENTS.

PAGE

Birmingham on the 28th of May— His public entry into the town
and extraordinary reception by the people— Flags, banners, and
decorations in Birmingham ... ... .,. ¦•¦ ¦•• •¦• 215
CHAPTER XV,
Passing of the Reform Bill— Attwood and the Secret Committee on
the Bank Charter — G, De B. Attwood's candidature for Walsall —
Thos, Attwood's -address to the Electors of Birmingham, June 29th,
1832 — Third annual meeting of the Political Union — Famous
Discussion between Cobbett and Attwood on the Currency —
Matthias Attwood, sen,, and East Worcester Election — Birming
ham PoHsh Association — Defeat of G. De B. Attwood at Walsall
— Attwood and Scholefield are returned without opposition as the
first members for Birmingham — The Chairing on December 17th
— Lord Lyndhurst's decree in Small v. Attwood — M, Attwood
returned for Whitehaven and Chas, Attwood defeated at Newcastle-
on-Tyne — Letters of Campbell and Lafayette ,.. ,.. ... 243
CHAPTER XVI,
Parliamentary failure of Thomas Attwood — His Irish Policy — His
motion for a Select Committee to inquire into distress of the
country — Letters of Campbell, Niemcewicz, Plater, Western,
Lafayette, Dwernicky, and Barrot — Death of Rev, Edward Carless
— Letters — Great Meeting of May 20th, 1833 — Cobbett's motion
against Peel — Charles Attwood and Lord Durham — Cobbett's
account  260
CHAPTER XVII.
Last letters from Lafayette — Grand dinner to Attwood and Scholefield
on September 15th, 1834— Attwood's speech— Death of Mrs. Ann
Attwood — Letters — Address to Electors — Election of 1835 —
Attwood and Scholefield returned by immense majorities — Last
letter from Cobbett — Correspondence to close of 1835  276
CHAPTER XVIII,
Address and Petition drawn up by the PoHtical Union, January i8th,
1836— Benjamin Disraeli's letter to Thomas Attwood— Great
Reform Dinner at Birmingham, January 28th— Dinner of non-
electors, February ist— Letters— Death of Matthias Attwood,
senior

CHAPTER XIX.
Anxieties of Mr. Attwood during 1837 — He presents address to the
Princess Victoria — Second movement of the Birmingham Political
Union — Death of the King — Correspondence with Sir H. Taylor
— Proclamation of the Queen and extraordinary compliment paid
by the people to Attwood— Address to Electors— Attwood and

293

CONTENTS.

PAGE

Scholefield again returned — M. and M, W. Attwood returned for
Whitehaven and Greenwich — Letters of Thomas Attwood to the
close of 1837  301
CHAPTER XX.
Attwood and the Chartists — Visit to Scotland and grand reception
at Glasgow — Great Meeting at HoUoway Head, August 6th, 1838
— Death of Mrs, Mary Carless — Her exemplary life — Small v.
Attwood — Decision of the Lords in John Attwood's favour —
Letters for the year 1838   ... 326
CHAPTER XXI,
Return of Mr. Attwood to Birmingham — Address of the Female
Political Union — Discord in the Political Union — He presents
the great National Petition, June 14th, 1839 — He is heard at length
in support of it, contrary to the rules of the House — His motion
rejected, July 12th — Lord Palmerston and Russia — Mr, Attwood's
address announcing his resignation — His private letters during
1839 — Letters from Lords Melbourne and Western ... ... 341
CHAPTER XXII.
Mr. Attwood's resignation — Proposed monument in his honour —
Death of Mrs. Attwood — Birmingham Loyal and Constitutional
Association — Mr. Attwood returns from Jersey and proposes
Mr. Scholefield at the election of 1841 — Correspondence with
Sir Robert Peel ...  371
CHAPTER XXIII.
Recollections of Thomas Attwood — Grove House, Harborne — 16,000
inhabitants of Birmingham implore him to return to public life,
September 29th, 1843 — His reply — The "National Union" — Its
failure — Letter to Sir Robert Peel — Letters from Lord Palmerston
— Letters to the Times and Morning Post ... ... ... ... 38 1
CHAPTER XXIV.
First appearance of Mr. Attwood's fatal illness — His second marriage,
June 30th, 1845 — Visit to Germany — He leaves Harborne — Resi
dence at Scarborough — Removes to York and Harrogate —
Residence at Handsworth — Last appearance in public at the
election of 1847 — Removes to Allesley — Deaths of Peel, Welling
ton, and Matthias Attwood, junior — Deaths of George and G.
De B. Attwood — Thomas Attwood removes to Ellerslie, Great
Malvern, and dies there, March 6th, 1856 — The Birmingliam
/(7«r«a/ on his death — Mrs, Attwood's lines

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XXV.

PAGE

A Tory account of Attwood's political career — Meeting at the Town
Hall, Birmingham, to honour his memory — Testimonies of Messrs.
Muntz, Spooner, Edmonds, Dawson, Hill, and others to his great
services — The Committee determine to erect a statue in his
honour — Inauguration of the Attwood statue — Conclusion ... 415

LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.

CHAPTER I.

Birth and Parentage — Probable Descent — Description of Hawne— Early
Life and Education,
Thomas Attwood was bom at Hawne House, in the parish
of Halesowen and the county of Salop, on the 6th October,
1783. He was the third son of Matthias Attwood, and his
mother was Ann Adams, of Cakemore, in the same parish.
The name of Attwood is of great antiquity in the county of
Worcester, but none of the Attwoods at present existing are
able to prove their descent from the ancient family of the same
name, although the Attwoods of Hawne have always had a
tradition that they were so descended, and many facts concur
to render it almost certain. I do not propose to swell the
present memoir with any account of these elder Attwoods,
more especially as the subject of it stands in no need of illus
trious ancestry, merely observing that the first of the name
was Laurentius de Bosco, who resided at Trimpley at a very
early period, as by a deed without date appears, and that his
descendants lived for several centuries at Trimpley, Wolverley
Court, and Perdeswell, and that they bore for their arms : Gules
— a lion rampant double-queue6, argent.
George (son of George and grandson of George, all of
Rowley Regis, in the county of Stafford), the grandfather of
Thomas Attwood, who married Rachael Maria Gaunt of Rowley
Regis, appears to have purchased the estate of Hawne about
the middle of the last century, and his son Matthias removed
thither to reside with him about 1778. Concerning the maternal
ancestry of Thomas Attwood but little need be said. The
B

2 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
Adamses were simple yeomen, and amongst the last in the
neighbourhood of that admirable class. They had been tenants
of the Lytteltons from time immemorial, and shortly after the
building of Hagley Hall purchased their small property from
the first lord of that name. Although the farm of Cakemore
never contained, I believe, more than fifty acres, its owners
contrived to live upon it not only with comfort and hospitality,
but to acquire a high reputation in the parish for charity and
benevolence — a state of affairs which appears incomprehensible
at the present time.
Matthias, the father of Thomas Attwood, was a man of
considerable ability and much force of character. He was
generally reputed to be a hard and stern man, but was capable
of inspiring much affection in many of his dependents, as some
touching anecdotes preserved by his son Charles show. He was
a steel manufacturer, and also engaged in the nail trade and
other industries. In 1791, in conjunction with Isaac Spooner,
he established the well-known firm of Attwoods, Spooner & Co.,
which subsisted in high reputation until the sad failure of 1865.
He was the owner of Hawne, The Leasowes, and various other
considerable estates, and a deputy-lieutenant or magistrate for
the counties of Salop, Staff'ord, Worcester, and Warwick, but
took no part in politics, though he appears to have been a
decided Conservative.
Matthias and Ann Attwood had the following children : —
Mary, born April 17th, 1776. Died February 14th, 1777.
George, the banker of Birmingham. Born December 19th,
1777. Died May 24th, 1854.
Matthias, the banker of London, M.P. for Fowey, Callington,
Boroughbridge, and Whitehaven. Born November
24th, 1779. Died November nth, 185 1.
Mary Ann, born October 14th, 1781. Died July 30th, 1872.
Thomas, the subject of this memoir. Born October 6th,
1783, Died March 6th, 1856.
James Henry, born July 25th, 1785. Died July 14th, 1865.
Susanna, born November 6th, 1787. Died October 27th,
1819.

HAWNE HOUSE. 3
Edward, born February 22nd, 1789. Died October 19th,
1866.
, Charles, Chairman of the Northern Political Union, Founder
of the town of Tow Law, &c. Born January 25th, 1791.
Died February 24th, 1875.
, Rachael Maria, married William Mathews, Born April
26th, 1792. Died August 9th, 1881.
Benjamin, the well-known philanthropist. Born January
31st, 1794. Died November 22nd, 1874.
The parents were married at the interesting little chapel of
St. Kenelm, on Clent Hills. Omitting the two daughters, one
of whom died in infancy and the other at an early age, it will
be seen that the remaining nine children attained an aggregate
age of more than 723 years, something over an average of eighty
years each — an extraordinary instance of longevity. I have
somewhere read an account of nine children who attained an
aggregate of 738 years, but these were a family of farmers,
whilst the Attwoods were immersed throughout life in the
weightiest cares, both of business and politics.
Hawne House, the birthplace of what, in spite of all their
faults and failings, must be conceded to have been an extra
ordinary family, is a rambling, dilapidated old house situated
on a steep hill overlooking the valley of the Stour, and just a
mile from the town of Halesowen. In former times it must
have been a picturesque and desirable residence, but it has
shared the fate of many other old mansions near the Black
Country, and the gradual approach of collieries, ironworks, and
smoky chimneys has rendered it almost uninhabitable. When
I last saw it, its neglected condition for many years, and the
rapid growth of ivy and other creepers, gave it an appearance
of much greater antiquity than it really possessed. I should
think the older portion of it may be about 250 years old. A
wing was added by the Pechells about 1700, and another by
Matthias Attwood about 1790. I remember that on one of the
bedroom windows there were some interesting verses addressed
to a Miss Pechell, and dated, I think, 1704. The garden was
very old-fashioned, without glass or other modern accessories, B 2

LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
and the cherries produced by the old orchard of five acres were
celebrated for several miles round. The small estate attached
to the house contained about 150 acres, and some of the land
was very ferdle, producing heavy crops before it was spoilt
by the smoke of the Black Country. In 1872, the foriorn
appearance of the old house attracted the norice of a writer m
the Leisure Hour, who thus describes his impressions :—
" But we have spoken of the miners ; let us walk down
towards the pits. No one would think we are so near them.
A quiet country lane, with ferns, honeysuckle, and sweetbriar
nestling in the banks, and hedgerows shaded with well-grown
chestnut trees, and flanked by meadows well-wooded and
divided by high old-fashioned hedges, seems more likely to lead
us to some ancient-looking farmhouse with drowsy outbuildings
and grass-grown courtyard, whitewashed walls, diamond panes,
and heavy porch, where everything has gone quietly to sleep
under the influences of a summer's day, and the silence is
unbroken save by the soft cooing of pigeons sunning themselves
on the barn-ridge, or the creaking of a crusty old weathercock
that grumbles with every breeze. And standing a little back
from the road on our right, we see just such an old-fashioned
mansion, with its gardens, courtyards, and outbuildings. But
it stands there a mere relic of the past, a waif just as it were
above high-water mark on the shore of a busy sea, whose rising
tide of grimy pits, unsightly heaps of slag, clanking foundries,
heated furnaces, and smoky chimneys, has swept away green
fields, perfumed meadows, waving woods, and sparkling streams,
and whose busy sounds break in ceaseless echoes on the ear.
We again stand on the borders of the Black Country."
The late Mr. Charles Attwood, in a paper left by him, thus
speculates upon the origin of the name of Hawn : —
" In Sir Walter Scott's romance The Monastery is the following, note O,
on ' The Pedigree of the Stewart family ' : — ' The acute pen of Lord Hailes,
which, like the spear of Ithuriel, conjured so many shadows from Scottish
history, had dismissed among the rest those of Banquo and Fleance, the
rejection of which fables left the illustrious family of Stewart without an
ancestor beyond Walter, the son of Allan, who is alluded to in the text.
The researches of a late learned antiquary detected in this Walter the

HA WNE HO USE. 5
descendant of Allan, the son of Flaald, who obtained from William the
Conqueror the Castle of Oswestry in Shropshire, and was the father of an
illustrious line of English nobles by his first son, William, and by his second
son, Walter, the progenitor of the Royal Family of Stewart,' The above
note refers to the following passage at page 347 of the text : ' " I bend to the
honours of the house of Douglas," said Murray, somewhat ironically : " I am
conscious we of the Royal House have little right to compete with them in
dignity. What though we have worn crowns and carried sceptres for a few
generations if our genealogy moves no further back than to the humble
Alanus Dapifer."' Now, Hawn House,' as it is now called, my birthplace,
in the parish of Halesowen, in the said county of Shropshire, and for a long
time the seat of the family of the Pearsalls or Pechells — (for it is spelt both
ways) — the last Baronet of which name died a prisoner in the Fleet for debt,
but to whom Captain Pechell, M.P,, claims some relationship, and the quarter
of the said parish in which it is situated, ' Hawn quarter,' derived their names,
as I have often heard my father say, upon, I believe, the authority of his title
deeds, from one Allen or Allan, who had been formerly, at a remote period,
sole or chief proprietor of that part at least of the parish, and whose name,
pronounced broadly, was called Aln, and at last Awn or Hawn, and probably,
as it seems to me, the latter part of the name of the parish Halesowen itself
may be either derived from that of the man (Allan) or that of the man from
that of the parish of which he was entirely or in great part owner ; and that
Owen is the same as Allan or Allen (Alanus in the monkish Latin), being the
same as, or a translation of, Owen) : the more likely as Owen is in its own
British (Salopian or Welsh) pronunciation properly Auen or Awen, which is
exactly Awn or Hawn without the modern and certainly improper aspirate."
After having belonged to the Attwoods for nearly a century,
all connection between them and the estate of Hawne finally
ceased, in August, 1872, on the death of Miss Attwood, its last
occupier of the name.
I regret that very scanty memorials have been preserved
respecting the boyhood and youth of Thomas Attwood, He
was the last man in the world to write an autobiography, or
even to keep a diary. He was so incessantly occupied with
elaborating schemes for the welfare of others, that he never had
the slightest thought of perpetuating his own memory. With
the rest of his brothers he was sent, as a day scholar, to the
neighbouring Grammar School of Halesowen, about a mile
distant from his father's residence. After a few years he
was removed to that of Wolverhampton, where he finished
the slender education which was then considered necessary
for a boy intended for commercial pursuits. His eldest brother

6 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
George was intended for the Church, and sent to University
College, Oxford, but Matthias Attwood does not appear to
have had any idea of highly educating his other sons. Concern
ing the time which Thomas Attwood spent at Wolverhampton
School, I gather a few particulars from his obituary notice in
the Birmingham journal of March 8th, 1856: —
" Mr, Lawson was then the head master, of whom his pupil in after life
always spoke highly, as a man possessing by force of character great authority
over his sometimes unruly pupils without being at all severe, and as being
admirably qualified for the important position of a teacher of youth,
" For several years Thomas Attwood continued under his tuition. He was,
even at that time, a thoughtful boy. Distinguished by a high feeling of
conscientiousness and honour, he never joined in the indiscretions of garden
robbing and other similar offences in that day common at that and almost
every school. Much of this high sense of honour which was so early
implanted in the breast of the boy is no doubt due to his mother. The
character of a parent often influences very greatly that of a child, and, in this
instance, the axiom seems to have found another illustration, Mrs. Attwood
being a lady of great piety and strong common sense, who took the utmost
pains to instil into the mind of her son those strict principles of duty which
governed him through the course of a long and busy public life. This
conscientiousness gave him a high position even among his youthful com
panions, who looked up to him as monitor, as the arbiter of their disputes,
the settler of their differences, as their rule of propriety and good conduct.
He was the school authority in this respect, and his aptitude in English
composition — in which he was at the head of the school — and the kind-
hearted disposition to relieve distress, which uniformly distinguished him in
after life, and which led him to part readily with his pocket money whenever
a suffering fellow-creature was thrown in his way, although no actual appeal
might have been made to his charity, gave him a position of another but no
less elevated kind."
I can remember that he used to speak in terms of strong
reprobation of the horrible cruelties practised upon animals
by the school-boys of his day, and said that he always did his
best to oppose and check such proceedings, a fact which I can
readily believe, for, next to his unselfish devotion to mankind
nothing distinguished him so much as his aff'ection for the
brute creation. I never recollect him speaking of either
hunting or shooting save to express his pity for the victims.
To possess a deer forest, a grouse moor, or a salmon river
was the very last object of his ambition. As a boy he shot a
little, rather as a naturalist than a sportsman, but as he grew

HIS EDUCATION. 7
older he became disgusted with the sport. Such humanity
is common enough in these days ; the virtue has become
fashionable. But it was not common in Thomas Attwood's
day, and the lords and commons with whom he afterwards
associated must have considered him a strange fellow indeed
who could not appreciate their most cherished amusements.
When I reflect that in those days Birmingham and its
neighbourhood were generally supposed to be the head
quarters of bull-baiting, cock-fighting, dog-fighting, and other
cruel pastimes, I am the more astonished that a man bred up
amongst them should have possessed such a singular quality,
which was, however, shared by all his brothers.
I cannot ascertain what age Thomas Attwood was when he
left Wolverhampton School, but I should think he could not
have been more than sixteen or seventeen. He never acquired,
and indeed, under the circumstances, it was scarcely possible
that he should acquire, much classical knowledge. He could
quote Latin, however, appositely upon occasion, and he always
had a keen appreciation of the grandeur of ancient history, a
fact, no doubt, attributable to the close resemblance of antique
patriotism to his own. I remember him saying that when young
and foolish, and, no doubt, infected by the French republican
ideas which were then spreading over England, he thought
Brutus was justified in killing Caesar, but that he soon changed
his mind and regarded the deed in its true light, as an infamous'
parricide. He had a great admiration for the character of
Marcus Aurelius, and named two of his sons after him. In
after years it was the fashion of some of his political opponents
to insinuate that he was an illiterate man, simply because he
belonged to Birmingham, and had never been sent to Oxford
or Cambridge. Such a notion would, of course, be scouted
nowadays, when we have seen two bishops, both intimately
connected with Birmingham, raised to the primacy. Yet the
late M. D. Hill informs us that in his day it was considered
an audacious thing for a Birmingham man to aspire to be a
barrister !
That the idea in question was a mere vulgar prejudice

8 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
against non-University men, I can confidently assert from a
careful perusal of his letters extending over a period of forty
years. Accurate writing was not so common then as it is now,
but in point of grammar, spelling, and composition, his letters
will compare with those of Liverpool, Brougham, Peel, Althorpe,
or O'Connell, whilst his beautiful handwriting is not ap
proached by any of those famous men. I have experienced
no trouble whatever in reading the quantity of letters left by
him, though many were written in the greatest hurry, but I
have found it very difficult indeed to decipher many of those
addressed to him.
Upon leaving school, Thomas Attwood at once entered his
father's bank in New Street, Birmingham, and at the same time
took up his residence in that town, with which his name
was to be so indissolubly associated, and which he was destined
to raise to a degree of power and weight in the councils of the
kingdom which, previous to his time, its inhabitants had never
ventured to dream of

CHAPTER II.
Joins the Firm of Attwoods & Spooner — Serves as a Volunteer — Drills at
Warwick — Early Letters to Miss Carless — His Marriage — Brief Account
of the Carless Family — The Leasowes — Letters to 1812,
In commencing to narrate the adult life of Thomas Attwood I
am reluctantly compelled to pass over a space of from three to
four years without recording a single fact. I have done my best
to obtain information relating to this period, but have been
unable to procure any. I assume that he entered the bank
about 1800, and I suppose that his elder brothers George and
Matthias joined the same business some years previously,
though I have not been able to ascertain when the latter
first established himself in London. The earliest document
which I have relating to Thomas Attwood is dated February
28th, 1803, so that a considerable time remains to be accounted
for. I would not venture to assert that he was altogether free
from the follies of youth during this period, but from the early
age at which he soon afterwards appeared as one of the leading
men of Birmingham, I think he cannot have been wasting his
time. No doubt he was silently preparing himself, and com
mencing to study his favourite and intricate subject of the
Currency. At the date just mentioned he was drawn as a
militiaman, and I copy here the certificate as follows : —
Warwickshire. — This is to certify that Thomas Attwood, of Binningham,
Banker, hath been duly chosen by Ballot to serve in the Militia of the said
County ; and that on the twenty eighth Day of February instant, Richard
King, of Atherstone, Hatter, was duly inroUed to serve in the said Militia as
Substitute for the said Thomas Attwood. — Dated the twenty eighth Day of
February, 1803.
Thos, Wilmot,
Clerk of the General Meetings.
The formal rupture of the peace of Amiens took place on the
17th May, 1803, Bonaparte threatened the invasion of England

,0 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
and the whole nation flew to arms to oppose him, Birmingham
was not behind the rest of the country. A public meeting was
called by the High Bailiff, on August 8th, 1803, and ^4,600 was
subscribed for the purpose of equipping volunteers. To this
sum, Spooner & Attwoods contributed ^^315, and Isaac Spooner
£ IDS. On this occasion Thomas Attwood, then not twenty years
old, made his first appearance in public life, and was gazetted a
captain in the Third Battalion of Loyal Birmingham Volunteer
Infantry. Mrs. Attwood has the sword which he then wore,
and Mrs. H. Freeman the pistols and accoutrements. His
commission, which is on parchment, and sealed with a good
impression of Lord Warwick's arms, is n©w in the possession of
Mrs. Attwood, of the Boynes, and runs as follows : —
By the Right Honourable George Earl Brooke and Earl of Warwick
To Thomas Attwood, Esquire.
By Virtue of the power and authority to me given by a Warrant from His
Majesty under His Royal Signet and Sign Manual, bearing date the twenty
second day of May 1804, 1 the said George Earl Brooke and Earl of Warwick
do, in His Majesty's name, by these presents, constitute appoint and commis
sion you the said Thomas Attwood to be Captain of a Company of the third
Battalion of the Regiment of Loyal Birmingham Volunteer Infantry, but not
to take Rank in the Army except during the time of the said Corps being
called out into actual service ; you are therefore to take the said Company
into your Care and Charge, and duly to exercise as well the Oflicers as
Soldiers thereof in Arms, and to use your best endeavours to keep them in
good Order and Discipline, who are hereby commanded in His Majesty's
name to obey you as their Captain, and you are to observe and follow such
Orders and Directions from time to time as you shall receive from His
Majesty, your Colonel or any other your superior officer, according to the
Rules and Discipline of War, in pursuance of the Trust hereby reposed in
you. Given under my Hand and Seal the ninth day of September in the
forty third year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord George the Third, by the
Grace of God, of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, King,
Defender of the faith and so forth, and in the year of our Lord one thousand
eight hundred and three. t3„« o ,,^
^ Brooke & Warwick.
This commission is endorsed by Thomas Attwood as
follows : —
Sent in my resignation to Colonel Lord Dartmouth as per the within Copy
on 8 March 1805. T. A.
With respect to the mass of his correspondence, which I have
copied chiefly from letters kindly lent to me, I am puzzled what

HIS EARL V LETTERS. 1 1
course to pursue. The most trifling minutiae will be, or ought
to be, interesting to his descendants, but others might think
such insignificant details tiresome. As, however, it is improb
able that any one beyond the circle of his immediate relatives
will care to read this memoir, I have resolved to insert the
greater part of it.
The earliest of his letters which I have seen is dated
Birmingham, September I2th, 1803, and is addressed to Mi.ss
Elizabeth Carless, of Grove House, Harborne, whom he
married in 1806, and I find by a subsequent note that this
was the very first letter he ever addressed to her. From
this time down to her death in 1840, a tolerably complete
collection of his private letters has been preserved. In this
first letter occurs the following passage, which seems to show
that, even at that age, and amidst the universal martial enthu
siasm, he had not much taste for military glory : — " This curs'd
military business incapacitates a man for all rational employ
ments, but I hope it will soon come to an end, or I am afraid
one half of the wise ones engaged in it will."
The three next letters, addressed to the same, and dated
September 20th, October 12th, and October 13th, do not con
tain any reference to matters of particular importance, and it
appears that he was ill with a fever at that time.
Birmingham, Oct. i^th, 1803,
. . . I hope you have not forgotten our intended walk to Fraukley
Beeches, and if fortunately you should be well enough, I should be very
happy to accompany you there on Wednesday, this being just the right time
of the year. To Miss Carless, at Mr. PratchetVs, High St., Birmingham.
Halesowen, Nov. c,th, 1803,
I assure you, my dear Eliza, we have been very gay at Hawn since I saw
you last. When I came home on Thursday evening I found Miss Ann Biggs
and my cousin Bessy, who with my sister Mary Ann made me some vei-y
pretty company, the pleasure of which was greatly enhanced the next
morning by the appearance of Miss Helen Male, and at 2 o'clock by the
addition of a very polite and agreeable selection of personages from Hales
owen, whose entertaining small talk and very droll disputes would (if
anything could) have made me for a moment almost forget I was absent
from my Eliza. , , At ^ past twelve the good people dispersed.

12 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
To the same address. Warwick, l^rd May, 1804.
We arrived here yesterday about 3 o'clock, after a very pleasant walk. I
have taken some pleasant lodgings with Mr. Lardner, at Mr. Hickling's,
Jury St., where you will please to direct to me in future. I am very much
afraid that your cold is worse, but hope to receive a letter at the Head
Qrs. Pray write to me as you promised and take care that they are good
long letters abounding with all kinds of information, advice, etc. Lardner
has brought with him a good collection of books. Of couse I shall make use
of them whenever I please but am apprehensive 1 shall not have much time
at liberty. To the same. {No date.)
Warwick itself is at no time much better than its jail. . . . It is in
fact a good deal like the " Deserted Village.'' Warwick, 2 June, 1804.
I have just received upon Parade your letter of yesterday, and am glad to
perceive you are in such good spirits ; with me it is, in truth, very different.
In the short time that I have been here I have seen little to amuse and much
to torment. I have heard nothing but the hideous roaring of the drum and
the long shriek of the fife, sounds which though irritating at first soon cloy
upon the ear and lose their effect. ... I have determined you shall play
upon the tambourine. I have a great partiality for that instrument, and will
take care to procure a good one. It is the most fashionable and the most
easy music, and I do entertain myself a good deal in the idea that I shall soon
see you play and hear you sing to it. Lord Warwick is not now at the
Castle nor has he been since we have been here, he has however behaved
very politely to us, given us the use of his park, where we have exercised
every day, and given orders to his gamekeepers that we should be supplied
with fish every day during our stay for our mess dinner, which orders are
very liberally attended to. I have understood that it was his intention, if
possible, to dine with us at the Castle, on the King's birthday, and to have
filled Guy's porridge pot with punch for the men, but I believe he will not be
able to leave London. Our landlord at the Warwick Arms (who once lived
with the celebrated Mrs, Leigh the camphire lady) has offered 140 gallons of
ale to the men, which they will be very glad of,
I have seen a good many sights in Warwick, some of which would have
entertained me 18 years ago. The felons in the jail distressed me very
much, God bless you, thought I, as I left their court, and show you and
your persecutors more mercy in the other world than they are willing to show
you in this. Several of them were very young, and I thought that one or two
of them were almost as miserable as I was before I was sure of my Eliza.
Warwick, gth f une, 1804.
I was very much concerned that I could not write to you yester
day, but though we had no review, we remained on the field so long that the
Post was gone before vve returned. Yesterday I had the pleasure of dining
with a Mr. Tomes together with my noble and renowned associates. He

DRILLS AT WARWICK. 13
gave us a most grand dinner, and was so free with his wine that after having
dispersed all the company except two or three old warriors, he was obliged
to give it in. I had likewise the pleasure of attending at a Ball which was
given last night by some of the officers to the nobility of the neighbourhood ;
it was a very delightful evening, and if my Eliza had been there I am sure
she would have been well pleased. Your shadow, that you have heard me
speak of, was there, and 1 had the pleasure of dancing with her. The angehc
likeness seemed to think there was something strange in my behaviour to her,
and asked Mrs. Thomason if there was not a similitude between herself and
the lady to whom 1 was engaged. There is, in truth, a very great resem
blance, at least she resembles you as far as human nature can resemble you.
Her name is " Lloyd," but no relation to the little quaker. She comes from
Highgate near London. . Warwick (no date).
. . . I dined with Lt. Aston at his father's yesterday, about 5 miles
from town, and owing to the letters being deUvered to the drum major,
who was not to be found, I did not get yours till this morning, soon
after which I was particularly pleased to receive another by Mr. Lardner.
The Astons are a very pleasant family, the two daughters at home almost
reminded me of my Eliza. . . . The house is a fine old abbey, and the
grounds about it are delightful. We took a walk after dinner and after tea,
and I could not help fancying that if you had been there, it would have been
difficult to have believed you were not the three fabled beings we have heard
so much of. . . .
Major Stratton of the Bloxham and Banbury Cavalry, who are on duty
here, gave a grand ball at Leamington last week at which I was present, and
a most miserable presence it was. The company, to the number of about
20 couple, first of all danced on the bowling green to the great entertain
ment of the natives, and afterwards adjourned to tea, &c., then danced
again, then adjourned to supper, and danced till after 4 o'clock, I left them
at 12 o'clock, immediately after supper, after having danced two dances with
a very pleasant partner, a Miss Dews, who formerly lived at Hagley. I was
very glad to get away from them, and brought Lardner and one of the little
Triangles with me (our Bird was there). We had been very nearly losing his
little brother Triangle that morning, he had unfortunately fallen into a great
tub full of grains, and if I and one of the other Triangles had not been
present, he would most certainly have been drowned. I have no doubt but
you will soon be able to play upon the Tambourine without a teacher. The
drums now beat for our grand parade in the square, where we shall fire 3
voUies in honour of his Majesty. . . .
Per favor of Mr. Francis. [No date).
. . . We have not yet given a ball to the natives, and 1 believe we
shall not give one at all. I have done all 1 could to prevent it. .Nevertheless
the good people of the town are about to give the men a grand dinner on
Friday next, and I am told something of the kind is intended to be offered to
the officers. , .

14 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
To Miss Carless, Grove House, Harborne. Birmm. Nov. 7, 1804.
. . . I shall therefore content myself and most probably you with
remarking that I shed more tears in parting with old Haden last night than
I did on Monday, albeit there was a good deal of distress visible on that day,
and the iron faces of the mutes seemed " soft as sinews of the new born
babe.'' My poor grandfather and father hung over the coffin of their wife
and mother, even my uncle James melted at the sight, but I, like old Pharaoh,
had hardened my heart, and with my brother Matthias still preserved my
composure. Here we had full time to prepare ourselves, but old Haden quite
took us by surprise, and Matthias himself turned away his head from the
trial. My uncle Aaron would accompany the funeral, but sunk down at the
sight of the coffin, and was left behind. He has been in a morbid melan
choly ever since his daughter's death and I believe cannot survive it. , . .
. . . Here would arise an interesting speculation, when so much
dormant virtue may lie hidden in a man all the days of his life ; whether
Providence in the final judgment will take into account what he would have
been had he been mingled with the world and placed in circumstances to call
forth that virtue and vice versa. But how have I gone on giving you an ac
count of the funeral, and lo ! the idea of writing to you has almost restored my
original brilliancy, so much so that I could now edit a thousand such epistles
as this, when oh hard fate ! I am forced to conclude, and have not room for
another idea. . . . Oh, but amidst these funereal distresses, I had almost
forgot to inform you of those most important personal grievances which afflict
me, unhappy man that I am. That unprincipled enemy to health, Dick Wood
(not Tomlinson), this very morning " fighted me and fighted me till wdth his
wicked fist he knocked out my precious tooth," a varied pleasure, my Eliza,
and so fare thee well, my dear friend, till to-morrow evening.
Birmingham, Nov. 10, 1804.
. . . Having accomplished one of the most perilous journies that was
ever performed by the son of man, 1 shall now, according to promise, trespass
for a few moments upon your and my time in giving you a true and correct
account thereof. But in truth my heart almost fails me at the recollection,
so many ghastly sights and miserable adventures did we meet with in our
progress. All the powers of darkness and Apollyon himself seemed com
bined against us, but at length by the blessing of providence and your uncle's
perseverance we overcame them all, and arrived at Wednesbury Iron Works,
from whence we fought our way through fire and smoak to the habitation of
Waltho, with no other injuries than my having broken one leo- in beino- over
turned by a coal cart, and your uncle's having lost his left hand (by chance)
under the iron shears at Wednesbury. Having fixed upon the proper place
for pitts and arranged everything in these parts, we ordered our chargers and
drove off full speed. We met with little opposition on the road, and soon
reached Wednesbury Church, but now we were come to the real enemy, an
enemy, in your uncle's opinion, threatening more than all our preceding
difficulties. The name of this foul fiend was " Hunger," and dreadful indeed he
did seem, for he imprisoned us for two hours in a loathsome dungeon, during

RICHARD SPOONER. 15
all which time we heard nothing but the clanking of chains and such like
hideous noises. At last by the exertions of my brother Jim we escaped, and
right well were we rejoiced, and heartily did we congratulate ourselves when
we arrived safe in Birmm. about 9 o'clock, I wish you would endeavour to find
me out a tune for the undermentioned words. It is the " Pas de Charge " of
the French, and their words seem to speak it : —
" Oh, Bonaparte, et toi, Moreau,
Noms chers k la victoire
Quel est le sublime pinceau
Que peindra tant de gloire."
As I have already noticed, Thomas Attwood resigned his
commission as captain in the Birmingham Volunteers on the
8th March, 1805, and a short note from Lord Dartmouth
accepting his resignation is preserved. I have often thought
his brief military career interesting, for it seems to have fore
shadowed his future life. It was not with material weapons
that his victories were to be gained. In laying aside his sword,
he must have little thought that he was destined to win as great
a victory as soldier ever won, and that it was to be achieved, too,
over the greatest captain of the age, without shedding a drop of
blood or causing a single tear. It was reserved for him to show,
by an extraordinary example, the superiority of moral over
physical force. In this year he appears to have visited London
for the first time — at least I can find no earlier mention of his
going there. Londoners in those days mercilessly ridiculed
provincials, so it is not surprising that the latter should
retaliate by occasional bitter remarks. In the letters of 1805,
also, I find the first mention of the well-known Richard
Spooner, with whom, as friend, partner, and political antagonist,
he was to be so intimately connected throughout life. Richard
Spooner was born at Erdington in 1783, in the same year as
Thomas Attwood, though he long survived him. He was the
ninth child of Isaac Spooner, of Elmdon Hall, and of Barbara
his wife, daughter of Sir Henry Gough, Bart, of Edgbaston
Hall, and sister of the first Lord Calthorpe. He married, in
1804, Charlotte, fourth daughter of Nathan Wetherell, D.D.,
Dean of Hereford, &c. His name will very frequently occur
in the course of this memoir. I shall now insert some extracts
from Thomas Attwood's letters for 1805.

1 6 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
To Miss Carless, at T. F. Bricknell Esgre's, Little Gate, Oxford.
London, April, 1805.
. . . I have settled the business with the India Co., about which I
principally came to town, to my satisfaction, but now I have an opportunity,
I cannot leave here until I have made myself acquainted with the London
banking business, which is very different from the Birmm., and, I think,
rather more complicated. . . . We were in Kensington Gardens yester
day, and I saw an immense crowd of ugly people. I sincerely wished you
had been there, though from the deformity of every one else, I am apprehen
sive the creatures would have mistaken you for a vision or a meteor. There
positively was not a tolerable looking woman in the whole gardens. Satan
seems equally to have taken up his abode in the hearts and appearances of
the Londoners. To the same. (No date). Grove House, Harborne.
. . . As you seem so pleased with long letters, if time allowed, I wd.
talk politics to you, a subject which I know you love and respect, and which,
in time, I have no doubt you will make a greater proficiency in than ever
your quondam favourites Pitt or Melville did. But I must not forget to beg
you will, if possible, take a few lessons on the Tambourine from that same
philosopher in the Beech Lane. Geo. Biggs has taken to the Halesowen
living, which is worth about 2 or 3 hundred a year. If I can, I mean to
come soon enough on Thursday evening to take a walk. Pray do not take
cold in the interim, and give my love to Sarah. I hope Ned is well. Write
to me if you can, and write in your own way, not after the fashion of any one
else. I had sooner you would imitate a monkey than any human being who
is alive in these vile days. If I can, I shall purchase the great man in wax
work who may be deemed an exception.
To Miss Carless, Hawn House, near Halesowen .
Birmingham, \st Augt., 1805.
... I suppose you will dine at Cakemore to-morrow, and I am very
sorry I cannot meet you there. Pray do not be negligent in walking there and
back again, or you will be very liable to take cold. I would have you take
Jim with you, in whose company alone I am quite sure that you will contract
no bad principles. ... Mr. and Mrs. R, Spooner are very anxious to see
you at Moore Green, but I wish you would consult Jim upon this before you
decide. His arguments are very ingenious. If you are perfect, says he, you
can get no good, and if you are not, you may get harm, for harm abides in
every corner of the worid, and though varnished and glossed over with a
thousand gay deceits and fashionable follies, yet it is harm, and the more
deeply it is concealed the more dangerous it is. You will have heard that
Sir Robt. Calder has had a drawn battle with the French and Spanish
fleets, which have, nevertheless, been rather worsted. I have met with a
gentleman who was intimately acquainted with Lord Edwd. Fitzgerald and
Counsellor Emmett. I find as I have told you that they were most humane

HIS MARRIAGE. 17
and liberal minded men, and almost adored by the people. Another dis
turbance is much to be apprehended in Ireland very shortly. The Mohawk
chief that I told you of some time ago, can get no attention paid to his
requests. This will probably cause a war in Canada, I know you love
politics right well, or I would not tell you these things.
{No date or place, but in 1806).
. . . I have seen old Green and if . . . should be a bankrupt, we
shall have the house at 130 guineas per annum, but this is not certain. ,
You may see that Austria is now reduced to a necessity of making war
against Russia, as are likewise Prussia and Turkey, all serving for the
aggrandisement of France, Bonaparte tells his people in his expos^ that
he has done nothing yet in comparison of what he has to do, intimating, no
doubt, as I have often told you, the conquest of the whole world. This will
most assuredly take place, and the great labour will be, not in conquering it,
but in organising and uniting in peace and amity its jarring interests.
Birmingham, 21 April, 1806,
Having occasion to transact some business at Hawn, I shall not be able
to come to Harborne before to-morrow evening, when I will certainly come.
I do not much mind whether we are married with a special license or not,
everything shall be done in the manner most agreeable to yourself. . , ,
I wish I could walk with you round the reservoir this evening, but, as I
cannot, 1 hope you will have made Sarah my substitute. Sarah is become
of late so strong in mind and body, that if you do not take care, there is
reason to believe she will soon overtake you. She is grown very subtle too.
In argument, I would sooner encounter the serpent of Eve than her little
tongue. I should be sorry to see her tumble into foolish hands, for there is
somehow such a natural hostility between wisdom and folly (which the latter
is enabled to support by superiority of numbers) as would assuredly lead her
to suicide, false doctrine or some other deadly sin. , . .
Thomas Attwood married Elizabeth Carless, at Harborne
Church, the ceremony being performed by the Rev. Edward
Carless, his wife's brother, on the 12th of May, 1806. It may be
of interest to her descendants to subjoin here a short account of
her family, of which some particulars have been preserved by
the Rev. Mark Noble, F.S.A. The Carlesses were of Birming
ham, where they had held a respectable position for a consider
able period, but without claim to any great antiquity. The first
of the line who can be traced with certainty is Richard Carless,
who was buried at St. Martin's, Birmingham, on the iSth March,
1669-70. There has always been a tradition in the family, un
supported by any direct proof, that this Richard was a brother
of the famous Colonel William Carless, the hero of Worcester c

i8 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
and Boscobel, and they have always used the remarkable arms
granted to him on 2ist May, 1658, and which were: Or, on
a mount in base, vert, an oak tree proper, over all on a fesse,
gules, three regal crowns of the field. Crest : A sword, argent,
hilt and pomel or, and a sceptre of the last in saltire, enfiled
with an oaken civic crown, vert. Motto : " Subditus fidelis
Regis et Regni salus." A curious seal, still preserved in the
family, and said to have been given to Colonel Carless by
Charles II, is the only corroboration of this relationship.
The eldest son of Richard was Samuel Carless, constable of
Birmingham in 1686, who retired to Wood's Green, Stafford
shire, where he acted as a magistrate. His second son, Joseph
(baptised January 24th, 1687-8), purchased Corbyn's Hall, in
the parish of Kingswinford, Staffordshire, and made it his
residence. He married Mary, daughter of Richard Knight,
the well-known ironmaster of Bringwood Forge, Herefordshire,
another daughter of whom was married to Abraham Spooner,
and by her had his sixth son, Edward, who resided at Bilston.
Edward married Elizabeth Tomkys of Nechels, and their
only surviving son, William, married (June loth, 1779) his
first cousin, Mary Pratchett of Bilston. William Carless, of
The Ravenhurst, Harborne, died on the 24th June, 1787, at
the early age of thirty-four, and left the following children : —
I. The Rev. Edward Carless, Incumbent of Wolstanton,
Staffordshire, who married Anna Maria, daughter of the Rev.
Mark Noble.— 2. Elizabeth, married to Thomas Attwood. —
3. Mary Ann, married to John Freeman, father of E. A. Free
man, the historian. — 4. Sarah, who died single.
Elizabeth Carless is admitted by all who knew her to have
been a lady of great beauty, and she possessed what was then
regarded as a considerable fortune for her station in life. At
her father's death, her mother removed to Grove House,
Harborne, where Thomas Attwood afterwards resided until
1845. The young couple took up their residence at The Larches,
Sparkbrook, where they remained for several years.
It was in this year (1806) that Matthias Attwood, the father
of Thomas, first acquired possession of The Leasowes, the famous

THE LEASOWES. 19
estate of the poet Shenstone, and a property which has probably
been as much celebrated in prose and verse as any other in
England. For a long period, although of small size and without
any costly ornament, it ranked with Hagley and Enville as one
of the show places of the neighbourhood. As so many well-
known writers, such as R. Dodsley, Hugh Miller, and Elihu
Burritt, have employed their pens in describing its beauties,
it will not be necessary for me to dwell much upon them. I
shall merely note that a full description, with a plan by
Dodsley, is to be found at the end of the second volume of
Shenstone's works, published in 1764. Whatever may have
been the merits or demerits of the Attwoods in other respects,
it cannot be claimed for them that they were desirable
custodians of The Leasowes, as the place was always neglected
during their ownership. On the other hand it must be remem
bered that they were exceedingly generous in allowing nearly
everybody to walk over the grounds, and even to fish in
the beautiful waters, a liberality which I understand has not
been imitated by their successors. The Leasowes remained in
the possession of Matthias Attwood and his descendants down
to 1865, when it was purchased by the late Mr. B. Gibbons.
I shall now continue my extracts from the letters of Thomas
Attwood. To Mrs. Attwood, Grove House, Harborne.
The bearer, William Evans, is the man whom I have hired for a servant.
1 2th June, 1806. T. ATTWOOD.
This w^s the William Evans who was so faithful and highly
valued a servant to T. Attwood for many years, who attended
him during the triumphs of 1832, and who is figured behind his
carriage in the plate of " The Gathering of the Unions." He left
before my time and kept a respectable hotel in Birmingham, but
I can well remember him coming to see his old master several
times, once at Allesley.
From a letter not dated, but evidently written in the early
part of 1807, it appears that Matthias Attwood was already
thinking of entering Parliament in that year, although he did
not obtain a seat until 1819 : — c 2

20 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
It is likely that Matthias may not be able to go to Maiden, if so I
shall come down in a few days. These things never appear in the public
papers. They are transacted before a Committee of the House of Commons
which you may see appointed in the papers of last Tuesday fortnight.
There were three candidates at Maiden. The one that was not successful
has petitioned against one of the two which were returned on the ground of
bribery, which petition has now been before the Committee, I think, fifteen
days, and will no doubt succeed. If the Committee determine that the
petitioner shall be the sitting member, then there will not be a new election
and Matthias has no chance. But if it is determined to have a new election,
then Matthias is sure to succeed. The Committee heard all the pleadings
last week and intended to have determined to-day, but are prevented by
the illness of one of their members. It will pretty certainly be determined
to-morrow or the next day, after which if there is no election I shall come to
you immediately. If there is an election I shall be detained in London eight
days until the return is made, during which time Matthias will be absent
from London. London, yd Feb., 1807.
The Maiden Committee determined last evening that Western should be
the sitting member, consequently there will be no new election there at
present. The electors will probably petition against Western, in which case
Matthias is sure to come in. No date (? 1807).
I am under the necessity of going to Hawn immediately to consult
with my father about the Worcester Bank and the dissolution of Parliament
which took place yesterday. John Richards from Stourbridge dines at
Hawn to-day who wishes to be a partner in the Bank at Worcester, and I
wish to get to Hawn before he goes this evening or would have sent for
you to go with me. I shall certainly return to you to-morrow, and if we
should determine to offer ourselves for Stafford or elsewhere I will take
care that George shall take you over to Hawn in fhe gig to-morrow.
Thomas Attwood's eldest son, George de Bosco, was born at
The Larches on March 15th, 1808, and privately baptised by
the Rev. J. Darwall, Minister of Deritend and Bordesley, on the
following day.
I have no letters for 1808, 1809, ^iid 18 10.
His second son, Thomas Aurelius, was born at The Larches
on the 4th March, 1810, and privately baptised by the clergyman
just mentioned on the nth. The Larches, Sunday morning (? 18 11).
I am glad that my little son Bosco is well. Tell him that I have cut
a canal for him and that he may sail boats upon it when he returns. I
have also made the pool hold water for him to keep a great monster pike in.

ELECTED HIGH BAILIFF. 21
To Mrs. Thomas Attwood, The Leasowes, Birmingham.
There is so much mobbing and rioting going on here that I do not
think it proper that I should be absent from Birmingham until it has
subsided. The soldiers from the barracks are just now gone to Edgbaston,
where the rogues, I am told, are plundering Wheeley and others, and
there is no knowing what a parcel of hungry Burdettites may take into
their heads. , . .
Thomas Attwood appears to have removed from The Larches
to The Crescent, Birmingham, in 18 11. I believe that some years
afterwards he pulled this house down and erected the one No. 1 1,
which on his death was sold to my wife's uncle, Mr. G. R. CoUis,
and occupied by him for many years. Mr. Edwards, writing in
1879, says:
" The Crescent at that time was not the woe-begone place it has since
become. It was planned on the model of the famous Crescent at Bath,
but the plan was never fully carried out. It then was completely outside
the town : indeed I have frequently heard the late Mr. Thomas Upfill, who
had bought a house there for his own occupation, say that his wife objected
to go there to live because it was so far in the country,"
I remember hearing Thomas Attwood frequently speak of the
extraordinary comet which apparently covered half the heavens
in this year, but do not know when it first became visible.
I have now reached the period when my grandfather
suddenly appeared as the foremost man in Birmingham, but
owing to a paucity of material I am unable to explain how
he acquired such great popularity in so short a time. It
was, I suppose, in the October of this year (1811) that he, then
only twenty-eight years of age, was elected High Bailiff of
Birmingham, and he was, I imagine, the youngest chief officer
the town has ever had, either before or since, although I believe
the present Right Hon. J. Chamberlain was Mayor at a very
early age.
The next year, 18 12, was an exceedingly busy and important
one. Thomas Attwood threw himself into public matters with the
greatest possible spirit, and the objects which chiefly engaged
his attention were the revocation of the Orders in Council and
the termination of the monopoly of the East India Company.
Dr. Langford says :

22 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
" On March 4th a meeting was held ' to take into consideration the
present state of the manufactures and commerce of the United Kingdom,
and the propriety of petitioning both Houses of Parliament to discontinue
such parts of the East Indian Charter as exclude British merchants from
trading to the East,' Thomas Attwood, Esq., the High Bailiff; opened the
business with a long and interesting speech, of which a more than ordinarily
full report is given ; and the meeting resolved that ' the commercial mono
poly of the East India Company must be abolished.' "
I regret that I have no report of the speech here alluded to,
which seems to have been his first celebrated one.
In the spring of this year he headed a deputation of mer
chants and manufacturers who went to London to endeavour to
obtain the repeal of the Orders in Council which had suspended
British trade with the United States. Mr. Edwards says :
" He was examined by a Committee of the House, and in the course of
his examination, which extended over several days, he so clearly and forcibly
demonstrated the impolicy of the measures, as to be mainly instrumental in
obtaining their repeal. His efforts, however, although successful, were too
late to prevent a collision ; the declaration of war and the notice that the
obnoxious orders were withdrawn crossing each other in mid-ocean."
I now give a few extracts from his letters to my grandmother,
which allude to his proceedings in London.
Bedford Coffee House, 4th April, 1812.
We arrived here last night about 5 o'clock and have been very busy
to-day in consulting with Lord Valentia and others. Birmingham, Monday.
I am sorry to say that I cannot come over to Leamington unless Sarah
should be very ill indeed, because I am necessitously concerned every mo
ment of the day, and almost of the night, in the agitation of measures of
momentous consequence, not only to the country but to myself and my
family, I never did, I never will, undertake anything in which I will not
succeed, but in addition to my exertions in the East India question, I am
now called upon to conduct proceedings relative to the Orders in Council,
I will assist my townsmen with my advice in the drawing up of their
petitions, etc, but I will not have any concern in the conduct of their
future proceedings, Bedford Coffee House, loth April, 181 2,
We seem to be going on very well, but we have a great deal of work
to do, and it must be done if we are to succeed.
Bedford Coffee House, ijth April, 1812.
I am sorry to inform you that of all the members I have yet seen,
there is but one that can be called " decent," and that is Huskisson

LETTERS. 23
Bedford Coffee House, \\th April, 181 2.
With regard to your coming to Barming when I come again to London,
I will think of it, and will endeavour to accommodate you. I do not know
why you should be so anxious to know who is the chairman at our grand
meetings unless it is that you expect me to be the chairman. There were
however persons much higher in rank and office than myself to whom I
very properly yielded, but in return they have done me the honour to
make me chairman of their committee of deputies appointed to conduct
the negociation with Government, which committee concentrating the
intellect and knowledge of the whole body of deputies is I assure you by
no means a committee that can be easily rivalled. The Lord Provost of
Glasgow is the chairman of our grand meetings as you call them. The
committee are to have an interview with Mr. Perceval to-morrow, when
I doubt not that if he will leave the business to be settled by argument
we shall easily substantiate all that we want, viz,, an unshackled trade to
India and China. In the event of our not being able to convert the Ministers,
Mr. Canning and Mr. Huskisson will be our leaders in the House of
Commons, and we shall have a very hard contest, but shall, I expect,
succeed. To Mrs. Thos. Attwood, The Leasowes.
Bedford Coffee House, 24 April, 18 12.
Mr. Perceval has promised to bring forward his resolutions about
the India trade in the beginning of the next week. It is then likely that
I shall be at liberty to come down for a week or two, which 1 shall be very
happy to do, but I shall write to you a few days before I leave London,
We are going on very well, and I expect shall succeed to the extent of our
wishes or nearly so, . . .
I called the other day to see Mr. West's celebrated picture and found it
equal to my expectations. There is the picture of a sick child, about as
old as Tommy in June last, that would deeply affect any man who ever
had a sick child. I had rather perish than ever see Tommy again in a
similar situation. London, 28 April, 1812,
I am very sorry to hear my celebrated speech censured by such
competent authorities. I had no idea of its ever making quite so much
noise in the world, but when I came to London I found it had been in
the hands of all the members of the Government, and, as far as I could
judge, had reached and affected every political or commercial man in the
kingdom. I know Dr. Parr is not a great favourite of yours, but he is
such an enthusiastic admirer of me and my speechifying that I think your
feelings towards him will be ameliorated. He told Rd. Spooner at the
Duke of Norfolk's the other day, speaking of me : — " His name has never
been out of my heart, or off" my tongue since I read his speech," and
bestowed upon me such a host of compliments and praises as would make
me as proud as the prettyest of my beauties, were I not proof against all
such stuff".

24 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
London 30 April, 1 812.
The business of the Orders in Council is now taken up by the House
of Commons so warmly that I expect Ministers will find it necessary to
postpone the India question until the next session, and in that case I
shall be able to leave London in a few days. Upon the former subject
I was examined last night by the House for two or three hours, and
other witnesses will be examined every night, I suppose, for a month or
two. Such a set of feeble mortals as the members of both Houses are,
I did never expect to meet with in this world. The best among them
are scarce equal to the worst in Birmingham. In the India question we
seem to have gained everything but the China trade, and I have no doubt
we shall get that in the end. At any rate we shall never cease our exertions
until we do get it, I have been very well ever since I came to London
and am so now. London 2 May, 1812.
It appears that the Ministry have at length determined to side with us
against the India Co., and are now settling with them, for the Company
to possess a monopoly of the article of Tea only, leaving everything else
open to the country. The Ministry have also determined to put off" the
India Bill till next session, on account of the Orders in Council, so that I
should set off" home toruight, but that I have received a summons to attend
the House of Lords on Tuesday evening about the Orders in Council. I
shall, however, leave London on the Wednesday and reach Birmingham
on the Thursday next week, so that I shall be glad if you can come to the
Crescent by that day, that is to say if Bosco is well enough. {No date).
I shall have a young owl come from the Leasowes in a day or two which
must be sent to the children.
From a letter addressed by Thomas Attwood to the Times on
February 5th, 1844, I take the following: —
In the year 181 2 I had the honour of several interviews with the
late Marquis Wellesley in promoting the abolition of the East India Com
mercial monopoly. Upon one occasion our discourse turned from Indian
affairs to those of Spain and Russia, then pressing with extreme anxiety
on the public mind. The Marquis then addressed me in the following
words, which I have often had occasion to remember and repeat :— " I saved
India, Sir, and my brother will save Spain, if the Ministers will let him ;
but if they give him a deficient commissariat, and starve him with a
miserable economy, he will lose his armies as Burgoyne and CornwaUis
did."

CHAPTER III.
Thomas Attwood, High BaiUff"of Birmingham — His Great Popularity — The
Artisans off"er him their Thanks — Revocation of the Orders in Council —
Letter of B. Cook — Richard Pratchett — Sir Charles Mordaunt,
The small number of private letters preserved by Mrs. Attwood
do not enable us to form a very clear idea of the important
events of this remarkable year, and I am sorry that the few
public documents which I have been able to procure do not
afford much information to supply the deficiency. No doubt,
the evidence of Thomas Attwood before the Committees of both
Houses must be in existence somewhere, and the few Birmingham
papers for 1812 must contain some valuable facts, but circum
stances prevent me from searching the public libraries of that
town, and I have hitherto failed to procure the papers elsewhere.
This is the more to be regretted as it is evident that the year
1812 was, next to 1831 and 1832, the most interesting in my
grandfather's life. In it his talent, his eloquence, his handsome
appearance, the bold confidence with which he advocated his
opinions, and, above all, the noble unselfishness which made him
regard the wrongs of others as his own, seem to have carried by
storm the hearts of all, and to have raised him at a bound to a
position which few men acquire without a lifetime of painful
labour. In 1812 he must have given promise of attaining still
greater eminence than it was his lot to acquire twenty years
later. I shall now give a few extracts from Langford's Century
of Birmingham Life, premising that that work, valuable and
painstaking as it undoubtedly is, does but scant justice to
Thomas Attwood. The author appears to have relied almost
exclusively for his information upon the carefully preserved
files of Aris's Birmingham Gazette. This paper is the oldest
in Birmingham, but it has always been a Conservative organ.

26 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
and almost entirely devoted to advertisements. Hence its
reports of Liberal political triumphs have invariably been
meagre and grudging in the extreme. It is true that Thomas
Attwood at this time ranked amongst the moderate Liberals,
but the boldness and liberality of his views must have been very
displeasing to Tories of the old school.
"Revocation of the Orders in Council.
In 1807 was issued the Order in Council prohibiting all trade between
England and the parts occupied by the French, In 1809 further orders were
issued which placed still greater restrictions on trade. The early part of
18 12 was marked by great disturbances in the manufacturing districts. Mills
were burnt, machinery was destroyed, and many murders committed. The
merchants and manufacturers agitated for the repeal of the fatal Orders in
Council. Meetings were held in Birmingham, and very decided resolutions
were passed on the subject. The agitation was so far successful that in June
the orders were revoked, so far as the U.S. of America were concerned.
The next extract to our mind records a most important event. It is the
first instance we have of the artisans taking any part in public life — unless
we look upon their doings at the riots of 1791 as having a prior claim. This
first appearance in public life is honourable to their sense of right, and is an
instance of the gratitude which working men have always manifested towards
those who have rendered them a service. This report is also noticeable as
being the first which we have met containing the name of George Edmonds.
It was published in the paper of June 22 : —
" 'At a numerous and respectable Meeting of the Artizans of Birmingham,
held pursuant to public advertisement, at the Shakespear Tavern, in this
town, this 17th day of June, 1812, "to consider the best Means of expressing
their gratitude to those Gentlemen of Birmingham who have so laudably
exerted themselves to restore the suspended Trade, and also to those who
have so benevolently subscribed to the relief of the Poor of this Town ;"
Mr. John Steer in the chair :
Resolved unanimously, — That they who endeavour to promote the Com
mercial Prosperity of the Country, upon which its Welfare and Happiness so
materially depend, deserve the lasting gratitude of the People.
Resolved unanimously,— That we have seen with great satisfaction the
laudable exertions of our principal Merchants and Manufacturers to call the
attention of Parliament to the present deplorable state of Trade, and the
consequent distresses of the labouring Mechanics.
Resolved unanimously, — That being deeply impressed with a sense of our
obligations to those our fellow townsmen, we beg them to accept of our
most cordial and heartfelt Thanks.
Resolved unanimously,— That in particular we would off"er our unfeigned
thanks to Thomas Attwood, Esq,, High Bailiff" of Birmingham, for his
invaluable services in this cause ; services which it were needless to

ORDERS IN COUNCIL. 27
recapitulate, as they are without doubt engraven on the Memory of every
Mechanic of the town.
Resolved unanimously, — That, as farther expression of our gratitude to
Thomas Attwood, Esq., High Bailiff, a subscription be immediately entered
into to defray the expence of a Piece of Plate, with a suitable Inscription, to
be presented unto him ; and as we consider it desirable to have numerous
rather than large subscriptions, that no person be allowed to give more than
sixpence. Resolved unanimously, — That the thanks of this Meeting be given to
Thomas Phipson, Esq., Low Bailiff", for his hearty co-operation with his
worthy colleague.
Resolved unanimously, — That the especial thanks of this Meeting be
given to Richard Spooner, Esq., for the Firmness and Eloquence which he
has displayed on various public occasions when the Interests of the
Mechanics have been concerned.
Resolved unanimously, — That we should consider ourselves wanting in
gratitude did we not embrace the opportunity of expressing our acknowledg
ments for the very liberal contributions made by the wealthy Inhabitants of
this Town for the Relief of the Poor ; and we request them to accept our
thanks for their beneficence.
Resolved unanimously, — That the following persons be appointed a
Committee to carry the above Resolutions into effect, with power to add
to their number as they may think proper : —
John Steer, William Jennings, Thomas Taylor,
Joseph Wood, James Connard, William Latham,
James Boyce, Samuel Thorpe, William Bailey,
John Lane, Joseph Bower, William Dent,
Charles Kelk, William Wight, Jabez Aston,
John Bourne, William Cox, Edward Crowder.
John Hinks, George Edmonds,
Resolved unanimously, — That these Resolutions be advertised in such
Newspapers as the Committee may think proper. John Steer, Chairman.
Mr. Steer having left the Chair,
Resolved unanimously, — That the thanks of this Meeting be given to
Mr. John Steer, for his able and impartial conduct in the Chair.
George Edmonds.'
Here is the next appearance of our artisans in public life : —
Revocation of the Orders in Council.
July 6, 1812. — The Artizans of this town being informed that Mr. Richard
Spooner and Mr. Thomas Potts (two of the deputies sent from hence to
procure this important measure) would return from London on Wednesday,
they were determined to meet them near the town, and shew them that
respect the conduct of the Deputation merited from their townsmen.
Accordingly they assembled at the Shakespear Tavern, in New-streel,

28 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
early in the afternoon, and at four o'clock, notwithstanding the heavy rain
which fell, and continued almost without intermission during the remainder
of the day, they formed in procession, preceded by a band of music playing
the loyal national air of ' God save the King,' and paraded through the
principal streets, and reached Camp Hill, the spot where it was expected to
meet the deputation at about five o'clock. After waiting about half an hour,
the approach of the Deputies was announced, and the Committee of Artizans,
with their chairman at their head, proceeded to meet them. The carriage,
which was drawn by four horses adorned with blue ribbons, contained
Messrs. Spooner and Potts. The horses were taken off", and the carriage
drawn by the multitude, rending the air with their acclamations.
After proceeding in this manner for a few hundred yards, to that part of
the road where the Committee of Artizans and the band were endeavouring
to press through the crowd, the carriage halted, and the Chairman of the
Committee addressed the Deputation in a suitable speech. After the address
the procession was formed, and proceeded to the town in the following
order : —
Procession. — Joint bands of two regiments of the Warwickshire Local
Militia, in full uniform. Flag — 'Friends of Commerce.' The Committee
of Artizans three abreast. Flag — 'Birmingham has done its duty.'
Reverse — 'Grateful Artizans welcome the Deputation.' The Committee
as before. Flag — 'Attwood, Phipson, Spooner, Potts, and the Deputation.'
The carriage drawn by the populace.
The procession thus formed moved through the principal streets of the
town, the windows of which were thronged with inhabitants, who congratu
lated the deputies as they passed along, and arrived at the Shakespear
Tavern about eight o'clock, where the High and Low Bailiff and a number
of other gentlemen were assembled to receive them. Mr. Spooner and Mr,
Potts severally addressed the persons assembled in animate and appropriate
speeches (which we regret our limits will not allow us to insert), at the con
clusion of which the immense multitude collected on this joyful occasion
quietly and peaceably dispersed.
There was great rejoicing in the town over this victory. At a public
meeting all those noblemen and gentlemen who had assisted in procuring
the revocation of the Orders in Council were warmly thanked. Mr. Brougham
was especially singled out ' for the great Zeal, Ability, and Perseverance he
had so fully evinced by his unparalleled and successful exertions in obtaining
a Revocation of the Orders in Council, and for his truly eloquent appeal to
the House of Commons, on the i6th Inst., on Behalf of the Manufacturing
and Commercial Interests of the United Kingdom,' On August i the
triumph was celebrated by a Public Dinner."
Thus far Dr. Langford. I think it must have been upon
this occasion that my grandfather first became acquainted with
^ Lord Brougham, from whom I shall presently insert several
letters, though he does not mention him till some years later.

LETTERS. 29
I now give two letters addressed to Thomas Attwood in the
course of 18 12 : —
" Sir, Well knowing that you are a true Friend to Commerce and to all Mankind,
allow me to hand you the annexed lines, which are due to your merit, and are
the production of. Sir, Your obedt, Servt,,
\Zth fune, 181 2. Joseph Faulkner.
Lines respectfully addressed to Thomas Attwood, Esq., High Bailiff of
Birmingham.
Her course restrain'd, bid Commerce wide expand.
And British Genius waft to ev'ry land ;
Her spreading sails, at thy proud wish unfurl'd.
Extend triumphant to the Eastern world !
Relax shall labour, yet awhile to raise
Her voice to thee, in grateful peals of praise.
Thy mind enlighten'd, on the Senate broke.
And Statesmen wonder'd, while an Attwood spoke ;
Who nobly toil'd to serve the poor distress'd.
With all the patriot glowing in his breast ;
Whose tender heart, to each fine feeling true,
Mourn'd those sad scenes which it with pity drew :
That sacred spark, that with our wants began.
Alone exalts and dignifies the man !
The world survey, with philosophic eyes,
And teach the proud — no being to despise.
The various states, at Nature's pow'rful call.
Form one grand union for the good of all."
(Endorsed by T. A., "B. Cook, Summer of 1812.")
"Dear Sir,
You certainly form too low an opi?iion of that class of mechanics who
have determined to hold that meeting we talked about — that they are a race
of men who have no sentiments of gratitude — that they are a class of beings
incapable of originating sentiments that do honour to the name of man. But
that what is admirable must have been taught them, is, what I must assure
you, not their character. There are. Sir, in their natures, many of them,
germs of noblest ideas. True, they have not been favoured with the
education necessary to call forth to life and excellence those sentiments
and sensations, but yet — rude and uncouth their appearance, yet this is the
outside covering — ' Bright sparkles the diamond within ' —
That this idea originated with themselves 1 can most positively assert to be
the case. I am known to thousands of them, and I believe that no other master
in town knows anything of the subject, unless it has been since, from their
meetings it has got abroad. They did apply to me, but it was after their

30 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
determination was fixed. I might perhaps have dissuaded them from it at the
outset, because I do think I possess as much influence as many do over them,
but should I have done right to have done so } — No. I was glad to see a spirit
of that nature — for the whole mass, thousands, as if they had been touched
with the spear of Ithuriel, started up — to men — altho' groaning under
oppression — I say started up to men — and were determined to exhibit to
the world that in their bosoms dwelt gratitude, the noblest of all the passions
that warm the human heart. Could I check such a disposition ? could I use
my influence (I had none in this matter) to hinder them from showing their
gratitude to a man whom all respect, whom they were determined to show to
the world they respected, and whom I was convinced merited their respect ?
No, my dear friend ! it is impossible to hinder them meeting in some way or
other ; and I most solemnly again assert it proceeds from themselves alone,
for no master in Birmingham, even to this hour, is privy to it, except as I
before stated. There will be no resolution — that the relief was for the
mechanics — but the poor — and again, as I appear to know so much about
it, you may suppose I have been at the bottom of it all, but had I, I should
not think it a dishonour, but I will not so far sink them down in the scale of
beings as to take to myself any credit, for none is due, neither will I arrogate
to myself the power of stimulating eight to ten thousand men to do an act —
which may be blamed by the man whose pride may be hurt that he does not
partake of their feelings — but who must confess they are deserving of praise.
I am sorry I named the thing to you, for you alone are acquainted with it,
before it has in any manner become public. At all events it must now go on.
I should not like to discourage, nor would it be right to do so, a sentiment of
gratitude from servants to their masters. In haste, dear Sir,
Yours truly, B. Cook."
At the end of May, 1812, the first Royal Mail Coach set out
from Birmingham for London, " from the Swan Hotel, at four
o'clock, the bells of St. Martin's Church ringing, and thousands
of spectators assembled on the occasion, greeting it as it passed
with cheering shouts.
" About two o'clock the same day the coach, attended by eight mail guards
in full uniform, adorned with blue ribbons, paraded the streets, under the
direction of Mr. Hart, stopped at the residences of the High and Low BaiUff",
the several banks, and many of the principal inhabitants ; the procession
closed after it had remained some time at the house of Mr. Pratchett, High
Street, where, as at the other resting places, the attendants were liberally
supplied with wine, biscuits, sandwiches, &c. The carriage, horses, and
harness were in a style of splendour and excellence we had not before
witnessed, and reflect great credit upon our spirited townsman, Mr. Dunn ;
public patronage, we doubt not, will amply repay him and the other Con
tractors for the expense and risque they have incurred in this attempt to
aff"ord greater facilities to the commercial intercourse between this town and

RICHARD PRATCHETT. 31
the metropolis, both by gaining an additional hour to answer letters by return
of post, and enabling the public to insure places in the mail to London,
instead of waiting as formerly for a vacancy, the chance of which was always
very precarious."
The Mr, Richard Pratchett mentioned in the above extract
was the uncle of Mrs. Thomas Attwood, and although only a
chemist in High Street, was a man possessing great influence
in the municipal and political affairs of Birmingham. As a
town-commissioner he was indefatigable in promoting improve
ments, and we shall see that his energy in this respect was
appreciated by his fellow-townsmen. He was an ardent Tory
and high churchman, and as such exposed to the satirical wit
of the opposite party, who, says Dr. Langford, accused him
in rhymes of no very lofty character of a great partiality for
expending public money on his own part of the town. The
following squibs have been preserved referring to some building
operations of his : —
" To Pratchett, a friend of the true Church !
A friend ? Aye, he is, and a bold one ;
Why, he's stopped up a road to the New Church,
But he's opened all ways to the Old one !"
Another squib of the day was —
" Sing to the praise of Richard Pratchett,
A name so great that none can match it."
I find preserved in Mr. Aurelius Attwood's scrap book the
following extract from a newspaper which appears to have
escaped the notice of Dr. Langford : — "Birmingham, Oct. 7, 1812.
"At a most numerous and respectable meeting of the Freeholders, Mer
chants, Manufacturers, and other Inhabitants of the town of Birmingham, duly
convened by the High Bailiff", pursuant to the above requisition, and held at
the Royal Hotel in Birmingham, on Wednesday, the 7th of October, 1812 :
The High Bailiff" in the Chair ;
Resolved, dissentient only four, —
That Sir Charles Mordaunt, Bart,, by his great inattention upon various
occasions, when apphcations have been made to him as a Representative of
the County of Warwick, on subjects of great commercial importance to this
town and neighbourhood, particularly by the indifference which he mani
fested to the interests of his constituents, when he presented to the House of
Commons a Petition from Birmingham against the Orders in Council, bearing

32 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
fourteen thousand signatures, and by his non-attendance during the examina
tion of evidence, in support of the allegations contained in that petition, has
been guilty of a dereliction of his duty as a Member of Parliament, and has
rendered himself unworthy of the confidence of his constituents.
Thomas Attwood, Chairman.
The High Bailiff having retired, and Timothy Smith, Esq., being called
to the chair, —
Resolved unanimously, — ¦
That the thanks of this Meeting be given to the High Bailiff for his
unremitting attention to the best interests of the town, and for the very great
impartiality he has evinced this day in the chair.
Resolved, —
That the resolutions of this meeting be printed in such papers as the
High Bailiff shall think proper. Timothy Smith.''
Angela (my mother), elder daughter of Thomas Attwood,
was born on the I2th of November, 1812, at The Crescent, and
was privately baptized by the Rev. J. Darwall on the lOth of
December following. Upon the expiration of his year of office,
Attwood's partner, Richard Spooner, was elected to succeed him
as High Bailiff of Birmingham. The two friends who were to
be so remarkably associated together during their long and
eventful lives appear, at this time, to have worked together
amicably upon all public questions, though, curiously enough,
Attwood was then the moderate Liberal, and Spooner the
Radical.

CHAPTER IV.
Great Speech of Thomas Attwood against the Renewal of the East India
Charter.
Thomas Attwood did not long rest upon the fame he had
acquired in i8i2. His family now amounted to three, and his
domestic expenses must have been heavy and increasing. But
public duty was ever uppermost in his mind, and he commenced
the year 1813 by a determined onslaught upon that monstrous
abuse, the monopoly of the East India Company. He was ably
seconded by Richard Spooner, who, as High Bailiff, summoned a
meeting of the inhabitants of Birmingham at the Royal Hotel
on January 9th, to protest against the renewal of the East India
Charter. Here my grandfather delivered a famous speech, of
which a full report is fortunately preserved, and as it is the
earliest speech of his which I possess, and as Mr. Edwards, an
impartial authority who never knew him, calls it " a master
piece of reasoning, clear and convincing in style and crushing
in its denunciations," I propose to reprint it here at length as
follows : —
Mr. High Bailiff,
About twelve months ago I had the honour to address this assembly
from the Chair which you now fill, with so much credit to yourself, and so
much satisfaction to all your townsmen. The subjects which I had then
occasion to enlarge upon were the deplorable situation of trade, and the
necessity of abolishing the commercial monopoly of the East India Company.
Sir, I revert with agony to the melancholy picture which I was then
compelled to draw. Most happy should I be if truth had changed the scene,
but it is not so, the melancholy picture yet remains — remains with accumu
lated horrors.
Sir, I will not harrow your soul with a recital of those details, with which
my heart is full. I will merely remark, that on whatsoever side I turn my
eyes, throughout the whole commercial world, I can perceive nothing but
indigence, and indolence, and poverty and despair. If I look to the East, or
the West, or the North, or the South, I can see or hear nothing but those
D

34 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
terrible and appalling symptoms which precede the moral earthquake, and
which threaten, ere long, to burst into such vehemence of action, as may
shake the bottommost foundations of society.
Sir, 1 turn with satisfaction from these painful reflections to the exhilara
ting spectacle which the report of your Committee exhibits.
A great period is dawning in the history of commerce. Three-fifths of the
Globe, which have been shut from the beginning of time, shall be shut no
longer. Commerce, the best friend of man, the parent of all our arts, and all
our knowledge, is about to spread her vivifying influence over kingdoms, and
empires, and continents, where the foot of an English merchant never trod.
The consequences that must result from this great change are not to be
measured ; 1 will assert that its effects, moral, commercial, and political, will
be felt by the latest posterity in the remotest corner of the world.
Sir, at the town's meeting to which I have alluded, I ventured to predict
that " the public voice would be heard in a way that will never be resisted,"
My anticipations have been more than confirmed. The United Kingdom rises
as one man to vindicate its rights and interests, which have so long been
trampled on with impunity. England, Scotland, and Ireland, in this great
work, seem animated by one soul. All parties and all distinctions are levelled
here. The rich and the poor, the Pittite and the Foxite, like their great
leaders in the tomb, forget here all the jealousies and all the animosities of
their lives. All descriptions of men unite together with one heart and one
hand, and with a voice of thunder, which echoes round the land, demand the
destruction of this hateful monopoly.
In the midst of this general expression of the public mind, and of the
public determination, I cannot but regret that the City of London, outraging
every principle of public justice, and reason, and patriotism, has been induced
to come forward and petition Parliament in defence of the East India
Monopoly/.'.' Some individuals there, it seems, are apprehensive, that the destruction of
Monopoly will endanger the safety of our empire in the East, and diminish
the trade of tlie Port of London .'.' As if Mojiopoly could possibly be necessary
to Empire ! As if it could possibly be otherwise than injurious to the moral
and physical strength of all nations, and of all sovereigns ! As if the odium
and disgrace of contending with merchants in the sale of ;£5oo,ooo per
annum of merchandise, could possibly be necessary to the strength of an
empire supported by two hundred thousand bayonets, by the British Navy,
and by a permanent revenue of sixteen millions sterling per annum,
equal as it is in value, to at least sixty millions sterling per annum in
England ! ! ! To what absurdities will not the human passions stoop, when
common sense refuses its assistance.? But is the sale of ^500,000 per annum
of merchandise all the benefit we derive from our " Empire in the East V
It is. And is it for this that twenty thousand British soldiers are at this
moment rotting in the plains of Bengal, when their bayonets are so much
wanted at the foot of the Pyrenees 'i It is.
And how does the question of the port of London stand ? A man, ignorant
almost of the first principles of commerce, if he have the natural intellects of
a man, will instantly perceive, that the trade of the port of London will be far

COMMERCE MUST BE FREE. 35
greater under an open trade than it ever has been, or ever can be, under a
Monopoly. If commerce is to be beneficial, if commerce is to be extensive, it must be
unshackled. Commerce operates upon too weighty, too tender interests to
endure the least restraint ; and like the fabulous Deity of the poets,
"  At sight of legal ties.
Spreads its light wings, and in a moment flies.''
As well might you controul the sun-beams, and command them to operate
here, and to operate there. You may obstruct, but you cannot controul them.
So it is with the operations of commerce. Give commerce its natural liberty,
and it will find scope for its exertions in every corner of the world. But if
you attempt to controul it, you obstruct it, you destroy it. Better for commerce
is the curse of an enemy, than the blessing of such a protection as this.
Nature, Mr. High Bailiff", presents obstacles enough to the operations of
commerce, without our calKng in the aid of legal obstacles, a thousand times
stronger than all which nature ever made. How shall commerce, whose very
essence is liberty, endure to be confined to this port, or to that port, still less
to be subjected to the controul of a body of twenty-four individuals, who have
great ^r\A permanent interest i}i its destruction ?
Interested in its destruction they certainly are, for the Act of 1793 has
condemned and compelled the Court of Directors to seek no profits in
commerce, but to waste all its profits in PATRONAGE, Thus their own
commerce can never flourish, and is it likely that they will permit the
commerce of their rivals to flourish, when subjected to their own controul, as
it must be, if confined to the port of London? Bythe Act of 1793 the
Proprietors of East India Stock are virtJially insured in a dividend of ten
and a half per cent,, whatever may be their losses .'! ! And by the same Act
they are precluded from sharing more than ten and a half per cent., whatever
may be t'heir profis .' .' /
Thus is the genius of the Company changed. Thus are the Proprietors and
the Court of Directors banded together, in a mutual imposition upon the
public. The Proprietors are bribed to neglect the conduct of the Directors,
and of their own concerns, and the Directors are compelled to seek a reward
for their labours, not in the legitimate dividends upon their two thousand
pounds stock, but in lavishing their profits and their immense revenues
among thtir friends and dependents, and in a sacrifice of the best interests of
India and of England, Sir, 1 shall for ever lament that this Act of Parlia
ment should exist a memorial among the statutes of England. I shall for
ever lament that the public should so long have endured an Act of Parlia
ment which has cancelled the labours and cencentrated the errors of two
hundred years, which, whilst it has on the one hand deprived the people of
the natural right which they possess of trading to all countries at peace with
England, and compelled them to pay a monopoly price for East India goods,
as iki^ purchase money of their own injuries, has, on the other hand, retarded
the civilization of the Eastern world, and deprived England of all commerce,
and of all revenue, the only legitimate ends of all empire.
If ever the Court of Directors shall forget the nature of man, and the first
D 2

36 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
principles of human action, if ever they shall consent to save for the public
what they now waste for themselves, and from that saving shall be able to
repay a debt of Thirty-fiv£ Millions Sterling, and to Pay off Twelve
Millions of the National Debt ; they will then, and not till then, have
the power of encreasi7ig the dividend of ten and a half per cent., by dividing
among the proprietors One Sixth Part Only of-the surplus profits of the
Company. By the Act of 1793, the other Five Sixths of the surplus profits, after
having effected all these uneffectible objects, will then go to the public, in aid
of the Consolidated Fund.
It is thus that the Court of Directors are condemned to neglect all
commerce, which to them and to the Proprietors is, and can be, no gain, and
are compelled to waste all their immense revenues among their friends
and dependents.
Their genius is Patronage and not Gain. Profit and loss are both the
same to them. Money borrowed, is to them the very same as monty gained.
Money expended in paying off" a just debt is to them just as much money
lost as if it had been thrown into the sea ! ! !
Well may the East India Company apply to Parliament in one year for
Two Millions and a half of the public money, and in the next year for
Three Millions and a half of the pubhc money. AU the money in
England, all the wealth and the strength of England would not long be
sufficient to prop such a system as this.
Under these circumstances, can it be doubted that although justice be
done, and the trade of the East be thrown open ; can it for a moment be
expected that the trade of London will not materially encrease .¦¦
The whole exports of the East India Company to all their immense
continents and oceans amount now to only one million, six hundred thousand
per annum, rather less than is annually exported to the negroes of Jamaica.
About one-half of this sum may consist of stores for their civil and
military establishments, and that part of the exports will still be confined to
London. Nothing will be taken from London to which London has a right;
but in the vast encrease of commerce which must take place, from a change
in this dreadful system, London will necessarily be benefited in common
with the rest of the empire. London will still be the great emporium of
Indian commerce, and will still contain a large proportion of the commercial
intellect and capital, and a still larger proportion of the Eastern knowledge
of the country. These advantages will still ensure to London a full share in
all the benefits to be derived from the freedom of Eastern commerce.
In the import of Tea, probably, some diminution may be expected to take
place in London ; but that diminution will be amply counterbalanced by the
tenfold increase which must take place in the export and import of all other
articles. Why, Mr, High Baihff, but two centuries ago, in the reign of the
First James, the whole commerce of England was confined to the port of London,
hy monopolies and exclusive companies, and yet that commerce was nothing,
and London itself was htde better than a village ; but no sooner were these
odious monopolies destroyed, than the commerce of England encreased a
thousandfold, and Lojidon itself, instead of being injured by the rivalship of

CITY OF LONDON. 37
the out-ports, suddenly grew up into a mighty city, and has now evidently
derived more benefit from the Destruction of its own Monopolies
than even the out-ports themselves.
See also in your own experience, what a prodigious eff'ect the energies of
the human mind have, when operating freely and without controul. Call to
mind. Sir, that since the beginning of the late unfortunate war, England
has sustained the loss of the French, and the Dutch, and the German, and
the Spanish, and the ItaUan, and the Baltic, and the Turkish, and the
American trades ; all and each of which were very considerable, and then
constituted the whole commerce of England, and yet, the energies of the
human mind remaining, and having a free operation, new sources of trade,
external and inier?tal, have been developed, and the commerce of England,
though suffering most severely, is not totally destroyed !
What would have been our situation had the commerce of England been
confined to the port of London, and to an exclusive company ?
Certainly, we should have had no foreign commerce at all.
London itself vjomIA have been reduced to a desert.
But let these events turn out how they will, they cannot possibly affect
the bearings of this great question. Will those individuals in the City of
London, who are foremost to raise their voices against corruption and sinecure
places, and undue advantages, now stand forward in defence of a monopoly,
more unjust, more unnatural, more injurious, and more odious than all ? Will
they, when they think their own interests may be a little concerned, have the
audacity to obtrude those paltry interests as an obstacle to justice, and the
great interests of the British people ? No — this can never be. The City of
London might as well claim a monopoly of the American trade, or of the
West India trade, or of all trade, as of the East India trade. The City of
London has been beguiled by the East India Company, but the City of
London will quickly awake to a sense of justice, and honour, and true interest,
and duty.
And what interest has the East India Company had in thus influencing
the City of London ? Not an interest in the legitimate profits of commerce,
which neither their constitution, nor habits, as a commercial company, nor
the very Charter under which they exist, will permit them to obtain or enjoy ;
but a baleful interest, confined to the Court of Directors, and their immediate
friends and connexions, in all manner oi patronage, and in all manner of
waste and profusion. This baleful interest it is which foresees its own
destruction in the destruction of Monopoly, and whilst struggling almost in
the agonies of death, grasps at any, the smallest assistance which the weakest
and basest passions of humanity can give. This baleful interest well foresees,
that when the commerce of the East is opened, very soon will the revenues
of India be made available for the service of England ; very soon will a
great part of that Sixteen Millions per annum, which is now squandered
away in almost a Peace Establishment, be deposited annually in the
treasury of England. Then, indeed, will our empire in the East be of
some use to England — hitherto that empire, bought and maintained by
the fleets and armies of England, has never yet contributed one single
shilling to the finances or the commerce of England ; but, on the contrary.

38 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
has been a heavy burthen upon its finances, and a still heavier burthen upon
its commerce. Unless this system can be changed, OUR Empire IN THE East must
BE GIVEN up. The wealth and the strength of England can no longer be
lavished in defence of an interest hostile to the interest of the people.
Unless the trade of the East can be encreased TENFOLD — unless the revenues
of India can be remitted to England, as those of Mexico are transmitted to
Spain, our empire in the East must be given up. All the energies of the
British mind, all our fleets, and all our armies, must be concentrated in
Europe, for the defence of the British Isles.
But some members of the Court of Directors have said that the East
India Company does now contribute to our finances, because the people of
England pay annually to Government a duty of three millions sterling upon
teas imported by the Company !
If the absurdity of this assumption is not its own refutation, it is sufficient
to remark, that if the Americans, or any private merchants, had imported
these teas, instead of the East India Company, the duty would have amounted
to Five Millions Sterling per annum, instead of Three, and that with
out at all encreasing the price of tea ! ! In proof of this, it is only necessary
to observe, that on an average of ten years (I have the documents before me),
the American merchants, after allowing for the diff"erence of duties in the two
countries, have sold teas in the United States at eiglity five per cent, lower
than the East India Company have sold them in London; which might, of
course, have been added to the present duty of ninety-six per cent, without in
the smallest degree increasing the selling price.
It has also been said, that it is unjust and cruel to deprive the East India
Company of their monopoly, after having suffered them to possess it for two
hundred years, and after having sufifered them to build palaces, and ships like
palaces, for the purposes of their trade.
It is true they have possessed their monopoly for two hundred years,
which at first was granted only for fifteen years, and that they obtained the
early renewals of their Charter by all manner of corruption and bribery. But,
Sir, I am not able to comprehend by what possible means they can have
obtained the latter renewals.
But whilst 1 am speaking upon this part of my subject, I will take the
liberty, Mr. High Bailiff", to read a few extracts from Dr, Smollett, in order
that we may be put well upon our guard against the diabolical weapons
with which we may have to contend. Sir, in the year 1693, in the reign
of WiUiam and Mary, Dr. Smollett reports that —
[Mr, Attwood here read an extract detailing the extreme venality and
corruption of many statesmen with reference to the renewal of the East
India Company's Charter in 1693.]
Mark, Mr. High Bailiff", the conduct of the Duke of Leeds. Mark also
the conduct of those Members of the House of Commons whose tongues
became mute, and whose patriotism withered away, under the accursed in
fluence of gold. The pen of the historian has unravelled a mystery which
might have perplexed the weak heads of the poKticians of 1693.
Here, Mr. High Bailiff", is the true use of history. Let us profit by the

TRADE SHUT OUT FROM THREE FIFTHS OF THE GLOBE. 39
lessons of our fathers. Let us mark the conduct of any individual in
England who shall dare to advocate this absurd, this unjust, this odious
and ruinous monopoly.
But let these latter renewals have been obtained how they will, it can
make no difference in the present instance. It is sufficient for us to know
that their lease expires on the First Day of March, 18 14, and it is our
duty to take care that it shall not again be renewed. This argument of
ships and palaces is by no means new — it is the common argument of
lessees, from the East India Company to the lowest tenant of the poorest
cottage in England. They have all laid out vast sums of money in erections,
or repairs, or improvements of one kind or other, and they can all produce
a long string of reasoning why they should have their leases renewed.
If the landlords of England would be guided by their tenants, it would
not be long before their tenants would have a much better property in
their estates than they would have themselves, and this has been the case
with the Court of Directors. They have obtained renewals of their lease
for two hundred years, and during all that time there has not been the
shadow of advantage to any party but themselves. The reciprocity, as an
Irishman would say, has been all on one side. They have not paid any rent.
They have not carried on any trade that is worth naming — they have
scarce even paid a moderate dividend to their own proprietors ; on the
contrary, they have been a perpetual drain upon the wealth of their country,
and they are still under the necessity of applying almost every Session
to Parliament for pecuniary assistance in order to save them from their
creditors. What have we to do with their ships and palaces ? They have built
them at their own risk, and not at ours, and yet we have generously granted
them in the late Session of Parliament a sum of money more than sufficient
to purchase all the ships which they possess.
They impose enormous expences upon the nation, in defending their
provinces with British fleets and armies, and in selling their goods at a
monopoly price. They shut out their countrymen from Three-fifths
of the Globe ; and what little trade they formerly did carry on, has been
suff"ered to fall into decay, and yet under these circumstances, they have
the audacity to apply to Parliament for a renewal of their lease ! ! For
tunately, the eyes of the country are opened — they will never have their
lease renewed-^they will, in future, be relieved from all care and anxiety
respecting their monopoly — and will henceforth be at full liberty to devote
all their time, and all their immense abilities, to the improvement of their
revenues, and the amelioration of their territories.
Sir, I understand that it is yet contended, that the trade of the East
does not admit of extension, because "the experiment has already been
tried, and has failed," because by the Act of 1793 a certain quantity of
tonnage on board the ships of the Company is allowed to the private traders,
not more than one-third of which tonnage has ever been occupied. I have
heard it said, that we ought to show some argument why this tonnage
has not been occupied. Sir, I tell you, that since the Act of 1793 the
Court of Directors have formed a Committee of their number, which they

40 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
denominate their " Secret Committee for the prevention of the growth of
private trade!!" Is not this argument enough? Sir, I tell you that the
private trade is subjected to the controul of the East India Company ! ! ! Is
not this argument enough ?
Sir, I tell you that they have succeeded in creating a Host of difficulties
and obstructions, which nothing but \h.(tfiat of Omnipotence can overcome ! ! !
Why should I enter into particulars ? Sir, if you would send an agent
or go yourself to the East, you must obtain a license from the Court of
Directors, Sir, if you would ship goods to the East, you must apply to
the Court of Directors in August for the tonnage which you may want
in the March following. If you receive goods from the East these goods
must be carried in the Company's ships, deposited in the Company's ware
houses, and sold 'yast at the time that may suit the interests or caprice of
the Court of Directors ! ! ! You know yourself, Sir, an instance wherein
a private merchant was compelled to keep ^10,000 worth of East India
goods in the warehouses of the Company, full 8 months before he was
allowed to sell them ! ! — But it is ridiculous to enumerate cases of this
nature, it is sufficient to assert that the difficulties of entering into the
Eastern trade are so great that it is not possible to enter into it at all ;
and if you should happen to find yourself engaged in it, by any strange
concourse of circumstances, it is not possible that you should be able to
carry it on.
Sir, I have heard it said, that neither Mr. Pitt nor Mr. Fox, nor the
late Lord Melville, ever thought of discontinuing the East India Monopoly,
I will not suffer this argument to go unanswered. Why, Sir, an eminent
Statesman, illustrious for his character and his talents, and by no means
remarkable for the freedom of his political sentiments, assured me himself,
that the political weight of the East India Company was so great, that neither
Mr. Pitt, nor Mr. Fox, nor any Minister, however strong, could go to the
East India Company, and say, " Gentlemen, you must give up your
Monopoly,'' without almost the certainty of losing his place. Thus, Mr, High
BaiUff", we account, and pretty satisfactorily, for the opinions of Mr. Pitt and
of Mr. Fox, and of that true Scot, my Lord Melville, of whose memory I will
say no more than that x!ti\% precious Act of Parliament ought to be engraven
on his tomb, as a memento to all single-hearted Statesmen.
See here, Mr, High BaiUff", the fatal secret confirmed [Mr, Attwood here
read the following extracts, from the Globe and the Com-icr'\ : —
" It would thus appear, that the existence of the present Ministry and
the renewal of the East India Charter are incompatible. The settlement of
that Charter displaced one Ministry, and from the present temper of the
two parties it may possibly displace another."— G/ofe, January 6.
"The Ministers can have no possible interest upon this subject, but
that of the general welfare of the country ; it is impossible they should
have :— but their antagonists, we see, are already warning them of the
fate that attended Mr. Fox's Ministry, in 1783, 'Their existence,' says one
Paper, ' and the renewal of the Charter, seem to be incompatible with each
other,' Another Paper more awfully predicts, 'that the dissolution of the
East India Company could not take place without bringing with it a tiational

MINISTERS INTIMIDATED. 41
bankruptcy, and that must be followed by a military despotism! We make
these quotations to shew that attempts are likely to be made to browbeat
and intimidate the Government." — Courier, January 6.
At this very moment the East India Company are attempting to In
timidate the Ministers of the King ! As if the King's Ministers
were their Ministers ; as if England itself was their property ! No sooner
do the King's Ministers declare their intention of supporting the rights
and interests of the people, than the East India Company presents itself
before them with a dagger in one hand and a Charter in the other, and
allows to the Ministers no other alternative between the desertion of their
public duty and the loss of their places. Is this the boasted patriotism
of the Court of Directors? Is it not rather the infernal policy which they
imbibe from the slaves over whom they domineer ? Let them learn that
it is for us to threaten — Us the People, by whom they are created, in
whom they exist, and FoR whom they only live and move, and have a
being. — {Hear, hear!)
Let them learn that they are not a Sovereign Power, but merely a creature
of the British Legislature, created for limited purposes, and for a limited
period ; in short, that they are merely the Lieutenants of the King, appointed
by Act of Parliament to manage the affairs of India, as those of Ireland are
managed by his Lieutenant there.
Sir, I hold in my hands some documents which have been published,
apparently, by the Court of Directors, and circulated with considerable
assiduity. It is true, the arguments in these documents, which purport to be
" Correspondence and Proceedings in the negociation for a renewal of the
East India Company's Charter," are not calculated to have much eff"ect upon
the public mind ; but they are advanced with a degree of confidence strongly
indicative of the influence which the human passions have in perverting and
depraving the human reason.
In these Documents the Court of Directors affect to take a slight, but very
imperfect review of those clear and indubitable arguments, which require the
total abolition of their commercial usurpations. They then significantly ask,
" are these arguments of weight and value sufficient to overturn the present
long established system of the Company, and to endanger so large a portion
of the public revenue?" as if the first of these objects was a matter of any
importance at all, and as if the other could possibly be injured by the enlarge
ment of trade.
Sir, I answer that "the long estabUshed system of the Company'' is
radically wrong, and must be overturned ; and so far from injuring the
public revenue, I have already shewn by a comparison of the prices of tea in
England and America, that the Revenue might be nearly doubled by the
opening of the trade, without at all encreasing the prices at which tea is now
sold. The Court of Directors appear to bend their principal exertions against
the opening of the out-ports. They contend that smuggling will be carried
on at the out-ports, to the injury of the Revenue.
Certainly it will to a certain extent, but never to such an extent as it is,
and always must be in the port of London, where the long and narrow

42 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
navigation of the Thames, and the immense and corrupt population, furnish
numberless facilities for smuggling, which are not to be found in any other
port. But, Sir, I will answer this objection in the words of a nobleman, whose
intellect appears to me to do honour to his rank, I mean my Lord Talbot.
" Whether smuggling will be greater at the out-ports or not is no considera
tion of yours. If the present mode of collecting the Revenue at the out-ports
is not efficient, it is the duty of the Commissioners of the Customs to make it
so. The course of justice and of public interest is not to be impeded because
the Custom House may be deficient in the discharge of its duties,"
If the Directors should succeed in confining the trade to the port of
London, and to their own warehouses and management, they would certainly
succeed to a great extent in depressing and destroying the trade, and from
thence they would hereafter draw arguments to shew that " the Trade of the
East does not admit of extension." Their " secret Committee " for the pre
vention of the growth of private Trade would here have a grand opening for
the exertion of its faculties and utilities, and for the exercise of all those
jealous and malignant passions which commercial rivalship never fails to
engender when important interests are endangered.
The Directors seem to assume that it is the merchants of the out-ports
only who have petitioned against their monopoly. They contend that their
opponents are " interested persons who are desirous to transfer the present
Trade of the Company from London to the out-ports." No, Sir, it is not the
merchants of the out-ports, but the manufacturers of the United Kingdom,
who refuse to have the trade of the East confined to the Port of London, who
demand that all the commercial energies of the empire shall have a free
competition in the Eastern Seas. The collision of these energies is vital to
the prosperity of commerce. It will create a trade in the wildernesses of
South America, or New Holland, greater than monopoly can ever discover
in the populous Regions of the East, WiU the Court of Directors say that
these millions of manufacturers are interested in the desire to partake of their
present trade ? Those millions of manufacturers know that if the trade of the
East is to be confined to the Port of London it will never reach one half the
amount to which it will extend when thrown open to the out-ports, and if it is
to be confined to the warehouses, and subjected to the controul of the East
India Company, they also know that it will never reach one tenth of that
amount. The Court of Directors complain that it is the single object of the exten
sion of Commerce which is our "governing principle," Sir, I should be glad
to learn what other possible principle of public utility there can be in
preserving our Empire in the East, unless, indeed, the Revenue of that
Empire can be remitted into the British Treasury. They have the singular
presumption to charge the people of the United Kingdom with "most
extravagant expectation and unbounded pretension," because they express
a determination to cultivate their own estate ! What would be thought of a
tenant who should hold to his landlord such language as this ?
We only want our own— we want nothing from them— let them keep their
trade if they can, but let them not keep a monopoly ! Let them have every

OUT-PORTS MUST BE OPENED. 43
right and privilege that we have, but let them not have all rights and all
privileges, and leave us none. They complain that they have created the
Eastern trade at a great risque and expence, and that now we propose to
take it from them. No such thing — let them keep their trade — we want it
not ; if they have created it, let them keep it ; but they have not created their
Monopoly — we gave them that, and we will never give it them again ; and
are we to be charged with " extravagant expectation and unbounded preten
sion " because we refuse to give up our own ?
We do not even claim to be placed upon an equal footing with the Court
of Directors. If we embark in the Eastern trade, we are wUling that our
whole property shall pay the forfeit of our errors, whilst all their private
property is protected by the law from injury !
Take this protection away — take away the assistance of the British
Government — let the private fortunes of the Proprietors of the East India
stock be made responsible for the debts of the Company, and not a single
proprietor would be left in six months. The " Ladies and Gentlemen " of the
East India Company, who are denominated " Merchants of England trading
to the East," would instantly throw up their shares, and gladly save the whole
of their fortunes at the expence of their East India Stock ! Is it not enough
that these mimic "merchants of England" should be protected from those
weighty responsibilities to which all their countrymen are liable, and which
are so necessary in forming the character of efficient merchants ; and must
they also claim to be nursed in swaddling clothes, and fed, Uke an Eastern
idol, at the expence of the rights and interests of their country ? The
Directors complain that if the trade is opened to the out-ports, they shall be
" unable to pay their dividends, and shall be obliged to apply to Parliament
for assistance." Why let them apply to Parliament for assistance, and if
Parliament is mad, let it grant them assistance. The whole amount of their
dividend amounts but to ^600,000. What is an additional ^600,000 per
annum for Parliament to grant them, when we consider the millions and
millions that Parliament has already granted them, and is still annually in
the habit of granting them ? They tell us, too, that there will be no encrease
of trade. Why, Sir, there will be more trade to the Western Coast of South
America, which is now shut by their Monopoly, than is now carried on to all
the countries of the East. Is it not true that our exports to the settlements
of Buenos Ayres and Rio Janeiro amounted in the last year to four millions
sterling ? What will our exports amount to when Chili and Peru are opened ?
— and yet Chili and Peru, and fifty other nations and empires, are now shut by
the East India Company ! ! In the documents to which I have alluded, the
Court of Directors ring melancholy changes upon a series of questions, too
futile to be noticed. They ask, " Could it be reckoned upon that the
Company's goods would be sold as they have hitherto been ? How could the
currency of the Company's affairs be preserved ? How could they pay for
exports to India? How could they maintain their ships and transport troops
and stores ? What must become of their wharfs and warehouses ? Where
would be the benefit to the nation by the change ? Would it be really any
accession of benefit to the Empire at large ? Would it be possible to prevent
(that bugbear) an uncontrouled intercourse with the East?" They then

44 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
gravely remark, " These questions, to add no more, ought to be very clearly
and satisfactorily answered before so great a change is attempted, before an
order of things that has subsisted so long, and done so well, is subverted or
destroyed," Such are the questions with which the Court of Directors would
support their Monopoly, Certainly the cause of truth has but little to fear
from ten thousand such questions as these.
They boast of their capital of sixteen millions employed in trade, and of
the faciUties which their experience and power and influence give them.
What then have they to fear from private merchants, adventuring with
caution and anxiety into unknown regions ? But, Sir, I will venture to assert,
that they have scarce a single million employed in trade. They purchase all
their British goods at six, twelve, and eighteen months credit, and they seU
all their Eastern produce for ready money, and they even receive the Govern
ment duties upon their goods, which too often lie in their hands to a large
amount. Where then is the room for this immense capital to be employed in
effecting a return of two or three milUons per annum? If they have aU this
capital and all these facilities for trade, what have they to fear ? They will
still retain their trade. The private merchants will be driven into the deserts
of Africa, and will seek there a refuge from such formidable competitors.
But the calculation which the Directors make of their capital is curious,
and deserves notice : — They say, " the Company's capital stock of six
millions, at the price at which many of the proprietors purchased, will
amount to ^10,800,000 (which observe is reckoning ^{^4,800,000 too much).
10,800,000
Capital in warehouses ,.,, ,.,. .... .... ,.,. 1,000,000
Capital in ships  .... 3,800,000
Capital in Docks  400,000

;;{[ 1 6,000,000
Thus they have the happy faculty of doubling their capital by merely
reckoning it twice over. They reckon it first advanced, and then laid out.
These " merchants of England " pay six millions into their trade — they then
lay it out in ships and warehouses, and call it Sixteen MiUions ! ! Why the
infant at a village school would not be guilty of such a calculation as this,
and yet, Sir, I presume that this is by no means an unfair specimen of the
general calculations, and general commercial abilities of the East India
Company. Sir, I bear no hostiUty against the Court of Directors, whom I beUeve to
be highly respectable men, but it is against the system under which they act,
that all my hostility is directed. I will never rest until that system is over
thrown. Sir, there are a few other arguments made use of by the Court of
Directors, which I will trespass a few moments longer upon your attention
to notice. They contend that their empire is an " empire of opinion," In
the absence of all rational arguments they conjure up phantoms to alarm us !
They teU us that their empire is supported upon such Braminical principles,
that it must not be touched by our unhallowed hands, that it is composed of
such frail and brittle materials, that if we but touch it, it will shiver to pieces ! !

OUR INDIAN EMPIRE. 45
And is it with such nursery stories as these that an enlightened nation is
to be insulted ? Is it with such a "raw-head and bloody-bones " as this that
the merchants of England are to be frightened out of their senses ?
Sir, it is not an "empire of opinion" — it is an empire of the bayonet.
It is an empire of knowledge, and wealth, and power, over ignorance, and
poverty, and weakness. It is Uke the Roman empire, or the Saracen empire.
It is like the empire of Aurengzebe, or that of William the Conqueror. It is
like the Russian empire, where 7000 slaves govern 40 millions of slaves, or
like the French empire, where one man tyrannizes over a hundred milUons
of souls ! The authority which a colonel holds over his regiment, or that of
a captain over his ship, is much of the same description. Let justice be done
— let severity be tempered with lenity, and there is no danger of mutiny.
The combination of individuals against a supreme authority is so exceedingly
difficult, and exposed to such certain detection, and to such dreadful punish
ments, that the human mind shrinks with apprehension, and refuses to
harbour the thought. In short, Sir, our empire in the East is built on those
eternal and immutable principles, which are the strong foundations of all
Governments, and which never fail to support a Government until a Govern
ment fails to support itself Mr. High BaiUff", a lawyer pleading a bad cause
should have a good memory. See into what inconsistencies the Court of
Directors fall. In one page of this little work, they first tell us that our
Empire is an " Empire of opinion;" that the number of Europeans in India
is so small, that they are every moment in danger of being eaten up by the
natives ! ! In the very next page they tell us of the "danger of colonization."
They tell us, that if we but encrease the number of those unfortunate
Europeans, our empire in the East is lost for ever. And what is the danger
of colonization ? Why, Sir, there are in India a hundred millions of human
beings, who, from the day they leave their mother's breast, to the day they
enter into the grave, never taste any other food than rice and salt ! Will
English labourers emigrate for this ? The wages of labour in India are only
two-pence per day, equal to about eight-pence per day in England. Will
English labourers emigrate for this ? Most certainly not. Then how shall
India be colonized? It is utterly impossible that the number of the European
population can ever reach one-twentieth part of the native population. But
"America was colonized, and afterwards deserted us.'' Sir, there is no
analogy at all between the situations of America and of India. When
America was colonized, there were a thousand leagues of the best land in
the world inhabited only by wild beasts I This fertile land offered there to the
colonist, without rent, without taxes, almost without labour, all the blessings
of life. The earth presented abundantly spontaneous fruits, and there was
no hand to gather them. How different was this from the situation of India.
There the very Earth is saturated with population. There every channel
through which labour might support existence, is filled to excess ! All the
individuals that can ever emigrate to India are merchants, and their agents.
It is not in the course of nature that an European population should arise
from them sufficiently strong to endanger the British power. If the European
population should be encreased in India, it will be much the better for Eng
land. Will it not encrease the progress of civilisation and knowledge ? Will

46 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
it not strengthen and confirm the British connexion ? Will it not strengthen
the British Government itself, surrounded as it is by hosts of native powers,
hostile in habits, in laws, and in religion ? But, Sir, some of them say that
"although it is true we shaU not be able to colonize India, yet we shaU
sow dissentio7i amongst the native powers, that we shall stimulate them to
insurrection against the British Government, that we shall turn our un
natural daggers against our country!" What an Eastern notion is this?
How little can this man know of the English merchant or the English heart.
Sir, the very thought is not to be endured.
But, see, again, how the Court of Directors blunder on, like a blind man
in a crowd ; in one page they censure the stupid policy of the Chinese
Government, in confining all the trade of Europe to one port in their vast
Empire ; and in the next they strongly recommend the same policy in
England. Nay, Sir, in the year 1793 the Court of Directors put the country
to an immense expense, in sending an Embassy to China, in order to induce
the Chinese to open their ports to our trade, and they are now labouring
night and day in patriotic endeavours to shut the ports of England to their
trade, excepting only the port of London !
They tell us also that we shall lose the China trade. They tell us that the
great Emperor of China is such a wonderful personage, that if we but look at
him he will devour lis alive! ! Why, let him devour us alive, what is that
to them, we want not their protection. And yet this wonderful personage
admits the Americans and the Portuguese, and every nation of Europe into
his Port of Canton, as freely as he admits the East India Company. Does he
devour them alive? Does he drive them into the sea? Why should he
devour usf Is it possible that he can entertain so great a jealousy of feeble,
unconnected merchants as he does and must entertain against the mighty
East India Company, that has conquered Hindostan z.ni^ possesses the power
of conquering China ?
Sir, it is not possible. There is no shadow of danger of the Chinese
refusing to trade with us. There is no possible danger that can arise from
colonization, or from the free residence of British merchants in the East.
All these are phantoms created to alarm us. But look them in the face, they
vanish in an instant.
But the Court of Directors teU us that they "have freeholds in India,
which they have the same right to, as to their estates in England." I never
heard that there was such a thing as a freehold in India, unless indeed the
Directors may mean that small freehold which we must all of us come to
some time, and which I am sure I am not disposed to dispute with any
unfortunate gentleman of the East India Company who may occupy six feet
of land in Calcutta !
Let the settlements of India be their freeholds, which is utter nonsense to
suppose, yet still it can make no difference to us. We want not their free
holds ; we only demand permission to breathe the air of heaven, and to walk
the public streets, and the king's high roads. Will they call these their
freeholds too ? Will they erect barriers of cobwebs across the streets and high
roads of India, and forbid their countrymen to pass ? Suppose Birmingham
is my freehold, hz.\e^ I therefore a right to block up Klxt public streets, and to

MONOPOL V MUST CEASE. 47
imprison every Englishman who shall presume to believe that he has a right
to walk along tlie king's liigliway?
But some of these gentlemen tell us that their monopoly was granted by
Queen Elizabeth ^^ in perpetuity!' Sir, there is no power in England that can
grant a Monopoly in perpetuity. The power that creates can always destroy.
Let it be a Monopoly " in perpetuity ;" let their charter be as immeasurable
as are their own desires, let it occupy three fifths of Time as well as of
Space, yet still shall the British Parliament destroy it. But, Sir, Queen
Elizabeth had no more right to grant their Monopoly than I Iiave. She sold
their Monopoly, and a hundred other most infamous monopoUes, that, if they
had not been destroyed by Parliament, would have destroyed their country,
or as Mr. Hume most justly expresses it, " would have reduced Englattd to a
desert." But, Sir, I am sick of the arguments of the Court of Directors. From
tliem we have nothing to fear. Let us look to their political influence. That
influence presses like a mill-stone upon the neck of the Government. The
rooted prejudices of some, and the strong interests of others, bind them to
support the Company, and in some instances even to resist the evidence of
their senses, and believe that the continuance of this ruinous and monstrous
system is beneficial to the country. There is nothing too absurd for the
human mind to beUeve when strongly biassed by its own interest. But all
these rooted prejudices, and all these strong and delusive interests, shall fall
before the will of the people. The Ministers of the King are the friends of
the people, but if the British Ministers should be overpowered by the weight
of the East India Company, the British Parliament shall do us justice. That
Parliament emanates from the people. That Parliament will never desert
the people.
Sir, I will trespass no longer upon your attention. What are our
opponents ? Four and twenty individuals, and a few hundreds oi jobbers and
contractors. What are we ? The Universal British Nation.
Why should our interests be sacrificed to the East India Company ?
There is not a single argument which they have brought forward, but was
formerly brought forward in defence of all those other infamous Monopolies,
which once cursed and disgraced our country! If the East India Company
are to have a Monopoly of the China trade, why not give them a Monopoly
of the Corn trade ? Why not give them a Monopoly upon Bread? and
thus expose the whole of their cou?itrymen to perisli under tlieir remorseless
cupidity ! ! Mr. High Bailiff", it must not be. Standing as we do, Sir,
on the eternal grounds of justice and of reason, and supported as we
are by the whole population of the country, 1 say. Sir, that if we fail, we
ought to fail, we OUGHT to be trod into the dust. But, Sir, we shall
not fail, seeing our road as we see it, and feeling our strength as we feel it,
what shall resist us ?
It is true the Parliament of 1693 did desert the interests of the people.
But the Parliament of the present day is not the Parliament of 1693, The
necessities of the present day are not the superfluities of 1693. The
People might then have been trifled with, but woe unto the men THAT
shall trifle with THE People now!1 {Loud bursts of applause)

48 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD
Woe unto the advocates of the East India Company, if they shall evince
themselves the friends of Monopoly and not the friends of the People, for
Monopoly shall come to an end, but Justice is eternal.— (Zo«(^
cheers and thunders of applause)
I have copied this speech at length (with the exception of
an extract from Smollett), because it appears to me to be not
only a fine specimen of eloquence, but also an interesting
historical document. Many distinguished authors have written
upon Indian aff"airs, but I very much question whether, amongst
all their bulky volumes, there is to be found a clearer and more
convincing exposition of the relations between the East India
Company and the public, than that which is contained in this
comparatively brief utterance. The Monopoly of the East India
Company has, with many other abuses, long passed away, and
we can scarcely realise the condition of things when it existed,
but surely some credit is due to one of its earliest, ablest, and
most patriotic opponents. Upon this occasion the Opposition
were not successful in preventing the renewal of the Company's
Charter, but they were enabled to deprive it of some of its most
objectionable features.

CHAPTER V.
Letters from London in 1813-Mr. Attwood is presented with a Silver Cup
by the Artisans of Birmingham— Extraordinary Character of the Pre
sentation—Letters to 181 5— "The Remedy, or Thoughts on the present
Distresses" — Letter to Lord Liverpool— Mr. Brougham presents Peti
tion, drawn up by Attwood, from 17,000 Inhabitants of Birmingham —
Cobbett's Remarks — Correspondence with Brougham and Arthur Young.
Mr. Attwood went up to London in February, 18 13. Here
are some extracts from his letters to his wife : —
Bedford Coffee House, II Feby., 18 13.
. . . I write to inform you, agreeably to your request, that I am
arrived here in perfect safety and health, after having a solitary journey
nearly the whole of the way. . . .
' Bedford Coffee House, Saturday evening.
I am going to dine with my friend the Duke on Monday, and as he
has given me a pretty general invitation, I think also to dine with him
to-morrow. I meet many members of both Houses there whom I have thus
an opportunity of instructing. Bedford Coffee House, i^th Feby., 1813.
My business is going on, I think, pretty well, although I clearly see
that the Opposition members, who were formerly our friends when the
Ministers were our enemies, are now seeking reasons and arguments to enable
them to turn against the Ministers and the Country. This conduct appears
very base in private life, but things are different among public men. I
am, however, in strong hopes that our case will be found so clear, as to
render it impossible for our friends to desert us without the certainty of
losing their characters. This alone it is that binds public men to any
principles of political integrity. I think, however, that Wilberforce and
Babington and a few others are exceptions to this rule. They seem to
act a little from principle or conscience. ... I afterwards dined with
the Duke, and am going to dine with him again to-day. He is generally
considered a person of immoral character, but if he ever was so he is not so
now, but on the contrary converses as rigidly and religiously as Wilberforce
himself He is a person of a very superior mind and also of a good dis
position. Bedford Coffee House, ijth Feby., 1813.
I have seen Woovey and his mother, who are both pretty well, and
Woovey reads as weO as if he had been at Lancaster's school for 12 months.
My father has a bad cold. . . . E

50 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
The "Woovey" here mentioned for the first time, was
Matthias Wolveriey Attwood, only child of Matthias Attwood,
junior, and afterwards M.P. for Greenwich. Bedford Coffee House, Wednesday.
I rather think to come down for a week or two in a few days in order
to arrange my business with Fereday, and there is not just now anything
very particular going on in the India business. When we see the plan
that the Ministers will propose in opposition to the Company, we shall
then know what ground to take. I cannot give you any information
respecting the Princess of Wales any more than that I believe that a
Bill of Divorce will soon be brought forward. Bedford Coffee House, 27 Feby., 1813.
I have been to-day to hear Mr. Hunt and Mr. Cobbett plead for them
selves in the petition against the Bristol election. Hunt is certainly a
clever man, and acts entirely without counsel. Harborne, Sunday {no date).
Mr, and Mrs, R. Spooner intend to come to the Crescent on Wednesday
at 5 o'clock. Your uncle is here. He is very well and says 200 people
dined at the Pitt dinner yesterday.
Christ Church, Birmingham, which was erected at a vast
expense, but is now generally considered a very ugly building,
was consecrated by the Bishop of Lichfield in July, this year.
It was, apparently, the first " Free Church " in the town, and
matters connected with it are frequently alluded to in Mr.
Attwood's letters.
On October the 4th appeared the following advertisement of
the artisans : —
"Birmingham, October i, 1 813.— We, the undersigned, the Committee
of Artizans appointed to carry into effect the resolutions of a meeting held
at the Shakespear Tavern, on Wednesday, the 17th of June, 1812, do most
respectfully request the Artizans of Birmingham to meet on Wednesday
next, at Ten o'clock in the forenoon, at the Shakespear Tavern, for the
purpose of receiving the report of our proceedings.
John Steer, William Wight, William Hartshorn,
Joseph Wood, William Cox, William Stevens,
James Boyce, George Edmonds, William Greenway,
John Lane, Thomas Taylor, Thomas Hooper,
Charles Kelk, William Latham, Joseph HoUiman,
John Hinks, William Bailey, J. Berresford,
WiUiam Jennings, Jabez Aston, WiUiam Humpage,
Thomas Thorp, Edward Crowder, WiUiam Dent,
James Connard, J. Faulkner, John Sturges.
J. Bower,

SILVER CUP PRESENTED. 51
The Committee intend to dine together at the Shakespear Tavern after
the Business of the Meeting is over. Such friends as are disposed to
honour them with their company may be supplied with tickets at the
Bar of the Shakespear. Tickets at three shillings each. Dinner on the
Table at Four o'clock.''
The meeting was held, says Dr. Langford, and the presenta
tion made on October 6th, and the whole proceedings passed off
with great credit to all concerned.
This is the brief report of the ceremony : —
"October 9, 1813. — Wednesday, being the anniversary of the birth of
our late worthy and public-spirited High Bailiff", Thomas Attwood, Esq.,
was fixed upon by the Artizans of this town to present that true friend of
British Commerce with a Silver Cup, of the value of 200 guineas, as a
grateful testimony for the zeal and indefatigable exertions with which he
originated, and, in a great measure, assisted in, the destruction of the East
India Monopoly, as well as his many other public services. The bells
of both churches announced the ceremony with complimentary peals due
to so interesting an occurrence."
I am sorry that no better report of this presentation is
accessible to me. Mr. Edwards informs us that it took place
at Beardsworth's Repository, and that as there was then no
modeller in Birmingham capable of carrying out the design of
the cup, Mr. Samuel Lines, who had designed it, himself under
took and successfully completed the task. An engraving of the
cup was published with a description reprinted from the Midland
Chronicle of October 9th, 18 13, which I copy here : —
"This elegant piece of workmanship is richly adorned with designs in
bas-relief, indicative of the circumstances which called for the grateful
expression. On the lid is therefore placed an animated personification of Commerce,
with a joyous and satisfied countenance, seated among bales and packages
of merchandize ; her raised hand supports the national flag, intimating the
necessity of trade to our existence as a people ; at her feet is inverted a
cornucopia pouring forth the riches attendant on successful adventure ;
close to her crouches the British Lion, his head raised in an attitude of
watchfulness and circumspection, prompt to observe and to oppose any
attempts to infringe on our commercial rights.
The body of the cup is with great taste formed to represent the prow
of a merchant vessel ; the head is characteristically adorned with the received
personification of the Genius of our Island.
Of famed Britannia are the gallant crew,
And from that isle, her name the vessel drew. — Falconer.
E 2

52 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
In her hand Britamiia displays a coronal wreath of laurel, the well-earned
meed of those whose exertions extend the commerce of their country.
Favorable Neptune in his car drawn by Hippocampi rides the waves
which wash the vessel's side, vigilant to defend his charge from harm,
anxious to promote the advancement of Navigation and Commerce.
Behind the car of Neptune is placed a shield emblazoning the arms
of Mr. Attwood ; above with outstretched wings and elevated head rises
an eagle, whose imposing and determined aspect expresses the motto
beneath, '¦ Possunt quia posse videntur!
The remaining compartment is occupied by the following inscription,
encircled by a wreath of laurel, and enriched with aquatic foliage : —
Presented
By the Artizans of Birmingham, as a memorial of their Gratitude,
TO
THOMAS ATTWOOD, ESQ.
{High Bailiff, A.D, 1812)
For his constant attention to their Interests, and for his well-directed zeal
to support and extend the Commerce of the Country.
The stem and foot are also highly embossed ; the latter in particular,
with an elegant assemblage of Acanthus leaves. W. H. S.
The Designs and Models in wax were furnished by Mr. Lines, except
the handles which were produced by Mr. Thornton, who also modelled the
foot from Mr. Lines's Design. The execution of the work in silver was
entrusted to Mr. Thornton, who has acquitted himself to the entire satisfac
tion of his employers.
The weight of the whole is 128 ounces. The value is estimated at 200
guineas." This cup is now in the possession of Mr. Llewellyn Attwood,
of Wandsworth, grandson of Thomas Attwood, and makes but
an insignificant appearance when compared with showy modern
testimonials, but it is not its intrinsic value which makes it an
object of interest of almost an unique kind. It is said that by
far the greater portion of its value was subscribed in single
pennies, and its presentation marks, I think, an epoch in the
history of the country. It was the very first occasion (certainly
in Birmingham, most probably in England) upon which such a
, testimonial was originated and carried out by working men alone.
Not a single gentleman or master manufacturer had anything
whatever to do with it. It marks the era (whether for good or
evil who shall venture to prophesy in face of the wild theories
now being broached ?) when the workmen of this country first
determined to submit no longer blindly to the guidance of their

NATURE OF PRESENTATION. 53
superiors, but to take their part in the politics of the country.
Every one must admit that their first appearance on the political
arena was highly honourable to them, and showed that they
possessed both intelligence and gratitude. For these reasons
Thomas Attwood afterwards marked Wednesday, October 6th,
1813, as one of the four great days of his life, and, as I well
remember, when a feeble old man, bowed down by sickness,
sorrow, and disappointment, he always regarded the cup with
affection as a memento of the brilliant anticipations of his youth.
This was the year of Vittoria and Leipsic, but very slender
allusions to the great victories of the day are to be found
amongst Mr. Attwood's papers. He never allowed himself to
be so dazzled by military glory as to forget the distress of the
people, and so long as misery and want existed he could not
make himself happy with rejoicings and illuminations.
From October, 18 13, to April, 1815,1 am again compelled to
pass over Mr. Attwood's life without mentioning a single fact.
I cannot explain why, after having made his d^but in public
life so successfully, he should, in the year 18 14, have relapsed
entirely into obscurity. Such, however, appears to have been
the case, for I have not seen any document, either public or
private, relating to that year. Very possibly his expenses
during 1812 and 181 3 may have necessitated retrenchment
and economy, and he certainly appears to have lived closely
at home during the whole of the period mentioned. In the
spring of 1 81 5 I again meet with his letters to his wife, and
make the following extracts from them : —
Piazza Coffee House, Covent Garden, Wednesday.
Our cause seems to wear rather a favourable aspect, and I expect we
shall either obtain our own terms or else compel the Committee to leave our
land out of their BiU. Piazza Coffee House, iZth April, 1815.
We are going on weU in our business, but what with the mutual restless
ness of both parties we get on but slowly. However I expect we shall
compel them to agree to our views. Piazza Coffee House, i-^rd April.
I find that we shaU certainly succeed in our opposition to the Worcester
Bill, and I therefore expect every day that the Canal Company wiU agree to
our terms.

54

LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.

[Was this the time when the canal embankment, which so
effectually spoiled the beauties of Shenstone's paradise, was
first proposed to be carried across The Leasowes ?]
My dear Love, the anniversary of our marriage approaches. Nine short
years have changed the fate of nations, but have made no change in us. My
heart still swells with the same sentiments to you, with which it was agitated
when I first saw you,— those high and romantic principles which used to
shake my nerves and confound my senses, when wandering over the fields
at Harborne or seated under the cherry tree at Hawn. Your father died
when married 9 years, 1 pray to God that many 9 years may yet pass
over our heads before that painful hour arrives, which sooner or later must
separate us, I hope, to unite for ever, 1 am very sorry to hear that Mr, Free
man is ill again. When 1 saw him last 1 strongly advised him to make some
compromise with his brothers or with the Dudleys in order to enable him to
reside frequently at the Sea and to enjoy that change of air and exercise
which seem to me absolutely necessary for his health.
Piazza Coffee House, Covent Garden.
14 April, 181 5.
I have received my dear Bosco's letter and I want to receive one from
my dear Tommy. I love them very much, and I hope they will always be
good — Little Angela must be good too. . . .
I called upon John Bradley, but he was not at home ; his wife is no
better. 1 have not many opportunities of calling upon any one, being seldom
unattended by two or three persons, and not having any time to spare unless
in the evenings, when I have also generally many persons dining with me,
such as Shirley, &c. I expect to succeed in my object, and in that case shall
probably return in a few days, but I will write to you a day or two before.
There is no mobbing going on, but everybody is very much dissatisfied at the
escape of Buonaparte, I have myself no doubt that he will soon succeed in
putting down Europe, unless we put him down whilst we can. . . . Re
member me to all my good friends at Brewood,
The next paper is to me more characteristic of Thomas
Attwood than any of his famous political utterances. I have
no doubt that it was written to amuse his children who accom
panied him on the trip alluded to. He was very fond of stock
ing ponds with fish and of watching their growth, and was never
weary of telling stories to children about monster pike. It is —
An account of small pike turned into the pools at Middleton Hall on the
iSth June, 181 5.
In the Lane Pool, near Hay Green  10 Pike
In the Pool adjoining the above about 4 feet distant, on
the other side of the hedge  10 do.
In the smaU Pool in the same field as the last, being on the
left hand of the gate as you go into the field  5 do.

5

do.

20

do.

30

do.

MIDDLE TON HALL. 55
In the very small pit in the lane nearly opposite the Lane
Pool, being on the right hand of the gate as you enter
into the road up the meadows. Scarce any water in it
and full of grass  2 Pike
In the round pool at the bottom of the first meadow, near
the gate on the left hand as you enter into the road up
the meadows  15 do.
In the Meadow Pool  20 do.
In a small pitt just opposite Wagstaffs, between the
Meadow Pool and the round pool, being in the field
below the WindmiU field. N,B, — Of these 5, 2 were
6 oz, each, and the other 3 of the usual size, viz,, 3 or 4
inches long 
In the WindmiU Pool 
In the Horse Pool 
In the small pitt on the right hand, about i field from the
Horse Pool, as you go along the foredraught, being
close to the Green Lane and, I think, at the top of the
litde Lady field 
In the Lady field Pool 
In the Stone Pool 
In the long pitt on the right hand of the Upper Deans,
being divided into two small pitts which seem to hold
water. In the lower turned 5, and in the upper 4,
making 9. This pitt, or these two pitts, are not situate
in the field which has the road in it, but in the right
hand field and on the right of that  9 do.
In the very long pitt in the Scoring fields, just above where
the Reservoir is to extend, and which seems an excel
lent pitt, being divided, as it were, by grass only into 3
parts, in one of which I turned 6, and in the two other
4 each, say in all 14  14 do.
In the farthermost pool, a good one, at the very end of the
farm beyond Green's  6 do.

s

do.

10

do.

20

do.

Total 181, turned up 28 June, 1815  181 Pike

I suppose it was about this time that Matthias Attwood,
sen., first acquired possession of Middleton Hall, an estate a few
miles from Birmingham. It was one of the Attwood estates
which I never saw, but I have heard that the house was ancient
and interesting, and I remember seeing at the Priory two cannon
balls which had been found in its walls during some repairs, and
were supposed to have been shot there in the time of the civil
war.

56 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
To Mrs. Attwood, Wolstanton Vicarage, near Newcastle, Staffordshire.
Birmingham, ly fuly, 1815.
Whilst you are at Wolstanton with your uncle, I wish you would take
an opportunity of speaking to Mr. Cariess about the partition deed of the
surface land at Parkfields. That deed stiU wants his signature, and Gem
teUs me he has forgotten everything about it. The fact is, however, as your
uncle knows, that the partition was finally agreed upon with Mrs. Carless
and settied before the granting of Fereday's lease, who now rents 75 acres
under a lease from the family, and 25 acres under a lease from me. The
mineral property upon the whole 100 acres, however, remains undivided, and
I should not much mind about the surface, but that I have let a lease of only
21 years upon my 25 acres, whUst the family have let a lease of 40 years
upon the other 75 acres. Now Fereday will have worked out the whole of
his mines in 3 or 4 years, and the lower mines, too, if sold, wiU be worked
out before the end of my lease of 2 1 years, and this shortness of my lease I
calculate to be worth perhaps .1^1,000 to me.
This letter refers to the estate of Parkfields, which was
purchased by Edward Sheldon in 1645, or 1652. From him it
passed through the Tomkyses to the Carlesses, and at this date
Mrs. Thomas Attwood was one of its owners, though I think it
must have been sold not long after. Birminghatn, fuly 22, 1815.
I suppose you have got the newspaper informing us of Buonaparte's
surrender. We shall, no doubt, treat him well and give him his liberty as
soon as it is safe to do so. Our little children are all well and good. I
begin to think I shall submit to your advice in sending them to school, but I
am anxious to avoid the contagion of unworthy principles, and to retard the
development of those passions which must soon carry agitation and misery
into their hearts. Let those passions sleep as long as possible, and when
they awake to their work of ruin, let them find matured minds to contend
with, let them find prudence and pride and avarice, their strongest opponents,
too deeply fixed for the whirlwinds to uproot them.
In after life, Thomas Attwood appears to have changed his
opinions respecting Buonaparte, for I remember him saying that
the sending of the great man to St. Helena was the only thing
the allies could have done with safety to themselves. It was in
this year, Mr. Edwards informs us, that he first began to publish
upon the currency, and he wrote something upon the same
subject every year for the five-and-twenty years following. I
\. am sorry that I understand nothing whatever about the currency
question, for it was the central pivot upon which the whole of

PEEL'S BILL.

57

my grandfather's life turned. Even the great reform of Parlia
ment was to him but a secondary question in comparison, and
if he could have prevailed upon any Government to adopt his
monetary views he never would have joined the ranks of the
reformers. For many years he had deeply studied the question
of the national distress, which had become almost unbearable
since the conclusion of the war, and he now felt firmly persuaded
that he had discovered a remedy for it. No man ever lived who
was more keenly sensible to the suff"erings of mankind, or more
earnest in his attempts to relieve them, and he could not forbear
from pressing his views upon every one, whether willing or
unwilling to listen. Hence he acquired the reputation of a
"currency bore" amongst the ignorant, the selfish, and the
careless. In the course of this memoir we shall see that many
famous men of both parties agreed with his peculiar ideas on
this subject, but his great opponent. Sir Robert Peel, ultimately
gained the victory, and in 1819 succeeded in passing, by an
unanimous vote of both Houses, what Mr. Attwood considered
that atrocious and detestable Bill commonly known as " Peel's
Bill," and which he supposed to have been the cause of more
misery, suffering, and oppression than any other legislative
enactment whatever. Feeling this most deeply, he could not
help saying so, and hence he was often betrayed into language
most unacceptable to those in high office. The opinions which
he adopted at this time he never swerved from, although he
knew that they were distasteful to a majority of both Houses
and both parties, and that by abandoning or concealing them
he might have raised himself to wealth and power.
Ti]_^ pBirii^"^ f-iirrpnr-y p-impVilpj- by Thomas Attwood which
I have been able to procure is dated July 3rd, 18 16, although it
is evidently a reprint, and he alludes in it to earlier publications.
It is entitled The Remedy, or Thoughts on tJie Present Distresses.
In it, after having powerfully set forth the distressed state of the
nation, he proposes that Government should proceed to remedy
it by the issue of a loan of ^£'20,000,000 in bank-notes. Twenty-
seven years afterwards this pamphlet was ably reviewed in a
work called The Gemini Letters, published in 1844, and written

58 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
by two authors who were personally unacquainted with Mr.
Attwood. From this work I shall make an extract as follows : —
" ' The Government have lijnited our means of producing and consuming;
for by limiting the amount of our money they have litnited our means of
exchanging commodities, and this gives the limit to consumption, and the limit
to consumption gives the limit to production! This was the starting point
with the Birmingham Economists, and first and foremost of these Economists
stands THOMAS ATTWOOD. The first work which Mr. Attwood published
was for the purpose of showing the terrible effects of depreciating property
by limiting the amount of money, and also for the purpose of showing the
'Remedy' for the great evils which had already been produced. The
pamphlet to which we shall first direct the attention of our readers was
published seven-and-twenty years ago. At this period the Bank had begun
silently to make preparations for the altered state of things which the close
of the war, and the expressed determination of the Money Power to fall back
upon a high gold standard, seemed to indicate as necessary. The first steps
in the way to the depreciation of property caused two hundred and forty
banks to stop payment. A cry was raised against country bank paper.
The country bankers, who were in reality the victims of the blunders of
the Government, were pointed at as the authors of all the mischief, and were
thus made the scapegoats of ignorant and designing legislators. It was
in the face of this outcry that Mr. Attwood boldly entered the field, and,
without faltering, told the Government and the nation that the only proper
'Remedy' for the disasters under which the country was then labouring
was the issuing of more paper. That the Government would, notwithstanding
the distress and misery which had attended the first restrictions of the
currency, permit the Money Power to have their way, he did not contemplate ;
there was so much absurdity on the face of the thing, that when it was urged
by some parties that the 'Remedy' which he proposed would retard the
return to the payment in specie, he would not condescend to answer the
objection further than by remarking, ' that in the weighty circumstances in
which the country was placed, to represent the payment in specie as an
object at aU, was perfectly drivelling.' In his second edition of the same
pamphlet, he adds, that 'the great part of the national debt, and nearly
the whole of the private debts of the country, have been contracted in bank
notes. They have been contracted in paper currency since the passing
of the Bank Restriction Act. To volunteer the repayment of these debts
in specie is an act of needless liberality, the absurdity of which is only to be
equalled by its difficulty.' "
After giving a long extract from The Remedy, " Gemini "
conclude thus : —
"The distinguishing characteristic of the economy advocated by Mr.
Attwood is this— he regards aU other interests as little in comparison with
the interests of the producing classes. He would give freedom to industry
by adapting the medium of exchange to its wants, and not tie down all trade

" THE REMED V."

59

and commerce to a standard which every day becomes more inefficient, and
by this means allow one interest to reap the profit of all our exertions. The
absurd and ruinous position the nation is placed in by all prices being
regulated by the standard of ^3 17^-. loid. cannot be repeated too often.
The mere preparation for returning to this standard broke the fortunes and
hearts of thousands. Mr, Attwood, after having summed up the evils of
those terrible times, most energetically and feelingly asks, ' Shall we sit down
patiently, whilst an apoplexy has struck the circulation of the country, .or
shall we make an effort to relieve it ? Shall we see our palaces desolate, our
lands uncultivated, and our labourers unemployed ? Shall we see our
merchants bankrupt, our manufacturers insolvent, and our mechanics begging
their bread ? Shall we see hope disappointed, and industry unrewarded ?
ShaU we see the national debt doubled, and the honest debtor compelled to
repay twice what he borrowed once ? In short, shall we see all the property,
and all the active and vital energies of the country laid prostrate at the feet
of the Moneyed Interest ? Or, shall we use the reason which GOD has given
us, and by one slight movement of the nation, one easy, harmless exertion,
shake off" this ideal pressure, this nightmare of the mind, that paralyses the
sinews of our strength, and weighs heavier upon our hearts than all the
terrors of Napoleon's sword?'"
I presume that Mr. Attwood forwarded a copy of The
Remedy with the following letter to Lord Liverpool, then Prime
Minister : — Birmingham, 30 May, 18 16.
My Lord,
From the notice which your Lordship has condescended to take of some
former communications, I am encouraged to solicit your Lordship's perusal
of the enclosed papers.
Placed in the midst of a great mechanical population, and deriving in
some degree peculiar means of information from my habits of Ufe, I must
rely upon your Lordship's candour and upon the urgent importance of the
subject for an apology for my thus intruding upon your Lordship's attention.
I am fully convinced that unless some great public measure is adopted for
the purpose of giving temporary employment to the Mechanical and Agricul
tural population, the system of riot and plunder will inevitably continue and
extend ; and although it may be arrested for a while by military force, yet I
much fear that on the expected rise of the prices of agricultural produce
(which your Lordship is aware will naturally take place before any great
improvement can take place in the employment of the Agricultural or
Mechanical labourers), it may encrease to such a degree as may seriously
endanger the peace and safety of the Country.
I speak within bounds when I assure your Lordship that the Colliers,
Ironworkers, Gun Smiths, and Nailers of this neighbourhood have not one
half employment. The Inhabitants of the Town are rapidly falling into the
same situation, on account of the total stagnation of the foreign trade which
supported them last year. The mind of the whole population is in a state of

6o LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
ferment, and your Lordship must not be surprized to hear of serious commo
tions breaking out among them, which are the more to be feared in this place
on account of the facility of obtaining Fire Arms and other offensive weapons
which might enable the insurgents to get possession of the Arms of the Local
Militia, and of the Depots at Weedon and Derby, before any effectual forces
could be brought against them.
An occurrence of this kind, serious at all times, could not be contemplated
without grief and alarm at the present period, when the whole of the Agricul
tural and Mechanical labourers throughout the Country are agitated, gloomy
and discontented, and rife for commotion and change.
I am, my Lord,
Your Lordship's humble & obedt. Servant,
Thomas Attwood.
The Earl of Liverpool.
Edward Marcus, the third son of Thomas Attwood (who
inherited no inconsiderable share of his father's ability, but
whom constant illness and suffering relegated to a life of
obscurity), was born on the 13 th of June, 18 16, at the old
Crescent House, and was baptised by the Rev. John Darwall
on the nth of July following.
Mr. Attwood does not appear to have been much away from
home during the year 18 16, but he evidently went up to London
once, as the following extract shows : —
Grace Church St., Monday {July).
I like the baby very much, but he is, of course, of but little consequence
as yet. When he grows big, I have no doubt that he will be as valuable as
the others. If you like, you may baptise him by the name of "Edward
Marcus," but otherwise, I would have you wait until I return. I will not have
him christened " Matthias," it is such a monstrous ugly name.
I have only one other letter for this year, referring solely to
domestic matters, dated November 25th, 1816, and addressed
to his wife at Corngreaves House.
In the course of the year 1817 he published at London a
pamphlet called Prosperity Restored, or Reflections on the Cause
of the Public Distresses and on the only means of relieving them.
This may perhaps have been a second or third edition of the
Remedy. He also published—^ Letter to the Right Honourable
Nicholas Vansittart on the Creation of Money and on its action
upon National Prosperity. Birmingham, May 19th, 1817.
The year was gloomy and turbulent, and the sufferings of the
masses almost unbearable. On the 28th of January the Prince

BIRMINGHAM PETITION. 6i
Regent was assailed and grossly insulted by the populace, and
riots, treasonable meetings, suspension of the habeas corpus, and
prosecutions for treason and libel, followed each other in quick
succession. Whether rightly or wrongly, Mr. Attwood felt per
suaded that he knew how to remedy this deplorable state of affairs,
which he considered to arise entirely from monetary causes, and
on the loth of January, i8 17, "with about i7,oooof his distressed
fellow-townsmen," he forwarded to the House of Commons a
petition for its relief, which was presented by Mr. Brougham,
afterwards the famous chancellor. I think it worth while to
copy this petition, which clearly shows us that whatever distress
may exist now, it is nothing when compared to that which
existed then. Mr. Attwood appears to have drawn it up, and
the style seems to resemble his. It runs as follows : —
We, the undersigned inhabitants of the town of Birmingham, beg leave to
approach your honourable House, and to inform you of our forlorn and
miserable situation.
Accustomed from our earliest infancy to habits of continual labour, we
have never been forward to obtrude our humble interests upon public atten
tion, but we have always placed confidence in the wisdom and justice of
parliament, and of our country ; nor should we now have been induced to
prefer our complaints, but that our misery is greater than we can bear, and
we are compelled to make known our distresses to your honourable House.
We are in distress, and in our misery we call upon our country for relief
We ask no more than your honourable House will acknowledge that good
citizens have a right to expect. We ask no favour. We only ask to have it
placed in our power to earn an honest bread by honest labour. We only ask
to be permitted to give to our country the benefit of our labour, and to receive
in exchange the scanty comforts necessary for the support of life. Our wants
are only food and clothing and shelter from the elements. Never before
have we known the time when the labour of an Englishman could not
procure him such humble comforts as these ; nor can we now believe that
his labour is of less value than formerly. In all former times the labour of an
Englishman could produce a sufficient quantity of the good things of life, not
only for his own maintenance, but to provide an ample remuneration to his
country and to his employers. And we presume to believe, that the labour
of an Englishman is still competent to produce a far greater quantity of the
good things of life than his humble maintenance requires. But some cause
which we cannot understand, has deprived industry of its reward, and has left
us without employment and without bread, and almost without hope. We
have no longer any demand for our labour, nor any bread for our families.
Our life has become useless to our country and burthensome to ourselves.
It would be better for us to die than to live, for then we should hear no more

62 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
the cries of our children. Our hearts would no longer be wounded by the
sight of sufferings which we indeed share, but which we cannot relieve.
We implore your honourable House not to misunderstand the expression
of those bitter sufferings which we endure. Hunger and poverty and distress
have indeed changed all things around us, but they have not changed us.
They have not changed that devoted loyalty which as good subjects we feel
towards our King, nor that true English spirit which binds us to the consti
tution, and to your honourable House.
Many of us have not had any kind of employment for many months, and
few of us have more than two or three days work per week, at reduced wages.
The Uttle property which we possessed in household furniture and effects,
and the small hard-earned accumulations of years of industry and care, have
been consumed in the purchase of food, and we are now under the necessity
of supporting our existence by a miserable dependence on parochial charity,
or by soliciting casual relief from persons scarcely less distressed than our
selves. In the midst of these painful sufferings and privations, our friends and
neighbours tell us that we must wait and hope for better times. We beg
leave to inform your honourable House that we have waited until our patience
is quite exhausted ; for whilst we wait, we die.
Upon all former occasions of distress in any branch of trade, it was always
found that some other channels of industry existed, through which the honest
labourer could obtain his bread ; but now we find all other descriptions of
labourers equally distressed with ourselves. A general calamity has fallen
upon the whole nation and has crushed the happiness of all. We would
indeed indulge the hope that our sufferings are peculiar to ourselves, and
may have been occasioned by the cessation of the war expenditure among
us ; but on whatsoever side we turn our eyes, if we look to Manchester or to
Glasgow, to the crowded city or the peaceful village, from one extremity of
our country to the other, we can perceive nothing but an universal scene of
poverty and distress. The sighs and the tears, and the convulsive efforts of
suffering milUons, too plainly convince us, that some general and universal
cause must have operated in producing such general and universal misery.
We implore your honourable House to remove that cause, whatever it
may be.
And we cannot but think that your honourable House can remove it. Or
if its roots are so deeply hidden that no human wisdom can discover them,
or so strongly fixed that no human strength can remove them, we must then
consider our sufferings as a visitation from Almighty God, to which we must
dutifully bend ; but in that case, we entreat that your honourable House wiU
adopt proper measures for the whole nation to humble itself in mortification
and prayer, in order to propitiate the Divine justice, and avert those heavy
calamities which afflict us.
But we cannot but think that these calamities originate in natural causes,
which it is in the power of human wisdom to discover and to remove.
We cannot but think that in a great nation like this, the means of existence
must exist for aU.
We cannot but think that in a country abounding with every blessing,

ARTHUR YOUNG 63
and with every production of agricultural and mechanical industry, some
means may be devised by which the blessings of Providence may be distri
buted and enjoyed, by which the productive powers of industry may again be
brought into action, and the honest laborer may again be enabled to earn an
honest bread by the sweat of his brow. We humbly pray that your honor
able House will take into consideration our distressed condition, and adopt
such measures as in your wisdom may be deemed necessary for the relief of
ourselves and of our suffering country, and as in duty bound we shall ever
pray, &c., &c.
These representations appear to have had some effect on the
Government, for in his Register of April 25th, 1835, Cobbett
informs us : —
"The year 1 818 was a most prosperous year for farmers, the crop was
large, the summer fine, and at the suggestion of Matthias Attwood (I believe
it was) Vansittart had caused bales of paper-money to be poured out, as a
remedy (now mark what I say) as a remedy against the workings of those evil-
minded and designing men, who were urging the people on for parliamentary
refortn. A pamphlet, in a quarto form, urged the necessity of putting out
paper in great quantities, in order to cause the working people to have
employment, and to take them out of the hands of designing and evil-minded
men who were pushing them on to demand parliamentary reform, A copy
of this pamphlet was brought to me in the month of February, 1817, accom
panied with an assurance that Mr. Matthias Attwood was the author of it,
which I believed at the time, and which I believe still ; imputing no blame,
but very great error, to the author. . . ."
I have never seen a copy of this pamphlet, and think it
possible that Cobbett may have confounded the two brothers
Matthias and Thomas, as has been done by Alison and other
historians. This, however, is the earliest public mention of
Matthias Attwood, junior, that I have met with. The brothers
agreed through life upon the currency question, though they
unfortunately differed upon so many others. Here is Thomas
Attwood's correspondence for 1817 : —
" Thomas Attwood, Esq., Birmingham.
32, Sackville St., March 6, 1817.
"Dear Sir, — As I think your 'Prosperity Restored' is a Work of much
importance to the Public, I was very sorry to hear from my friend Lord
Egremont that having sent to the Bookseller to purchase a copy, his
messenger was told that the sale was stopped by the Author's order — What
can this mean ? I beg that you will take your pen, though but for a moment,
and explain what appears to be so strange. Excuse this liberty, and believe
me to remain with great Regard, Dear Sir, your obliged Humble Servant,
Arth. Young."

64 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
" T. Attwood, Esq., Birmingham.
London, Monday {April 14, 1817),
" My dear Sir, — I have received your distressing letter and I do assure
you I feel most deeply for the calamitous state of things which it refers to.
The admirable conduct of the poor suffering people of Birmingham renders
their case still more touching. What can be done for their relief it is difficult
to devise — but an immediate attention to their case is indispensable. I shall
be present to support their petition to the best of my ability. Be pleased to
send it at your convenience. The illness of the Speaker is to prevent us
from doing any business for the whole of this week and, it is even supposed,
a part of the next. So you may keep the petition for signatures till next
Wednesday Sennight. j ^^_ ^^^^ ^^^_ ^^^^ ^^^j^^
H. Brougham."
"London, April 22, 1817.
" My dear Sir, — I have received your letter and it is truly afllicting, for
much as I feel with you the necessity of something being done, I fear it will
be infinitely difficult to devise the means. However, the first step to be taken
is to interest the H. of C, and I shall try to do so by following the judicious
course of your letters and indeed of the petition itself I consider politics or
party as wholly out of the question, and nothing could more tend towards
preventing their interference than your permitting me to cite a part of your
letter. Pray tell me by return of post how you feel on this, and
beUeve me ever yrs.,
H. Brougham."
" Bradfield Hall, Sepr. 22, 1817.
" Dear Sir, — It would occupy too much of this paper to detail the causes
of my long silence after receiving your most interesting favor, the information
of which was to me so very valuable. I had read articles in newspapers —
but I know too weU the doubtfulness of their authority to place any reUance
on it — it is highly satisfactory to me therefore to have your authority for the
reviving state of the fabrics at Birmingham and Manchester. I suppose it is
not easy to distinguish between the objects of home consumption and foreign
export ; I take it for granted the great increase is in the former, as the
general state of our exports in the papers laid before parliament was
extremely deficient ; for the year ending the 5th of Jany. 1816, ^60,983,000,
but for the year ending 5th of Jany, 18 17, only ;/^ 5 1,260,000, and I should he
much obliged to you to explain to me, which I daresay you will be able to do,
the cause of this great defalcation, as upon common principles the continent
ought to have been better able to pay in the latter than in the former year, at
least so far as receding further from the time of war, and consequently having
had a year longer to recover from the mischief of war, this is a quesdon
which will have no difficulty with you, but I must confess I do not well
comprehend it, unless it arose from markets previously glutted ; if so the
year ending 5th of Jany. 1818 will mark a great encrease above the year
preceding ; but after all the cause may be owing to the internal demand in a
year when corn was at a high price, and this remark suggests another enquiry

LETTERS. 65
whether in general your manufactures flourish better with a high price of
corn or with a low one, 1 take it for granted with the former, as the farmers
and all dependent on them are so much better able to consume.
There is in your letter an expression of Ministers preserving the currency
m an ample and efficient state ; what currency ? I give them no credit for
the coinage either of silver or gold ; the old worn-out sixpences and shillings
answered all the purposes of the new, which it is said cost the public
^700,000, and bank-notes are far more convenient than gold, sure to be
sweated and dipt ; a cheaper currency could not well be desired than light
silver and one pound notes, — Wheat upon the general average of the
kingdom has sunk from 116 to 81, and may probably sink somewhat lower ;
there is no good in this, as high prices are necessary to make manufacturers
work six days in a week, and if they do not a greater number of people must
be employed, which has a strong tendency to encrease population unneces
sarily, and no maxim in political economy can stand on a more secure basis
than the certainty that population has always a decisive tendency to encrease
too fast ; we have been long apt to consider building cottages and small
houses as a public benefit, but in general those who pull them down act far
more advantageously for the general happiness of the community. I was of
a very different opinion for many years, but I must confess 1 have changed
it entirely and wish to see no familys existing but such as are absolutely at
their ease, and well supported by constant industry.
I do not admit your reasons for withdrawing from public notice, as 1 am
confident there is not a man in the kingdom more likely to enlighten it than
yourself whenever you are disposed to take the pen in hand. Permit me to
assure you, my dear Sir, that I shall always be most happy to receive that
instruction which your letters are sure to give me.
I remain. With the most perfect esteem.
Your much obliged and devoted Servant,
Arth: Young."
Mrs. Thomas Attwood, The Leasowes.
Birmingham, 2,0 f une, 18 1 7.
I hope you will take care of my little sons and of yourself If they catch
any pike or other fish, they may put them all in the upper pool in the
Shrubbeiy (Bosco's) until WiUm, Jones can have mended the two other pools
(Tommy's and Angela's), when the fish may be divided as they can agree.
All that they do not want had better be turned up again in the Garden Pool,
If they catch any young pike they had better keep them in Bosco's pool until
my return. If you see my aunt Adams, &c. . . . Remember not to let
any of my Uttle sons go near the deep pools, nor indeed should they play
about the Shrubbery pools, without Huxley being with them, because I
expect they are deep enough to drown either of them. When children fall
into the water they have not the power of getting upon their legs, and there
fore a very shallow place will drown them. I hope you will take care not to
catch cold, and also how you carry candles, &c,, for fear of taking fire.
In the course of this year, Thomas Attwood and his family
moved into the new Crescent House.

CHAPTER VI.
Letters during 1818 and 1819 — Mr. Peel's BiU for the Resumption of Cash
Payments — Matthias Attwood calls a Meeting to oppose it, and is sup
ported by Sir Robert Peel— Correspondence with Lord Liverpool and
Sir John Sinclair — Matthias Attwood returned for Callington — Letters
during 1820.
The chronic spirit of riot and disturbance which seems to
have flourished during the whole reign of George III. does not
appear to have been entirely laid by the prosperous season of
1 81 8. In this year Mr. Attwood published, Observations on
Currency, Population ajid Pauperism, in two letters to Arthur
Young, Esq., Birmingham, 181 8. He does not appear to have
visited London until midsummer of that year. His correspon
dence from thence runs as follows, and it is amusing to note the
uncomplimentary manner in which he speaks of the followers
of his future friend. Sir Francis Burdett.
Mrs. Thomas Attwood, Birmingham. London, yifune, 1 81 8.
The Election makes great disturbances here. The poor wretches who
clamour for Burdett and Liberty, meaning Blood and Anarchy, are far worse
in ignorance and stupidity than our Birmingham mobs. But they have
got rascals among them who excite them almost to madness just like
the Poissardes in Paris. It is the greatest nonsense in the world to attempt
to reason with them. They have their opinions because they are told so
and because they flatter their hateful passions, and not because they can
render a reason for them. Reason has nothing at all to do with their
conduct. It is all a mere question of passion, and therefore such creatures
ought to have nothing to do with politics. I received Mrs.  's letter,
but I do not think I can well interfere. It is a wretched business, but I
do not know how to mend it. I believe that all men in love are just as
great fools as Burdett's gang are in politics. To love and be wise, they
say, is impossible. I guess, however, that the proverb is wrong in my case.
It is certain, however, that Love was never made for poor men. It is a
most expensive passion and ought not to be indulged in by any but rich
persons,— I have not yet seen Edward, Charles, or James. Lord Liverpool
I have seen, and he treated me in a veiy friendly way.

LETTERS. 67
London, Thursday.
You can form no idea of the accidents which arise in London to prevent
my writing on the days I intend. For instance, I met this evening my old
friend Crawford and his son Archibald in the streets. Of course I was
detained with them for an hour or two which threw me too late for another
appointment, and it is now by an accident that I have it in my power to
write to you, for I am 4 miles from my lodgings and am keeping a party
waiting for me at dinner, whilst I write. Crawford will dine with me to
morrow. His sons are doing very well in India, rising rapidly. I have scarce
found any one at home that I have called upon. They are all in the country.
Lord Liverpool tells me he shall endeavour to promote a treaty with France
to take Birmingham Hardwares in exchange for wines, which will be a
great thing for Birmingham. The India trade here is immense, and so
it is in Glasgow, Liverpool, and Manchester. I have seen the British
Museum, but the Exhibition at Somerset House is closed. The head of
Memnon is arrived at the Museum. . . . The Election grows very
warm. It seems that Maxwell will be beat. But I am told this morning
that his friends have now decided upon going round and paying up people's
poor's rates and taxes for them in order to get them to vote for Maxwell.
If this is the case, he will be certain to succeed and it ought to be done.
. . . My Brothers are all well, Wovey has got well. Charles is better
than he has been for many years. Matthias has been fooled in every
respect in his electioneering views. The new parliament seems likely to
be changed for the worse. Many of the Jacobins are getting in. Poor
wretches ! they know not what is good for themselves.  is the
most complete wretch that ever existed in the world. It is quite a comedy
to see and hear him. I expect the mob will be outrageous on Saturday
when the poll closes if they are defeated. London, Saturday {fiilv, 1 81 8).
I went to the Opera a few nights ago to see Figaro. I was much pleased
with the dancers, particularly Milanie, Twamley and Ginetti, all very
beautiful women, but, I am sorry to say, studying agility more than grace.
You will be sorry to learn that Burdett is successful at last. He has a
majority of about 400 over Maxwell. The poll is just closed and Burdett
and Romilly's parties are making triumphal processions through the streets.
They do not seem disposed to any violence, being put into a good humour
by success. They would otherwise have been outrageous, I expect. Covent
Garden and the streets adjoining were crowded to excess at the end of the
poll Saturday evening.
Our trial is gained, although it is possible it may come on again some
other time. London, Monday.
I have discovered now what it is that always makes me so languid
and unwell in London, It is taking too much exercise. I suppose I have
walked 20 miles each day, I thought formerly it was drinking too much
wine, but that I have avoided, and therefore I find it is the exercise which
F 2

68 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
promotes constant fever in persons not accustomed to it. I had a pleasant
party at Colquhoun's yesterday, to whom I was introduced as "the very first
political economist of the Age." The old man was quite delighted with me
and could hardly be prevailed to part with me. Of course, you will say
I thought him a very clever man. He really is so, a very good and wise
and warm-hearted man. His son, too, I found a very decent man. He is
our Consul-General in the Hanseatic towns. ... I hear unbounded
praises of my pamphlets among all public men. This rather astonishes
me, because it disagrees with the fact of my losing ;^i5oby them. Every
body seems to know them, and Colquhoun says there is not a doubt they
have saved the country. This is very fine talking, you will say. However,
I seriously think they have had great effect upon Ministers in forcing an
alteration of system. I don't much care about such things provided I can
but see the country happy. You know the happiness of others pleases me
and their misery distresses me. That is all I can say for myself
I have no further information until the spring of 1 8 19, when
Mr. Attwood made a short visit to London, apparently for the
purpose of attending to a private lawsuit. His letters for the
year are as follows : —
Mrs. Thomas Attwood, Binningham. London yd March, 18 19.
You will be glad to learn that Mr, Lamb has succeeded in his election
against Hobhouse. They are both bad enough. One is the high road to
Hell, and the other is Hell itself However, as the doctors say, " "While there
is Ufe there is hope," and therefore we may hope that Lamb and the Whigs
will retrace their steps and endeavour to remedy the evil which their drivelling
about reform has occasioned. George Barker tells me to-day their proceed
ings about the Free Church are rather unsettled. I expect it must be given
up. Mordaunt has turned his back upon them, for which Spry says he is
a shabby feUow, and that he shall tell him so the first time he sees him.
If he does, I guess Mordaunt wiU assault the Bishop in rather an uncourteous
way. 1 told I. Spooner before he left Birmingham that Mordaunt would
be sure to desert them and that it was his duty to do so. But these High
Church people never can believe that anything can happen diflferent from
their wishes, and if it does they are sure to reckon there is something shabby
or knavish at the bottom of it. Geo. Barker tells me that the Bill would
have passed if it had not been for the universal hatred in which  is held
in Birmingham, but he says it would be more than his life was worth
to tell the Bishop so. When I was last at the Square Garden with the
children, a poor woman, who lives at the cottage in the garden near our
garden, came to me in great distress to get me to interfere with George
Barker on her part to let her keep the cottage without any increase of rent
from Miss Colmore, Will you be good enough to send WilUam or Charlotte
to tell her that I have spoken to Mr, Barker for her and that he says she
shaU not have her rent raised, at least not until the Canal Company take

LETTERS. 69
possession of the land, which may, perhaps, never be. This is all that can
be done for her, and it wiU please her much. She is the grandmother of
the pretty children, but who the mother is I know not, I shall remember
my dear Tommy's birthday to-morrow, and I shall be sure to come time
enough to take you to see Mr. Campbell. 1 begin to like Lord Byron best.
London, !\londay.
I have visited Arthur Young and find him an exceedingly sensible and
generous old man. He urges me very much to write more, offering to
undertake the printing free of expence, &c., &c,, but I beUeve 1 must decUne
it, I shall call upon several of these persons before I come home, 1 find
that the London booksellers object to selling books printed in the country,
and if I print again I must employ some one here. Our trial is put off till
Wednesday, London, Friday, ^th HI arch, 18 19,
I write for the purpose of saying I have sent to the Coach Offices to
secure a place for to-morrow evening, and that I have no doubt 1 shall be
with you on Sunday. Our trial came on yesterday and \n&s determined about
4 o'clock by discharging the Juiy without any verdict. There were one or
two scoundrels upon the Jury who held out and prevented a verdict, and
I have no doubt it was the reliance upon these scoundrels which induced
 to ti-y the cause. The Judge made a speech entirely in our favour
from the beginning to the end. The opposite party offered in court to
withdraw the action for one half of the sum claimed, and afterwards for
one third, but 1 refused to give a shilUng, and so the Jury is discharged, and
I suppose 1 shall never hear any more of the business. ... I find the
Macaw will be very troublesome to carry, or else he is such a beauty that
I should be much disposed to buy him. The Free Church men have with
drawn their Bill, and to-day they have a grand reconciUation dinner to which
1 am invited, but 1 suppose you will beUeve I can spend my time rather
better than that, and therefore I shall not go. They have set on foot a
subscription, to which the Bishop (not Spry) has given ^500, and the two
members ^200 each, and therefore I suppose the money will be raised.
"Thos. Attwood, Esq., Birmingham.
32, Sackville St., 26th May, 1819.
"Dear Sir,
My health has been of late but indifferent, so that I could not dictate the
letters which I wish to send immediately, but had it not been for this
obstruction I should much sooner have acknowledged the receipt of your
letter, and also of your very valuable publication, which is of such importance
that I hope and trust it will have due weight with those who have it in their
power to give full efficiency in practice to your highly commendable ideas.
I think there is not much danger at the present moment of attempting
those payments which you have so ably explained, but whatever may be
the event, you have performed an important duty to the public, and if others
who have the power in their hands will be equally patriotic we shall find the
beneficial consequences spread throughout the kingdom. The state of the

70 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
countiy at present I am afraid is very dubious, for the accounts which we
receive from various parts of it mention the bad circumstance that many
persons wiUing to work remain without employment. In answer to your
enquiry relative to my son's property in the Crimea, I may inform you that
it consists of about 9,600 acres, with a house for a residence and many
attached conveniences, that it is within 9 miles of Caffa, the capital of the
Crimea, and a small river passes through it turning several miUs. 1 know
not what price he fixes upon it at present, but the last that was communicated
to me was 80,000 roubles. He could have sold it many times to companies
of Armenians who live in the country, but their proposals for payment were
by such instalments that unless he had a confidential friend remaining in
the country there would have been a difficulty in receiving the money. 80,000
roubles are equal to between 4 and 5 thousand pounds.
I remain, my dear Sir, most truly,
Your obliged and devoted Servant,
Arth : Young,"
This seems to have been the last letter which Thomas
Attwood received from the venerable Arthur Young, who died
in 1820, and who had evidently formed a high opinion of his
abilities. Arthur Young was also an intimate friend of my
grandfather, Edward "Wakefield, and much of their correspon
dence has been preserved.
Mr. Peel's famous Bill for the resumption of cash payments
by the Bank of England was the great legislative achievement
of the year 18 19 — a Bill which has been considered by his
admirers to mark one of the brilliant epochs of his life, but
which appeared to the Attwoods to be fraught with injustice,
spoliation, and misery. To the last days of their lives both
the brothers, Matthias and Thomas, protested against the enact
ment of this year, which in spite of all their efforts was carried
by an unanimous vote of both Houses. In the spring of 18 19
Matthias Attwood first obtained a seat in Parliam.ent, which
had long been the object of his ambition. On the 3rd of April,
1 8 19, he was returned for the old pocket borough of Fowey,
in opposition to Lord Valletort, and at once devoted him
self to a strenuous resistance to Mr. Peel's measure. Whilst
the Bill was in progress he called a meeting of the merchants,
bankers, and traders of the city to petition Parliament against
the change. No less than from four to five hundred of the most
respectable merchants of the metropolis responded to his call.

MATTHIAS ATTWOOD, M.P. 71
and an important petition was unanimously agreed to at a
meeting which was held at the North and South American
Coff"ee House, and subsequently presented by the first Sir
Robert Peel on the 24th May, 18 19. The day before the
meeting was held, Matthias Attwood was astonished to
receive a visit from Sir Robert, who he naturally supposed
had called to scold him for opposing his son. He was speedily
undeceived by the baronet, who not only expressed his approval
of the opposition to the Bill, but also promised to attend the
meeting and to present the petition against it. Doubleday, in
his Financial History of England, says that M. Attwood was
cajoled into absenting himself from the House on the final
division, in order that the vote might be unanimous ; but surely
Sir Robert Peel and some other members must have followed
the same course. The Sun of November 13th, 185 1, in record
ing the death of Matthias Attwood, jun., thus speaks of his
conduct upon this occasion : —
" Mr. Attwood, however, clearly foresaw and boldly declared the future
consequences of the contemplated restoration of cash payments more than
forty years since. On the formation of the celebrated ' BulUon Committee '
he upUfted his warning voice and implored the people steadfastly to resist a
measure, one of the inevitable effects whereof would be the duplication of the
value of money, and consequently the proportionate increase of every debt or
liability then due and owing. \\'hile there was yet a prospect of averting
the evil he continued his indefatigable and disinterested efforts. We say
' disinterested,' although the term is utterly inadequate to express our
meaning, — it was a total disregard, a complete abnegation of self, when
placed in the scale opposed to the common weal. He was well aware that
his own large fortune would be enormously enhanced, more than doubled by
the change, but he knew that the nation would be deeply injured if not
ruined, and he looked only to the welfare of the community. Such instances
of public spirit are unfortunately but too rare ; and the thanks and gratitude
of society are due to all who have given such unequivocal proof thereof"
On the 15 th May, 1 8 19, Thomas Attwood published a letter
to the Earl of Liverpool, then Prime Minister upon the same
subject. I do not propose to enter at any length into this
intricate question, which I do not understand, but will merely
quote the concluding paragraph of the letter : —
My Lord, I will trouble you no more. Our road is clear as the bright
Sun in Heaven, It is to accommodate our coinage to man, and not man to

72 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
the coinage. The first duty of the legislature is to provide bread for the
people. The second is to secure justice, and peace, and order in society. If
we are to neglect these great objects, If we are to forget the warnings of
experience, If we are to contract all the transactions of Ufe within the range
of an antiquated maximum. If we are to force all the wants and modes and
means of man into an arbitrary conformity with Gold, we must re-organize
our armies and double their pay ; for it is only through slaughter and
anarchy that we shall succeed.
When he saw that the Government were determined to
persist in carrying the Bank Reports into law, he addressed
a second letter to Lord Liverpool, dated Birmingham, 20th
October, 18 19, in which he uses still more earnest language
and concludes as follows : —
I have now done. This, my Lord, is about the seventh publication
which I have issued, in the last three or four years, for the purpose of con
vincing the public of the necessity of preserving the Circulating System, on
the same ample and efficient footing as existed during the war. I have
endeavoured to show that the neglect of this has been the cause of all our
sufferings and of all our dangers. That I have not been more regarded is a
m-atter of indifference to me, I only regret it on behalf of my country.
Sedition and disturbances were rife at this time; the so-
called Manchester massacre occurred on the 20th August, and
the year was closed by Lord Castlereagh's famous Six Acts.
We have seen from Thomas Attwood's letters on the West
minster Election of 18 18 that he was still in many respects a
Tory, but various facts concur to make me suppose that his
opinions were beginning to be shaken. On the 9th November,
1 8 19, the Tories of Birmingham drew up a loyal declaration in
which they announced their determination to detect and bring
to justice all those who by seditious and inflammatory writings
might attempt to create disaffection. Neither the names of
Richard Spooner or Thomas Attwood are attached to this
document, but amongst many hundreds of others I find the
following :— George Attwood, Joseph Grice, Richard Pratchett,
Isaac Spooner, and Theodore Price.
I also find from a speech of Mr. Attwood, delivered many
years later, that in this year he had contemplated the formation
of the famous Polirical Union, but had been dissuaded by the
advice of his friends.

SIR JOHN SINCLAIR. 73
On the i8th November, 1819, he received the following letter
from Sir John Sinclair, with whom he became afterwards so
intimately acquainted, and who visited him several times at
Harborne : —
" Dear Sir, — I had the pleasure of receiving your valuable letter on the
subject of ' Paper Circulation.' — 1 should be glad to see the Tract you pro
pose to pubUsh on that most interesting subject as soon as possible. If
printed in London, it may be sent to my son, who has just gone there to
attend the meeting. He resides at 59, South Audley St., and after perusing
it (which I am sure he would do) he would send it to me in covers.
I have at last brought into a practical shape the great object of my
pursuits for a number of years, namely, 'The Condensing of Human Know
ledge and rendering it generally accessible,' The success of the plan,
however, must, in a great measure, depend on the formation of a Society, the
nature of which I have endeavoured to explain in the enclosed paper, I hope
that the plan will meet with your approbation, on account of the extensive
benefits which are so Ukely to result from it. Nothing is wanting to carry it
into full eff'ect but the means of rewarding those who assist in its execution.
Is it likely that I shall have some friends to the plan from your town and
neighbourhood ?
1 enclose an extract from a very interesting communication sent me by the
Persian Ambassador, who speaks English uncommonly well, and even writes
it very intelligibly. I am in hopes that we shall derive some useful additions
to the Code of Health and Longevity from that quarter. Believe me, with
much Esteem, Your faithful & obedt, servant,
John Sinclair,
133, George St., Edinburgh."
Algernon, the fourth son of Thomas Attwood, was born at
the new Crescent House, Birmingham, on Monday, February
1st, 1819, and baptised by the Rev. J. Darwall on the following
Sunday. On the 27th October in the same year, his sister Susan died
at The Leasowes, aged thirty-two, the only one of the ten
brothers and sisters who did not attain old age. She appears
to have been much beloved by her brothers, particularly by
Charles, who, to the last, entertained a most aff"ectionate recol
lection of her. Thomas also, in a letter, alludes to her literary
tastes and intellectual conversation. A brief note from Edward
Attwood to his brother, announcing her death, has been pre
served amongst the papers of the latter.
It is evident that Thomas Attwood was dangerously ill at

74 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
the commencement of the year 1820, but I have no record to
show what the nature of his illness was.
I find amongst his papers the following prayer, " composed
under the pressure of extreme illness," and dated February 21st,
1820. This seems to be a pretty practical answer to some of
the more scurrilous of his opponents, who in later years accused
him of Atheism : — -
Almighty and most merciful Father — In the name of Jesus Christ I
implore Thee to hear my prayer. Thou hast smitten me with a heavy hand.
Blessed be Thy holy name. It has pleased Thee to visit me with Thy
Divine Dispensations. Grant, Oh merciful Father, that this heavy affliction
may not visit me in vain. The Earthly Body which Thou hast given me to
dwell in is filled with weakness and disease and pain. Do Thou, Oh God,
fill my Soul with strength and health and joy. Let the grace of Thy
Holy Spirit inspire me with the deepest gratitude for all Thy mercies, and
above all things let my soul be impressed with a true sense of Thy infinite
goodness, in the blessed hope which Thou hast given me in Jesus Christ.
The World and all its cares are fast disappearing from my eyes. Open then,
Oh God, to my thoughts, that other world, where there will be no more grief,
and no more care, but where all tears will be wiped away from all eyes. And
if it be Thy will. Oh God, that my days of life should come to an end, do
Thou so sanctify and prepare my Soul that I may walk through the vaUey of
the Shadow of Death, upheld by Thy Holy Spirit. It is written in Thy Holy
Word, " Death hath no more dominion over us." Do Thou, Oh God, who
hast broken the bonds of Death, be a light and a guide to my soul. Thou
hast said in the unspeakable goodness of Thy mercy, " Come unto Me all ye
that are weary and heavily laden and I will give you rest." Father of mercy,
behold me Thy creature. I am indeed " heavily laden,'' and I fly to Thee
my Lord and my God. I, Thy creature, fly to Thee in my hour of need. Be
Thou my refuge and my strength. Support and comfort me in my sufferings.
Conduct me through all the trials which await me with patience and resigna
tion, and faith and hope. Confirm and establish in me everything that is of
Good. Destroy and annihilate in me everything that is of Evil. Finally, Oh
most merciful Father, 1 implore Thee to cleanse and purify my Soul, by the
inspiration of Thy Grace, that whenever it may please Thee to call me from
this world of trial, I may be found an acceptable vessel in Thy sight, and
may enter into Thine Everlasting Kingdom through the merits of my Lord
and Saviour, Jesus Christ. Amen.
King George III. died in January, 1820, and a general
election followed. Upon this occasion Matthias Attwood, in
conjunction with Alderman Thompson, contested the borough
of CaUington, against the sitting members, Sir Christopher
Robinson and the Flon. Edward P. Lygon. The two latter

STATE OF IRELAND. 75
were returned by a majority, but on a petition M. Attwood
and Alderman Thompson were seated. At the same election
Richard Spooner unsuccessfully contested the representation of
Boroughbridge upon Liberal principles.
Thomas Attwood appears to have recovered his strength
rapidly, for on the 27th April, 1820, he addressed a long letter
to the Farmers' Journal on the state of Ireland, which was
inserted in that paper on the 15th May following. Ireland was
then, as it is now, the great difficulty of all statesmen, and he
proceeds to argue that in his opinion the disturbances there
arose from monetary causes. He shows at length that the
unjust operation of the money laws had raised rents to an
amount which it was impossible the farmers could pay, and
he states that if the latter had called themselves distressed
farmers instead of " Ribbonmen " they would have added an
immense moral weight to their cause. Incidentally he mentions
that on the very day this letter was written the diabolical Cato
Street plot was discovered in London. He concludes by saying,
" There will be no peace for Ireland until either the law or the
old metallic standard is overturned."
Soon afterwards he went up to London, and from thence
addressed the following letters to his wife : —
Bedford Coffee House, May 19, 1820.
R, S, has postponed his notice of a motion, at Lord Castlereagh's particular
request, until after the holidays, which begin to-day and end on Wednesday
next, the 24th inst. It is therefore Ukely that his speech will not be made
until Tuesday, the 30th, when Mr. Holme Sumner brings forward some reso
lutions for the relief of agriculture, which R, S. will oppose and move an
amendment appointing a Committee to enquire into our subject, instead of
Webb-Hall's. This man and myself I find are likely to be the great guides
of Parhament, but I can perceive that his troops are fast deserting him.
F. Lewis said to R. S,, " We know very well all you are going to say, you will
play Attwood, and I shall play Webb-Halt, and so we shall have the Farmers'
Journal over again in the house." I send you a Farmers' Journal X.0-6.VJ.
The editor tells me that the man who signs himself "Beds," and praises me
so justly, is accounted the cleverest man in Bedfordshire, and was my great
opponent at first. Ministers are as obstinate as pigs, I do not expect any
thing will be done in our way this session, but I think it will the next. When
R, S. speaks upon this subject it will have a great effect, because everybody
reads the parliamentary debates and scarce anything else. I have been
pressed with different invitations, but accept none if 1 can help it, in order to

76 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
come home the sooner. I am obliged, however, to stay after Monday next in
order to dispute with Zachy. Macaulay, who wishes much to be converted
from the error of his opinions as a bullionist. I purpose at present to set out
home on Tuesday next. In the meanwhile I shall advise with R. S. respect
ing his speech and conduct, I have not yet had time to call upon Rowcroft,
but 1 will endeavour to do so, Birmingham and Stourbridge are scarcely
more separated than his residence and mine. Brogden is altogether with me,
but he tells me he dare not say so, and he expects nothing but national ruin.
"From Edward Attwood to T. Attwood. London, June 26th, 1820.
" I corrected the press for your last letter to the Farmers' Journal, but the
Editor would only admit one half of it into his paper of to-day, reserving the
remainder until next Monday. He also took the liberty of leaving out two
very important words which I should not have ventured to strike out myself
The words alluded to are these, ' Mr, Editor,' whenever they occurred in the
body of the letter. I suppose his modesty and ' diffidence would not alio w
him to pass them over lest his readers should suppose he had foisted them in
himself out of his exorbitant vanity and ' puerile affectation.' The rest was
all right." Amongst Mr. Attwood's papers for 1820 are put up two
copies endorsed by him, " Birmingham Currency Resolutions,
nth Augt., 1820," and two other copies endorsed, "Birming
ham Currency Petition, 25th August, 1820." The name of
Thomas Attwood does not appear in these papers, but he
was probably one of the committee mentioned as having
been appointed to draw up the Resolutions and Petition, as
he alludes frequently to them in his letters. I think it very
probable that he did not consider it advisable that his name
should appear too prominently upon this occasion, as his
opponents were, no doubt, sick of hearing it in connection with
the subject. The first paper commences as follows : —
"Public Office, Birmingluxm, Aug. 25, 1820.
" At a very numerous and respectable Meeting of the Merchants, Manu
facturers, and Tradesmen of the Town of Birmingham, held for the purpose
of receiving the Report of the Committee appointed to carry into effect the
Resolutions of the Town's Meeting of the 4th January last, and of considering
the propriety of again petitioning Parliament, and of adopting such other
measures as might be deemed expedient,
Joshua Scholefield, Esq., High Bailiff", in the Chair ;
The following Report of the Committee was read from the Chair,
Your Committee were prevented from immediately forwarding your
Petition to the Members for the County, by the sudden dissolution of the

BIRMINGHAM CURRENCY PETITION. jj
late Pariiament. They lost no time, however, in having it presented on the
assembling of the new Pariiament early in the month of May, They also
sent a Deputation to London, &c, . "
The report then proceeds to detail the extreme distress
then existing in Birmingham, and the meeting adopted a strong
petition to the House of Commons, praying them to investigate
the cause of the general distress and to take measures for its
relief The petition does not specify the kind of relief required,
but I presume the petitioners considered that a large issue of
inconvertible paper-money would immediately mitigate the
sufferings of the people. I do not know what reception the
petition met with in the House of Commons, but, no doubt, it
was not a favourable one.
Extracts from letters: —
Mrs. Thomas Attwood, Wolstanton.
Bridgewater Anns, Manchester, Aug. 21 (? 1820).
Mr. Muntz is with me, and he also, Uke a good husband, is writing to his
wife. I wished much to have called as I passed below Wolstanton, but could
not. Birmingham, 24 August, 1820.
Yesterday morning, after I parted with you, I endeavoured to console
myself by doctoring the sick kite, but unfortunately I doctored him to death.
It appeared, however, that he could not have survived the mortification of his
wing, which it was my object to cure, by removing it, as I had done success
fully that of the raven. All the other dumb things are well.
Binningham, 27 August, 1820.
We held our grand meeting on Friday, from Avhich day it is to be hoped
that the restoration of our Country may be dated ; hoped, not expected, for in
truth there is not much reason to expect anything but error and crime from
the Aristocratic Canaille which go\'erns England. 1 do not much like the
Democrats either, and as for Voltaire's favourites, the Middle Classes, they
are fit for nothing but dumb sheep to be shorn at the will of their masters. I
wish I was the ruler of these chaps. I would make them pay dearly for the
honour of being slaves. However, our meeting went off \-ery harmoniously,
and all unanimously. The enemy showed himself on several sides, and even
in the midst of our own camp, but all owe points were so well guarded that he
durst not venture an attack in any place ; no, nor suggest the improvement
of one single word. What a pity it is that so much generalship and dis
cretion should be thrown away 1

78 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
{No date, but probably 1820.)
Warwick Arms, Warwick, Sunday Evening.
Our trial is put off" till Tuesday. If I had known the trial would have
been deferred, I would certainly have brought Angela to see the castle
to-morrow. I should like very much for little Marcus to see it also. . . ,
I walked down by the riverside in my solitary ramblings to-day, and I saw a
great sea gull flying over the waters. He looked very large and beautiful,
and I wished much for Marcus and Angela to have seen him. To-morrow I
have some thoughts of walking over to John Freeman at Leamington, I
suppose I shall be able to find him, and I hope to find him better. If the
monkey dies I should like you to send for John Darwall or Dickenson and
have him opened. {No date, but amongst the 1820 letters!)
Mr. Parker's, Edgbaston, Thursday night.
I am happy to inform you that my father is not much hurt. He is cut in
the face, but I trust not otherwise injured. Mr. Dickenson has, however,
taken a little blood from him, and ordered him to take a little calomel to
night. I think it better to go home with him in order to see that everything
is right, and that my mother is not alarmed.

CHAPTER VIL
Charles Attwood's Letter on the Subject of Queen Caroline — Evidence of
Thomas Attwood before Agricultural Committee — Death of Miss Sarah
Carless — Harborne Sunday School — Letter from Brougham — Thomas
Attwood visits France — ^Letter from Wilberforce — Debate on the
Currency between Huskisson and M. Attwood — Their Speeches highly
praised by Alison — Death of Richard Pratchett — Letters to end of
1824 — Poem by Thomas Attwood.
Upon the resignation of Sir Charles Mordaunt, Richard
Spooner, who had been unseated upon a petition for Borough
bridge, contested the county of "Warwick, in opposition to Mr.
Lawley, the Tory candidate. On October 24th, 1820, he was
nominated at Warwick by no less a personage than the first
Sir Robert Peel, but was, nevertheless, unsuccessful. Three
copies of Sir Robert's speech are carefully preserved amongst
Thomas Attwood's papers, and hence I have no doubt that
he took a great interest in the candidature of his friend and
partner, although I have found no allusion to it in his letters.
It is in this year that I find the first public mention of Charles
Attwood, then aged twenty-nine. Public opinion was greatly
excited with reference to the Bill of Divorce then pending between
the King and Queen, and people took sides with an earnestness
which appears strange to us, who know that neither of the royal
parties was deserving of an atom of respect or sympathy.
Charles Attwood knew that the Queen was not all she should
be, but he thought the King was worse, and that some pity
should be felt for her. With this view he had already communi
cated with Mr. Denman, her solicitor-general, respecting the
worthlessness of the evidence tendered by some of the witnesses
for the prosecution. It now occurred to him that in the course
of the debates on the subject no one had pointed out the
disastrous consequences to the Constitution which might possibly

8o LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
ensue if the King were permitted to marry again. He accord
ingly wrote a powerful letter signed C, and despatched it to the
Times office by the hands of an Irishman who was then assisting
him in chemical experiments. The editor scanned it for a
moment and immediately said, "Tell Mr. Attwood it shall
appear to-morrow," Next morning not only did the letter
appear in leaded type in a prominent part of the paper, but it
was accompanied by a leading article homologating and enforc
ing the opinions expressed in it. The Lords refused to pass the
Bill of Pains and Penalties, and Charles Attwood always main
tained that his letter had so swayed public opinion as to bring
about this result. He may, very probably, in his old age, have
exaggerated the eff'ects of his suggestion, but Mr. Holyoake,
surely a competent judge, considers it "a remarkable letter,
written in the grand style in which Mr. Urquhart has since
distinguished himself," and, at any rate, it is interesting to reflect
that Queen Victoria may possibly owe her throne to this hasty
production. Acting upon a hint furnished by Mr. Holyoake in
the Secular Reviezv, I found the letter, with some trouble, at
the British Museum, and made a full copy of it together with
the adjacent article.
The great event of the year 1 821, so far as Thomas Attwood
was concerned, was his examination before a Committee of the
House of Commons appointed to devise means for the relief
of agricultural distress. No full report of his examination is
accessible to me, but from a speech delivered in 1836 I take the
following : —
I remember, in April, 1821, that I was examined before the Agricultural
Committee of the House of Commons. They told me openly and publicly
that they had passed a resolution that they would not enquire into the
Currency part of the question, and that I must confine my observations to
the agricultural part of it. "Good God !" said 1, "gentlemen, what are you?
Are you not a Committee appointed by the House of Commons to enquire
into the cause of the distress of agriculture ?" " Certainly," said they. "And
what is the distress of agriculture? Is it not the low price of agricultural
produce?' " Undoubtedly," said they. I rejoined, "Is there any other distress
in agriculture, except the low price of agricultural produce?" "Certainly not."
"What is the low price of agricultural produce?. Is it not the smaU quantity
of money or currency which agricultural produce commands in the market?"

AGRICULTURAL COMMITTEE. 8i
"Most certainly it is." "Why then," said I, "do you mean to say that you
have passed a resolution declaring that you will not enquire into the very
subject which you are expressly appointed to enquire into?" I could get no
further answer to this.
This Committee, he says, examined him about " fat cattle
and lean, and about plough-lands and grass lands, and about
everything else, except the one thing needful, viz., the cause
of the low price of agricultural produce." It was this same
Committee that refused to insert in their minutes his short
" Exposition of the cause and remedy of the Agricultural
Distress." Extracts from letters to Mrs. Attwood : —
Bedford Coffee House, Monday {April, 1 821).
I arrived safe and well last night at 9 o'clock. I am to be examined
to-morrow, and if they refuse to hear any one else, I purpose to be at home
again in a very few days. . . . The men in Parliament are a sad
specimen of the lords of human kind, but I think I shall make some
impression upon their iron heads before I part with them.
House of Commons, 5 o'clock {April 11, 1821).
After being examined four hours to-day and four yesterday, I think I
have at last succeeded in making an impression. They have heard me with
tolerable patience and have had all their little difficulties removed and some
light let in upon their comfortless prospects. I answered all the objections
of Ricardo and Huskisson, I beUeve most completely, and very evidently to
their deep mortification. I am obliged to write this letter by intruding upon
the clerks, or I should not be able to write to-night, being here two miles
from the Bedford, and the post bell ringing now. I believe the Committee
will now consent to hear James and Rooke and other lieutenants that I am
thinking of bringing forward. I will endeavour to write to you again to
morrow, because I dine with Littleton on Friday.
House of Commons, April 13, 1 82 1 .
I believe I shall prevail upon the Committee to hear Rooke and Cruttwell.
The former writes me word he is coming to London on Monday or Tuesday
next. I rather think I shall be coming home about Thursday next, but I
have not yet made a single call upon any one. Nevertheless, I am sufficiently
occupied and have scarce a moment to spare. My opinions I find are gaining
ground rapidly. Gooch told me this morning that he was quite convinced
that Peel's Bill was intended to operate a total transfer of the landed rental
of the kingdom into the hands of the fundholders. The stupid landholders
begin now to see this pretty generally. They are like sheep under the
butcher's knife. Their report will, I believe, express a decided opinion upon
this subject. But the misfortune is that they are all as dull as beetles, whilst
Huskisson and Ricardo are as sharp as needles and as active as bees, God
G

82 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
send them a safe deliverance. If they wait another year or two they are lost
for ever. They are robbed to a far greater extent, and in a far more infamous
way, than even the French Noblesse were. ... I dine to-morrow with
old Peel, and to-day with Littleton. The former I met in the street, and he
tells me his son's opinions are shook, and that he thinks he repents the part
he has taken. Bedford Hotel, Ap. i6, 1821.
I think to leave here Wednesday or Thursday if I can, but if I happen
to see friends it almost "obligates" me to stay longer. I called yesterday
upon Colquhoun, and afterwards dined with them at Mrs. C.'s father's,
Mr. Deacon, who lives in very good style and seems what is called a highly
respectable man. The Colquhouns expressed themselves very much hurt
that I had not made their house my home, and pressed me much to do
so now. I declined all this kindness, but promised to dine with them
to-morrow. They have an exceUent house in St, James' Place, No, 13, and
seem to keep what is called the best society. A more proper house for you
to visit cannot be found, and in the course of the next 10 years I may
perhaps bring you. I dined with the beautiful Lady Jane at Sir Rob. Peel's,
the same creature who so dazzled and bewildered little Scholefield. Sir
Robert told me that his son's opinions are shook, and that he believes he
repents his conduct. Mrs. Littleton would have taken me to a grand rout
for the sake of showing me the female nobility, but I recollected one female
that was far from me, and I was very anxious to return to her, and therefore
I did not choose to avail myself of an opportunity which I should otherwise
have much liked. Whilst I was speaking to this Beauty at the Opera House
on Saturday night, the Duke of Wellington came in all his stars to hand her
to her carriage, by which I had a close opportunity of observing him. He
is certainly not a man of much sense or intellect. Before I knew him I
thought very lightly of him. My friend Cruttwell is come to town, and dines
with me to-day. He enquires very kindly after you and yours. Hy. James
cannot get examined, although we have pressed it in all ways. They will
hear no one but me. Bedford Coffee House, Saturday.
I believe I must begin to allow at last that you are a judge of Beauty. I
always thought Mrs. Littleton a heavy dull indifferent woman, but I was
agreeably surprised yesterday to find her a perfect Basilisk. Nevertheless
I am not the less anxious to return to you, which I hope to do shortly. I
purpose to call upon Mrs. Colquhoun to-morrow. The Committee have
again positively refused to hear any one else upon the Currency. The land
holders are all convinced, and determined to say something upon the subject
in their Report. But they say that Huskisson has so contrived \.o pre-engage
their time to hear farmers and dealers, that if they hear any others upon the
Currency they shall not be able to make their Report this session, which is
the very thing Huskisson wants. Bedford Coffee House, Sunday morn.
I am going to-morrow morning to see the Duke of Sussex, who has been
very kind in obtaining for James a letter from Count Lieven to the Govr.
of Odessa, which is Ukely to be of great value to him, I am told the Duke

HARBORNE SUNDA Y SCHOOLS. 83
is getting very intimate with the King, and is likely to have great power. He
reads all my letters in the Journal, and also aU the private ones which I send
to Shirley, and which he particularly desires to have.
Rosabel, younger daughter of Thomas Attwood, was born
at the new Crescent House on the 24th July, 1821, and was
baptised by the Rev. J. Darwall on the 5th August following.
On the 24th February, 1822, died Miss Sarah Carless, sister
of Mrs. Thomas Attwood, at the age of thirty-three, and was
buried at Edgbaston. Although an invalid for the greater part
of her life, she had devoted herself with unremitting diligence
to the direction of the Harborne Sunday School, and for several
years had even taught the village children during the week,
giving up all her friends and amusements, and attending school
regularly at eight o'clock. In a paper left by Thomas Attwood,
he expresses his great admiration of her piety and charity, and
also of the fortitude and resignation with which she bore her long
and painful illness, and he expresses his belief in the power of
the Christian religion to comfort and alleviate the most terrible
sufferings. The Harborne Sunday Schools were founded in 1794 by
Squire Green, with the assistance of Mrs. Carless, who promised
to give him her aid in all his plans. He esteemed her co-opera
tion so highly that at his death in 1 800 he left her Grove House
for life, for fear she should leave the parish and give up the
schools. The state of ignorance and depravity at this time in
Harborne may be imagined. There was no resident clergy
man, and the vicar, a very old man, lived in Newhall Street,
Birmingham, and the curate at Halesowen. One of them used
to ride over on Sunday when he was able, and when he was
not the church was not opened. It was not until 1823, when
the vicar died, and Chancellor Law succeeded to the living,
that a curate was appointed to live in the parish.
This may be the place to remark that about the same time
Mrs. Carless opened the first Sunday School at Harborne, Mrs.
Attwood of Hawne succeeded in establishing the first at
Halesowen. The first letter which I shall insert for this year is to my
G 2

84 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
\ mind extremely interesting, for in it Lord Brougham, than
whom probably a greater intellect never existed, distinctly and
honestly confesses that the unanimous votes of both Houses in
1 8 19 were wrong, and as a necessary consequence acknowledges
that the Attwoods were right.
" T. Attwood, Esq., Birmingham.
,, ,, „ London, Feb. 2%, 1822.
"My dear Sir, ' ¦^'
I have to thank you for your kind letter, and perhaps we do not differ
so widely as to what ought to have been done in 1819 — but rather as to
making any change now.
The effects of the change operating since 1816 have been truly distressing,
and none but those who are determined to look at one side of the question
only can doubt that some other arrangement ought to have been made when
we were about it. I am aware of distress not being confined to the agricul-
culturists — but they are certainly suffering most. Any information respecting
other branches of employment will be at all times acceptable.
Believe me.
Very faithfully yrs.,
H. Brougham."
Brougham, it should be remembered, was himself a Member
of the Parliament of 18 19.
{Thomas Attwood to his wife!)
Betley Hall, Friday morn., Feb. 23, 1822.
I am quite well. I found my boys quite well. I begged them a holiday.
. The Miss ToUetts are very pretty, but not quite so destructive as our
friend at Mr. Jackson's. Therefore I can discourse politics admirably in
their presence without thinking of love. I am quite satisfied with friendship.
March 18, 1822.
Mr. Graham of Liverpool and my brother George will dine with me at 5
o'clock, and also I expect a Mr. Banks. Bedford Coffee House, 7 May, 1822.
I arrived here safe last night, having been disappointed in one Coach and
obtained a seat in another. I had only 2 companions. My pen is very bad.
I will get a better at Dover, where I hope to have time to write to you.
My dear Love, D'''"'^^ ^'=y 9, 1822, t p.m.
I am just arrived here quite safe and well. It is however so very cold
that I can hardly hold my pen after taking a short walk upon the Beach.
The sea is roaring horribly. If it does not get quiet by the morning, I
purpose to wait another day, for I have so much regard to you and yours
t iiat I do not feel disposed to trust myself upon it in an angry mood. It is
like some women that I have seen, whom it is almost pardonable to insult

LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 85
for the purpose of beholding the glorious emanations which their passion
exhibits. Pray attribute to this motive any apparently unkind conduct of
mine which during all my life may at any time have given you offence. I
dined at Canterbury, but had not time to see the tomb of the Black Prince.
Kent is indeed a beautiful county. Man and Nature seem to have combined
their powers during the whole of my journey of 70 miles through it. It has
women too, I have seen several that might stand by the side of our lovely
Mary. What then does Kent want ? It wants a wise and upright Govern
ment. I have heard the most bitter curses and lamentations through my
whole journey. The thing begins to be understood too. Everybody con
siders it a question of money, although but few can explain the principles on
which it rests. I am got now, you will say, upon my old subjects. Love and
money. And certain it is that, let me begin my letter however I will, I am
pretty sure to say something upon both before I close. An odd kind of
partnership it is that these two have formed in my mind. The most generous
and the most selfish of principles seem to agree very well together. One
cultivates the heart and the other the head, and I rather incline to flatter
myself that I derive some benefit from each. . . .
Kingston Hotel, Calais, May 12, 1822.
I arrived here very safe and well after a passage of 4 hours. My beautiful
mistress proud and fickle. She suddenly changed her smiles into frowns,
and I had the pleasure of seeing her in a state of great irritation during
nearly the whole of my voyage. I was a little sick but not much, and I think I
should not have been so at all if the swell of the waters had been moderate.
It did not however affect me 10 minutes after I left the ship. We were
crowded with passengers, some beautiful and some noble. The former
occupied me most according to custom. ... I have been to drink tea
with Mrs. Crawfurd, etc. This is a very pretty little town, and the people in
their circumstances evidently much better off" than the English. The lower
orders of women are far cleaner, better dressed, healthier, happier, and
prettier. This is beyond a doubt. All the people look happier. But the
men seem but poor creatures, Uttle, awkward, ugly old children, that is their
character. It seems a pity they should have such nice women. I am going
to Paris in the morning by way of Cambray. I believe I shall not be there
before Sunday night, when I shall expect to get a letter from you. Mr. James
met me on the Pier. His contempt of the Frangais is unbounded.
Paris, Tuesday even.. May 14, 1822.
I arrived here last night quite well, after a very pleasant journey by the
Diligence through Calais, St. Omer, Mountcashel (?), Armentiferes, Lille,
Douay, Cambray, and St. Quentin. The whole of the land for this distance
of 250 miles was by far the very richest I ever saw, and the country in
general by far the most beautiful. I made this detour for the purpose of
seeing Lille and Cambray, and I was not disappointed.
All the above towns are finer than any in England. ... I went last
night to the Theatre and met Miss Laura Price and Mr, RoUaston. . , .
P,S. — In aU the fine towns I have passed through, good houses let for ^15 or
^20 a year, and other things are equally cheap.

86 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
Meuric^s Hotel, 17 May, 1822.
I avail myself of the opportunity presented by our mutual and beautiful
friend Miss Laura Price to inform you that I am quite well, and that I shall
probably see you again in a few days after you receive this letter. I could
spend, it is true, many weeks at Paris without exhausting the endless amuse
ments which it presents, but I can with truth assure you, &c. ... I am
become a little serious, as our friends at St. Mary's call it. I wandered one
day in the village of Mountcashel, surveying the glorious prospects around
me, and disputing with James upon "fate, fixed fate," "free will, free will
immutable," as Mflton calls it.
In the midst of our discourse, which had grown rather sceptical, we
turned suddenly upon a large crucifix, with a Latin motto over it, " 1 tell
thee, fond man, Jesus is arisen." I was struck with the coincidence, and
confirmed in my opinion that in our English Church we have dispensed with
more of the Romish customs than was necessary. I have found Mons, and
Madame Gerente exceedingly kind and attentive; the latter is rather an
invalid, and their children are but poorly. My time is so much occupied in
business and in seeing sights, that I am afraid I shall not have occasion to
deliver the letters which Miss Carless was so good as to give me.
. . . The weather here is very warm and pleasant, Uke England in
July. The rye and wheat, in some parts, are nearly ripe. Paris, May 17, 1822.
You must not give yourself any uneasiness about the Sea, which is now
brought so much under human subjection, that I doubt if the danger of a
Stage Coach passage from Birmingham to London is not greater than that
of a voyage from Calais to Dover. . . . My business here is favourable.
Paris, May 21, 1822.
I think to leave Paris for Rouen on Thursday, and shaU then return to
you by way of Calais, I beUeve, some time in the middle of next week. I
shall probably have to stay a day or two at Rouen and Havre, and also at
London. You must not be surprised if you do not hear from me, as the
country I am going through is full of cross posts, which may probably delay
my letters for many days or weeks. When you get this letter, I shaU be
obliged if you wiU write to me a few lines just to inform me how you all
are, directed to me at the Post Office, Dover, where I will call. Also write
another letter to the same purport directed to me at No. 147, Leadenhall St.,
London, in order that I may be quite sure to hear of your welfare. You
must excuse my writing more at present, for I have a world of business to
attend to, that is to say, the business of seeing sights, respecting which I wiU
inform you when I see you, and which I will some time bring you to see.
Everything is prosperous in France, Lord Liverpool and his gang tell
nothing but lies.
The following letters refer to the County Election for
Warwick in 1822. They are not dated, and were evidently

WARWICK ELECTION Sl
sent by private hand. In order to explain them I shall
make the following extract from the Birmingham Journal of
 26th, 1864:—
" In 1822, Mr, Spooner made a second attempt to enter Parliament. He
was chosen by the Reformers as their candidate for the county of Warwick,
in opposition to Mr, Francis Lawley, The election caused an excitement
which still lives vividly in the memories of those who took part in it, A
great number of voters — nearly all of them Reformers — then lived in Birming
ham, and Reform principles had developed with such force and rapidity that
the Birmingham men were confident of being able to carry the man of their
choice against the combination of landlords, who looked upon 'the county'
as their own political (as it was their actual) property. Every vehicle in
Birmingham was hired to convey voters to Warwick on the day of nomi
nation. Blue ribbons, flags, streamers, bands of music, enUvened the whole
length of the road from Birmingham to the county town ; and round every
man's hat was pinned a blue paper with the inscription — ' Spooner for ever !'
But unhappily the votes of the enthusiastic Birmingham men failed to secure
Mr. Spooneris election. Before he could sit for Warwickshire, it was
necessary that he should adjure what then seemed to be his settled political
creed." Warwick, Monday, 2 o'clock.
You take too great an interest in this Election, which is but a twopenny
business, whether we succeed or not. You also misjudge the relative strength
of the two parties, if you judge by the state of the poll. If we had had
room enough in our one Booth to exhaust our strength to the same degree as
our opponents have done theirs in their 3 Booths, we should not, 1 assure
you, have cut a despicable figure, but quite the contrary. The state of the
poll, therefore, is no guide. It ought not to be reckoned a proof of our
weakness because we have not been able to overcome 2l physical impossibility
which our opponents have not had to contend with. For 7 hours every day
we have polled as many votes as the Poll Clerks could take an account of, and
if we had had 3 Booths as our opponents have had we could, in all human
probability, have polled full 3 times as many as we have done. Our strength
is now all in reserve, but our opponents' is gone. We are certain to succeed
in returning Mr. Spooner, provided the Coventry votes are good, which you
know was the grand question upon which we reckoned the Election to de
pend before we left Birmingham, We have not yet polled one fifth of our
Birmingham friends. We want as many as can possibly come to-morrow at
any expence, and in any way, provided they are here before 3 o'clock. There
fore be so good as to send to your uncle, and let him come to-morrow. Our
opponents have, in fact, made us an offer to let the Election turn upon the
Coventry question, but of this please say nothing. All parties of all sides are
agreed that if we had retained 10 or 20 of the principal Lawyers at the time
when we issued the first handbill, Lawley would not have had the sliadow
of a chance against us, not even if we gave up the Coventry question. This
is what Unett assures me.

88 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
This letter has on it an endorsement, apparently in the hand
writing of Joshua Scholefield, as follows : —
Mr. Scholefield left Mr. Attwood very well last night, but being midnight
before J. S. got home was too late to send this.
Woolpack Inn, Wednesday, \past 2 d clock.
Our adversaries are gaining some advantages over us — from the rascally
partiality of the Sheriff", who has kept our votes back almost by hundreds in
order to put us to expence, &c. All Lawley's men, however, are in our favour,
and they held up their hands for us in the show of hands yesterday. The
show of hands was at least 100 to i in our favour. The enthusiasm of the
populace in our favour is very great, particularly among the women. I expect
our opponents will partly have exhausted their strength to-day, and in that
case we should soon recover the proper state of the Poll. We have in
Warwick now, I believe, full 200 votes, and probably as many as 300. To
morrow we shall bring forward the Coventry men. I have to-day received
your kind letter, and am truly glad to find you are all well. Pray send your
uncle and Mr. Clarke and Mr.'Lycett, and as many more voters as you can
prevail upon to come. If you send a note to Mr. Twells he will give you a
list of some respectable voters, such as Henry Parker and others, who will
probably be prevailed upon to come and vote for Spooner, if you ask tlum.
You know the influence of Beauty very well, and I also know some little
of it. " Experientia docet" which Tommy will interpret for you.
Woolpack I?in, Saturday, 12 o'clock.
I am sorry I have not myself been able to write to you but once yet. I
assure you I have been totally occupied by day, and almost by night, going
to bed at 12 and i and 2 o'clock, and getting up at 7, which you know is
rather unusual for me. 1 have sat down several times for the express purpose
of writing to you, and before I have written 5 lines I have been interrupted
by persons as clamorous as the Messengers of Job. The fact is that we
brought with us but 4 members of a Committee for Warwick, and we ought
to have brought at least io, or perhaps 40, which would have given us aU a
little comfort. You must not be dismayed by the state of the Poll, which is
to day at 12 o'clock 870 against us, viz,, Lawley 1,465, and Spooner 595. Our
opponents have exhausted their strength in these 5 first days, but it was not
possible for us to bring ours forward owing to our having but one Booth for
polling (Hemlingford) whilst they have 3. If we could have polled our
Birmingham friends as fast as they have polled their country friends, we
should now have been even with them. I am happy to inform you that our
funds are ample. If we had known their present amount in the first week
of our proceedings, our success would have been quite certain, beyond all
doubt. We should then have had the country lawyers and votes which
Lawley now has. ... If you send to Mr. Twells any letters, he will be
sure to forward them much quicker than the post by many opportunities.
I thank you for your good spirit in sending Uncle Pratchett and others
whom I expect on Monday or Tuesday.

WAR WICK ELECTION. 89
Warwick, Tuesday, 5 o'clock.
The business is now concluded. We have a majority of 300 in our favour
including the Coventry voters, but Lawley has a majority of 1,200 without
them. This question will therefore go the House of Commons, but how it
will decide, God knows. I hope to be able to leave Warwick to-morrow,
but having the keeping of the purse, and the paying of all the bills, I cannot
come before. Our majority of good votes on to-day's poll is 78. I suppose
to-morrow and the next day we might increase it to 2 or 300 more. Upon
any future occasion we shall be certain. Mr. Spooner will return to-morrow.
To Mrs. Thomas Attwood, Revd. Edwd. Carless' s, Wolstanton,
Nr. Newcastle, Staffordshire. Birmingham, Sat., 16 Nov., 1822.
I find that I cannot write War Poetry to my satisfaction, and therefore I
must content myself with a Love Ditty now and then, and you must fancy the
whole directed to yourself, for it is certain that they all originate in yourself
But it would not be classical to acknowledge such a vulgar feeUng as this
in amatory sonnets. I find, however, that I can write some very pretty
domestic eclogues, and perhaps I may favour you with one now and then. I
can bring in all your Loves in a most touching and pathetic manner. " Out
of the fulness of the heart the mouth speaketh," it is said, and I suppose it
is for this reason that I can write about you and your children far readier
than upon any other subject. Give my love to my dear Bosco and Tommy,
and inform him, &c. . . . Birmingham, 19 Nov., 1822.
I have partly agreed for you to dine at Elmdon with the Wilberforces
some day next week. They are coming there again, and as I knew you
were rather disappointed before, I fell in with Lillingston's request to meet
him on your return. I am glad Bosco has begun his poetry on Adrastus.
It is a noble subject, and I daresay he will produce something good from it.
But I am afraid I cannot accomplish anything myself but a domestic eclogue
now and then. In fact I find out that I am a little what vulgar folks call
uxorious, and am never truly eloquent upon any subject but my wife and
children. Pray ask Bosco how he should like to go into Mr. Price's
Counting House. The more I think of it, the more I am disposed to like it.
He would be inured early to business in proper hands, and in a good trade,
which would probably fall some time into his hands. The Church he would
not like, and the La%u would, I think, be worse bondage to him than Trade.
Physic is good, but very slow. It is what no one can expect to marry upon
before he is 40 years of age. And I think that would hardly have suited me
when I used to be blind with gazing on you. Friday, 22?id Nov.
I write by your uncle to say we are all of us quite well. I have agreed lor
you to dine with the Wilberforces at Elmdon on Wednesday next at 4 o'clock,
which will be the day after your return.

90 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
" From W. Wilberforce to Thos. Attwood.
Elmdon House, Dec. "jth, 1822.
" My dear Sir,
I return you many thanks for your packet, and I shall read, or rather
hear read (my own eyes compel me to that less desirable mode of study),
your printed Letter with the deference due to the composition of a man of
superior understanding who has thought much on the subject on which he
writes. As yet I have not had a vacant 5 of an hour, nor shall have for 2 or
3 days to come. I am, my dear Sir,
Your faithful servt,,
Thos. Attwood, Esq. W. Wilberforce.
I forgot to say, I will put ye other copies into ye hands of those whom I
may think willing and qualified to understand and consider ye subject."
In the summer of this year there occurred a debate on the
Currency, which I notice on account of the high compliment
paid by Alison, in describing it, to the talents of Matthias
Attwood. He says : —
" The great debate of the session, however, came on on the I ith June, 1822,
when Mr. Western moved for the appointment of a Committee to consider
the eflfect of the Act 59 Geo. Ill, c. 14 (the Bank Cash Payments Bill), on the
agriculture, commerce, and manufactures of the United Kingdom. The
motion was negatived after a long debate by a majority of 194 to 30. This
debate was remarkable for one circumstance. Lord Londonderry spoke
against the motion, with the whole Ministers and Mr. Brougham in sup
port of it. It led, as all motions on the same subject have since done, to
no practical result, as the House of Commons has constantly refused to
entertain any change in the monetary policy adopted in 1819 ; but it is well
worthy of remembrance, for it elicited two speeches, one from Mr. Huskisson
in support of that system, and one from Mr. Attwood against it, both of which
are models of clear and forcible reasoning, and which contain all that ever
has or ever can be said on that all-important subject." [Here Alison gives
the speeches of Huskisson and Attwood at length.]
The busy year 1822 appears to have been succeeded by
one of absolute retirement from public affairs, except only, I
suppose, that my grandfather must have written on the Cur
rency during the year 1823; but the publication, if there was
one, has not been preserved. I think it was in this year that
he removed with his family from The Crescent, Birmingham,
to Grove House, Harborne, the residence of his mother-in-law,
and where he resided until the termination of his public career.

RICHARD PRATCHETT. 91
I have no private letters for 1823, nothing having been pre
served but the accounts of the funeral of Miss Carless.
His letters for 1824 are as follows : —
Mrs. Attwood, Springfield House, Leamington.
Harborne, May 10th, 1824.
I have just heard from Mrs. Waddell that Mrs. Green Simcox died on
Saturday night. Pray mention this gently to Mrs, Freeman,
Birmingham, 22nd May, 1824.
Mr, Salt came to tell me his tale of sufferings on Thursday evening, and
I was of course obliged to decline an invitation from Green Simcox, but I
spent last evening with him and found him tolerably comfortable, but we
were each of us so confoundedly over-talked by his father, that I had but
little opportunity of communication with him. To-night I mean to see
Mrs, Jackson, to-morrow I go to Hawn, and on M.onday I mean to see
Mr. Freeman, unless Mr. R. Spooner anticipates my time on his return from
Liverpool, which seems likely. . . . Mr. Freeman seems to have made
up his mind to fix his residence at Leamington, as soon as he is able to
move, and he says he will occupy one of my houses until he wants some
other situation. Birmingham, 2yd f une, 1824.
I have agreed with Mr. Waddell to bring our whole family from Leaming
ton to Harborne in the coach, and I have partly fixed the day for next
Tuesday, on which day I could return with you myself, but I was rather
fearful of taking so much upon me as to decide upon the day, &c.
Birmingham, June 2'jth, 1824.
I am very sorry to inform you that Mr, Freeman was last night taken
seriously ill, and Dr. John Johnstone expects he cannot Uve much longer,
perhaps not many hours. I am going over to see him immediately.
Mytchley Abbey, June 2gth, 1824.
Mr. Joseph Freeman is come, and everything is done for his brother that
can possibly be done, Mrs. Freeman has been exceedingly watchful and
attentive, and nothing has been omitted that human art could devise. If
therefore it should please God that he should leave a life of trial and of
torment for a better state, his wife and children and mother must submit to
the Holy Will. I shall see him again in the morning, and shall be glad when
you come if you will call at the Bank in order that I may give you and your
sister the last report that I can bring.
Richard Pratchett died at his home, Sandpitts, near Birming
ham, on July 4th, 1824, aged sixty-seven. His death appears
to have been sudden, for I find no allusion to his illness. He
was High Bailiff" in 1804. I have already alluded to his public
services, and it was resolved to acknowledge them with a public

92 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
monument. The execution of this memorial was entrusted to
Mr. Hollins, and in November, 1825, the work was placed in
St. Martin's Church bearing a complimentary inscription, but I
regret to add that, with the vandalism usual upon such occa
sions, it appears to have been removed at the last " restoration "
of the church. Mrs. Thomas Attwood, Sandpitts, Birmingham. New St., July dth, 1824.
The bearer, Mr. Clark, at the request of Mr. John Clark, Mr. Henry
Parker, and several other friends of your deceased uncle, is desirous of being
permitted to take a plaster cast from his face, which he informs me he can
do in two hours certain. I see no objection to this myself ; it is perhaps what
your uncle himself would have wished, if he had known the wishes of his
friends ; it is possible, however, that you may yourself feel an objection to
such a proceeding, and if you do I would by no means urge it upon you.
It is the only possible relic we can have of him, and I should think myself
that such a relic would be as valuable to his family as his friends.
To Mrs. Thos. Attwood, Wolstanton, Staffordshire.
Birmingham, 26 Oct., 1824.
We are all quite well here. Bosco and myself dine with Barker to-day
and to-morrow I dine with the Low Bailiff". I expect we shaU make Robert
Smith High Bailiff". . . . My mother has been very ill, but is better. I
went to see her on Sunday, but left Bosco to go to church, agreeably to your
and his wishes. When you come on Friday be sure to be very careful to mind
that you set off early, by 8 o'clock at the very latest. The nights are very
dark, quite so at six o'clock. Make the chaise-boy drive slowly and carefully.
Harborne, Oct 17, 1824.
Bosco and myself exhibit a picture of domestic happiness, for we discourse,
not wrangle, whilst the weighty subjects which we discuss are rather
relieved than interrupted by the prattle of Rosabel, serving as a kind of
burthen to the music of our discussions. We are all very good too. I have
been to church with Bosco, and after that I have gathered acorns with
Rosabel, So there is nothing among us but love and health and happiness
and peace. We often think of you however, and also of Tommy, and our
other loves whom you have removed so far from us. . . . Pray give
the letter below to Mr. Carless. . . .
Dear Sir,
The Churchwardens of St. Martin's Church say that an old lost Register
of that church was given into Mr. Pratchett's care a few months before his
decease. Perhaps you may have noticed it among his papers, or they will
be much obliged if you will be kind enough to look for it. It is of much
importance.

LONDON AND BIRMINGHAM RAIL WA Y. 93
Birmingham, 28 Oct., 1824.
I hope, however, that you will not delay beyond Monday, and I should
be very glad if you could contrive to bring Angela with you. I know not
how else to get possession of her before Xmas. Pray remember to set off"
before 8 o'clock if you come in the chaise. You cannot cross the narrow
road at Hockley Brook, but must first ascend the hill towards Key Hill
House, and then descend the broad road to Hockley Pool, and then you
may get on by the Sandpits and the monument to your happy home, I am
sorry that I cannot come for you. It would give me sincere pleasure to see
Tommy, and no small satisfaction to have a glimpse of my beautiful cousin.
. . . Robt. Smith is made High Bailiff, and John Ryland is made
Low Bailiff". . . . You will be delighted to learn that Mr. Jackson has
just gained ^10,000 by the sale of a Mineral Estate which he bought a
year ago. Mr. Robbins has just sent here the plate which belonged to your
poor uncle. To Mrs. Thos. Attwood, Harborne.
Bedford Coffee House, Covent Garden.
21 Deer., 1824.
I have only a few minutes' time to say that I am well, and that I pur
pose to leave London to-morrow evening, and to be with you on Thursday.
Your letter to-day has given me much pleasure. I am glad you have sent
Lidy for Angela, and I doubt not that you have given her all proper
instructions to take care of Angela. Be sure and pay attention to the Fires
and take care that none of your clothes or those of the children take fire.
Upon this subject I am always anxious as you know, and also upon matters
of health. I have been very busy or I should have written to you yesterday.
We have been obliged to coalesce with the London Co., and now we are
threatened with a third Co. of London people, who seem a little animated
by envy at our success. . . .
It is at the end of this year (1824) that I find the first
mention of railroad companies in Thomas Attwood's letters.
It seems that railways were then proposed between Birmingham
and Liverpool, Birmingham and London, and even London and
Bristol. The rage to obtain railroad shares rose to an extra
ordinary height in Birmingham, and the Bank of Spooner,
Attwoods & Co. was thronged by persons desirous of sub
scribing their names, and such was the eagerness displayed
that the number of shares appropriated to the town (2,500) was
engaged in less than two hours. Messrs. Spooner, Attwoods &
Co. were appointed treasurers, and Mr. Barker solicitor to the
new Company.
I omitted to mention at the close of 1823 that on Novem-

94 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
ber 24th in that year the Birmingham Eye Infirmary was first
established by the energy and persistence of Mr. Hodgson, the
first surgeon of the new charity, and that upon its first com
mittee appear the names of Richard Spooner, George and
Thomas Attwood, and Joshua Scholefield.
The many deaths amongst his friends and connections dur
ing the year 1824 appear to have had a very melancholy effect
upon Mr. Attwood, since he found leisure to compose a poem,
apparently on the subject of a funeral, of which a few stanzas
were written by him from memory twenty years later in his
daughter's album. I insert some of these. Their poetical
merit may not be great, and several of the lines appear to
be borrowed, but, like Cicero's indifferent verses, they possess
an interest as the production of a man who took such a pro
minent part in great events : — 13/^
From Dust we come, to Dust we go,
Little we learn and less we know.
We go with groans, we come with tears,
We live with hopes, we die with fears —
Hopes and fears, pleasure and pain,
A few short years and dust again.
This is our life, and from our birth
To the day we go to our mother earth,
Trouble and folly, crime and care.
Sad comrades of our journeyings are ;
This is our life, from youth to age
Bubbles and dreams our hearts engage
Till like " an Idiot's tale," full fast.
We bring them to an end at last.
i6//z.
The mourners have entered the churchyard gate,
Whilst the straggling villagers round them wait.
They have lifted the dead on their shoulders high,
And moving athwart the evening sky.
They do for another the duty to-day.
They must claim to-morrow when they are clay.
Under their feet, and around them nigh,
The bones of a thousand winters lie.
Above them, below them, death is there,
Before them, around them, death is there.

POEM. 95

And moving the churchyard path along.
They hear the bell with its iron tongue,
For a while the notes of death prolong.
i8/A
The holy priest the service has read.
Soothed the living and blessed the dead :
He has told of a world beyond the grave.
Of a God who died the wretched to save —
He has told of a world where sorrow and fear.
And the bitter sigh and the burning tear,
No more shall trouble the creatures of Ufe,
Nor war, nor crime, nor care, nor strife ;
He has told of that happy and sinless shore.
Where friends that meet shall part no more,
Where all from the tyrant death set free.
The victor himself shall a victim be.
\gth
The hungry vault has open'd its door.
And received its prey as heretofore.
That vault never sees the light of the day.
Except when it gapes for its human prey.
A hundred times it has opened wide.
And a hundred victims lie side by side ;
There stretch'd in their silent house they lie,
Unconscious of the scene that's nigh,
Unconscious that a brother shares
Their fate and lays his dust with theirs ;
Nor summer suns, nor winter snows.
Can rouse them from their dread repose.
Nor sabbath chimes, nor midnight bell,
Can wake them with its solemn knell —
No discord there disturbs their rest.
No baleful passions there molest.
But all in peace together sleep.
And in that rest profound and deep,
" Silent and sad communion keep."
2oth.
I stood in the vault the coffins between
And silently watch'd the solemn scene,
I saw that the dead to the dead were borne.
And I heard the ropes from the coffin drawn.
And the sound of the earth on the coffin head.
Was like the greeting of the dead.
Ashes to ashes, dust to dust,
God is our hope and Christ our trust.

96 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
And I saw the tears in the mourners' eyes.
And I heard their deep heart heaving sighs
But there was one in manhood's prime.
Who seemed to deem their grief a crime,
And long in that dismal scene he stood,
And neither tear nor feeling shew'd ;
But he, when the sorrowing crowd were gone,
And himself in the vault was left alone
With a bursting heart no longer hid
Fell headlong on the coffin lid
Convuls'd in grief, in passion tost —
It was a son, a father had lost.

CHAPTER VIII.
Correspondence during 1825 — The Great Panic — Important Services ren
dered by Attwood — Ingratitude of the Government — Commencement
of the great case of SmaU v. Attwood — Letters during 1826 — Visit
to Rouen — Letters of Peel and Liverpool — Caricature by Cruikshank
— Correspondence with Sinclair, Finlay, and Gladstone — Death of
Lord Liverpool — Letters — John Attwood's Trial — The Scotch Banker
—Attwood's Estimate of Cobbett— Conduct of Matthias Attwood in
Parliament.
Mr. AtT'WOOD visited London in February 1825, but appa
rently solely on private business. He writes, Febuary 9th —
I think that WilUam had better not take the Brewery shares. They are
not very likely to be good things, although it is possible they may. The best
property for him to buy is small freehold houses and lands near Birmingham.
These things are sure to answer from the constant improvements going on.
Mrs. T. Attwood, Wolstanton, Staffordshire.
Birmingham, Feb. 23, 1825.
Bosco is gone to London to-day with his aunt Maria, but I expect him
back again in a few days. Algernon and Rosabel are quite well and good.
The former sings his hymns to me every morning, and the latter tells her
pretty tales. ... I rather think to put Tommy into business at mid
summer, which pray be kind enough to mention to his uncle. The railroad
goes on heavily. The Committee has reported specially that the standing
orders have not been complied with in some respects, and therefore we are
going to another Committee, called the Committee of Reference, in order to
get the said standing orders set aside in our favour if we can, which is
doubtful. Birmingham, Feb. 28, 1825.
I do not like you to come by the Liverpool mail, because I am told that
it is frequently overturned. But I wish you to come by whatever coach bears
the best character for safety. . . . Miss Jackson has been very ill, rather
dangerously so I believe, but she is now better. Her brother is come home
to-day, and brings shocking accounts of the conduct of Littleton in the
business of the railroad. This gentleman has, I think, raised a little dust
which will be troublesome to him at his next election. The railroad question
did not come on on Friday, but was deferred until this day, Monday, and now
I understand it is likely to be deferred again for a few days. You will be
H

98 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
glad to learn that the London Northern Company, after trying all manner of
flirtation with us, respecting our London line, have, at last, been unsuccessful
at all points, and have decided to go through Cambridgeshire, a hundred
miles from our line ! ! So much for the terror panic of our friend R. S., who
would have had us coalesce with them at all events. It will give you concern
to hear that Mrs. Franklyn, the wife of the traveller, has died in 9 days after
parting with her husband, upon his setting out on his long and dreary
journey. I am sure I should die, if I were to part with you for a tenth of
the probable time. But when I am thus candid with you, I hope you will
not take advantage of my weakness to play the tyrant on me. "It is
exceUent to have a giant's strength,'' says Shakespear, "but it is damnable
to use it like a giant." I had rather you would use it like your excellent
relation uses her power over her husband, viz., by never appearing to use it
at all. Pray give my sincere respects to her and assure her that however
generously she may lavish good opinions upon me, I return then sevenfold
upon herself. . . . March 5, 1825.
I have only time to say all are well, and that I shall anxiously expect you
by the Eclipse Coach on Monday evening. Therefore do not disappoint me,
if you can help it. Bosco is returned much pleased with his visit. Our Rail
Road is going on well, but pertinaciously and meanly opposed.
Birmingham, 7 May, 1825.
I am really much pleased with your letter. It is always right for good
wives to write frequently to their husbands, and it is right for gentlemen
husbands to write frequently to their wives, because they have leisure. But
as for us hewers of wood and drawers of water, it is pretty well if we can
find time to kiss our wives when at home, without writing to them when
absent. However, I must say we are all well, mother and all. Alley and
Rose very good. Bosco and I rather too good for this world, according to
custom. No spleen, anger or hatred. Neighbours also are all well. Spent a
pleasant evening with Mrs. Phipson. Agreed to let Bosco go to Mr. Cook's on
Tuesday next. . . . Sister Maria was married on Thursday. Finch called
to tell me, and to teU a fine story of how well Mathews is doing. . . .
I am very glad to hear such fine stories about the personal beauty of my
children. It's all a very fine thing, but if unattended with virtue, it only
serves to make mental deformity more visible. Let my blooming things hear
this in mind. Birmingham, 2 Septr., 1825.
... It turns out to be true that John Attwood has sold his works for
a large sum, certainly not less than ^500,000, as R. S. was assured last
night by John Simcox the lawyer. One of the managers of the new company
is coming to live at Corngreaves. This purchase raises the value of the
Hawn Estate greatly, which ought to bring a good way between 2 and
.£400,000. ... I hope I shall be able to go to France in about three
weeks, and if you persist in your wish to accompany me, I will certainly take
you and Rosebud,

LETTERS. 99
Mrs. Thos. Attwood, Birmingham.
London Coffee House, Ludgate Hill,
Nov. II, 1825,
I arrived here safe this morning and I lose no time in writing to inform
you of such an important event. I expected to find Mr. Salt here, but he is
not yet arrived, . . . Pray remind my dear  of my desire that he
should rise at 7. Perhaps he may summon up resolution to accomplish
an object during my absence, which has always been too arduous for him
during my presence. If so, I shall be very glad, for I Uke to see the duties
of life sit easy upon men. If it costs them too much in the way of sacrifice,
the duty is generally, first or last, neglected. It is in this way that vice
throws her cobwebs round us all. They are things which need but to be
touched to be snapped asunder, but the mischief is that we have seldom
resolution enough to touch them. Now I hope  will call up the courage
of Hercules in his support, and then he will wonder with what ease the great
duty will be accompUshed, I hope you will remember to send to my Blossom
a large quantity of the best toffy on her birthday. . . , If I can I will see
the great elephant before I return and tell her wonders about him. It is a
terrible rainy, cold and nasty day. London is much worse than other places
in such days. . . . 27, Gracechurch St.,
Dec. 17, 1825,
I arrived here safe yesterday morning. ... I hope Miss Pidcock
takes care of you night and day, and in that case I am perfectly satisfied,
after having heard how she managed the coachman and other affairs. I am
not yet a minister quite, although I may perhaps be called 2. privy councillor.
Ministers are in a terrible state, and I believe would give their eyes if they
could get back one single month. You will see they have issued J\ notes
already, so it seems that Mr. Salt's information was correct, and yet it is
remarkable that no one in London knew it. All that my brother could learn,
until the notes appeared, was that the Bank clerks went to their work at 9 in
the evening, as others came from work. You must not be alarmed at the
aspect of things. There will be no mobs at present. You may be assured
that in whatever I do with the Ministers, I will have no contact with the
Radicals, unless things take a strange turn. I know you have an antipathy
to those gentlemen, and I am myself not disposed to think very well of them.
London, Deer. 19, 1825.
I write again to say I shall probably be home in a day or two, and that I
am quite well. I have no more to say. The emperor Alexander is gone, to
heaven, I hope. The king here is well, but his Ministers are in rather a
funeste position as the French would call it, or as Tommy would perhaps say,
triste position. It is not unlikely they may be worse before they are better.
"Private.
" Mr, Robinson presents his Compliments to Mr, Attwood, and begs to
inform him, in reply to his note of this morning's date, that altho' he has
not feft himself justified in adopdng the particular mode suggested in
H 2

loo LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
Mr. Attwood's paper of yesterday. Directions have been given for affording
such facilities as may be proper in remitting the Revenue.
Downing St., Saturday, Deer. 17, 1825."
"T. Attwood, Esq., 27, Grace Church St.
"Sir, I think it might be advisable for you again to see the Directors of the
Bank of England. I cannot at all presume to say what may be their decision
on the suggestion which you made to me this morning — but I have no doubt,
from their Disposition to extend under present circumstances as much relief
as they can with propriety, that they will give an attentive Consideration to
any Proposition which you may have to make.
I am. Sir,
Your obedient Servant,
Whitehall, Robert Peel.
Deer. 16,^ past one p.m."
We have now reached one of the most interesting epochs in
Thomas Attwood 's life, when the greatness of the service which
he rendered to his country can scarcely be over-estimated. The
year 1825 was, for a short time, one of great prosperity, and
Mr. Robinson, then Chancellor of the Exchequer, and afterwards
Earl of Ripon, discoursed grandiloquently about " the prosperity
dispensed from the portals of an ancient monarchy." But in
the midst of the sunshine Attwood clearly foresaw the ap
proaching storm, and warned the state pilots of their danger.
The nature of the service rendered by him I shall set forth in
the words of the BirmingJmm Journal oi March Sth, 1856: —
" On the contrary the Government took a diametrically opposite course to
that Mr. Attwood recommended, and yet it was through his exertions that
the Bank of England and the credit of the country were saved from
irretrievable ruin. On the 22nd of November, 1825, Mr. Attwood addressed
a note to Lord Liverpool, the then Premier, urging upon him to cause the
Bank of England to prepare, without delay, a supply of ^i notes, as there
was an extreme probability that their issue would soon be rendered necessary,
and the mere signing of a sufficient number of notes would require six weeks'
time, even if 200 clerks were employed. This sagacity and foresight were
amply confirmed by subsequent events. The exchanges were against this
country ; speculations in all descriptions of property, in banks and joint-stock
companies— to which the mania of 1845, great as it was, scarcely affords the
slightest parallel— was at it height, and the nation was in a state of fever.
The Bank of England had scarcely a million of gold in its vaults. Huskisson,
who was then a member of the Administration, suggested a course which,
if it had been adopted, would have ruined half the country. He suggested

THE GREAT PANIC. loi
to the Bank the desperate measure, that if their gold were exhausted they
should place a paper against their doors, stating that 'they had not gold
to pay with, but might expect to have gold to recommence payment in a
short period.' Mr. Attwood, in these circumstances, was called to London
at the beginning of December, and was in constant communication with the
Government, having been furnished with a special letter of recommendation
from the first Sir R, Peel to his illustrious son. Shortly after his arrival, the
crash came. The panic began on the i6th of December, 1825, by the
stoppage of the house of Sir Peter Pole & Co. Banks failed in all directions,
and a run was made upon the Bank of England. The soundness of the
advice given by Mr. Attwood nearly a month before was then apparent.
It was only by the issue of the £1 notes that the national credit was pre
served. How this was done, we shall show by the evidence of Mr. Jeremiah
Harman, one of the principal Bank directors, before the secret committee of
1832. The question was asked : ' The Bank issued ^i notes at that period.
Was that done to protect its remaining treasure?'
This was the answer: 'Decidedly; and it worked wonders. And it was
by great good luck that we had the means of doing it ; because one box
containing a quantity of ^i notes had been overlooked, and they were forth
coming at the lucky moment.'
'Had there been no foresight in the preparation of these notes?' it was
asked. 'None whatever, I solemnly declare,' was the reply. It was again asked,
'Do you think that the issue of these £1 notes did avert a complete drain ?'
' As far as my judgment goes,' said the director, ' it saved the credit of
the country.'
Thus the whole system — debt-dividends, dead weight, half pay, pensions,
secret service money, exchequer bills, and altogether, were within a few hours
of total destruction and irretrievable ruin, which was averted solely by the
advice if not by the influence of Mr. Attwood."
The two letters which I have inserted from Mr. Peel and
Mr. Robinson, although cautiously and officially worded, with
an evident desire to avoid acknowledging any obligation to
Attwood, appear to me to fully prove the truth of the above
account, which is also confirmed by the private letters to Mrs.
Attwood just quoted. I find also amongst my grandfather's
letters the following paper, which shows that before the panic he
had pressed the remedy upon every one : —
Resolutions for the Bankers of London proposed in first week of Decem
ber, 1825, by T. Attwood, and presented to 6 London Banks by M. Attwood
and refused by each of them.
We, the undersigned Merchants and Bankers of the City of London,
think it our duty to make known to His Majesty's Government : —

I02 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
First — That the Gold coins and Bank of England notes now in circulation
are not sufficient to transact the business of the Country.
Second — That the consequence of this deficiency of the circulation is a
general want of confidence, and a general disposition to realise monied
engagements to an undue and impracticable extent.
Third — That some legislative interference is necessary, in order to
prevent the most serious consequences to the Trade, Commerce and
Agriculture of the Country — lo Deer., 1825.
Refused by Jos"- Walker, Masterman and others.
For his important services on this occasion, Thomas Attwood
does not appear to have received the slightest acknowledgment
from the Government. I cannot even find amongst his papers a
letter of thanks from either Liverpool, Peel, or Robinson, and
yet, from the evidence adduced, there seems no possible doubt
that the services really were rendered. We shall, however, see
that on another and far more memorable occasion, other men in
high office reaped all the fruits of his labours and repaid him
with nothing but ingratitude and abuse.
This year (although actual litigation did not commence until
1826) may be said to have witnessed the commencement of the
famous case of Small v. Attwood, a suit which continued until
March, 1838, and which — whether we consider the number of
years that it lasted, the magnitude of the sum at stake, the
eminent counsel employed and the unprecedented fees paid to
them, or the celebrated judges before whom it was tried — may
fairly be called one of the most extraordinary civil cases ever
tried before any tribunal whatever. It was a very El Dorado for
the legal profession. Two Lord Chancellors acquired a great
part of their fame by its conduct, and men who were juniors at
its commencement sat on the Bench at its conclusion. Many
tons of paper and parchment were written or printed over, and
I have heard my father say that fifteen hackney coaches were
employed to carry the papers to the House of Lords.
By an agreement dated June loth, 1825, John Attwood of
Corngreaves (first cousin to Thomas) agreed to sell to John
Taylor, James Henry Shears, and Robert Small, the estates
and works called Corngreaves Estate, late Banks's Furnaces,
Dudley Wood or Netherton Iron Works, and Wolverhampton

SMA LLv.ATTWO OD. 1 03
Colliery, for .£600,000, The plaintiffs took possession of the
estafes, but soon after, a heavy fall took place in the price of
iron, and they found they had made a very bad bargain. They
then filed a Bill of Complaint in the Court of Exchequer on the
27th of June, 1826, in which they sought to have the agreement
annulled on the ground of fraudulent misrepresentation by
John Attwood as to the value of his property. The progress
of this great lawsuit is frequently alluded to in Thomas
Attwood's letters.
In this year also he published a letter to Sir John Sinclair
upon the Currency, but as this was bitterly attacked by Cobbett
in 1827, I shall notice it again presently. It appears, however,
that Cobbett was mistaken as to the date, as I find Mr. Attwood
wrote to Sir John on the 4th January, 1826, "on the future
operation of the Metallic Standard, and on the two modes of
carrying it into full effect." He appears to have attached con
siderable importance to this letter, which was reprinted in the
Birmingham Journal of January 14th, 1832, and he sent a copy
to Mr. Peel, then Home Secretary, who replied as follows : —
"Whitehall, f any., 1826.
"Sir, I beg leave to return to you the accompanying copy of your Letter to Sir
John Sinclair,
I have read it attentively, and it has been seen by Lord Liverpool and
Mr. Robinson.
However much I may differ from you as to the expediency of an incon
vertible Paper Currency — the vast importance of the subject on which you
have addressed me, and my respect for your ability and practical experience,
would ensure my best attention to any communications with which you may
favour me. I am. Sir, Your very faithful Servant,
Robert Peel."
To Mrs. Thomas Attwood, Rev. Edwd. Carless, Wolstanton,
near Newcastle under Lyme. Birmm., 21 Feby., 1826.
I cannot come to Wolstanton at present. I am engaged in the pleasant
office of calling in accommodations as Lord Liverpool calls it. I wish I had
got him upon my books, and he had nothing but land to pay me with, and no
privilege of Parliament. If I did not make a Radical of him in 20 minutes,
I would lose my head,- Lord Westmoreland says he is mad, which is Uke

I04 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
enough. It is certain that both he and Canning are guided by Cobbett in
everything they say or do. I went over to Sir Robert yesterday about the
Rail Road. We are going on very well, beating the enemy in every attack,
I expect, however, we shall hardly succeed this session, but this you must not
mention, Bosco is going to the Concert with Mr. Jackson on Tuesday, or I
should send him for you. As it is, I think you will have to come by yourself
in the Eclipse. , . , Birmingham, 27 Feby., 1826,
You have frequently heard me say that the measures of the Ministers wd.
renew " the late panic" and sure enough I have been correct, according to
my custom for 20 years. Seven or eight Banks have stopped payment in
diflferent parts, and a considerable demand has been occasioned upon many
banks of the very first consequence ; for instance. Smith, Payn & Smith, and
Barclays have had last week very sharp runs upon them. In many Country
Towns also these pleasant "panics " have prevailed. In this town, however,
things have been pretty quiet excepting with regard to Moilliett & Co., who
have had a very constant and persevering drain upon them. In the mean
while the positive misery among the lower classes is becoming frightful.
Upon the whole, if I were a demon, I shd. take a very sincere pleasure
in seeing things taking so rapidly the course which I have prophesied for
10 years. So much for politics.
Mrs. Attwood, at Mrs. Freeman's, 3, North Parade, Weston super Mare.
I have received this morning your melancholy letter of yesterday, which I
have immediately forwarded to your dear Mother at Harborne. The news
will not be unexpected by her, and therefore I hope she will not be much
affected by it. You will, of course, not return until the funeral is over, and I
doubt not that you will administer to Mrs. Freeman and to Sarah Eliza all
the consolation in your power. Let these things, my dear love, teach us to
value our own happiness and to receive with gratitude such blessings as the
Almighty God has given us, without repining for others which perhaps He
may think proper to refuse. 8 April, 1826.
I am concerned to inform you that our valuable friend Mrs. Price died
this morning at \ before 9 o'clock. Very few, I fear, have been better pre
pared to meet their end. When I parted with her I left her with a prayer that
the Almighty God would receive her into Paradise, and I doubt not that my
prayer will be heard, and that I shall one day have the happiness of seeing
her again. Here again, my dear wife, we see cause of gratitude to the
beneficent Author of our being. The most awful calamities glare around us
on many sides, but, thanks be to God, they never break in upon our peace.
My poor sister Susan, whose body reposes side by side with my long
lamented Grandfather and Grandmother, if she were alive, would be full of
her dismal prognostications upon the frightful changes which, she always
contended, awaited me. She treasured up the stores of her learning to
produce evidence that all persons whose happiness was great in the be
ginning of life were exposed to the most dreadful calamities in its end.

VISIT TO ROUEN. 105
Polycrates and Croesus and many other instances were always upon her lips.
I have no fear. I will always discharge my duty as a just and upright man.
I leave the rest to God, from whom all good and all evil comes.
Mrs. Attwood, 190, Rue Roy ale, Boulogne sur Mer.
3, Rue Impasse, Route de Caen, Rouen,
Sept. Hfth, 1826.
I arrived here safe yesterday evening at 4 o'clock. The country is
beautiful beyond description all the way. If you could have looked down
upon Rouen from the hills, you would have thought it the most beautiful city
in the world. The dioramic view of it is nothing. The diligence is in my
opinion much pleasanter travelling than our stage coach. 28 franks was my
whole fare here, a distance of 140 or 150 miles. I came by Neufchatel. I
mean to return to Dieppe, which is only 30 miles hence. . . .
Septr. 7, 1826.
I find that my business here will require a good deal of my personal
attention. It may perhaps be desirable for me to take a house for 6 months
either here or at Dieppe. A few weeks ago I could have bought one here,
large, elegant and commodious, with 2 acres of walled garden, for ^550 only.
I will enquire after one to rent for 6 months, and if I find one will bring you
to look at it. Diligences go 5 or 6 times a day in 5 hours from here to
Dieppe, and from thence the Steam Packets go twice a week in 10 hours
to Brighton. I like the diligences better than our stage coaches because
they are more roomy and commodious, and far more safe. The people here
are excessively ugly. I am sure they never conquered England. And yet
Richard Cceur de Lion sleeps in their Cathedral, and William the Conqueror
in another of those beautiful and venerable structures at Caen. Here too lies
Bedford the Duke Regent of France, close by the spot where he had the
cruelty and madness to burn alive the Maid of Orleans. The mountains and
the river and the Cathedral remain in their pristine beauty, as they were when
they belonged to the Plantagenets. Everything speaks of England. . . ,
Hawn, Sept., 18, 1826,
Tommy wrote to you from Dover on Thursday and from Birmingham
yesterday. We are all well. I have only time to say that my father is better
but StiU in a precarious state. The probability is that he may survive for
a few years, but he may die in a few days. Mr. Hodgson teUs me this
morning that he saw your mother yesterday and she was walking in the '
garden as well as usual. Tommy and Bosco went home to her last night,
and I intend to see her myself in a day or two. Hawn, 20 Septr., 1826.
My father is getting gradually but slowly better. I think you have done
right in taking the house from Mr. Podevin at 5 guineas per week.
"Thomas Attwood, Esq., Birmingham. Octr., 1826. Private.
" Sir, — I beg leave to return to you the accompanying French Promissory
note which you were good enough to send for my inspection.

io6 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
The existence of the facts which you mention as to the number of Dockets
which you have struck, and of meetings of Creditors which you have
attended, does not appear to me to warrant the inference which you draw
from them.
Those who contend against a lavish issue of Paper money consider
alternate states of excitement and depression one of the certain consequences
of that issue, and would appeal to the facts to which you refer as warranting
their conclusions rather than your own.
I confess from what I have myself heard and seen of the state of
Birmingham, I should have appealed to it as a Proof that the reduction
of Paper by the Country Bankers has not had that fatal effect upon the
manufacturing Industry of the Country which some persons anticipated.
If since Christmas last you have drawn in ^200,000 from the uses of Industry,
and if every Banking House in Birmingham has in a degree proportionate
to its circulation followed your example — the present state of Birmingham,
though perhaps not altogether exactly what we could wish it to be, still is
such in my opinion as to warrant a confident belief that the Prosperity of the
Country is not quite so dependent on the abundant issue of a Paper
Circulation as it appears to you to be. I am. Sir,
Your obedient servant,
Robert Peel."
"Fife House, 2 Deer., 1826.
" Sir, — I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter to me of the 30th of
last Month, with its Inclosure, and to thank you for the present communication
as well as for your former one of the ist Novr.
I am truly sensible of the restless and disaffected spirit which is produced
by a period of Distress, and which unfortunately exists in many places at the
present moment ; but it is to be hoped that the Loyalty of those of better
Sense will be sufficient to check and counteract the designs of such as would
inflame rather than sooth the minds of the suffering poor at such a moment,
I am. Sir,
Your very obedient humble servant, Liverpool,"
I have an old caricature, etched by George Cruikshank and
published in 1826, with which Thomas Attwood amused two
generations of children. It represents the Ministers, aided by
Cobbett and a number of country squires mounted on asses,
busily engaged in slaughtering a flock of rooks who are
supposed to typify the country' bankers, I remember he used
to say that he had himself designed this plate and written the
doggrel accompanying it. The engraving itself says, " Designed
by an amateur," and the lines, which are as follows, remind me
of his style : —

PEEL AND LIVERPOOL. 107
Through the Strand I took my way.
Loitering on a Winter's day.
Soon the place my footsteps tread
Where a tyrant lost his head ;
Onward then my course I try.
Musing on the times gone by.
To where St. Margaret's stands confest
A blister on a Beauty's breast.
There a wild rout invades my ears
Full of strange sounds and stranger fears ;
Loud and more loud the uproar grows
Wilder than aught that Bedlam knows,
" Halloo ! Halloo ! Tally O ! Tally O !
Onward to Heaven or Hell we go,
Down with the Rooks and Down with the Rags,
Up with the Guineas and hard Money bags,
Mercy, Gramercy, I promise to pay,
Promise no more but pay to-day,
" Caw, Caw, Caw, Caw Caw Caw,"
Nothing I hear but " Caw, Caw, Caw.''
On February 6th, 1826, the Birmingham Mechanics' Institute
was founded, chiefly through the instrumentality of Richard
Spooner, who was its first president, Thomas Attwood being the
first treasurer. From the letters of the latter just quoted I judge
that it was in this year that he established at Rouen some works
for the manufacture of cotton-print rollers, which, though never
very successful, subsisted for many years and were managed for
a short time by his son Edward Marcus. In this year also he
seems to have attracted for the first time the notice of Cobbett,
who in his Register for October 7th, 1826, sneers at the " Little
Shilling Project " of Messrs. Attwood and Spooner, and predicts
that its adoption would instantly " produce a revolution of the
most dreadful character." At the General Election of 1826
A. Baring and Matthias Attwood were returned for Callington,
Mr. Badnall being the defeated candidate.
At the end of 1826 and the commencement of 1827, Thomas
Attwood engaged in a long correspondence with Sir John
Sinclair, Kirkman Finlay of Glasgow, and John Gladstone,
father of the present Premier, on the subject of a change of

io8 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.,
currency. The printed paper containing this is endorsed by
Attwood : — " Printed by Sir John Sinclair, and afterwards sup
pressed by desire of Finlay and Gladstone," and his two long
letters on the subject are dated January loth and February 7th,
1827. At the end of January he visited Mr. Davenport, M.P,,
at Tarporley, no doubt with reference to Currency matters.
Extracts from letters of 1 827 : —
Mrs. Thomas Attwood, Wolstanton. Birmingham, 20 Feby., 1827.
Lord Liverpool seems past all human hope. It is strange, but at the
very hour he was struck I was in the very act of cursing him. I do not
often use imprecations, but at 10 o'clock on Saturday morning I was plagued
with the beggars, the victims of Lord L'pool, and I went back to Mr. Walker
calling down curses upon him, and praying to God that I might see him
reduced to the misery to which he had reduced others. My heart relented
when I heard of his illness, for although the author of so much misery, I can
hardly bring myself to think him a villain. The D. of Cumberland is
different. Few persons will regret his fate, and none will do so but from
the mere impulse of humanity. I forgot to send my remembrances to
Mrs. Carless, and her husband and lovely daughter. If I can, I will come
to see them shortly, perhaps at Midsr., when we may go to Dovedale, the
El Dorado of my family hopes and pleasures. Rosabel has got a smaU lamb
which we brought from Hawn on Sunday. It is a great favourite, as you
may think, and when her brothers come home it will be grown into a tame
sheep. Birmingham, 24 Feb., 1827.
I hope Tommy has learnt everything about Mr. K.'s coal and its
properties. His grandfather seems to want him very badly. . . .
Birmingham, 26 Feby., 1827.
... I am afraid, however, they must have intruded upon Mr.
Kinnersley's kindness. Pray thank him in my name and say that he shall
have either of them permanently, if he thinks he can make a man of business
of him in any of his concerns. I doubt not that he would manage Tommy
far better than either I or his grandfather, who both of us rather spoil him.
I am glad you have spent a pleasant visit at Clough Hall, and I doubt not
that Angela has been delighted, I can hardly make the same offer of her
that I do of the others, for I believe I shall want her myself aU the days of
my life. You do not say anything about my dear Marcus. I hope he has
no cough &c. . . Tommy's grandfather begins to think it a long visit.
I hope Tommy will be able to tell him about the North Stafford Coal and
Iron, the progress of the Air Casde Tunnel and many other things. I took
Rosabel to Hawn yesterday. Our gig quite failed us on our return, and we
were obliged to walk from Tennell Hall, Cousin John dined with us, very
friendly and good-natured as he always is.

LETTERS. 109''
27, Grace Church Street, London.
March 19, 1827.
There is no great news going on, only it seems likely that the Marquess
Wellesley is forsaking the Catholics and is about to join his brother the D.
of Wellington in forming a new Tory administration. This is a good thing,
if true, because the Marquess and his brother are no fools, whatever else they
may be, and we have suffered so much from fools that I should be glad to
see men of some sense in the management of affairs. These people wd.
settle the Currency at once ; and follow Pitt's footsteps in heart and soul, and
not in mere words. At present Davenport is not making much progress.
The bands of conceited drivellers whom he has to deal with, wd, almost
prefer ruin to being taught by him. Things look bad in Portugal, Spain,
Ireland, and France. Beyond a doubt the latter Country is at this moment
paying the Portuguese rebels. If the Marquess gets in, he will settle them
at once. The very news of the Restriction Act wd. frighten the French
out of their senses, but at present they rely on our weakness and absolute
inability to support war. As I said in one of my pamphlets, the meanest of
our enemies would set us at defiance, and this they wd, certainly do if they
were not kept in cheque by the fear of Bank notes. John A. is going on
well in his chancery suit. I can make but little of the difference between
C, A. & M. A. & B. A,, all wrong-headed men. I will perhaps get a swan if
I can. . . . Sir John Sinclair says that Charles Jones is a strong-headed,
but not a headstrong man. 27, Grace Church Street, March 21st, 1827.
. . . The Currency question is certainly making great progress among
public men. They almost all acknowledge now that it has done all the
mischief, but they say that it is now too late to retreat. However it seems
likely that they will adopt some palliatives, such as the allowing of ^i notes
to circulate, the making silver a legal tender, &c., &c,, and it is barely possible
that expedients of this kind may enable them to keep body and soul together.
The revenue is falling off in a way which alarms Ministers greatly. They
thought the quarter which followed the late panic was the very worst that
could possibly happen, but the present corresponding quarter has fallen off
^500,000 more. Meanwhile their expenses are increasing in Portugal,
Ireland and elsewhere. The landowners are much discontented, and it
seems they all of them dislike Huskisson and Canning, who are the sons of
innkeepers and players, and thought hostile to the aristocracy. I cannot
make any impression in the matters of C. A. & B. A. & M. A. . . .
27, Grace Church Street, 23 March, 1827.
. . . I am afraid I shall not be able to get the Swan, but I will try. I
am glad Bosco has got the dibchicks, and perhaps I may get a few teal.
Wolverley has a famous raven just like ours. Politics are still unsettled, and
it is quite impossible to say who will be Minister. The Spanish king seems
to have enough upon his hands. Such horrid wickedness as his ought not to
prosper, and, thank God, it seldom does. John A. is returned to Corngreaves
for a day or two for some papers. His cause seems perfectly clear and

no LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
certain. Young Wm. James has at last finished his steam engine, which
works beautifully and seems very valuable, but experience only can ensure
its success. Birmingham, lo May, 1827.
My beloved daughter Angela, my most dear sons Marcus and Algernon,—
I have been thinking of you many times. I thought it would have broke
my heart to part with you. I said to myself " I will certainly come again,"
and then I thought "How can little children quarrel with each other whose
father never quarrels with them?" and then I began to think of Bradwyll
Wood, and of the birdsnests, until the tears came into my eyes. And then I
found that it was good to part with children, because by so doing we not
only teach them learning but discipline and the habit of obedience, which are
the foundation stones of all happiness, although the laying of them firmly
and well is generally too difficult a task to be accomplished by parents.
They prefer to lay such foundation stones as kisses and caresses and soft
indulgences, and you may well think that such foundations as these will bear
but very Uttle weight above. Therefore when parents attempt to educate
their own children, the whole superstructure generally falls to the ground,
and crushes both parents and children in its fall. And so by thinking on
these things I consoled my heart.
And now, my dear children, I do beg and desire, as you value your
father's love, that you will be kind to each other, and that you will above all
things bear and forbear with each other. I have seen so much crime and
misery arising from discord, that I do dread the slightest appearance of
unkindness and disagreement and love of strife among children. The
scripture says, "Be kind and affectionate one towards another," and it
uses the words " not railing and answering again " to shew that all this is
evil, that it comes from evil, and leads to evil. Therefore, my dear children,
avoid the use of all unkind or unpleasant words towards each other. Strive
carefully in this respect for a little time, and you will find that there is no real
difficulty in so doing, but on the contrary, that the words of love and kind
ness are far more agreeable to all parties, " blessing," as Shakespear says,
" both him that gives and him that receives." Why do you not write to me,
and tell me all you have to say ? I daresay you begin to think of Dovedale
and Harborne, and such kind of places ; and surely I remember cUmbing
up with Angela into Renaud's cave, when she was a very little girl ; and so
now, my dear children, I bid you farewell. . . .
{Mrs. Attwood from G. de B. Attwood)
"Birmingham, Nov. 12, 1827.
"We are aU quite weU and transported with joy at the news of the
destruction of the Turkish fleet. I stopped riU 11 o'clock this morning,
firing off" the cannons with the little boys and Rosabel, at an old ship which we
shattered terribly in honour of Annie's birthday and the great victory gained
by Sir Edwd. Codrington. We could hardly restrain ourselves from going
out to hurra yesterday when we heard the glorious news. As it was we all
drank a glass of port to Sir Edwd, and his companions, and we mean one of

LETTERS. ill
these days to fit out a ship brimful of gunpowder, and have it blown up on
the pool, in imitation of the two Turkish Admiral's ships which have shared
that fate." {To the same, from Thomas Attwood)
Birmingham, 13 Novr., 1827.
Bosco is quite in raptures at the destruction of the Turkish fleet. It
seems to me rather a more severe measure than was necessary.
Binningham, 14 Novr., 1827.
You will probably see by the paper that the King's Bench has refused a
new trial to the British Iron Co., and consequently the verdict at Stafford
stands good, and the Co. is legally saddled with the payment of a rent of
^16,000 a year to John Attwood, over and above the money which they have
paid him. . . . Birmm., 17 Novr., 1827.
I am going over to spend the day at Ruffbrd's of Stourbridge on Monday,
and to-morrow I am going to Hawn. . . . Birmm., 16 Nov., 1827.
I have been occupied all day long in the important office of choosing a
High Bailiff", and the person fixed upon at last has been Mr. Charles Shaw,
who is now sworn in, to general satisfaction. Mr. Ledsam is excused on the
ground of ill-health. . . .
In the late application to the King's Bench for a new trial in the business
of John Attwood, all the four judges expressed themselves strongly in his
favour, declaring the conduct of his opponents to be altogether groundless,
and Mr. Scarlett volunteered the expression of his opinion that John A. had
been most cruelly treated. {To the same, from G. de B. Attwood)
"Birmingham, Nov. 21st, 1827.
" I am therefore going to the concert to-night, either by myself or else with
the bold uncle George. My uncle Mathews came down on Saturday, and I
went over with him to Hawn, from whence I did not return till late last
night, as my father chose me to stay yesterday to look at the Haze. My
grandfather is very sanguine now about his Hawn pits, and says he
expects to be at the coal in a fortnight. I have little doubt he will before
Christmas, and I only hope Angela may be well enough to take some part
in the merrymakings upon so joyous an occasion. . . . The other day a
skylark fled screaming into the kitchen, and was made prisoner by Elizabeth ¦;
It is now in the old lark's cage. I suppose it was driven by some hawk to
such an unusual place of refuge. . . .
Wednesday night — I saw Mr. Grice there as usual, but saw nothing of any
of the Barkers. Joe Grice is still at home, where he is likely to remain all
winter." The remainder of Thomas Attwood's letters for 1827 are
chiefly taken up with careful inquiries and instructions as to

112 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
the removal of his daughter Angela, who had recently been
seriously ill, from Wolstanton to Harborne.
George Attwood was High Bailiff of Birmingham for the
year 1827, and at a public meeting at which he presided held
on the 22nd June, he, his brother Thomas, Joshua Scholefield,
and a number of others were appointed a committee to forward
the objects of the meeting in obtaining parliamentary repre
sentation. At this time it was proposed by some to disfranchise
East Retford, and to transfer its representation to Birmingham.
The grand idea of the Political Union does not appear to have
been yet deemed practicable by Thos. Attwood, for on the 25th
June, 1827, I find him remarking that as Parliament had held
out the hand of favour to Birmingham, he hoped the town would
be content to receive the boon and not lose the privilege by
contending for minor points. As an acknowledgment of services
in connection with this matter, Mr. Charles Tennyson was
invited to a public dinner by the committee above alluded to, in
the following year. Still Birmingham was not destined to obtain
parliamentary representation yet, and few could have foreseen
what a bitter struggle had to take place before it was conceded ;
but she fortunately possessed the man whose rare conduct was
soon to procure the much coveted boon for her, in a perfectly
legal and peaceful manner, without any violence or bloodshed
whatever. In this year the subject of this memoir first fell
under the lash of the celebrated Cobbett, who in his Register of
June 2nd, 1827, assailed him in a remarkably virulent article.
Cobbett's ire had been aroused by Attwood's letter to Sir John
Sinclair, already mentioned, and, jumping to the conclusion that
Attwood was a Birmingham ironmaster most anxious to be
made a peer, he treated him to some of his coarsest abuse in
consequence. Cobbett was especially furious with Attwood for
saying that Lord Castlereagh had "died of a broken heart."
In June, 1827, a sharp debate took place in the House of
Commons upon Mr. Davenport's Currency motion of the 14th,
in which Sir Francis Burdett, Western, Huskisson, and Matthias
Attwood took part, when the following passage of arms took
place between the two latter : —

LETTERS. 113
Mr, Huskisson replied, that he never had, as the Honourable Member
had accused him of doing, treated the Majorities of that House with con
tempt. He would, however, treat with sovereign contempt the tissue of
misrepresentations which made up the speech of the Honourable Member,
and would not trouble himself to contradict them.
Mr, Attwood explained, and retorted upon the Right Honourable Gentle
man (Mr. Huskisson) the expressions which he had applied to his (Mr,
Attwood's) observations, desiring to assure the Right Honourable Gentleman
that there was no degree of contempt which he had thought proper to
express that he (Mr. Attwood) did not equally feel towards the statements
of the Right Honourable Gentleman.''
Extracts from letters for 1S28 : —
Mrs. Thos. Attwood, Harborne, near Birmingham.
Castle S^ Falcon {London, Feb. 21, 1828).
The trial comes on in the morning at 9 o'clock if our opponents have the
courage to face it, which I much doubt. I believe it to be totally impossible
that any shadow of blame can attach to John A,, and if I should be dis
appointed in this, I am sure that it can only arise from the most frightful
knavery among the enemy. Castle (5^ Falcon, Feb. 22, 1828.
. . . After being in court 2 whole days, we have to-night obtained a
verdict oi acquittal, by the interference of the jury, before we had commenced
our defence. All our counsel, and indeed every individual in court, pro
nounced it to be the most infamous prosecution they had ever known. If
we had began our defence, we should, if possible, have covered our opponents
with greater shame. . . . Castle &° Falcon, Feb. 25, 1828.
. . . I have received your letter, and I think you have acted quite right
in the matter of Mr. Green Simcox's funeral. 1 had no idea that he was in any
danger until a few days ago. If you see his father, I hope you will tell him
how 1 have been occupied in this base and infamous indictment, which has
been got up with so much legal fraud and chicanery that no kind of mere
innocence, however entire, furnished any kind of protection against it. We
were obliged to foresee everything, and to guard against everything in a
thousand shapes and ways, and we had the most dreadful villainy to contend
against. Added to this, I have been over head and ears engaged, as you
know, in the operations between the country bankers and the Bank of
England, and in the business of the Birmingham election.
Castle dr' Falcon, Feb. 27, 1828.
, . . The business of the bankers and of the election has occupied me
very much, . . . The poUtical world begins to look serious. The king is
unquestionably very ill, and one of his principal underhand council is latterly
missing; supposed to be on account of some secret plunder in the way of
stockjobbing. In the meanwhile nothing is acknowledged respecting the
cause of the quarrel between Herries and Huskisson, although the former
I

114 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
StiU asserts that it originated in a. plot, or rather that its effect in overturning
Lord Goderich's administration originated in iLplot. . . .
Castle (Sr* Falcon, Feby. 28, 1828.
I write for the purpose of saying that I have an interview with the Govr.
of the Bank at i o'clock to-morrow, which will prevent my coming by the
Eclipse. I shall, however, in all probability leave town by one of the
coaches to-morrow night, or possibly on Saturday morning.
I have not had time to tell you the particulars of our trial, but you will
see some of them in the Birmm. paper on Monday next. We had no
occasion to enter upon our defence, nor was our Counsel permitted to finish
his speech. Our enemies were crushed under the fire of their own guns.
The worst thing we had to contend with was the villainy of  ,. who
absolutely absented himself from the trial, having been bribed, as I believe.
Fortunately we had no occasion for him or for any one else. I am going to
dine with Mr, Tennyson to-day to meet Lord Althorpe and other important
converts to my money views. Mr. Dugdale and Mr, Lawley are very atten
tive, but I cannot stay in town for the purpose of dining with them. . . ,
Lord Ferrers desired to be very kindly remembered to you. He acted a
very manly part in John A.'s business.
Old Hummums, Covent Garden, May 2, 1828,
, . The picture and the dress have, no doubt, required attention.
The latter, I hope, is made to set off the figure of my beloved. I hope also
she will herself study to hold up her head, and walk boldly, easily, and
gracefully, which are very charming additions to a fine figure. I am very
fond of fine figures as you know. At a distance they do very well without a
clear and fine skin, but on a near approach the latter is indispensable. T
went last night to see Madlle. Sontag. I do not envy her father, her husband,
or her lover. We have 500 better women in Birmm,, and more than one in
Harborne. She is however rather pretty, and has a tolerable figure — Mrs,
Studd is her exact likeness, only not quite so taU. I have seen nothing else
in town. We have settled the disputes with the commissioners amicably,
and I should now return in a day or two if it were not that I expect to be
detained some days with John Attwood and with the bank.
Old Hummums, May ^th, 1 828.
. I am sorry to hear Marcus's foot is bad, and I am glad you have
seen Mr. Hodgson respecting it. Sir Francis has put off" his motion, and I
expect will abandon it. Ministers declare they will persevere, come what will,
but I find from Littleton and Lawley that they entertain great fears. I went
yesterday to church at the King's Chapel, and heard fine music. . . ,
I am going down to the House to hear a debate upon ^i notes.
Old Hummums, 7 May, 1828.
. The picture you say is standing, which I like better than sitting.
I hope Mr, Wyatt will take pains to set off" the waist properly, and make my
Beloved hold up her head boldly for that purpose, . . . But when 1
am in London I am quite in dread of meeting friends, lest they should

LETTERS. 115
lay embargoes on me for dinner, and thereby keep me the longer from
home. For this reason I have avoided seeing Davenport and others ; and
yet I find myself so busy that I have yet only passed Temple Bar once,
John A, is not yet come. If he should not come at all 1 shall return to you
in a few days. The Ministers say they will on no account abandon the
Standard of Money, and yet they acknowledge very great dangers attending
their proceedings. The Duke is likely to part with Peel, and then 1 think
they will alter. . . . 27, Gracechurch St., f une 19, 1828.
. . . We have broken off the negociation with the Iron Co, totaUy.
Their demands were inadmissible. . . .
To Mrs. Attwood, Wolstanton. Birmingham, Dec. 18, 1828.
. . . I have succeeded in getting a favourable answer from Mr, Peel
respecting the young man unjustly sentenced to transportation for life, I
rather think Mr, Peel remembers my services to him and his friends during
the late panic, and certainly I am of opinion that if the Borough Proprietors
were to give me ^100,000 a year, they would give no more than strict
gratitude would require of them. My Scotch Banker is got into great
repute, and is particularly praised by the newspapers of Manchester,
Liverpool, and Bristol. I believe I gave you one for your Bror, ; if not, let me
know, and I will send him one, Marcus attends to his books very well. We
are indeed all of us very good, and you would be surprised to find how
harmonious we are. We went to Church on Sunday, 2 of us twice, the other
once. Miss Judy pays great attention to your mother. When Miss Angela
comes home, I have a pretty job for her, which is to make us some of the
ancient liquors called Moral, Mead and Pigment, which I have discovered
how to make from Dr. Henry, {Same address.) Birmingham, Sat., Dec. 20, 1828.
, . . Bosco and Tommy went to the Ball, and found it very dulL
Mr, Vale is leaving his new house, and has taken Mr. VilUers's house in
NewhaU St, He asks .£5000 for his house, and Mrs, Redfern has been
thinking of it, but she does not like the price, and her sister does not much
hke the two famUies being too near together, I intend to go to Hawn
to-morrow if I can, and therefore shaU not have the pleasure of writing to
you again before I see you. . . .
"London, December twenty-seven, 1828.
Thos. Attwood, Esq., Birmingham.
Robert Peel.
Private. Whitehall, 27 Dec, 1828.
Sir, I beg leave to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, and to assure you
with perfect sincerity, that although I may not arrive at the same conclusions
with yourself in reference to the important subject on which you have ad
dressed me, I receive your communications with feelings very different from
those which could induce me to characterize them as intrusive or impertinent, I 2

ii6 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
I presume the measures adopted some years since for the return to a
Metallic Currency have been operating gradually — that they have produced
in their progress a considerable portion of that effect which you anticipate
from their completion.
Regarding then the general eflfect supposed to have been produced
by those measures upon the manufacturing industry of the Country, how
happens it that, according to your own statement, 'every market in the
world is glutted already with British manufactures'? and what object
could there be, so far as foreign Commerce is concerned, in encouraging
(as an abundant Paper circulation would encourage) an increased supply of
articles for which there would appear to be no sufficient demand ?
What is there in the present state of the Revenue — in the produce of
those Taxes which are laid on articles of general consumption, and all
fixed in amount — which should lead us to infer, either that the internal
consumption of the Country is diminished, or that the Country will be unable
to discharge her obligations ?
If the manufactured produce of the Country has gradually increased, and
if the internal consumption has gradually increased in a ratio equal to that of
the increase of population, what are the grounds from which you infer that
there is, speaking generally, a deficiency of money ? I confess I doubt
whether any quantity of grain can be imported from abroad sufficient in
amount to derange the circulation. I have the honour to be Sir,
Your obedient Servant, Robert Peel,"
This letter is endorsed by T. Attwood as follows: —
In reply to T. A.'s letter of 24th Deer,, sent by post on 25th Deer. 1828 to
Mr. Peel. T. A.'s must have been received by Mr, Peel on Friday morning,
26 Deer., 1828, on which day the Courier of the 27th states Mr. Peel had
an interview with the Duke of Wellington at the Treasury.
His first letters during the year 1828 allude to an episode
in the case of Small v. Attwood. The British Iron Company
indicted John Attwood for perjury, and the trial took place at the
King's Bench on February 21st and 22nd, before Lord Tenterden
and a special jury. A full report is given in the Times of February
22nd and 23rd. The proceedings excited great interest. The
court was crowded during both days of the trial, and Earl Ferrers
occupied a seat upon the Bench. Mr. Gurney, Mr. Campbell,
Mr. Pollock, Mr. Carter, and Mr. Jardine appeared for the prose
cution; Sir James Scarlett, Mr. Brougham, Mr. Serjeant Russell,
Mr, Lovat, and Mr. Parke were engaged for the defendant.
John Attwood's answer, sworn on the loth of April, 1827, was

" THE SCOTCH BANKER!' 1 1?
produced, and was of amazing length, covering no less than
forty-seven large skins of parchment. After occupying two days
in bringing forward the case for the prosecution, Mr. Gurney,
finding the Judge's opinion against him, said he would not press
the case further, and the Jury immediately returned a verdict
of Not Guilty. John Attwood, who was in court, was at once
surrounded by his friends, and warmly congratulated upon the
result. In the Birminghatn Lidependent of January 3rd, 1828, there
is a complimentary letter addressed to T. Attwood by a
Mr. Thos. Lakins, from which it appears that the principles of
the former were rapidly becoming more and more Liberal,
In this letter the writer proposes that in the event of the
Elective Franchise being obtained for Birmingham by Mr.
Tennyson's Bill, the voting should take place by ballot, and
that the various churches and chapels should be used for
polling places ! — a little in advance of the times !
On September 27th and October 22nd, 1827, and on April
5th, April 9th, May 22nd, and August 13th, 1828, T, Attwood
published in the Globe six articles upon Banking and Currency.
These, together with three other articles, he afterwards published
in a small volume entitled The Scotch Banker, a work which
r  — 
became widely known at the time, but of which I possess only a
second edition, published in 1832. In this work he gives the
following estimate of the character of Cobbett. with whom he
was so long and so intimately associated, either as friend or
foe, and which, I may remark, forms a striking contrast to the
coarse and bitter language which Cobbett often used when
speaking of him : —
It is no flattery to Mr. Cobbett to acknowledge that his talents are great
anrl^ypriflllSi 7\V^ '" """t' rgcppr-t-g unrivallprl But his ambitiou, his inveterate
prejudices, his ignorance of the paper system, and his bitter hatred of existing
i'mtiiaiiom, niudarMffi. tmt ananpj-prous guide to jnose who wish toj)reserve
them.^ The writer of this paper told Lord Sidmouth, in 1819, that in adopting
Mr. Peel's bill, "the Government were faUing into the snares of Mr. Cobbett,
as completely as ever bird fell into the fowler's net."
Cobbett reviewed the Scotch Banker at considerable length
in his Register of May 24th, 1828, and ot course differed very

ii8 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
much from Attwood's conclusions. The Quarterly Review, No.
78, also notices this book briefly and rather contemptuously.
In consulting the few newspapers for 1828 which are accessible
to me, I find that during that year Matthias Attwood voted in
the minority on Sir Francis Burdett's motion on the Catholic
question on May 12th, and that he presented a petition from the
Bankers of Cirencester against the suppression of £1 notes, on
May 23rd. He also voted in the minority of 49 in favour of
Sir James Graham's Motion — " That a Select Committee be
appointed to inquire into the state of the circulation in Pro
missory Notes under the value ol £^, in England, and to report
their observations and opinion thereupon to the House, with
reference to the expediency of making any alteration in the laws
now in force relating thereto.'' Sir Thos. Baring, Sir F. Burdett,
Col. Sibthorp, Aid. Thompson, and Mr. E. D. Davenport voted
with him in this division. On May 23rd, besides the petition
already mentioned, he presented another from the proprietors
of lead ore in Wales, and took the opportunity to make various
remarks on the state of the Currency, which were protested
against by Mr. Peel. On the following June 6th he spoke at
length on the " Bank Note (Scotland) Restriction Bill," upon
which occasion he was supported by Sir F. Burdett and Sir
James Graham, and had another sharp altercation with
Huskisson. Generally speaking he neither spoke or voted
upon any question save the Currency, but he voted with
Mr. Tennyson in a minority of 42 for the postponement of
the East Retford Disfranchisement Bill, and he signed a
petition in December in favour of a criminal named Hunton,
who was then lying under sentence of death for forgery, at the
prosecution of Messrs. Curtis & Robarts.

CHAPTER IX.
Commencement of the great period of Attwood's life-Elihu Burritt's opinion
of his services,— Binningham Currency Petition— Great MeeUng on
May 8th, 1829— Attwood's Speech received with extraordinary enthu
siasm—Letter from Cobbett— Contemptuous Rejection of the Currency
Petition— Attwood determines to found "The Birmingham Political
Union"— Immense sacrifices necessary— First meeting of friends for
the purpose on the 14th December, 1829— Cobbett's Remarks-
Matthias Attwood.
With the year 1829 the great period of Thomas Attwood's
life may be said to have commenced. It was then that he
emerged from the comparative obscurity in which he had lived
since 18 13, and commenced that arduous and exhausring political
agitation which saved, indeed, his country from anarchy and
bloodshed, but broke down his own health and ruined his family.
In order, however, that my imperfect statement of the great
services rendered by him, at this critical juncture of public affairs,
may not rest solely on my own assertions, I propose to commence
the narration of this memorable time with a quotation from
EUhu Burritt, one of the few writers who have done him justice.
In order to attach due weight to this testimony it should be
borne in mind that Burritt was an American, and personally
unacquainted with Attwood. In his Walk.'; i.nth.p Klark Cmjjnijy
and its Green Border-Land he writes as follows : —
" But Birmingham, notwithstanding this outburst of popular violence, is
distinguished above any other town in Christendom for organizing a political
force which had hitherto acted like the lightning, the tornado, or earth
quake, in sudden, wasting, or wasteful explosions. Under the leadership or
inspiiaXinn nf Thomas AttwnnH, pii]-iUr ppininn won tTTe greatest victo^it
had ever achieved without blood. Under him it was raised from an impulsive
^ute force to a moral power which the mightiest wrong could not resist. It
was a perilous crisis for England. In almost every town or village there was
the sharp crack of fiery sparks, showing how the very air the people breathed
was charged with the electricity of their passionate sentiment. The approach-

I20 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
ing tempest gathered blackness, and its thunder-clouds revealed the bolts
that were heating and hissing for their work of wrath and ruin. Very few
thoughtful men of the nation can now doubt that the storm would have burst
upon the country with all the desolation of civil war, if Thomas Attwood and
the men of Birmingham had not drawn the lightning out of the impending
tempest by the rod of moral force, which was grasped and wielded by his
steady hand. From the central hiU of the town he Ufted up his revolutionary
standard, with this new device : ' Peace, Law, AND Order !' This white
flag, and not the bloody banner ot brute force and brute passion which had
been raised m other times, at home and abroad, to nght political wrongs,
wa's the drapeau of the Political U nlon, which he formed and headed in tH&
metropolis of the Jblack Country 1 o this rallied men ot all ranks and
" proiessions and occupations — members of Parliament, peers of the realm,
clergy and ministers of all denominations, and the rank and file of the
foundries, factories, and workshops of the district. The means were not only
worthy the end, but of equal vyorth in moral value. On that grand march to
political right and power, the masses stood shoulder to shoulder with their
leaders. It was a great co-partnership and fraternization of the classes.
They showed to European Christendom a spectacle it never saw or conceived
before, what had never been seen or imagined in England before. That was
a mighty mass meeting of the people, which could be counted by ten
"thousands, and nine in ten belonging to the w'orkmg classes^a waving
'sea ol faces, with 100,000 eager, listening eyes turned towards the speaker,
gazing at principles and resolutions which no human voice could utter in
the hearing of the vast multitude, but which were raised in great letters
on standard boards^~one to each half acre of men. ¦ That was about the
^ grandest sight ever witnessed. It is computed that full 100,000 men— and
three-fourths of them stalwart men of the hammer and pick, spade and file-
were numbered in some of these outdoor meetings, who were swayed with
indignant emotion, and listened with wrathful eyes and clenched fists to the
story of their political wrongs, tiU they looked Uke an army massed for battle.
But the small hand of one of their fellow-townsmen waving above the surging
host, with the other 'grasping the banner of strange device' — ^ Peace, Law,
and Order!' — curbed and kept down the brute force of the mighty sentiment,
and held the people back from violence. The white folds of that unstained
flag, as it waved over Consritution Hill, seemed to shed outward on the
breeze an influence that reached and moved and moulded the common mind
of the nation. The rnotto andjnotiyejTrinriplp^^ tbg Birrnincrham banner
. . of reform were not happv^^vorded.iheoi:ies which were easy to utter and as
,£osriess to practise. At that time the town numbered full 100,000 inhabitants,
and no population of equal census in the kingdom was more intelligent and
vigorous-minded. Their mechanical industries and occupations, involving
and exercising so much science, thought, and skill, tended to quicken and
expand the poUtical conceptions and sensibilities of the artisans. No town
in the realm could havejelt more keenly tire aggravated disparities to^hich
it \yas subjected. SmaUviUages, and even hamlets, m the south and west of
England, had each fts member of ParUaro_ent ; and some of tUfm ^""" ^p'frp..
"There were boroughs possessing thirty seats in the House of CommonSj_

ELIHU B URRITT. 1 2 1
whose whole population^jgut_together did not equal that of Birmingham.
And what aggravated this disparity, many of these were ' pocket boroughs,'"
and the pockets that held them belonged to peers of the realm, who had
exercised the right to do what they would with their own. Thus, the House
of Commons was at the risk if not in the condition of being a mere apanage
to the House of Lords, and the creature and agent of its wiU and interest.
These were some of the political wrongs which Thomas Attwood and other
orators of the Birmingham Political Union put in fervid and graphic exposi
tion before the swaying, heaving masses of the town and district ; thousands
of them being the sons of the rioters of 1791, who burned out Priestley, and
mobbed the Liberals for their sympathy with the French revolutionists. It is
said that at some of these monster gatherings of strong-willed and strong-
handed men, with fierce faces begrimed with the grease and coal-dust of
their factories, forges, and mines, Attwood's face would pale at the thought of
the deluge that would follow the outburst of all that brute power, should it
break the holding of his hand and trample upon his banner of new device—
' Peace, Law, and Order! But it held them fast to the end, . . .
If they had burst forth into violence under the pressure, and had been
followed by thousands in other towns, the powerful and determined opponents
of reform, who had all the military resources of the nation at their command,
wniild have been able and willing to crushlhe nioven^nlJw-aaiOr.d, bomb.
and bayonet. But here was a force arrayed and_engaged in close action,
which neither Wellington nnr Napoleon ever encountered on the -field- of
bajtle. The Iron Duke could not withstand it, nor delay its triumph. It
carried the Reform BiU of 1832 against all the resistance that could be
organised against it.
Thus Birmingham was not merely the accidental scene of one of the
greatest political events in English history. It organised the force that
produced the event, that has governed the governments and guided the
people of the kingdom from that day to this. It erected public opinion into
a mighty power and enginery for the public good — a power ever ready to be
worked against anv evil that legislation could remove, or the., enlightened
mind and conscienre of the people could abolish by ir/pral R^t-ir.r, it ^as
'worked to a glorious victory against slavery in the British West Indies, and
to an illustrious triumph at home against the Corn Laws. From the time, to
use the old thread-worn figure, that 'victory perched upon the standard ' of
the Birmingham Political Union, ''Peace, Law, and Order,' no other flag
has been reared, and no other force than it represented has been contem
plated by any party or part of the English people with a view to political or
social change. The ends for which the Political Union, the Anti-Slavery
Society, and the Anti-Corn Law League laboured, and the triumphs they
won, were of immeasurable value in themselves, but the educational means
they employed in enlightening the minds of the masses, in teaching them to
think, reflect, compare, and observe for themselves, produced results of equal
importance. Nor was this organisation of the moral forces of a nation's
mind limited in its benefits to England. Like the development and appli
cation of some new mechanical or natural force, it extended to other
countries, where its operation was even more needed than it was in England

122 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
The Birmingham banner, ^ Peace, Law, and Order,' as Lamartine said of
the tricolour, wiU yet make the tour of the world, sweeping . away with its
white folds all the red flags of brute force, and rallying aggrieved populations
to the platform instead of the barricade,"
On January 28th Thomas Attwood received the following
letter from Mr, Peel, in reply to one of his written the day
before : —
"Private. Whitehall, fan. 2%, 1829,
Sir, I beg to assure you that, urgent as the pressure of public business has
been, the communication which you made to me on the 8th instant was
read by me with the greatest attention.
I communicated it to the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
I have the honour to be. Sir,
Your obedient and faithful servt,,
Thomas Attwood, Esq,, ROBERT Peel,"
Birmingham.
Thomas Attwood appears to have remained closely at home,
and to have been occupied in preparing for the great events
which took place later in the year, during the early months of
1829. Before breaking loose from all his previous ties and
traditions and openly joining the active party of Reform, he
appears to have determined to make one more effort to induce
the Duke of Wellington, who was then at the head of the
Ministry, to adopt those measures which he deemed essential to
relieve the distress of the country. Accordingly on the 25th
April, 1829, the following requisition was drawn up at his
instigation, and addressed to the High Bailiff" of Birmingham : —
" We, the undersigned, request you wiU caU a Meeting of the Merchants,
Manufacturers, and Inhabitants of the town of Birmingham, for the purpose
of considering the distressed state of the country, and the propriety of
petitioning Parliament to adopt such measures as may be necessary for
its relief" Pursuant to this requisition a very crowded and enthusiastic
meeting was held at the Public Office on May Sth. In con
sequence of the very great number of persons present, not one
fourth of whom could be accommodated there, it was resolved
to adjourn the meeting to Beardsworth's Repository. The chair
was taken by the High Bailiff", and about four thousand persons

GREA T CURRENC Y PETITION. 1 23
were present. Mr. Attwood addressed the meeting in a speech
of neariy three hours' duration, which was listened to with the
closest attention, and received with loud applause. At its
conclusion thirty-one resolutions were put to the meeting and
carried almost unanimously, with only three or four dissentient
voices. The resolutions neariy all refer to the favourite Cur
rency doctrines of Attwood and Spooner, and are too long to (
be reprinted here ; but I extract the following : —
" I, That in the opinion of this meeting, the want of employment, the
deficiency of wages, and the present general and almost unexampled distress
of the country, are mainly to be attributed to thejittempt which Govern
ment is making to restore the ancient and obsolete Currency of the country,
without having previously effected a corresponding reduction in the taxes
and monied obligations of the country.
26. That the petition to both Houses of Parliament, now read, be
approved and adopted ; and'that, after lying for signatures at the Public
Office, it be forwarded for presentation to Parliament by such Members of
both Houses as the Committee hereafter to be appointed shall direct.
29, That the grateful thanks of this meeting be given to T. Attwood, Esq,,
for his very luminous, convincing, and eloquent address ; and that this
meeting rejoices to find, after an experience of sixteen years, that the
approbation of his conduct, which was expressed by the mechanics of
Birmingham in 1812, did equal credit to their heads and to their hearts.''
The petition adopted at this meeting was signed by 40,000'
persons, and presented to the House of Commons by C, Callis
Western, afterwards Lord Western. It was received with dis
trust and neglect, and Cobbett informs us that scarcely forty
members could be got together to listen to it, and several of
them expressed their opinion that its statements of distress were
much exaggerated, whilst the Duke of Wellington, in^his speech
on the petition, observed : " The People employed a fictitious
wealth, and that fictitious wealth having been removed, they
cannot immediately come down to those quiet and sober habits
which are required from them ; and this, in my opinion, is the
principal cause of the distress."
But however cavalierly the petition may have been treated
by both Houses of Parliament, its effect upon the masses was
very different ; for from it, as Attwood assures us, sprang the
famous Political Union. One of its first results was to convert
Cobbett from an enemy into a friend. In his Register of May

124 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
i6th, 1829, he reviewed the petition at length, reprinted many of
the resolutions, spoke most favourably of the talents of Thomas
Attwood, and bore the following testimony to the moderation
of the reforms advocated by him and his brother : —
" Thus it is that we differ. The Attwoods would keep up army, dead
weight, sinecures, places and pensions, the Stock Exchange in full swing,
and the infamous boroughmongers in the height of prosperity : I would
destroy all these except the army, and that I would disband. The Attwoods
would not touch the Church : I, on the contrary, would repeal the law hy
which it was made. The Attwoods, in short, would, if they could, make this
system immortal : I would, if I could, put an end to it this very day!'
Amongst those who supported Attwood in moving his
currency petition I find the names of Scholefield, Salt, Edmonds,
and others who were hereafter to be well known in the annals of
the Political Union. This, too, was the very last occasion upon
which he received the public support and co-operation of his
old friend Richard Spooner. Henceforth their political paths
diverged, and when Mr. Spooner was solicited soon after to join
the ranks of the Union, he excused himself on the ground of
his magisterial duties, or, in other words, he had probably made
up his mind to join the Tories. He took no part in the
stupendous labours of the Political Union, nor did he share in
its glorious triumph.
t On the I Sth May an answer to Attwood's speech was
published by W. Redfern, in which the latter sets forth at
length the opposition view of the Currency question.
In order to show the high enthusiasm which Attwood's
conduct at this time aroused amongst the people of Birming
ham, I insert the following lines, not on account of their poetical
merit, but for the kindly feeling they display : —
" A Poetical Tribute to Thomas Attwood, Esq., whose bright display of manly
energy and eloquence rivetted the attention of five thousand persons
for nearly three hours, at the late Town's Meeting.
Addressed to the Artizans of Birmingham.
For once let Fancy, wann and true.
Present the Champion to your view;
Behold him now before you stand.
Surrounded by -i patriot band.

POEM. 125

The fire of Freedom in his eye.
That sparkles with a proud defy.
As if some tyrant power withstood
The people's right, the country's good 1
Hark ! hear him, with true sterling sense.
Burst forth in strains of eloquence.
Fierce rushing as the tide along,
(Impetuous, bold, resistless, strong)
That each stupendous wave rolls o'er.
And drives the mighty flood before.
And hear him, too, with pride reveal
What Freemen think — what Freemen feel !
Make all your wants and wishes known.
As though your sufiPrings were his own.
Nor rank, nor power, nor wealth, nor fame.
Deters him from his godlike aim !
To soothe and succour in distress
The widow and the fatherless ;
The naked clothe, the hungry feed.
And aid the poor in time of need ;
Wipe the salt tear from sorrow's eye,
And hush the supplicating sigh.
These are the cares his mind controul.
These melt with sympathy his soul.
While anguish thrills through every vein.
To hear the starving wretch complain.
Shall he in vain exert his might
To advocate the people's right ?
The thunder of his voice alone
Shall echo to the Monarch's throne !
Make England's King, with fervour feel
The merits of his just appeal !
And proud upon his native isle.
Shall Attwood's happy genius smile.
Whose worth shall warble from the lyre.
In strains of true poetic fire ;
Each muse shall tune the vocal shell.
And strive in rapture to excel ;
Chant his loud praise the land around.
While millions catch the mighty sound ;
Nurs'd on the lap of babbling fame.
E'en babes shall learn to lisp his name !
Whose heart no selfish feeling knows —
That vibrates for another's woes ;
Her cheek in tears let sorrow steep.
And Attwood too with her can weep—
The lamb when gentle pity draws —
The lion in a nation's cause !

126 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
And when this fleeting Ufe is past,
May Heaven his labours crown at last.
Where perfect joys, to us unknown.
Surround the Great Eternal's Throne. J. F."
In June Mr. Attwood received the following letter from
Cobbett : —
"Sir, Barn-Elm, 2it f une, i%2().
It is quite useless to make further inquiries : the distress is like the air
itself I came home on Monday from East Sussex.
I. At Sevenoaks in Kent, the Bank shut up for a month past.
2, The inn-keepers, that used (only two months ago) to have, amongst
them, 200 farmers, and thus sit down to dinner, had not last Saturday one
single man. It is a great market.
3. The grocers at this place sell a third less than they sold two months
back. The drapers next to nothing.
4, Butter {fresh) lod. a pound at Tonbridge ; and Sd. in the Wealds of
Kent and Sussex.
5. Only 2 wheat ricks and 4 bean ricks, and none of any other com from
Barn-Elm to Battle.
6. The butcliers even selling J less than 2 months ago.
7. The bank at Tonbridge issuing some if) Lewis & Hastings one
pound notes.
8, Change got with great difficulty ; and i ^d. given for changing a 5
pound note of another town.
9. 5 p. notes taken in payments at Sevenoaks, and sent off" directly to
London. 10, The crops, on the whole, good, and especially the wheat.
II. The farmers cursing the. parliament for separating a.nA leaving things
in this state. Poor devils ! little do they know about the ' parliament.'
12. The hop-grounds _/«^// of weeds (though so much dry weather) and the
people out of employment ! To be sure ; for the planters have no money to
pay for hoeing and becking.
13, The inn and public-house keepers is!ir\y frightened. Even so near
to the Wen as Bromley, their receipts have fallen off" two-thirds. They do
not attempt to disguise the fact ; and the discontent is nearly universal.
This is, as that old rogue Talleyrand said, le commencement de la fin; for I
am sure that the whole of the countiy paper will_^o, if these feUows proceed :
and that, then, the London fives will go. I remember, that in a time of great
scarcity at the close of the American rebeUion, my father saying to my uncle
one day: 'There, Stephen, I have lived to see the gallon loaf sold for a
shilling!' That is 2 quartern loaves. He thought the Day of Judgment
was coming. The usual price was bd. the gaUon loaf, 4^, the pound of
fresh butter, real strong beer \d. a pot, common beer 2d., and green peas
Zd. a peck in mid-June. And, by God, if they could push their scheme
along, it would come to this again at last. But this they cannot do without
reducing the taxes to about 12 or 15 millions a year.

HIS GREAT DECISION TAKEN. 127
I in common with many hundreds of thousands, thank you and your
towns-men for your exceUent petition and equally good speech. I wrote to
Lord Blandford and begged him to read the speech, of which 1 sent him a copy,
telling him that that was the pivot on which all must turn. You are wrong
to say that I have frightened the feUows : they have not sense enough to
receive fright. Nothing but their impenetrable stupidity prevents one from
saying that they are the greatest viUains upon earth. The experience of
impunity makes the fellows careless and bold ; and the country is to perish
because they are not to confess their errors, or, in other words, because
they are to have our money under pretence of services rendered us.
Assignats, Equitable Adjustment, or a Blow-up. One of these they must
now choose ; and they must choose pretty soon, or they will have the last
of the three ; and, if they have that, they will have their just reward.
I am, Sir,
¦' Your most obedt, & most hu, sen.-ant,
Wm, Cobbett,"
Unfortunately scarcely anything remains in the writing of
Thomas Attwood by which I am able to trace the events
which gradually led him to take the decisive step of founding
the Birmingham Political Union. But there seems no doubt
that the contemptuous rejection of his_CurreacyLp.etitinn and the 
.sarcasms of Wellington were_the last straws whicb_bro-ke-lhe -
camel's back. For fifteen years, with the greatest sacrifices of
himself and his family, he had dinned into the ears of succes
sive administrations, by letters, pamphlets, and petitions, those
measures which, rightly or wrongly, he deemed essential to
restore the prosperity of the country. All his suggestions had
been received with coldness and contempt, and his kind heart
could no longer brook the spectacle of the appalling distress
around him. He felt that, come what might, something must
be done, a grand decision taken. He has himself left it upon
record, that had he seen the country happy and prosperous
under the rule of the oligarchs, he never would have disturbed
their peaceful reign. He cared but little for theoretical perfec
tion in modes of government, provided only that good results
were obtained. He may very likely have been mistaken, most
people would ^y that he was mistaken, but he was firmly
convinced that hQ. could relieve the misery of the nation if he
had the power, and he now determined to jeopard everything
that man holds most dear, to obtain that power. The grand

128 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
idea occurred to him that if the House of Commons would not
listen to his prayer, he would create a new House which would
be more amenable to reason — if the aristocracy would not hear
him, he would transfer their power to the middle classes, and
see what they would do. Actuated by these sentiments he
determined to join the party of Reform, and it is a remarkable
circumstance, and one which has been most ungratefully passed
over by Liberal historians, that, although many great men had
pressed for years the question of reform, no substantial progress
in obtaining it was made until Attwood took the lead. But in
order to obtain his great end, the most terrible sacrifices had to
be made, the most serious difficulties surmounted. The public
obstacles which he triumphantly overcame, though now for
gotten, were sufficiently acknowledged by a grateful people at
the time ; but I, who know .something of the private ones he had
to contend with, am astonished at the moral courage he displayed.
I can scarcely believe that it was the same kind grandfather,
who could never scold a child, reprimand a servant, or send
away a beggar, who defied the Iron Duke with all his fame, and
organised that formidable and irresistible body of men which
Burritt has so graphically described. Nothing but the purest
patriotism could have induced him to take this step. Though
without any pretensions to aristocratic birth, his social position
was just such that he had everything to gain and nothing to
lose by allying himself with the boroughmongers, whilst, on the
other hand, he was not in the independent position of a man
with a large fortune or estate. In those days, peers were very
glad to place men of talent in their pocket boroughs, on con
dition, of course, that they should vote according to the wishes
of their patrons. Had Attwood been selfish or ambitious he
might have adopted this course, and no doubt have soon risen
to a place in the Ministry. His business was that of a banker,
and peculiarly dependent upon the support of the respectable
classes, who generally regarded the idea of reform with abhor
rence. His stern old father, absorbed in business, must have
strongly objected to his son mixing in radical politics. His
wife, belonging to a Tory family, and devoted to Church and

POLITICAL UNION FOUNDED. 129'
King, must have been horrified at the idea. But it would be an
endless task to enumerate the sacrifices which a man in his
circumstances had to make before joining the Radical party.
Only two of Attwood's letters for the remainder of 1829
have been preserved. The first, dated September 4th, refers
only to domestic and family matters, and is addressed to his
wife, who was then staying with Mrs, R. Spooner near Worcester,
whilst the second, of October 24th, mentions that he had invited
E, D, Davenport, M.P., C. Jones, and B. Hadley to dine with
him, and no doubt to discuss his plan of the proposed Union.
All his arrangements being at length matured, on the 14th
December, 1829, "when," says Mr, James Jaffray, "hundreds of the
inhabitants were shivering by their cold firesides, Mr. Attwood,
with Mr. Scholefield and fourteen other gentlemen, met at the
Royal Hotel. They were called together bv a circular ' signed
by gjy traHpgmpn ' This little meeting then founded ' The
Political Union for the Protection of Public Rights.' They
adjourned till the Monday following, when they met at the
Globe (now the Clarendon), Temple Street. Mr. Attwood again
presided, and he, in conjunction with Mr. Charles Jones and
Mr. T. C. Salt, submitted the rules of the Union. They were
adopted and signed by twenty-eight persons ; and it was resolved
that they should be stibmitted for the approbation of the people."
It is to be regretted that no private memorandum respect
ing the commencement of the Union has been preserved. The
new organisation at once commencpH to prt npnn public npin.inn^
and in the next chapter I shall endeavour to trace its rapid and
extraordinary success.
On the 19th December, 1829, Cobbett announced his inten
tion of visiting Birmingham in the following terms : —
"I have chosen Birmingham to begin at, because that town has been
distinguished above others by the petition sent from it during the last session
of Parliament, and because it is the place of residence of a gentleman who
has greatly distinguished himself as a bold accuser of those who have
brought the country into its present situation, but who has at the same
time expressed opinions with regard to the remedy now to be applied
precisely the opposite of mine, who has expressed his opinion that there
ought to be a non-convertible paper currency, Uke that which we had from
K

I30 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
1797 to 1 817, or a currency regulated by a metallic standard of value,
advanced in price in a degree necessary to render it a just and adequate
measure of the values and obligations of society ; in other, and what I deem
plainer, words, a paper currency not convertible into gold, and permanently
depreciated ; or, a gold and silver money of less intrinsic value than the
current coin of the realm. Either of these measures Mr. Attwood thinks
would be just for the present, and safe for the future ; whereas 1 think that
either of them would be unjust towards individuals, ruinous and disgraceful
to the natiori, and that, after inflicting this injustice, ruin, and disgrace,
would prove insufficient to preserve the country from that violent convulsion
that all men so justly dread. The talents of Mr. Attwood, aided by his high
character, and the weight which he must otherwise have in the community
amongst whom he moves, make it desirable that those which 1 deem to he
his errors should be frankly combatted in the face of that community ; and
I cannot give a better proof of my sincerity and of my confidence in the
soundness of my own principles, than by venturing whatsoever I may possess
of reputation for knowledge upon that spot where of all others I may
reasonably expect the greatest difficulty to contend with. This, therefore, I
shall do, and I shall do it with unfeigned respect for Mr. Attwood, not only
on account of his great talents, but on account of the bold and honest manner
in which he has expressed his indignation, &c, ..."
Matthias Attwood appears to have attended frequently during
the parliamentary session of 1829, On March iSth he voted
with the minority against the second reading of the Roman
Catholic Relief Bill, and again on March 27th he voted against
bringing up the report of the same Bill, In the debate of Mays
2nd, on the Silk Trade Bill, he spoke at great length, and was
complimented by Mr, Baring and Mr. Maberly on the ability
displayed in his speech. On May 7th he was again in the
minority on Mr. Tennyson's motion for giving members to the
town of Birmingham, and on the 9th he spoke at length in the
debate on the Budget, and was again warmly opposed by
Huskisson. In the Times of June 13th I find him mentioned
as Vice-President and Treasurer of the East London Pension
Society, and the same paper of that date devotes part of a
leading article to an attack upon his Currency views, whilst in
the debate of June 12th on the "State of tha Country" he was
again considered a worthy antagonist of Huskisson.

CHAPTER X,
EstabUshment of the Political Union on January 25th, 1830— Extraordinary
success of the movement — Objects, Rules, and Duties of the Union— Its
first Declaration signed by Attwood, Scholefield, jNIuntz, and thirty-three
others — Lord Blandford joins the Union — First meeting of the Union on
May 17th — Grandeur of the spectacle — Thomas Attwood is presented
with a Gold Medal by the Members — Speeches of Attwood, Scholefield
Hadley, and others, and unqualified success of the first meeting — Attwood's
Letters from London — Sir Francis Burdett visits Harborne and presides
at the first Annual Meeting of the Union — Alison on the Parliamentaiy
Proceedings of M, Attwood — Deaths of George IV and Huskisson —
Grand Dinner at Birmingham on October nth, 1830, to celebrate French
Revoludon — Unprecedented magnitude of the entertainment — Town's
Meeting of December 13th in support of Earl Grey — Triumphant Speech
of Attwood — Spread of Political Unions throughout Britain — Petition of
Rights — Charles Attwood founds the Northern PoUtical Union,
The year 1830 opened gloomily. The distress was fearful,
and even the Duke of Wellington, says Martineau, was obliged
to take emphatic notice of it in the Royal Speech, In conse
quence, the efforts of Attwood and the other promoters of the
Political Union were welcomed with extraordinary enthusiasm
in Birmingham, and the Town's Meeting held at Beardsworth's
Repository on January ?.5thr^"^^aprfer-~tfae'purpose of estab
lishing it, was admitted by every one, alike by friends and foes,
to have been an unprecedented success. A full report of this
meeting has been fortunately preserved, but as it is too long
to insert entire, I shall abridge it to the best of my ability as
follows : —
' This morning the largest meeting ever assembled in this kingdom within
the walls of a building took place at Mr. Beardsworth's Horse and Carriage
Repository, for the purposes set forth in the requisition pubUshed in the
newspapers, and signed by 200 respectable inhabitants of the town. There
werg at least from T>.,nnn tn 15,000 persons present, and although the^hair
was taken at half-past ten in the morning, and the meeting did not separate
until near five in the evening, the mass of spectators was so irmnensethat
K 2

132 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
hundreds were compelled to retire in consequence of not being able to get
sufficiently near to hear the proceedings.
The High Bailiff, Mr. W. Chance, having refused to convene the meeting,
Thomas Attwood, Josh. Scholefield, G. F, Muntz, and nine other gentlemen
summoned it upon their own responsibiUty, and G, F. Muntz was called to
the chair.
After the reading of two requisitions by the ^hairman. Josh. SchojefielH
proposed the first resolution and spoke as follows : —
I ' The resolution which 1 hold in my hand is almost simply declaratory,
and as I defy any man to deny that the deepest distress imaginable pervades
the town, there will be the less occasion for argument to support the
resolution. It is fortunate for myself, too, that the next resolution wiU be
brought forward by my friend Mr. Attwood, who wiU fully explain the objects
we all have in view, and who, nappily, is as capable of convincing his friends
as he is powerful in silencing his calumniators./ But why should I describe
Mr. A. as my friend? — he is your friend and the friend of all men ; unceas
ingly labouring to do good to his feUow men, and to his townsmen in
particular.' — Mr. S. then proceeded to produce proofs of the deplorable state
of trade in Birmifigham and the country generally, and concluded by moving
the^foUowinp- resoliitinn : —
/ iT^That the ruinous depression of the trade of the town of Birmingham
has been progressively increasing for the last four years, and has no\y
jnived at an extent never before equalled ; and when we look around us,
and see that all the great productive interests of the nation are suffering,
Snd have been suffering equally with ourselves, we are convinced that the
Hopes ot amelioration, which have been so long and so frequently held out,
are altogether fallacious and delusive.'
Previous to the motion being put, Mr, W. Redfern rose and stated that
he suspected the sincerity of the principal promoters of the meeting, on the
ground that they had hitherto talked of nothing but currency, and opposed
all reform. After considerable confusion the meeting decided that Mr.
Redfern should not be heard, and the first motion was then put and carried
unanimously. Mr. Attwood then rose. They had met to discuss a subject, important not
only to themselves and to their children, but to the country generally, and to
generations yet unborn ; he should not, therefore, trespass much upon their
time in discussing trifles, (After some remarks upon the conduct of the
High Bailiff, Mr. A, proceeded). It was well known that the meeting in
May last produced a very important effect throughout the country. He had
heard it spoken of in at least loo companies, in all of which he never heard
one word of censure on its objects or resolutions dropped. In fifteen or
twenty newspapers their resolutions had been advertised gratuitously ; and
it was satisfactory to reflect that no document, in the recoUecdon of any
man, produced a stronger impression upon the public mind than the one
which was issued by them on that occasion. He must, however, say that,
although it produced so beneficial an effect upon the country, it did not
produce the same upon the Legislature. Lord Carnarvon, in introducing
their petition to the House of Lords, acted a manly and consistent part.

PLAN OF THE. UNION. 133
Mr. Brougham, although he could not support one part of our plan, under
took its presentation to the House of Commons. He told us that he did
not agree with us that it would be advisable to lift up our means to the
level of our burthens, but he would fight to bring down our burthens to the
level of our means. He (Mr. Attwood), however, was sorry to say that Mr.
Brougham never fought at all, and the petitioners were much disappointed.
The Duke of Wellington, of whom he (Mr, A.) wished to speak with
respect, when the petition was presented to the Lords, had made one or two
curious observations. He said, ' You have been accustomed to a fictitious
wealth — your habits are above what they ought to be — j'ou must go back to
the ancient modes of thinking and acting,' , , . No nobleman was,
however, found to tell the noble Duke that his ;!^700,ooo was granted in
fictidous money, (Cheers), No nobleman was present to tell him, that if
the middle and lower classes were to return to the ancient level, that it was
just that his salaries and grants, and the emoluments of his family, amounting
to about ^60,000 per annum, should be reduced to the same standard. No
nobleman was found to ask, whether it was not equally just that salaries, grants,
and places should be reduced with the wages of labour. (Cheers,) , . .
He (Mr, A,) had always been ^^ advnrat-p foi^ reform, and be would defy
any one tn.di3.ny.it — ^(rhpprs.^ When in a state of national prosperity— when
there was abundance pf trade for the manufacturer, and abundance of labour
for the wnrkrpan- wlir.n^hiimhlp yagps were tVip. reward of humble labour^
Tip (lid nrif romp, puhlipl)'' fnrward^s jts advocatc, he did not run his head
^SgJP-t ^ wall, r\nr like J)r>n Ouixote charge windmills. He had, however,
always expressed a wish for reform. Gentlemen, however, argued, that
because twenty years ago they were not public reformers they were
inconsistent in being its advocates now. Was he (Mr, A.), now he had
with him nine-tenths of all the respectability of the kingdom, and 99 out of
every 100 of the assembly around him, not to come forward ? He (Mr, A,)
should not sleep sound in his bed if, at the present crisis of national affairs,
he did not lend his assistance to avert the awful consequences which he
andcipated, (Cheering.)"
After Mr. Attwood had spoken for a considerable time,
chiefly upon the panic of 1825, and Peel's Bill of 1819, iligwfilan
of the Union was read, the reading of which occupied a full
hour, and was listened to throughout with the most profound
attention, I give the following extracts : —
"BIRMINGHAM POLITICAL UNION
FOR THE ,
PROTECTION OF PUBLIC RIGHTS.
The experience of the last 15 years must certainly have convinced the
most incredulous that the rights and interests of the middle and lower classes
of the people are not efficiently represented in the Commons House of
Parliament, . . .
¦ , . On whatsoever side we turn our eyes, we thus find subjects of the

134 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
highest pubUc importance everywhere demanding the public attention and
everywhere requiring the legal interference of the industrious classes. The
vindication of the National Justice, the gqualization, and reduction" of
The JNATlONAL I AXES, the proTection of public rights, THE_ Redress of
Public Wron"g^, the necessity of Reform in Parliament, and the reHef

of the national DISTRESS, all require that the National Mind should
"Ttimber no more. ^''
Under these views and impressions it is therefore that y^e prnpnqp to
form in BIRMINGHAM a GENERAL Pnr.ITTrAI TTMimj nf .the T-M-riiiSTPIOU:!
Classes, for the^PROTECTioN of Public Rights. We are forbidden to
"exercise the constitutional privilege of electing Members of Parliament,
But we are not forbidden to appoint Councils of our own, under whose
guidance we may act, , . .
The following then are the objects of the Politicai TTwtqt^ • —
1st, To obtain by every just and legal means such a Reform in the
Commons House of Parliament as may ensure a real and effectual Repre
sentation of the Lower and Middle Classes of the People in that House,
2nd, To enquire, consult, consider, and determine, respecting the rights
and liberties of the industrious classes, and respecting the legal means of
securing those which remain and recovering those which are lost.
3rd, To prepare Petitions. A.ddresses, and Remonstrances to the Crown
and the Legislative Bodies, rpspprt-ing fjie preservation and restoration of
Public Rights, and respecting ^^f rpppal fvF_bad laws, and the enactment of
good laws.
4th, To prevent and redress, as far as practicable, all local pubUc wrong's
and oppressions, and all local encroachments upon the rights, interests._and
privileges of the community,
5th. To obtain the repeal of the Malt and the Beer Taxes, and in general,
to obtain an alteration in the system of Taxation, so as to cause it to press
less severely upon the industrious classes of the community, and more equally
upon the wealthy classes,
6th, To obtain the reduction of each separate Tax and expense of the
Government in the same degree as the legislative increase in the value of
money has increased their respective values, and has reduced and is reduc
ing the general prices of labour throughout the country,
7th, To promote peace, union, and concord among all classes of His_
Majesty's subjects, and to guide and direct the public mind into uniform,
peacetul, and legitimate operations ; instead of leaving it to waste its strength
tn-jiiny^, Hin.iilnny^nmd-mitWHTectL'd-f'v^'i'linim, nr tn rarve a way tn its own'
£ij-ijpric^ "";p'irl''d. unassisted, and III  Ik mil d
Sth, To coUect and organize the peaceful expression of the PubUc
Opinion, so as to bring it to act upon the legislative functions in a just, legal,
and effectual way.
9th. To influence by every legal means the elections of Members of
Parliament, so as to promni?~flTp Tf'him nt upright pnrl rflf>Rhk repr^sprp^
lolh, "To^ adopt such measures as may be legal and necessary for the
purpose of obtaining an effectual ParUamentary investigation into the

DUTIES OF MEMBERS. '35
situation of thecountry, and into Jhe cause of its embarrassments and
r(^:,^u..¦ with a view of reUevink the National Distress, of rendering
.|^;;^;^^^^tEnnjurgf^rfarSr?rartirahlp, and of bringing tg trial an>c
•LmhPr. nf eithiTHouse of Pjjliflment whn may h(^ found to, have acted,
frnm rriminal or corrupt jnomes,"
[Here follow the i6 Rules_^nd_jlegulations of the Political
Union,] "The following are the Duties of the Members of the Political Union :-
ist. To be good, faithfi!, ^"'^ '"v' '^'ibjprts nf thp King,
2nd. To obeyriie Laws_o£ihe Land ; and when„they cease to protect the
TiicrhK T.iberijpq, and Tniprpctc nf thp ^nmm-nnit^f^-t.Q findpavniir to getJliem.
rhan^edbv just, legal, and pparpfnlmp.an^-onlv.
'3rd, To present themselves at all general meetings of the PoUtical
Union, as far as they conveniently can ; to ronduct themselves peaceably
andjegally at such meetings, and to depart to their respective homes as
soon as the Chairman shall leave the Chair.
4th, To choose only just, upright, and able men as members of the
Political Council, and to dismiss them, and elect others in their stead,
whenever they shall cease, to watch over and defend the Ripj^hts, Liberties,
and Interests of the T.nwer-and fl'^rllp ri^ccp<j nf |1-ip ppnplp
sth. To obey strictly all the just and legal directions of the Political
Council, so soon as they shaU be made public, and so far as they can legally
and conveniently be obeyed.
6th, To bear in mind that the strength of our Society consists in the
Peace, Order, Unity, and Legality of our proceedings ; and to consider all
persons as enemies who shall in any way invite or promote violence, discord,
or division, or any iUegal or doubtful measures.
7th. Never to forg-P-t^..tlHat by thp p^-P]-f-;cp pf t]-|p aKm^p qiialitip°^ w"
shall produce the pearpful d'^play nf an immense organized moral power
which ranr)nt he Hpspjsed or disregarded i but that, if we do not keep clear
of the innumerable and intricate Laws 'which surround us, the Lawyer and
the Soldier wiU probably break in upon us, and render all our exertions vain."
Then follow the Duties of Members of the Political Council,
and the plan roQfiliiHps with, further remarks on the general
excellence of the British Constitution, the patrjotism of the King,
andjhe absolute necessity for a union between the fower and
middle classes ofsocietv in order to oblain,,th_eir lusT rfpi!s^
The following thirty-six names were attached to the first
declaration of the Birmingham Political Union :—
Thomas Attwood, Joseph RusseU,
Joshua Scholefield, Urban Luckcock,
G, F, Muntz, Thomas Shorthouse,
Edward Hobson, George Edmonds,
John Laurence, Josiah Emes,

136

LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.

Charles Jones,
John Slater,
Benjamin Hadley,
Thomas Todd,
FeUx Luckcock,
John Belts,
Charles Grafton,
Matthew Dixon,
Joseph Bodington,
Henry Knight,
John Dyer,
William Pare,
Joseph Hadley,

C. W, Firchild,
James Claridge,
T. W, Evans,
William Beach,
J. B. Oram,
John AUda)',
Samuel Allen, sen.
Robert CottriU,
William Birken,
D, B. Smith,
John Wingfield,
T. C, Salt,
Thomas Parsons, jun,
Birmingham, fan. 25, 1830,

Mr, Attwood resumed : " I feel it my duty to declare to you, that I know
the country to be on the verge of dreadful calamities. It may be thought
because 1 come forward now, that I shall be ready, ' come weal come woe,'
to lead you through thick and thin — through the dark and dreary scenes
which are approaching. As far as law will justify me, I will go with you,
(Tremendous cheers.) When I say I will go with yuu as fai as law will
allow, I declare to you most solemnly, 1 will not go further one inch,
(Cheers,) 1 know that a great crisis is approaching, 1 will do all I can to
avoid that crisis ; but if the nation is to go through the ordeal of pohdcal
convulsions 1 will not interfere in those convulsions, and I wish you to bear
this in mind when those dreadful circumstances arisd. 1 know you wiU
come to me and say, ' Lead us.' My friends, I will not lead you, 1 will go
with you as far as law will justify ; but if the elements of law and order are
disorganized, I will go with you no further.' — Mr. Attwood retired amidst
loud and vehement cheers.
The following motion, previously read by Mr. Attwood, was seconded by
Mr. Belts :—
'" 2. Ths-t in the opinion of this meeting the general distressjvhichjiow
afflicts the country, and which has been so severejyjplt at different periods
'"during the "last fifteen years, is entirely to be ascribed to the gross mis-

Trrarragement-ef-pubiiCattairs ; and that such mismanagement can only tie
Sffigtrtattyand permanently remedied by an effectual Reform in the Commons
If ouse ot Parliament ; and this meeting is also of opmibn that tor thelegal

'Sccoiiyplishment of thiTlxeat nhjert, and for the further redress ot public
wrongs and grievances, it is expedient to form a general Political Union
^tweenJh£_km:gX^nd middle classes of the peoplejnjliis town,"
Mr, Joseph Parkes, although a Reformer, opposed the resolution at con
siderable length, objecting strongly to the Currency doctrines of the chief
promoters of the Union, and concluded by moving a long amendment, which
was seconded by Mr. W, Redfern ; but the meeting having decided to hear
them no longer, Attwood made a reply in which occurs the following
passage : —
"The God of nature had not provided that mass of gold which was

LORD BLANDFORD. i37
required to pay off" the national engagements. Eight thousand tons of solid gold
were equal to 8oomiUions of pounds sterUng ; such an amount was not within
the bowels of the earth. Pie would make one other remark, to show that he
was no enemy to the Fund-holder. Consols had arisen from 60 to 93, « hile
the value of land had been reduced from 60 to 30, During the war the two
interests were upon a footing of equality. Now one was three times larger
than the other. . . ," After some further remarks Vlx. Attwood sat down
amid loud and continued cheering, ,AIr, Edmonds warned the assembly
against voting for the amendment, and the motion was then put and carried
1,000 to I, amidst the most deafening cheers.
Such an exhibition of public feeling, or one which has excited so intense
an interest throughout the whole neighbourhood, is not in the recollection of
man. Some other resolutions were also passed, one of which was that the 36
gentlemen who had brought forward the plan should be appointed the
Polidcal Council for the year ending the ist Alonday in July, 1830, and
that after that date the Council should be elected agreeably to the rules, A
petition to the House of Commons was also agreed to and signed by 30,000
men. Thus was established what was probably the most successful,
the most powerful, and the most peaceful and orderly organisa
tion ever known in England, The Birmingham Political Union
instantly attracted attention throughout the country, and on the
6th February, 1830, Cobbett reprinted its rules and regulations,
and accompanied them with a very favourable notice. He
said : —
"This is a veiy important matter. We see, at last, then, the middle class
uniting with the working classes. Everywhere, where 1 have been, I have
endeavoured to show the necessity of such union. The boroughmongers
have long contrived to divide these two classes for purposes much too obvious^
to mention. At last the middle class begins to perceive that it must be
totally sacrificed, unless it make a stand, and a stand it cannot make un
supported by the lower class. The declaration, or address, put forth by the
leaders in this Union, is evidendy from the pen of Mr, Thomas Attwood
and, Ike everything else that comes from his pen, exhibits a great deal of
knowledge and a great deal of talent, . . ."
On January 29th, 1830, the Marquis of Blandford announced
his adhesion to the Political Union in the following letter :—
" To Thomas Attwood, Esq.
iS^MZtt ^ ''''' "°I*' '^"""^'^ °^ ^°" P^^^°"^^ acquaintance, I
u iftr . , T- "'' *' °""' °^ °"^ "^"'"^1 friend, Mr, Scott, to

138 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
Without further digression I therefore proceed to declare to you the
intense interest and satisfaction I have received at perusing the account
of your late town's meeting. I beg, by all means, that my name may be
enrolled amongst you.
I vv^ish, with all my heart, it were in my power to contribute in the shape
of subscription in the proportion in which it might be expected of one whose
misfortune it is to possess so high a rank, and still be so crippled in his
circumstances as to find it inconvenient to do what might be looked for.
But I will hope to be considered a worthy member of your Union under a
different point of view. If 1 cannot pay in purse I will endeavour to do so in
kind; and I have the pleasure to assure you that I am now prepared to
introduce a Bill into the House — falsely called the Commons House — which
is so constructed as to meet every single point you dwell on in the report of
your speech.
I am sensible that all such attempts may be styled ^delusions' — and so
they have ever proved, and have, 1 believe, been intended to be in the hands
of their former advocates ; but it is my firm conviction that regeneration
is fated to proceed from another quarter.
Be it as it may, we must all do our utmost in our respective spheres.
I have the honour to be, Sir, &c.,
Harling, Norfolk." BLANDFORD."
On the 3rd February Thomas Attwood addressed a kind
letter to his daughter Angela, who was then with her uncle
Edward Carless, at Wolstanton, urging her to be very careful
to avoid the extreme cold, but I can find no further mention of
him, either in print or MS., until the 17th of May, when the
first meeting of the Birmingham Political Union wRS ^^^^ ^^
Beardsworth's Repository. The report shows clearly that he
had been fully occupied during the interval, and also how
astonishingly successful the movement had been. I give an
abstract of the proceedings as follows : —
" It having been resolved that a band of music should precede the pro
cession, at nine o'clock on Monday morning, May 17, 1S30, a large crowd
assembled in Temple-street, and by half-past ten o'clock that and the
adjoining streets were choked by thousands. The excitement intended by .
the display and exhibition of a procession was certainly most fully answered,
as hundreds pressed into the Council rooms to enrol their names in the Usts
of the Union and receive the medal, the acknowledged and authorised
badge of Membership. Among the names entered was that of Sir Charies
Wolseley, who, in a letter to Mr. Creswick, of New-street, containing his
subscription, expressed himself a warm supporter of the objects and plans of
the Union. It may be safely asserted that since the year 1818, the time of the
celebrated election of the legislatorial attorney, the town never presented so
extraordinary a scene of commotion. Soon after 10 o'clock, the members

MEETING OF MA Y 17, jSjo. 159
were ordered to form two deep in St. Philip's Church>-ard, where they
were informed the members of the Council would join and head them.
Mr. Edmonds's kno\vn influence over the populace was never more con
spicuously displayed than on this occasion. With a beck of the hand he
succeeded, in the course of a few minutes, in marshalling the dense
thousands, occupying every avenue in the neighbourhood of the place of
rendezvous. During these preparations, the band, situated in front of the
Globe Tavern, struck up 'God save the King !' and other of our most popular
national airs.
On proceeding from Temple-street, down New-street, the Bull-ring, and
Digbeth, the sight was one of the most imposing that can be conceived.
The shops were almost entirely closed, the upper windows of the houses
throughout the whole Une of procession were crowded with gaily dressed
spectators, and the streets themselves so densely thronged that it was found
almost impossible for the members to make their way. A gentleman who
witnessed the procession from a balcony in New-street declared that he was
made giddy and unwell by the prodigious mass of human beings which
crowded that spacious street, and passed beneath him, like a floating
pavement of human heads. Long before its arrival at Mr. Beardsworth's
Repository, the place of meeting, the building was more than half filled, and
before the Council had taken their places in the gallery every corner of this
magnificent erection was occupied. Not less than from 18,000 to 20,000
persons must have been assembled within its walls ; while according to the
calculation of competent persons, not fewer than from 80,000 to 100,000 must
have witnessed the promenade.
We had the good fortune, through the politeness of iNIr. Beardsworth, to
see the procession as it moved from the end of Moat-Row to the Repository,
from the site of the famed White Horse. From this elevation we commanded
a complete view of the immense concourse from the place of meeting to the
end of New-street ; and a more animating spectacle was never presented to
the human eye. The most remarkable feature in the conduct of the populace
was the great attention paid to Messrs, Attwood, Scholefield, and Muntz, who
headed the procession. Several sturdy fellows formed a sort of body guard,
and hy dint of hard labour and great exertion succeeded in keeping off the
pressure of the multitude from these gentlemen.
On the Council entering the Repository, they proceeded to the end gallery,
the middle of which was partitioned off for their accommodation, and the
convenience of the reporters. Immediately .over this space the Royal Arms
were placed, the opposite auction-rooms and galleries being occupied by
ladies and gendemen as spectators, G, F, Muntz, Esq,, was immediately
called to the chair, and after a few remarks proceeded to read the Report of
the Council of the Birmingham Political Union, which was dated May 19th
1830, and signed by Thomas Attwood as Chairman and T, C, Salt as Secre
tary The report stated that when the Union was first commenced the
Council thought it prudent to have recourse to no excitement of th^ public
mind in the enrolment of members of the Union, They thought that if a
sufficient number of members did not come forward spontaneously it would
not be practicable to eff"ect any great or salutary purpose. They had then

I40 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
however, the satisfaction of reporting that 2,200 individuals, subscribing each
from £2 2s. to /\s. per annum, had joined the Union, and they thought the
time had come for personally soliciting their fellow townsmen to join their
ranks. The Council then proceed to state, at great length, that after mature
consideration, they had decided not to claim universal suffrage, vote by
ballot, or annual parUaments, but to confine themselves to the ancient and
weU-tried lines of the Constitution, which experience had proved to be fully
capable of bestowing happiness and prosperity upon the people.
After a long discussion the report was adopted almost unanimously, and
Mr, Attwood then rose and said : When last he had the honour of addressing
them he had occasion to congratulate them on the effect produced by the
meeting in the month of May last year ; now he had the pleasure of con
gratulating them on the success of the great meeting held in that place on
the 25th of January last. To him it was a great satisfaction that the effect
produced had not been confined to this neighbourhood, but that it resounded
throughout England, and throughout Europe, ... In accomplishing their
object, the Council had had to struggle with innumerable difficulties, sur
rounded on every side by such a confused mass of inexplicable laws, that it
was scarcely possible for human wisdom to escape these numerous devil-
traps. (Laughter and cheers.) He could assure them that but for their great
prudence they would have been destroyed like the reformers of old, and he
(Mr. A.) picked out from amongst them, and in all probability lodged in a
dungeon.
ff Mr. Attwood then proceeded to argue at length in favour of prudence
/and moderation in their demands, pointing out that by these means they
/ had secured the support of a considerable section of the aristocracy and
I middle classes, — that universal suffrage was unknown to the English Con
stitution, and that the French, with all their violence and bloodshed, had
L_only succeeded in obtaining a very limited amount of freedom. He then
proceeded to read the declaration of the PoUtical Council on the Marquis of
Blandford's Bill of Reform, which was drawn up at a meeting held at the
Globe Tavern in Temple-street, on the i6th March, 1830. (The Marquis's
Bill was far too drastic to please the majority of either Whigs or Tories, but
it met with the cordial approval of the Birmingham PoUtical Union, who
tendered him their grateful thanks.)
Mr, Hadley, in proposing the third resolution, said it became his duty to
submit for their consideration a resolution respecting the medal and ribbon
which the Council had thought ought to be worn by the members of the
Union on all pubUc occasions, when they were called together. The obverse
of the medal was the British lion, rousing himself from slumber • the legend
above, ' The safety of the King and of the people! The legend below, ' The
Constitution ; nothing less, and nothing more! The reverse of the medal :
the royal crown of England irradiated ; immediately beneath the crown, on
a scroll, the words, ^ Unity, Liberty, Prosperity! The legend above, '¦God save
ihe King! The legend below, ''Birmingliam Political Union, 2<,th fanuary,
1830.' On the ribbon was inwoven the red cross of St. George, quartered
with that of St, Andrew, commonly called the British Union Jack, He
could not help thinking with the Council, that the members of the Union

GOLD MEDAL PRESE.VTED. 141
ought to have some appropriate badge, which would at once show their
loyalty and patriotism, and distinguish them as men who were willing to
make some sacrifice, and lend a helping hand in order to purif>' their corrupt
political system, and to secure their political privileges. He should, there
fore, beg to propose that the medal described in the advertisement in the
public papers be adopted as the badge of the Union, (Cheers.) The
motion was seconded by Mr. Belts, and carried unanimously.
Mr. Hadley, in proposing the fourth resolution, said he held in his hand .1
resolution which, if he were capable of doing justice to the subject of it, he
should feel nothing but unmingled pleasure in proposing. On this account,
and on this alone, did he regret that it had not fallen into abler hands. They
were all aware of the gentleman who was the originator, and who was the
principal supporter of the Birmingham Political Council, which had for its
objects their happiness and their prosperity. The virtue, talent, and public
spirit which that gentleman had shown in stemming the tide of a powerful
opposition, arising alike from his friends and his enemies, in his judgment,
entitled him to their gratitude, and as they had adopted a Medal to be worn
by the Union, he should before he sat down propose that a Gold I\Iedal
with the badge of the Union attached to it, be presented to the talented and
patriotic Chairman of their Council (T. Attwood, Esq.), If he were not
fearful of being accused of that adulation which his heart abhorred, he should
dwell on his humanity to the poor, his inflexible integrity, his disinterested
friendship, his single-eyed patriotism, and entire devotedness to those
pursuits whose objects were to ameliorate the condition of the labouring
population of this country. Really it was a cheering sight to behold a man
like him, in these days of prostituted talent and low subseniency, stepping
forward to advocate the cause of the people. With him, then, for a Leader,
backed by his talent and infiuence, they might confidently look for success'
Let them then show him that they were not insensible of his worth, and
present him with a Token of their Gratitude for those exertions which
he had made for them, and was stiU wilUng to make, [During the de
livery of this speech Mr, Hadley was frequently interrupted by tremendous
cheering] Mr, Weston cordially seconded the resolution. Mr. Attwood was
emmently entitled to the mark of respect and esteem they were about to
evince towards him. The goodness of his heart was only exceeded by the
wisdom of his head. (Cheering,) There was not a man, he was sure who
Jieard him, but would join with him in wishing Mr. Attwood many years
ot health to wear that smaU testimony of their gratitude and esteem, (Loud
ctieers,) It would be the proudest moment of his life when they were
enabled or could present consistently the same token of approbation to each
01 the 658 gentiemen who now sat in Parhament as their law-givers and
rulers, (Laughter and cheers.) ^ ^
Mr, Scholefield : Mr, Chairman, I cannot give a silent vote on this
ques lom While Mr^Hadley was speaking, I wL forcibly remi ded of th
will of the immortal Franklin, in which was the following bequest -' I g ve
eZst"' ^T^' r"''"^'°" niy gold-headed cane f if it were a s ep tr
he has deserved it, and would do honour to it.' (Cheers,) The same word

142 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
might truly be applied to my friend Mr, Attwood, on the presentation of this
medal. (Cheers.)
Mr. Edmonds said that it would be in the recollection of many who heard
him, that in 1813 Mr. Attwood received a similar token of regard from the
Artizans of Birmingham, This second testimonial proved that time had
now only rendered his patriotism a habit ; and he was sure it would with
Mr. Attwood continue so until he lost his habits and life together. (Cheers.)
The resolution was then put, amidst cheers which lasted for some
minutes. On the excitement occasioned by this vote subsiding, Mr. Hadley
said that, anticipating the vote they had just passed, a few members of the
Union had prepared themselves with the Medal and Chain, which he begged
to produce. Their appearance occasioned a renewal of cheering, at the end
of which, ornamented with his gift,
Mr. Attwood rose, and spoke as foUows : — Gentlemen, I feel covered
with confusion, at finding myself decked with this beautiful testimonial of
your approbation. And yet I know not why an honest man should feel
confused upon such an occasion. The sweetest reward a good citizen can
receive is the approbation of his countrymen. But, in truth, gentlemen,
I want no honours and no distinctions. I only want to see my country
flourish, happy, and free ; and I can truly declare that it would have been
more pleasing to me if you had selected my excellent and noble-minded
friend in the chair, or that sound, sterling, upright, and patriotic man, Mr,
Scholefield, a man never to be sufficiently estimated in these backsliding
days, for it may be said of him that he has been tried in the furnace, but
never has been found wanting in his country's cause. But, however, gentle
men, as you have indulgently thought proper to bestow this honour upon
me, all that I have to say is, that I accept it with gratitude, and only regret
that my humble services are not better deserving of it.
After some further discussion several other resolutions were passed, and
the meeting quietly dispersed with the greatest decorum. At its close, when
the band struck up the national anthem of ' God save the King,' every head
was instantly uncovered, and the sight from the galleries was magnificent
in the extreme. Every face was turned upwards, looking to^-ards the gallery,
and the dense mass of perhaps 20,000 faces thus exhibited had an extra
ordinary effect. The voices of this immense mass, joining cordially in the
anthem, produced also a great effect.
The day was remarkably fine, and not the slightest accident or unpleasant
circumstance occurred. We observed some of our veteran reformers of the
ancient days come forth upon the occasion, forgetting their years and their
infirmities. Amongst others the following resolutions were passed unanimously : —
' IN. That a gold medal, with the Badge of the Birmingham Political
Union, be presented to our patriotic and highly talented Chairman of the
Council of the Union, as a token of our esteem and gratitude for his
invaluable services to this Union, to the town of Birmingham in particular,
and to the whole British nation.
' V, That only one medal shall be delivered to each member of the Union,

LETTERS. 143
and that it shaU on no account be delivered to any person whatever whose
name is not enroUed as a member of the Union, with this exception, that each
member shaU have the liberty of purchasing one silver medal in addition.' "
The gold medal and chain mentioned above are now in the
possession of Mr. T. A. Carless Attwood, of Malvern Wells. I
have one of the ordinary medals in white metal, of which a great
number must have been preserved.
On June 2nd, 1830, Thomas Attwood's name appears on a
committee appointed at a public meeting for the purpose of
opposing the Birmingham Free Grammar School Bill, then in
progress through the House of Lords, and shortly afterwards
he went up to London for the purpose of advancing the cause
of reform. I give the following extracts from his letters: —
To Mrs. Thos. Attwood, Birmingham.
Wood's Hotel, Furnival's Inn,
fune 1 9, 1830. .-
, , , I arrived here safe at 7 o'clock by a most safe and pleasant coach.
My companions were two old women, a child, and Watson the Bible Society
man, who converted me one way, whilst 1 converted him the other.
Wood's Hotel, fune 21, 1830.
My hotel is really about the best I ever occupied, everything being new
and clean, and well-appointed in all respects. 1 hope to be with you again
hy Friday or Saturday, but 1 have a host of occupations. I went on Saturday
to see the harpy eagle, and a most grand and beautiful creature he is. To
day I dine with Lord Radnor, and to-morrow with Burdett, The latter, I
have no doubt, will attend our meeting. These are the two noblest men in
England. I have not yet seen Lord Blandford, or any other of my noble
friends, but I must call upon them and also upon Western, if possible. I
think I was of service at the dinner on Saturday. It was got up by Hume
and O'Connell, and neither Burdett, Hobhouse, or Davenport were invited,
Hume is certain to be Member for Middlesex next election, Mark the signs
of the times. It is the old Tories of Middlesex who have invited him ; and,
of course, he stands well with the others.
I was delighted with the Zoological Gardens. I am sorry to hear so bad
an account from Wolstanton, and also of your dear mother, . . I went
yesterday to the Park, and Westminster Abbey, which is a place I am never
tired of Wood's Hotel, fune 23, 1830.
I am very glad to find by your letter that the boys are safe, and that you
are all well, except my dear little Rosabel, to whom pray deliver many kisses
from me. On Monday I dined with a large party of ladies and gentlemen at
Lord Radnor's, and I contrived to make myself agreeable to both parties,
particularly " la fumeuse moitie!' One of them, a Miss Brummell, would

144 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
have made Miss Angela jealous. The dinner was very splendid, and Lord
Radnor assures me that luxuries have increased quite as much among the
aristocracy as they have among us middle classes. Yesterday I dined at
Sir F. Burdett's with Davenport, Lord John Russell, Hobhouse, and Jones
Burdett. Lady B, and her 3 daughters are evidently admirable and estimable
women, and you would call them beautiful, I met 3 or 4 beauties at Lord
Radnor's, Lady R,, a fine woman but 50 yrs. old, gave me a ticket to the
Zoological Gardens, for which I stole 3 hours from more important business.
Davenport brought me a message from Lord Dillon saying that he much
wished to see me and would call upon me. But 1, being too polite, called
yesterday upon him. He earnestly invited me never to go to London
without spending a day or two with him in Oxfordshire on my road. He
professes great intimacy with Lord Grey, and said he wanted to learn from
me how to extricate the country, in the event of Lord G. coming into power,
I promised to see him again, but fear I shall not be able. However, 1 made
him understand things pretty well. I was much pleased with Lord Blandford,
whom I found a very handsome, manly, and gentlemanly man. I am going
now to see Burdett again, and so I must conclude.
P,S, — 1 have not yet quite settled with Burdett to come down to Birmm,
The day is too early, 1 was disappointed with O'Connell's party on Saturday.
J^Irs. Attwood, Wolstanton, Newcastle under Lyme.
Wood's Hotel, fune 24, 1830.
, . I have taken my place in the Tally Ho safety coach for Saturday
morning, and I expect to be in Birmingham by 6 o'clock on that day at
the Castle Inn, I have settled everything to my satisfaction with Burdett,
who has promised to take the chair at our meeting, and I have agreed to
postpone it for a week or two for his convenience, ... I have not had
time to call upon Western or Cullen, or many other of my political friends.
A month is soon occupied in making calls in this large town, or rather
collection of towns. . . , Wolverley says he can give me some storks,
which 1 am sure Bosco will Uke. Wood's Hotel, June 25, 1830.
. . I am much concerned, but not surprised, to find from your letter
to-day that the sufferings of your poor relation are terminated. 1 think you
have done quite right in going to see your brother and sister. I should have
much pleasure if 1 thought it in my power to render them any comfort or
consolation. But I know that there is in these things a sacredness which
belongs to grief, and which renders all expressions of sympathy almost
intrusive. I shall therefore say nothing. Indeed I deeply feel that I can
render but poor comfort upon such occasions, for God knows I should be
without any comfort myself
1 hope you will have taken care of yourself, and I doubt not that you have
left proper instructions at home, where I am happy to inform you I intend to
be to-morrow evening, I have taken my place in the safety coach and shall
stay at home with our dear children on Sunday. If you should think that I
can be useful in any way, I can come to you on Wednesday or Thursday. But

SIR FRANCIS BURDETT. 145
I know that in all situations of this kind you can be far more beneficial than
myself, and I trust that you will conduct yourself with fortitude and discretion.
The death of Maria Carless, only child of the Rev. Edward
Carless, at the age of twenty, appears to have been the only sad
event in this brilliant and successful year of Thomas Attwood's
life, though, doubtless, the illness of his son Marcus was
beginning to cause him grave anxiety. The first annual
meeting of the Birmingham Political Union took place at
Beardsworth's Repository on Monday, July 26th, 1830, and
was presided over by Sir Francis Burdett with great ^clat.
Sir Francis, in company with Mr. E. Davenport, arrived at
Grove House, Harborne, on Sunday afternoon about five o'clock,
and was afterwards met at dinner by a party of gentlemen from
Birmingham. On Monday morning, says the Journal report, the day set
in extremely fine and propitious. By half-past nine o'clock the
members of the Union began to collect in Temple Row and
Waterloo Street ; and by half-past ten all was prepared for
moving forward. Sir Francis and Mr. Davenport joined the
Council about ten, and were present during a great part of the
preparatory deliberations. The Union band, for the first time,
wore their own uniform, their caps and arms being ornamented
with the Union Jack. The procession on starting moved down
Upper Temple Street, Sir Francis walking arm-in-arm with
Mr. Attwood, at the head of the Council. The crowds in the
streets were scarcely as dense as on the last occasion, owing,
doubdess, to the extreme heat of the weather ; but every
window along the streets through which the procession passed
was crowded with spectators.
Sir Francis Burdett, having taken the chair, addressed the
meeting at length, alluding to his past services in the cause of
reform, the corrupt state of the representation, and defending
himself against the charge of lukewarmness.
Mr. Attwood then rose and said that the Council surrendered
mto the hands of the Union the honourable trust confided to
them. He discoursed upon the distress of the country, the
weight of taxation, the corn laws, &c., and strongly insisted on
L

146 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
a dogma which many thought, and still think, most dangerous
and injudicious, viz., that the Government should be held
responsible for the prevailing depression and misery. He
concluded by reading the Report of the Council, which stated
that the number of members of the Union now amounted to
5,000, and its annual income to about £\,\oo per annum. The
formation of Political Unions was going on rapidly in all parts
of the kingdom, and the Council fully expected them to become
general. The Council invited their fellow-townsmen to join the
Union without delay, strongly censured Sir Robert Peel, and
after some further remarks concluded by offering themselves
for re-election. This report is signed by Thomas Attwood,
Chairman, Joshua Scholefield, Deputy-Chairman, T. C. Salt,
Secretary, and thirty-four others, amongst whom I find, on
his first appearance in public, George De Bosco, eldest son of
Thomas Attwood. He was then twenty-two years old, and
might reasonably have looked forward to a brilliant future, but
ill-health and misfortunes prevented the anticipations of his
friends from being realised.
The Council were unanimously re-appointed, and after the
presentation of a service of plate to Mr. Beardsworth, for having
generously allowed the Union the use of his vast building, and
some further speeches, the popular Baronet took his leave of the
meeting of 20,000 persons amidst the most deafening cheers.
At half-past six on the evening of the same day a public dinner
was given to Sir Francis at the Royal Hotel, in Temple Row, to
which all parties had free access. About 120 persons sat down,
Thomas Attwood in the chair, with Sir Francis on his right
and Mr. Davenport on his left, whilst the vice-chairs were filled
by Joshua Scholefield and Benjamin Hadley. A curious mix
ture of parties attended, including Mr. Hanford, a dissenting
magistrate of Worcester, Mr. M'Donnell, a Catholic priest, and
Mr. Richard Spooner. The latter defended himself from the
charge of inconsistency in attending the dinner whilst refusing
to join the Union, stating that he appeared to show his esteem
for Sir Francis Burdett's conduct as a Reformer. The healths
of O'Connell, Sir Francis Burdett, Thomas Attwood, Hanford,

MATTHIAS ATTWOOD. 147
Sir J. C. Hobhouse, and Richard Spooner were drank with en
thusiasm, and the Chairman quitted the table about midnight.
Sir Francis Burdett left the Stork Hotel, for London, on
Tuesday morning, and Mr. Davenport for Cheshire.
Matthias Attwood of course differed widely from his brother
with respect to the foundation of the Political Union, but he
still continued to advocate, with great ability, those views on
the Currency which were common to both. Sir Archibald
Alison, in the following passage (vol. iv, p. 231), thus does
justice to his talents: —
" But there were not wanting those who took a nobler as well as a juster
view of the general distress, and boldly pointed out its cause in the policy
regarding monetary matters — so profitable to realised capital, so ruinous to
laborious industry — which had for ten years been pursued by the Govern
ment, The subject was brought before the House of Commons by the two
men in the kingdom most competent to master it, Mr, Attwood and Mr.
Baring, who moved that a gold and silver standard should be substituted for
the gold one, and that the act for prohibiting the issue of bank notes below
.^5 in England and Ireland should be repealed. Nothing could be more
convincing than the arguments and facts by which these very eminent men
supported the motion, or more sophistical than those by which it was resisted ;
but it was all in vain. The House was resolved not to be convinced : the
interests of realised wealth had become so powerful in the legislature that
those of industry were overpowered ; and the debate — the last which took
place on the subject before the irrevocable change the existing system had
brought about was introduced — remains a memorable and instructive monu
ment for aU future times of the manner in which the plainest truths can be
disregarded when they run adverse to the interests of a powerful section of
society, and a course of policy can be persisted in fraught with consequences
which those who originated it are to be the first to regret,''
In the course of this year Matthias Attwood also spoke on
the " Issue of Gold," " State of Currency," and " Exports and
Imports," and on the 7th June, 1 8 30, he voted with the majority
of 151 for abolishing the punishment of death in all cases of
forgery except the forgery of wills, remaining, however, a staunch
Tory, The King, George IV,, died on 26th June, and in the
election which followed, Matthias Attwood was returned for
Boroughbridge in conjunction with that famous Conservative,
Sir Charles Wetherell, who was a near connection of Richard
Spooner. His patron was that Duke of Newcastle whose well-
known utterance, "May I not do what I will with mine own?"
L 3

148 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
in reference to his borough property, did so much to pass the
Reform Bill.
The first great English railway, that from Liverpool to
Manchester, was opened on the 15th of September, and the
celebrated Huskisson, who had had so many bitter altercations
with Matthias Attwood, met with his death upon the occasion.
It was Huskisson, too, who first made mention of Thomas
Attwood and the Political Union within the walls of Parliament.
He there stated, in a debate on Reform, that admiring, as he
did, the talents of Mr. Attwood, he would much sooner have him
for an opponent in Parliament than out of it.
The French Revolution of July caused intense excitement
in England, where it was hailed as an omen of success by
the Reformers. Extraordinary preparations for celebrating the
event were made in Birmingham, and on Monday, October nth,
1830, a grand dinner was held at Beardsworth's Repository, from
the Journal report of which I give an abstract as follows : —
" This day the long-promised dinner of the PoUtical Union, to commemo
rate the recent glorious Revolution in France, took place in Mr, Beardsworth's
Repository. To those unacquainted with the extent and remarkably apt
accommodation of these magnificent premises it will appear more as a tale
of extravagant fiction than reality when we assert that not fewer than 3,700
persons sat down to dinner under one roof Such, however, was the case on
this day. The Repository, used by Mr, Beardsworth (the winner of the late
St, Leger) for the show and sale of horses and carriages, is formed of three
sections of an oblong, the fourth section consisting of his private residence
and out-houses. The longest part of the building, the whole of which is
galleried round, is 108 yards. On this occasion there were six tables running
parallel the whole length, besides fourteen tables filling the broad area of the
Repository. The preparatory arrangements for a dinner of such immense
magnitude were admirable. The party was divided into sets, a steward being
appointed to every twenty individuals, and these officers distinguished hy a
neat flag, on the one side of which was the British Jack, and on the other the
French Tricolor. The duty of each steward was to carve for the persons
under his immediate superintendence, to attend to their convenience, to assist
in keeping order, and communicate with the Political Council, if required.
The quantity of provisons, all of which we can pronounce to have been of
the very best description and quality, will afford some idea of the amazing
extent of the dinner. Not less than 3,500 lbs, of butcher's meat was placed
upon the table, consisting of rounds and loins of beef, fillets of veal, hams,
legs of pork, legs of mutton, &c,, &c. Each man was allowed a pint of beer
to dinner, and a quart of ale afterwards.

GREAT DINNER OF OCTOBER ii, iSjo. 149
It is impossible to give an adequate description of the interior of the
building previous to or at the commencement of the dinner. The best view
was from the harness gallery, above Mr, Beardsworth's auction-chair. From
this elevation the spectator commanded a complete view of eveiy part of
the edifice. The scene, before the party took their seats, was the most
picturesque that can be imagined, and strongly reminded the cursory
observer, at the first glance, of the Mosaic pavements, as given in some of
our old pictures. The whole area of the building, together with all the
gaUeries, was completely set apart and aptly laid out for the entertainment
of the company. The stewards, 200 in number, entered the Repository at
12 o'clock, and immediately took their seats at the table. Soon afterwards
the band took its place in the orchestra, having in the front about 50 glee
and chorus singers. The band was dressed in the uniform of the Union, and
occupied a temporary orchestra, erected in the southern gallery. Thomas
Attwood, Esq., entered the building about the same time, accompanied by
many members of the Political CounciL On his appearance he was loudly
greeted by the enthusiastic plaudits of the company assembled.
. . . At half-past one, Mr, Attwood, as Chairman of the Union, took the
chair. The trumpets immediately sounded attention. The Chairman, after
briefly recapitulating the regulations adopted by the Council, requested the
company to implicitly obey them. It was highly desirable that all should
keep their seats, and not upon any occasion deviate from this prudent
recommendation. The trumpets again sounded, when the whole assembly
being uncovered, the Chairman asked a blessing in the following words : —
' God, we thank Thee for the good things which are set before us, and we
implore Thy blessing upon us and our righteous cause.' Aniens resounded
from every corner, and the whole party sat down to dinner. Accustomed as
we have been for many years to witness the proceedings of public bodies —
familiar as we have been with all scenes, either convivial or political, for
many years past, we have never seen one of so grand or imposing a de
scription as that presented upon this occasion. Almost as far as the eye
could, without straining or inconvenience, reach, it rested upon one orderly,
organised mass of people. A considerable number of ladies occupied the
upper galleries above Mr. Beardsworth's sale rooms, and appeared highly
amused and gratified by the spectacle. At the close of the dinner the
Chairman, hitherto situated in the long gallery, moved by invitation into the
lower of these galleries, where it was considered he would be much better
heard. The tables being cleared, Non nobis Domine was sung by 50 professional
singers. The Chainnan then rose and gave the following toasts, each accompanied
by a speech of some length.
Our Gracious Sovereign WiUiam I'V,, may God prolong his reign for the
liberty and happiness of his people,
Louis Phillippe, King of the French.
Honour, gratitude, and prosperity to the noble people of France.
The people of England, may they speedily recover their lost Rights, and
be fully and fairiy represented in their own House of Parliament.

ISO LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
G. F. Muntz, Esq., then proposed the health of General La Fayette, and
dwelt on the career of that extraordinary man (who, as we shall presently see,
was an intimate and affectionate correspondent of Thos. Attwood).
A number of other liberal toasts were then drank, and Mr. Beardsworth
finally proposed the health of their worthy Chairman, Thomas Attwood, Esq.
( The cheering on the announcement of this toast lasted for some minutes)
Mr. Attwood : Gentlemen, I feel as a man and an Englishman ought to
feel, on having my health received in this extraordinary manner. Placed by
your favour at the head of this great association, my constant study has been
to endeavour to direct it well. I have neglected no possible means which I
thought calculated to give security, system, order, and success to your
operations. {Cheers) That my humble labours have given you satisfaction
the honourable badge which I wear and your conduct upon this occasion are
to me very gratifying proofs, {Tremendous cheers) I have made many
friends, it seems — (cheers) — perhaps some enemies. {Loud cries of^No, no!)
Certainly I have had a good deal to contend with, and have had occasion for
some Uttle nerve. Many of my friends attempted to alarm me with all
manner of terrible representations. They told me that I should set in
motion a tremendous principle, which no human power could control — that
I should, Uke a Frankenstein, create a monster of gigantic strength, endued
with life, but not with reason, that would hunt me about the earth to my own
destruction. Look around now, upon this peaceful and magnificent assem
blage — are we not all met here the friends of the law? — (' Yes, yes') — and of
the peace and order of society ? What possible mischief can arise from men
animated with the same motives which animate you ? {Cheers) And as for
me, what possible danger do I incur ? (' None, nojie,' great cheering) I am
like a father in the midst of a pretty numerous family — {laughter and great
cheering) — or like a General surrounded by his faithful soldiers, {Cheers)
Where is the man among you who would injure me ? (' None!) Where is the,
man among )ou who would not follow me to death in a righteous cause?
( The cheering was immense on the delivery of this passage, and lasted for
some minutes, accompanied by cries, ''Alt, all!) I see, gentlemen, your
hearts are mine, and mine is jours ; we will go on in our peaceful and legal
career, and by God's grace we will recover the liberties of our country— not
by violence, anarchy, or brute force, but by the peaceful, organised, and
magnificent display of the will of the people. When the barons of Runny
mede recovered the liberties of England from the tyrant John, they took up
the bow, and the spear, and the battle-axe, and the sword ; and they were
"justified in so doing. Thank God, we have no occasion now to take up
murderous and destructive weapons like these : the progress of education and
knowledge has changed this state of things — our weapons are union, truth,
justice, and reason ; our sword is ' the sword of the spirit,' which is the will
¦-^ tlie people ;—{cheers)~3.n&. let no one doubt that this great moral sword is
not efficient for every just and useful purpose, {Cheers) Look round again
upon this assembly, and I will say, show me twenty such dinners as this, and
I will show you the governors of England — not the governors by violence,
anarchy, or brute force, but by the moral agency of public opinion, peacefully
and legally influencing the conduct and the opinions of the Government,

ADDRESS TO KING WILLIAM IV. 151
{Great chers) I am now about to propose the last toast, and I must request
that after it is drank you will all retire to your respective homes. Your good
conduct is our strength, and I beseech you to bear this great truth in mind,
upon this and every other occasion. We will now part with the concluding
toast, 'Peace and goodwill to all mankind.' This toast was received with
great enthusiasm, in the midst of which Mr, Attwood and the rest of the
immense company retired, the band again playing, 'God save the King.
The Union Hymn, the Marseillaise, The Gathering of the Birmingham
Union, and other songs, were sung in the course of the proceedings."
After reading the above report one is not surprised to find
by a subsequent letter that Thomas Attwood considered the
Iith October, 1830, one of the great days of his life. The
dinner had been preceded by a town's meeting "for the
purpose of expressing the sense of the inhabitants on the recent
events in F" ranee," at which he assisted ; but the mass of printed
matter relating to him during these eventful years is so great
that I am compelled to omit or greatly abridge a considerable
part of it. About the same time an address to the King, pressing
upon His Majesty the necessity of Reform, was drawn up by
the " Political Council." The members much wished to present
it to the King personally by a deputation, but after some cor
respondence between Mr. Attwood, Sir Herbert Taylor, and
Sir Robert Peel, the project had to be abandoned as uncon
stitutional, and Mr, Attwood, Mr, Scholefield, and Mr, C. Jones
waited upon Sir Robert at Drayton, and delivered the address
to him for presentation. Shortly afterwards the Minister, in a
curt note to Mr. Attwood, intimated that he had laid the address
before the King. The stiffness and brevity of Sir Robert Peel's
note is not surprising when we consider that' the address
amounted practically to a request to the King to turn out
himself and his colleagues. A few weeks afterwards the Tory
Ministers resigned, and their places were taken by that famous
Ministry, who gained, indeed, no little glory for themselves by
their carriage of the Reform Bill, but who never could have
passed that great measure without the assistance of Thomas
Attwood, whom they treated with extraordinary ingratitude.
On the 13th December, 1830, a town's meeting was held at
the Repository in support of the Grey Ministry, which, though

152 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
convened by the Union, was not confined to its members, but
was attended also by many influential inhabitants who had not
joined its ranks.
About twelve o'clock, Mr. Thomas Attwood, accompanied
by friends, entered the building, and was, on being recognised,
vehemently cheered by the assembly. From ten to twelve
thousand persons were present, and on the motion of Mr.
Edmonds, seconded by Mr. Weston, Mr. Attwood was called to
the chair. The Chairman then proceeded to give the history of
the petition to the King to which I have already alluded, stating
that it was printed in London four days before the vote of the
House of Commons which compelled the Wellington Ministry
to resign, and that he trusted it had had some effect in bringing
about that result. He next went on to remark that he had
watched the conduct of Lord Grey for twenty-five years, and that
he felt sure that that nobleman would do his duty to the people,
if properly supported. Messrs. Scholefield, Hadley, Muntz, Jones,
and others then addressed the meeting, and Mr. Parkes, at great
length, entered into the question of the desirability of the ballot.
Some further discussion ensued, and the chair having been taken
by Joshua Scholefield, Esq., Mr. Richard Hipkiss moved the
thanks of the meeting to Thomas Attwood for his conduct in the
chair, and expressed a hope that ere long he would be returned
as one of the Representatives for the town of Birmingham.
{Great cheering?) Mr. J. Parkes seconded the resolution, and
Mr. Attwood replied : —
Gentlemen, I thank you most sincerely for this renewed expression
of your kindness and approbation. With regard to what has been said
respecting Members of Parliament for this town, I have only to observe that
I have never yet, in any shape or way, attempted or desired to become a
Member of the House of Commons. It has always appeared to me that I
could not possibly do any good in that House, constituted as it has hitherto
been. I have always thought that I might just as well have reasoned with
the waves of the sea, as with the individuals there. But, if we are to have
a Reform, and that Reform is to be efficient, I have not the weakness to pre
tend that I think 1 could not be of service in that House, {Cheers) And
undoubtedly, when the frame and fabric of society is giving way over our
heads, and its foundations trembling under our feet, it is the duty of every
good subject of the King to come forward and offer his services at this

SPREAD OF POLITICAL UNIONS. 153
momentous period, t^eers) I do hope that I may possibly be able to
serve the country upon this occasion. {Cheejfs) IJiajfa-studiod. the cir^eam-
stances of this country, ^ndVaught to undpfstand-.thewv—I-sce gppmftshiag-
famine, national hankniptcv^_^>drevolulffon. These things I have foretold
torTifteen years, and possTSTylrm^it^afeist in arresting the progress of these
devasTating and destructiv-e contingeycTSsr — Ifr-thefefore, a Reform in Parlia
ment should fiiKeTftac<rtcrttTrrTeatfe;TgnTri might, perhan.s. he nrniid nf the
htrnour of representing this gr^t and important rnmmiin.lty.„ {Cheers)
With regard to the establishment of Political Unions, which have been
alluded to, I have to observe tMat it gives me great satisfaction to percei\-e
that they are spreading everywhere. From Devonshire to Caithness they
are .studded throughout the country. In the extremities of Fifeshire and
Forfar, for instance, in Glasgow and Paisley, in Leeds, Manchester, and
Liverpool, in Sheffield, Newark, Nottingham, Norwich, Stockport, Bolton,
Coventry, BUston, W^sall, Kidderminster, and many other places, they have
taken deep root, an/ I trust they will flourish for the benefit of the people.
The principle of these Unions is, in fact, a mere shifting of the burden of
national errors and mismanagement upon the Government, instead of leaving
i'fTo fall with unoroken lorce upon th'' ppnpip" {Cheers.) ihe interests of
masters ilHd HHJ11 are, m fact, one. If the masters flourish, the men are
certain to flourish with them ; and if the masters suffer difficulties, their
dimriihlps mii^t ¦jhnrfly afiTeCt the_WX)jkm£n_ '" a thrpptniri rlp^rnop J Tho
masters, therefore, ought not to say to the workmen, " Give us your wagesj'
but take their workmen by_thp ha"'^ fl"^ l^nnrl- at tjip gat^c ^ffjip '""^irn
y^^*" ivil df mnnd th" roriro^c| nf thp];- mmmon grievances. In this way the
Government is made answerable for its own acts at its own doors : and in '"
this way only can~tHe rights and interests of the middle and lower classes hp
suguQtted, {Cheers) 1 have known some men with a hundred thousand
pounds in their pockets, and ten thousand pounds in their trades, who are
the deadliest enemies of the industry of the country. They have climbed the
ladder themselves, and their sole study is to kick it down, in order to prevent
their neighbours and competitors from climbing it. These are not the men
to be trusted. The only men to be trusted are the men who are engaged in
the anxious concerns of life, and whose interests mainly depend upon the
success and prosperity of the respective occupations in which their capital
and industry are embarked. Return this kind of men to Pariiament;, and _
you are safe. {Cheers) If you trust any other you wiU be deceived, {Cheers!)
I will trouble you no further than by remarking, that I have had the greatest
satisfaction in observing the progress of Political Unions. I have displeased
many friends, and made a few enemies ; but I trust where I have made one
enemy I have made a thousand friends. I rejoice in the course of conduct
which I have pursued, more and more under the awful circumstances which
I see approaching, and I have now only to say that whenever I die I wish no
other inscription to be placed upon my tomb than, " Here lies the founder of
Political Unions," {Immense cheering)
Amongst the resolutions passed at this meeting were the
followinp-: —

154 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
" 1st. — That this Meeting cordiaUy congratulates the people of the United
Kingdom upon the dismissal of His Majesty's late Ministers, rejoicing most
sincerely that ignorant, incapable, and, as Ministers of the Crown, unfeeling,
as they have proved themselves, they have at last been driven from power,
and have now no longer the opportunity of insulting the nation by denying
the necessity of ParUamentary Reform, and proclaiming the existence of
' social happiness^ and ' commercial prosperity^ whilst general distress and
discontent prevail everywhere, and whilst the fires of discord and revenge
are blazing throughout half of England,"
" Sth, — That with the view of strengthening the hands of Government, and
of humbly assisting in carrying into effect His Majesty's gracious and paternal
designs, it i^^^^PTfjapdipnt-thal a PRTITIOfJ nf T?Tr.tTTC chm.lrl hp fnr|-|i,vj).l^
presented to both Houses of Parliament from the inhabitants of the town of
Eu-mingham." The " Petition of Rights '' above mentioned claimed as
follows : —
" 1st, — The right of having all Placemen dismissed from the House of
Commons, agreeably to the great Constitutional Act of Settlement, which
places the present illustrious family on the Throne.
2nd. — The right of having ' Triennial or more frequent Parliaments^ as
recognised and secured by the great Constitutional Act, the 6th of WiUiam
andJ^ary, cap, 2.
C 3rd^-}-The right of sitting and voting in the Commons House of Parlia-
ra^Sr^hen lawfully chosen, without the qualification of property which was
fixed unconstitutionally by the Act of 9th of Queen Anne.
4th, — The right of having all the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses of the
House of Commons paid the reasonable ''wages of attendance' by a rate
upon their Constituents, in order to enable the common people to have the
benefit of the services of persons living under the same circumstances, and
having the same knowledge and the same wants and interests as themselves,
Qtfflj — The right of having the large towns and populous districts of the
couffTTy represented in the House of Commons, in the place of those decayed
boroughs which return Members to Parliament, although now containing but
fewijjhabitants, (fitlj. — The right of every man to have a vote in the election of Members
of tEe House of Commons who is in any way caUed upon to contribute
to either National or Local Taxation, direct or indirect, by which your
Petitioners understand that, either all the taxes ought to be taken oflf from
those articles necessary for the subsistence and comfort of working men, or
that all working men, who are compelled to pay such taxes, should have a
vot&in the election of Members of your Honourable House.
Qth)— The right to have elections for Members of the House of Commons,
free and unbiassed, and with this view to have such arrangements made in
the conducting of elections as may effectually prevent all force, fear, or
intimidation, and all bribery or undue influence of any kind, from acting
upon the minds of the electors."

CHARLES A TTWOOD. 1 5 5
The petition concludes by representing the desirability of the
ballot. I think it must have been in this year that Charles Attwood
founded, at Newcastle-on-Tyne, the Northern Political Union of
which he was afterwards Chairman. His opinions were at this
time more radical than those of his brother Thomas, and as
he did not share, or, at any rate, did not bring prominently
forward, the Currency views of the latter, his conduct met
with the unqualified approval of Cobbett in his Register of
January ist, 1831.
A number of agricultural labourers in the South had been
convicted of various acts of incendiarism and riotous violence,
and it was believed to be the intention of the Government
to inflict capital punishment upon some of them. Acting
upon this supposition, Charles Attwood drew up a powerful
petition for mercy to the King, which was inserted in the
Tyne Mercury of December 28th, 1830, and which was signed
with extraordinary rapidity by a great number of persons at
Newcastle. The punishment of the condemned men was ulti
mately commuted to that of transportation, and the Newcastle
petition was generally supposed to have contributed materially
to this result.

CHAPTER XI.
Influence of Attwood felt everywhere — Lord John Russell introduces the
Reform Bill — Meeting of March 7th, 1 83 1, to support Ministers— The
King dissolves Parliament — Excitement in Birmingham — Letters — Lord
Radnor and Sir Francis Burdett — Proceedings of Charles Attwood at
Newcastle — Letter from James to Benjamin Attwood on Russian and
Polish affairs — Matthias Attwood — Earl Grey — Extraordinary Petition
from the Union presented by O'Connell — Letters of Thomas Attwood to
October, 1831.
The general political excitement which had been so great during
1830 continued to increase throughout the whole of 1831. A
gloomy apprehension of impending change seemed to spread
over all classes of society. Men, says Martineau, feared to wish
each other a happy new year, and yet the vast majority agreed
that a great change of some kind in existing institutions must
take place. It is not too much to say that during the whole of
this eventful period the influence of Thomas Attwood was felt
throughout the kingdom, and yet, strangely enough, the very
scantiest mention of him is made by the Liberal historians.
Martineau and Molesworth both admit that the country was
saved from anarchy by the power of the Political Unions ; they
dwell upon the admirable patience, firmness, and forbearance
exhibited by those bodies ; and yet, with singular injustice, they
omit to give any credit to the man who founded them.
The political year opened with a visit from " Orator Hunt "
to Birmingham in the early part of January. The Radical
Member for Preston had a long conference with Thomas Attwood,
attended a meeting of the Union, and was entertained at dinner
by a portion of its members ; but his views, at this time, appear
to have been too extreme to coincide with those of the Chairman.
From my grandfather's private letters I find that Mrs.
Attwood spent the early part of this year with her brother at
Barlaston, and that she and her husband were beginning to

MEETING OF MARCH 7, rSji. 157
suffer great anxiety on account of the health of their son Marcus,
who was then under the care bf Mr. Hodgson.
On the 25th of January, 1831, the anniversary of the Political
Union was celebrated in Birmingham by various public dinners.
Mr. Attwood took the chair at the Globe, and in the course of
his remarks said, " It was not too much for him to say, that if
the King required it, they could produce him, in this district,
at his orders, within a month, two armies, each of them as
numerous and as brave as that which conquered at Waterloo."
In February, says Dr. Langford, a petition from those of the
inhabitants who did not generally co-operate with the Union
was presented to Parliament on the subject of the representation
of the country, and, later in the month, another attempt was
made to give Birmingham a Member by disfranchising Evesham.
On the istofMarch the great Reform Bill was brought into
th^House of Commons by Lord John Russell, and most pro
tracted and animated debates ensued, in the course of which
Matthias Attwood always appeared as an unflinching Tory and
a worthy colleague of the famous Sir Charles Wetherell.
The Birmingham Political Union at once took measures for
supporting the Ministers, and on Monday, March 7th, 1831, a
meeting of 15,000 persons was held at the Repository for the
purpose, and Thomas Attwood called to the chair. The Govern
ment proposal was not all that he could wish, but with rare
prudence and discretion he considered that it would be better to
support it in its entirety than to run the risk of alienating many
of the middle class by bringing forward a more radical measure.
Upon taking the chair he congratulated his audience upon the
close union which now existed between the King and the people.
He eulogised Lord Grey, and stated that even Mr. Cobbett had
avowed his intention of waiting patiently to observe the results
of the Bill, and concluded, amidst cheers, by declaring his
conviction that it was admirably calculated to restore the liberty
and the happiness of the people.
Mr. Scholefield followed, and moved a resolution expressing
the gratitude of the meeting to the King for the Bill of Reform
which his Ministers were bringing forward. Messrs. Muntz,

158 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
M'Donnell, Salt, and others then spoke at length, and the
meeting adopted an address to the King and a petition to both
Houses of Parliament, in which they expressed their approval of
the proposed Bill of Reform in the strongest language. It was
then carried unanimously —
"That a deputation, consisting of Thomas Attwood, Joshua Scholefield
and G. F. Muntz, Esqrs., be appointed to convey the address and petition to
London, and that they be directed to request Earl Grey to lay the humble
address of the Meeting before His Majesty, and to beg of his lordship to
present the petition to the House of Lords, and to request Sir James Graham
to present the petition to the House of Commons."
The deputation proceeded to London next day, and late in
the evening Mr. Attwood wrote to his wife from Radley's Hotel
as follows : —
I am arrived safe, and have no more to say. Everything is comfortable
about me. You must not depend upon hearing from me often, because I
shall be occupied and disappointed in a hundred ways. The debate was
again adjourned last night, and is likely to go on in the same way. The City
of London has petitioned manfully, and the thing is working just as it ought.
The Duke of Sussex declared last night that he cordially approved the whole
of Lord Grey's Bill. Every one approves it but those who are called upon
to give up their illegal and ill-used power by it. The Duke of Norfolk made
a noble declaration. When I informed our meeting of it 1 asked them if
they would injure men like these, and some one cried out, " Not a hair of their
heads shall be touched," and you iwould have been delighted to hear the
shouts which followed. Pray attend to my dear family and to all my
instructions respecting them. Above all things attend to the fires.
Great events soon after occurred. Ministers being unsuccess-
ful in. passing the Bill of Reform through the House of Cnmmnn.s,
the King dissolved Parliament with great suddenness on the
22nd April, and announced his intention of proceeding to West
minster in a hackney coach, if his state carriage could not be
got ready in time. This step procured him immense popularity,
and was, of course, very~gratifying to the Reformers of Birming
ham! Thomas Attwood and the other members of the Political
"Council at once called a meeting to express their approval of ,
thexaj^aJ — G©ftd.uct. This meeting was held at Beardsworth's
Repository on the 2nd May, 1831, and was said to have been
attended by nearly 20,000 persons. The proceedings were
reported at length, but I can only notice them briefly, —

MEETING OF MA Y s, rSji. 159
" Mr, Attwood, on taking the chair amidst the most enthusiastic cheering,
stated that he had never been the flatterer of Kings, nor the sycophant of
men in power ; and although his fellow-townsmen had frequently honoured
him with the most gratifying testimonials of their favour, yet he trusted that
no one could justly say that he had ever sought to obtain their approbation
by any unjust or unworthy means, {Cheers) But although it was wrong to
flatter, it did not therefore follow that we ought not to do justice to each
other ; still less ought they to refrain from doing justice to a Patriot Monarch,
whose conduct in support of his people touched a pulse in the very bottom of
their hearts, and compelled them to break out in one general spontaneous
and universal cry of God save the King,
Mr. Scholefield followed, and concluded by moving the adoption of an
address to His Majesty setting forth their gratitude and admiration of his
conduct, Mr, Attwood was about to read the address when a great pressure was
visible at one of the outer doors. Mr. Hutton and others forced their way in
and informed the meeting that many applications had been rnade to the
magistrates to induce them to prevent the ringing of the bells, but that they
had refused to interfere. He (Mr. H.) had been to the magistrates at the
public office, where he found a secret conclave sitting in deliberation. He
told the disaffected persons openly that he thought it wrong that the joy of
the people should be interrupted— (r/j^^rj-)— upon such a glorious occasion,
{Cheers) The voice of the people ought to prevail. He was happy to repeat
that the magistrates refused to interfere. He had come down to announce to
the meeting that the bells were now ringing, and he hoped they would
continue to ring till twelve o'clock at night. {Loud cheering)
Mr. Attwood then proceeded to state that he much regretted that the
ringing of bells, or any other demonstration of joy, should be put forward in
any irregular way He could assure the meeting that the gendemen who
had called it had in no respect sanctioned any irregular interference. They
had not, in any way, proposed the ringing of the bells, nor even the illumina
tion which it was intended should take place this evening- leaving things of
this kind to be decided only by the free will of the parties concerned. And
here he thought it his duty to urge upon the meeting the absolute necessity
of their exhibiting no violence or dislike of any kind towards any individuals
who might have the misfortune to differ from them in opinion. {Cheers )
They should consider that one man's rights were as good as another's ; and
therefore he urged them, by the sacred cause they were met to support to
allow to every individual the same liberty and freedom of expression whkh
they claimed themselves. The inhabitants of Birmingham had acquired
immense power and influence over the minds of their countrymen, by the
combined prudence, justice, moderation, forbearance, and strict legality of all
heir proceedings. Here was their strength, and they must take care that
they did not abuse \t-{cheers)~ior if they did it was most sure that they
would lose it, '
The address was then read and supported at length by G. F. Muntz,
which ^^; *' ^'^- ^- ^- M'Donnell, a Roman Catholic priest, afte;
a stranger made it known to the meeting that in consequence of a

i6o LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
refusal being made to permit the ringing of the church bells of St, Martin's,
the ringers had made an entry through the belfry window. He recommended,
therefore, that a subscription should be entered into by the meeting to reward
the spirited conduct of the ringers. He also informed them that a placard
had been exhibited upon the walls of the town, in some measure prohibitory
of the intended illumination,
Mr, Attwood recommended every one to illuminate or not, just as they
thought proper. He afterwards remarked that a clergyman at Warwick had
gone so far as to attribute the late burnings in Kent to his influence. He
certainly did not reUsh the idea of the burnings being placed to his account,
but it made him proud to hear that the excitation throughout the country was
owing to his endeavours. He had told the meeting at \\hich he was present
at Warwick that if he had roused the British Lion he was indeed proud of it.
He could say that his heart and thoughts had been at work for 30 years to
promote the happiness of the great mass of the people.
The immediate business of the meeting having been concluded, Mr.
Attwood left the chair, and it was moved and seconded that Mr, Scholefield
should succeed him in that office, A vote of thanks was then passed to
Mr. Attwood, and Mr. Salt, in moving it, termed him ' a man who had bought
golden opinions from all sorts of people.' "
Whilst Thomas Attwood was so closely occupied in carry
ing out his gigantic scheme of political agitation, private and
domestic affairs of no mean magnitude pressed upon him
unceasingly. The great case of Small v. Attwood dragged its
slow length along, and although it does not appear that he
was to gain anything by its successful issue, he took as much
interest in the proceedings as if he had been a principal de
fendant. On the 30th of April he wrote to his son Bosco —
I understand that it is the intention of the British Iron Co. to cross-
examine you shortly respecting some points of John Attwood's case. If so,
it will be proper for you to be upon your guard, and not to answer any
questions respecting which you are not positive in your knowledge.
The ill-health of Marcus Attwood appears to have induced
his mother to take her four younger children to Ramsgate in
this spring. A visit to the seaside was not then the simple
matter it has since become, and must have been a formidable
undertaking for middle-class persons residing near Birmingham.
I insert here some extracts from Mr. Attwood's letters : —
Mrs. Attwood, Albion Hotel, Ramsgate.
Birmingham, d,th May, 1831.
The post is just going, and I have only time to send you a cheque and to
say that your dear mother, myself, and Aurelius are quite weU. Mrs. Tibbatts

LETTERS. i6i
kindly calls every day to sit with your mother. Sir Gray Skipwith and
Lawley come in for the county without opposition. Sir C. GreviUe is
beaten at Warwick. Mrs. Attwood, 28, Wellington Crescent, Ramsgate.
Birmingham, 11 May, 1831.
My friends had nothing to do with the bell-ringing. It was done
spontaneously by the ringers themselves. Mr. Moseley the rector outraged
the people, and a few children and loose women outraged him. But during
the night not a single outrage of any kind was committed except the breaking
of the windows of Pountney the churchwarden.
Lawley and Skipwith were elected yesterday without opposition. Spencer
is in advance of Lygon, and all things are working well.
Birmingham, 13 May, 1831,
All things seem to go on properly, both domestically and nationally.
Mr, Lygon has resigned. There are now 66 county members returned, only
3 of which are against the Reform Bill. We have, therefore, gained a great
victory. If we could not change the measures of these great criminals, it
seems that we can change themselves. I have wanted only justice for the
poor and the oppressed, and if I should not succeed in getting this, I shall
at least obtain judgment upon their oppressors.
I go to Hawn every Sunday, and see your dear mother almost every day.
The east wind is cold, but the flowers bloom beautifully. The ravens and
eagles are my morning and evening companions. Birmingham, 16 May, 1831.
To-day I send -yon a. Birmm. fournal in which you will see Mr. Winfield's
account of the ridiculous outrage upon the Rector. At the worst it was a
mere /arc?, but ifWinfield had told the crowd that he had called the King
3.'-^ catspaw," \t would have probably been converted into a tragedy. The
elections are now nearly over, and I believe all the counties have returned
friends to Government, excepting only Buckinghamshire and Salop, where a
few disaffected men have, unhappily, obtained a temporary advantage. Bosco
has returned quite well, and his uncle writes me word that he has been
exceedingly useful to him. 27, Gracechurch St., London.
May 19, 1831.
I arrived here yesterday and intend to go to Ramsgate by the Packet
on Saturday I left your dear mother quite well yesterday morning, and also
Bosco and Aurelius. I am afraid I must leave you again on Monday and
shall be glad if you can get Mr. Snowden to meet me on Saturday evening
in order that I may learn from him how my dear Marcus is going on.
{From the Earl of Radnor)
,j " Salisbury, fune 2, iZ-^l.
Dear Sir,— Your letter of the 28th ult. only reached me while sitting on
the Special Commission here yesterday.
I have no objection to your shewing my letter to any friends of your own,
M

1 62 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
if you think any good can be effected by your so doing— and I see no
possible objection to your stating the sentiments as mine ; but I should be
very sorry that it should appear in print : therefore, however reluctantly, I
must refuse your request.
I hear of a packet having been found at my house in town, which I
presume is your letter on the Currency. I shall, I hope, see it in a few days,
and will attend to it as I ought to all that comes from you to me, but on that
point 1 fear we differ. Excuse haste and believe me.
Dear Sir, faithfully yours,
Radnor."
{From Sir Francis Burdett)
"Dear Attwood,
You are quite right, in my opinion, and your Brother quite wrong upon
every subject but the one you mention. I shall strive to get a Repeal of the
Corn Laws, which I am perswaded are bad for the landed interest instead of
being advantageous to it.
Indeed I am certain the landlords have no interest distinct from that of
the community excepting the Public Annuitants.
I enclose the money for my medal, and vrish you had mentioned to me
. any sum you had thought proper for a subscription, as I am so much at a loss
that I know not what to send.
I am very sorry I miss'd seeing you when in London. Kind regards to
Mrs. Attwood and family, and remembrances and congratulations to all
friends. Yours &c.,
F. Burdett.
I have written to Davenport to Paris saying he should return without
delay." It need hardly be said that the Tories of Birmingham took
a very different view of the bell-ringing incident mentioned in
Thomas Attwood's letters, and Aris's Gazette of May 9th, 1831,
contains a long article denouncing the persons who insulted the
rector and those who got up the illumination. Meanwhile, at
the general election just concluded. Sir Charles Wetherell and
Matthias Attwood were returned to Parliament without opposi
tion, and were the last Members who sat for Boroughbridge. At
Newcastle-on-Tyne, Charles Attwood was actively engaged in
supporting the cause of Reform, and in May or June, 1831, he
took the chair at a public dinner given at the Black Bull Inn,
Gateshead, to Sir Hedworth Williamson, Bart., and Mr. William
Russell, the Members for the county of Durham.
I shall next insert part of a letter from James Attwood, then
a merchant at Odessa, to his brother Benjamin, as it throws an

J A MES A TT I VO OD. 163
interesting light upon the then state of the Polish war, in which
all the Attwoods took so deep an interest. "Odessa, May 2,1 j 12 June, 1831.
"llY DEAR Benjamin,
1 1 wrote you under date of May 22/3 June by post advising my draft on
you and mentioned my intention of sending you a duplicate, as the last Brody
pojt had not arrived here. I now consider it unnecessary, as the said post
has subsequently come to hand, having taken the route from Austria through
Bessarabia to avoid interception by the Poles.
The contingency I referred to in my last was, as I presume you would
easily conjecture, the probability of the arrival of the Polish insurgents which
increases with the news of every day.
As this goes by a safe hand over the frontiers, I shall take the opportunity
of giving you a little on local politics, which interest me now, as importantly
connected with my affairs.
In the first place, 1 must tell you that there is nothing more erroneous
than the statements which the English and French journals have been
accustomed to give out, and continue to re-echo, of the enormous military
power of Russia. They always speak as if the forces which Russia had the
means of bringing into the field were sufficient to overrun and desolate
the half of Europe arrayed against her ; the very reverse is the fact in the
present day.
Russia never had anything like the forces which the papers of France and
England attributed to her.
When this Government counted her forces at 800,000, which was just
before the Turkish war, the amount was made up by counting regiments as
complete that had only, for the most part, from one to two thirds of their
complement, and comprising what might be called in England the Civil
Power, or Constabulary Force, viz.. Police, Custom House, Quarantine and
Civil department officers and soldiers of all sorts. The real fact is that
Russia took into the Turkish war, not only the entire of her disposable force,
but nearly all that the nobility would allow to be extracted of new recruits or
conscripts from their peasantry. All was but barely enough to vanquish the
feeble power of the undisciplined Turks, who, during eight years of war, had
not succeeded in subjugating a handful of rebellious Greeks.
The losses which Russia sustained during that war, in the field, before the
fortresses, by the plague, and still more by disease and sickness, occasioned
by want of sufficient and wholesome food (through the mismanagement of
their commissariat, which is, and must be, under the present system of
Russia, the worst in Europe), — these losses left her at the close almost
without an army, certainly with less than 100,000 disposable troops in her
vast empire. This, during the peace, was probably increased to the amount
of 220,000 men, all of which have been brought into the Polish war, and now
It appears she is obliged to retreat before the Poles at all points, with the
probable loss of neariy one-half of it already, whilst the power of the Poles is
rapidly increasing every day. The new Russian recruits which are now calling
M 2

i64 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
out will amount to 80,000 or 100,000 men at most, instead of 150,000 as th je
Petersburg journals have it, and they are raised with the greatest difficult Jr
and creating exceeding discontent among the Nobility as well as Peasantr^If,
The accounts of their battles in the Petersburg papers, as well as in the litt.ie
bulletins issued here, are so absurdly false and contradictory, for the moist
part, that they cease to mislead even the ignorant Russians themselves .lat
present. Our friends the Sabanowskies, who have been wounded and killeld,
in three successive bulletins pubUshed here, we know were alive and w/ell
some days after the dates referred to in the last. At the same time tliat
they keep telling us week after week that they have cleared and recleaifed
Podolia and Wolhynia of insurgents, we find the post several times taken by
these same Poles. /
The direct post road from St. Petersburg which met our Brody post! at
Gitornir, in Wolhynia, is obliged to be changed and carried on the eastern slide
of the Dniester, and the Austrian obliged to take the west of the Dneister,
We hear on the authority of many travellers, notwithstanding the pro
hibition of telling any news but what the Government publishes, that the
insurgent forces in Wolhynia and Podolia amount to 60,000, and the Russian
authorities here admit that the whole of the proprietors without exception
in those provinces are engaged in the rebellion, on which ground all their
houses and property, which are immense here, are laid under sequestration,
and we know well that if there were only half that number, whilst Diebitch
is obliged to retreat from Schzynicky, whilst Lithuania, Samogitia, and all
the intermediate provinces are in open revolt, that Russia can bring no force
into these parts capable of contending much longer with them. On this
ground it is that 1 calculate on seeing the Poles in possession of this place,
possibly in three weeks, very probably in a month or five weeks ; but will
they stay ? That is the question interesting to me and aU the traders of this
place whose interest it is that Odessa should form part of Poland instead of
Russia. If the stupid Turks saw but their ovm interest it would cost them
nothing now to recover their lost provinces and noble Une of fortresses on
the Danube, and then by ceding their right to this district to the Poles, to
establish a permanent Polish barrier against their natural enemies, who
otherwise will certainly not fail to take an early opportunity of recovering the
glory lost in Poland by another crusade against the feeble Turk, who will
then be obUged at least to yield up his European provinces and capital, as
an indemnity for the pecuniary expenses of justifiable war.
In my opinion three line of battle ships and two or three frigates, English
or French, or double the number of Turkish, would be sufficient to clear the
Black Sea of the Russian fleet, consisting of about 15 sail of the line and
6 or 7 frigates.
In the Turkish war the fleet was not half manned for want of saUors, one
third of the complement were landsmen who had never been to sea. They
lost about 2,000 by the plague and other diseases at "Varna, Sisopoli, and
Sevastopol, they banished as many more on account of the mutiny, and
to crown the matter they made marine corps of nearly aU their remaining
sailors at Sevastopol and sent them to join Diebitch in April last, so that
I am of opinion that it would not be possible for them to man properly above

RUSSIA AND POLAND. 165
two line of battle ships. At present Admiral Greig has been detained neariy
10 months at St. Petersburg, and, it is generally thought, is not likely to
return to this command.
The system of Russia is to conquer by bribery and espionage, and it is
well known that immense sums have been paid to the principal journalists
of the different capitals in Europe to extol Russia, its emperor and power,
and that to an enormous extent in the time of Alexander when the founda
tions of her false fame were laid.
A few weeks ago a very high order was given to the editor of the Berlin
State Gazette, no doubt for its great assistance lent to the cause of misleading
Russia and Europe on Polish affairs. She got "Varna by bribery at last,
though she might have had it with a tithe of her loss by one \igorous effort
at the commencement of the siege. She has even bribed the treacherous
Pashaws to revolt, to keep the Turk occupied at home, at the same time
that she coaxes the Grand Signor by relinquishing the instalment for a
season of the Turkish compensation for justifiable war debt, and Russian
money prevented the Polish agents from having an interview with the Grand
Signor, As Matthias seems latterly paying much attention to politics generally,
it might be interesting to him to see this letter, as literally nothing is written
from hence by other merchants through the post as to what is going on in
this quarter. In this town the Russians, with few exceptions, are in favour
of the Poles, and the foreigners almost to a man that are not employed or
interested in the Russian service. It ought to be the policy of England to
excite the Turks to support the Poles, and if they do not there is little doubt
that European Turkey will make part of Russia in a very few years, and the
invaluable Turkey trade will become of no more value to England than the
valueless Russian trade, which has no reciprocity in it. Great interests are
at stake on the Polish question, and a very Uttle would secure them now.
But if the Turks cannot be excited without assistance to support the Poles,
surely it would not be a great task for England to find an excuse, perhaps on
the score of the projected infringement of the treaty of "Vienna by annexing
Poland to Russia, for meddling in the affair and dispatching a secret expedition
of two or three large class line of battle ships and two or three frigates (of
which there are perhaps sufficient on the Malta Station) to this place, well
and fully manned, so that they might have enough to make the Russian ships
they took available to fight the rest, and 1 am persuaded they would not only
ensure the success of the Poles, by affording them supplies of arms and
ammunition through this port, and guarantee them the frontier of the
Dniester and Dwina necessary to the maintenance of their future indepen
dence, but would also be recompensed by sufficient prizes in line of battie
ships and frigates to well compensate any losses which a war with Russia
might occasion to some parties, and the war in this quarter would be made
much shorter than if the Poles and Russians are left to fight it out alone.
The Polish and Turkish Empires, thenceforward united in aUiance, would be
more than a match for dismembered Russia, the land of real slavery in
civilised Europe, and where the slaves (whose average value is from ^20 to
A25), according to the accounts of the enlightened Russian nobles, are

1 66 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
incomparably worse treated than the negroes of the West Indies. Here
each petty noble knouts or flogs his slaves as his passions or caprice excite
him. No laws protect his victim, and no press publishes his crimes ; only
in case of death from severe punishment does the fragile and uncertain
law even authorise an enquiry, and accord a small penalty in case of
conviction, which circumstances render almost impossible in the worst of
cases. Since writing the above, I learn that our Government has received the
intelligence of an insurrection in Wallachia and Moldavia, which took place
in consequence of those provinces being called upon to raise recruits or
militia. The Russian authorities have been expelled from Bucharest and
are arrived at Yassy."
It is impossible to read this letter without reflecting upon
the immense advantages which would have been gained by
England had she adopted the policy recommended in it. A
strong Poland stretching from the Baltic to the Black Sea
would have effectually protected Turkey against Russian aggres
sion, we should have had no Crimean War, and the ever-recurring
scare of the Eastern question would have been finally set at
rest. The new Parliament met on June the 14th, and on the
24th the Reform Bill was again introduced. Matthias Attwood
continued to oppose it as strenuously as his brother supported
it. He lost no opportunity of attacking the Grey Ministry,
occasionally with success, and was in consequence furiously
assailed by the Times, which termed him one of the Duke of
Newcastle's Members. On the 19th of March, upon the occasion
of a debate on the Timber Duties in which he spoke at consider
able length, he carried a motion for adjournment against 'the
Government by a majority of 46, the numbers being — for
Mr. Attwood's motion, 236; against it, 190. About the same
time he was mainly instrumental in getting up an anti-Reform
declaration by the merchants and bankers of the City, and was
coarsely abused in a leading article in the Times of March 21st.
On the 30th March, Mr. G. R. Dawson wrote to the Times
complaining of the gross partiality with which "the masterly
speeches of Mr. W. Bankes, Mr. Attwood, and Sir R. Peel were
curtailed and disfigured," and one of the reporters replied stating
that Mr. Attwood was generally inaudible in the gallery. It

MATTHIAS ATTWOOD. 167
appears, indeed, that his voice was weak and his uttera.icc
indistinct, but he nevertheless proved himself a formidable
champion of the losing cause, and evidently possessed consider
able weight and influence in the City. On the 30th March he
made some stinging allusions to the conduct of the Attorney-
General during Queen Caroline's trial, and a sharp altercation
ensued in which Lord Palmerston, Mr. Spring Rice, and Sir John
Sebright took part. As a general rule he confined himself
entirely in his speeches to the Currency or to mercantile matters,
but the threatened extinction of his borough of Boroughbridge
seems to have roused him to strike a blow in its defence.
I now revert to Thomas Attwood's letters :—
Mrs. Attwood, 29, Wellington Crescent, Ramsgate.
I am glad the porpoises are abroad, and should much like to
watch them with Marcus, These strange beasts of the sea seem hardly to
belong to our earth, I begin to fear that Capt, Ross and his crew are lost.
They have been gone now 3 years on their dreary voyage and not a word
has been heard of them since they left the North Cape of Norway, The
colliers of Wales are showing symptoms of that great catastrophe which
awaits the Government, and whenever it comes 1 think it will come justly. _^
With regard to myself, my dear, my motto is " Be just .ind fear not." With
this I left the cradle, and with this I mean to enter the grave. Cardinal
Wolsey could hardly say as much. Birmingham, ij June, 183 1.
1 have taken 2 places for Algernon and Miss Grice on Tuesday morning
next by the Tally Ho, and one outside place for Wm. Evans, Mrs, Barker
wishes me to add EUza Barker, but I doubt the propriety of filling Mrs.
M, A,'s house in this way. However you may expect the other two by the
steam packet on Wednesday evening. . . Numerous great failures are
taking place everywhere, just as they did in 1825, and it is certain that the
mischief wiU go on. It is by no means unlikely that it may arrest Lord Grey
in his career, and suddenly blow his Reform to the winds,
Birmingham, l July, 1831,
I shall send you to-morrow a Birmingham paper by which you will see
that we are not asleep in the matter of Reform, and that some degree
of watchfulness is necessary. When we have settled this point we shall look
up Sir Robert Peel. . . . Pray remember me kindly to Miss Grice and
Mrs. Taylor, and do not forget to give Rosabel some kisses for me. She will
be pleased when she sees the spoonbills. But I am almost afraid lest they
should swallow Tiny, for I saw them swallow a big fish. We have parted
with both the eagles.

i68 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
On July 4th, 183 1, the second annual meeting of the
Birmingham Political Union was held at Beardsworth's Reposi
tory. Mr. Muntz was called to the chair, and in his opening
speech advocated an alteration of the money laws in accordance
with the views held by the Attwoods. Thomas Attwood then
read the annual report, and also a memorial which had been
forwarded to Earl Grey, with the following reply : —
"Downing Street, June y^th, 1831.
" Sir, — I have had the honour of receiving your Letter, enclosing a
Memorial of the Council of the Birmingham Political Union, in which
objections are stated to limiting the ^10 franchise to persons paying their
rents half-yearly.
It is with great satisfaction that I have to inform you, that the words so
limiting the franchise were inadvertently inserted, and will be altered in
Committee, the only object in contemplation being that of insuring a bond.
fide holding oi £\o per annum.
The Memorial also refers to another supposed alteration as to the division
of Counties. You will find by referring to the Bill of last Session, that on this point no
alteration whatever has been made. I have the honour to be. Sir,
Your obedient Servant,
Thos. Attwood, Esq." Grey.
The above letter shows clearly what power and influence the
Birmingham Political Union had already obtained. In the
course of his speech Mr. Attwood remarked :
The Union would recollect that at the great meeting at which the
Union was formed, eighteen months ago, he had made them five promises.
The day was very cold, the snow very deep, and he recollected they had
seven Babylonish fires among them. He then told them that, by their assist
ance, he would certainly recover the rights and liberties of the country ; but if
they were disappointed of this, the public mind should shortly be brought into
such a state of excitement that the dying father should call his children to his
bedside, and taking the Holy Scriptures in his hand, he should make them
swear eternal hatred to the borough system. At that period the national
mind was asleep ; no one spoke of Reform.
The remainder of Attwood's speech, as well as the Report
itself, was of a triumphant and congratulatory nature, for no one
then foresaw the severe struggle which had still to be gone
through, owing to the obstinacy of the Lords, before the Reform
Bill was finally passed. After the adoption of the Report the

DANIEL O'CONNELL. 169
meeting proceeded to elect the Council for the ensuing year,
and then George De Bosco, the eldest son of Thomas Attwood,
proceeded to make his first public speech. He was then twenty-
three years old, and the subject which he selected, and upon
which he felt most deeply throughout life, was well calculated
to inspire an amiable and enthusiastic young man. In a speech
of considerable length, which was very well received, he moved
the following resolution : —
" That in the opinion of this Union the Polish Nation has been driven
into the present contest by the atrocious violation of the rights and liberties
guaranteed to them by the Treaty of 1814 ; and that, therefore, it is both the
interest and the duty of every civilised country, and more particularly of
England, to interfere by arms, if necessary, in the efficient protection of their
righteous cause."
On the 2nd of August, Daniel O'Connell presented to^the
House of Commons a petition from the Council of the Birming
ham Political Union, setting forth "that the petitioners had
observed with disgust and indignation the factious and puerile
opposition made to a majority of that honourable House, and to
the demands of an oppressed and insulted people ; and, with
feelings of a nearly similar character, they contrasted the
rapidity with which measures of penalty and spoliation had
been enacted by former Parliaments, with the extraordinary
tardiness at present displayed in completing a wholesome and
healing measure of wisdom, justice, and conciliation." This
objectionable language naturally occasioned a scene in the
House, and the Speaker having justly characterised it as
"grossly disrespectful and directly tending to violate the privi
leges of Parliament," O'Connell withdrew the petition. The
Speaker's view of the matter was no doubt correct, but the
truth was that Thomas Attwood knew the state of men's minds
far better than he did. Attwood knew that the country
trembled on the verge of revolution, and that the time was
past for using strictly polite and constitutional terms.
I now insert a few more extracts from his letters : —
Mrs. Attwood, 29, Wellington Crescent, Ramsgate.
We are all quite well. Your dear mother was never better. She has
made many improvements during your absence. With one of them, I am

170 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
sure, Rosabel will be pleased, but I will not say what it is. Poor old Towler
has died, and after a week his body was found in Mr, Firchild's land where
he had contrived to wander, and where he is now buried. The pretty goose
has become quite tame again, and more impudent than ever. Bosco and I
have discovered that it is not a goose, but 2l familiar, Uke that which attended
Socrates and Friar Bacon. We expect to make some great discoveries from
it, of which we shall give you the benefit at the proper time.
Birmingham, 8 Augt., 1831.
I now trouble you with a portrait of your dear husband, which is certainly
sufficiently flattering, but not much of a likeness. I am afraid he was at no
time half so captivating a person. The quotation at the bottom, however, is
genuine, and I am sure you will approve it, because it claims no abstract or
dubious rights, but merely makes the Ministers answerable for the distress
which afflicts the country. If the people will follow my advice, we will allow
no Minister to rule in England unless he can make the people prosperous
and contented. By acting in this way, I trust we shall relieve more distress
in one year than all the charity in the world would relieve in a hundred
years. I send you also my two old letters on Irish Distress, but I am afraid
you will not read them. If you do, you will consider them prophetic, when
you recollect the proceedings in England during the last winter,
. . . I have no news to tell you except that Sir Robert Peel is now
dealing rather severely with his victims. Poor creatures ! they die without
seeing the hand that destroys them. Three Bank Directors have stopped
during the last 6 months. Three great houses have stopped at Bristol, and
all the very richest houses there, and three of a similar kind have stopped
at Kidderminster. Among the Buttons too some mischief has happened, hut
not very extensive.
A good many copies of the lithographed portrait referred to
in the above letter are still preserved. The quotation at the
foot of it is as follows : —
Let not the masters oppress their workmen. Let not the workmen be
unreasonable with their employers. Let them unite cordially together. Let
the masters take the workmen by the hand, and let them knock at the gates
of the Government and let them say to the Ministers, " This is our situation,
this is the situation of our misgoverned country. Where are the just and
rightful profits of our honourable industry? Where are the just and necessary
- wages of our honest workmen ? If you cannot preserve the reward of industry
upon which the foundations of society rest, you are not competent to govern
this country. If you cannot secure an honest bread for honest labour in a
nation Uke this, you ought not to stand where you do ; you must retire and
give place to better men." — Vide speech of Mr. Attwood, July, 1830.
Amongst the numerous portraits of Thomas Attwood which
were published during the years of his fame, the earliest seem
to have appeared in 1830, but, owing to the date being wanting

LETTERS. 171
on many, it is difficult to determine their relative age. Several
of them represent him in his then famous fox-skin collar, which
he wore to protect himself from the cold, but which some of his
baser adversaries accused him of wearing to render himself
conspicuous. Birmingham, 10 August, 1831.
You must not think 1 have no respectable men on my side in politics ; you
should call upon Sir Peter Payne and his daughter, who will give you a very
different account. All landowners are with me, although few have the
courage to own it, P.S. — Mr. Cobbett says in his \ji&t Register i!tvsX it is our
rejected petition which has caused the amazing dispatch now visible in the
honourable House, The ironmasters are beginning to give way,  is the
first, who six years ago laid out ^20,000 in a house, and .1^3,000 in furnishing
a drawing-room. Birmingham, 13 August, 1831.
I am quite well again. We are all well. Bosco thinks of going to
London on Thursday or Friday next, and to be with you on Saturday
evening. I am glad you have seen the grand fleet, and 1 hope the Russians
will also see it before long.
Fendall's Hotel, Palace Yard, Lo7idon, Sept 19, 1 83 1.
I left all well at Harborne yesterday, and I hope to be able to come to
you some day by the end of this week. If I should then find Marcus well
enough, 1 should like to bring you all home in the beginning of the following
week. I am quite tired with the solitary comforts of an old bachelor, and
begin to be of opinion with Saml. Johnson, that if " marriage has many cares,
celibacy has no pleasures,"
, . Things go on in their usual state in Buttonland. Sir R. Peel is
gradually breaking down the master buttons, and they likewise, fools as they
are, are venting all their anger upon each other, and upon the poor, 1 am
sitting here in a very nice room, which looks right upon the Abbey " where
St, Margaret's stands confest, A blister on a Beauty's Breast," One of these
days we will tear off" the blister, but you may be assured we will never touch
the venerable and sublime structure behind it.
What shocking news from Warsaw ! 1 must not talk politics, or I should
say, that although we, the tame kitten-hearted slaves of England, may submit
to this, yet I am convinced that the noble and generous French people will
not bear it. Therefore I say with Lafayette, " Poland will yet be saved."
Harborne, Octr. 2nd, 1 831.
We are all quite well, and I will be sure to write to you on Tuesday next.
Do not have any fear of our meeting. You know how well we always manage
things, and you know also that now we have the King and the Government
on our side.

CHAPTER XII.
Progress of the Reform Bill— First grand open-air meeting of the Political
Union on October 3rd, 1831—100,000 persons present— Extraordinary
order, magnificence, and regularity of the proceedings— Speech of
Attwood— Gratitude of Ministers— Lord John Russell's famous letter-
Letters from Lord Althorp and Sir T. G, Skipwith— Stormy discussion
in the House of Lords— Fame of Attwood— Abandonment of Organisa
tion of the Union— Mr. Attwood's letters— Mr. Thornton's account of
meeting at Studley— Gloomy aspect of afl!"airs—" Small v. Attwood"—
Matthias Attwood.
The new Parliament assembled on June the 14th, and on
the 24th the Reform Bill was again introduced. On July 7th
the second reading was carried by 367 against 231. The final
debate occupied the evenings of the 19th, 20th, and 21st of
September ; and at its close the Bill passed the Commons by
a majority of 109 ; the numbers for and against being, accord
ing to Martineau and Langford, 345 to 236, but according to
the Times of September 23rd, 347 to 238. Matthias Attwood
was, of course, in the minority, and paired against W. Brougham.
" The House," says Martineau, "' was surrounded by crowds, who
caught up the cheers within on the announcement of the majority
— cheers which were renewed so perseveringly that it seemed as if
the members had no thoughts of going home. There was little
sleep in London that night. The cheering ran along the streets,
and was caught up again and again till morning. Such of the
peers as were in town, awaiting their share of the bu.siness
which was now immediately to begin, must have heard the
shouting the whole night through. It is certain that it was the
deliberate intention of the greater number of them to throw out
the Bill very speedily. . . . Before daylight the news was
on its way into the country, and wherever it spread it floated
the flags, and woke up the bells, and filled the air with shouts
and music. In the midst of this, however, the older and graver

GREAT MEETING OF OCTOBER 3, 1831. 173
men turned to each other with the question, ' What will the
Lords do?'"
In Birmingham the rejoicings were very great, but Attwood
and the Union well knew that the most serious part of the
struggle was yet to come, and they took measures accordingly.
The House of Lords was not then the mere ornamental appen
dage to the Constitution which it has since become ; it possessed
a real power, and was determined to exercise it. The problem
which Attwood and his compeers had to solve was, how to
make the Lords give way, peacefully and legally, and without
violating an iota of the Constitution. The coronation of the
King tbok place on the 8th September. The ceremony was
quiet and unpretending, suitable both to the advanced age of
the monarch and the distressed state of the country. The
event was celebrated in Birmingham by various public dinners,
and Thomas Attwood took the chair at the Globe, presiding
over the Union party. Soon after, preparations were made for
the great contest which was now visibly approaching. The
second reading of the Bill in the House of Lords was fixed for
the 3rd of October, 1831, and on the same day there was held
upon Newhall Hill that extraordinary meeting which was one
of the most famous of the many at which Thomas Attwood
presided, and which, perhaps, on account of its priority, caused
more excitement throughout the kingdom than any other. The
meetings which had been hitherto held, though probably the
largest that had been known, were confined to the interior of
Beardsworth's Repository, and their numbers could never have
exceeded from 15,000 to 20,000 persons. But now, in order to
demonstrate to the House of Lords that the public enthusiasm
in favour of the Bill had not abated, Attwood determined to
astonish the world with the unprecedented spectacle of 100,000
undisciplined men assembled together, firmly determined to
assert their rights, but equally resolved to remember his strange
motto of "Peace, Law, and Order." Hitherto no one had
supposed it possible to bring together so huge a mass of men
without the inevitable result of riot and bloodshed, but Attwood
knew his power, he knew the men he had to deal with ; he decided

174 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
to make the magnificent experiment, and complete success fully
justified his boldness. I give the following abstract of the pro
ceedings from the report of the Birmingham Journal: —
" There never was, we may safely assert, any previous occasion upon which
such a deep and universal excitement pervaded the public mind of Birming
ham and its neighbourhood. Notwithstanding the numerous and highly
respectable meeting which took place for a similar purpose under the
auspices of the High Bailiff" so late as Friday last, the inhabitants looked up
to the meeting of Monday as the one which would most effectively develope
the state of public feeling ; and in this they were not mistaken. The day
was ushered in like a day of triumph by the ringing of the church bells, and
by ten o'clock the inhabitants were upon a general move to the place of
meeting. The spot fixed upon for the scene of this amazing spectacle was
Newhall Hill — a large vacant spot of ground situated in the northern suburbs
of the town, and peculiarly well formed for such a purpose. It consists of
about twelve acres of rising ground, in the form of an amphitheatre. In the
valley a number of waggons were ranged in half-circle ; the centre one being
appropriated to the Chairman and the various speakers who addressed the
meeting. About half-past eleven o'clock the Birmingham Union, headed by
Messrs, Attwood, Scholefield, Muntz, Jones, &c,, and preceded by the band,
began to arrive on the ground ; but such were their numbers that a consider
able time elapsed before all had taken their stations. The scene at this
moment was peculiarly animated and picturesque. At different points of the
procession various splendid banners were carried, on which were as varied
devices and mottoes ; among the latter we noticed ' William the Fourth, the
People's hope,' ' Earl Grey. The just rights of our order secured, we wiU then
stand by his order.' The device of a dove with an olive bough, and the rising
sun, with the motto, ' Attwood, Union, Liberty and Peace.' ' Taxation with
out representation is tyranny.' ' Lawdey and Skipwith, and the independent
Representatives who voted for Reform,' ' Let it be impressed upon your
minds, let it be instilled into your children, that the liberty of the Press is the
palladium of all your Civil, Political, and Religious Rights,' ' Union, until
England is regenerated, Scotland renovated, and Ireland redressed.' ' The
best security for the throne of Kings is the People's love.' It is utterly
impossible adequately to describe the appearance of this most magnificent
assembly when the Council had taken their stations on the platform. Upon
the lowest computation, not less than 80,000 persons were within the range
of vision ; and in about half-an-hour afterwards, when the Staffordshire
Unions arrived upon the ground, the number present was calculated by some
at considerably above 100,000, In our opinion, moderately speaking, the
numbers could not possibly fall much short of that amount. The spectacle
was the most splendid of the kind we ever remember to have witnessed. On
the ridge of the hill which crowned the amphitheatre, the banners, in number
about 20, were placed at equal distances, and gave a beautiful finish to the
perspective. Among other distinguished persons present on the occasion,
drawn to the spot by motives of curiosity, but who took no part in the pro-

GREAT MEETING OF OCTOBER 3, 1831. 175
ceedino^s, were Prince Hohenlohe (the brother of the celebrated prophet of
that name) and the Chamberlain to the King of Prussia, They accompanied
Mr. Attwood, to whom they had been introduced by Mr, Rothschild for the
purpose of witnessing the progress and perfection of Birmingham manufac-
tyres  they had likewise the fortune of witnessing an unparalleled exhibition
of Birmingham pubUc spirit. After waiting a considerable time for the
arrival of the Staffordshire Unions, Mr. Edmonds at length rose, and after
a few introductory observations proposed, 'That Thomas Attwood, Esq.
take the Chair.' The proposal was received with three times three.
The Chairman, Thomas Attwood, Esq., then rose and presented himself
to the immense assemblage amidst the most vehement cheering. He com
menced by thanking the meeting for the high honour they had conferred
upon him in appointing him to take the chair upon that great and glorious
occasion. It gave him great pleasure to witness the countless thousands
which there presented themselves, developing the moral energies of a great
nation, and it gave him more pleasure to know that they came at the call
of the Birmingham PoUtical Union, of that formidable and patriotic body
whose influence was felt not only throughout all the towns of that district,
but throughout every part of England. {Cheers) He trusted he might say
throughout every part of the world where English hearts and English feelings
dwelt. He (Mr. A.) would now ask how had they acquired that strength t
By the peace, the order, and the strict legality of all their proceedings. To
use the words of the Political Council, it was by ' courage, patriotism, and
public spirit, tempered by prudence, caution, and discretion ; submission to
the law, mingled with determination to correct the law.' These were
the qualities by which they had gathered up their giant strength, and
these were the qualities by means of which they would use that strength
for the recovery of the rights, liberties, and happiness of the people.
{Cheers) When the Union was first formed, they were told by his friends
that they would have no power — that the oligarchy were too strong for
them — and that all their efforts would be in vain, [At this period of
Mr. Attwood's speech he was interrupted by the arrival of an immense
assemblage from some of the Staffordshire Political Unions, with their
bands, banners, &c,, the number which then arrived on the ground was
computed at 20,000. They were received with three times three tremendous
cheers. After the applause and commotion arising from this accession of
numbers had subsided, Mr. Attwood proceeded.] He resumed by congratu
lating his hearers upon the truly English reception which they had given
their distant friends from the neighbouring towns. He was about to say
when he was so agreeably interrupted by the arrival of these Staffordshire
friends, that when he had been informed that the Union would not be able to
controul the oligarchy, he had said, ' We will get two millions of strings, and
we win place each string in the hands of a brave and strong man, and we will
twist those strings into a thousand large ropes, and we will twist those ropes
into one immense cable, and by means of that cable we will put a hook in the
nose of Leviathan, and guide and govern him at our pleasure.' {Cheers)
'Now,' said Mr, A,, 'have we not put a hook in the nose of Leviathan, and
have we not twisted the strings and the ropes and the cable well — have we

176 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
not thwarted that atrocious influence behind the throne, which Lord Chatham
said was stronger than the throne itself?' {Cheers) He would explain that
atrocious influence of the oligarchy which had governed the Ki?ig, the Lords
a_ndthe_lr'eople He did not say it was the House of Lords, — that honourable
and illustrious House, composed q£ an Aristocracy associated with so many
great and glorious recollections, — but it was a junta of about i ^o individuals
and some of whom were members of that right honourable House, and whoTiad
secretly and fraudulently usurped the powers of King, Lords, and Commoiis
and nad in tact governed everything in England with despotic sway, — {Cheers)
inese were the men who were rightly called 'oligarchs,' and whose
dominion was now coming toan^ end. TiTaLLuiiiuliiliiiier this great wmk
no violence was required T ' by obeying the law,' said Mr. A., ' we become
powerful to controul tlie"laa^.' {Cheers) They had united two millions of"
men peaceably and legally in one grand and determined association to
recover the liberty, the happiness, and the prosperity of the country, and he
should like to know what power there was in England that could resisr"a
power like thi§</ {Cheers) He would explain what he meant by pros-fierity.
He did not mean to say that men could live without- labour^ anri harjj laj^^r
too. This was the will of God. But he meant to sav that every honqft
labourer in England had as good a right to a reasonable maintenance for his
family in exchange for his labour, as the King had to the crown upon tus Iiea5 :
and this was the right that he (Mr. A.) was determined to enforce. {Cheers)
If he had seen this right securea-fil he nag seen every honest man in
England possessing an undoubted Security tor an honeSt bread tor hii. fiilllily 7
— if he had seen every honest labourer possessing abundant wages for himself
4pd_at "tFe same timeTeaviflg feasonaoie prcrfit tu his eiupluyei, he (Mr. A.)
should never have assisted in the iormation of the jfoiitical UnioTi. But
when he iound Deyond doubt that the oligarchy had either no knowledge of
the wrongs ol the people, or no disposition to redress them, he ielt compellOT
tcr"come forward to assist in bringing the poUtical influence of the people to
relTeve their miseries and lediess tlieii wioiigs. /TUeie was uo difli(^tiII7"ln
this upeiatiuu, — The must iUubliluus ihaif in Europe, La Fayette, had told
them 40 years ago that 'for a nation to be free it was sufficient that she
wills it.' {Cheers) Look around at this immense and magnificent assem
blage in the very heart of England, where the English blood was pure and
uncontaminated with foreign alloy, see this prodigious mass of brave and
upright men assembled together to support their good, and gracious, and
patriotic King, — and who with such a spectacle before them could possibly
doubt that the British nation willed t\i3.t the BiU of Reform should pass, and
therefore that it must pass, {Cheers) And did they not see at this moment
that the British nation was lifting up its mighty shoulders, and peacefully and
legally shaking off" the oppressive burden with which the productive energies
and happiness of her people have been weighed down. {Loud cheers) J^ow
if the_oUgarchs had done their duty, if they had fed the hung-ry and clothed
the naked, and rendered justice to the poor and oppressed, he (Mr. A.) for
dne~would never have disturbed their peaceful reign, for he deemed all power
'good that was used for the happiness of the people ; but inasmuch as they
frad-been bad shepherds, \Vho had ted themselves and neglected their flock.

GREAT MEETING OF OCTOBER 3, 1831. 177
he had thought it his duty to endeavour to puU them down. The Holy
Scriptures had said, ' Woe unto the shepherds of Israel that do feed them
selves and neglect the flock. Therefore I am against the shepherds, and I
will require the flock at their hands.' It was therefore, said Mr, A., that we
removed the people of England from the care of the Oligarchy, and that^jsve,,
placed them in the hands of eleven hundred thousand of their next door
'Tieighbours andJaends. Mr, Attwood concluded in the tollowing words :—
' It is to the King personally that we owe more in this _great york of reform
tj^an tn any nfhpr >ii,mcii-i i-ip!,-.^ in pyictoni-o. An ancient philosopher has
said that to see an honest man struggling with adversity and preserving his
integrity was a sight which the gods themselves might contemplate with
satisfaction. I wiU now '-^'^ npnn ynn t-r. pvtiih;)- Q cpp.^tar]p^ fjrid th"'' ^peTf
tacle shall be one of loyalty and devotion, I am about to ask you to cry out
the words, " God bless the Kins !" 1 therefore desire that you will all of you
take off" your hats, and that you will look up to the heaven where the just
God rules both heaven and earth, and that you will cry out with one heart
and one voice, " God bless the King ! " ' [The spectacle which here presented
itself was beautiful and magnificently sublime. Every head was uncovered,
every face was turned up to heaven, and at one moment a hundred thousand
voices responded to the cry, ' God bless the King !' Mr, A. resumed his seat
amidst the most deafening cheers.]
Mr, Scholefield followed and moved the adoption of a petition to the
House of Lords, praying them to forthwith pass the great Bill of Reform,
Mr, Edmonds seconded the motion at great length, and concluded by
declaring that should all constitutional modes fail to obtain the success of the
Reform Bill, he would be the first man to refuse payment of taxes except by
a levy on his goods. This announcement was received by the vast multitude
with tremendous cheers, and the motion having been carried unanimously,
Mr, Muntz moved the adoption of an address to the King praying him to
create, if necessary, a sufficient number of new peers to pass the Bill,
The meeting then adopted a memorial to Earl Grey, praying him on no
account to resign his station, and this was seconded by Mr, P. Haynes, in
what was probably the most violent and revolutionary speech deUvered on
the occasion,
Mr, B. Hadley next moved the fourth resolution as follows : —
'That the cordial and grateful thanks of this Meeting be presented to
Lord John Russell and to Lord Althorp, for the patriotism, ability, and
unwearied industry, and the admirable temper and firmness, with which they
have conducted the great Bill of Reform, through all its stages, to a trium
phant issue in the House of Commons.'
Resolutions of thanks to the county members, &c., were also passed, and
the Rev, Dr, Wade, rector of St. Nicholas, Warwick, and others having
spoken, Mr, Attwood, in acknowledging the flattering approbation with
which he had been received, took occasion to explain his conduct in con
senting to assist at the formidable meetings which he had the honour to
promote. He had been much censured for exciting the mass of the people
upon subjects vital to their interests. He was aware of the responsibiUty he
had thus incurred, and he could assure the meeting that it was not lightly
N

178 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
or inconsiderately. For fifteen years together he had laboured incessantly
in all other kinds of exertions to arrest the merciless and remorseless course
of the oligarchy. All his eiforts had been in vain. He saw the ship, as it
were, running upon the rocks — he saw the captain dead drunk (he meant by
the captain the Duke of Wellington) — he saw the officers all playing at
cards, &c. — in this dreadful position he had determined upon appealing to
the crew ! Had he not done right in so doing ? {Cheers) Remember the
Rothsay Castle ! If the passengers there had called upon the crew, the vessel
might have been secured, and a hundred valuable lives preserved to their
families. He (Mr. A.) would do the best in his power to prevent the good
ship Britannia from coming to the same fate as the Rothsay Castle. It
was with this good object that he had been induced to assist in these great
and formidable combinations, but he had not moved until the last extremity.
He had called to mind again and again the words of the Holy Scriptures,
' This is a nation robbed and spoiled — they are all of them snared in holes—
they are hid in prison houses — they are for a prey and none to deliver — they
are for a spoil and none to say restore! He (Mr, Attwood) for one had felt
it his duty to cry out ' restore,' and by their aid he had been enabled to cry
out in a voice which had echoed through the land ; their gracious King cried
out 'restore;' the House of Commons had cried out 'restore;' the whole
people of England had cried out 'restore ;' and, where was the power upon
earth that should resist a voice like this ? Mr. A. concluded by thanking the
different Unions who had attended from so many distant parts of the country,
and requested them to disperse to their respective homes — too many of them,
he feared, melancholy homes ; and he assured them it should be the study of
his life to give plenty, peace, and happiness to them and to their families,
{Cheers) 'I now take my leave,' said Mr. A. 'and I pray that the Almighty
God will shower down His blessings upon you and your families for ever,'
{Loud cheers)
At the conclusion of Mr, Attwood's speech, three cheers were given for
the King, three for the Reform Bill, a farewell cheer for the country visitors
of the meeting, three cheers for Mr, G, Edmonds, and a long discordant
groan for the expiring Boroughmongers. The meeting then, in a peaceful
and orderly manner, quietly dispersed."
Extraordinary was the excitement which this great meeting
created throughout the country. Nothing of the sort had been
witnessed in England before. Friends and foes were alike
astonished at the peaceful, orderly, and unanimous conduct of
its proceedings. Thg Times Ffave a very full report of the meet
ing, and in a leading artirlc t;nlemnlv warned thp_ ari^tcir.racy
not to oppose so formidable a combination. Ministers felt
themselves under the greatest obligations to Attwood, and, upon
this occasion, they did not hesitate to acknowledge it openly
and honourably. I regret that the original of Lord John

LORDS fOHN RUSSELL AND ALTHORP. 179
Russell's famous letter has been lost, and that I can only give
that portion of it which was printed everywhere, and which has
become historical ; but I am fortunately able to copy the whole
of Lord Althorp's, including a portion never before printed.
_ " Lord fohn Russell to Mr. Thomas Attwood.
I beg to acknowledge with heartfelt gratitude the undeserved
honour done me by 150,000 of my countrymen.
Our prospects are now obscured for a moment, and I trust
only for a moment. It is impossible that the whisper of a
faction should prevail against the voice of a nation."
{Lord Althorp to the same!)
" Dear Sir,
I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, containing
a vote of thanks to me from the great meeting at which you
presided. The unanimous approbation of 150,000 of my Fellow
Countrymen is no trifling honor ; I feel sincerely thankful for it,
and I beg to assure you that it gives me the highest gratification.
The Large Majority by which the Bill has been lost in the
House of Lords is, I fear, a very serious calamity. It can only
however postpone the success of our cause ; but I beseech you
to use all your influence not merely to prevent any acts of open
violence but any such resistance to the law as is threatened by
the refusal to pay taxes. Such a course as this is the one least
likely to promote our success. Depend upon it, if the people
continue peaceable but firm and united, no power on earth can
prevent a full and efficient Reform being carried, whether we
are able consistently with our Characters to remain Ministers or
not. Whether in administration or not we are as determined to
carry such a measure as any one man in the United Kingdom ;
the only possible doubt I have of success is from the imprudence
of those who agree with us.
I have the honor to be. Dear Sir,
Your most faithful humble Servant,
Downing Street, Oct. ith, 1831." ALTHORP.
(Endorsed by T. A, as follows: — Oct, 8, 1831. From Lord
Althorp, in re thanks of the Union, and about preserving ye
peace.) N 2

i8o LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
{Sir G. Skipwith, M.P., to the same)
"6, Pall Mall East, Oct. 8, 183 1.
" My dear Sir,
I beg through you, in such a manner as may be most con
venient to yourself, to ofifer to the Inhabitants of the Town and
Neighbourhood of Birmingham, my sincere and heartfelt thanks
for the honor which they did my colleague and me on the
occasion of the late Meeting.
The approbation of my Constituents is the great reward
which I am ambitious of receiving for my humble, but zealous
and honest endeavours to promote the cause of Reform — a
cause on the success of which, at this moment, depend the
tranquillity and happiness of our Country.
It is with the deepest sorrow I confirm, what you will have
already learned from other sources, that the second reading of
the Reform Bill was rejected in the House of Lords this morn
ing by a majority of 41.
It would not be true to say that the rejection came un
expectedly on the friends of the measure, but so large a majority
against it was not contemplated, I believe, by anybody.
I am just returned from a Meeting at Willis's Rooms. It
was attended by all or nearly all the Members of the House of
Commons now in London who are Friends of Reform, and
Supporters of the Government, and it was unanimously resolved
to adhere to the Bill, and to the Ministers, and to give them
every support in our power towards accomplishing the great
measure of carrying it into law.
There is to be a Call of the House on Monday, and Lord
Ebrington will submit a motion to it on the present state of
Public Afi"airs.
God grant that, in the anguish of disappointment, the people
may not forget that the observance of tranquillity and order is
the surest, safest, and best way of effecting the great purpose
which we seek and will have.
Let them also remember, that the Lords in what they have
done have only exercised a right confided to them by the
Constitution of the Country.

THE LORDS REfECT THE BILL. i8i
If the Ministers do their duty, and who can doubt but they
will do it, it is folly to suppose that a measure sanctioned by
the King, the People, and a majority of their Representatives in
Parliament, will not be carried.
Mr. Lawley is at this moment at Brighton.
I have the honor to be, my dear Sir,
Yours very faithfully.
To Thomas Attwood, Esq." G. Skipwith.
These letters were immediately circulated everywhere, and
created a great sensation in both Houses of Parliament. The
Duke of Buckingham, Lord Wharnclifife, Sir Henry Hardinge,
and others commented strongly upon the language employed at
the Birmingham Meeting, and denounced the subserviency of
Ministers to Attwood and the Unions. In particular the word
"faction" in Lord John Russell's letter, which was supposed to
apply to the House of Lords, gave great offence. Lord John
defended himself rather lamely b)' saying that he had corre
sponded with Attwood, not as the head of the Political Unions,
but as the chairman of a meeting of 150,000 men. A11 this
discussion greatly increased the fame of Attwood, who was
^^yprjnybr-rn t-nrri i-rl nrl nr tlin grr-nt- ^hfimpion nf Reform, whilst
tb{?-Toripn trpmlilTl nt bin nnnt"
Fearful consequences followed the rejection of the Bill of
Reform by the Lords. Windows were broken, peers insulted
in the streets, and Lord Londonderry struck senseless from his
horse. Then followed the riots and burnings at Derby and
Nottingham, and the still more terrible outbreak at Bristol,
which last, combined with the persuasions of his female relatives,
is said to have made the King waver in the cause of Reform.
But before this he had prorogued Parliament on the 20th
October, and Ministers announced their intention of speedily
bringing forward the Reform Bill again. In Birmingham the
excitement was tremendous, but owing to the influence of
Attwood and the Union, very slight breaches of the peace
took place. On the 20th of October an important meeting of
the inhabitants was held at Dee's Royal Hotel, to express their
regret and disappointment at the rejection of the Bill, and very

1 82 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
strong and almost revolutionary language was used by men not
accustomed to it. The Council of the Political Union issued an
address to their fellow-countrymen exhorting them to stand
firmly by the King and Lord Grey. This address was signed
by Thomas Attwood and concluded as follows : —
" Without blood, without anarchy, without violation of the law, we will ac
complish the most glorious reformation recorded in the history of the world,"
In the early part of November a large Reform Meeting was
in the Market Square, Warwick, under the presidency of the
High Sheriff. Thomas Attwood attended this meeting in
company with Lord Hood, Sir J. Chetwynd, Sir G. Phillips,
and other local magnates, who were beginning at last to see
that it was necessary to adopt the principles which he had long
professed, if they wished to save the country from revolution.
Shortly afterwards the weekly meeting of the Council of the
Union took place, and Mr, Attwood, in opening the proceedings,
took occasion to deny that he had ever stated that he would be
exposed to personal danger in the event of a Tory Administra
tion succeeding to power. He had violated no law, and there
fore had no fear. He had not been actuated by any low fear
for his own life, but he feared the universal ruin and distress
which must result from any civil commotion in England. He
also denied that the Council had ever entertained the idea of
arming the Union, a desperate measure about which sinister
rumours had been afloat. Mr. Jones then submitted a plan for
the organisation of the Union, with gradation of rank, offices,
and titles, but this was voluntarily abandoned a very few days
afterwards. The Whig Ministers had at first smiled on the
Unions, upon whose shoulders they had been carried into power,
but they soon became alarmed at the formidable power so
rapidly acquired by these bodies, and terrified by some recent
turbulent proceedings of the Metropolitan Unions, they issued
a proclamation against all Political Unions on the 22nd of
November. The boroughmongers no doubt hoped that this
measure would cause a breach between the Government and
Attwood, but in this they were wofuUy disappointed, for, says
the Times, '• on the very day on which the proclamation

MEETING OF NOVEMBER 22, 1 831. 183
appeared in the Gazette did the grand Political Union of
Birmingham relinquish the only part of its composition which
affected its legality — namely, organisation.'' In opening the
meeting of the 22nd Mr. Attwood noticed the " atrocious lies "
propagated by the Tory newspapers. It seems they had stated
that the Birmingham Union had sent emissaries to Bristol, and
10,000 organised men to London, for the purpose of promoting
a revolution. He then denounced the Bristol riots, which had
disgraced the cause of Reform. Those shameful proceedings,
I may notice, must have been brought nearly home to his
consideration by the fact that Sir Charles Wetherell, whose
entry into Bristol occasioned them, was the brother of Mrs.
Richard Spooner, and the colleague of Matthias Attwood in
the representation of Boroughbridge. Mr. Parkes then made
a long speech upon the legality of the Union, in the course of
which he stated that at Christmas, 1829, Mr. Attwood had told
him that the days of the boroughmongers were numbered and
fast drawing to a close ; he then differed from Mr. Attwood,
and predicted they would prove too strong for his grasp, but
Mr. Attwood had been right.
Mr. de Bosco Attwood then moved that the plan for the
organisation of the Union be abandoned, and his motion was
carried. Further explanations respecting this matter were
made a week later, and were reported at length in the Times of
December 2nd, 1831.
I shall now return to Mr. Attwood's letters for the remainder
of this eventful year : —
{From G. de B. Attwood to Mrs. Thos. Attwood)
"Birmingham, Monday, Oct. 3, 1831.
" . . . My father is so much engaged just now that he has deputed me
to write in his stead to say that the meeting is over, that all has gone oft'
peacefully, and that we are all very well. The meeting consisted of upwards
of 100,000 grown men, and nearly as many women and children. It is
reckoned that more than 20,000 came from the collieries, from Bilston,
Darlaston, and Dudley. . . . My grandmother Carless seems unusually
well, and my grandmother Attwood came on Thursday last to the fair with
my grandfather. She said she had not been to a Birmingham fair for more
than 30 years. She had a narrow escape of being burned to death the other
<iay- • . . There was an Ourang Outang exhibited at this fair, which was
the greatest curiosity I have ever seen, . . ."

i84 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
{From T. Attwood to the same)
I write these few words just to assure you that I am quite well, after
seeing my 150,000 friends all disperse to their homes as quietly as a few
children from a village school. The day was very fine, and the whole of
this immense assembly stood patiently for 5 hours, and would have staid all
night if I had desired them to do so,
Mrs. Attwood, 29, Wellington Crescent, Ramsgate.
Harborne, Octr. gth, 1831,
We are all quite well, I prefer your coming by the Safety Tally ho,
because it puts up at the most convenient inn, the Belle Savage in Ludgate
Hill, and because I think it is the safest Before you set out you should
write to the Landlady to engage the rooms and the coach, a day or two
before. If you Uke, Bosco shall meet you at the inn, or at the Steam Packet
wharf, on Wednesday evening, the 29th inst. . . .
The news of the Reform Bill being thrown out arrived here last night.
All the churches and chapels of Birmingham had their bells muffled, and
each bell complained to the others in solemn melancholy all night long. It
was the dirge of the oligarchs re-echoing in the heart of England, Every
thing is perfectly peaceful and will be so. Do not you have any kind of
uneasiness, for you may depend upon my prudence and discretion. The
firmness of the King, of his Ministers, and of the House of Commons, is
undoubted. Birmingham, 13 October, 1831.
. . . Aurelius will go to London on Sunday and come to you on
Monday, for the purpose of returning home with you on Wednesday,
Everything is quiet here, and will be so. You know I always told you
there would be no disturbances in places where our Unions exist. Un
happily they have not got them at Derby and Nottingham.
Mrs. Attwood, Harborne, Birmingham. London, Deer, ist, 1831,
I am quite well and hope to return to you in a few days. Pray take care
of yourself and of Angela and Rosabel. Bosco is discreet, and I know he
will do what is right. I hope he will stop the proceedings of McDonnell, if
I should not have returned. London, Deer, yd, 1831.
Perhaps I may come home on Tuesday or Wednesday evening. I have
been treated very kindly, and trust 1 have done some good. All parties
agree in praising my political conduct, whether friends or foes. To-day I
have been to see the 3 murderers, and I could not help being sorry for the
poor creatures. Upon my taking leave of Bishop, he burst into tears.
Williams has confessed to three murders. They are dreadful villains
certainly. But if it is a crime to burk one or two men, what is it to burk a
nation ?
It would be quite impossible, without extending this memoir
to a tedious extent, to give any account of all the numerous

MEETING AT STUDLEY. 185
meetings at which Thomas Attwood or his sons assisted in the
course of the years 1831 and 1832. Some idea, however, of the
extraordinary political excitement which pervaded the neigh
bourhood of Birmingham at the time may be gathered from
the following recollections of Mr. Edwin Thornton, printed in
tO^Q Birmingham Weekly Post o'i]MX\Q. 2x\6.,\'&'i,^. Mr. Thornton
says : —
"A year or two before the passing of the great Reform BiU in 1832, a
branch of the Political Union Association was established at Astwood Bank,
the meetings being usuaUy held at the White Lion Inn, kept by Thomas
Richards, who was also a painter and glazier by trade. Weekly meetings
were held in the ' big room ' of the inn to advocate Reform principles, and
assist in preparing the Government to pass the Reform BUI, The inhabitants
of Astwood at that time could not have been more than about six or seven
hundred ; but a goodly number of those read the weekly papers, and took
great interest in Liberal politics. A Tory at Astwood was then a rara avis.
The Birmingham fournal, Worcester Herald, Worcester Chronicle, and the
London Weekly Dispatch were the papers chiefly read. The local ' dailies '
had not made their appearance. Among those members of the Union who
regularly attended the meeting at the White Lion, and who were expected
to be always prepared to make a speech, were J. B. Smith, Thomas Willmore,
Thomas Hemming, Charles Hiam, J. Willmore, Thomas Thornton (the writer's
father), and a few others. Of those mentioned, only one is now alive. Branch
Unions were established at Feckenham, Studley, Redditch, Crabb's Cross,
&c,, the members of each branch attending occasionally the meetings of the
respective localities. The countiy was thoroughly aroused to the necessity of^
political reform, an extension of the franchise, and the abolition of a number
of old rotten boroughs. There was great and almost universal distress, as a
natural consequence of Tory misrule ; and the people were on the verge of
open revolt. Old Duke Wellington wanted to bring thirty thousand soldiers
to Birmingham to calm the poUtical excitement ! I have a vivid recollection
of a great Political Union gathering and public banquet at Studley, Warwick
shire, at which Mr. Thomas Attwood, of Birmingham, was expected to
address the assembled Unionists of the district. Both Mr, Scholefield and
Mr, Attwood were announced to be present on the occasion. For the local
Reformers it was a most enthusiastic field day. 1 do not remember the date,
hut on the morning of the day there was a strong muster at Astwood, All
the leading men on horseback, wearing blue sashes over their shoulders, and
rosettes of blue ribbon upon the collar of their coats in front, formed the
advanced guard of the procession. Each section of the Unionists forming
the procession had at least one large flag and several banners. There were,
therefore, several large flags in the procession requiring two or three men to
carry them, extending the entire width of the road, and banners, with mottoes
innumerable. One of the flags bore, 1 believe, the date of the establishment
of the ' Union.' Thus accoutred, the cavalcade started to Crabb's Cross to

i86 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
meet other branches of the Union. A band -of music accompanied each
branch. From Crabb's Cross the multitudinous procession proceeded down
the ' Slough ' (locally pronounced Stuff) on its way to Studley, four or five
bands playing simultaneously. At Studley great preparations were made for
their reception at the Golden Fleece Inn, kept by John London. In the
extensive yard at the back of the inn, temporary wooden booths had been
erected, in which to hold the banquet and address the people. Tickets were
issued at five shillings each. Messrs. Attwood and Scholefield were to arrive
in Studley at a stated time, A cannon, charged with powder, was stationed
nearly opposite the Barley Mow Inn, the muzzle pointing to the avenue
leading to the Priory, The arrival of the two gentlemen from Birmingham
was to be announced by the discharge of the cannon. Something at Bir
mingham occurred to prevent Mr, T, Attwood coming ; but he did the next
best thing he could, by sending his son. And about the time stated, young
Mr, Attwood and Mr, Scholefield made their appearance, arm in arm, round
the corner of the Barley Mow Inn ; the cannon was duly discharged, making
a tremendous report and shaking the glass out of the windows of the houses
in the immediate vicinity. A short distance from the cannon was a glass and
china shop, where considerable damage to goods and windows occurred from
the report. Some thousands of persons were congregated in Studley. The
public dinner came off at the Golden Fleece, and numerous speeches were
made. I remember listening attentively to young Mr, Attwood's address,
and noted a sort of impediment in his speech and considerable hesitancy in
his delivery. He apologised for his father's absence, and told us how it
happened, but I have forgotten what it was. I well remember Mr, Scholefield;
he had on a black coat and trousers, and a dark crimson velvet waistcoat, with
a gold watch-chain about it. I particularly noted him and his attire, but do
not remember his address to the people. Mr. Attwood is associated in my
mind with a suit of light grey tweed, or something of that sort.
No such exciting times have been experienced in poUtics as were
experienced from about 1830 to 1832, when the Reform BiU was passed.
No such extensive petitions to the House of Commons were ever presented
before or since. Many of the events of that important period are more
vividly impressed on my memory to-day than many things which occurred
only a few years ago. Although then merely a boy about twelve years old,
I attended many of the poUtical meetings at Astwood and elsewhere. At
most of the public houses ' Union ' cups and jugs for ale were used, and
'Union' clay pipes, upon which were 'Union' emblems, for smoking
tobacco. Upon the pint jugs (which didn't hold a pint) was a head and
shoulders portrait of Thomas Attwood, underneath which, in a semicircle,
were the words, 'Attwood and the people ;' and upon the rim, on each side,
the motto, ' Union is strength.' One of these jugs is before me as I write.
It belonged to my father, who carefully kept it so long as he Uved, . , •
I have not one of the Union pipes, and do not suppose there is one in the
neighbourhood." Martiflf nil rrii-r-; n grnphir dm liplii in 1 if llii ^li 11 11 11 j ml I' n"^
y^rWIi^n^fprgprpaH mpn'.^ minds at the r1o.se.^f lSu2I. People

GLOOMY CLOSE OF THE YEAR 183 1. 187
could talk of nothing but the disputed Bill, the cholera, the

i^rpss, and the riots. Even so moderate and scholarly a man
as Dr. Arnold wrote in terms of despair as to the fearful times
which his children would probably live to see. But Attwood
was calm, confident, and happy. He felt certain that he had
gained the mastery over the oligarchy, and that the assembling
of a reformed Parliament was now only a question of time, and
equally sure did he feel of his ability to persuade such a Parlia
ment to adopt his favourite policy. Parliament was opened by
the King on the 6th of December, and on the 12th Lord John
Russell moved to bring in a new Reform Bill, very similar to the
last. The debate on the second reading began on Friday, the
i6th, and was continued to the morning of Sunday, the i8th,
when the majority was 162 in a House of 486, and the House
then adjourned for the Christmas recess.
The case of Small v. Attwood came on for hearing in the
Court of Exchequer, before Lord Chief Baron Lyndhurst, in the
early part of November, and was argued for twenty-one days.
Sir Edward Sugden was John Attwood's leading counsel, and
received for his services the enormous fee of 6,000 guineas,
which, with the exception of a similar one afterwards paid to
Sir Thomas Wilde, was, I believe, the largest ever received by
any barrister for a single case, either before or since. Lord
Lyndhurst took nearly a year to consider his judgment, which
was not given till November, 1832.
I shall now close my account of this important year with a
lighter incident. In June, 1831, Matthias Attwood dined at
the annual dinner of the Merchant Taylors' Company, with the
Duke of Wellington, the Marquis of Salisbury, the Earl of
Eldon, Sir Henry Hardinge, Sir Charles Wetherell, and about
200 of the Tory leaders, from which I assume that the Merchant
Taylors were strongly opposed to Reform. On December 23rd
Alderman Garratt invited his friends of Bridge Ward, without
regard to politics, to dine with him at the London Coffee House,
Ludgate Hill, upon the occasion of his resigning his gown.
Matthias Attwood proposed the health of the Alderman, and in
the course of the evening several songs were sung, one of which,

i88 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
coming immediately after a speech of his, excited great merri
ment at his expense. The song v/as supposed to be sung by
the old London Bridge, then just about to be demolished.
" Oh, now, in spite of all my cares,
I'm placed in schedule A ;
The reason Y as all may C,
I've long been in DK.
I'm sure in A, I should not B,
Unless, as some allege.
They've for a borough taken me.
And called me Borough Bridge."
Boroughbridge, it will be remembered, was one of the
unfortunate boroughs set down in Schedule A of the Reform
Bill for total disfranchisement.

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///>////

CHAPTER XIII.
The year 1832 the most important in Attwood's Ufe— Letter from Lafayette
— 27,000 men solemnly pledge their obedience to Attwood — Mr. de
Bosco Attwood's narrative of the Crisis — Great meeting of May 7th —
Enormous assemblage of the people — Mr, de B, Attwood's " Call of the
Unions " sung by 200,000 persons — Speech of Thomas Attwood setting
forth the solemnity of the occasion — Resignation of Earl Grey — In
dignation of the people — 500 men of substance join the Union — Great
spontaneous meeting of May loth — Gloomy and serious aspect of affairs
—"Solemn Declaration " against the Duke of Wellington — The Duke
resigns — Earl Grey reinstated — Excessive joy of the populace — Mr.
Parkes's letter — 10,000 men assemble at Grove House and escort Mr.
Attwood to Birmingham, where a third great meeting is held on May 1 6th
amidst the most extraordinary demonstrations of popular gratitude.
"We have now reached the great year in Thomas Attwood's
life, the great year in Birmingham history, and certainly one
of the greatest years in the history of England. For_iri 183^
there was consummated that great, though bloodless, rpvolutiaa-
which transferred the power of the aristocracy to the middle
classes, and I think that no one, who will take the trouble to
Tfead careiully tne contemporary history of the time, will denv_
that that grand change, whether for good or evil, was chiefly
broughfaboiit bv Thomas Attwood.
" Old Birmingham men," says Mr, Langford, " who took part
in the Reform victory, look back to it with not unnatural pride,
and encourage their degenerate and apathetic sons by telling
them to read of 1832 and the Political Union, The year opened
with the new Reform Bill being sent into Committee. On
January 20th, Daniel O'Connell, accompanied by his son, visited
the town, and addressed the people. On the 19th of March the
Bill was read a third time in the House of Commons. It was
sent to the House of Lords on the 26th. On April 9th the
second reading came on, and was carried on the 14th of the
same month. Still the Bill was not considered safe. The
Political Union was more active than ever."

190 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
Upon turning to Attwood's private correspondence, I find
that the year commences appropriately with a letter from
Lafayette. The "hero of two worlds" condescended to ac
knowledge in Thomas Attwood a kindred spirit, and during
the short remainder of his life addressed to him a number of
friendly and flattering communications. His attention had
probably been first turned to Attwood by the exertions of
the latter in the cause of Poland, though I am unable to
ascertain the date at which the Birmingham Polish Associa
tion was founded. He now wrote as follows : —
" Paris, fanuary yd, 1832.
" My dear Sir,
While 1 have the honor to offer to you the tribute of a double and most
heartily felt gratitude for the patriotic Birmingham Association and its
respectable president, permit me to consider myself as a personal friend and
sympathising correspondent. You have heard of a sort of Alien BiU, with
respect to foreign Refugees in France, which our .... could not
procure the House of Deputies to adopt. This disposition has been lately,
to my great regret, applied, not so far as to exile from the Country, but in an
exile from Paris, to the signers of an address to the Russian people, which
gave offence to the Autocrat, and was by the despotic cabinets assimilated to
the pubUcations of the Carlists, whose exterior intrigues had been complained
of by the cabinet of the Tuileries, Under these deplorable circumstances
one of the gentlemen of the Polish Committee, Mr. Erasmi Rickacrewski,
has determined to go to England, and applies to me for letters of introduc
tion. I cannot better serve his wishes than by directing these lines to you,
at the same time that I am happy in every opportunity to ofifer the high
regards and the best wishes .of Your sincere obliged friend, Lafayette."
The Bii'mingham Jourytal of Janua.r-y 14th, 1832, republished
Thomas Attwood's letter to Sir John Sinclair of January 4th,
1826, with the following remarks : —
" We think it proper in another column to republish a letter from Mr,
Thomas Attwood to Sir John Sinclair, which, when the date is considered,
will, we think, exhibit a remarkable foresight into the present condition of the
monetary and poUtical affairs of the country. At the expiration of the last
quarter the bank-note circulation was reduced agreeably to Mr, Attwood's
prediction, as low as 17 millions sterling, and at the same time the country
has been deprived of the £1 note circulation. Have the taxes, tithes, rents,
debts, contracts, and obligations of the country been reduced correspond
ingly.' If they have not, there seems no occasion to search further into
the cause of the very general difficulty, embarrassment, and distress which

FINAL STRUGGLE FOR REFORM. 191
prevail. Men have the same burthens to bear, and about half the means
to bear them. It is true the political discontents which Mr, Attwood has
foretold have not quite taken the course of those of 1 816 and 18 19. Instead
of the '¦Blanketeers' of Manchester, and the 'Northern Cloud' from
Glasgow, and the Cato Street Plot, and the Staffordshire colliers dragging
loads of Coal to London, we have now the terrible 'burnings' which alarm
half of England, the reduction of profits, employment, and wages ; and the
'Political Unions,' which we apprehend are equally significant of the grand
catastrophe which awaits us, unless arrested by the timely interference of a
wise, upright, and powerful Government."
The 2 1st March, 1832, was appointed by proclamation for
a general fast and humiliation to avert the progress of the
cholera. A copy of the form of prayer is preserved amongst
Mr. Attwood's papers, and gives a vivid idea of the appre
hension which the spread of the disease was then inspiring.
On the 22nd of February Mr. Attwood wrote to his wife at
the Albion Hotel, Ramsgate, as follows : —
. . . You may be assured that I will come to you as soon as possible,
and it is not improbable that 1 may come by the steamer on Saturday next.
But I am oppressed with business and cannot be certain of my movements.
You do not say how you bore the travelling. I was in hopes our dear
Marcus would have had no swelling left by this time. Perhaps it might
assist in reducing it to bring him home again. Pray, my dear, do not trust
too much to the open windows. All of you require much care in this respect.
You may see in the Sun paper of to-day an account of the prudence and
forbearance with which we managed the reception of our grand address.
Afterwards we invited the Deputation of 15 gentlemen to dinner with the
Council, at which Bosco and Aurelius distinguished themselves as usual.
This is about the 4th great event in my Ufe. The cup, 20 years ago, was
important, so was the dinner at Beardsworth's, and so was the presiding
at the Newhall Meeting. But I think a solemn pledge of obedience volun
teered by 27,000 men is more so. Few subjects have received an honour of
this kind. In our prudence we cut out the pledge of obedience, and received
only the testimony of confidence and esteem, . . .
I regret that, owing to my inability to obtain the Birmingham
papers for 1832, I am unable to enlarge upon the important
event alluded to in this letter.
The final struggle for_Reform, so far at least as Birmingham
was concerned— and it is admitted that what took place there
afthis time deternnned the late ol the kingdom — may be sai5
to have commenr.pd on the 27th April. 1832. On that day.
the Council of the Political Union met at their rooms in Great

192 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
Charles Street, Thomas Attwood in the chair, and transacted the
following business : —
" This Council considering that the enemies of Reform, and of the peace
and order of Society, have held out the most unfounded representations
respecting a reaction, an indifference, and an apathy in the public mind, in
the great cause of Parliamentaiy Reform, and considering that a grand
exhibition of public feeUng and determination is thereby rendered absolutely
necessary, in order to contradict and refute such false and unfounded
representations, and in order to assist in enabUng our most exceUent King
and his patriotic Ministers to accomplish their great designs for the hap
piness of the people, and to carry the great measure of Reform into a law,
uninjured and unimpaired in all its great parts and provisions, it was
resolved unanimously —
1st. That a General Meeting of the Inhabitants of Birmingham and its
neighbourhood be held in the open space at the foot of Newhall Hill, on
Monday, the 7th day of May next, at eleven o'clock in the forenoon. The
Chair to be taken at twelve o'clock precisely.
2nd/ThatJ:his Coundl, having heretofore declared that they will 'cease
to labopy if fhe grpnt gfin-r!;' ff pxrit!n_g_th(^ pi/hlir im'.nd. fn palitirnl (ihjffj^
when the Bill of Reform shall liave become law, and when the prosperity of
' the tower and middle classes OJ ^'"' p'nple shaft have been restored! do now
think it their duty to recommend to their fellow-countrymen to declare most
^sitivelythat if theBill of Reform stiouid be rejected or m any way injured
"oFimpaired in its great"^rts and provisions, they will never cease to Use
e'very po^"Sible legal exertion m tlieir power to obtain a more complete and
^Tfectual restoration ot tninghts of the people than the Bill ot Reform Ts
"calculated to give. ~ " ~ ^
3rd. That this Council, feeUng deeply grateful to the inhabitants of the
town and neighbourhood of Birmingham for their uniform, peaceful, legal,
and loyal conduct upon so many occasions, do earnestly urge and enjoin aU
persons attending the meeting, as they value the great objects which they
meet to promote, strictly to respect the law, since nothing can tend so much
to endanger the cause of the Reform and the happiness of the people as any
disorderly or illegal act upon this occasion of unprecedented importance,
4th, That the Council do walk in procession from the Rooms of the
Union, in Great Charles Street, to Newhall Hill, at eleven o'clock in the
morning of the intended meeting, and that the members and friends of the
Union be invited to join in the procession. By order of the Council,
Thomas Attwood, Chainnan,
Benjamin Hadley, Secretary."
And ncm— £iisued that memorable period, during several_
days of which England was without a Government, and it is
no exaggeration to say that the peace of the kingdom r""'"'''^
with TVir^pigg Ai-i-»,r.r^ri Ti-,^ main events of this momentous

MR. DE B. ATTWOOD'S ACCOUNT OF THE CRISIS. 193
time have been fully narrated by Harriet Martineau, though
that well-known authoress has strangely omitted to give to
Attwood the credit that was justly his due.
Fortunately there has been preserved an account of the
events in Birmingham which succeeded Earl Grey's resignation,
written by Mr. G. De B. Attwood, and sent by him, at the
editor's request, to the Birmingham Journal on February nth,
1853, at which date they seem to have been nearly forgotten in
the town. As Mr. G. De B. Attwood was a principal actor in
the scenes which he describes, his account is most valuable ; but
in reading it, it must be borne in mind that, through modesty,
he omits to treat of the important services rendered by his father
at sufficient length. I shall first give his account verbatim as
follows, and then supplement it from other sources : —
"The services rendered by the Political Union consisted — ist, in creating
PubUc Opinion in favour of Reform ; 2nd, in producing the strongest possible
proof and manifestation of such Public Opinion without any infraction of the
law ; and 3rd, in keeping up public spirit, maintaining enthusiasm at boiling
point, and preventing any reaction or appearance of reaction, such as in most
cases follows after great efforts and sacrifices.
The power of the Union in the above three respects was never so
perceptible as in the crisis of May, 1832,
At the commencement of that month, the Reform Bill was once more to
be entrusted to the tender mercies of the House of Lords. The Tory papers
had been falsely boasting that a change in Public Opinion had taken place,
that the reaction had set in, and that the people were becoming indifferent to
the fate of the Bill, . .^
The Union felt it necessary to move in order to prove the falsehood of
these assertions, and for this purpose held the great Meeting on Monday, the
7th May, 1832. Of the meeting a very fair and faithful report is given in the
paper printed at the Birmm. fournal Office.
A. Petition was passed praying the House of Lords to pass the Bill
unmutilated, and the petition was entrusted to the Lord ChanceUor.
On the morning of Thursday, May loth, it was kno%vn that Lord Grey
found it impossible to pass the Bill and had tendered his resignation. The
excitement produced was tremendous.'-iBTisiuebhnscemLd nciy where at a
standstill. AU the respectable young men of Liberal opinions of all classes.
;yho had not yet lomeg the Union, hastened to enrnll tbemsphrprs as
iljembers. Jhe Council met immediatelv at their moms in C,|, rharlp^ gt
The space allotted to the audience was crammed, and an immense crowd
assembled in the streets demanding an immediate adjournment to NewhaU
Hill, The demand was complied with, and, as if by magic, the same
ground which had been occupied on Jilonday was again covered, though this
O

194 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
time only by residents in the town. Symbols of anger and desperation
everywhere met the eye. The flags and trophies which had been borne in
triumph on the Monday again made their appearance, but Cx'Ctx.x covered in
black draper'y or furled and reversed. The speeches made were violent and
angry, and various recommendations were made. Some proposed a general
league to refuse payment of all kinds of taxes, Mr. Muntz recommended to
run the Savings' Banks, which advice was to some extent foUowed, and, no
doubt, had its effect. In the midst of the storm my father remained calm
and imperturbable. He reminded the excited populace that the hour of
despair and vengeance had not yet arrived. He begged them to wait till
they could see how the House of Commons would act, as if that House
would still rally firm around Lord Grey all might yet be safe, and \^ pledged
himself t'ha.t if the Union would still stand by him, and keep within the bounds
of the law, they should soon see Lord Grey carried back into power 'on the
shoulders of tlie people! This promise and my father's infiuence calmed the
agitated mass ; the plan for refusing to pay taxes was withdrawn, and the
meeting broke up peaceably after deputing Mr. Scholefield to wait upon and
consult with Lord Grey.
From that time the sittings of the Political Council were held pennanently
from day to day. Blue ribands had been adopted generally as a badge of
Liberal opinions upon the arrival of the bad news ; and the Union members
all wore permanently a Union Jack riband as a badge. The first step taken
by the Council was the adoption of a ' Declaration against the Duke of
Wellington ' drawn up by my father. It contained a pledge to use all legal
rneans to prevent the Duke's accepting office, or to drive him from office if
he accepted it, and it stated briefly, but very forcibly, some 12 reasons ior
giving this pledge. 1 am very sorry that I have no copy of this declaration
to refer to. When the ground on which the Duke had quitted office in
December, 1830, is recollected, and his known opinions and qualifications
are borne in mind, it is evident that there were the strongest reasons pos
sible for keeping him out of power by all means available. One reason was
' Because he can only govern by the sword, a power to which the English
people have never submitted and never wiU submit' — or nearly in these
words. The Declaration was circulated very widely and produced a very
great effect. The town, however, remained in the greatest anxiety and alarm,
A^ deputation waited upon some of tbe mpmb'="'= "f ^^^ "Political Council to ^
offer a guard of 1,^00 men armed witb muskets, &c., to protect the meetings
of the Council. All such offers were, of course, respectfully declined, and the
people encouraged to keep within the law and look to the law only lor protec
tion, Still the feeling grew that if once the Government were established in
office some desperate measure would be had recourse to, the most probable
being the summary arrest of my father and the other leading members of the
Councih To meet such an emergency it was proposed that every member of the
Council should authorise a deputy to act in his absence, so that in the event
of a sudden disappearance of the leaders, their deputies might step into their
places, the people might still have leaders to look to, and measures might
yet be taken to obtain justice and redress.

MR. DE B. ATTWOODS ACCOUNT OF THE CRISIS. 195
Onc6, late at night, when the excitement was at its highest, we heard
voices in the lane at Harborne, and on enquiring into the cause it was
found that a party of villagers had taken alarm and expected that my father
would be arrested that night ; they had accordingly come down with firearms
to fine the hedges and drive back the expected soldiers or police, whoever they
might be. The men were, of course, pacified and sent home.
Count Czapski, the Pole, made his first appearance at the meeting of the
7th May, and he spent most of the remaining anxious days with us. A bra\ er
or truer spirit never tenanted a mortal body, and he was as courteous and
humane as he was brave and true. He was then fresh from the glorious
death struggle of his own unfortunate and deserted country, and we gathered
strength and confidence from his presence and advice. Poor fellow ! he
finished his mortal career not many months ago, a life spent in \-ain in the
cause of European liberty, although terminated unexpectedly by sickness.
He was a zealous and useful member of the Birmingham Political Union,
and deserves that his name should be perpetuated in its records.
On Sunday, the 13th of May, 1832, Mr, Scholefield returned and reported
to my father that he had seen Lord Grey, who had, with tears in his eyes>
assured him that 'alt was over,' that his return to power then was im
possible, that there was nothing to be done but to keep the people quiet, and
that, doubtless, the Duke of Wellington would before long bring in a Bill of
of Reform neariy as good as that of Lord John Russell.
This advice seemed to be palatable to some of the more lukewarm, but it
did not at all suit my father. He saw that if, after all that had passed and
been done and suffered, the House of Lords should be allowed to throw out
the Bill and the Ministry, and make new Ministers of its own, there would,
for the present, be an end to popular power in England and the spirit of the
people would be utteriy broken, but he also felt confident that this would be
found to be impossible.
The CouncU continued its daily labours, and on Wednesday, the i5th of
May, the good news arrived and the spontaneous meeting was held which is
faithflilly_described in the Birmingham fournal Report,
It is evident that this meeting was, in some measure, the result of a ruse
of that very clever and shrewd reformer Mr, Jos, Parkes.
All that was certain at the time was that some diflSculty had been ex
perienced by the Duke of Wellington, and that some communications had
been made to Lord Grey as to his resuming office. But the news which
Mr, Parkes had brought down express was understood to be that Lord Grey
was actually again in power. He travelled from London express by night (no
railways) with printed slips of the good news which he distributed on his
road to tried, good men, so as to ensure a general outburst of enthusiasm at
a dozen places the next morning. The plan succeeded, numerous enthusi
astic meetings were held next day (besides the Birmingham Meeting), and
ttie reports of them tended more than anything else to weaken the position
ot the Duke and strengthen that of Lord Grey,
WhMUiowever, the Birmingham Deputation arrived in London, on the
"l^I^^i^L^LtheTyth of May, ^^Z^und_th^yii^^^t. only not ^^^to
qggTangingJnJh^^alance, This state of s uspensejasted ';;;;;;7lq:c

196 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
during which my father was in constant communication with the leading
London reformers, ThpJ.nndnn Pnlitira! Unirmi;„-adQp.t£d— theJiadge-of tie
Birmm.- Union, and the Union Jack riband began to appear pretty generally
in the streets. Arrangements were in progress for holding a monster Reform
Meeting on Hampstead Heath when the Duke, at the last, really took fright
and gave way. Lord Greyireturned to ^Qsi.&x-i-mt^tke-skotildcrs of the peoptt^'
with a carte blanche to make peers as might he necessary, and \n prevpni tK^
exercise^ of _this power the Dukg of "Wellington jipr,s^ia,dpd t'^p Tni-^r ppp,^.:
to sta);_^awav frjam the House and je^ye the Whig Inrdq tn pass the Bi^^
'Tl'^rr"'^'''^ At one of the first meetings of the House of Lords, after this arrangement
was made, I had the great pleasure of being present in the gallery, from
whence 1 looked down on a house full on one side, empty on the other, and
heard the then Lord Caernarvon denouncing Lord Grey in the most furious
manner, intimating that his head ought to be brought to the block, and that,
for his own part, he should by no means regret to see him meet his fate.
The account of the triumphal return of the Deputation to Birmingham
on Monday, the 28th of May, 1832, is given very well in the report of the
Birmingham Journal.
I need scarcely say that I never saw anything nearly so grand or so
touching. The utter impossibility of the carriage and horses, in which my
father was, to make their way up to the Bullring, until the horses were taken
out, and the carriage wheeled or rather carried by the crowd, and the final
arrival in New Street, cannot be described ; but to me the most affecting
sight was to see my aged grandfather (then about 90 years old) and grand
mother standing at a window to welcome my father on his return.
I believe that through the whole of the exciting period of which I have
above given a brief sketch, the police reports at Birmingham, and indeed
throughout the country, were no heavier than usual. Certainly, no political
outbreak of any kind took place. The people wprp wild, f^lmnst mad^jwith
excitement. The object for which they had striven so hard was snatched
ixoxa. them when, as it were, within their grasp, and held before them as if to
tantahse them. Under the guidance of my father and the Union they never
J'orgot themselves. They won as great a prize as nation ever struggled Iflr,
and they won it by their own perseverance and the display ot their uwu
irresistible power ; but in doing so they broke no law and shea no Dlood.
It will be recollected that during the period noticed above, the enthusiasm
which prevailed throughout the populace gradually spread to the army, and
was manifested among the troops. Occasionally soldiers from the barracks
appeared among the audience at the meetings of the Councih Somerville
was one of these, and there seems Uttle doubt that when flogged ostensibly
for some blunder in horsemanship, he was really flogged for having made a
display of Liberal opinions, I beUeve that when the Duke was about returning
to office he caused enquiries to be made from the War Office as to the spirit
of the troops, and as to how far they could be depended on in case of need.
The replies he receix'cd were said to have been far from satisfactory to
him, and from Birmingham the answer is said to have been that the troops
were not numerous enough to defend their own barracks, and that if they

GREAT MEETING OF MA Y y, 1832. I97
w^ere more numerous they could not be reUed on to act against the people.
Soon after the arrival in Birmingham of the news that Lord Grey had
tendered his resignation, and that the Duke of Wellington was engaged in
forming a Ministry, my father wrote confidentially to two of his fellow
labourers only, viz ,, to Mr. Wallace, Chairman of the Glasgow and Greenock
Political Unions, and to my uncle, Mr. Charles Attwood, then Chairman of
the Northern PoUtical Union at Newcastle-on-Tyne, My father requested
the presence of both these gentlemen in Birmingham, stating that Birming
ham was by circumstances placed in the front of the battle, and that on the
formation of the new Ministry the first blow would probably be struck there ;
that being so situated he felt the want of their presence and advice as to the
proper course to be taken, and as to how far he might depend upon Birming
ham being supported in any course it might take by the other great towns.
Mr. WaUace replied cheeringly and cordially, but declined leaving home
saying, that in the midst of so much excitement and anxiety, his proper post
was in the midst of his own PoUtical Union. Mr, Charles Attwood hurried to
Birmingham as fast as horses could carry him, but before his arrival my
father had left Birmingham with the Deputation for London on the l6th
May" The following is an account of the great meeting held at
Birmingham on May 7th, 1832, for the purpose of petitioning
the House of Lords to pass the Reform Bill, abridged from the
Journal report : —
" So early as Saturday the population of the town and its immediate
districts began to evidence symptoms of great excitement, and on Sunday
the roads leading to Birmingham, but more especially the northern roads,
showed that the attendance from distant parts of the country would be
immense. Some thousands arrived in the course of that day, many of
whom came from the extremities of the counties of Worcester, Stafford, and
Gloucester. Before daybreak yesterday morning all was bustle and prepara
tion. The previous arrangements made by the Council were in themselves
admirable, and executed with precision and punctuality by the various
gentlemen to whom they were entrusted. By 8, the persons appointed
to conduct the Unions of the various towns in the neighbourhood that
intended visiting the meeting repaired to their respective stations on the
different roads, each mounted on horseback, and decorated, or distinguished,
by a broad sash of office, embroidered with the Union Jack. As all the
Unions round the country had resolved either to attend in a body, or to send
deputations to the Meeting, a superintendent was appointed by the Council
of the Birmingham Union to meet them on the different roads, and to lead
them, with other bodies, into the town. Between 9 and 12 these various
bodies began to enter Birmingham, all being preceded by bands of music,
and exhibiting flags upon which were inscribed various patriotic devices and
mottos. At 10 o'clock the Council, with numerous gentlemen of conse
quence unconnected with the Association, assembled at the Union Rooms in

198 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
Great Charles Street, and, all arrangements being completed, the procession,
consisting of countless thousands, proceeded to Newhall-hiU, the place
appointed for the Meeting. The spot fixed upon is a large waste piece of
ground, situated on the north side of the town, containing in size about six
acres, and capable of accommodating, according to the most accurate calcu
lation, the immense number of 150,000 persons. The ground rises on the
front and on each side in the form of an amphitheatre, and taking into
consideration the numbers who occupied the roofs of houses and various
contiguous elevations, we should say that not less than 200,000 persons were
present. Shortly before 12 o'clock, the programme being all arranged, the
immense multitude, headed by Thomas Attwood, Esq., the Chairman of the
Birmingham Political Union, and the Founder of that and all other Unions,
in company with the Council carrying white wands, and followed by an
immense procession, preceded by the Birmingham Union Band in their
superb uniform, proceeded to the place of Meeting. We were favoured with
a seat in the first carriage, but, admirably situated as we were for viewing the
whole of this most splendid cortege, we are unable to give anything like a
description of the scene which it presented. Looking from the top of Mount-
street up Newhall-street, to the end of Great Charles-street, the spectacle,
from the countless myriads of which it was composed, and the splendid
devices and colours which it exhibited, was truly magnificent. On the
arrival of the members of the Union at Newdiall-hill the ground was found
to be almost completely pre-occupied. With difficulty the cavalcade
approached the waggons allotted for the accommodation of the speakers.
The whole of the ground and the tops of houses, as far as the eye could
discover, appeared to be completely covered with human beings.
At appropriate distance, on the ridge of the hiU opposite the speakers,
were various banners, amongst which, in the centre, waved the Royal
Standard, the same which was exhibited at Somerset House when the King
went to open the New London Bridge. Among' the almost innumerable
flags we noticed the banners of the Coventry, Warwick, Wolverhampton,
Dariaston, Wednesbury, Walsall, Alcester, Bromsgrove, Studley, Stratford-
upon-Avon, Redditch, and Shirley Unions, Our attention was necessarily
in a great measure confined to one spot, but a gentieman who visited the
several divisions gives us the foUowing particulars from personal observation.
He estimates the Grand Northern Division, including Wolverhampton,
Bilston, Sedgeley, Willenhall, Wednesbury, Walsall, Darlaston, and West
Bromwich at 100,000 persons. The procession was four miles in length, the
whole of the road for that distance being literally crowded. In this Division
there were 150 banners and 11 bands of music. The Grand Western
Division, including Stourbridge, Dudley, Harborne, Cradley, Lye Waste,
Oldbuiy, Rowley, Hales Owen, &c., was two miles in length, in numbers
about 25,000, and exhibited 70 banners. The Eastern Division, including
Coventry, Warwick, Bedworth, Kenilworth, Leamington, and Stratford-upon-
Avon, consisted of about 5,000, and exhibited 30 banners. The Southern
Division, including Bromsgrove, Redditch, Studley, Worcester, Droitwich,
and Alcester, had 12 banners, 6 bands of music, and consisted of about
10,000 persons. The above estimates are exclusi\e of the immense numbers

GREAT MEETING OF MA Y ¦j, 1832. 199
who attended the Meeting from Birmingham and its vicinity, which include
a population of about 1 50,000,
By twelve o'clock the vast cavalcade had reached the hustings. On Mr.
Attwood's appearance he was greeted with loud and continued cheering.
Among the company present, and by whom he was more immediately
surrounded, we noticed — J, R, West, Esq. ; A. F, Gregory, Esq. ; R. Knight,
Esq., M.P, ; General Count Czapski ; — Acland, Esq. (brother of Sir T.
Acland) ; Joshua Scholefield, Esq. ; H. Boultbee, Esq. ; Stubbs Wightwick,
Esq, ; R, Fryer, Esq. ; G, Osborne, Esq, (nephew of the Duke of Leeds) ;
Joseph Parkes, Esq, ; W. Collins, Esq, ; G, F. Muntz, Esq. ; James Webb,
Esq. ; and several County Magistrates, The business of the Meeting was
delayed for a considerable time, owing to the perpetual arrival of subsidiary
Unions, At length —
Mr, Thomas Attwood (the Chairman) rose, amidst loud cheering, and
addressed the Meeting as follows: — 'Men of Warwickshire, Staffordshire,
and Worcestershire — My dear friends and fellow-countrymen, — I thank you
most sincerely for the immense, glorious, and magnificent assemblage which
you now present in the hour of your country's need. To see the call of the
Council of the Political Union answered in such an effectual way — not only
by the inhabitants of Birmingham, but as it were spontaneously by the
inhabitants of twenty towns and districts around them — is to me a subject
of the deepest and sincerest gratification. {Cheers) The enemies of the
liberties of their country have spoken of reaction and of indifference in the
public mind towards the great cause of Reform — how are they answered by
the people of the midland counties ? We have had but to stamp upon the
earth, as it were, and instantly from above the ground and from beneath the
ground a hundred thousand brave men, besides the thousands of beautiful
women I see before me, determined to see their country righted, present
themselves at our call' {Great cheering)
Mr, A. was here interrupted by the arrival of several Unions on the
ground. After having first cheered their arrivals, the assembly, under the
leadership of Mr. Edmonds, proceeded to sing the following Union Hymn,
written by Mr, De Bosco Attwood : —
'THE CALL OF THE UNIONS.
Over mountain, over plain.
Echoing wide from sea to sea.
Peals, and shall not peal in vain.
The trumpet call of Liberty,
Britain's guardian spirit cries,
Britons ! Awake ! Awake ! Arise !
Sleep no more the sleep of shame,
Arouse and break Oppression's chain !
LuU'd by Freedom's empty name,
Worse than slaves no more remain :
Freedom's rights, not Freedom's name,
Learn to know and dare to claim.

200 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
Lo ! we answer, see we come,
Quick at Freedom's holy call,
We come ! we come ! we come ! we come !
To do the glorious work of all ;
And now we raise from sea to sea,
Our sacred watchword, Liberty !
Shall honest labour toil in vain.
While plunder battens on the land 1
Still shall a tyrant faction's reign
People and King at once command ?
No ! it may not, shall not be.
For we must, we will be free.
You will not sleep while, one by one.
Each sacred, dear-bought right is lost ?
Rights which your father's broad-swords won.
Rights which your father's life-blood cost.
No ! it may not, shall not be.
For we must, we will be free.
See ! we come ! God our Guide.
See ! we come ! from field, from wave.
From plough, from anvil and the loom.
We come our country's rights to save.
And speak a tyrant faction's doom !
And now we raise, from sea to sea.
Our sacred watchword. Liberty !
See ! rises from his bed of fame.
Each chief of glorious Runnymede,
With Hampden, history's noblest name.
They call us to our country's need.
They call, and can we heedless be ?
No ! for we must, we will be free !
But not to war and blood they call.
They bid us lift nor sword nor gun :
Peaceful but firm, join one and all
To claim your rights, — and they are won.
The British people's voice alone
Shall gain for Britain all her own.
See ! we come ! Heav'n our aid.
See ! we come ! no swords we draw.
We kindle not war's battle fires ;
By union, justice, reason, law.
We'll gain the birthright of our sires.
And thus we raise from sea to sea,
Our sacred watchword. Liberty !'"

MR. ATTWOOD'S SPEECH. 201
I presume that the choruses only of this hymn were sung
at the meeting, but as it was Mr. G. De B. Attwood's composition
I have inserted the whole of it from another source.
"After this spirit-stirring composition had been thundered forth by many
thousand voices, silence was obtained by the sound of the trumpet ; and the
mighty murmurs of the mukitude being immediately stiUed, Mr. Attwood
continued : —
'We had determined never again to petition the House of Lords, but
feeling, as we do, the greatest respect and veneration for the ancient and
honourable aristocracy of the land — for such men as Lords Westminster,
Cleveland, Shrewsbury, and Radnor, those ornaments of English History —
we have not hesitated to call this Meeting, for the purpose of petitioning
their Lordships, as soon as ever we saw that the calumnies and misrepresen
tations of the enemies of the people as to the state of public feeling and
opinion rendered such an exhibition necessary. {Cheers) The enemies of
the people have told their Lordships that the country is indifferent in this
great cause. If we hold no meetings they say that we are indifferent ; if we
hold small meetings they say we are insignificant ; and if we hold large
meetings they say that we are rebellious and wish to intimidate them.
{Laughter) Do what we will we cannot do right it seems. Now, God
forbid that I should wish to intimidate them — 1 only wish to speak the plain
and simple truth, which my duty compels me to speak, and which is this : —
I would rather die than see the great BiU of Reform rejected or mutilated in
any of its great parts or provisions, {Immense cheering, which lasted for a
considerable time,) I had rather hide my head under the earth than Uve to
witness the misery, the degradation, and the slavery of my country, I see
that you are aU of one mind upon this great subject, {Cheers). Answer me then,
had not you all rather die than live the slaves of the boroughmongers ? {"All,
all!") We are told, indeed, of apathy and indifference in the public mind ;
now, 1 have some means of understanding what public feeUng is, and I say
that the People of England stand at this very moment " Uke greyhounds on
the slip ;'' and that if our beloved King should give the word, or if the
Council should give the word in his name, and under his authority, the
grandest scene would be instantly exhibited that ever was witnessed on
this earth before, {Loud cheers) Now I beg, my fellow-countrymen, that
you wiU not think the House of Lords are your enemies because they do not/
happen to understand your interests, and your wants, and your wishes. The /
House of Lords are, in my opinion,_taken as a body, kind-heaited arid '
humane inen ; but I am sorry to say that they are excessively ignorant ot
the state ot this unfortunate country, ihey were cradled m those clouds'"
which are now passing over our heads : in the clouds were they cradled — in
the clouds will they die. {Cheers) Not many days ago a Noble Lord of the
highest character assured me that there were not ten individuals in the Right
Honourable House who knew that the country was in a state of distress.
Amazing as this ignorance is, it is the natural result of their position in
society. They come into no contact with you and your wants and interests

202 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
— they are surrounded by a few Lawyers and Clergymen, and bands of
flatterers and sycophants, whose interest it is " to prophecy smooth things "
to the very last, and thus the Lords are shut out from any knowledge of the
real state of the countiy. It was but the other day that another Noble Lord
assured a friend of mine that the demand for Reform arose from the riches
and prosperity of the middle classes, who had become jealous of the Aristoc
racy. Never upon this earth was there a greater error. The middle classes
had been literally scourged with whips — they had been scourged with
scorpions — and they had been scourged with red-hot iron, before they had
ventured to interfere in any powerful and effectual manner. Here, then, is
a proof of the absolute necessity of ParUamentary Reform. Give us a House
of Commons who are identified with the Commons, and with the feelings and
interests of the Commons, and everything will be right in England, ,
Now, my friends, I must beg leave to explain to you the absolute necessity
of the peace, the order, and the strict legality Avhich you have always ex
hibited. But for these great qualities our cause would have been lost.
Within the law the People are strong as a giant ; beyond the law they are
weak as an infant. See now the prodigious strength which this meeting has
peacefully and legally accumulated, and compare it with the failures which,
for want of due attention to these great principles, have been exhibited in
other quarters. On the late Fast Day about 30,000 worthy and well-meaning
men met together in London, for the purpose of holding a harmless pro
cession. A few individuals began to hiss, and to hoot, and to throw stones,
and thus the meeting was made illegal, and the leaders of an innocent
procession were brought to punishment and sentenced to different periods
of imprisonment. So also in the town of Manchester lately a considerable
meeting was held, which, it is probable, had not any illegal \-iews or objects ;
but a few individuals among them having made use of violent, inflammatory,
and illegal observations, the whole meeting was thereby rendered illegal, and
the leaders of it are now imprisoned in Lancaster Castle for different periods.
The different meetings had no power to prevent the punishment of their
leaders, because they were guilty of violations of the law. , , See now
the prodigious power which this association has obtained. Under the
sanction of the law we have here produced probably 200,000 human beings
in one great assembly, not half of whom I am afraid can come within the
hearing of my voice. Hitherto our exertions have been confined in direct
operation to this town and neighbourhood. Suppose now we should erect
the standard of the Birmingham Union in London — that glorious standard
which acts so terrifically upon the mind of his Grace the Duke of Bucking
ham, I can tell you, and I can tell his Grace, that if we should so act, nine-
tenths of the whole population of that immense city would instantiy rally
round the sacred emblem of their country's freedom. {Cheers) The same
would be the case in Newcastle, Manchester, Glasgow, and Dublin, The
whole of the British people would answer to the call wherever the standard
of the Birmingham Union should be unfurled under the sanction of the King
and of the law, {Cheers) This is the power which we have gathered up under
a strict and dutiful obedience of the law, and therefore I do strictiy urge and
enjoin you to continue still the same dutiful and legal conduct which you

MR. ATTWOOD'S SPEECH. 203
have hitherto exhibited, and never to suffer any circumstance whatever to
seduce you into any iUegal or violent proceedings. When I had the pleasure
of meeting you here in October last, 1 asserted that every honest workman in
England had as good a right to a reasonable maintenance, in exchange for
his labour, as the King had to the crown upon his head, A noble lord. Lord
¦Wharnclifife, is reported to have contradicted this assertion in a high quarter.
1 therefore beg leave to repeat it most positively, and to state most distinctly,
that every honest workman in England does, in fact, when in full employ
ment, produce more than four times the comforts and necessaries of life
which he and his family can possibly consume. If, then, the giving to his
country of more than four times the quantity of comforts and necessaries
which he himself requires is not sufficient to constitute a right, I know not ..
what is. The laws of God and of nature have ordained that man shall live
by the sweat of his brow, — the labour of man's hands produce in England
Wui liiiiys !li5 much as his humble wants require, and therefore I insist upon
' it. that ot aU the rights m civUised lue, the oldest, and^ the strongest, Tnd the
""most righteous is the right of living by honest labour, {Cheers) If the
great Ketonn which we are now about to obtain does not have the eflfect of
estabHshing this great right, and of confirming it for ever, it \\'!A never satisfy
me. My friends, I will trouble you no more. Your destinies, and the destiny
of our country, are at this moment in the hands of the House of Lords. We
have met this day for the purpose of discharging our duty to them. If that
august body should neglect to discharge their duty towards us and our
country, iipon their heads alone will rest the awful responsibility of the
tremendous consequences which may ensue. A nation may advance in the
career of liberty, but to go back is not possible. {Clicers) When the
immortal Hampden hoisted the standard of Liberty in England, he adopted
as his motto the words " Vestigia nulla retrorsum," or in English, the words
"No retreat." {Cheers) Now this is our motto in the peaceful and legal
contest in which we are engaged, and I will tell the boroughmongers that
they wiU find it as easy to turn the sun from its course as to make the
Enghsh people now be content with less than the Bill of Reform. . . .
We have not called this Meeting from any distrust of Lord Grey, but in order
to contradict the falsehoods of the enemies of Reform, and to place a weapon
in the hands of his Lordship. When the enemies of Reform speak of
indifference in the public mind. Lord Grey will answer, " Look at Birming-
ham," and no other answer will be necessary. It was our anxious wish not
to have been under the necessity of calling this great Meeting, and I do
assure you that we should not have required at your hands so great a
sacrifice if the falsehoods and misrepresentations of the enemies of Reform
had not rendered this great exhibition necessary to the safety and liberty of
the country. {Loud cheering) I^emember, rny fr.'pi^rln^ y,,,- y|.rr|p,.,|| .^^^_ ^
Peace, Law Order, Loyalty, and Union. Let us hold fast to these''
weapons, and I teU you that the day is not distant when the liberty andx
prosperity of our country will be restored,'— Mr, Attwood resumed his seaT"
amidst long and enthusiastic cheering. '
^ R, Fryer, Esq,, next presented an address from 3,000 householders of
Wolverhampton, approving of the conduct of the Birmingham Union.

204 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
Joshua Scholefield, Esq., then addressed the meeting, severely commenting
on the conduct of the Duke of Wellington and upon the enormous pensions
granted to him and other members of the aristocracy.
Messrs. Muntz, Edmonds, Hadley, Parkes, and Dr. Wade then spoke at
length, after which Count Czapski said a few words, and then Mr, De Bosco
Attwood rose and said he felt the cause of Poland the cause of Europe and
of liberty ; he felt the liberty, and he would say the independence, of England
to be essentially connected with the independence of Poland. He had that
day seen a flag bearing the motto 'a tear for Poland,' — No one could more
deeply feel than himself for the wrongs of the Poles ; but he had often heard
it said, that when a mighty nation spoke, it might not be a word and a blow,
but the blow before the word. He felt that if it was a disgrace to the English
nation that when the cause of justice, of humanity, and of England too, was
at stake, they had not sent a blow before a word, it was also a burning
disgrace then that they did not proffer a sword to Poland, as well as a tear.
{Loud cheers) He trusted the day was near at hand when the English
People, in possession of their own liberty, would be able to assert their own
honour and the principles of justice abroad. He trusted then that England
would at once step forward manfully in defence of betrayed and oppressed,
but heroic Poland ; that nation which, in the midst of its calamities, had
earned for itself a glory never possessed by any nation before, and he trusted
then that England would speak in her behalf in a voice of thunder, and that
when once the arm of England was raised, and her sword unsheathed, that
arm would never be lowered, and that sword never sheathed, till Polanders
were fully and entirely free. {Loud cheers) He should call for three cheers
for the revival of Polish Liberty, and the end of Polish calamity.
Mr. T. Aurelius Attwood commenced by lamenting the weakness of his
voice, which had been exhausted by the fatigue of marching at the head of
the Union over which he had the honour to preside, from Hales Owen,
and giving orders during the march. But he assured the meeting of his
readiness, when called upon, to undertake any march, however distant, if
such a step should be ever thought requisite for the insuring of the liberties
of the People. {Cheers) Notwithstanding the fatigue (said Mr. A.) it is
with the greatest pride and satisfaction that I now rise to address you ; and
strange would it be if I did not feel proud when I consider that I joined in its
infancy the Birmingham PoUtical Union, which Association has now gained
such vast strength that at its call the thousands, and I may say tens of
thousands of my countrymen, who now present so grand a spectacle to my
eyes, are gathered together ; — when I call to mind that I assisted at the
planting of that acorn of the British oak which now, verifying the eloquent
prophecy of our Chairman, after having escaped unhurt the designs of its
enemies when first shooting from the ground and when but a tender plant, —
rears its gigantic trunk on high, spreads its wide-branching arms from one
end of England to the other, affording shelter and protection to the People,
— and, confident of its strength, laughs to scorn the attacks of its foes.
{Loud cheers) It is under the shadow of this oak that the British People
have been enabled to carry on that contest for their rights and liberties which
1 now trust will speedily be brought to a happy termination. {Cheers)

T. A URELIUS A TTll 'OOD. 205
Opposition and contumely have but increased our strength. The haughty
rejection of the BiU by an infatuated majority of the House of Lords has but
had the effect of an ineffectual barrier thrown across a mighty river ; — it has
delayed the stream until it has gained irresistible strength, when, sweeping
away the feeble opposition to its course, it rushes foaming along so powerful
and impetuous as to threaten immediate destruction to anything that dares
to attempt to check its career. {Cheers) The Commons of England, for
once nobly advocating the cause of the people, passed the Bill a second
time by a larger majority, and have sent it up again to the Lords. Soon
shaU we see who are to be the victors, — the people of England, headed by
the most noble and most ancient of our Aristocracy, or a few misguided
Oligarchs, whose hearts, one would almost suppose, had been, Uke Pharaoh's,
hardened for their destruction. {Cheers) Can there be any doubt as to the
result .'' No. But our victory must be bloodless ; and as there are the means
to render it so, God forbid that our oppressors should be allowed, by again
scorning the demands of the people, to expose themselves to punishment for
their temerity. {Loud cheers) Without alluding to the power possessed by
the House of Commons to pass the Bill without the consent of the House of
Lords, or without inquiring into the right of the Lords to legislate upon a subject
which ought only to concern the representatives of the people, our gracious
King possesses the means by constitutionally creating any number of peers —
'A breath can make them as a breath has made ;'
and if no one ought to be elevated to the peerage without having done some
service to his country, I should Uke to know what greater service can be
rendered than the restoring liberty and happiness to the people, and preserving
the country from anarchy and bloodshed. {Loud cheers.) Now I feel confident
that His Majesty will not allow the people, already goaded by distress, to be
driven to despair by a second rejection of the Bill, or the whisper of a faction
to prevail against the voice of the nation ; and, placing confident reUance on
His Majesty, I feel satisfied that he is the best judge of the time when it is
necessary to exert his high prerogative. {Loud cheers) Mr, AureUus Attwood
concluded by seconding the fifth resolution, which requested the King to
create a sufficient number of peers to pass the BiU.
Mr. De Bosco Attwood then spoke again at length, and concluded by
proposing the sixth resolution, which strongly denied that the distress of the
country was to be attributed to the introduction of the Reform BiU.
Mr. T, C, Salt, in seconding the seventh resolution, which expressed the
thanks of the Meeting to those bodies of men who had attended from a
great distance, concluded by requesting every one to repeat after him
' In unbroken faith, through every peril, and trial, and privation, we devote
ourselves and our children to our country's cause.' (The scene which ensued
was most solemn and impressive, and is particularly noticed by Harriet
Martineau in her ' History of the Peace,')
A vote of thanks was afterwards passed to Mr. Attwood amidst the most
enthusiastic cheering, and in the course of his speech returning thanks he
said : — 'When I first assisted in the formation of the Political Union, it was
not without long and anxious deliberation that I embarked in it. I solemnly
declare to you that the night before I decided I sat up all night in serious

2o6 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
and anxious meditation ; and after I had made up my mind, I went down
upon my knees in the grey of the morning and prayed to Almighty God that
if this great Association was not calculated to promote the liberty and the
happiness of the mass of the people it might Jiot prosper. This was the spirit
with which I embarked in the PoUtical Union ; and this is the spirit with
which I will continue in it, until 1 see my country prosperous and free. . . .'
The business of the day having been gone through, three discordant
groans were given for the bishops who had voted against the Bill upon its
memorable second reading. The vast assemblage then began to leave the
ground ; the Unions of the neighbouring towns gathering their scattered
members together, and arranging them beneath their banners ; the bands
belonging to each company playing lively and patriotic airs ; and the whole
crowd marshalling into procession and joining, as the various bodies quitted
the ground, the long line of the retiring multitude, that, extending itself in
beautiful array, at length melted into distance far beyond the extremest point
that could be reached even by the strongest vision. No murmur of dis
approbation was spoken, nor a single attempt to break the peace made. All
was equanimity and order. The night was quiet. The number of intoxicated
persons few. And the morning dawned upon the town of Birmingham
without a single appearance to be found in its streets indicative of the fact
that one of the largest and most important Meetings ever held in England
upon any occasion had concentrated the united attention of nearly 200,000
persons upon the previous day.''
At eleven o'clock on the morning of May 8th an express
arrived in Birmingham with the news that Lord Lyndhurst's
motion, practically amounting to a rejection of the Reform Bill,
had been carried by a majority of 31; on the previous njghi.
Tremendous excitement at once prevailed throughout the town,
and early on the morning cf May gth numerous placards
appeared in the windows announcing that no taxes would be
paid until the Reform Bill was passed. When the London
evening newspapers arrived by the mail an extraordinary
development of public feeling took place, and a very singular
and remarkable compliment was paid to the talents and fore
sight of Thomas Attwood. Hitherto the majority of the
resjpectable inhabitants of Birmingham had held aloof_Jrom
what they considered the noise and vulgarity of the Union.
But now, on the receipt of the unwelcome news, a great change
took place, and men of all creeds and opinions who had
previously taken no part in politics suddenly perceived thjtt
the only way by which they could avert a revolution vras to .
join the Political Union, and strengthen by all possible means

GREAT MEETING OF MA Y lo, 1832. 207
the party of Reform, On Tuesday four Catholic priests enrolled
themselves, and on "Wednesday twenty Quakers became members.
Finally, on the morning of Thursday, the loth, 500 merchants,
bankers, solicitors, surgeons, master manufacturers, and other
influential men accepted the following declaration : —
"We, the undersigned, Inhabitants of the Town and Neighbourhood of
Birmingham, who have hitherto refrained from joining the Birmingham
Political Union, deem it our duty to our country at this awful crisis to come
forward and join that body for the purpose of promoting the further union,
order, and determination of all classes in, support of the common cause of
Parliamentary Reform.''
A spontaneous meeting of the Council, under the presidency
of Thomas Attwood, was held in the morning, and after an
animated discussion on the fearful aspect of political affairs it
was decided to meet the inhabitants upon Newhall Hill, at three
o'clock on the same day, in order to determine what measures
should be taken at such an eventful crisis. The people accord
ingly assembled to the number of 100,000, and one of their first
steps was to receive by acclamation the 500 gentlemen just
mentioned. Mr. Attwood having taken the chair, Mr. Edmonds
read the following resolution which had been passed by the
Council : — ¦
" 1st. That the Members of the PoUtical Union be invited to wear on
their breasts the ribbon of the Union Jack, until the BiU of Reform is become
law ; and that the friends of their country and of the cause of liberty through
out the kingdom be invited to do the same ; and that all persons be requested
to provide themselves with a piece of blue ribbon to wear on the breast until
the Union Jack can be obtained,"
The rneeting then adopted a strong petition to the Hojise-af
Commons praying them to refuse supplies, and to adopt othgr
extreme measures to secure the passage of the Bill, and the
continuance ot t^arl Crrey in ottice. This petition contained the
following ominous clause : —
" That your Petitioners find it declared in the Bill of Rights that the people
of England ' may have arms for their defence — {tremendous cheering, which
lasted for some minutes) — suitable to their condition, and as allowed by law;'
and your Petitioners apprehend that this great right will be put in force
generally, and that the whole of the people of England will think it necessary
to have arms for their defence, in order that they may be prepared for any
circumstances which may arise," {Renewed cheering)

2o8 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
As this great spontaneous meeting has already been noticed
in Mr. De Bosco Attwood's account, it will be sufficient to add
here, that soon after its termination, Messrs. Scholefield, Parkes,
and Green, who had been appointed a deputation to proceed
to London, left Birmingham in a carriage and four, and were
loudly cheered as they passed along New Street.
Those gloomy days then succeeded which have been well
described in Mr. De B. Attwood's narration. It seems worth
while, however, to give that important document, the "_ Declara-
tion against the Duke of Wellington." in. full, as it created
a'great sensation in its day, and was actually translated into
French, and extensively circulated throughout France. It ran
as follows : — "Birmingham, May 14, 1832.
"We, the undersigned, think it necessary, in this awful Crisis of our
Country's Fate, to make known to our Fellow Countrymen the alarm and
horror with which we are impressed by the Report of the Duke of Wellington
having been placed at the head of His Majesty's Councils. We entertain
this alarm and horror on the following grounds : —
First.
The Duke of Wellington's general avowal of Arbitrary Principles.
Second.
His speech against all Reform, made only about a year and a half ago.
Third.
His protest against the Reform Bill, as entered on the Journals of the
House of Lords, on the 17th of April last.
Fourth.
His reported expressions in the late Parliament, amounting to those of
regret, that the Irish People 'would not' break the Law.
Fifth.
His being a Pensioner of Foreign Despots ; and as such exposed to their
influence, and unfit to govern a Free People.
Sixth.
His conduct to Marshal Ney, who was murdered by the Bourbon Govern
ment, in violation of the Convention of Paris, notwithstanding his appeal to
the Duke of Wellington, who had signed that Convention.
Seventh.
His general support of Arbitrary Power on the Continent of Europe, and
the certainty that his policy, if he be true to his principles, will necessarily
involve the Nation in unjust and rufhous Wars against the Liberties of
Europe.

SOLEMN DECLARA TION. 209
Eighth.
His utter incompetency to govern England by any other means than by
the Sword, which has never yet been, and never wiU be, submitted to by the
British People.
For these and various other reasons we hereby solemnly declare our
fixed determination to use all the means which the Constitution and the Law
have placed at our disposal, to induce His Majesty to reject from his
Council that Faction, at the head of which is the Duke of Wellington, who
have by their arbitrary principles excited the distrust and abhorrence of the
whole Population of the United Kingdom, and we declare our firm conviction
that the pubUc excitement and agitation can never be allayed until the
great Bill of Reform shall be carried into law by that Administration by
whose Wisdom and virtue it was first introduced.
These are our fixed and unalterable sentiments, and we hereby appeal to
all our fellow countrymen, throughout England, Scotland, and Ireland, and
we confidently caU on them to unite with us and sign this our solemn
Declaration, in support of the liberty and happiness of our Country."
This Declaration was signed by forty-five members of the
Council, including Thomas Attwood, Josh. Scholefield, G. F.
Muntz, Charles Jones, Benjamin Hadley, Arthur Wade, D.D,,
G, De B, Attwood, T. C. Salt, and T. Aurelius Attwood. An
engraving, of which a few copies are still extant, was afterwards
published in Birmingham, representing Thomas Attwood holding
the " Solemn Declaration " in his hand.
The Council met again with Mr. Attwood in the chair on the
morning of May 15th, and it was resolved unanimously that
copies of the Solemn Declaration should be sent off express
to all the great towns of the kingdom, and that every effort
should be made to obtain signatures thereto.
Early on the morning of the i6th, however, Mr. Parkes
arrived in Birmingham with the joyful news of Lord Grey's
reinstatement, and in a letter to Mrs. Grote, wife of the historian,
which has been published in her husband's memoirs, he thus
describes his arrival at Harborne : —
" Wyndham Club, London, \Zth May, 1832.
• , . You say right — that a more glorious gratification than my arrival
at Attwood's house, on Monday morning, could never fall to my lot. I
arrived at my own door at six. In one hour I sent letters and expresses to
all the towns within fifteen miles, directing meetings to be instantly held by
beat of drum and bells, and their addresses to be expressed back to me by
four that afternoon. In that hour, between six and seven, the inhabitants of

2IO LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
' the whole tovra of Birmingham were tumbling into the streets, and the bells
clamming. At seven I started in a chaise and four (the horses decorated
with blue ribbons to Attwood's cottage. The sun never shone brighter or
more smilingly in an English spring. The meadows were embroidered with
every colour and blossom of the May flowers ; the blackthorn pushing into
bloom, and the birds singing sweetly. On my arrival at the village — a retired
country hamlet buried in trees in full leaf — Attwood was in bed, his whole
family really expecting warrants for high treason or sedition, I need not tell
you what were the grateful sensations of the whole family, or the tears of
the women. The country villagers, ardently attached to him, had closely
watched his house, and lay all night, with arms, in the shrubberies ! After
an hour's breakfast and purification, Attwood and I adjourned into his study
to prepare the resolutions and addresses. In an hour afterwards, half-a-
dozen members of the Council came up in cars, and I had to wage an hour's
war with these ultra, but honest, men to agree to prudent documents. By
half-past nine, upwards of 10,000 persons, with bands and banners, were in
Attwood's pleasure grounds, playing cheering national airs. At half-past ten
or eleven, we moved off towards Birmingham in the carriage, and half-way, a
mile and a half from Birmingham, the whole body of inhabitants met us and
the procession paraded through the town. The scene was animated beyond
description — Canaletti only could paint it, Sir Walter Scott only describe it
in the English language. The proceedings of the meeting you know toler
ably accurately from the public papers . The deputation leaving the town
reminded me of the old scriptural descriptions of public meetings of the
children of Israel ; and our entrance into Coventry was of a similar triumphal
description, . . . Lord Durham told us last night, at a meeting of good
men at ElUce's, that ' the country owed Reform to Birmingham, and its
salvation from revolution to the last stroke.' "
The following is an account of the proceedings at the
meeting of May i6th, abridged from the Journal re'porX: —
"The intelligence of Earl Grey having been recalled to His Majesty's
Councils arrived in this town by express yesterday morning at six o'clock.
Mr. Joseph Parkes and other gentlemen, some of whom formed part of the
express deputation, immediately on their arrival in this town started for
Harborne, the residence of T. Attwood, Esq. By 8 o'clock the news became
generally known in Birmingham, and in the course of a short time the whole
population was in a state of the most extraordinary excitement. The chiei
point of attraction were the rooms of the Political Union, in Great Charles
Street, from whence it was speedily ascertained that, in order to give eclat to
the victory which had been achieved, it was determined to give an immediate
and triumphant reception into town to Mr. Attwood. Harborne, the village
in 'ivhich Mr. Attwood resides, is four miles distant from Birmingham ; but
so early as 9 o'clock the roads leading to his place of residence were filled
with carriage company and pedestrians.
Anxious as we were to obtain the best and speediest intelligence, we
arrived at Harborne at half-past nine ; at that hour the great body of the

GREAT MEETING OF MA Y i6, 1832. 211
inhabitants of that neighbourhood were assembled and marching towards
Mr. Attwood's residence, and by eleven o'clock all the roads leading from
that village to Birmingham were completely choked with the population of
Birmingham and its vicinity.
The whole neighbourhood of the Five-ways Turnpike-gate, at which it
was arranged that Mr, Attwood should be met, presented a most animated
appearance. The whole town seemed, from the number of persons present,
to have entirely emptied itself Not only was the main Turnpike-road
crowded with thousands walking in procession, but the broad footpaths on
each side were covered with people. The great place of meeting was the
wide open space immediately beyond the Five-ways Gate. At this point
coundess thousands were collected, and with several cars, containing
members of the Coundl, and an immense assemblage of members of the
Union on foot, awaited the approach of Mr. Attwood. The vehicles and
the most part of the crowd afterwards went to meet the procession from
Harborne, At length the music of the band gave the welcome intelligence
that the cavalcade was approaching, and upon its arrival at the Turnpike
joined the numerous bodies that were in waiting, proceeded down Islington,
along HoUoway-head road, to Smallbrook Street, at which place a heavy
shower of rain, accompanied with tremendous peals of thunder, and the most
vivid flashes of lightning, saluted it. This was deemed to be a heavenly
rejoicing over the discomfiture of the Duke of Wellington, and was also
hailed as a happy omen of the eventual success of the Reform Bill. From
thence the whole multitude marched forward through High-street, New-
street, Bennett's-hill, Newhall-street, and Mount-street, to Newhall-hiU,
where a temporary hustings was erected for the speakers. The assemblage
of people upon the ground must have exceeded 40,000, and at one time
during the latter part of the meeting it was calculated that not less than
50,000 were present,
Mr, Edmonds: ' FeUow-countrymen, I have the honour to propose that
our noble Chairman (Thos. Attwood, Esq,), who is this day crowned with
eternal glory, do take the Chair.' {Cheers)
The motion being seconded —
Mr, Attwood advanced to the front of the hustings amidst the most
enthusiastic cheering, — ' My dear friends, I feel so much gratitude to
Almighty God for the escape which the nation has had from a most tre
mendous revolution, that I cannot help wishing that our Reverend Friend
near me would publicly return thanks to our wise and beneficent Creator for
the success of our righteous cause.' {No sooner was tJiis intimatioji made by
the Chairman, than all hats were doffed, and the most death-like silence per
vaded the immense assembly)
The Rev. Hugh Hutton, in a most impressive manner, offered up the
following extemporaneous thanksgiving : — ' Oh Lord God Almighty ! who
orderest the affairs of all men, behold Thy people before Thee with grateful
and rejoicing hearts, looking up to Thee as the Author of every blessing. We
thank Thee for the great deliverance Thou hast wrought out for us, and the
great and bloodless victory which Thou hast conferred. We thank Thee, the
Cod of aU blessings, for delivering us from the bonds of our oppressors, and
P 2

/

2 1 2 LIFE OF THOMA S ATTWOOD.
the designs of designing and bloody-minded men. Imbue, we beseech Thee
the hearts of all now assembled with a spirit of Christian benevolence, so
that in the hour of our triumph we may cheerfully forgive all our enemies and
oppressors. Grant that we may so use and improve the great privileges
Thou hast conferred upon us, that we may secure them to us and to our
children, for Thy glory and for the universal benefit of the family of man.
. . May Thy blessing rest on the proceedings of this day, and more
especially on him called to preside at this glorious meeting of emancipated -
and exulting freemen. May the feeUng of all hearts be more united in the
glorious cause in which we have engaged, and through Thy blessing enjoy
a more abundant victory. Amen, Amen.' {Thousatids of voices re-echoed
Amen, Amen)
Thomas Attwood, Esq. : ' My dear friends, I thank you most sincerely for
the honour you have conferred upon me in appointing me your Chairman,
With me you cannot but be moved by the very affecting address to Almighty
God just made by my rev. friend, . . When called to congratulate
you upon the glorious victory we have achieved, I cannot but express the
great delight I feel in Birmingham having been mainly instrumental in the
accomplishment of this glorious consummation. I congratulate you from my
heart for the unparalleled promptitude, courage, and strictly legal courage,
which you have at all times exhibited, {Cheers) Surrounded by temptations
of a hundred kinds, the powers of hell have not been able to prevail, or succeed
in diverting you from the strict path of justice or of law. {Loud cheers)
. . . Let the great Bill pass — let Lord Grey have a little time to look
around him — an^"! am_guiie_.sure th^hopps of tVip nation will not be dis
appointed. The prosperifoad-hap.pinpss of th° pet^plf' will hi rt^-tfrpd —
not, indeed, the happiness or prosperity of the cloud-born part of the com
munity — but the happiness and prosperity of the industrious, the laborious,
and kind-hearted part of the People. {Cheers) TJjgt ig tbp great- hnoTi jn
v^ch I am ever looking fopatard, . Ernsppriiy_toJhe milUons is what I want
' — I look for liberty first, and throiio:b-l.ibp.rty, prnr^peiity. {Loud cheers) ^\^
shall never be contenl^ until I see tbf; happinoce ai^d mmforts of thejoor
settled upon a sure basis — until — I- occ all intcrcata of society — but- mote
y especiaUy the labouring classes — receiving that remuneration to which, both
by the laws of God and of'^ature7tbpY arp pptii-lprl ' {Loud cheers)
Messrs. Muntz and Scholefield then spoke amidst great applause, pro
posing and seconding the first resolution as follows : — ' That this Meeting
will hail vifith heartfelt gratitude the complete emancipation of His Majesty
from the snares and wicked devices of base, evil-minded, and desperate
councillors.' Mr. Edmonds then said : — ' Although I am appointed to move a vote of
thanks to the House of Commons, and to the Minority who voted for the
Reform BiU in the House of Lords, I cannot help but say that in my opinion
— and in that opinion I am sure you will concur — to our noble Chairman the
thanks of the countiy, more than any other, are most eminentiy due, {Loud
cheers) He it is who at this great crisis has preserved entire the institutions
of this great country ; and I am sure, were His Majesty present, and not
incapable of feeUng and expressing kingly gratitude, he would at once

GREA T MEETING OF MA Y 16, 1832. 213
extend his Royal hand and thank Mr. Attwood for having, by the concen
tration and force of pubhc opinion, driven the bloody Duke from his post,
and by this measure secured the safety of the Crown to himself and his
posterity. {Cheers) It ought never to be forgotten that, however we may
reverence ancient institutions, however sacred antiquity may have rendered
them in our eyes — if once found hostile to the Uberties and interests of the
nation, we are in duty bound, by the duty we owe to mankind — by the duty
we owe to posterity — to raze them to the ground — to banish them from our
country. {Cheers) The House of Lords ought to be, and no doubt are,
obliged to the Union of Birmingham, under the able and discreet controul of
our Chairman, at the present moment for the preservation of their lives, their
estates, and their order. {Cheers) I certainly am disposed to premonish
their Lordships ; but have little doubt but the events of these three days will
teach them and their posterity that it is neither wise nor safe to despise the
united voice of a brave and determined people. {Cheers) If the Bishops
were present they, doubtless, would be ready to acknowledge their obligations
to the Birmingham Union for the preservation of themselves and their
mitres. The fact was, and it could not be concealed from any, even inatten
tive observers, that by the means of our most powerful Association the
country has been mainly preserved from all the horrors of a bloody revolu
tion. (Cheer.':') Bpfnrp I wag aware this morning of the great news which
had arrjved^two gpntkmgn^called upon me and stated that not fe^^^'er ihaTl
1,500 men were already under arms in this town, for the purpose of enforcing
theTrghtslSTthe people. This is but an intimation ot the attitude asbuiiied
by the people throughout the whole nation. The disposition to employ force
if required is not wanting. {Cheers) It is delightful to find that this alter
native is not now to be dreaded, I remember that Sterne, in one of his
works, represents that a certain Noble Marquis of France from poverty was
unable to wear his sword. Afterwards, after having become possessed of
property by commerce, he was overjoyed in being able to resume this emblem
of war. If such were his feeUngs, if such was his joy at being able again to
wield a sword, how much more ecstatic ought to be the joy of Mr. Attwood
when he found he had no occasion to buckle on the sword he would have
been compelled to use in his country's cause, had public affairs taken the turn
which we all dreaded. {Cheers) I recollect the inaaginary traveller in the
work to which I have alluded, after stating, with honour, the redemption of
the Marquis's sword, exclaimed, " Oh ! how I envy his feelings." Taking
from envy all its ill-will and all its baseness, any man may well envy the
feelings of our Chairman, when he considers how his exertions have termi
nated without the shedding of a single drop of human blood, or the shedding
of one solitary sorrowful tear. {Loud cheers) A certain Grecian General,
after the obtainment of a victory, was heard to say, " What will my father say
when he hears of this?" Might not Mr. Attwood, in the same spirit of self-
congratulation — at once creditable to the patriot and the man — exclaim.
What will my father, my wife, and my children say to this ?" {Loud cheers)
Knowing as I do the nobleness of his disposition — the warm and generous
affections with which he is endowed — I can have no hesitation in declaring
that he is equally the admiration of his family and the whole People of

214 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
England.' {Cheers) Mr. Edmonds concluded by proposing a vote of thanks
to the House of Commons, — Mr, Parkes and Mr, De Bosco Attwood then
spoke, after which Mr, Aurelius Attwood observed that his mind was actuated
by so many feelings, arising out of the occasion, that if he failed in eloquence,
he trusted it would be referred to the proper reason, and that he should stand
excused. The feeling, however, which was at the present moment uppermost
in his breast, was thanksgiving to God ; by the goodness of that omnipotent
and all-seeing Being their hands had been rescued from being imbrued in
blood. For his own part he had made up his mind to whatever might have
come. He had nailed the colours to the mast, and they should not have
been suffered patiently to have been torn down. They might have had,
instead of peace, if certain personages had been placed in power, their
requests answered by the roar of cannon, the thrusts of lances, and the
cuts of sabres. . .
After speeches by Messrs, Hadley, Jones, Salt, and Lewis, the proceed
ings terminated, amidst great enthusiasm, by the adoption of a memorial to
Earl Grey, congratulating him upon his restoration to power, and suggesting
the propriety of a further extension of Reform,
Messrs, Thomas Attwood, Josh, Scholefield, De Bosco Attwood, Jos.
Parkes, G. F. Muntz, B. Hadley, W. G. Lewis, and W. Boultbee were
appointed a deplutation to proceed to London forthwith and present the
memorial to Earl Grey."

CHAPTER XIV.
Mr. Attwood arrives in London— His interview with Earl Grey— He
dechnes to accept any reward for his services— His final threat of
calling together a milUon of men upon Hampstead Heath— Magnificent
reception at the Guildhall— He is presented with the Freedom of the
City— His eloquent speech on returning thanks — Banquet at the
Mansion House— Testimony of Grote, Campbell, and others to his
vast services— Letters to his wife— Return to Birmingham on the 28th
of May— His pubUc entry into the town and extraordinary reception
by the people — Flags, banners, and decorations in Birmingham.
Thomas Attwood and the deputation arrived in London on
the 17th or i8th May, 1832. On the 19th they had a memor
able interview with Earl Grey and Lord Holland at the Treasury.
Lord Grey expressed in his own name, and in that of his col
leagues, his sense of the important services which Mr, Attwood
had rendered by his excellent management of the enormous
power of the Political Unions. "We feel deeply indebted to
you," said Lord Grey, " and shall be happy to do anything in
our power to mark our sense of the obligation." " My Lord,"
was Mr. Attwood's answer, " I supported your Administration
on public grounds alone, I never expected to receive any reward,
and I mustbeg to decline any." And none he ever did receive,
either for himself, his family, or friends. This brief account is
taken from the Gentleman! s Magazine, and I regret that I have
not been able to find a more detailed account of this extra
ordinary conversation, of the truth of which, however, there can
be no possible doubt, as it occurred in the presence of the other
members of the deputation and is corroborated by several ex
pressions in Mr, Attwood's letters. It is impossible to say what
particular reward Earl Grey contemplated when he made the
above-mentioned ofifer, but considering the vast services which
had been rendered by Attwood to the Whig Ministry, it may

2i6 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
reasonably be supposed that a peerage, or at least a baronetcy,
must have been the lowest form of recognition thought of
This supposition is strengthened by the recollection that Lords
Western, Hatherton, and others were ennobled about the same
time for services which were insignificant indeed when compared
to Thomas Attwood's. Thus grandly did the great Reformer
falsify the assertions of his baser adversaries, who had insinuated
that he had only striven to acquire popularity with the masses
in order to raise himself to rank and wealth. Had he, indeed,
been disposed to sell himself, no man had ever had a more
dazzling opportunity presented to him.
Previous to this, of course, the great struggle for Reform
was practically over, though various technicalities remained to
be gone through before the Bill received the Royal assent.
Attwood's magnificent threat of holding upon Hampstead
Heath a colossal meeting of 1,000,000 men was the final
measure which compelled the Duke to give way. Notwith
standing the extraordinary power of managing vast masses of
men which Mr. Attwood possessed, it may be doubted whether-
the preservation of order amongst so huge and heterogeneous
an assemblage would not have been too great a task for even his
abilities, and that riot and bloodshed must not inevitably have
ensued. When all was over, the Tories, of course, denied that
the Duke of Wellington had ever had any intention of resorting
to the sword, but Martineau has collected sufficient evidence to
show that, for a time at least, he really did contemplate the
employment of force. On the Sunday following the great
Birmingham meeting of May 7th, the Scots Greys were strictly
confined to barracks and engaged in rough-sharpening their
swords. They were kept supplied with ball cartridge and
booted and saddled day and night. It is said also, that before
the Duke resigned he caused warrants to be prepared for the
arrest of Attwood, Scholefield, Salt, and other leaders of the
Union, but that when Earl Grey succeeded to his office he
found them still unsigned. If this story be true, it furnishes, I
suppose, a solitary instance of irresolution on the part of the
great warrior.

UE RECEIVES THE FREEDOM OF Till: CITY. 217
And now to the days of gloom, uncertainty, and dread of
impending revolution there succeeded a fortnight of the most
enthusiastic and triumphant festivities. These are sufficiently
alluded to in Mr, Attwood's letters, which I shall presently insert ;
but the great day of Wednesday, May 23rd, upon which he, the
first private individual, was, contrary to all precedent, presented
with the Freedom of the City of London, demands a fuller
account, which I have abstracted from the Birmingham Journal
report of May 26th, 1832, as follows: —
" It is really impossible to describe the respect and enthusiasm with which
the deputation has been received by all classes of the people in London,
excepting the Boroughmongers. They have been eveiywhere hailed as the
representatives of the men who, by their display of patriotism, promptitude,
and courage, insured the recall of Earl Grey to office, and in all probability
saved the nation from falUng into a state of anarchy and confusion, "We do
not say this for the purpose of flattering the people of the Midland Districts,
but because it is a fact universally acknowledged. The members of the
deputation, since their arrival in town, have had invitations to dine with
several of the most distinguished members of both Houses, and other
patriotic and wealthy individuals, amongst whom we may mention Earl
Radnor, Lord Durham, Sir Francis Burdett, Mr, Secretary Ellice, Mr, Hume,
and Mr, George Grote, They have either met at dinners or had interviews
with the (lite of the members of the LTpper and Lower Houses. This day
His Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex has appointed to receive them at
' Kensington Palace, On Thursday they dined with the Polish Association,
where they met Prince Czartoriski, sexeral noblemen, and some of the most
distinguished literary characters of the day. This day week they presented
the memorial to Earl Grey, and had an inter\'iew with his Lordship and
Lord Holland, by whom they were received with every mark of attention
and respect. They afterwards presented at the Home Office memorials and
petitions from Wolverhampton, Dudlc)', \\'arwick, Oldbur)-, West Bromwich,
Brieriey Hill, and other places.
On the arrival of the deputation in London, they ordered the vote of
thanks to the Corporation of London, which had been passed at the meeting
on Newhall Hill, to be written on \'ellum, and a request was forwarded to
the Lord Mayor that he would name a time for receixing the deputation.
His Lordship immediately ordered summonses to be issued to the
members of the Corporation, calling a Special Court for that purpose, and
on Wednesday Mr, Attwood and the deputation, accompanied by Mr. T. C.
Salt, Mr, Jones, Mr. G. Edmonds, the Rev. Dr, Wade, and other Birming
ham gentlemen, with many Members of Parliament, attended the Court, and
were received in form by several of the Common Council, who conducted
them to the seats provided for their accommodation.
There was an unusual attendance of the members of the Corporation, and
the place allotted to strangers below the bar \\'as croA\'ded beyond all prece-

2i8 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
dent, to witness the interesting ceremony. In consequence of a requisition
presented to the Lord Mayor by Mr. Charles Pearson, and several of the
staunch Reformers in the Corporation, his Lordship placed upon the paper
of business, the requisite notice of motion for presenting the freedom of the
City to T, Attwood, Esq,, in a box of heart of oak.
This distinguished honour, thus proposed to be conferred on our
renowned townsman, has been hitherto exclusively confined to Kings,
Princes, and distinguished Statesmen, and great military and naval com
manders. We hail it, therefore, as one of the important signs of the times,
that the Corporation of the first city in the world should enroll the name of a
private gentleman in the long list of England's worthies, solely on account
of his distinguished and patriotic services in the cause of the people.
Mr. Charles Pearson said he had no doubt but that the members of the
Court had learnt with great satisfaction, from the summons which called
them together, that they were about to be attended that day by a highly
respectable deputation from the patriotic town of Birmingham, to communi
cate a vote of thanks, passed by the loud acclaim of assembled thousands,
who had been engaged, like themselves, in the active and ardent pursuit of
the object nearest to their heart — ParUamentary Reform. {Hear, hear)
Before he did himself the honour of introducing those gentlemen, he should
trouble the Court with a few observations in support of the propriety of their
greeting the deputation with a most grateful and respectful reception, as well
as of their presenting to Thomas Attwood, Esq., the freedom of the city, in
token of the admiration in which they held his virtues, his talents, and his
services, and as a testimony of the high respect they bore to the people of
Birmingham, for their peaceable, but firm and manly conduct during what he
might happily call the late crisis of their countiy's fate. {Cheers) It had
been whispered abroad that the Uttle remnant of the Tory faction which stiU
lingered in that Court, stung to the heart by the defeat of the Wellington set,
intended to raise the standard of opposition, and that, by one plausible pre
text or another, they had contrived to create a division of opinion upon the
subject of the proposed measures amongst some of the best and staunchest
Reformers the Court could boast of {Hear, hear) He (Mr. Pearson) would
unmask the enemy, expose their artifices, and refute their statements ; and
whatever might have been the impression they had produced upon the minds
of some good Reformers, he felt convinced, that when he had explained all,
they would speedily return to the party with whom they had so long and so
honourably acted, and that the measure would receive the hearty concurrence
of the whole Court — {hear) — except, always, the undesired support of the little
faction to which he had adverted. {Hear, liear) The first argument against
the measure was, that Mr. Attwood did not hold any official situation, and
that however respectable and honourable might be his character and station
(as they were on all hands admitted to be) he could only be considered as a
private English gentleman. {Hear) He would ask the Court of what prouder
distinction an Englishman could boast ? {Cheers) Around the haU in which
he was then speaking were the portraits of distinguished warriors, upon whom
that Court had conferred the freedom of the city, in honour of great naval and

MR. PEARSON'S SPEECH. 219
miUtary achievements, {Cheers) Upon their list of freemen were enrolled
the names of patriots, princes, public-spirited tradesmen, and constitutional
lawyers, in testimony of the estimation in which the citizens of London held
their talents and their virtues. {Hear.) And if the Court would bestow its
honours upon those who, in the discharge of duties — many of them emolu-
mentary — which their public situations imposed upon them, how much more
did it become that Court to award this mark of their esteem to one who had
gratuitously and largely contributed to confer the greatest blessing upon his
country — the blessing of peace and tranquility — at a time when it was
threatened with riot and bloodshed, and all the calamities of civil com
motion, which had been almost rendered unavoidable by the mad
proceedings of a wicked and desperate faction, {Great cheers) .
In order to catch some of the easy, good-natured members of the Court,
the Tories had argued, that although it was very proper to give the freedom
to a gentleman so respectable as Mr. Attwood, yet that was not the precise
time for doing it — they should wait a month or so. Aye ("said Mr, Pearson)
wait till the Reform Bill shall have passed ; and when Birmingham shall
have been enfranchised, and can confer a corporate honour the same as
themselves, then indeed would these fastidious gentlemen bestow it upon
the great Birmingham Reformer and thus resemble Dr, Johnson's definition
of a patron, . . . The pubUc-spirited members of that Court would spurn
such contemptible and degrading advice, {Hear, hear) They would not put
off to another period what could be done at once. They would that day
receive, with suitable honours, the respectable Deputation ; and by conferring
the freedom of the city upon Mr. Attwood, as the representative of all that
was great and good in his native town — {cheers) — they would show that a
spirit of liberality governed their proceedings, and that they were prepared
to hold out the hand of friendship and of brotherly love to the representatives
of those great towns which would shortly take their place in the political
institutions of the country — to which their wealth, their industry, and their
intelligence had so long entitled them, {Great cheering) Mr, Pearson then
entered into a long detail respecting the proceedings of the Birmingham Union,
and in a very animated manner vindicated that body from all censure and
shewed that its proceedings had met with the approval of Eari Grey, Lord
Althorp, and Lord John RusseU, He highly eulogised Mr, Attwood and his
friends for their support of the Bible Society, Sunday Schools, Lancastrian
and National Schools, and Mechanics' Institutes, and for the manner in which
they had thereby raised the character of the people of Birmingham. He
enlarged upon the mental and moral, the poUtical and personal qualifications
of Mr, Attwood, and finally concluded amidst much cheering by moving that
the freedom of the city, in a box made of the heart of British Oak, be
presented to Thomas Attwood, Esq,, in testimony of the high esteem in
which the Citizens of London hold his distinguished services in the cause of
Parhamentary Reform, and also of the ability displayed by him in uniting
the intelligent and industrious artizans, and the inhabitants generally of the
Midland Districts, in their firm but peaceable pursuits of that great national
object. Some slight opposition was raised by Mr, Under-Sheriff Wood and a few

220 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
others, but this only served to bring out more clearly the great admiration
with which Mr. Attwood's conduct was generally regarded by the Common
CouncU. Mr. Figgins considered that Mr. Attwood's interference at
NewhaU-hill meeting alone was sufficient to entitle him to the best thanks
the Court could bestow. Had he not acted with firmness and good sense at
that critical period, the probability was that the country would have been
plunged into revolution and blood. On that ground alone the Court, nay
the whole empire, were indebted immeasurably to Mr. Attwood.
Mr. Jupp, Mr, Ridley, Mr, Pewtress, Mr. Galloway, and Mr. Thornhill
spoke enthusiastically of Mr. Attwood's conduct, and Mr. Pearson, in replying
to the objectors, stated that he had only known Mr, Attwood by reputation
till his last visit to London, and he knew that no other man in England was
better qualified, morally or mentally, at such a time, to direct the people, and
it was the proudest day in his life to have been the means of introducing such
a citizen amongst them. If they found no precedent for admitting such a man
as Mr. Attwood in such a cause, then he urged them, by all means, to make
one. The motion was then put and carried by a majority of upwards of 200,
not more than a dozen hands being held up against it.
Mr. Pearson and Mr. Stephens then accompanied Mr. Attwood to the
Chamberlain, Sir James Shaw, who, after the various forms were gone
through, presented Mr, Attwood with the freedom in a highly complimen
tary speech, and added his own warm congratulations upon the high honour
to which his talents and virtues and vast services to his country had raised
the great Reformer. Mr. Attwood bowed, and then returned thanks in
the following eloquent and memorable speech, which created the greatest
enthusiasm, and has been printed and reprinted in every variety of type and
colour : —
My Lord Mayor, and Gentlemen of this Right Honourable
Court —
It is not possible that I, on this great occasion, should not
feel as a man of true sensibility and honour should feel ; it is not
possible that the true spirit of a Briton should not be kindled
within me. I am here this day crowned with a great and lasting
glory. You have conferred upon me an honour which Kings and
Emperors have coveted, and deemed it an honour to obtain. It
is, too, an honour which Warriors and Statesmen have looked to
as an accumulation of their glory. Why, then, should not I, a
plain and humble citizen, plodding my calm but steady way,
through a weary and dangerous course of politics, feel more than
usual exultation and gratitude at the conferring of such an
honour? I have, however, one consolation, one cheering hope,
one buoyant principle to uphold me, that I have never swerved

HIS GREAT SPEECH. 221
from the duty which my own conscience and the good con
fidence of my Fellow-Countrymen are calculated to inspire. I
feel that I have done my duty, and it is to me a great source
of gratification that an honourable and upright line of conduct
has secured for me this lofty and permanent reward. I have for
some time adopted a decided, perhaps bold, line of politics, —
I have, perhaps, made myself obnoxious to many, whose ex
perience, wisdom, and intellect are far superior to my own ; but
I acted on my knowledge of the exigencies of the times, and
the wants and wishes of the People. I never resorted myself to
measures, nor countenanced their adoption by others, which
would trench on the Law, until I saw that great, terrible, and
general emergencies arose. I have ever respected the prero
gatives of the Crown, the rights and privileges of both House of
Parliament, when fairly and constitutionally exercised. But
when I saw the foundations of society loosening and breaking
under our feet, — when I saw storms and tempests gathering
and blackening in the distance, — when I felt the incipient
heavings of a political earthquake that I knew would disorganise
and crush all the institutions of this powerful Empire, — then I
thought it right to step forward and stand between the People
and Rebellion. I saw there was still a door left open for recon
ciliation. I did not wish to close it. My efforts and those of my
colleagues were incessantly and vigorously directed to inculcate
the necessity of obedience to the Laws, and the preservation of
public order and respect for public property. Thanks, first to
God and next to the PEOPLE, we have succeeded. But while
we did this, we strove to lift the People to the proper standard
of moral energy. For this useful and well-designed work we
have had already a noble portion of our temporal reward. We
have been honoured with the approbation of this mighty
Corporation — boundless in influence and wealth, as it is great
m character, in talent, and independence. From the remotest
period of our history this body has been the bold and able
asserter of personal worth, of popular rights, and national glory.
It has ever stood in the van of the people in their fight for
liberty, and how proud shall we of Birmingham be to adopt so

222 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
great a precedent, and be tutored by such masters ! It might be
said that the men of Birmingham and all the populous districts
that surrounded it were guilty of indiscretion. But let their
position and circumstances be considered. They were in some
degree cut off from all communion with the State — their igno
rance was not instructed, and no anodyne of good legislation
was applied to heal the burning sores of their political wrongs.
They were left unrepresented, unheeded. They were consigned
to themselves — to those of a superior station whom accident had
placed and choice kept amongst them — to accident and the
dispensations of Providence. When the news of the rejection
of the Reform Bill reached Birmingham, they assembled at a
moment's notice in tens of thousands — despair and sullen rage
painted in every face. I then strove to calm them. Well,
another meeting full of the same terrible resolution was held,
I saw it. I was collected, though appalled. Then came the
news that Lord Grey was reinstated, and I witnessed a scene
that I never saw equalled, and could scarcely think on : —
resolute and gigantic men shedding tears of joy, true tears of
gladsome emotion. My nerves never failed me till then. You
cannot believe me until you see the men of Birmingham. I
have read of the tears of valiant men — I never saw them until
then, and it was a sight to shake a man to the heart, I have
only again to say that I am devoted to the constitutional
privileges of the Throne, the Altar, the Lords, and the Commons ;
and because I am so devoted, would resist the usurpation of
either order. And for the great and lasting honour conferred
on me by the Corporation of London I will only say that all
my life and efforts shall be directed to merit it.
Mr. Attwood, on receiving the freedom, and on concluding his address,
was welcomed with shouts of applause by the whole Court. After he had
received the congratulations of his friends, the Court adjourned.
After the business of the Common Council had been concluded, the Lord
Mayor invited a large party of the most distinguished Reformers connected
with the Corporation of the City of London to meet Mr, Thomas Attwood
and a number of gentlemen composing the Deputation from Birmingham,
and to partake of the splendid hospitalities of the ;\Iansion House. Such
was the eagerness to obtain cards of invitation to this memorable dinner.

BANQUET AT THE MA NSION HO USE. 2 2 3
that it was found necessary at a late hour to enlarge the arrangements which
had been made, and to add side tables to receive the additional guests.
More than one hundred persons of high character. Members of Parliament,
and others, personally applied to the Lord Mayor for cards, to meet the
Birmingham Deputation, not one of whom could be admitted, the invita
tions having been principally confined to the most influential civic Re
formers. The banquet was laid out in the Egyptian Hall, in a style of
magnificence and profusion which did honour to the munificent hospitality
of the highest civic dignitary in this country. Perhaps on no previous
occasion has there been assembled together at any festive board so large
a number of the leading Reformers of the kingdom. Among those present
we noticed Lord Ebrington, Sir F, Burdett, G. Byng, Esq,, M.P., Jos. Hume,
Esq., M.P., Colonel Torrens, M.P., Alderman Wood, M.P., Count Czapski,
Dr. Bowring, Thos. Campbell, Esq., Rev, Mr, Fox, and many other dis
tinguished metropolitan Reformers, T, Attwood, J. Scholefield, W. G. Lewis,
and G, De B, Attwood, Esqrs., and the Rev. Dr. Wade, with other gentlemen
from Birmingham, R. Potter, Esq., from Manchester, and several gentleman
from Bristol, Liverpool, Stroud, &c., were present.
The Lord IMayor was seated in the State Chair, a little elevated above
the seats of the company. His Lordship was supported on his right by
Lord Ebrington, Mr, Potter, Alderman Wood, &c,, and on his left were
Mr, Attwood, Sir F. Burdett, Mr. Parkes, and Mr, Hume.
The Lord Mayor having pledged the company in the loving cup, gave the
following toasts : —
' The King, with four times four.'
'The Queen.'
'His Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex.'
'Earl Grey, and His Majesty's Ministers.'
The Lord Mayor rose again, and said he had recently had the pleasure
of proposing the healths of individuals eminent for their rank as public men,
and he had now the honour to introduce the health of a gentleman who,
though he did not occupy any important public situation, was yet entitled
to the cordial thanks of the whole kingdom. When he announced his name
he was convinced further eulogium would prove superfluous, for the toast
would be received with spontaneous enthusiasm. He proposed ' the health
of Thomas Attwood, Esq.' {Tremendous applause) The manner in which
the toast had been received convinced him he had not formed a wrong
estimate of the sentiments of his fellow-citizens towards that distinguished
individual. {Cheers) The freedom of the city had often been conferred on
those who had excited their sympathy by performing feats of valour, as
military commanders in the cause of the liberty of other and their own
countries. But Mr. Attwood had far higher claims than such individuals
could have, for their victories had been obtained with effusion of blood,
while he (Mr. A.) had achieved a glorious triumph in support of the liberties
of the people, without shedding one drop of that people's blood, {Immense
cheering) This glorious achievement had been accompanied solely by the
influence of his character. By that influence he had been enabled to con
troul and direct that important and influential body of which he was so able

2 24 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
and so efficient a representative, {Clieers) He should be glad of the
opportunity of dilating further on that gentleman's merits, but the company
had shown it was entirely superfluous, therefore he should conclude by
proposing ' the health of T. Attwood, Esq., Chairman of the Birmingham
Political Union and Citizen of London,' The toast was drank amidst loud
and long-continued cheering.
Mr. Attwood then rose and said : I feel deeply indebted to your Lordship
and this respectable company for the high honour you have just conferred
upon me. To-day it has been my fortunate lot to be admitted a citizen of
the first city in the world, — to be received among strangers as a friend and
as a brother. It is gratifying to an upright mind to find that my humble
exertions in the country, in the cause of popular rights, have been estimated
more highly than my utmost ambition ventured to expect. Few men have,
under such circumstances, been honoured as I have been this day ; and
when I attended the Court of Common Council, and was called on suddenly
to receive and to acknowledge such an unexpected honour — though my life
has ever been chequered with great hopes or great fears — I confess that
never before were my nerves so shaken. I felt then as if the principles
which, as a public man, I had publicly advocated, had received the protecting
shelter of the oldest and most illustrious Corporation in this empire. I could
not but feel that in my humble person the seal had been put on the great
League and Covenant with the people of England, — that, with a free people
like this nation, come what will, the Reform Bill must and shall become
the law of the land. {Cheers) I had for a short time been fearful of the
reception I should meet with from the citizens of this metropolis ; for after
trenching almost on the boundaries of the law, I fancied the uprightness
and integrity of my purpose might have been misinterpreted ; but I am
rejoiced that those whom I will call my fellow-citizens have thrown their
shield over me, and have awarded me that token which I most earnestly
covet — their approbation. But this city has always been foremost in the
fight of liberty. I will recall to your minds its history, its noble stand against
the tyrant John, and that time when its Train-bands marched to defend the
persons of a Hampden and a Pym. {Cheers) I have been watching with
anxiety the conduct of this great and illustrious Corporation in the present
crisis, and I have gathered strength from every movement it has made ; for
if I had not seen the citizens tread in the steps of their glorious predecessors,
I should have thought that I had been treading in the path of guilt and
crime, ... I have this day received the most distinguished honour
which one citizen can bestow upon another ; and it shall be the study of
my future life to conduct myself peaceably, loyally, and yet determinedly, in
support of the people's liberties. But should the time come when the laws
of England are sought to be violated by despotic tyranny, most unquestionably
I will not be the last to repel force by force, {Shouts of applause) Mr. Att
wood concluded by proposing the health of the Lord Mayor, Sir John Key.
The healths of Sir F. Burdett and Messrs. Byng, Hume, Potter, and Parkes
were afterwards drank, and the Lord Mayor then gave ' Count Napoleon
Czapski,' who returned thanks as follows : — ' I rise to speak of unfortunate
Poland, but I know not how to return thanks for a dead country. The

SPEECH OF GEORGE GIWTE 225
Spoiler of the North has spread over her his black wings — her funeral
dirge has been sung amidst the smoking ruins of her temples — the groans
of her dying victims forming an accompaniment, Poland fell — her name is
erased from the list of nations. . . Poland is dead ! But no, no, she is
not dead, she sleepeth only. She will awake — one day she will awake and
break her chains upon the heads of her oppressors. This hope alone keeps
up the beatings of my heart. I return thanks, but I cannot drink to you.
(Here the speaker held his glass inverted.) But I will when Poland awakes !'
Mr. Attwood then rose and addressed the company with energy. Poland,
he observed, as truly stated by the gallant nobleman, only slept — it was not
crushed. Had England sent but a single fleet to the Baltic or Black Sea,
the northern autocrat had not been enabled to crush the rising spirit of
that gallant nation. But there was a spirit abroad which would spread and
make the upholders of tyranny tremble ; and when that hour arrived, he
felt confident that the gallant Poles would be rescued from their present
degradation. George Grote, Esq, (afterwards the famous historian of Greece), in re
turning thanks said ; — ' But if. Gentlemen, I were required to name the
person whose services I appreciate highest, and whose feelings I envy most,
throughout this momentous period, I should not hesitate to pronounce the
name of Thomas Attwood, It is to him, more than to other individuals, that
we owe the success of this great measure. He has taught the people to
combine for a great public purpose, without breaking any of the salutary
restraints of law, and without violating any of their obligations as private
citizens. He has divested the physical force of the country of its terrors and
its lawlessness, and has made it conducive to ends of the highest public
benefits.' The poet Campbell next took occasion to say : —
' It is additionally gratifying to my pride, that my health is given by that
patriotic individual (Mr. Attwood), who has pre-eminently, even among
eminent patriots, distinguished himself on the present occasion in the cause
of Reform. . , . Gentlemen, I have the honour, like many more of you,
to wear a Reform medal at my breast, presented to us by the dauntless
patriots of Birmingham, That token is to me a treasure. It is the custom
of that hapless, but high-minded race of men, the Poles — {immense cheering)
— when they leave their native land, to take with them some handfuls of
their native soil, in order that in case they should die abroad, the dust of
their mother country may be buried with them in their coffins. My friends,
if ever I go abroad I shall not take a handful of British earth, but I shall
take this Reform medal, to be buried with me in my coffin ; and if I should
sleep in death on the farthest shores of the earth, I shall have with me a true
token and type of the spirit of England.'
Shortly afterwards, Mr. Attwood gave as a toast Campbell's lines —
'Prone to the earth, oppression shall be hurled,
Its name, its nature, ',vithered from the world.'
The effect of this apposite quotation was quite electrical, and the senti
ment was hailed and drank with the utmost enthusiasm.
The festivities and conviviality -were protracted to a very late hour,
Q

226 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
and the company separated, highly delighted with the harmony which had
prevailed, and the hospitality they had experienced.
As a curious fact, we may mention that Lord Ebrington, Sir F. Burdett
with the Reforming Members of ParUament and other distinguished indi
viduals, contrary to the usual custom, did not quit the table until the
company formally broke up, which was about one o'clock in the morning,"
Thus ended the proceedings of this memorable day, and
illustrious as the roll of London's Honorary Freemen un
doubtedly is, it may be questioned whether the much coveted
honour has ever been conferred upon any one else upon such an
extraordinary occasion, or amidst such an outburst of popular
excitement. The box, of the then customary value of one hundred
guineas, which was presented with the Freedom, is made of the
oak of old London Bridge, heavily lined and sculptured with
gold, and the resolution is emblazoned on vellum, with the arms
of the City of London at the top and those of Thomas Attwood
at the foot. Both are now in the possession of Mr. T. A. C.
Attwood, of Malvern "Wells,
The receipt of the intelligence of the proceedings at the
Guildhall created a Jurore of excitement in Birmingham of
which several anecdotes have been preserved. Upon the arrival
of the news at the Coach and Horses, Worcester Street, the
company present at once subscribed a sum to purchase a
portrait of Mr, Attwood, together with his speech printed in
letters of gold, to be hung in the coffee-room. The metropolitan
vestries, wards, and boroughs followed the example of the City,
and showered their thanks upon the great Reformer. At a
meeting of the householders of St. Leonard's, Shoreditch, it
was unanimously resolved that the Solemn Declaration of the
Birmingham Political Union should be engrossed and signed
by the inhabitants of the parish, and a deputation, headed by
the chairman and churchwardens, was appointed to wait on
Mr. Attwood and present to him the resolution of thanks
passed at a late meeting of the parish.
The following are the short and simple letters written by
i\Ir, Attwood during this great crisis: —

LETTERS. 227

Mrs. Thomas Attiuood, Birmingham. Bedford Hotel, May 18, 1833.
, . We are all quite well, and I believe everything is now going on
¦ight. Our declaration against the Duke has done the business.

Bedford Hotel, May 19, 1832,
My Beloved Wife,
We are quite well. We have gained a great victory and everything is
safe. One of the Ministers said to me, " We owe our situations entirely to
you" and others have made use of similar remarks. This entre nous. We
are troubled with morning calls and invitations from all classes ; and if we
do not leave London shortly we shall have more to fear from the dinners
than from the barricades and cannon balls. To-morrow we dine with Lord
Radnor and Josh, Hume, on Monday with Burdett, on Tuesday with EUice
and Lord Durham, on Wednesday with the Lord Mayor of London, and on
Thursday with the Polish chief Czartoriski, We will come back to you then,
for we much prefer your society to that of generals, lords, and politicians.
Our meetings in Birmingham have been like claps of thunder bursting
over the heads of our enemies, and our declaration against the Duke of
Welhngton has sealed the doom of his party for ever. It is felt here as a
victory for Europe more than for England. I am afraid some of us men
from Buttonland will get proud and puffed up with worldly pride. I am sure
I shall want myself the friendly cautions of my old friend Geo, Simcox, and
therefore I hope that you, my dear wife, will redouble your cares for me and
keep me still in the right path of virtue and humility.
We had arranged partly for a great meeting of i million of persons to
meet me here on Hampstead Heath in a few days, but the happy settlement
of affairs renders such a grand exhibition unnecessary. You know, my love,
that I never exhibit myself from low motives. . . ,
Bedford Hotel, Covent Garden,
May 23, 1832,
My Beloved Wife,
I write for the purpose of informing you that I have to-day received the
distinguished honour of being admitted a Freeman of the City of London, by
the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and the Common Council, There were, I believe,
200 persons present, and only 10 hands were held up against me. This we
consider a great victory. To see these ancient and powerful corporations
thus fraternizing, as it were, with our new political societies may well be
supposed to cut off" all hope from our opponents.
I hope to return home in a few days "bearing my blushing honours
thick upon me," My election is said to be the only instance of a similar kind
in the history of the Corporation, all other Freemen thus elected having
been either Kings, Emperors, Generals, Ministers, or Statesmen,
Bosco and myself are guite well. We dine to-day with the Lord Mayor,
to-morrow with Prince Czartoriski, and on Friday we go to the Duke of
Sussex and other great men. Q ^

228 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
Bedford Hotel, May 26, 1832.
My dear Love, — We come home on Monday, and shall be at Harborne
by 9 or 10 o'clock in the evening of that day. We shall be at Small Heath
Turnpike at 6 o'clock, and shall make a grand entry into town, which I am
sure you would like to witness. I shall then have to address a few words to
the people in the Market Place. If you like to go to Mr. Sumner's, you may
see the show pretty well.
We are tired to death with honours and dinners, but both of us are quite
well, I shall have to return to London in a few days in order to be
examined before the Banking Committee, and then I will bring you with me,
I and we wiU send for Marcus and see Lawrence or Brodie, , , .
P.S, — The ^10 clause is passed, and the Bill wiU become law, I beUeve
next week,
Mr. Turner, Mr. Stothard, and other painters plague me to death.
The Banking Comm'='=" seems likely to faU into my hands. In this
case you will see, my dear, that I shall have been a great instrument in
giving Liberty, Prosperity, and Virtue to a distressed and oppressed people.
Few men, indeed, if any, have experienced such extraordinary
popular ovations as fell to the lot of Thomas Attwood during
the year 1832. But of all these perhaps the greatest was that
of May 28th, upon which day he made his public entry into
Birmingham amidst the most unexampled enthusiasm, I have
copied, therefore, nearly verbatim, the Journal report of the
proceedings of that memorable day : —
"TRIUMPHAL ENTRY OF MR, ATTWOOD INTO BIRMINGHAM.
The inhabitants of Birmingham did Mr. Attwood and themselves im
mortal honour by the splendid reception which they gave our distinguished
townsman on the 28th May. It having been made known on that day
that he and the rest of the Deputation would return from London, imme
diate steps were taken to give them a public entry. The Council of the
PoUtical Union issued a placard, in which the pubUc were informed of
the whole particulars of the intended procession. The Members of the
Union were directed to meet opposite the office in Great Charles Street,
under the direction of Messrs, Haynes and Pierce, and proceed from thence
by way of Bull-street, High-street, Deritend, &c., to Small Heath Turnpike
Gate, where it was appointed to meet Mr. Attwood at 6 o'clock in the
evening. Accordingly, at 4 o'clock, the procession, consisting of several
carriages fiUed with the most influential Members of the Council, headed by
their band of music, and exhibiting numerous banners (hereafter enumerated),
proceeded along the streets named in the placard of instructions. Along the
whole line in which it proceeded, it was evident that the occupiers of houses
had been industriously employed during the short time allowed for prepara
tion. While all was bustle and stir in Birmingham, Mr, Attwood was not less

HIS PUBLIC ENTRY INTO BIRMINGHAM. 229
busily engaged in receiving the hearty congratulations of his friends in
Coventry and its neighbourhood. Information having been received in that
City that the Birmingham Deputation would pass through on Monday, the
members of the Political Union, joined by the great body of the inhabitants,
determined to form a public procession to meet and accompany them through
the City. About the middle of the day a procession was formed in Little
Park-street, and after proceeding through several streets headed by a band
of music, went on the London road about a mile, where they met Mr,
Attwood, who arrived by the Wonder coach. Mr. Attwood and Mr, W. G.
Lewis having been literally forced out of the coach, the procession, consisting
of several thousand persons, mostly wearing the Attwood medal, suspended
to the Union Jack, immediately returned to Coventry.
On reaching the City Hotel, Mr. Attwood ascended the balcony, accom
panied by Messrs, Hadley, Boultbee, W, G, Lewis, De Bosco Attwood, and
Jones, and addressed the assembled multitude. We only give an abstract
of this address, as the main points upon which it touched will be found in
Mr. Attwood's speech delivered in this town the same evening, and reported
below. He commenced by expressing the high gratification he felt at the mark
of respect which had that day been shown him and the other gentlemen who
formed the Deputation from Birmingham, by the inhabitants of the City of
Coventry ; the same kind feeUng had also been expressed towards them by
the inhabitants of every place they had gone to. In London they had not
only received the commendations of the Citizens, but Deputations of Poles,
of Spaniards, and of Portuguese had waited upon them to thank them for
their exertions in the great cause of Liberty and Freedom, Ten days ago,
when he passed through that City, on his road to London, the Duke of
Wellington was endeavouring to form a Government, under the idea that a
complete reaction had taken place in the public mind, and that the people
were become indifferent to refonn ; but the Noble Duke, whom he respected
for no one thing but his martial fame, must have been ignorant and blind to
the great meetings that were taking place throughout the country, decidedly
expressing their determination, though in a peaceable manner, to continue
the slaves of a corrupt oligarchy no longer. He knew that that great, that
good man at the head of His Majesty's Government, Earl Grey, was at that
moment employed in concerting measures for die benefit of the trade and
commercial affairs of the country, which would place it in the highest state
of prosperity ; and, as was beautifully expressed in the words of Scripture,
' Every man would sit under his own vine and his own fig-tree, none making
him afraid.' He had no doubt that in twelve months, instead of a man
having low wages, or no employment, if he should be turned off from one
master, two would come after him to solicit his labour. That this happy
state of things might come to pass was his sincere wish. As the time for
meeting his friends in Birmingham was drawing nigh, he would not detain
them longer, but would conclude by praying the Almighty to bestow every
blessing upon them.
At the conclusion of Mr. A.'s speech, which was frequently interrupted by
loud cheers, he and the other gentlemen of the Deputation got into an open

230 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
coach, which was waiting for them, and proceeded towards Birmingham, the
procession accompanying them to the New Allesley Road, where three hearty
cheers were given them.
After leaving Coventry, the Deputation proceeded at a rapid rate to the
delightful village of Meriden, where they were unexpectedly but agreeably
interrupted in their journey by the appearance of a number of young ladies,
headed by Mr. AUbut, their tutor. The ladies, beautifully attired in white,
and decorated with blue ribbons, stood in the elevated garden adjoining
Mr. AUbut's house, where that gentlemen presented Mr, Attwood with the
following address : —
' To Thomas Attwood, Esq,,
President of the Council of the Birmingham Political Union.
Sir, — In behalf of myself and numerous family, I beg most respectfully
and gratefully to address you, as having through your personal exertions, and
the influence of your character, been the happy means, in the hour of peril,
of preserving the peace of an extensive and most populous district — and as
an honoured instrument in the hand of Divine Providence for the destruction
of an usurping Oligarchy, which has for many years ground down and cruelly
oppressed a loyal and industrious people.
May you live. Sir, many years to enjoy the fruits of your labours — may
Heaven's best gifts be your portion — and may the grateful recoUections of
generations yet unborn embalm your memory, when the names of all tyrants
and every wilUng tool of despotism shall have perished, or be remembered
only with detestation.
May those gentlemen who have participated in your arduous labours enjoy
their due share in the reward.
May Birmingham ever stand pre-eminent for religion, sound morality,
good order, commercial prosperity, and devoted patriotism. And should
Britain's liberties ever again be put in jeopardy, may she never want a Grey,
a Russell, and an Attwood to plead her cause and defend her rights.
I am. Sir,
Your Debtor Insolvent,
And truly obliged humble servant,
Meriden, May 2%th, 1832.' John Allbut.
Mr, Attwood acknowledged this flattering Address in a short, neat, and
appropriate reply ; and having taken leave of his fair attendants again set
forward to Birmingham. After leaving Meriden the numbers of carriages
and horses they met on the road gave palpable evidence of the excitement of
which they would shortly be witnesses. Labourers, decorated with emble
matic blue ribbons, were seen hastening across the fields to add their
congratulations to the general outpouring of exultation exhibited by the
inhabitants of the several villages through which they passed; while even
the stone-breakers on the roadside erected on their various heaps the
standard of 'Attwood and Liberty,' Between Stonebridge and Yardley
Mr, A, was joined by some hundreds of horsemen, besides numerous car
riages and gigs filled with company. The scene between these two places

HIS PUBLIC ENTRY INTO BIRMINGHAM. 231
was of the most exciting nature ; the journey being performed at full gaUop,
the wonder with us, considering the number of horses and vehicles, and the
rapid pace at which they travelled, is that no accident occurred. As the
immense cavalcade, not less than two miles in length, proceeded, the crowd
from Birmingham thickened upon it, and about a quarter of a mile on this side
of Yardley it was found impossible to proceed at faster than a walking pace.
The population of the surrounding countiy appeared to be collected in the
roads and adjoining fields, and every cottage exhibited a flag or some other
sign denoting the cordial feeling of its inmates. The Deputation thus passed
on, amid the cheering of the multitude, to the house of Mrs, Kendall, at
Small Heath, opposite which a triumphal banner was extended across the
road, having emblazoned on one side the words, ' Welcome, Attwood, the
Friend of the People !' and on the other 'Earl Grey and Reform.' A large
handsome tricolour flag was likewise exhibited from the window, on which
was inscribed, ' Three cheers for Attwood, Earl Grey, and Reform.' Mr.
Attwood having proceeded under the triumphal banner to which we have
referred, he aUghted, according to arrangements, at the house of Thomas
Potts, Esq, Here he was joined by Joshua Scholefield, Esq., G, F, Muntz,
Esq., WilUam Broomhead, Esq,, and numerous other gentlemen of influence
in the town of Birmingham, After partaking of a lunch, the party, joined by
other friends, re-ascended their carriages, and amidst the most enthusiastic
cheering formed a junction with the Union procession at the Small Heath
Gate, It was here intended to have presented a congratulatory Address to
Mr, Attwood, but this was rendered completely impossible owing to the
immense crowd which had assembled, and the great confusion arising in
executing the order of procession. After a short pause, the cavalcade moved
forward, the pedestrians and horsemen taking the precedence, while the
carriages and other vehicles followed Mr, Attwood, The following is a Ust
of the banners connected with the procession, and the order in which they
were borne : —
Grand Standard of the Birmingham Political Union.
The Union Jack,
Bundle of Sticks — motto. Union is strength.
Banner, ist. Attwood ; an honest man, the noblest work of God.
2nd. Political Unions have nailed their colours to the mast, and will carry
the ship Britannia through, or go down with her cannon pealing
their knell.
3rd. The sovereignty of the People.
4th. A Home of Freedom or a Grave of Glory.
5th, Cheap Government, Cheap Religion, and Cheap Bread.
6th, Like unto Pharaoh's, their hearts were hardened against the Liberties
of the People, and the Plagues have come upon them,
7th, Prone to the earth, oppression shall be hurled.
Its name, its nature, withered from the world,
Sth, The Rose, the Thistle, and the Shamrock will not flourish in a land
of slavery,
9th, Representation of the Devil shaking hands with the Duke ; motto.
Should old acquaintance be forgot, on one side ; on the other.

232 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD
representation of Earl Grey holding an extinguisher in each hand
over the Duke and Sir Robert Peel, both kneeling down,
loth. May Wellington's sword be useless when drawn against Reformers,
And Attwood's tongue prove a dagger in the hearts of Borough
mongers,
nth. The honour of WelUngton was buried in the Tomb of Marshal
Ney,
1 2th, Success to the Yeomanry Cavalry who have thrown away their
swords rather than serve under a Boroughmonger,
13th, A garland, fourteen feet wide and sixteen feet high, carried by eight
men.
It is impossible for words to do adequate justice to the remainder of this
splendid scene — this extraordinary exhibition of enthusiastic public feeling.
On descending the hill from the Gate to the top of Bordesley, the lofty trees
which overshadow a great part of the road appeared almost as thickly
populated as the very ground on which the multitude walked. At this point,
a sailor, situated in one of the trees, presented a fearful object of attraction.
Standing on the extremity of a high and slender bough, only holding with
one hand by a mere switch, he fearlessly undulated over the heads of the
cavalcade, as it passed under him. Fortunately, this daring act of presump
tion was not followed by any fatal consequence. On reaching the junction
of the Coventry and Oxford roads, the scene presented down Bordesley was
truly magnificent, and such was its amazing vastness that it suggested to the
mind, like one of Martin's splendid pictures, a faint idea of infinity. Through
the whole of this long and commodious street, and indeed in every street
through which the procession moved, the houses were decorated with every
species of gorgeous exhibition. '  all the walls

With painted imagery.'
The characteristic feature of the day was the universality of the attend
ance. Persons of all ranks, from the highest to the poorest classes, were to
be seen participating in all the delirium of ecstatic joy. The windows of the
houses presented a gay appearance, being chiefly filled with the ladies of the
town and neighbourhood. We never before witnessed so profuse a display
of the beauties of Birmingham.
' You would have thought the very windows spake.
So many greedy looks of young and old
Through casements darted their desiring eyes.'
On the procession reaching Digbeth, a splendid tri-coloured balloon,
under the management of Mr. Sprason, ascended from the Unicorn Inn,
while the arrival of the cortege within the immediate confines of the town,
was otherwise announced by the firing of musketry and the clamorous
ringing of the church bells. During the whole of this overpowering expres
sion of popular feeling and public approbation, Mr. Attwood was, as might
be expected, pleasantly though fatiguingly engaged in acknowledging with

HIS PUBLIC ENTRY INTO BIRMINGHAM. 233
his native gallantry and courtesy, the happy and cheerful congratulations of
lovely woman — ' The last but best of God's creation.'
In the Bull-ring and Market-place the procession was to be seen to the
greatest advantage ; and from this spot we understand that an eminent
artist, who had come from London for the express purpose, took a descrip
tive sketch of this most extraordinary and splendid scene — a plate of which
wiU be published, containing likenesses of the principal Reformers in the
procession. It was remarkable that, in passing Deritend Chapel, where the
street is comparatively narrow, the clamming of the bells belonging to that
chapel was occasionally heard during the slight intervals which occurred in
the shoutings and rejoicings of the multitude ; but when the procession
reached St, Martin's Church, and the spacious market-place developed its
thousands, or rather tens of thousands, the clamming of the beUs of the
parish church, although a peal of twelve, and considered one of the finest in
England, and immediately over our heads, was entirely drowned by the
shouts, songs, and huzzas of the people — the bells were altogether inaudible.
The greatest pressure was visible when the dense crowd, which had choked
the market-place, issued round the corner of High-street into New-strcct.
So great, indeed, was this pressure, that the pole of the carriage in which
Mr, Attwood rode was broken, the harness torn in pieces, and the carriage
itself almost demolished. The kicking and plunging of the horses, under
these circumstances, rendered it absolutely necessary to disengage them
from the carriage ; and the people then drew it, or rather carried it, to the
front of the Hen and Chickens Hotel. While passing the bank of Messrs.
Attwood and Spooner we noticed, at one of the windows, Mr. and Mrs.
Attwood, the venerable parents of the hero of the day. They appeared
much affected, and no wonder, at the extraordinary public homage done to
the patriotic exertions of their son. It was now after nine o'clock ; and as
darkness was rapidly approaching, it was thought better, by the gentlemen
of the Deputation, that Mr. Attwood should address the immense assembly
from the balcony of the Hen and Chickens, and thus terminate the glorious
proceedings of this memorable day, and thereby release the many thousands
of patriotic men who had travelled ten or fifteen miles, from Dudley, Wol
verhampton, and other distant towns, for the purpose of expressing their
feelings, and of giving that cordial and triumphant reception to their political
chief, which his firm, manly, patriotic, but conciliatoiy conduct entitled him
to. It will be seen from our report of the proceedings at the Political
Council the following evening that Mr. Attwood expressed his regret at not
having been able to reach the Five Ways Gate in procession, according to
the previous arrangements. The immensity of the crowd, and the extreme
slowness at which it was possible to move, would have rendered it impos
sible for him to reach that point in less than three hours more ; and he felt
the greatest reluctance to intrude, to such an extent, upon the generous
enthusiasm of his countrymen. Indeed, one might readily have conceived,
from the enormous multitude present, that the whole of the population of
Birmingham, and also of the neighbouring towns, had been condensed in

234 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
New-street, High-street, and the market-place, Mr. Attwood accordingly,
in accordance with his own wishes and the advice of his friends, ascended
the balcony of the Hen and Chickens Hotel, accompanied by Messrs,
Edmonds and W. G. Lewis, and addressed the people to the foUowing
effect : —
' My kind, generous, and brave friends, I thank you from the bottom of
my heart for this extraordinary testimony of your confidence and esteem. I
feel it deeply on my own account, but more on account of the crowning
effect which it is calculated to have upon the public cause. Who, that has
witnessed what I have witnessed to-day, can possibly imagine that it is
possible for any human power to govern England by force ? The Duke of
Wellington is a great man — great, perhaps, I ought not to call him, except
as a soldier — but be he what he will, he could not have witnessed what I
have seen to-day without acknowledging that this great and glorious nation
is only to be governed upon principles of liberty, justice, and humanity,
{Cheers) The Duke of Wellington has been bred up in camps, and nur
tured, as it were, with the milk of foreign despots, and probably thought, a
little while ago, that it was possible to extend the same principles to England,
The proceedings of this great day have crushed, for ever, the hopes of
despotism in this patriotic, heroic, but long misgoverned and oppressed
nation, {Cheers) The final knell of despotism has tolled — the night of our
misery is passing away — the bright day of our liberty and our happiness is
beginning to dawn ; and I trust that in a very short period the liberty and
happiness of England will be restored, never to be lost again, {Cheers) I
have the gratification to assure you that, in all human probability, the BiU of
Reform will receive the Royal Assent next week, uninjured and unimpaired
in every one of its great parts and provisions, {Cheers) I have the further
gratification of assuring you, that 1 have good reason to know that the great
and good man now again at the head of His Majesty's Government is at this
moment engaged in plans to relieve the distress and produce the ameliora
tion and happiness of the people. I am sure that he understands these
things well ; and I entertain an entire confidence that, in a very short time,
he will bring England round into such a state of prosperity and happiness
that the oldest man amongst us will not remember a period of greater
felicity, and the youngest individual among us will not Uve long enough to
witness its coming to an end. {Cheers) This has been the great end and
object of all my humble labours in the cause of liberty. I have not been
seeking for shadows, but the substance of benefit to my fellow-countrymen.
I know that they are entitled to a just and reasonable reward for their capital
and industry, and to a state of full employment, and of full wages in exchange
for their labour ; and I wiU never cease my exertions until these great and
righteous objects are secured. {Cheers) If anything could have tended to
confirm me in this course it would have been the glorious reception with
which you have honoured the Deputation and myself this day, it would have
been the reception which I have experienced from all descriptions of my
fellow-countrymen, and, above all things, from the City of London. {Loud
cheers) That illustrious Corporation has been pleased to honour me with
the freedom of their city — a high and distinguished honour, which has

HIS PUBLIC ENTRY INTO BIRMINGHAM. 235
hitherto been conferred only upon kings and emperors, and heroes and
statesmen, but which in the present instance has been conferred upon me,
as your representative and personation. It was to me a subject of the
deepest interest and gratification to see this ancient and venerable Corpora
tion — the richest and most illustrious in the world, holding, as it were,
divided empire with the King himself in the jurisdiction of the city — casting
its mantle over me, a private gentleman, representing a new town, and
standing at the head of new and important poUtical associations. This
exhibition must have been a proof of harmony and mutual co-operation
among the people of England, wdiich, of itself, must strike despair into the
hearts of the oligarchs. I received the same generous confidence and
friendly treatment from all other descriptions of His Majesty's subjects in the
metropohs, whether Princes of the Blood, or the ancient Aristocracy of the
country, or the numerous and patriotic body of men denominated the middle
classes of society. Among all classes, in fact, I have found the same
generous and cordial treatment, which was more gratifying to me as
bestowed upon your representative than as in any way due to myself I
found no jealousy or distrust of any kind ; but my generous and brave
countrymen seemed all to unite in one spontaneous exhibition of friendship
and confidence towards the people of Birmingham, as humbly represented in
my person. When our Deputation left Birmingham we were all rejoicing
most cordially in the restoration of Earl Grey ; but when we reached London
we found the political horizon blackening ; and, with the view of giving
undoubted evidence of the real state of the public mind, we were proceeding
to get up an immense exhibition of pubUc feeUng and determination upon
Hampstead Heath, about two miles from Regent's Park ; and I cannot
doubt that, if the Duke of Wellington had taken office, we should have
produced a meeting of seven or eight hundred thousand persons upon
Hampstead Heath, within a week. This meeting, I have not the shadow
of a doubt, would have been conducted in a strictly legal and peaceful
manner, and would for ever have put an end to the misrepresentation of the
borough faction respecting the indifference of the public mind in the cause
of Reform. I rejoice, however, that this great exhibition was fortunately
rendered unnecessary by the happy reconstruction of His Majesty's Govern
ment ; and I trust that all our labours in the cause of Reform are now rapidly
drawing to an end. My dear friends, I know that many thousands of you
have come many miles upon this occasion, and as it is now dark I am
anxious to trouble you no longer. I will, therefore, conclude by again
thanking you, most sincerely, for the high, and distinguished, and unde
served honours which you have been pleased to confer upon me. I shall
retain a most grateful sense of them to the last moment of my life ; and I
now most respectfully take my leave of you, most fervently praying to
Almighty God that He will grant all manner of liberty, prosperity, and
happiness to you and your children for ever.'
Mr. A. retired amidst loud cheering.
Mr, W, G, Lewis then came forward and said he would not detain the
immense assembly before him more than a few minutes. In the joyous
conclusion of the proceedings of the day they should not forget the miseries

236 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
of those brave men, though foreigners, now suffering under the yoke of
despotism — and suffering, too, principally in consequence of the vile, the
dastardly, the un-British conduct of the Tory Oligarchy, He should only
mention the name of unhappy Poland — {loud cheers) — and call upon them to
give three groans for the three allies of the Duke of WelUngton : the blood
stained barbarian of the north, the Muscovite tyrant — the wretch, Ferdinand
of Spain — and the half monkey and half tyger, Miguel of Portugal, {This
address was followed by tliree tremendous groans)
The cavalcade, then assembled in New-street, for the most part separated.
It must be confessed that its not proceeding further was a subject of deep
mortification and regret to the thousands who lined the streets and road for
two miles farther — to the Five Ways ; and to the numerous and highly
respectable company which crowded the windows of the houses in those
spacious streets through which the procession was expected to pass. At the
Five Ways a gallery had been erected for the accommodation of ladies, and
the whole line of road in this direction, even as far as Harborne (four miles
from Birmingham), the place of Mr, Attwood's residence, exhibited proofs
that no small pains and industiy had been used in preparation, Mr.
Attwood left Birmingham in a car soon after ten o'clock. The crowd
recognised him and gave him three cheers as he entered it. In the course
of a short time afterwards the streets were perfectly quiet, and presented
their usual appearance. We are happy to state that we have heard of no
serious accidents having occurred. It is true, we believe, that part of a new
building gave way in Digbeth or its neighbourhood, and that an old lady
was in some degree, though not dangerously, injured. Many carriages were
broken down, but none of the passengers were in any instance injured.
The only violence of which we have heard was a few panes of glass broken
in the office of Aris's Gazette, High Street ; but it is satisfactory, even upon
the admission of the gentlemen who were the sufferers, that the act was not
committed by any person connected with the procession.
Thus ended the proceedings of this extraordinaiy day, which presented
altogether, we should imagine, a scene which has seldom been witnessed in
the world before. Whether considering the immense masses which were
assembled — or the high excitement of their minds — or the universal expres
sion of their feelings, among all classes, from the highest to the lowest — or
the thousands of flags, banners, and devices exhibited from every window —
the waving of flags, handkerchiefs, and the gratulations of so many thousands
of beautiful women — or the loud, and joyous, and never-ceasing shouts of
tens of thousands of exulting men — the whole presented a tout ensemble
which Uterally defies description.
The foUowing are some of the banners, with their devices and mottoes,
exhibited from houses in the several streets through which the procession
passed : — Small Heath.
Kendall — Tri-coloured flag — motto. Three cheers for Attwood, Earl
Grey and Reform,
Potts — Tri-coloured silk flag.
Harvey — Ditto — motto, Attwood, Union, Liberty, Peace.
Garter, Lord Nelson Inn — Blue colours.

DECORATIONS IN BIRMINGHAM. 237
Coventry Road.
Jenkins — Banner — motto, No Duke, no despotism,
Betford — Blue colours.
Hill — Blue colours.
Webb— Blue flag.
Cave — Blue colours.
Miles, Bordesley Park Tavern— Tri-coloured flag.
Page — Blue colours.
Bordell— Ditto, ditto. Deritend and Bordesley.
Cochrane — Banner, with two Union Jacks.
Harson — Blue banner — motto, Earl Grey and Attwood for e\'cr.
BayUs — White flag — motto. The Bill and nothing but the Bill.
Rice — Blue banner — motto, Let Attwood U\e in memory dear.
Wareham — Blue banner — motto, Reform ; Attwood, the man of the
People.
Harris — Blue flag with Union Jack.
Wood — Banner — motto, Attwood, the Saviour of his country.
Jelp — Blue flag,
Brough — Ditto.
Chillingworth — Blue banner — motto, Thomas Attwood, the patriotic
restorer of our rights and liberties.
Buma — Blue banner — motto, T. Attwood, Esq., the Friend of the People,
Fletcher— Blue flag.
Lakins — Banner — motto. Liberty, the birthright of man, is a nation's
safeguard.
Davis — Blue flag with Union Jack,
Moore — Ditto with two ditto,
Jackson — Ditto with one ditto,
Averill — Blue and white ribbons on a gilded bough.
AUday — Blue silk flags, decorated with ribbons, three Union Jacks and
a medal of Mr. Attwood.
Felton — Blue flag with Union Jack.
Hinchley — Blue banner — motto. Union is strength — we will have our
rights.
Key — Blue flag, with Union Jack — motto. May the friends of liberty
never want supporters.
Hooper — Blue flag.
Torakins — Oak bough, decorated with Union Jacks, ribbons, &c.
Jackson — Blue flag, with Union Jack,
Low — Blue banner — motto. Reform — liberty well understood, and
zealously defended,
Horn — Banner, with a bundle of sticks — motto. Union is strength.
Barrow — Blue flag — motto, Attwood and union will gain our rights.
Howlette — Blue flag with Union Jack — motto. May Attvi'ood and the
Union triumph over our oppressors.
Bevins— Blue flag.

238 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD:
Parkes — Blue flag — motto, Attwood for ever.
Hildick — Blue banner — motto on one side. The Constitution in its
purity. On the reverse — Unity, Peace, and Prosperity.
Michael — Blue banner — motto. May the late emblem of our Patriot ever
entwine round the British Oak,
Davis — Blue silk flag, with Union Jack,
Edkins — Blue flag, with Union Jack,
Taylor — Ditto, ditto.
Sargent — Ditto, ditto — motto, Attwood, the people's pride,
Carr — Blue flag.
Brown — Ditto with Union Jack,
Richardson — Blue flag, with a splendid Lion in the centre — motto,
Attwood and the Unions,
Hulse — Two flags, with Union Jacks.
Daws — Banner — motto, Attwood for ever, the Friend of the People.
Digbeth.
Bradley — A figure above the shop window, decorated with a blue scarf
wearing the Union Jack suspended from a tri-coloured rose. A tri-
coloured banner waved over the device with the following motto : —
O'er the vine-covered hills and gay regions of France
See the day-star of liberty rise, &c, (four verses),
George Inn — Blue colours.
James — Blue flag.
White Hart — Blue colours.
Thomas — Blue flag with Union Jack,
Parry — ditto.
Smith — Blue flag.
Linnard — Tri-coloured flag.
Beale — Two flags, with Union Jack.
Matthison. Blue banner — motto — Union, liberty, and prosperity.
Robins — Blue flag, with Union Jack.
Ingall— Ditto, ditto.
Marston — Ditto, ditto.
Greensil — Blue banner, edged with white.
Allen — Blue banner — motto. Success to Mr. Attwood and the Members
of the PoUtical Councih
Davis — Blue banner — motto. May we obtain our liberties with peace.
Sheldon — Blue banner — motto, Attwood, Union, Peace, and Reform.
BuUerin — Blue ribbons and wreath of flowers.
AUday— Blue flag.
Gooch — Blue ribbons and wreaths of flowers.
Haywood — Ditto, ditto.
Hill— Blue flag.
Smallwood — Ditto.
Trow— Blue flag— motto, God bless the King,
Cooper — Tri-coloured flag.
Fox — Three colours.

DECORATIONS IN BIRMINGHAM. 239
Rider— Blue flag.
Goostry — Ditto,
Duckey — Ditto.
Scarrott — Blue flag — motto, Attwood for ever.
Jenkins — Blue flag.
Selby— Blue and pink flag.
Kyte— Blue silk flag.
Twigg— Talbot Inn— Blue flag.
Parkes— Blue flag.
Pugh— White and red flag.
Assinder — Blue colours.
Whittingham — Tri-coloured flags.
Turner— Blue flag.
Dunn — Ditto.
Mountain, Three Tuns — Blue flag,
Lyndon — Blue colours.
Pegley — Four blue flags,
Portway — Blue flag edged with white,
Richards — Union Jack — motto, Attwood for ever.
"Varney — Blue colours.
Crompton — Blue banner — motto —
' Prone to the earth, oppression shall be hurl'd.
Its name, its nature, withered from the world,'
Clarke — Two grotesque figures, made of wicker work, male and female —
motto over the man —
' God speed the plough,
I'm for Reform or else a row,'
Motto over the woman —
'Attwood and the Union we have no doubt.
In time will rout the rascals out,
I hope you'll copy my husband and me.
In cheering up Attwood with three times three.'
Ludlow — Blue colours.
Lees — Ditto.
Bodington — Ditto with Union Jack.
Fluitt, Unicorn Inn — Blue flag — motto, Attwood and Union will gain
our rights.
Onions — The Royal Oak, surmounted with a Cap of Liberty, and the
Union Jack.
Amos — Garland of Oak, with blue colours.
Underbill — Blue colours.
Biggs — Banner — motto, Attwood, Union, Peace, and Reform.
Turner — Blue colours.
Johnson — Blue flag.
Beech, Old Guy Inn — Blue flag — motto, Attwood and Union.
Palmer— Blue colours.

240 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
Bull Ring
Ethell— blue flag. Pritchard— blue silk flag,
Tidmarsh — tri-coloured flag.
Taylor — blue and white flag.
Smith — tri-coloured flag.
Renault — three blue flags.
Kendrick — two blue flags
Whittall — large blue flag.
Harris — blue and white flag, Spiceal Street
Spread Eagle — Blue colours
Perkins — Blue flag,
Brinton — Blue flag. High Street.
Peters' Wine Vaults — Blue banner with Union Jack — motto, on one side,
Attwood, the unassuming friend of the people ; reverse. What power
can resist a mighty nation's will ?
Bourne — Blue flag.
Tooting — Three tri-coloured and two blue flags.
Sumner — Blue flag.
P'lint — Tri-coloured flag,
PhilUps and Palmer's Wine Vaults — A white and blue flag with Union
Jack,
Leggett — Five small blue flags.
Partridge — Blue flag.
Maxwell — Blue flag — motto, God armeth the patriot.
Perry — Tri-coloured flag.
Butterworth — Tri-coloured flag.
Whittle — Blue flag with Union Jack,
Price — Large blue flag.
Savage — Blue flag.
Poole — Tri-coloured flag.
Ford — Eight small flags.
Birch — Two large flags, with Union Jacks — motto. Reform ; Cannister
ornamented with laurel, blue ribbons, &c.
Banks — Blue colours. New Street.
Hancock — Three blue silk flags,
Jones — Blue flag, with Union Jack.
Hen and Chickens Hotel — Wreaths of flowers.
Goode — Blue flag.
Hensman — Blue flag.
Reynolds — Tri-coloured silk flag, with a splendid King's Arms,
Creswick — Blue flag.
Jones, Pantechnetheca — Four blue flags.

DECORATIONS IN BIRMINGHAM. 241
Selby — Blue colours.
Mitton— Blue flag.
Johnson — Blue colours.
Lomax — Blue colours
Iliffe— Blue flag.
Drake — Tri-coloured flag.
Hickman — Tri-coloured flag.
Henderson — Two flags — mottoes, Attwood for ever and Reform,
Taylor — Blue colours, Tiplady — Blue banner,
Brookes — Two blue flags.
Radenhurst, Royal Hotel— Union Jack.
Taylor— Blue silk flag. Lane— Blue silk flag.
Brown— Two blue silk flags. Dewson— Blue flag.
Carpenter— Blue flag, Reynolds — Two small flags.
Hayden — Blue colours.
Pugh, Wheat Sheaf— Blue flag. Ann Street.
Suffield — Large blue flag, with Union Jack,
Lucas — Blue colours. Paradise Street.
Brindley — Two large blue flags, with rosettes.
Lyon and CaUsher — Union Jack,
Groove — Blue flag — motto, Attwood, huzza I
Hall — Blue colours. Easy Row.
Perrins, Woodman — blue flag.
Wood— Blue flag. Broad Street.
Brookes — Blue flag. Crowthers — Blue flag,
Foster — Blue colours,
Stephens and Harris — Blue flag, with four Union Jacks,
Owen, Crown Inn — Tri-coloured flag.
Stole — Blue colours. Abbott — Blue flag.
Castle — Tri-coloured flag. Lodge — Tri-coloured flag.
Howes — Tri-coloured flag. Timmins — Three Union Jacks,
Inions, Compasses — Tri-coloured flag.
Bridge — Union Jack. Lewis — Blue colours.
Five Ways.
At the turnpike there was a large banner across the road, with a Union
Jack at each end ; motto, Attwood for ever, Britons be firm and true.
Over the house waved a British pennant, with a white flag — motto.
Victory, Attwood for ever, the Champion of Reform. R

242 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
Lichfield Street.
Parsons — Banner, carried on two poles — motto, Attwood for ever. Libera
tor of his Country.
Ba7tner attached to the third carriage froin Mr. Attwoods.
T. Attwood, Esq., and an honest, undaunted People for ever. On the
reverse. Be united to obtain your just Rights and Privileges.

CHAPTER XV.
Passing of the Reform BiU — Attwood and the Secret Committee on the Bank
Charter — G, De B. Attwood's Candidature for Walsall — Thos. Attwood's
Address to the Electors of Birmingham, June 29th, 1832 — Third Annual
Meeting of the Political Union — Famous Discussion between Cobbett
and Attwood on the Currency — Matthias Attwood, sen., and East
Worcester Election — Birmingham Polish Association — Defeat of G. De
B, Attwood at Walsall — Attwood and Scholefield are returned without
opposition as the first Members for Birmingham — The chairing on
December 17th — Lord Lyndhurst's Decree in Small v. Attwood —
M, Attwood returned for Whitehaven, and Chas. Attwood defeated at
Newcastle-on-Tyne — Letters of Campbell and Lafayette,
The Reform Bill passed the Lords on the 4th of June, 1832,
and on the 7th received the royal assent, and " thus," says Mr,
Langford, "triumphantly closed one of the most splendid moral
spectacles which the world has ever seen." I have already
quoted the distinct and decided opinions of Thomas Campbell,
George Grote, and Elihu Burritt to the efifect that the chief
glory of peacefully passing that great measure was unques
tionably due to Thomas Attwood, and there is therefore no
necessity to say anything more upon the subject.
It is to be very much regretted that the three great meetings
on Newhall Hill, and the public entry into Birmingham, were
never adequately represented pictorially. Haydon the painter
fully intended to paint a large picture of the meeting of May
i6th, at the moment when the Rev. Hugh Hutton was engaged
in offering up prayer, but want of means prevented him from
carrying out his intention. The only picture of the great meet
ings existing is a lithograph twenty inches by twelve, drawn and
published by Henry Harris of Birmingham. I have heard
several eye-witnesses, notably the late Mr. T. C. Salt, say that
this lithograph gives a good idea of the extraordinary scene
depicted, but, of course, it is not in a style of art worthy of the
R 2

244 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
subject, which ought to have been commemorated by several
oil paintings and steel engravings of the largest size.
Whilst these stirring events were in progress, a secret
committee, the operations of which were in no way understood
or regarded by the general public, was quietly pursuing its
labours ; and by influencing that committee Thomas Attwood
fondly hoped that he would be shortly able to efifect more
towards the restoration of prosperity than by passing the showy
Reform Bill. This was the Secret Committee on the Bank
Charter, which was also empowered to deal with the question
of £\ notes, and the Currency generally. It was appointed on
the 22nd of May, 1832, and numbered amongst its members
Lord "Viscount Althorp, Sir Robert Peel, Lord John Russell,
Matthias Attwood, Lord Ebrington, and many others. Frequent
allusions to this Committee will be found in Mr. Attwood's letters,
though his sanguine hopes were doomed to disappointment.
No sooner was it certain that the Reform Bill would pass,
than the country began to be greatly excited with regard to
the general election which would shortly take place under it.
George De Bosco Attwood, the eldest son of Thomas, then
twenty-four years old, who had inherited his father's poetic
temperament, and unselfish enthusiasm for the pubhc good,
determined to offer himself as a candidate for the new borough
of Walsall. On the 4th of June father and son visited the town, and
were received with great enthusiasm by an immense crowd of
the inhabitants with twenty banners. Upon their arrival in the
market place Mr. Attwood introduced his son in an affectionate
speech, stating how much he had been indebted to his assistance
during the late arduous conflict with the boroughmongers. He
then proceeded to say that although he had himself been always
ready to face exile, the scaffold, or the felon's gaol, yet he had
at first thought that one victim out of one family was sufficient.
But "when new circumstances arose — when he saw that the
Union had taken a firm hold of the public mind — when he saw
that it had taken deep root in the hearts of the British people-
when he saw the sword and the bayonet glistening in the vistas

WALSALL ELECTION. 245
of the barricades — when he saw that, if he fell, he should fall
like Hampden, covered with the blessings of his country — when
he saw that danger was attended with immortal honour — [loud
cheers) — he then consented that his son should come forward
and share with him whatever fate might await them," Mr,
Attwood proceeded to say that his son's opinions were identical
with his own, and should the electors of Walsall think fit to
return him they might rely upon his enthusiastic devotion to
the cause of the people.
Mr, Edmonds and Mr. W. G. Lewis then warmly eulogised the
young aspirant to parliamentary honours. The latter said that,
for want of any other objections, the Tories might possibly find
fault with Mr. De Bosco Attwood's youth, but let them remember
that William Pitt, the prince of Tories, was Prime Minister at
an earlier age. He concluded by stating that the day would
come when every man would be proud of having given Mr. De
Bosco Attwood a vote.
Mr. Attwood, junior, then addressed the people amidst great
applause. He dwelt at length upon the misery of the masses,
and stated that it would be the first duty of the new Parliament
to investigate the causes of the national distress. He thanked
them for their kind reception and said that, on a future day, he
should be happy to answer any questions. When the meeting
dispersed, the prospect of Mr. Attwood's return seemed highly
probable, though it afterwards appeared that his popularity lay
chiefly amongst the non-electors of the borough.
On the I2th of June the Council of the Birmingham Union
issued an address to their fellow-countrymen commencing as
follows : — " The judgments of God are righteous,"
" Blessed be His Holy name."
" It has pleased Almighty God to grant to this nation a great, a glorious,
and a bloodless victory — a victory unparalleled in its character, inestimable
in its value to us and our posterity. That sordid and remorseless oligarchy
which had hardened its heart against the prayers and the tears of the people
— which had closed its eyes that it saw not, and its ears that it heard not —
which so long has been fattening on the plunder of industry, and drinking,
as it were, the life-blood of the poor — that cruel and obdurate oligarchy

246 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
has at length fallen under the justice of an outraged and insulted nation.
Its usurped power is taken away, and delivered into the hands of the
great bulk of the middle classes of the people."
The address then goes on to declare that the national work
was but half done, and to implore the people not to return to
Parliament any one who would not pledge himself to support
an honest investigation into the cause of the national distress.
This address, which is signed by Thomas Attwood, was evidently
drawn up by him, and aims at a reversal of the monetary policy
of 1819. On the ?i7th nf June. 1832,./ Thomas Attwood issued his
address to the Electors of the Borough of Birmingham. He
naturally preferred to represent the town with which he had
been so long identified, and for which he had done and suffered
so much ; but he was by no means obliged to seek a seat there,
for the late Mr. Wm. Mathews has recorded that he saw, at this
time, lying on the patriot's table, twenty letters from twenty
dififerent boroughs, each offering to return him to Parliament.
His address ran thus : —
My dear Friends and Fellow-countrymen, — Upon the great
occasion of the approaching assemblage of the Reformed Parliament I think
it my duty to offer you my services. The long and anxious attention which
I have paid to the general Distress of the Industrious Classes, and to the
wrongs of which they have been made the victims, induces me to beUeve that
I can be of service upon this great and vital crisis of our country's fate. To
stay the march of Anarchy — to relieve the general Distress — to rectify the
general wrongs — to secure a full measure of Justice, Liberty, and Prosperity to
aU, and to unite all classes and all sects of my countrymen in peace, happi
ness, and contentment, under the shadow of the King's Throne, — these are the
objects which I have in view, and which 1 trust I can assist in accomplishing^
But, gentlemen, I beg to be understood that I solicit no favours. The day
of favours, of influence, and of patronage has passed away. Men must now
act from sterner motives, if the happiness of our countiy is to be restored.
If any man is my friend, and thinks that I am not competent to serve my
country, the best proof he can give me of his friendship is to vote against me.
1 have no desire that anyone should gratify his friendship to me at the
expense of his duty to his country. And if any one should be my enemy,
but should think that I possess the knowledge and the virtue which may be
useful to the people, the best proof that he can give of his own virtue is to
vote for me. It is not right that private friendships and private animosities
should enter into our consideration in the discharge of great pubUc duties.
These, gentlemen, are my views, I wish every one to vote according to

ADDRESS TO ELECTORS OF BIRMINGHAhT. 247
his conscience, without favour or affection, enmity or fear ; and then, if the
majority of your votes should determine in my favour, I am prepared to do
my duty.
With sincere wishes for your health, prosperity, and happiness, I am. My
dear Friends and FeUow-townsmen, Your faithful friend and servant,
Thomas Attwood.
This address, though very well received in Birmingham,
drew down upon its author the wrath of Cobbett, who, in his
Register of July 7th, sharply criticised its vagueness and want

oTspecific pledges. The subject of pledges to be exacted from
parhamentary candidates caused several stormy discussions at
the meetings of the Political Council, some members of which
seemed to think that Mr, Attwood had been too great a Tory
in past years to be altogether trusted without them. At one of
these meetings he certainly seems to have forgotten himself,
and to have reproved the proposers of pledges with considerable
asperity. For this he was severely taken to task by Cobbett
in a bitter article in the Register of July 21st, entitled " Puddle
in a storm, or King Tom in his tantrums ;" but soon recovered
his influence and popularity. Some of the expressions, however,
which he used on this occasion, were never forgotten, and were
often quoted against him in later years.
Mr. Attwood visited London again in July, and wrote from
thence to his wife as follows : — London, 12 fuly, 1832.
. , We had upwards of 400 M,P,'s and Lords at our dinner
yesterday, and I, of course, as a " distinguished visitor," had a seat upon
the hustings among them. I did not speak much, but the people cried out,
" Go on all nighty when I did speak. London, ts^fiily, 1832.
, . . The Banking Committee have so many engagements before
them, that I expect they will not be able to hear me before the week after
next. I have called upon Davenport, Czapski, and Minusewitz, but found none
of them at home.
(This letter is endorsed by T. A. — •" -\-a great day!' but
there is nothing to indicate for what reason, save the following :
— P.S. Tell Bosco that his uncle has quite demolished Tooke as
well as Horsley Palmer.)

248 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
"To Thos. Attwood, Esq.,
My dear Sir,
It is my intention most certainly to propose to the Committee on the
Bank Charter that you should be examined as a witness, but I cannot just
now state the time when I shall ask you to attend.
Believe me, my dear Sir,
Yours most sincerely.
Downing Street, Althorp.
fuly 15, 1832." To Mrs. Thos. Attwood, Birmingham. London, fuly 17, 1832.
I shall return home by the safety Tally ho, if I can get a place in it,
to-morrow morning, and sincerely hope to find you all well. In a few days
I will try to go with my dear family to the Comers, and before the summei
IS over I purpose not to forget Clent Hill, &c. London, August 2nd, 1832,
. . I have been examined to-day, and hope I have made some
impression. I expect I may return to you on Saturday evening, but of this I
am not sure. I found my brother Matthias exceedingly unwell and confined
to his bed. I had, therefore, no friend upon the Committee, and in my
examination was obliged in a great degree to trust to my means of con
verting the questions of an enemy into the answers of a friend. The
impression upon my mind was that Lord Althorp had come round to my
opinions. To Mrs. Attwood, Richd. Spooner, Esqr's., near Worcester.
Harborne, 2 Sept., 1832,
Aurelius is here, and quite well, I am glad you are so happy in
your parties, and hope you will be careful. I send you a newspaper which I
daresay you will Uke containing a discussion between the Conservatory and
Destructive principles. Now, if I succeed in getting the Currency rectified,
I am afraid it will make you proud. Only think what a fine thing it will be
to have assisted, first in obtaining Liberty, second in preventing Anarchy,
third in restoring Prosperity! . Bosco and Aurelius go to the Comers
to-morrow. The third annual general meeting of the Birmingham
Political Union was held at Newhall Hill on Monday, July
30th, 1832, to "consider the extreme distress of the times, and
the wretched condition of Poland," The Union met under
altered circumstances. When the Reform Bill passed, many
men of high rank and station pressed Thomas Attwood to
dissolve the Union, urging upon him that by so doing he would
"fix upon his shoulders for ever the glory of having carried
the Reform Bill." Had he cared anything for rank, wealth, or

/

DISCUSSION BETWEEN COBBETT AND ATTWOOD. 249
posthumous fame he would undoubtedly have taken this course,
but his one thought was to alleviate the distress of his fellow-
countrymen, and no other consideration had the slightest weight
with him. Nevertheless, Mr. Joshua Scholefield and other
influential members of the Union thought dififerently, and
resigned their membership. Mr. G. F Muntz was called to the
chair, and announced his intention of continuing firmly to
support the Union. Thomas Attwood made a long speech and
moved the adoption of the report, the substance of which was^
""Eiat it was imperatively necessary to continue their agitation
until some ettectual measures for the relief of distress were

adopted by the GovernmenL  It was evident that his confidence
"^in Earl Grey was beginning to be shaken. Mr. De Bosco
Attwood, in a long and enthusiastic speech, then moved the
adoption of a petition to the House of Commons praying them
to compel Russia to restore the independence of Poland. A
new Council was elected, and the thanks of the Union voted to
Thomas Attwood "for his able and patriotic conduct on all
occasions, particularly during the important and trying crisis in
which during the past year he has been placed."
On the 28th and 2Qth of August great public interest was
excited by a famous discussion between Thomas Attwood,
Charles [ones, and William Cobbett, held at Beardsworih's
"Repository, upon the subject of the Currency. They met before
an audience of 1,300 persons, although all paid for admission,
and only three days' notice had been given. Persons attended
from Worcester, Warwick, Coventry, Leamington, and other
distant towns. The question was, " Whether it is best for the
safety and welfare of the nation to attempt to relieve the exist
ing distress by an action on the^Currency. or by an equitable
adjustment of the taxes, rents, debts, mntrarts, and nbUgatinnc:
which now strangle the industry of the country ? " The fournal
savs: "Mr, Attwood and Mr. Jones maintained the first pro
position of the question : Mr. Cobbett took the altprnativp It
was a very interesting debate, and excited much attention
throughout the country. Mr. Cobbett cleverly supported his
view of the subject, and made a powerful impression upon the vast

250 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
assembly. Mr, Attwood, however, in a masterly reply, without
artifice, but closely reasoned upon broad principles, carried the
meetme with him, and had a decision in his tavour ot atleast
three to one." Considering that Cobbett was then, and still
is, thought to be one of the greatest masters of the English lan
guage, this was no mean triumph for Attwood ; but in fairness
it must be remembered that the discussion would probably have
had a dififerent result had it taken place anywhere else but in
Birmingham. Mr. Attwood sent a copy of this discussion to Earl Grey, and
received the following reply : —
"Private. Howick, Septr. 5, 1832.
Sir, — I have this morning been favoured with your letter of the ist, with
the accompanying Birmingham Paper.
Being very much occupied at this moment, I have been unwilUng to delay
thanking you for this mark of your attention, tUl I should have time to read
the report of the controversy between you and Mr. Cobbett.
I have no doubt that I shall find the question treated with great ability
on both sides, but I much fear that your opinions and mine will not agree as
to the nature of the remedy to which you look for the relief of the existing
distress. I remain. Sir,
Your most obedt. servt,. Grey,"
In October, 1832, Sir John Sinclair published a long letter
to Thomas Attwood on the Currency, which Cobbett reprinted
in his Register of October 20th, with the following characteristic
comment : —
" I am loath to say anything disrespectful of the author of this letter: but,
good God ! how wildis this !"
About the same time Mr. Attwood received the following
letter from his father with reference to the election for East
Worcestershire : — - {Enclosure) "Hawne House, 25M Octr., 1832,
"My dear Sir, — In reply to your note relating to Mr. Pakington's
canvass, I regret to say that, having long since made up my mind not to
interfere in any electioneering concerns, I declined registering my vote for
any place or county whatever, and having also declined using my vote or
interest to others of my friends before, I cannot consistently interfere in the
way you desire. I wish, however, not to be considered as in any way
opposed to your friend Mr, Pakington, who, from aU I am able to judge

BIRMINGHAM POLISH ASSOCIA TION. 251
may be a very proper person to represent this division of the County of
Worcester, My grandson is not now in the neighbourhood, but, should
he be here before Saturday, I will recommend him to attend at the New Inn,
for the purpose of using any influence he may possess to procure Mr. Paking
ton a fair hearing. With much respect, I remain, my Dear Sir, your most
obedt, servant, Matthias Attwood."
"Dear Tom, — This evening I received the enclosures from Mr, Brettell,
You will see my answer above, and that I decline attending the meeting.
However, I should think Mr. Pakington to be a more likely person to meet
your views on the currency and other questions than either of the other two
candidates, who, I believe, have declared no opinion on those points. You
will use your own discretion as to sending Tommy over or not, as I conceive
his appearing there may tend (in some measure) to keep the people quiet.
1 hear that warrants have been issued this week against se\'eral of his Union
friends in Hales Owen, for breaking Bloxham's windows.
Your affectionate Father,
Matthias Attwood."
Mr. (afterwards Sir J. S.) Pakington lost the election for East
Worcester in 1832, and two Liberals, Messrs. Russell and Cookes,
were returned.
In this autumn the Birmingham Polish Association was
founded, chiefly through the influence of Thomas Attwood and
his son, for the purpose of supporting the cause of Polish liberty
and independence. Shortly after, its directors determined to
celebrate the anniversary of the revolution of Poland by a public
dinner on the 29th of November. A splendid commemoration
accordingly took place at Dee's Royal Hotel, and for the first
time in Birmingham ladies were invited to witness the festivities.
Thomas Attwood took the chair, and presided at the centre
table, supported by Count Ladislas de Plater, and Mr. Dempster
Heming ; W. Boultbee, G. F. Muntz, T, W. Hill, W. G. Lewis,
and G, De B. Attwood presided at the other tables. The
Chairman, in proposing " The King, God bless him ! May he
never forget the principles which placed his family on the
throne," said : —
It was true that the iUustrious individual at the head of the nation
might not, in every respect, have given satisfaction to his people ; yet still
they were under a debt of everlasting gratitude to him, and great allowance
should be made for the extremely difficult circumstances under which he had
been placed. The whisperings of the oligarchs poisoning his royal mind, and

252 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
insinuating all manner of infamous calumnies against his people, might well
be supposed to have some effect.
The Chairman next proposed the health of Earl Grey, and
said it had been his lot to know that there was no man in
England who had incurred so much personal danger as he had.
During many months the axe of the oligarchs had, in fact, been sus
pended over his head by a single thread. He (Mr, A.) could assure them
that if it had not been for the courage and spirit which the people had
exhibited, and more particularly for the wisdom and virtue which the men
of Birmingham had shown, that venerated head would long ere now have
slept under the ground. The House of Commons would have impeached
him — the House of Lords would have condemned him, and the influence
behind the throne, stronger than the throne itself, would most certainly have
executed judgment upon him.
In a long speech, amidst great applause, the Chairman
afterwards gave the toast of the evening, "The ancient and
heroic Polish nation ; may their cause never be abandoned by
the British people." When the applause had subsided, the
following Polish war-song, translated by G. De Bosco Attwood
was sung with great effect by Mr. Barker, and encored : —
" Skrenetski leads on !
Leads on ! leads on !
Each battle blade shall be
Speedily gory:
On ! On ! to victory.
Freedom and glory !
Come where the musket's flashing.
Come where the sabre's clashing.
Fast shall the Muscovite
Vanish before us ;
God will defend the right, —
God watches o'er us,
Skrenetski ! We come !
We come ! We come !
Fear is for craven slaves.
No freeman falters !
Strike for your father's graves !
Strike for your altars !
On, where the storm is thickest !
On, where death comes the quickest!
Fast shall, &c.

BIRMINGHAM POLISH ASSOCIATION. 253
On, brothers ! Hurrah !
Hurrah ! Hurrah !
Soon shall our woes be o'er.
Our chains be broken !
Hark ! in our cannons' roar
Triumph is spoken !
Charge ! Charge ! the trumpet's calling !
Charge ! Charge ! the brave are falUng !
Fast shaU, &c. . . ,"
Many other songs were sung, and speeches were made by Count
Plater, the Chairman, and Mr. Muntz, the latter of whom proposed
Mr. G. De Bosco Attwood's health, which was enthusiastically
received. Mr. Attwood, junior, in returning thanks, protested
his devotion to the cause of liberty and Poland, and concluded
by expressing his conviction that " Poland should wake again."
The proceedings terminated, amidst great applause, by the
presentation of the banners of Poland and England to Count
Plater by the Chairman,
It is impossible to read the account of these proceedings
without a feeling of melancholy regret that so much generous
and unselfish enthusiasm should have led to no result. Had
the advice of the Attwoods been followed, Russia would now be
permanently enchained within her hereditary dominions. She
is now more powerful than ever ; Poland is still enslaved, and,
one of these days England will probably have to fight the Bear
of the North for her existence in India !
Meanwhile the Walsall election was being fought out with
a coarseness and bitterness astonishing to us at the present
day. The Tories had brought forward as their candidate
Mr. Chas. S. Forster, a local banker, who was greatly superior
to Mr, G. De B. Attwood in the important qualifications of age
and fortune. The latter, however, had the support of the masses,
and for some time his friends felt confident of success. A
considerable number of handbills, squibs, and placards relating
to this election have been preserved, and show how much men
have improved in courtesy and politeness during the last fifty
years. Charges of corruption, bribery, intimidation, and malicious
injury were freely exchanged between the opposing parties, but
it is remarkable that the Tory publications far exceed those of

254 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
the other side in rudeness and vulgarity. The Tories of that
day considered that it was very proper that a young lord of
twenty-four, brought up in idleness, luxury, and self-indulgence,
should aspire to represent his county or borough in Parliament ;
but that a young banker of the same age, of irreproachable
character, who had devoted his scanty leisure to the study of
history, poetry, and politics, should dare to wish to occupy the
same position, was, in their eyes, an unheard-of piece of audacity.
There was published at this time in Birmingham, and for some
years before and after, a very coarse and abusive little print
called The Argus. This publication indulged in the most
violent and personal abuse of the Attwoods, but it is significant
to note that the worst nicknames it could invent for Thomas
Attwood were those of " Sultan Attwood," " King Tom," and
especially " Pompey the Great." We are thus indebted to the
scribbling of an enemy for a grander idea of the power and
popularity of Thomas Attwood at this period than anything
furnished by the most studied panegyrics of his friends. The
parallel between the last-named personages was closer than could
have been foreseen at the time, for just as Juvenal says that
Pompey would have been happy had he died of his Campanian
fever before Pharsalia, so it might be said of Thomas Attwood
that he would have been one of the most fortunate of men had
he died at the close of 1832. If the father fared thus at the
hands of the Tories, it may be imagined that the son experienced
no better treatment, and " Boy Bosco," as they delighted to call
him, came in for a full share of their choicest abuse. The very
unreasonableness and persistency of their attacks, however,
show how much they dreaded his talents, and it must ever be
a subject of regret to his family that feeble health and want
of means prevented him from pursuing a public career. The
election came ofif at Walsall on the 12th of December, and
Thomas Attwood, who had just been returned for Birmingham
without opposition, hastened thither to assist his son. The
show of hands was in Mr. G. De B. Attwood's favour, but when
the candidates came to the poll the numbers were — Forster
304, and Attwood 231, A troop of cavalry having presented

WALSALL ELECTION. 255
themselves before the hustings with drawn swords, and a body
of infantry with loaded muskets and fixed bayonets within a
few yards of Mr, Attwood's committee-room, no tumult or riot
having taken place during the day, Mr. Attwood protested
against any further proceedings in the Poll, and requested the
Mayor to make a special return to his precept. Also several of
Mr. Attwood's committee, on behalf of themselves and other
unpolled voters, protested against any further proceedings in the
election ; notwithstanding which the Mayor continued the Poll
the next day, and Mr, Forster was declared duly elected. There
seems no doubt, however, that Mr. Attwood's supporters had
been guilty of several acts of violence. Considering G. De B.
Attwood's youth at this period, he had no reason whatever to
feel disheartened at the untoward result of his first candidature,
but the coarseness and scurrility with which an election was
conducted in those days sank deep into his sensitive nature.
He declared himself" sick of politics," and never again attempted
to enter Parliament He possessed many amiable and excellent
qualities, but was not made of that stern stuff from which
practical politicians and statesmen are manufactured.
On the 4th of December, 1832, Thomas Attwood appears to
have received his last friendly communication from the Whig
Government, from which he was soon to dissever himself It
ran thus : —
" Private. My dear Sir, — ParUament was dissolved by H,M, in Council to-day,
and the writs go down by this Post. I hope you will get your election over
on Saturday, If not tUl Monday, and I get off easily at Coventry, I wiU go
over and see the writing of the new Bill in your favour,
I wish to see you and talk over many things with you. In the meantime
I must thank you for your kindness in writing to your unmanageable fellow-
unionists at Coventry — altho' I wish you had not alluded so pointedly to
Ld, Durham or myself Howr, on this and many other points when we
meet. In haste, ever faithfully yours,
Monday, 3 Deer., 1832," Edwd. Ellice.
Upon the extraordinary occasion of the first parliamentary
election ever held in Birmingham, some feeble attempts were
made by the Tories to bring forward a candidate. Several

256 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
names were mentioned, the most prominent being that of Mr.
Horsley Palmer, Governor of the Bank of England, a man of
great wealth and considerable reputation. But upon inquiring
into the state of afifairs he prudently abstained from entering
the lists with the great champion of Reform. It soon therefore
became evident that, as was most justly their due, Thomas
Attwood and Joshua Scholefield would be returned without
opposition as the first members for the great and important
town for which they had done so much towards obtaining the
right to send members to Parliament at all.
"The nomination took place on the i2th of December, 1832,
when Mr, Attwood, having been proposed by Mr. Thomas Wright
Hill (father of Sir Rowland Hill), and seconded by Mr. John
Belts (two old and tried Reformers), was elected by an unanimous
vote of the crowded assembly who had met for the purpose ;
and Mr. Joshua Scholefield, the respected Vice-Chairman of the
Union, was at the same time elected as Mr. Attwood's colleague
on the nomination of Mr. G. F. Muntz, seconded by Mr. Thomas
Clark." "The chairing of the two members," says an account
published in 1840, "took place on the 17th of the same month,
and a memorable day it was for Birmingham.
" Under the direction of the Committee of Management,
a magnificent car was constructed for the occasion, and the
populous district of which Birmingham forms the centre poured
forth its tens of thousands to do them honour. It is described
as being a spectacle of surpassing interest ; not only was every
window and roof thronged with admiring spectators, but every
street through which it passed presented a dense mass of human
beings, all seeming to be animated by one common feehng —
that of joy and congratulation."
An engraving of the car in which Attwood and Scholefield
were chaired was published by the Birmingham fournal, which
considered that its cost and beauty ought to have saved it from
the usual fate of being broken up, but I am not sure whether it
was preserved or not.
Thus, amidst almost every concomitant of the most complete

HIS EXTRAORDINARY POPULARITY. 257
and triumphant success, appropriately terminated this great and
glorious year. The life of Thomas Attwood, to have attained
dramatic completeness, should have closed in 18^2. He was
Then the idol of the populace, his portraits were in every shop
window, ballads in his praise were hawked through every street,
great painters contended for the honour of taking his likeness,
and twenty boroughs solicited him to represent them in Parlia-
"ment. Whenever he appeared in the streets he was followed by
admiring crowds of young and old, anxious to shake his hand
as a thing to be remembered. To use his own language, he had
" prevented anarchy," he had " recovered liberty," and he fondly
hoped that it would shortly be granted him to "restore prosperity."
Politically, in the midst of so many victories, he had received
but a single check, in the failure to secure his son's return for
Walsall. _ In his domestic relations, Mr. Attwood's only trouble
during the year 1832 was the increasing illness of his third son
Marcus, in other respects he was singularly fortunate. Tlis
own age was forty-nine, not so very long past his prime. Both
his father and mother were present in New Street to witness his
grand entry. . His two elder sons already gave brilliant promise
and were exceedingly popular, whilst his other children were
old enough to appreciate and admire the magnitude of his
triumph. In the Argus, to which I have before alluded, there
is a satirical piece representing Bosco and Aurelius Attwood
at Harborne, indulging in visions of future greatness, the one
proposing to commence his career as Member for Walsall, and
the other for Dudley. This at least shows that there were
many who considered the young men fit for such posts.
On the 1st of November, 1832, Lord Lyndhurst delivered
his judgment in the case of Small v. Attwood, which had been
tried nearly a year before. That judgment, says Lord Campbell,
¦was " by all accounts the most wonderful ever heard in West
minister Hall. It was entirely oral, and without even referring
to any notes he employed a long day in stating complicated
iacts, in entering into complex calculations, and in correcting
the misrepresentations of the counsel on both sides. Never
once did he falter or hesitate and never once was he mistaken

2 5 8 LIFE OF THOMA S ATTWOOD.
in a name, a figure, or a date." The result of the judgment
was apparently disastrous to John Attwood, for by it the
agreement of 1825 was annulled, and he was condemned to pay
the enormous costs of the proceedings. Party spirit then ran
so high that although the case was a purely business one, in no
way connected with politics, some of the lower Tory prints
indulged in a scream of indecent exultation upon what they
supposed to be the total ruin of an Attwood. But "he laughs
best who laughs last" is a proverb peculiarly applicable to
legal matters, and so thought John Attwood when, six years
later, the House of Lords reversed the decision of Lord Lynd
hurst. "niirrng thp whn1p. nf thp yp^r T832 Charles AttwnQd,_as
rhairrnan nf the Nnrthprn Pnlitiral TTninn at Newrastlp-iipon^—
Tyne, strenuously assisted his brother in forwarding the causs-
of Reform. As we have seen, Mr. Wallace of Glasgow and he
were the only two persons to whom Thomas Attwood applied
for advice and assistance during the great crisis in May. He
had, however, no intention of offering himself as a candidate for
Parliament, not being possessed of sufficient fortune, and being
closely engaged in business. Nevertheless, at the very last
moment, in compliance with the earnest solicitations of his
party, he permitted himself to be put forward in opposition to
Mr. John Hodgson Hinde, the Conservative candidate. He
only issued his address on the Saturday night, and the election
was to take place on the Tuesday following. He found also
that every attorney in Newcastle, except one, was retained
by the other two candidates. At the nomination on Monday
Charles Attwood obtained the show of hands in his favour, but
at the poll the numbers were — Sir M. W. Ridley, 2112 ; John
Hodgson Hinde, 1686 ; Charles Attwood, 1092. This was the
only occasion during the course of his long life upon which
Mr, Charles Attwood attempted to enter the House of Commons,
although he always took an active part in public afifairs.
Not even the extinction of his favourite borough of Borough
bridge, or the discredit into which his party fell at the passing
' of the Reform Bill, could prevent a man possessing the talents

GENERAL ELECTION OF 1832. 259
of Matthias Attwood from obtaining a seat in the new Parlia
ment, At the election of December, 1832, he was returned for
the new borough of Whitehaven by a majority of thirty-four
over the Liberal candidate, Mr, Isaac Littledale,
Towards the end of the year 1832 Mr. Attwood received
the following letters from Campbell and Lafayette : —
"Nov. 12, 1832.
Sussex Chambers, Duke St., St. fames' s,
London.
" Dear Sir, — I beg leave through you to present my respects to the Polish
Association of Birmingham, and to thank you for the honour wdiich you have
done me in inviting me to your approaching Festi\al. I regret to say, ho^\'-
ever, that from peculiar circumstances I am not able to be absent a single
day from London, and must therefore decline the invitation.
I remain with much respect.
Yours very truly,
T. Campbell."
"Paris, Xbre. 31, 1832.
" My dear Sir, — 1 have received from Ladislas Plater the very honour
able and gratifying dispatches you were pleased to entrust to him. As I
was going most gratefully and respectfully to acknowledge them, I am called
upon for Letters of Introduction in behalf of Mr. — Menotti, brother to the
celebrated victim of the petty tyrant of Modena, himself a sufferer in the
cause of liberty. Permit me to avail myself of the friendship, most cordially
reciprocated, which you have so kindly expressed, to give this special Une of
presentation to you, reserving for another day the tender of a double and
highly felt gratitude. Your sincere friend,
Lafayette."

S 2

CHAPTER XVI.
Parliamentary failure of Thomas Attwood — His Irish policy — His motion for
a Select Committee to inquire into distress of the country — Letters of
Campbell, Niemcewicz, Plater, Western, Lafayette, Dwernicky, and
Barrot — Death of Rev. Edward Carless — Letters — Great Meeting of
May 20, 1833 — Cobbett's motion against Peel — Charles Attwood and
Lord Durham — Cobbett's account.
With the year i833we enter upon a new epoch of Thomas
Attwood's life. We have seen him struggling for twenty-five
years t^influence the Government by means of letters, pamphlets,
ano^pttitions. We have seen him, baffled in these modes of
procedure, form the famous Birmingham Political Union, which
'"not only carried him triumph^ritlj^ into Pai-liament, but rendered"
'^him, for atime, the mQSt-r'^r"^f"" "^^" '"" England We have
now to enter upon what must be considered, from a worldly and
party point of view^ the period of his decadence. There can be
no doubt that, had he retired into private life at this time, his
fame would have stood far higher, and the extraordinary services
rendered by him in 1832 would have been far more gratefully
remembered. In allusion to his parliamentary career, the
Birmingham Journal, writing in 1856, says :— -
" He entered the House of Commons in December, 1832, the hero of the
Reform Bill, the most popular and powerful man in England ; he retired
from Parliament in 1839, weary and disappointed. /His PaHigpientary
failure may have been somewhat owing to excessive vehemence ofjianneii,
aiTd unrestrained violence of expFession, and to his incessant and not always
se'asonable or skilful advocacy of his monetary views. But it was stiU more
erhphatically owing to the nobleness of his nature, to the disinterestedness of
h-is-patnotism, to his intense aMon-ence~of jarfy'selfisnness, to tus utter
d?fejlain_Jor_ mere party_ interestS;__toJii£ entiremcajaacity ion ahcUieattv"
detestatinn nf riip nr.l yp^-y pvalteH rT,Q,^n^,iT,vog^ anH the n^t- -irPiy creditable ^
intrigues, of which too much of parliamentary life is made up." J
Mr. Edwards, writing in 1879, says also : —
"His greatest admirers must admit that his parliamentary career was

HIS PARLIAMENTARY FAILURE. 261
comparatively a failure. The great popular leader did not make .a good
legislator. The man's life work was done before he entered the House of
Commons, and he made no headway there.''
It is most difificult to account for the fact that a man
possessed of so much power outside the House should have
exercised so little influence within it. Such a state of afifairs
could not happen in these days. Public opinion now bears
upon the House of Commons with a force and directness quite
unknown in Attwood's time, and hence it is that his successors,
Bright and Chamberlain, occupy a very dififerent parliamentary
position. He commenced the year by a proceeding which was tanta
mount to a declaration that he had severed himself from the
Whigs, and that the loaves and fishes which Ministers had to offer
should not tempt him to swerve, in the slightest degree, from
what he believed to be his duty. On January ist a meeting of
the Council of the Union was held, and it was resolved to keep
" firmly united." On January 26th Daniel O'Connell was enter
tained at a dinner in Birmingham, and on February 25th a
meeting of the Union was held at Beardsworth's Repository,
at which the " atrocious conduct of the Ministry " was con
demned with reference to the measures contemplated for Ireland,
and for "their neglect in regard to the distressed condition of
the working classes."
The first reformed Parliament met, amidst extraordinary
excitement and expectation, upon January 29th, 1833. The
Tories feared and the Radicals hoped that it would prove a very
revolutionary assembly, and that great and startling changes
would be immediately attempted. To the astonishment of
every one, however, the new House of Commons proved to be
uncommonly Hke the old one. There was an increased tendency
to Liberalism, no dotibt ; but it was evident that things in general
would go on pretty much as they had done. This state of affairs
in no way met with the approval of Thomas Attwood, and he
soon had an opportunity of giving expression to his feelings.
He does not appear to have been present at the choice of the
Speaker, Manners Sutton, but he made his maiden speech on

262 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
February I2th, in the debate on the Address in answer to the
King's Speech. Oratorically considered, it does not seem to have
been a success. It certainly did not meet with the approval of
the House, however much it may have gratified his constituents.
Ireland was then, as it is now, and has ever been, the grand
difificulty of the English Government, and Earl Grey proposed to
meet the state of the case by severe measures ofcoercion. This
part of the royal speech was strongly opposed by Thomas
Attwood, and he moved an amendment, which was at once
negatived, that "As soon as we shall have adopted means for
relieving the distress of the Irish people, &c,, then it will be
time to think of coercion," and so forth. He at once took part
with Cobbett and O'Connell, and showed himself, in most
respects, a decided Radical. I by no means intend to express
any approval of Attwood's Irish policy, but it certainly is very
strange that it should not have secured for him the eternal
gratitude of the Irish Liberals. O'Connell was an Irishman and
a Catholic by birth, and might reasonably have been expected to
pursue the course which he did. Attwood was an Englishman
and a Protestant, and by coalescing with O' Connell he incurred
the greatest obloquy amongst his friends and relations. Yet the
name of O'Connell is still regarded with gratitude by the great
majority of Irishmen, whilst their historians have never men
tioned the name of his unselfish and disinterested supporter !
On February 27th Mr. Attwood presented a petition com
plaining of the conduct of the military at Walsall, and was
answered by Mr. Forster to the effect that his son's supporters
had originated the disturbances.
On March 21st Thomas Attwood moved, in a long speech,
"that a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the causes
of the general distress existing among the industrious classes of
the United Kingdom, and into the most effectual means of its
relief" In this speech he draws an appalling — his enemies said
an exaggerated — picture of the distress which prevailed every
where. I quote one or two extracts which seem to throw some
light upon his ordinary life : —
This veiy morning I was told— for I did not count them— that fifty

HIS SPEECH ON THE GENERAL DISTRESS. 263
Staffordshire colliers came to my door. The poor fellows had been «ander-
ing aU over England ; they were totally unable to get employment, and they
came to me to ask my advice and assistance. , , .
I recollect once, when I was a boy, and out fishing, I saw a hat in the
middle of the water — it was a large pond — I got the boat and went up to it,
and I found that under the hat there was a man quite dead. He had walked
deliberately, being drunk at the time, a hundred yards into the middle of the
pond, and he went blundering on until the water got over his nose, and he
died. He might have retreated with perfect ease, but he was so bigoted, so
blind, and so obstinate in his drunkenness, that he would not turn back even
when he could. Is it the disposition of this House to allow the Government
of this country to come to the same end by an obstinate perseverance in a
similar rash, drunken, and headlong course ? . .
Sir, I have been an agitator, but, God knows, I never found it a very
" profitable trade," When I became an agitator I expected and experienced
many certainly not very advantageous or pleasing results. I had to face the
suspicion of the weak — the alarm of the timid — the jealousy of all — the
alienation of friends — the bitter hatred of enemies ; with the bayonet, the
scaffold, and the gaol continually before my eyes.
It is almost needless to say that the motion was lost, because
every^one knew that its mover aimed at a rectification of the
Currency ; but the Attwoods appear to have been more nearly
successful with respect to their favourite Currency doctrines upon
Ijug-than upon any other occasion. The numbers were — for the
Committee, 160; against it, with the Ministers, 194, Shortly
afterwards, Matthias Attwood brought forward another motion
to much the same effect. He was treated with great courtesy by
Lord Althorp, and his long and thoughtful speech, combined/
with his great financial experience, evidently made a deep
impression ; but he was equally unable to carry his favourite
proposition against the whole weight of the Government. I shall
next insert some of Thomas Attwood's correspondence up to
the time of the great meeting in May, 1833.
" Sussex Chambers, Duke St., St. fames's, London,
fany. 20, 1833.
" Dear Sir, — Knowing your attachment to the cause of Poland, I take the
liberty of introducing to you Mr. Stanislaus Kosmian, a Polish gentleman
who has fought and been exiled in the cause of his ill-used country.
Trusting that this will find you in good health,
I remain. Dear Sir,
Yours very truly,
Thos. Attwood, Esq." Thos, Cajipbell.

264 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
To G. De B. Attwood.
Lo7idon, 9 Feby., 1833.
My dear Bosco, — I have written to Mr. Cotterill saying that he should
forward the Petition to Mr, Hume at once, who is probably too much occu
pied to be able to answer his letters for the present. The Petition should be
sent by coach, carriage paid, to Josh. Hume, Esq., Bryanstone Sqre,, London.
I am quite disgusted with the King's Speech. 1 fully intended to speak
upon it, but the crowds of other speakers prevented me, I voted both with
O'Connell's amendment and with Tennyson's, The divisions would have
been much larger if it had not been that O'Connell proposed to withdraw
his amendment at the last, which was refused by the House.
I have postponed my motion for the select committee until 5 Mch., when
I think I shall succeed. If I do not, you may be assured that nothing is
intended to be done, and that the Whigs must follow the fate of the Tories.
I told Charles Wood last night, that if the Ministers persevered in obtaining
a suspension of the constitution against Ireland, their doom was sealed.
I shall be glad to receive the petition against miUtary interference.
Your affectionate father,
T. Attwood.
{To Thomas Attwood) "Feb. 14, 1833,
"My dear Sir, — 1 do myself the pleasure to transmit to you different
pamphlets respecting the unhappy Poland. In the Constitutional Charter
you will see all the violations of it, &c,, p. 47, and what passed at the Con
gress of Vienna, Subsequent events and cruelties will be found in Polonia,
a monthly publication. I shall likewise give you information, when favour
able opportunity offers to introduce it in the House, Present my respects to
Mrs. and Miss Attwood, and beheve me, dear Sir,
With gratitude and devotion.
Sincerely yours,
Niemcewicz."
"Paris, I Febr., 1833,
" Sir, — I have received with very great pleasure your letter, in which you
do me the honour to invite me for the Honorai-y Member of your Association.
I am always ready to participate in any favourable way to the cause of
Poland. We are proud to have in you so influential a friend of our country ;
your noble conduct in promoting the cause of Polish liberty and independence
inspires a general admiration, and your name will be associated with the
names of the liberators of oppressed Nations.
1 hope you will do me the honour to accept the title of Honorary Member
ot the Lithuanian Association, whose presidency I have accepted. This
Association is particularly devoted to the publications relative to the ancient
Polish provinces which constitute the heart of Poland. My brother, who is
one of your best friends, presents to you his compUments.
I have the honour to be yours.
Count . . Plater,
President of the Lithuanian Association!'

LETTERS. 265
"Paris, 2 Febr., 1833.
" Sir — I cannot but regret that some unknown to me circumstances pre
sented new difficuUies in sending the flags to Paris. I am so much more
anxious to have them as I am obUged to go shortly to London, My
countrymen are waiting with very great anxiety, and the delay is beyond
their expectation. However, I believe that you will be kind enough to send
these flags to Paris without any delay, so that I could be able to present this
proof of British sympathy to my countrymen, I have not received any
letters from you since I left London ; please to favour me with your corre
spondence, and believe me that you have in every Pole the best friend. I
wrote to you a few days ago, and I mentioned in my letter the establishment
of a new PoUsh institution in Paris for the education of the young Poles who
have not the means to continue their studies. I join to this letter the pro
spectus of this excellent institution, which can prepare in a very eminent
degree the future regeneration of Poland. This prospectus, translated into
English, may be inserted in your papers (it is a very important measure).
Perhaps your Association will make an appeal to the people to contribute to
the establishment of this useful institution ; an appeal of this kind published
in the papers may be very effective, and may produce a large subscription.
My brother was one of the principal founders of this institute. I have just
received a copy of the petition of Hull in favour of Poland, addressed to the
new Pariiament: it is full of patriotism and energy. Birmingham, I have no
doubt, will follow the example of Hull, and will present a petition to the
reformed ParUament. Pray, what is the prospect of your Parliament ? How
many Radicals, Whigs, and Torys .? The circumstances begin to be very
favourable for the cause of Poland, and the intrigues in the Levant are more
visible to-day than ever. Have you heard anything about a new congress in
Franckfurt for the general settlement of Europe ? Is the result known of the
mission of the diplomatic agent from Persia ? The news from Poland are the
most deplorable, the ruin of families, of fortunes, of churches, the destruction
of religion, the transportation of children. Are the Polish songs published ?
My compliments to your family. I have the honour to be yours.
Count L. Plater."
"Felix Hall,
fany. 21, 1833.
"Dear Sir,— Ministers have not given a thought to the subject of the
Currency, I am pretty sure. They have had nothing to encourage them and
the light has not broken in upon them. They are in the perfect belief that
all the powers of the country are against an alteration of the system now,
though 1 8 19 was a grand mistake.
Ireland, a thiefism in the Church, Slave Trade— and they are too impor
tant to admit another subject, to say nothing of the East India and Bank
Charters, I should still take the Currency _/frj^ as bearing upon all, and the
only directly tranquilizing, antiradical measure, the only, or if not the only,
the indispensable one, for the preservation of our Institutions, and internal
peace, prosperity, and happiness.

266 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
I think the Session may in its progress bring forth a different opinion in
the public, but great care will be necessary in choosing the moment to moot
it, and the man to do it. There are some men generally there who are most
forward and unpopular, who will damn the best motions in the world, and as
to time, there is a time to drive a nail, and if that is not waited for and seized
when it presents itself, in vain all reasoning and argument. You have a great
deal to learn of the House of Commons, I mean all you who have not tried
it and mean to mix in the war of words. The good humour and favourable
opinion of the House must be cultivated in order to get any fair play for
your argument.
As to Sutton, why not Speaker? He was compUmented highly by all
parties and sincerely by a great majority oi the last Parliament. I believe if
Ministers had proposed another, and Sutton had been nominated by the
Tories, they would have been hard run. ... I know Jos. Hume and
some others are out of humour upon it, but he would rather keep Ministers
down, to make himself and his assistance more necessary. He and Co. would
be most inimical to our object, for they know, as does Cobbett, that their
occupation would be pretty well at an end. I am, Dr. Sir, yours truly.
Western."
"Paris, February 2i,th, 1833.
"My dear Sir, — The friends of freedom and progress in France are more
feelingly attentive to your reformed parliamentary transactions, and more
than ever acknowledge the importance of a sympathetic popular union of
good hearts and good wishes on both sides of the Channel. These general
sentiments cannot but be peculiarly enhanced by the grateful remembrance
of the honour which the Birmingham Association and their respectable
president did formerly confer upon me, and by my late adoption in your
PoUsh Society. It is in this last capacity that I beg leave to send you some
additional facts relative to the abominable conduct of the monarchs of
Russia and Prussia. I hope something will be done by your House and
Government in behalf of heroic Poland and her unhappy sons. Permit me
also to suggest the propriety of private subscriptions which in this country
have been of great assistance to them. One of the most urging measures to
be obtained would be to relieve about  thousand soldiers now detained in
Prussian fortresses and victims of a most cruel treatment.
Be pleased to accept the respectful regards and sympathies of your
sincere friend, Lafayette."
"Paris, ce 2^ Fevrier, 1833.
" Monsieur le President,
Le Comiti National de I'Emigration Polonaise, considerant les services
qu'a rendus k la cause Polonaise, I'Association qui travaille sons votre
direction, en entretenant dans I'esprit public une vive et profonde sympathie
pour la Pologne, m'a autoris^ de vous envoyer. Monsieur le President, son
addresse aux Associations Polonaises en Angleterre, que vous aurez la bont^
de communiquer aux Membres de votre Societd. Vous y trouverez un senti-

LETTERS. 267
ment d'admiration et de reconnaissance qu'anime tons les cceurs Polonais, et
I'espoir bien fondd que les brillans efforts des amis de la cause Polonaise
en Angleterre, apporteront des fruits dignes de leur d^vouement genereux et
patriotique. Agrfe, Monsieur le President, I'assurance de la consideration distingu^e,
avec laquelle J'ai I'honneur d'etre,
votre trfes humble serviteur,
Le President du Comiti National de I'Emigration,
General Dwernicky.
Rue Rivoli, Hotel de la Terrasse!' "Paris, April 6th, 1833.
"My dear Sir, — I have been requested by my friend Mr, Sarran to give
him a letter of introduction to you. He was one of the first on the Revolu
tionary breach of July, 1830. He remained in my national military family
until I have resigned my command, not willing to stand a screen between the
people and the new system of Louis Philipp. He has since published a
book, on which it does not behove me to give an opinion, partial as it is
to me, severe upon others, Mr, Sarran has been a distinguished officer,
honourably wounded in the imperial wars. He is a distinguished literary
man and a distinguished friend of liberty, I am doubly gratified to procure
him the pleasure of your acquaintance, and to find an opportunity to repeat
that I have the honour to be. Your sincere and obliged friend,
Lafayette,"
"Paris, 21 Mars, 1833.
"Monsieur le President,
J'ai regu votre lettre de 14 Ddcembre. J'y'trouve des temoignages d'estime
d'autant plus precieux pour moi qu'ils me spnt donnds par des hommes qui
ont fait leur preuves de patriotisme et de devouement pour la liberty. Je
suis tr^s honord du choix que I'association Polonaise de Birmingham a bien
voulu faire de moi pour m'associer a ses travaux. J'accepte cette affiliation
avec reconnaissance, et je ferai tons mes efforts pour en accomplir les
devoirs. Veuillez faire agr^er h. I'honorable association I'hommage de ma
vive gratitude et de mon respect, et recevoir pour vous personellement
I'expression bien franche de ma haute estime. Odilon Barrot."
The Rev. Edward Carless, brother of Mrs. Thomas Attwood,
died on the 21st March, 1833. "He was vicar of Wanaston,
having read himself in on the Sunday preceding his death. He
was on a visit to his patron. Sir William Pilkington, who after
wards spoke with great admiration of the various acquirements
he had displayed during their conversation on the morning
which was to be his last. What then must have been the shock
which Sir William received on being informed by the servant

258 LLEE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
whom he had sent to call his guest to dinner, that Mr. Carless
was dead. He was educated at Wadham College, Oxford,
where he took the degree of M.A,, and on his marriage removed
to Wolstanton, in Staffordshire, of which parish he continued
curate for twenty years during which period he devoted
himself ardently to the duties of his profession. He possessed
an excellent and highly cultivated understanding, maintaining
through life the highest character for integrity, virtue, and the
most exalted Christian piety."
Mr. Carless was born on May 23rd, 1780, and married
(August 1st, 1805) his first cousin, Anna Maria, daughter of the
Rev. Mark Noble, M.A,, F.S.A,, Rector of Barming, who sur
vived him till April 15 th, 1861. Both he and his wife were
buried at Wolstanton. He educated his four nephews and also
Richard Spooner, son of the Member for North Warwickshire.
He was a Tory and high churchman of the old school, and con
sequently strongly opposed to the radical proceedings of his
brother-in-law. He possessed, for a man of moderate means,
a fine library, of which his widow retained 3,000 volumes, a few
of which are now in my possession.
To Mrs. Thomas Attwood, 13, Abingdon Street, Westminster.
Birmingham, gth April, 1833,
. . . I found your mother very comfortable, and to-day I have seen her
again, looking better than usual, and saying what a good night she has had,
&c. My father and mother are both breaking up rapidly. All others are
quite well. I quite approve of Marcus going to Ramsgate, and I think
Algernon should go with him, and that he may be allowed to row. I shall
return to you on Monday next, when I will fix with you the manner of sending
them. If possible, I will go with them myself, and indeed I do not see why
we should not all of us take a trip there, and return to London in two or
three days, {To the same, 22, Wellington Crescent, Ramsgate)
Abingdon St., May 15, 1833.
, , . I shall go to Button Land on Friday and return about Wednes
day or Friday. O'Connell wiU foUow me.
{To the same from T. Aurelius Attwood)
^^ Hawne House, May 14, 1833.
" • • ¦ I left Harborne last Friday, when your mother was pretty well,
as was Mrs, CressweU whilst she was at Grove House— she left, I think, on
Wednesday for Mr, Chattock's.

LETTERS. 269
My grandmother Attwood returned from West Bromwich some days ago,
and is pretty well, but still very weak and lazy, and I am inclined to think
that she is approaching her latter end,
I was at W, Bromwich on Sunday, where I met G. de B, A,, who was
pretty well, but still rather feeble and indolent, which is however (you \\ill
say) nothing verj' unusual or surprising. Mr. and Mrs, Mathews and the boy
were well, and they begin to move their furniture to Corbyn's Hall next
week, I have no doubt you are looking forward with anxiety to the meeting
next Monday, The Hales Owen Political Union is going to march in
procession, as it did twelve months ago, as are the Dudley, Stourbridge, and
Lye Waste Radicals, and the Worcester men are coming by canal. Some
think that we shall have a larger meeting than ever — some that it will be a
faUure ; but should it be a fine day, there wiU be no danger of that. Should
we not kick the Ministers out, I really don't know what we must do. The
Northern Political Union were to meet at the Guildhall, Newcastle, yester
day, in order to obtain Universal Suffrage ! Annual Parliaments ! ! and vote
by Ballot ! ! ! — Poor Bosco, who is heartily sick of politics, says in his elegant
phraseology, that he will ' cut his stick,' but I do not fancy he will be able.
I think he will have to stand or fall with the people. For my own part,
I think the prospects of poor England are now more gloomy and discourag
ing than they have been for a long time — much more so than when Boney
threatened to invade her. It really looks now as if the Revolution would
come to the door." {To the same from Thomas Attwood) London, May 16, 1833,
To-morrow I go to Birmingham, where I have fixed for O'Connell to meet
me. Lord  is under a cloud at present, but he assures me, and I
hope correctly, that it will shortly disappear. Sir Wm. Brabazon says that
he has only borrowed money at 10 p. cent, and that his political enemies
have taken advantage of this little fact to trump up a conspiracy, &c. The
landowners are all put about, and poverty, it is said, makes us acquainted
with strange bedfellows. ... I shall be sure to take proper care of
No, I, be you assured, and I doubt not that my great meeting will go off
beautifuUy like all the others. Birmingham, 18 May, 1833,
, , , I shall go to Hawn to-morrow and shaU return to London, I
expect, on Wednesday next. You may be assured that everything will be
strictly quiet and orderiy at our meeting. The meeting in London was
cleariy iUegal, and was forbidden by the Secretary of State as such, . .
I thought it better not to speak on Cobbett's motion against Peel on
account of the general feeling of the House, but I could not refuse to vote
for the motion without incurring a charge of subserviency or timidity to the
Tory party, at the very moment when I am attacking the Whigs.
I find all our friends in distant towns have passed resolutions to join us
on Monday, when we shall certainly present a grand and beautiful sight.

270 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD. Birmingham, 20 May, 1833.
I have only a moment to say that everything has gone off well at our
Meeting. I expect to be in London on Wednesday evening, and Bosco will
come with me.
On May loth, 1833, Thomas Attwood attended the King's
levde at St. James's Palace, and was presented by Lord  .
The fact of his never having been presented before shows, in a
striking manner, his contempt for the vanities of courts. Lord
 was then under " a cloud," on account of circumstances
just alluded to, and the Tory papers, of course, made the most
of the fact and sneeringly inquired whether his lordship was the
most respectable acquaintance whom Mr. Attwood could find to
present him. The selection certainly does not appear to have
been a happy one on his part.
The great meeting, to which allusion has already been made,
for the purpose of petitioning the King to dismiss his Ministers,
was held at Newhall Hill on Monday, May 20th, 1833. So far
as mere members were concerned it was a wonderful success, and
20,000 more persons attended than even at the meeting of
May 7th, 1832. The display of flags, banners, and bands was
extraordinary, the unanimity and order of the proceedings were
as striking as ever, and Attwood received, as usual, his more than
royal reception from the people. Still I cannot help regarding
this great assemblage of 200,000 men as a comparative failure.
The more respectable classes, who had suddenly made so formid
able an addition to the ranks of the Union in the previous year,
appear to have been wanting, and the alliance of Attwood with
O'Connell had evidently disgusted many Conservatives and
Protestants. The opinion which some people formed of the
meeting may be inferred from a coarse caricature in the Argus,
wherein Attwood and O'Connell are represented as embracing
each other whilst the devil is throwing his arms round both !
Mr. Muntz was called to the chair, and he, O'Connell,
Attwood, Hadley, Edmonds, Fryer, and G. De B. Attwood,
then secretary to the Union, were the principal speakers. In a
long speech, Thomas Attwood acknowledged that he had been
deceived in Earl Grey, and that he was now obliged to petition

GREA T MEETING OF MA Y 2o, 1833. 27 1
the King to dismiss the very man whom he had borne into the
Royal councils on the shoulders of the people in the preceding
year. Cobbett, in his Register of May 25th, 1833, thus commented
on the great Birmingham meeting : —
" This meeting was held on Monday last, and it appears to have consisted
of more than a hundred thousand persons ; and the first thing to observe with
regard to it is, that not the smallest disturbance arose, nothing indicating a
riot, or riotous disposition, and that all passed off as quietly as if it had been
the meeting of a religious congregation. No police, no breaking of heads,
no sending of inoffensive people home with skuUs cracked and arms broken.
The object of the meeting was principally io address the King to turn out his
Ministers. Such an address, coming from those very people who had put
these Ministers in place, and kept them in place ; such an address, coming
from such a quarter, would make an impression upon any body in the world,
except a band of pelf-loving Whigs. Mr. Thomas Attwood, who was the
guide of this great mass of people upon this occasion, has more right to
complain of these Ministers than any other man in the Kingdom : all along
his conduct has been marked by the greatest degree of disinterestedness,
and of every good quality of the heart : he has erred only in thinking and
talking too well of these men, who have treated him with ingratitude, quite
unexampled within my experience of the acts of mankind. They have not
had the courage to hoot at him and bawl at him themselves ; but they have
set their curs to bark at him, and to calumniate him in the vilest and most
base and cowardly manner. If he were to pursue them in a manner much
more bitter than that in which he does now pursue them, he would be fully
excusable. However, the main thing to be considered is, where all this is to
end. Mr, Attwood is the representative of ninety-nine hundredths of the
people of England ; that is to say, the state of his mind with regard to these
Ministers is a fair specimen of that of the minds of the whole of the people,"
Notwithstanding the confident tone of these remarks the
petition does not appear to have had any immediate efifect,
though it may very likely have contributed to bring about the
downfall of the Whigs in the following year. Earl FitzwiUiam
having declined presenting it to the King, it was determined to
try Lord Melbourne, but I cannot ascertain whether it was ever
actually presented or not. The petition to the Commons from
the same meeting, against all restrictions on the importation of
animal and vegetable food, was presented by Mr. Attwood ; as
was one also from the Council of the Union against the conduct
of the police at the late Coldbath Fields meeting.
Thomas Attwood does not appear to have been separated

272 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
from his family during the remainder of the year 1833, as no
letters have been preserved, but I insert three more from the
illustrious Lafayette : — " Paris, fune 16, 1833.
" My dear Sir, — This letter will be delivered by a French gentleman of
high merit. M. Charles Combes, ingenieur des mines et professeur de mecanique
et dexploitation des mines a cette ecole Francaise, is going to visit England
for scientific purposes. Permit me to present him to you, and to entreat the
services you can render him to forward his views, 1 wish I might give you
satisfactory accounts of the system adopted by this government. What I
think of it, I have had opportunities to proclaim. Yes, the sense of Uberty is
not by far extinct. Most sincerely, your obliged friend,
Lafayette,"
"La Grange, fuly 1st, 1833.
" My dear Sir, — Permit me to introduce to you a gentleman whose name
is German, Mr, Meyer, but whose birth and whose heart are perfectly Italian,
It is probable that was he still in his country he would be exposed to a share
in the persecution which the patriots are now suffering. Duty to a late
countryman of yours carries him to England. He has requested a line of
presentation to you, and I give it with the greater pleasure as you will find
in his conversation correct information on the present state of his fair,
native, but unfortunate land. Be pleased to accept the best wishes and
regards of your sincere friend, Lafayette,
Mr. Meyer is not a refugee, and can return home when he pleases. His
country had hitherto been in a better situation than the rest of Italy, but it
appears they are sharing the same fate." "La Grange, July 14, 1833.
" Permit me, my dear Sir, to present to you, Mr. Theophile Zakrewski, who
has been formally introduced to me by one of his most respectable country
men. He is obliged to leave France, and I hope he will find some support
on your side of the channel. Most truly and affectionately yours,
Lafayette,"
In November, 1833, Cobbett moved that the King should be
petitioned to dismiss Sir Robert Peel from his councils for his
conduct in bringing in the Cash Payments Bill of 1819, The
motion occasioned extraordinary excitement in the House,
being regarded by the great majority of members as a personal
insult offered to so respectable a statesman as Peel by a low
Radical like Cobbett. Nevertheless, Thomas Attwood deemed

DINNER OF DECEMBER 12, 1833. 273
it to be his duty to vote in the minority with only five other
Radicals — Cobbett, Fielden, Patrick Lalor, James Roe, and John
O'Connell — whilst 298 members voted against the motion. To
show the feeling of the House it was immediately afterwards
carried by 295 to 6, " that the proceedings on this resolution be
expunged from tJie viinutes." Thomas Attwood does not seem to
have taken this marked course without some qualms, for he had
long known and most highly esteemed the first Sir Robert Peel.
and although strongly opposed to the politics of his famous son,
he always personally respected him.
The fourth annual meeting of the Union was held at Beards
worth's Repositor)- on September i6th of this year, Mr. 3,Iuntz
was called to the chair, and ilr. Attivood spoke at length.
G. De B. Attsvood, as hon. secretary, r^ad the report and pre
faced it by a speech.
The report, which was unanimously adopted, mingled
expressions of gratification and regret. It pointed out the
shortcomings of the Reform Bill and of the Whig }.Iinisters,
and asserted that, in order to remedy the e-vils under which
the people were suffering, it was necessan.- to obtain triennial
Parhaments, household suffrage, and, perhaps, vote by ballot
The report was signed by Thomas Attwood, his two elder sons,
and many others.
In the Pioneer or Trades Union iMagazine of October 5th,
1833, 1 find a letter addressed to "Thomas Attwood, Esq., M.P.,
the friend of the industrious classes," in which the writer begs
him to guard carefully against any legislative interference with
Trades Unions or combinations of workmen.
On the I2th of December, the anniversary of the first return
of members for Birmingham, ^lessrs. Attwood and Scholefield
were entertained at dinner by the electors of Deritend and
Bordesley. yir. W, G. Lewis and Mr, James Thornton were
the Presidents, and Mr, Aaron and '^Ir. Ellis the Vice-Presidents.
In returning thanks Thomas Attwood commented on the evil
influences by which the King was surrounded, and stated that of
the brilliant assemblage of i,8oo persons whom he had seen at
court, none were competent to advise the sovereign as to the
T

274 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
real condition of the people. The speeches of both members
generally went over the same ground that I have already treated
of. At the conclusion the Chairman said he had another toast
to propose, which would require but a short preface to insure it
a hearty reception. They had four sons in the room, belonging
to their two members. {Loud cheer si) More able and patriotic
young men did not exist. Their whole course of life had been
honourable to themselves and those who brought them up.
They were noble scions of a noble stock. Without naming
any of them, he should propose — " The four sons of their two
members." {Loud applause) Mr, De Bosco Attwood and
Mr. C. Scholefield severally returned thanks. At half-past
ten o'clock Messrs, Attwood and Scholefield retired amidst
loud cheering.
On the next day the annual general meeting of the Bir
mingham Polish Association was held, Thomas Attwood in
the chair.
During the course of this year Charles Attwood took an
active part at Newcastle-on-Tyne in opposing the measures
of the Whig Ministry. His conduct met with the unquahfied
approval of Cobbett, who has narrated his proceedings at length,
with laudatory comments, in the Register. On the 29th of
March he took a prominent part in a meeting held at the
Guildhall, Newcastle, to consider the provisions of the Factory
Bill. At the end of May a public meeting was held on the
Town Moor to consider the conduct of His Majesty's Ministers,
and Charles Attwood was called to the chair, Messrs, Doubleday,
Fife, and Larkin taking part in the proceedings. Resolutions
similar to those passed at the Birmingham meeting were
unanimously agreed to, and a petition embodying them was
entrusted for presentation to Thomas Attwood. On the 23rd
of October a very amusing scene took place. The Whigs of
Newcastle and its neighbourhood gave a grand dinner to Lord
Durham for the purpose of congratulating him upon the success
of the Whig administration. The Radicals determined to take
the opportunity of presenting to him an address showing what
they thought of the matter, and Charles Attwood was deputed

LORD DURHAM AND CHARLES ATTWOOf). 275
to present it. In a courteous note, dated October 22nd, he
informed Lord Durham of his intention and received an acknow
ledgment. Mr. Attwood, surrounded by his friends accordingly
awaited the arrival of his lordship at Calvert's Half-Moon Inn,
High Street, and, bowing politely, at once attempted to read the
address. The Earl, however, without taking any notice, pushed
past him, and what followed shall be narrated in the words of
Cobbett :—
"Mr. Attwood now appealed to his friends to know how to act, when the
cry of ' Follow, follow,' arose. Mr. Attwood and his friends were pushed
onward, and found his lordship in an ante-room, Mr. Attwood here again
addressed himself to his lordship, who strutted up to the former gentleman,
and rearing himself as loftily as possible, throwing his body haughtily back,
and casting his eyes on the ground, then raising them gradually up with
a look of great disdain, pride, and contempt, said, 'Are you Mr. Attwood?'
' I am, my lord,' Mr. Attwood replied, and fixed his keen eye upon the
Earl, which rather changed his manner and look. The Earl proceeded
in a more subdued tone. ' Sir, I think I ought to have the choosing of the
time and place for receiving an address. I do not think the present a proper
time. I do not refuse your address, but at present there is no time. I did
not deserve this from you. Sir.' Mr. Attwood said, ' My Lord, allow me
to explain.' His lordship paced up and down the room, fuming, fretting, and
agitated. His agent came and asked Mr. Attwood to go out — Mr. Attwood still
attempting to speak. His lordship, still pacing up and down, at last called
out, ' Mr. Brockett' Sancho appeared at the call, and his lordship seizing
his arm they rushed past j\Ir. Attwood and his party, and pushing through
the crowd, gained the large room. Mr. Attwood instantly appealed again
to his friends, who cried ' Forward.' Mr, Attwood and a few friends gained
the large room, where the dinner party was, and followed his lordship to tire
foot of the room. To describe the scene now would be impossible, ,
Mr. Attwood and his friends left the street immediately, and also the bands
of music. The people, however, would not leave for some time, which
detained the dinner party. The calling in of the Scots Greys and the
reading of the Riot Act were severally discussed. To each dish of puddings,
soups, tarts, game, &c., two of the dinner party acted as guards across the
street, and the people assembled amused themselves by knocking the
luxuries out of their hands, which greatly tended to lessen the splendour
and plenty of the repast, whilst they passed their jibes and jokes on the
' guinea coUops,' ' guinea men,' ' guinea fowls,' and ' guinea-pigs.'
The Earl was escorted across by a body guard of between twenty and
thirty of the party to the dinner-room, amidst shouts of derision and dis
approbation,"

CHAPTER XVII.
Last letters from Lafayette — Grand Dinner to Attwood and Scholefield on
September 15th, 1834 — Attwood's speech — Death of Mrs. Ann Attwood—
Letters — Address to Electors — Election of 1835 — Attwood and Scholefield
returned by immense majorities — Last letter from Cobbett — Correspon
dence to close of 1835.
The materials which I have been able to collect for narrating
the public proceedings of Mr. Attwood during the year 1834
are somewhat scanty, but fortunately his political actions are
sufficiently referred to in a speech delivered by him in the
autumn of that year, from which I shall presently make some
extracts. In March he voted in the minority of fifty-nine, with
Cobbett, upon the motion of the latter for the abolition of the
malt tax, and spoke at considerable length upon the occasion,
and in June he again strongly supported, in his opposition to the
Poor Law Bill, the member for Oldham, who, upon this subject,
had also the support of his brother Matthias. Three letters only
have been preserved for the early part of this year, which run
as follows : — " War Office, 6th fany., 1834.
" Private. Mv dear Sir,— -AU I can say, in answer to your letters, is that they are
invariably sent to the proper quarter, and, I hope, produce a proper effect.
We do not disagree much in the main question in them. However, we can
talk over this when we meet. Always yours faithfully,
Edw. Ellice."
" Paris, fanuary l^h, 1834.
" Mv dear Sir,— I am requested to give a letter of recommendation to
a veiy interesting young Pole, Lieutenant Frederic Fischer, who is going to
London with the hope to find some emploj-ment. I am sure that if you can
assist him to the success of his pursuit you wUl do it with pleasure, and beg
vou to receive the high regard of Your sincere friend, Lafayette,"

GREAT DINNER OF SEPTEMBER 15, 1834. 277
"Paris, February 22nd, 1834.
" My dear Sir, — I have been happy to hear that your name is one of the
Committee who have taken under the protection of British philanthropy the
fate of the Polish soldiers sent from Prussia to the other side of the Atlantic.
A hundred and fifty are fortunately stopped at Havre. We shall take care
of them, but the remainder will, I trust, be taken care of by English patriots.
I hasten to dictate these lines from my bed, where I am still kept by an
indisposition, and beg you to accept the best regards of
Your sincere friend, Lafayette."
This seems to have been the last letter which Thomas
Attwood received from the great Lafayette, who died on the
20th May following, aged seventy-five.
Earl Grey resigned in July, and a period of political confusion
and uncertainty followed, which is frequently alluded to in Mr.
Attwood's correspondence.
In September the Liberals of Birmingham determined to
show their appreciation of the conduct of Messrs. Attwood and
Scholefield by inviting them to a grand dinner, which was
accordingly given on the 15th of the month at Beardsworth's
Repository, and seems to have been an extraordinary success.
Nearly 3,000 tickets were sold, and the number might have
been doubled had the accommodation permitted. Galleries
were fitted up for 1,000 ladies, and from 4,000 to 5,000 persons
were present within the building. W. Medley of Iver, George
Attwood, and T. Aurelius Attwood were present on the platform,
with many others. The then attitude of the Church of England
was significantly shown by the fact that grace was said by a
Catholic priest. The report says :
" There were twenty-three tables in the body of this immense building,
and an entire double range in the south gallery, being in the whole nearly
eight hundred yards of tabling, which was covered with a profusion of solid
food, consisting of beef, roasted pigs, tongues, veal and ham, bread, cheese,
&c. ; and ale in the proportion of one bottle to each man."
After the usual toasts, Mr. Joshua Scholefield, by desire of
his colleague, addressed the assembly, and Thomas Attwood
then rose and was received with enthusiastic cheering. He said :
My dear friends and fellow-townsmen, — I thank you from the bottom of
my heart for this renewed testimony of your confidence and esteem. I come

278 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
from Parliament among you with much pleasure, but I cannot say that I
bring with me the information which a reformed Parliament ought to have
enabled me to give. The last time I had the honour to meet you here at
dinner, four years ago, the Duke of Wellington was then in power ; we met
in celebration of the glorious French Revolution, and I then said to you,
' Show me twenty such dinners as these, and I will show you the governors
of England.' We have not been able to exhibit twenty such dinners, hut
nevertheless we have been able to make exhibitions, originating in the spon
taneous patriotism of the English people, which have had the effect of
shaking the late oppressors of their country from their unhallowed seats, I
think I do no more than justice to you, as men of Birmingham, when I say
that you were mainly instrumental in creating the general demand for Reform
among the people of England, and when that Reform was endangered it was
you that placed yourselves at the head of the public mind, and, speaking the
voice of the nation, commanded its success, {Cheers) I will not congratu
late you too much on the Bill of Reform, because I know it has disappointed
your expectations and mine, {Loud cheers) It has given us a House of
Commons but little better, I am sorry to acknowledge, than the old concern.
Some few good men it is most true there are in Parliament, but it is with
deep and bitter regret that I acknowledge that the majorities have generally
been as servile and selfish as in former Houses, {Hear, hear) When I
entered Parliament I expected to meet bands of patriots animated with the
same interests as the people, feeUng for their wrongs and oppressions, and
determined to redress and relieve them, I almost regretted that I had had
a hand in the Reform when I saw troops of sycophants and time-servers,
who seemed only anxious to regard their own selfish interests, and to destroy
the very system of liberty and Reform from which they themselves had
drawn their existence, {Shame, shame) These gentlemen, you may well
beUeve, were not very partial to me ; they looked upon me in the same light as
a cow looks upon another cow's calf — as a stranger out of my place — a mere
Birmingham tradesman, very disagreeable in their eyes. You must not be
surprised that I received this kind of treatment. The House of Commons is
divided into two great parties, the Whig and the Tory. To the former I had
been mainly instrumental in assisting to do a favour too great for proud men
ever to acknowledge ; and to the latter I had been instrumental in assisting
to do an injury which interested men could never forgive. {Hear, hear, and
laughter) Mr. Attwood then narrated at length his opposition to the
Irish Coercion Bill, and the "atrocious" Poor Law Bill for
England. He then said :
For four days in one week I was present in the House of Commons,
with slight intermissions for food, from il o'clock in the morning until 3
o'clock the next morning. I could not leave my post for a moment without
the danger of being absent in some great division affecting the liberty and
welfare of the people, {Loud cheers, and cries of " Hear, hear.") It is certain
the House of Commons is not wdiat it ought to be : one half consists of
lawyers, Jews of 'Change Alley, and monks oi 0\iorA— {laughter),— t'at othtr

HIS SPEECH. 279
half consists of lords and country gentlemen, too rich and too far removed
from the wants and interests of the mass of the people to have any clear
views respecting them, or any common feeUng with them. . . . We
ought to have household suffrage, triennial Parliaments, wages of attendance
for representatives, and vote by ballot.
Mr. Attwood then proceeded to state his abhorrence of
impressment, flogging in the army, the new police, and all cen
tralisation. He called attention to the impossibility of getting
the House to listen to his Currency views, and then said :
I must now close with a few words respecting myself You all know that
I entered Parliament with reluctance, I had studied the situation of the
country for twenty years — I had foreseen and foretold every fluctuation of
national prosperity or adversity wdiich had occurred during that period ; and
I thought it my duty to obey your orders, and have done everything in my
power, without fear or affection, favour or reward, during two years, I have
incessantly dinned the truth into the ears of the House of Commons, and in
my conscience I belie\-e that three-fourths of that House, if the truth could
be known, entertain opinions very nearly analogous to my own upon the great
question of the national prosperity and adversity, {Cheers) In the mean
while I have incurred much expense and much injuiy from the loss of time,
and I think I should do wrong if I did not inform you that I entertain serious
thoughts of resigning the situation which I hold, {Loud cries of"No, no.")
Mr, Attwood concluded amidst loud and long-continued ap
plause, and the band struck up an entirely new piece, composed
for the occasion by the leader, entitled "Attwood's March." After
some further proceedings the large company quietly dispersed.
Ann, the mother of Thomas Attwood, died at Hawne House
on the 28th of October, 1834, in the eighty-third year of her age,
and was buried in the Attwood vault at Hales Owen Church on
the 7th November.
I now give some extracts from Mr. Attwood's letters for the
remainder of this year : —
{Thomas to Edward Attwood) Birmingham, 6 Octr., 1834.
My dear Edward,— I do not think that my mother can possibly last
many weeks, if she does days. Her appetite is now gone, and she has
recovered greatly the use of her faculties, which I think a bad sign. My
father is broken down, as you may suppose, but I hope he may last a few
months longer, unless his old complaint should attack him. All the rest of
us are well, but of course entering rapidly into the vale of years, I am 51
to-day, James is not much altered in the last 14 years. His daughter is a
sweet girl, and I much doubt if e^•er I saw one more beautiful.

28o LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
I am quite tired with politics, but I think yet to make a grand out-of-door
assault upon Peel's Bill, in which case I shall confine my operations to what
are called, par excellence, " respectable men," and shall shut out aU politics.
I hope you got an account of our dinner, I generally send you these things,
but sometimes both I and George may possibly forget to do so. If ever you
can pick me up a tale of misery, injustice, and ruin, I shall be glad. I am
like Mrs. Radcliffe, always looking out for horrors, and a pretty lot of them
I have collected. Pray give my respects and kind wishes to your wife, and
believe me. Your ever affectionate brother,
T. Attwood.
Mrs. Thos. Attwood, Birmingham. London, Nov. 4, 1834.
I hope to be with you to-morrow by the Safety Tally Ho, and shall
probably bring Marcus and Algernon with me. ... I find myself very
much occupied, and I beUeve I must return to London in a day or two after
the funeral. I have not been able to call upon Mr. Medley, London, Nov. 5, 1834,
. . I shall go to Birmingham by one of the day coaches to-morrow.
Algernon will go with his uncle and Wolverley. He has some new black
clothes with him. I forgot to say that Mr. Wakefield's letter informs me
that Miss Wakefield is very ill. I have been so much occupied with John
A.'s affairs that I have scarce had a moment's leisure. When I return to
you I must come back to London in a few days. By ignorance, neglect, and
crime, on the part of his advisers, his affairs have become very complicated
and difificult, but I fully rely upon the practicability of restoring them.
There has never been the shade of a misrepresentation, and yet the judg
ment has been given against him ! So much for Courts of Equity, which are
in fact mere courts of trickery, chicanery, and robbery and murder.
" T. Attwood, Esq., M.P., Birmingham.
Warwick Castle, Novr. loth, 1834.
Sir, — Some short time since you did me the favour to forward me your
speech in Parliament printed — which I put by intending to read with
attention, and to have returned you my thanks for the same — since which I
have been touring during the autumn and have mislaid the speech — it may
be in my house in town. But should you have any copies by you and would
forward me one here I shall feel obliged.
I remain. Sir, your obt. Hie. St.,
Warwick."
{G. De B. Attwood, Birmingham, from T. Attwood) Nov. 14M, 1832.
... I am sorry to say that old Mr. Wakefield tells me there is no
hope of his niece. She is gone to Southsea with Lady Charlotte Bacon in a
state of nervous debility of extreme character. Pray write a note for me to
old Mr. Boultbee, saying that I have mislaid my tickets for the Philosophical

LETTERS. 281
Society, but that you are authorised to write to Mr, Haycock in my name,
requesting him to admit Mr, Boultbee and his daughter.
To Mrs. Thomas Attwood, Birmingham. London, 15 Novr., 1834.
. . . The Duke of Wellington is said to be forming a new Ministry.
People think it will be a medley, and that Brougham will contrive to be one
of them. I am concerned to hear so bad an account of your dear and good
mother. Tell the young ladies that I have seen Mr. Medley, and that he is
quite well. I shall dine with him to-morrow, and Algernon will dine with
John A. London, 19 Novr., 1834,
. . . I am much concerned but not surprised to hear of the attack of
your dear mother. She cannot last much longer, I fear, but it is gratifying
to know that the pain has left her. Pray remember me to her very kindly,
and renew to her the expression of my deep and sincere gratitude for the
long and uninterrupted kindness and affection which I have always ex
perienced from her. I pray God to bless her last moments, and to grant
her eternal happiness in Paradise. You must not think me unkind, my
Dear, in not writing oftener. The truth is that I am constantly occupied,
and generally in lawyers' offices and other places where I cannot attend to
anything but the subject in hand. I have dined twice with Mr. Medley, and
have seen him to-day. Mr. Dudley Fereday left London a few days ago for
Bilston, and Mr. Medley says he expects when Mr. D. F. returns to London
he will bring our two friends at Harborne with him. I have no news to tell.
I do not purpose to interfere at all in the matter of the Duke and the Whigs.
The latter, I perceive, are very low, and they seem to want me to do some
thing for them. But I remind them that the King, in turning them out, has
merely complied with my petition presented to him last year. Lord Wharn-
cliffe is said to have been at the bottom of the change. I expect the Duke
will succeed in forming a Ministry, and perhaps his very unpopularity may
induce him to act liberally and kindly by the country, as affording him the
only chance of keeping his place. . . .
27, Gracechurch St., Nov. 21, 1834.
. . . Mr, D, Wakefield gives me no hope of the recovery of his niece.
I have sent your letter to Mr. E. G. Wakefield. ... 1 think the Duke
will succeed in forming a Ministry. Lady Jersey gives out that he will
certainly rectify the Currency. London, Nov. 24, 1834.
. . . It gives me much concern to hear of the state of your dear and
good mother. You must certainly be prepared for the worst, which, I doubt
not, under the mercy of God, will to her be the best, I would come down for
the purpose of assisting you at this anxious period, but I am compelled to stay
here at present by imperative circumstances, I have taken no part whatever
in politics, nor do I mean to do so. I might make a great movement and
perhaps force in Lord Durham, but it must be attended with danger and
injury, and possibly with no good to the country. Certainly, if necessary, I

282 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
shall act upon Charles's advice ; but I do not mean to act at all, and there
fore you may be quite easy upon this head. London, Nov. 24, 1834,
. . . 1 am glad that your kind relations from Barlaston and Northamp
ton are arrived. Algernon is very well and happy and busy. I do not
purpose to trouble myself in the matter between the Duke and Durham
unless, as Charles says, I have the latter first in black and white. I have
been deceived once, but 1 shall not be so again. . . . It is said that we
shall have a dissolution immediately that Peel arrives. This is doubtful.
I have reason to think that my speech at Beardsworth's has had something
to do in breaking up the late concern. Give my love to Edward Freeman
and congratulate him on the dismissal of the false, perjured, and cruel Whigs,
London, Novr. z^th.
. . . I find the Whig Ministers have been setting on their retainers
throughout the country, and I daresay we shall have a dissolution and a
trial of strength. The Duke only counts upon 140 members in the present
House, and in my opinion he will not count upon many more in the new
House, unless he takes a large, liberal, and just ground of policy. I am
pestered with letters from all parts of the country, but I do not answer many
of them. London, Novr. 27th.
. I could not come down to the meeting (which, by the bye, hardly
includes me in its call), but I have written a letter to my constituents and sent
it to Edmonds to read to the meeting, and to publish in th^ fournal. This
letter, I doubt not, will please you. London, Novr. 2%th, 1834,
I shall probably come home to you on Sunday by the Safety Tally Ho,
I doubt not that my letter to my constituents will have given them satisfac
tion to-day. You know that I have always acted on the principle of public
good, without regarding my own interest. If I had been wilUng to sell my
country, I could have done so much to my interest, but I have never con
sidered interest if it is to be bought by a sacrifice of principle and duty. It
is much to be doubted whether the Duke and Peel will be able to form any
kind of Administration. In this case Lord Durham will come in. I expect,
however, that the Duke will contrive to get on, either with or without Peel,
and in this case we shall have a speedy dissolution, I have left this question
open, whether to act again as a member or not. It requires much considera
tion and the watching of times and circumstances.
Towards the end of 1834 both parties commenced to make
preparations in view of the impending dissolution. The Con
servatives of Birmingham met at Dee's Royal Hotel on December
17th, and founded the "Birmingham Loyal and Constitutional
Association," in opposition to the Political Union. Theodore
Price, Esq., a gentleman of great local influence, and first cousin

ELECTION OF 1835. 283
to William Carless of Harborne, was in the chair. The Earl of
Dartmouth was chosen President of the new Association, and
the Vice-Presidents were the Earl of Bradford, Lord Calthorpe,
the Hon. F. Calthorpe, W. P, Dugdale, M,P„ and Mr. Gough.
Mr. R. Spooner was appointed Chairman, and it was unanimously
resolved to request him to contest the borough against the sitting
members. Nothing could show more clearly the extraordinary
confidence which the people of Birmingham then reposed in the
firm of Attwood & Spooner, and nothing could make one feel
more regret at the present day that the failure of 1865 should
ever have been permitted to take place, than the fact that the
only person whom the Tories could venture to bring forward in
opposition to Thomas Attwood, with the slightest prospect of
success, was — his own partner ! Mr. Spooner acceded to the
requisition, and funds for the approaching contest were lavishly
subscribed by his aristocratic supporters. The election excited
great interest, not only in Birmingham, but throughout the
country, and Cobbett, in his Register, very fully narrated the
proceedings. On the 19th December Mr. Attwood issued his
address as follows : —
Gentlemen, — Mr. Richard Spooner, seduced by a knot of Tories, has
thought proper to offer you his services.
It is singular that these gentlemen, in their repugnance to me and my
poUtical conduct, should be so pressed for an advocate of their principles,
that, after tendering the honor of their support in many quarters, they should
at last be compelled to have recourse to my own partner and intimate friend.
This clique of Tories had no hand in making the Reform. Through our
labours they have obtained " a share in the commonwealth." A little more
modesty or gratitude in the use of it might perhaps have become them.
In the year 1832 similar manoeuvres were at work, but they were baffled
by your firmness and patriotism. A large and liberal party in this town were
then combined with the Tories against us, and yet they could not produce
more than 600 votes to tender to Mr. Horsley Palmer, a liberal Tory, of the
Canning school, a man of great commercial rank and experience, and of
much political knowledge. That party have now thrown their weight into
our scale. What then can the Tories expect ! You, gentlemen, will quickly
teach them their true position; and my worthy friend, Mr. Spooner, estimable
as I know him to be in many points, will, I doubt not, as quickly discover
that his High Church notions and Tory poUtics are out of date, and that,
however prevalent they may be at Oxford and Cambridge, they are not
suited to the meridian of Birmingham. They are just forty-three years too
late.

284 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
Gentlemen, — / will not desert you on this occasion, I will give you all an
opportunity of expressing your opinions ; and if those opinions should be
against my political conduct, I shall regret it only as a symptom of the decay
of principle and public spirit in the nation.
My friends ! this little fight is yours. We, the men of Birmingham
mainly assisted in making the Reform. If gentlemen who are the enemies
of Reform can beat us now in our own camp, we shall merit and receive the
contempt of our country. I am, gentlemen. Your faithful Representative, Thomas Attwood.
The nomination took place on January 7th, amidst a scene
of indescribable excitement, and seems to have been the first
occasion upon which the present Birmingham Town Hall was
used for an important public meeting. The High Baihfif, Mr.
Paul Moon James, having congratulated the electors upon their
meeting upon such an occasion for the first time in the history
of the town, called upon any elector to nominate a candidate to
represent the borough in Parliament Mr. Benjamin Hadley,
amidst loud cheers, proposed Thomas Attwood, and in the
course of his speech made the following remarks : —
" It should never be forgotten by Birmingham men, that Mr. Attwood
established the Political Union on the 25th of January, 1830 — at a time, belt
remembered, when that heartless and profligate Monarch George IV. sat on
the throne of these realms, and that unrelenting despot the Duke of Welling
ton was Prime Minister of England. {Cheers) It required no common
courage at that time for a man in his station to show himself in the front of
the battle which was to be fought for the liberties of his countrymen, at a
time, too, when not only Europe generally, but England in particular, was
sunk into a state of mental bondage and apathy to which there appeared
no prospect of a termination. A man of less nerve and foresight would have
shrunk from so arduous a task, and nothing but his undaunted spirit, and his
unconquerable love of freedom, could have upheld him in those times of
difficulty and danger. But, gentlemen, he was upheld in spite of the sneers
of friends and the hatred of enemies, thanks to his own firm heart and the
patriotic spirit of the people of Birmingham ; and not only did he succeed
in rolling up in this town the most formidable engine of political power that
ever existed in the world, but he had the satisfaction of seeing established,
in every considerable town throughout Great Britain, similar associations
for the peaceful redress of our common grievances. {Loud cheers) The
truth of the principles which he held, and the righteousness of the cause
which he espoused, became all but universal ; and not only Great Britain
caught the patriotic flame, but all Europe felt and acknowledged the blow
which he had struck against despots and despotism.'' {Cheers)

ELECTION OF 1835. 285
Mr. George Edmonds seconded the nomination of Thomas
Attwood amidst tremendous cheering, after which Mr. W. Phip
son proposed and Mr. Muntz seconded Mr. Joshua Scholefield.
Mr. Richard Spooner was then, in the midst of groans, hisses,
and confusion, proposed by Mr. James Taylor, and seconded by
Mr. John Simcox. Mr. Attwood next presented himself, and
was received with an extraordinary expression of public appro
bation. After a long speech, in the course of which he called
Sir Robert Peel " the scourge of God, a name first given to the
barbarian Attila," he sat down amidst loud, long, and continued
cheering. Mr. Scholefield and Mr. Spooner then addressed the
electors, the former amidst great applause, and the latter amongst
hooting, hisses, and confusion. Whilst Mr. Spooner was speak
ing the front gallery gave way, and great consternation ensued ;
but such was the excitement that the building was immediately
filled again after the wounded persons had been removed to the
hospital. The scene at the show of hands is said to have been
very striking. The hall was packed with more than 7,000
persons, and when a forest of arms were held up for Attwood
and Scholefield, many were bare to the shoulder, coat and shirt
sleeves having been torn ofif by the excessive pressure. On
Friday, the 9th of January, the polling commenced at eight
dififerent parts of the town, and was kept up with spirit during
the day. It was evident from the first that the Tories had no
chance, but they determined to poll their last man, and, as a
start, polled their committee without being able to gain the
ascendancy for a minute. At the close of the day the numbers
stood as follows : —
Attwood  1,295
Scholefield  1,268
Spooner ... ... ... 658
After the announcement Messrs. Attwood and Scholefield
addressed at least 5,000 persons from the portico of Radenhurst's
Hotel, and congratulated them on the prospects of the Liberals.
The polling was resumed on Saturday, but without the slightest
hope of success for the Tories, The numbers as first announced
were : —

286 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
Attwood ... ... ... 1,729
Scholefield .,. ... 1,664
Spooner ... ... ,,. 907
The announcement was received with tremendous shouts,
and Messrs. Attwood and Scholefield again addressed their
supporters at Radenhurst's Hotel. In the course of his speech
Mr. Attwood made the following remarks : —
The man did not Uve who could say that his vote had been either
directly or indirectly bought by him or his friend. {Cheers)
With regard to his friend Mr. Spooner, whom, he must say, he respected,
he regretted that he should have suffered himself to be seduced by a knot of
Tories. He regretted that he had not courage to resist their solicitations.
He had spent a long and honourable life, and he (Mr, A.) now lamented that
his friend had tarnished it, {Hear, hear) He regretted much the con
duct which he had pursued. He (Mr. A.) advised him against it, but he
persisted, and the consequence was he was now humbled and mortified, and
he must say he could not but rejoice in his humiUation. . . .
One remark more. He was determined not to be chaired : he could not
fall in with the old practices of the Tory oligarchy. The honour consisted
in being really and honourably elected by the people, and not in being
dragged about the streets like a puppet show. He consented on the last
occasion to be chaired because he was wilUng to afford the people every
possible opportunity of celebrating the great triumph which they had achieved
in carrying the Reform Bill. The Tories, who were the public robbers of
the people, had introduced the system of chairing : it was one of their
tricks to render the expenses of electioneering so hea-vy that no man unless
possessed of great property could contend against them. Another of their
plans was canvassing by well paid lawyers, not such as had been engaged in
the present election — {cheers) — and then followed treating in public houses,
wearing of ribbons, and all other means of expense. What a contrast the
expense of his victory and that of his colleague exhibited to that of the Tory
candidates wherever they succeeded in getting returned. There was a
population of 150,000 in Birmingham, and a constituency of between 3,000 and
4,000, and yet the whole expense would not amount to more than ^200,
{Loud and continued cheering)
On Monday morning the High and Low Bailiffs attended at
the Town Hall, for the purpose of announcing the final state of
the poll. The doors were opened at ten o'clock, and in a short
time the entire of the hall was as full as on the day of nomination.
About eleven, Messrs. Attwood and Scholefield arrived, upon
which a tremendous burst of applause resounded from all parts.

ELECTION OF 1833. 287
and the High Bailiff soon after ofificially declared the state of
the poll to be as follows : —
Attwood  1,718
Scholefield .,, ... 1,660
Spooner ... ... ... 915
The successful candidates returned their thanks in long
speeches amidst the greatest enthusiasm, and thus terminated
the first contested election which Birmingham ever witnessed.
At this general election Matthias Attwood was returned for
Whitehaven without opposition. His son Wolverley also made
his first essay in the political arena, in which he would doubtless
have distinguished himself had his health equalled his talents,
by contesting unsuccessfully the borough of Greenwich in the
Conservative interest. The numbers were : —
John Angerstein, L. ... ,,, .,. 1,826
Edward Geo. Barnard, L. ... .,, 1,102
M. Wolverley Attwood, C  1,063
It was either during the progress of this election in Birming
ham, or of the subsequent one of 1837, that the Tories published
a funny caricature representing G. F. Muntz as a huge and
shaggy bear, with Thomas Attwood as his showman. In the
background the Dissenters are endeavouring to destroy St.
Philip's Church, and at the side is a chest labelled " Brass buttons
without shanks for the new currency."
Here is the last letter which Thomas Attwood received
from the famous, or, as his enemies would have said, notorious,
Cobbett, with whom he had been so long associated either as
friend or foe, and who has devoted so much space in his Register
to the political actions of the Attwoods : —
"Wolseley, i^fanuaiy, 1835.
" My dear Sir,
I. I leave this place on Tuesday morning next to go to Birmingham. I
shall go to the Swan.
2. I wish very much to see you, and Mr. Scholefield also, if possible, in
order that I may communicate with you, in the freest possible manner, my
opinions, and my intentions, as to pubhc matters.

288 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
3. I have written to Wm. Martin to meet me at the Swan ; and I shaU
possibly stay a couple, of days at his farm at King's Norton.
4. I have requested Mr. Oldfield to send you a copy of my Legacy io
Labourers ; and, as it will not cost you above three hours to read it, I
request you to do me the honour to read it between this and Tuesday next ;
and I remain, Your most faithful and obedient servant,
Wm. Cobbett.
P.S. — We drank your healths at Oldham with great glee."
Mrs. Thoinas Attwood, Bank, Birmingham. London, fany 2Sth, 1835.
I am concerned to learn by your letter of to-day that you are so unwell.
If you continue so, pray send for Mr. Hodgson or John Ledsam, or go to the
former with my dear Sarah Eliza.
I think with you that probably we had better accept Mrs. Latty's offer,
but there is no hurry. If you should decide to come and live in London
permanently, I expect you would be pleased with the house which I looked
over yesterday.
I have seen no politicians, but I shall dine with Medley on Friday.
John Attwood's affairs look now very well, and I expect they will detain me
here until about the loth or 12th Feby. London, fany 31, 1835.
. . . I will come down in a day or two if I do not hear that you are
better. But I expect a great point in John A.'s case will come on about the
6th or 8th Feby., and I must try to be back again by that time. This
morning I saw Marcus safe on board the Eclipse steamer on his route to
Ramsgate. London, Feby. ^th, 1835.
. . . I am glad to receive Angela's letter this morning informing me
that she and Rosabel are safely landed with you. ... On Monday, the
i6th, I have engaged to dine with our good friends the politicians of Deritend.
I am in hopes of being able to make an arrangement which wiU be satis
factory to Bosco. If not, I think he should join his uncle Charies, in which
object I doubt not that Medley could assist him. ... I have engaged
to dine with the Medleys on the 12th inst,, if my law affairs will permit, in
order to meet Dr. and Mrs. Spurgin. You have heard, I daresay, that Sir
C. Wetherell is about to be made a Peer and Speaker of the House of Lords.
This is greatly in John A.'s favour. On the 12th inst, we have some important
measures of his coming on before Scarlett, who shews himself just and
impartial, I believe we shall certainly succeed in getting Abercrombie
made Speaker of the Lower House. London, 6 Feby, 1835.
. . , I think that Bosco should consult Hodgson or Ledsam. If he
has a cold, he should have a fire in his bedroom, and spend a day or two, or

LETTERS. 289
thereabouts, in bed, and if he has no cold he should take a little ginger and
rhubarb and drink three glasses of port wine in the day, and some good ale.
If he has a little low fever, the doctor would probably give him a dose or
two of James's powder, which may be right, but I think a little medicine
with port wine and ale will quickly set him right. All this debility is either
fever or indigestion, or both, and it should not be neglected, or it may lead to
the same complaint as Benjamin had, who, you will recollect, was primarily
low and weak and ill all the summer, I shall leave the affair of our residence
here to you, only I must insist on its being moderate and cheap.
London, 10 Feby., 1835.
, . . Scarlett heard a part of John A.'s cause to-day, but postponed
giving judgment until a future day. Hawne, May 20th, 1835.
My father is, I think, a little better to-day, but in a very dubious state. I
should think it not correct that Ministers contemplate a dissolution.
Mrs. Attwood, 13, Abingdon Street, London.
Birmingham, \i,th August, 1835.
Yesterday we placed our poor old friend my aunt in her place of long
rest. John and his sisters were much distressed. The latter did not attend
the funeral. We left a place for my father by the side of my mother, and
close to my grandfather. Very peacefully they sleep. No discord, but a
silent and dread concord prevails there. Certainly we ought so to Uve as
to be always ready when our hour comes. I think, also, that we ought in life
to rest as peacefully by each other's side as we do in the grave. This has
always been my study, and if I have not succeeded with others, I have at
least succeeded with you and my own family. Your dear mother I saw
yesterday and to-day. She sits up and spins, and seems better than I have
seen her for many years. My father also is quite weU. AureUus and myself
equally so. ... I am ,very anxious about my dear Angela. The step
she thinks of is very important. Pray consult with her. You know my
wishes, which are solely for her happiness, and whether that is promoted
by her continuing in her present state, or by marriage, is much the same to
me. I should not like her to go to Australia, and I take it for granted that
Mr. Wakefield will not go. With his talents and connection, I hope he may
do well in England. Hates Owen, 16 August, 1835.
. . . I have decided to go London on Tuesday night, and therefore I
hope to be with you by 8 or 9 o'clock on Wednesday morning, in time for
me to attend the meeting at Fendall's by n o'clock, I have not faUed to see
your dear mother this morning. She is in good health and spirits. The dogs
also are well — Dash and Beau and Zephyr, and a tribe of Gad and Naphtali
whose names are to me unknown. The flowers are beautifuh We hold our
meeting on Tuesday, and we consider nothing but the Corporation Bill. I
do not take quite so gloomy a view as you and Mr. Wakefield take. I dare
say the Lords will not venture to do much damage. We have got a hook in
the nose of Leviathan, as you know I always promised, and let him kick
U

V

290 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
and struggle as he please, he cannot escape the righteous judgment which
approaches. I have come over here and attended church this morning. You
know 1 was always seriously disposed, and although in my youth the black
eyes and blue eyes might sometimes call off my attention, yet now, in the
autumn of my years, I find all these tender fascinations gone, and I am left
to indulge at leisure in the deep and solemn sentiments which the death of
friends, and churches and churchyards, and the bones of a thousand winters
are calculated to inspire. I begin to think that I could form a prayer, and
adapt words and sentiments, which the creature might humbly and awfully
address to the Creator. This is the sublimest effort of man's mind, I always
shrink from the attempt. I was disgusted when I was at the funeral, at again
seeing the church doors closed against the poor, and I was more disgusted
at the use of the whip of the beadle upon the backs of the Uttle children. If
ever you survive me, let nothing of the kind be done. I should much prefer
being carried naked in the arms of the poor, with no other mourners around
me but ragged and barefooted children, reading a lesson of mortality and
humanity over my grave. Very fine and sentimental this, you will say. But
I am sure you will agree with me in opinion, that youth and age, riches and
poverty, should lose their distinctions in death.
Angela, elder daughter of Thomas Attwood, was married to
Daniel Bell Wakefield, Barrister, at St Margaret's, Westminster,
on September ist, 1835.
{Mrs. Thos. Attwood from fames Henry Attwood)
" Hawne House, Sept. loth, 1835,
" My dear Eliza, — Although rather late, I am not the less sincere, in
offering you my cordial congratulations on the marriage of dear Angela to
Mr, Daniel Wakefield. I most heartily wish her all the felicity she so weU
deserves, and of which, from the short acquaintance I have had with Mr.
Wakefield, I think she has a weU-founded prospect. The Mathewses, after
christening little Benny at Hales Owen Church on Monday, proceeded on
Tuesday morning on their journey to London and Hastings, intending to
sleep on Tuesday night at St, Albans, but the weather has been so bad that I
doubt if they have yet reached London. . . . My sister Mary Ann talks
of going to Hastings in about a week, but as I hear Miss Phipson cannot
accompany her, I rather doubt if she will put her project into execu
tion. . . ." " Thomas Attwood, Esq., M.P.
House of Lords, Deer. \^th, 1834.
"Sir, — I have read your letter and the accompanying paper with the atten
tion that whatever comes from you on the subject of the Currency requires,
I am convinced that you must either raise the prices to the Currency or
lower the Currency to the prices. I do not know yet, for until lately I have
not had time to consider the subject, which course is the best, I inchne to
think that both should be attempted, that the Currency should be lowered
and the prices raised, so that both may meet at that point which will enable

LETTERS. 291
the debtor to pay, deranging as little as possible the spirit of the contract
with the creditor. I am sorry that enquiry was not granted to some extent.
I desire' those who thought my motion unsuitable, to propose some other
remedy. No, not the answer, ' We cannot go as far as you propose, and
therefore we wUl do nothing,' I shall devote my mind to this subject, and
shall feel much obliged to you if you will give me any of your valuable infor
mation, I have the honour to be,
very faithfully yours,
Wynford."
"Hawne, \\ April, 1835,
"Dear Tom, — You cannot be insensible to what is going on in this division
of the country, and you ought to have some ideas of what may be the results
of it. You may easily conceive in what way my own mineral property may
thereby be ultimately affected, and you are likely enough to have many
applications to promote the interests of others which may be found injurious
to my own. I wish therefore to give you my sentiments and to put you and
your brother (to whom I have not written) on your guard, and in the first
place to enquire how things now doing are likely to answer, my own opinion
being decidedly against the new projects now going on, I think that they,
or most of them, cannot be supported, and to let them alone will be your
best policy. The Joint Stocks must be found insufficient, neither, in my
judgment, can the Bank of England, if willing (a thing unlikely), support
them. Let them alone and no longer interfere either with Joint Stocks or
Railroad Shares. Things as they are cannot be carried on, I conceive.
Matthias, if it be true, is joining a nest of new-fangled squires and the like
in an extensive plate glass and window glass concern of great extent in this
part of the country, and, if he does, I will not be a shareholder therein, nor
will I pay the piper. Let every tub stand on its own bottom. Nothing in
my family ought to be taken up against the interests of poor Charles. I wish
to hear how his health goes on. They ought not to forget he is my son.
Your affectionate Father,
M. Attwood."
I have not been able to obtain much information respecting
the political proceedings of Charles Attwood during the years
1834 and 1835, but on the 7th August, 1834, he addressed to
the Newcastle Press a trenchant letter in opposition to the Poor
Law, which was reprinted, with approving comments, by Cobbett
in his Register of the i6th.
George De Bosco, eldest son of Thomas Attwood, married,
on the 31st of December, 1835, Mary, eldest daughter of
William Medley, of Westminster and Mansfield, near Uxbridge,
J.P. for Middlesex and Bucks.

292 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
Considering the size and importance of Birmingham it is
surprising to read that in this year the town was still without
municipal institutions. A Bill for conferring upon it a charter
of incorporation was actively promoted by Thomas Attwood,
but it was thrown out by the Lords, and an indignation meet
ing in which he took part was held at the Town Hall on August
i8th, 1835.

CHAPTER XVIII.
Address and Petition drawn up by the Political Union, January i8th, 1836 —
Benjamin Disraeli's letter to Thomas Attwood — Great Reform Dinner
at Birmingham, January 28th — Dinner of non-electors, February ist — ¦
Letters — Death of Matthias Attwood, senior.
The first number of the Agriculturist, which appeared on the
2nd of January, 1836, contains a very full account of the
proceedings at the formation of "The Central Agricultural
Society of Great Britain and Ireland." Thomas Attwood was /
present at a dinner given on the occasion, and upon his health/
being drank with much enthusiasm, he made a speech which is
too long for insertion here, but in which occurs the following
noteworthy passage : —
You will therefore allow me to say, that I have always been a Reformer
from my earliest youth ; but it is certainly true that I never had recourse to
extreme measures for obtaining reform until I found, by long years of painful
experience, that all other means of obtaining justice for the people were in
vain. {Loud cheers)
On the 5th of January a meeting of the Council of the
Birmingham Political Union was held, Thomas Attwood in the
chair, when a petition and address to the King and House of
Commons, praying for various extensive reforms, and drawn up
by Thomas Attwood, were adopted.
This was followed by an important town's meeting, convened
by the Political Union, and held at the Birmingham Town Hall
on Monday, January i8th, 1836. This meeting was, like every
other in which Mr. Attwood took part, a grand success. The
hall was crowded, and his petition and address were adopted
amidst the greatest enthusiasm, without a single person suggest
ing the amendment of a line. Mr. Muntz took the chair, and
explained that the boasting of the Tories in connection with

294 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
their recently formed Constitutional Association, had compelled
him to come forward and assist at the revival of the Political
Union. Mr. Attwood then addressed the meeting amidst the
usual acclamations ; but it will be sufficient, I think, to give a
couple of extracts from the address" and petition to show that
Radical opinion fifty years ago had advanced as far as it has at
present. The address concludes as follows : —
"And we more particularly pray, that your Majesty will be graciously
pleased to afford your royal sanction to the following measures : —
I St. — The carrying into full and complete effect of the great measures of
Corporation Reform as originally brought forward, &c.
2nd, — A substantial, but judicious and safe. Reform of the House of
Lords. 3rd, — A correction of the acknowledged abuses in the Irish Church,
&c. . . ."
The petition commences in this way : —
" That your petitioners are of opinion, that it is necessary to the peace
and well-being of the country, and to the efficient discharge of the legislative
functions, that the House of Lords should undergo some organic change,
which may bring it forward into a conformity of views and interests with
your Honourable House, and into a state of harmony and mutual advance
and co-operation with the spirit of the age, and the interests of the people."
The following passage from Thomas Attwood's speech on
this occasion seems also to be worthy of preservation : —
Mr. O'Connell knew no more of the formation or getting up of the Bir
mingham PoUtical Union than Sir Charles Wetherell did. Both of those
eminent men were consulted after the Union had been formed, and after all
the rules and regulations had been printed. They were consulted pro
fessionally, regarding the legality of such rules and regulations, Mn
O'Connell gave us his opinion gratuitously, and I am bound to say that
Sir Charles Wetherell acted a very honourable part by us, {Hear, hear)
The truth is, I had meditated the Union for ten years, from 1819 up to 1829,
but my friend Mr. Scholefield, and others around me in the year 1819, per
suaded me not to attempt to carry the Union into effect, because, as they
alleged, the distress was not great enough amongst the industrious classes to
enable the Union to be carried into successful effect. They told me that such
were the rooted and fixed habits of respect and deference of the Enghsh people
towards the aristocracy, that it would be impossible to promote any efficient
union amongst them until long years of sufferings, and injuries, and priva
tions should have exasperated their minds. Fortunately for our country the
sufferings of the years 1826, 1827, and 1828 did prepare the means of creating
the Birmingham Political Union — (f^i?£?rj)— that formidable association

DISRAELPS LETTER. 295
whose every movement but a few years ago made the earth rock under the
feet of the Government, but which afterwards sunk to rest like an infant on
the mother's breast.
The proceedings at this meeting drew from Benjamin
Disraeli the third of his " Letters of Runnymede," which is
addressed to Thomas Attwood, and dated January 2ist, 1836.
I have copied it at length, partly on account of the celebrity
to which its author subsequently attained, and partly because
I wish to give a fair view of Thomas Attwood's politics, and to
show what his enemies, as well as his friends, thought of him.
It is needless to point out the sharp contrast which necessarily
existed between the fawning courtier and the unselfish patriot : —
" Sir, — You may be surprised at this letter being addressed to you ; you
may be more surprised when I inform you that this address is not occasioned
by any conviction of your political importance. I deem you a harmless, and
I do not believe you to be an ill-meaning, individual. "You are a provincial
banker labouring under a financial monomania. But amidst the seditious
fanfaronade which your unhappy distemper occasions you periodically to
vomit forth, there are fragments of good old feelings which show you are not
utterly denationaUzed, in spite of being ' the friend of all mankind,' and
contrast with the philanthropic verbiage of your revolutionary rhetoric, like
the odds and ends of ancient art which occasionally jut fo,rth fro,m the
modern rubbish of an edifice in a classic land — symptoms of better days,
and evidences of happier intellect.
The reason that I have inscribed this letter to your consideration is, that
you are a fair representative of a considerable class of your countrymen —
the class who talk political nonsense ; and it is these with whom, through
your medium, I would now communicate.
I met recently with an observation which rather amused me. It was a
distinction drawn in some journal between high nonsense and low nonsense.
I thought that distinction was rather happUy illustrated at the recent meeting
of your Union, which, by the bye, differs from its old state as the driveUings
of idiotism from the frenzy of insanity. When your chairman, who, like
yourself, is ' the friend of all mankind,' called Sir Robert Peel ' an ass,' I
thought that Spartan description might fairly range under the head of low
nonsense ; but when you yourself, as if in contemptuous and triumphant
rivalry with his plebeian folly, announced to us that at the sound of your
blatant voice 100,000 armed men _would instantly arise in Birmingham, it
occurred to me that Nat Lee himself could scarcely compete with you in
your claim to the more patrician privilege of uttering high nonsense. If
indeed you produce such marvels, the name of Attwood will be handed down
to posterity in heroic emulation with that of Cadmus ; he produced armed
men by a process almost as simple, but the teeth of the Theban king must

296 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
yield to the jaw of the Birmingham delegate ; though I doubt not the same
destiny would await both batches of warriors.
But these 100,000 armed men are only the advanced guard, the imperial
guard of Brummagem, the heralds of a mightier host. Nay, compared with
the impending legions, they can only count as pioneers, or humble sappers
at the best Twenty millions of men are to annihilate the Tories, By the
last census, I beUeve, the adult population of Great Britain was computed at
less than 4,000,000, Whence the subsidiary levies are to be obtained, we
may perhaps be informed the next time some brainless Cleon, at the pitch of
his voice, bawls forth his rampant folly at the top of Newhall Hill.
Superficial critics have sometimes viewed, in a spirit of narrow-minded
scepticism, those traditionary accounts of armed hosts which startle us in the
credulous or the glowing page of rude or ancient annals. But what was the
great King on the heights of Salamis or in the straits of Issus, what was
Gengis Khan, what Tamerlane, compared with Mr, Thomas Attwood of
Birmingham ? The leader of such an army may well be ' the friend of all
mankind,' if only to recruit his forces from his extensive connexions.
The truth is, Xerxes and Darius, and the valiant leaders of the Tartars
and the Mongols, were ignorant of the mystical yet expeditious means by
which 20,000,000 men are brought into the field by a modern demagogue,
to change a constitution or to subvert an empire. When they hoisted their
standard their chieftains rallied round it, bringing to the array all that
population of the country who were not required to remain at home to main
tain its order or civUisation, The peasant quitted his plough and the pastor
his flock, and the artisan without employ hurried from the pauperism of
Babylon, or the idleness of Samarcand, But these great leaders, with their
diminutive forces which astounded the Lilliputian experience of our ancestors,
had no conception, with their limited imaginations, of the inexhaustible
source whence the ranks of a popular leader may be swollen ; they had no
idea of ' The People,' It is ' the people ' that is to supply their great
successor with his milUons.
As in private life we are accustomed to associate the circle of our
acquaintance with the phrase ' ThE-World,' so in public I have invariably
observed that 'The People' of the poUtician is the circle of his interests.
The ' people ' of the Whigs are the ten-pounders who vote in their favour.
At present the municipal constituencies are almost considered by Lords
Melbourne and John Russell as, in some instances, to have afforded legiti
mate claims of being deemed part and parcel of the nation ; but I very much
fear that the course of events will degrade these bodies from any lengthened
participation in this ennobling quality. It is quite clear that the electors of
Northamptonshire have forfeited all right to be held portion of 'the people'
since their return of Mr. Maunsell. The people of Birmingham are doubt
less those of the inhabitants who huzza the grandiloquence of Mr. Attwood ;
and the people of England, perchance, those discerning individuals who, if
he were to make a provincial tour of oratory, might club together in the
different towns to give him a dinner. I hardly think that, altogether, these
quite amount to 20,000,000,
Youiself, and the school to which you belong, are apt to describe the

DISRAELPS LETTER. 297
present struggle as one between the Conservatives and the people — these
Conservatives consisting merely of 300 or 400 Peers, and their retainers.
You tell us in the same breath, with admirable consistency, that you possess
the name, but not the heart, of the King ; that the Court is secretly, and the
Peerage openly, opposed to you : the Church you announce as even behold
ing you with pious terror. The Universities, and all chartered bodies, come
under your ban. The Bar is so hostile that you have been obliged to put the
Great Seal in commission for a year, and have finally, and from sheer neces
sity, entrusted it to the custody of an individual whom by that very tripartite
trusteeship you had previously declared unfit for its sole guardianship. The
gentlemen of England are against you to a man because of their corn-
monopoly ; the yeomanry from sheer bigotry, the cultivators of the soil I
because they are the slaves of the owners, and the peasantry because they
are the slaves of the cultivators. The freemen of the towns are against you I
because they are corrupt ; the inhabitants of rural towns because they are
compelled ; and the press is against you because it is not free. It must be |
confessed that you and your party can give excellent reasons for any chance
opposition which you may happen to experience. You are equally felicitous
in accounting for the suspicious glance which the fundholder shoots at you ;
nor can I sufficiently admire the admirable candour with which the prime
organ of your faction has recently confessed that every man who possesses J
^500 per annum is necessarily your opponent. After this, it is superfluous to I
remark that the merchants, bankers, and shipowners of this great commercial
and financial country are not to be found in your ranks ; and the sneers
at our national glory and imperial sway, which ever play on the patriotic
lips of Whigs, both high and low, only retaliate the undisguised scorn with
which their anti-national machinations are viewed by the heroes of Waterloo
and the conquerors of Trafalgar. Deduct these elements of a nation, deduct
all this power, all this authority, all this skill, and all this courage, all this
learning, all this wealth, and all these numbers, and all the proud and noble
and national feelings which are their consequence, and what becomes of your
'people'? It subsides into an empty phrase, a juggle as pernicious and
as ridiculous as your paper currency !
But if you and your friends, ' the friends of all mankind,' have, as indeed
I believe you have not, the brute force and the numerical superiority of the
population of this realm marshalled under your banners, do not delude
yourselves into believing for a moment that you are in any degree entitled
from that circumstance to count yourselves the leaders of the English people.
A nation is not a mere mass of bipeds with no strength but their animal
vigour, and no collective grandeur but that of their numbers. There is
required to constitute that great creation, a people, some higher endowments
and some rarer qualities — honour, and faith, and justice ; a national spirit
fostered by national exploits ; a solemn creed expounded by a pure and
learned priesthood ; a jurisprudence which is the aggregate wisdom of ages ;
the spirit of chivalry, the inspiration of religion, the supremacy of law ; that
free order and that natural gradation of ranks, which are but a type and
image of the economy of the universe ; a love of home and country, fostered
by traditionary manners, and consecrated by customs that embalm ancestral

298 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
deeds ; learned establishments, the institutions of charity, a skill in refined
and useful arts, the discipline of fleets and armies ; and above all, a national
character, serious and yet free ; a character neither selfish nor conceited
but-which is conscious that as it owes much to its ancestors, so also it wiU
not stand acquitted if it neglect its posterity : — these are some of the
incidents and qualities of a great nation like the people of England. Whether
these are to be found in 'the people' who assemble at the meetings of your
Union, or whether they may be more successfully sought for amongst their
20,000,000 of brethren at hand, I leave you. Sir, to decide. I shall only"
observe, that if I be correct in my estimate of the constituent elements of the
English people, I am persuaded that, in spite of all the arts of plundering
factions and mercenary demagogues, th-ey will recognise, with a grateful
loyalty, the venerable cause of their welfare in the august fabric of theif
ancient constitution."
The Birmingham Liberals followed up the meeting of the
1 8th by a grand Reform dinner at the Town Hall on January
28th. Nearly 900 persons attended, and the chair was taken
by G. F. Muntz. A single clergyman, the Rev. W. B. Collis of v
Norton, my wife's grandfather, showed his moral courage by
attending this great meeting of Whigs, Radicals, Catholics, and
Dissenters, at a time when the Liberal cause was most unpopular
amongst the bishops and clergy of the Established Church.
Amongst the gentlemen who sat on the right and left of the
chairman were the following : —
Joseph Hume, M.P. Messrs. G.' Attwood.
Sir Wm. Molesworth, Bart., M.P. „ C. Scholefield.
Daniel O'Connell, M.P. „ R. Fryer, jun.
T. Thornley, M.P. „ D. Wakefield.
E. P. Villiers, M.P. „ B. Hadley.
Thomas Attwood, M.P. The Mayor of Warwick.
J. Scholefield, M.P. „ Worcester.
Sir G. Chetwynd, Bart. „ Leicester.
Sir Peter Payne, Bart. „ Walsall.
Sir C. Wolseley, Bart. \ „ Droitwich.
Rev. W. B, Collis, Rev, Hugh Hutton. ¦
Thomas Attwood, in responding to the toast of "The
Members for the Borough," gave his reasons for cordially
supporting Lord Melbourne, and strongly condemned the
foreign and domestic policy of the Duke of Wellington and
Sir Robert Peel. In particular, he dwelt upon their base
conduct in truckling to Russia, and in permitting her to declare
war against Turkey, and concluded by pointing out the falseness

DINNER OF fANUARY 28, 1836. 299
of the assertion that the Tories possessed all the respectability
and wealth of Birmingham. Whilst he was speaking, O'Connell
arrived, and upon taking his stand close to Attwood was
received with enthusiastic applause.
The Liberal demonstrations did not end here, for on February
1st the non-electors of Birmingham invited the borough mem
bers to another grand dinner, also in the Town Hall, where 996
persons sat down. Amongst the company were the following
staunch Reformers: — Messrs. Daniel, Morgan, and John O'Con
nell, Attwood, Scholefield, Wakefield, T. A. Attwood, C. C.
Scholefield, W. Scholefield, P. H. Muntz, &c,, and Mr. Geo.
Edmonds, who took the chair. In the course of the evening
Mr. Attwood spoke at length upon his usual topics, and con
cluded by proposing the health of O'Connell, who was again
received with vehement applause.
Mr. Attwood appears to have resided with his family during
nearly the whole of 1836, as I find only the following letters
preserved : — ^' Paris, 3 Feby., 1836,
"Dear Sir, — I cannot let depart from here your excellent son, Mr, De
Bosco Attwood, without giving him a word for you, my dear Sir. He and his
lady will tell you how many enquiries I made of them about you. I am an old
grateful animal, I shall never forget the friendly attentions shown me by
you, as well in Birmingham as in London, and more so the constant zeal
nesiz you have so many times evinced in behalf of my unfortunate country.
I am confident that in the present session you'll raise your great voice
for this sacred cause. I beg you to read the Morning Chronicle of 26th
December, it will inform you,x)f what we have endured from the mad
Constantine and the cruel Nicholas. In the address from the House depict
in the strongest words that Poland is necessary to the balance of Europe, tell
that it is not only a political cause, but also' that of humanity and of safety for
Europe, which otherwise will prove an easy prey to Russian barbarity and
slavery. I send you a medal of General La Fayette : it cannot be in more
worthy hands. . . . Faithfully yours,
J. Ursin Niemcewicz."
"May l^th, 1836.
" Sir, — I take the liberty of again requesting you to do me the favor of
franking a letter to the Editor of the Brighton Patriot, Brighton ; and
remain, Sir, your obliged obedient servant,
Wm, Cobbett.
P.S, — May I request you. Sir, also to be so kind as to frank the letter to
Mr. Whitehouse, and to allow both letters to go to the post with your own ?"

300 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
To Mrs. Attwood, Mrs. Carles^ s, Barming, near Maidstone.
London, April 6, 1836.
. . . Marcus is gone to Ramsgate, Algernon comes to me. I cannot
yet quite see my road to Buttonland. I suppose I must stay here until I see
you, which I hope will be on Friday. I send love to Anny and Rosy, and
kind remembrances to their good and kind aunt
Matthias Attwood, the father of Thomas, died at Hawne
House on the 24th of November, 1836, aged ninety, and was
buried in the Attwood vault at Hales Owen Church on the 2nd of
December following. It appears that Thomas Attwood and his
family were residing at Harborne at the time, as I find no
allusion to the death or funeral amongst his letters.

SECOND medal OF POLITICAL UNION REORGANIZED 1 837.

CHAPTER XIX.
Anxieties of Mr. Attwood during 1837 — He presents Address to the Princess
Victoria — Second movement of the Birmingham Political Union — Death
of the King — Correspondence with Sir H. Taylor — Proclamation of the
Queen and extraordinary compliment paid by the people to Attwood —
Address to Electors — Attwood and Scholefield again returned — M. and
M. W. Attwood returned for Whitehaven and Greenwich — Letters of
Thomas Attwood to the close of 1837.

I FEEL it utterly beyond my power to present anything
approaching to an intelligible abstract of the numerous and
important public events in which Thomas Attwood took part
during the year 1837. ^^ previous years I have often expe
rienced difificulty from the lack of materials ; now I am appalled
by their superabundance. I do not mean that the politics of
this year can compare for magnitude and importance with those
of 1832, but there was about the main events of that great year
an unity and grandeur which render them comparatively easy to
narrate, whilst the complexity of those of 1837 makes the task
a most difificult one. In this_^;£aL-occurred the dea4h-ef the
King, and the accession of the Queen, the dissolution of Par-
liament, and the ensuing general election, the revival of the
Birmmgham Political Union, and last, though not least, it-was
thenthatJVIr. Attwood "placed himself -at the head of

302 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
movement for Political Reform which had been made in England
sTTicfe i08y." — I piupuse l^^ostpohe^n account of the connection
ot Mr. Attwood with the Chartist movement until 1840, when I
shall have occasion to quote largely from his own narrative, —
to give a very brief account of some of the public events of the
year with which he was more immediately connected, — and to
leave his letters to tell the rest
The domestic anxieties with which my poor grandfather had
to contend at this period were sufficient to have unnerved a
selfish politician, or, indeed, any one to whom the public good
was not paramount to all other considerations.
His income had never been sufiicient to enable him ta
rnajnfain fhe positinn of a Mpmher nf Parliament without great
sacrifices, his son-in-law had proved unsuccessful, and in con
sequence two of his grandchildren were born under his kind
and generous roof, whilst the severe and increasing illness of
his son Marcus was a source of constant anxiety and expense.
The stagnation and distress in Birmingham was fearful, and he
was penetrated with griet at his inability to relieve it, and he was
mortified at what he considered the unreasonable and useless
opposition of the Tories. Nevertheless he manfully faced the
accumulated difficulties of his position ; never .was he more
active, both with tongue and pen, than during this eventful
yeai7"arid before its close he was cheered by some extraordinary
testimonies of popular gratitude and affection.
The Princess Victoria attained her majority on the 24th of
May, 1837, and the evidently nearly approaching event of her
accession to the throne invested the event with great interest
and importance. As a protest against any imputations of dis
loyalty, the Birmingham Political Union determined to present
addresses both to her Royal Highness and to the Duchess of
Kent. These addresses, which were probably drawn up by
Thomas Attwood, were accordingly presented by him and
Joshua Scholefield at Kensington Palace, and I subjoin the
Journal report of the proceedings : —
" These Addresses were presented to Her Royal Highness the Princess
Victoria, and to Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, on Thursday, by

ADDRESS TO PRINCESS VICTORIA. 303
Mr. Attwood and Mr, Scholefield, Our representatives were honoured with
an audience of Her Royal Highness at Kensington Palace for that purpose.
On presenting the address to Her Royal Highness the Princess Victoria,
Mr. Attwood spoke as foUows ; —
May it please Your Royal Highness — I have here an humble and
affectionate address from a body of men calling themselves the Birmingham
Political Union — a body of men than whom His Majesty has not more loyal
subjects in his dominions — who have not intruded on public attention for
some years, but who now come forward for the purpose of mingling their
tribute of loyalty and affectionate respect with that of all their countrymen,
in congratulating Your Royal Highness upon this happy occasion.
Mr. Attwood then read the Address : —
' Unto Her Royal Highness the Princess Alexandrina Victoria, the
respectful and dutiful Address of the Birmingham Political Union,
The Members of the Birmingham Political Union, in common with their
fellow-countrymen, take the Uberty of approaching your royal presence, to
offer to you their congratulations on the auspicious advent of your eighteenth
birthday. The destined Sovereign of our beloved country could, under no circum
stances, be regarded with indifference ; but Your Royal Highness has
pecuUar claims to our respect and affection.
"We are told that by the judicious care of your illustrious and exceUent
mother, you have been trained up to know and to cherish those great
principles of civil Uberty which it is the birthright of Englishmen to enjoy,
and the first and highest privUege of their Sovereign to maintain. We
believe, and sincerely rejoice in the belief, that Your Royal Highness's
education and sentiments have, in this respect, been truly reported.
The Throne of Great Britain and Ireland, which in the ordinary course
of nature you will be called on to fill, demands from its occupant, at all
times, and more especially in ours, the entire resources of an enlightened
patriotism. On ascending it, you may expect to find many pubUc grievances to be re
dressed, and many public wants to be suppUed ; nor will the difficulties opposed
to your most zealous endeavours be few or small. You will have to suffer
numerous anxieties, and to brook not a few disappointments. But as the
obstacles to a faithful discharge of the high duties which Providence has
imposed upon you are great, so great will be your praise and your glory in
overcoming them. And the path to victory in such a cause is known and
certain. If, as Queen of this mighty nation, you steadfastly resolve that your royal
affections shall be circumscribed by no other limits than the hearts of the
entire of your subjects ; if you determine to study the happiness of the
universal people, without respect to creed or opinion ; the march of your
reign will be ever onward, assured, and joyful. Faction may flatter you for
its selfish ends, and abandon you when they are served ; the most powerful
party will, in the day of trial, prove a broken reed ; but the People will never

304 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
forsake you, in good report or in evil, unless, unhappily, you shall have first
forsaken or deceived them.
Hoping and trusting that the confidence of Your Royal Highness in the
People will be as fixed and permanent as their affection towards your person
and character is hearty and sincere, the Radical Reformers of this great
town, whose voice we speak, respectfully tender to Your Royal Highness the
willing tribute of their loving and dutiful wishes. May length of days be in
your right hand, and in your left hand riches and honour ! May your ways
be ways of pleasantness, and all your paths be peace !
In the name and on behalf of the Union, P, H. Muntz, Chairman.
B. Hadley, Secretary.
R, K. Douglas, Treasurer.' V .
The honourable gentleman afterwards read the Address of the same body
to Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent : —
' To Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, the respectful and dutiful
Address of the Birmingham Political Union.
May it please Your Royal Highness — The members of the Birmingham
PoUtical Union respectfully offer to Your Royal Highness the tribute of their
affectionate congratulations, on the happy event of your illustrious daughter's
eighteenth birthday.
Whilst they warmly sympathise in the honest exultation of a mother's
heart, at the mighty prospect that Providence has seen fit to open to her
beloved child, they would most earnestly thank Your Royal Highness for the
successful pains that Your Royal Highness has taken to fit that child for the
worthy fulfilment of her high destinies.
It is their hope and prayer that Your Royal Highness may be spared for
many years to reap the fruits of your enlightened care, and to trace the
wisdom and honour of your iUustrious daughter's reign, in the peace and
prosperity of a grateful people.' (Signed as before.)
The communication which announces the presentation of the Addresses
adds :
' On Mr, Attwood's reading the Address of the Birmingham Political
Union to the Princess Victoria, both Her Royal Highness and her royal
mother the Duchess of Kent were greatly affected, Mr. Attwood then read
the Address of the same body to Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent,
who was unable to repress her emotions, and expressed her high gratifica
tion at the sentiments of gratitude and respect towards herself contained
in the Address, and at finding that her anxious labours in forming the
character of her royal daughter were so highly appreciated by all classes of
His Majesty's subjects,'
A letter from Mr, Scholefield says :
' I should not rest satisfied if I did not acquaint you with the truly
gracious (and to my colleague and myself, most flattering) reception which
we met with at the Palace of Kensington to-day, . . . The Duchess of
Kent was actually moved to the shedding of tears on the mention of her own

DEATH OF KING WILLIAM IV. 305
valuable direction of the education of her royal daughter, and her reply was
in terms so touching, and evidently so sincere, as to impress Mr. Attwood's
mind and my own with feelings of the most ardent hope from the rule
of the future Queen of England.'
We should be sorry to weaken the effect of these communications by one
word of comment."
In the course of this year three separate memorials on the
Currency question were presented to Lord Melbourne by the
inhabitants of Birmingham. Whigs, Tories, and Radicals of the
town all agreed in recommending the changes in the monetary
system advocated by Thomas Attwood, and the third memorial,
presented in the autumn, was read to the Premier by him.
Meanwhile active steps were in progress for initiating the
" Second Movement of the Birmingham Political Union," and
the first great meeting was held on Newhall Hill on the 19th
of June, when Mr. Attwood was, as usual, received with the
most vehement cheering. The King was then at the last
extremity, and when the popular member, in a most solemn
and impressive manner, called upon the meeting to implore
the blessing of God upon him, the vast multitude instantly
uncovered, and repeated with one voice, "God bless the King!"
The efifect is said to have been extremely awful and sublime.
A long petition was unanimously agreed to by the meeting,
but the radical nature of its demands may be sufficiently
gathered from Mr. Attwood's address to the electors which I
shall presently quote.
The news of the King's death, which had occurred very early
in the morning of the 20th, reached Birmingham on the same
day, when the following correspondence took place : —
{From Mr. Attwood to Sir Herbert Taylor)
Birmingham, fune 20, 1 870.
Sir, — To-day the melancholy news has reached us of the death of our
good King. We are all impressed with real grief But yesterday I had the
honour of presiding at a great meeting of the inhabitants of Birmingham, at
which we all of us offered up a spontaneous prayer to Almighty God for his
safety. I assure you. Sir, that it was a grand and sublime sight to see, as I
did, a hundred thousand of the late King's subjects, all taking off their hats
in solemn silence, and aU lifting up their faces to Heaven, and aU crying out
with one heart and one voice, " God bless the king!"
We fondly flattered ourselves that our good King would have lived to
X

3o6 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
hear the prayers of his people in his behalf. And we thought that the
knowledge of those spontaneous and heartfelt prayers would have been a
comfort and consolation to him in his last hour. It has pleased Almighty
God to remove him suddenly from this world. I request the favour of you.
Sir, to make knovi'n to our present young and interesting Queen the new
proof which I now present to you, that her Royal Uncle descends into the
grave covered with the blessings and the prayers of a grateful and devoted
people. I have the honour to be. Sir,
Your obedient humble servant,
Thomas Attwood,
"Windsor Castle, fune 22, 1837,
" Sir, — I do not delay in acknowledging the receipt of your letter of the
20th inst,, and assuring you of the heartfelt satisfaction with which I have
read so just and so well merited a tribute to the memory and worth of my
late revered and lamented Royal Master. I have not failed to take the
earliest opportunity of submitting it to Queen Adelaide, whose feelings have,
in this period of affliction, been gratified in the highest degree by the
expression of the loyal and affectionate sentiments of the assembled in
habitants of Birmingham, when they offered up their prayers to the Almighty
for their excellent King, as also by the terms in which you have conveyed
them. As I am not in communication with any person in immediate attendance
upon our present Queen, I have transmitted your letter to Lord Melbourne,
with a view to the accomplishment of the wish expressed in the concluding
part of it I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,H. Taylor,
Thomas Attwood, Esq."
The Queen was solemnly proclaimed in Birmingham on the
26th of June, when a most extraordinary and unprecedented
compliment was paid by the people to Thomas Attwood. As
soon as they caught sight of him walking in the procession, the
young and interesting Queen was entirely forgotten, and the
whole affair was turned into a gigantic demonstration in honour
of him, to the infinite disgust of the Tories, who were compelled
to walk about for three hours listening to deafening shouts of
"Attwood for ever." This remarkable event is briefly but
graphically described in Mt Attwood's letters from which I
shall presently quote.
A meeting of the Council of the Union was held on June 27th,
when an address to the Queen on her accession, drawn up by

HIS ADDRESS TO ELECTORS OF BIRMINGHAM. 30/
Attwood, was unanimously adopted. I am compelled to omit
this for the sake of brevity, but in moving its adoption he said ; —
. . . The Address should also be made a petition praying Her
Majesty's serious attention to the distressed condition of her subjects. He
recollected that the Union had agreed to an Address of that description to
His late Majesty, in which they prayed him to dismiss the Peel and WelUng
ton faction from his councUs, The Address was forwarded to Sir Herbert
Taylor, and that gentleman returned it, stating that it must be conveyed to
His Majesty by his Prime Minister, He, Mr. Attwood, accordingly went
over to Drayton, and handed it to Sir Robert Peel, and requested him to
present the Address which prayed for his own removal, {Laughter)
On the same day Thomas Attwood issued his address to
the electors of Birmingham as follows : —
To the Electors and Inhabitants of the Borough of Birmingham.
Friends and Fellow-Townsmen !
On the dissolution of Parliament, consequent on the death of our good
King, I think it my duty again to offer you my services. The accession of
our young and interesting Queen to the most powerful and most glorious
throne in the world, may possibly give me the opportunity of assistin&-in
the relief of the general distress of the industrial classes, and in the.pi::eMen-
tion of those terrible calamities which threaten all. There is not a fluctuation
6f adversity or prosperity among the industrious classes, which has occurred
in England for the last twenty-two years, which I have not foretold, and
foreproved in print, as the inevitable result of the monetary policy which the
Government was at each period adopting. It is no vanity in me to beUeve,
therefore, that the circumstances of my life have given me a knowledge of
this vital and all-important subject, which enables me to act with confidence
and decision, in recommending the measures which are necessary to the
relief of industry and to the safety of the country. I assert, confidently.
that by the adoption of a just, upright, and judicious system of monetary
'policy, the general distress in the manufacturing districts may be relieved in
"one single month, and that within three months a general and permanent
•aate of prosperity and rnntpn(-m£iLt_may^_hp e.qtflhlished in agriciUturpj
manufactures, and rnmmprrp, wilhnut injngtirp nr rrvatpHql injiir^i- -to any
class of the community.
Friends and Fellow-Townsmen !
In these days of change and of backsliding from the public cause, it is,
perhaps, proper for me to inform you that I have myself experienced no
change. I still support the great principles of Reform which I claimed in
1830 as the undeniable constitutional rights of the People, under the advice
of a sound and eminent constitutional lawyer, viz. : —
1st. — Household Suffrage, or Representation co-extensive with Taxation.
2nd. — Triennial or more frequent Parliaments.
X 2

3o8 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
3rd, — Freedom of Election, secured by Vote by BaUot,
4th, — Wages of Attendance for Members of the House of Commons,
5th, — AboUtion of Property Qualification in Members of the House of
Commons. 6th, — Dismissal of all Placemen from the House of Commons.
These are the rights of the People, consecrated by the blood of their
fathers, and which, 1 trust, will be shortly restored and secured to them and
their posterity for ever.
Friends and Fellow-Townsmen !
The more I reflect upon the history and character of my countrymen, the
more I am convinced that, under a wise and just administration of public
affairs, there is in England no hostile feeling towards the Aristocracy, or
towards the just and rightful prerogatives of the Crown, Misgovernment
and ill-usage may sometimes draw the People astray ; but when the" mis-
gSvernment is removed, and justice is done, their hearts always rally round
The ancient Constitution, wliicn gave shelter to their lathers, and inaffl'
-England tne aamiration ot the world. Therefore, the Constitution shaU
receive no injury from me, A-s far as my humble efforts go, the wrongs of
the people shall be redressed, the rights and interests of the industrious
clas9e5~SlTall be restored, and the Crown, the Aristocracy, and the people,
sh'aU Uounsh together in mutual harmony, prosperity, and happiness, lor ag^
yet to come.
My Friends,
I will not support a low and niggardly economy in any department of the
State. I will not consent to cut down the Na-vy. The honour and safety of
England demand that the Navy should be largely and speedily increased. I
will not consent to cut down the Army more rapidly than is perfectly con
sistent with the honour and safety of the country. I will never consent that
England shaU not be in a condition suddenly to Break the Head of any
enemy that may insult her, 1 have no fear of the Army proving hostUe to
liberty. So long as the Army consists of Enghshmen, their Enghsh hearts
are always with the people. Nor will I consent to any niggardly economy
to the Crown. ,Xb<M:jOMm is Jhe unity r.f the penple .Sn iQng as the Crown
protects the rights, andj[berties. and intprests nf tlip Ppnplp^ it shall rerei.ve
¦=^1 large, and' hberal, and generous consideration from me. These low and
riiggardly economies are beneath the dignity of a great nation ; and as to the
burden which they remove from the people, it is ridiculous to speak of it. It^
is not the burden of taxes which miclipc H-,p mtmn, hut thp arbitrary cruel.
and unjust laws which paralyse industry on the one hand, and quadruple
th"e burdens ot indusTfy" on The other. Let the industry of the nation TfejeT
free ; and let thir taxes be imposed upon wealth, and not upon poverty, and
there-witt-hi ! nu liimii-i. ;  n 11.,:. r^ot.^,. ,„;ii rmrrpi^r immir thatihev
ffdat_ The rich wiU expend their superfluities in the maintenance_ofline-of-
battle ships ; and they will possess more dignity and more honourable
gratiHcafiuU in the natiuiial puwei \^diich they wilLoius- exhibit thaipny
wlnchthe selfish and paltry distinctions of individual fxpf^'^ifll'''' canbestow.

ELECTION OF 1837. 309
These, my friends, are my principles — principles which I have acted upon
from my youth upwards, and tthich I will carry with me to my grave.
Rnt pl1 thpsp principles are subsidiary^, in my mind, to the gTeat__and
crowning principle — Let Industry Flourish. I consider the right of
living by honest labour, comfortably and securely, to be the first aird most
saCTM_of2all?ights,^in 'crvrlised life. — " The ox must not be muzzled, that"
treadeth out the earn,"" ihe worEIhen and labourers must have full employ
ment, and a fair and just share~ofThe iruits 01 theii uwii laboui ; and alter
tlte, the surplus must go to their employ ersand the nation. Unless tiiis
great primeval right, the right of living by honest labour, is made secure, all
other rights are a mere delusion. Under the pretence ot liberty, they give
to aTnation the worst of slaveiy: — There can be no liberty in a uatiuii which
"taerely gives to the industrious classes a melancholv choice between the gaol,
the workhouse, and the grave.
My Friends,
If these sentiments meet with your approbation, 1 am ready to serve you
in the ensuing Parliament. If not, I am content ; satisfied with the reflection
that, both in Parliament and out of ParUament, I have done everything in
my power to restore the liberty, the prosperity, and the glory of my countiy,
I am, my friends, Your faithful Representative,
Thomas Attwood,
This address shows very clearly the difference between the
Radicalism of Thomas Attwood and that of the_gentleman who
has succeeded to his infiuence anj popularity in Birmingham,
He was a Radical, indeed, but he was as anxious to uphold the
honour of the British flag as any Tory, He knew that fleets
and armies were necessary in the present state of humanity.
John Bright thought the Crimean war "wicked " and unnecessary;
Attwood, on the contrary, would have prosecuted it until he had
brought the Russian despot to his knees, and curbed him for
ever by the re-establishment of the Kingdom of Poland.
On the 4th of July an address of condolence to Queen
Adelaide was drawn up by Mr. Attwood, and unanimously
adopted by the Political Union. It was graciously received
and acknowledged by Lord Howe in a letter dated August 28th.
The election of 1837 created the greatest excitement in Bir
mingham, and for some time a serious riot was anticipated. As,
however, it is pretty fully described in Mr, Attwood's letters,
I shall only allude briefly to it here. The Tories brought forward
the Hon. A. G. Stapleton to oppose the popular members. The

3IO LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
Royal Hotel, where his committee met, was attacked by the
mob, and the windows broken. The Riot Act was read, and a
troop of the 5th Dragoons brought in from "West Bromwich,
and drawn up in front of the hotel. Before proceeding to ex
tremities, Colonel Sir Maxwell "Wallace waited on Mr. Attwood
and requested him to induce the people to disperse. He,
accordingly, at considerable personal risk, and subjected to
many gross insults by the hangers-on of the opposite party,
accompanied the colonel to the Royal Hotel, where by his
great influence over the people he soon induced the majority
of the rioters to disperse, with the exception of a small number
who insisted on remaining to protect him. " On the following
morning," says Mr. Langford, "the disturbance was renewed.
The Riot Act was again read, and, to crown all, a troop of the
Worcestershire Yeomanry were brought to the town, and their
presence produced the utmost indignation." To avoid a collision
Colonel Wallace requested them to leave the town, and Mr.
Attwood assisted him by drawing ofif the populace to the front
of the Town Hall, where he addressed them. The unfortunate
troop then left the town amidst a storm of yells, groans, and
stones. The nomination, which took place at the Town Hall on July
24th, afforded another grand scene and memorable triumph
for Thomas Attwood, He was proposed by Mr. B. Hadley,
and seconded by Mr. Geo, Edmonds. His appearance upon
the platform was the signal for a tremendous outburst of
applause, and eye-witnesses state that, although they had beheld
the scenes of '32, they had hardly ever been present at its equal.
In the course of a long and powerful speech he administered a
severe castigation to the Tories, for having, in a season of great
want and distress, insulted the townsmen by daring to bring
amongst them a perfect stranger, utterly ignorant of indus
trial matters, as a candidate : he sternly warned the Duke of
Wellington of the fate which awaited him, should he, as rashly
advised in '32, attempt to restrain the people by force, and
concluded amidst vociferous cheers by calling upon all those
who thought with him — all those who were ready to follow him

ELECTION OF i837- ' 311
to the last extremity — to hold up their right hands. In reply
six thousand hands were upheld with loud shouts. Mr. Attwood
then requested any one present who really believed him to be a
dangerous politician, to hold up his hand, when only four hands
were raised by members of Mr. Stapleton's committee. " My
friends," said Mr. Attwood, " I sit down content.''
In the course of this speech he made the following remarks : —
I know that it has been represented that 1 am not a religious man.
They say that I swear and curse. The worst curse that I ever uttered
against mortal man was a blessing. It is true I sometimes use the phrase,
" I don't care a damn," or " I don't care a rush," but that is merely my mode
of expressing unmeasured contempt for the subject. I do not mean, nor ever
did mean, to expose any human being or any living thing to the condemna
tion or censure of Almighty God, A man must be a demon incarnate who,
in his heart, can wish that the censure of the Almighty should follow a
fellow-creature beyond the grave, I attend church every Sunday, except
when I am called away by far more painful duties. Does that look like
irreligion ? For the last thirty years I have attended family prayers every
night in my own house. Does that look like irreligion ? No, my friends, it
is not the want of religion, but the absence of a base hypocrisy, which my
Tory opponents lament in me, I was born in the Church of England, 1 have
always Uved in the Church of England, and I shall die in the Church of
England, In a few years I shall sleep in the churchyard at Harborne and
there, I trust, that many a brave man, and not a few beautiful women, will
shed a tear over my grave.
The result of the election was, of course, a foregone con
clusion, though the Tories contrived to make a better show
at the polling booths than they had done at the hustings.
The numbers at the close of the poll were,, according to
McCalmont, as follows: —
Attwood ...  ... 2,145
Scholefield ... ,,. ,.. ... 2,114
Stapleton   1,046
At this election Matthias Attwood was returned, without
opposition, for Whitehaven, in the Conservative interest, and his
son Wolverley headed the poll at Greenwich as a supporter of
the same politics, defeating Captain (afterwards Sir Charles)
Napier. At the latter borough the numbers were —
Attwood, M. W  1,368
Barnard, Ed. Geo. ... ... 1,194
Napier, Capt. C  1,158

312 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
There were thus three Attwoods, all closely related, in the
House of Commons at the same time ; but, owing to their oppo
sition to each other, this rare circumstance, out of which many
selfish politicians would have carved their way to fame and
fortune, rather diminished than increased the influence of the
family as a whole.
On the 7th of June, a medal was struck by Mr. Davis, of
Birmingham, to commemorate the reorganization of the Political
Union. It bears upon the obverse, Attwood's favourite emblems
of the lion, the serpent, and the lamb, together with a figure of
Justice and a banner inscribed " Peace, Law, Order," and upon
the reverse, the crown and Magna Charta, with the inscriptions,
"Birmingham Political Union, established 25th January, 1830,
Reorganized 7th June, 1837," "Unity, Liberty, Prosperity,"
I am not sure whether Thomas Attwood was present at the
Queen's coronation on the 28th of June, but Mr, LI. Attwood
has given me the order for his admission to Westminster Abbey
signed by the Speaker.
I have alluded to the domestic trials of my grandfather
during this year. These culminated soon after the coronation,
when his son Marcus, after much suffering, was compelled to
have his leg amputated by Sir Benjamin Brodie. I can only
notice very briefly the public events for the remainder of this
year, Mr, Attwood's labours, both in and out of Parliament,
were incessant. In order to facilitate intercourse between
the members and their constituents, Birmingham had been
divided into sixteen district committees, and all these bodies
appear to have expected Messrs. Attwood and Scholefield to
dine with them occasionally. I find noted amongst Mr. Att
wood's papers an account of a dinner at The Swan, in Harford
Street, which he attended in August, and on the 21st of the
same month Mr. Scholefield and he were entertained by the
thirteenth district committee at the Golden Lion, Aston Street,
About a week later he was present at a dinner given by the
ninth district committee at the Crown, Broad Street, Mean
while the meetings of the Council of the Union were incessant,
and there was a formidable agitation, in which Tories, Whigs,

DEPUTATION TO LORD MELBOURNE. 313
and Radicals joined, to compel the Government to adopt the
monetary policy so long advocated by Attwood, Spooner, and
their followers. A great meeting was held at the Town Hall
on October 4th with this object in view, when a long memorial
was drawn up, and the two members, the High and Low Bailiffs,
and Messrs. R. Spooner, W. Chance, C. Shaw, G. Edmonds,
T, C, Salt, Baker, Corbet, Watson, Sutton, and P. H. Muntz,
were appointed to present it to Lord Melbourne, In Parliament
Thomas Attwood does not appear to have gained any ground
during the course of this year, though he was treated with great
courtesy by the Premier upon the occasion of his presenting the
memorial referred to above. I shall now give some extracts
from his letters for the year 1837 ; —
Mrs. Attwood, Grove House, Harborne.
13, Upper Seymour St. West, fan. 30, 1837,
. , , I arrived here last night quite well at 9 o'clock. It snowed all
day. I am pleased with Bosco's house, and with Mary's management and
everything I see about it. It is prudent, careful, and respectable. fan. 31, 1837.
Nothing is said about Russia in the King's Speech, , I
have just walked two miles in a hurry to hear the Speech, but was too late.
I am now going to deliver your letters to Marcus and Algernon, and then
I come back to the House of Commons, to hear the course decided upon, at
4 o'clock, and afterwards I am going to dine with John Attwood.
London, Feby. 1st, 1837,
I was concerned to see Marcus, and could not look at him
without the tears gushing into my eyes — of course, not for him to see. I
think to go to Ramsgate with him on Saturday, and to return on Monday.
He seems in good spirits, and says that Scott says he is doing well,
I would send you a paper with the King's Speech, but I cannot get one
here in Seymour St, Fortunately it contains nothing at all. The base Jews
and Boroughmongers are all trying to palliate and explain away the conduct
of Russia. {Mr. Attwood to the Right Hon. Sir Robert Peel, Baj-t)
6, York Road, Upper Stamford St.,
Feby. 7, 1837.
Sir, — In the debate in the House of Commons last night upon Joint Stock
Banks, Honourable Members were so eager to address the House that I
found it quite impossible to obtain an opportunity myself Much was said
by Honourable Members which I was desirous of obtaining an opportunity
of refuting ; but there were three representations made by yourself, which
I deem totally erroneous, and calculated, if not contradicted, to do much

314 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
injury to the public cause. I am therefore induced to take this means of
endeavouring to counteract their effect on the public mind.
I understand you to make the three foUowing representations ; —
First, — That Cash notes 2L\e: Money, and that to allow to the public the
right of making and issuing them is to allow them the privilege of coining
money, and is a virtual interference with the King's Prerogative.
Secondly, — That workmen and labourers generally have been benefited
by the BiU of 1819, which made all the paper debts, taxes and aU the obliga
tions of the nation payable in standard gold, without making any allowance
or reduction whatever for the increase of burthens thus effected.
Thirdly, — That the fluctuations of the last twenty years are occasioned by
the Metallic Standard of Value, and would have been occasioned under any
other Metallic Standard of Value which could have been adopted, , ,
[After combating these propositions at great length, and refuting them to
his own satisfaction, Mr. Attwood concludes : — ]
It is true. Sir, as you stated, that the original cause of all this misery,
fraud, and danger may be traced up to the Bank Restriction Act of 1797.
Without giving my opinion on the subject of that Act of Parliament, or
of the war out of which it arose, and which it w^as the means of bringing
to a successful issue, I may be permitted to observe, that the Act of 1797
furnishes no excuse or palUation whatever for that of 1819. The one might
be perfectly sound, just, and beneficial, whilst the other is wild, unjust, cruel,
and destructive in its operation. If a man is murdered in the highway by a
robber, we must not therefore charge the blame upon such unhappy man's
father, although casuists- might possibly trace a remote connection between
the father and the son, without which the latter could never have been
murdered. But the Act of 1797 was thought by the Government, and by
the people, at the time, to be wise, just, and necessary. It was agreed on
all hands that we could not borrow another one thousand milUons sterling of
private debts and obligations without the aid of the Paper System ! It was
reserved for you. Sir, and the bands of Jews and lawyers, Whigs, Tories, and
Radicals, among whom you have the misfortune to act, to discover in 1819 a
truth, as you deem it, unheard of in the history of the world before, viz., that
it is easier to repay debts than to contract them !!!
Wishing most sincerely. Sir, both to you and' to them, a safe dehverance
from the tremendous issues into which you have brought our unhappy
country, I remain, with respect. Sir,
Your faithful and humble servant,
Thomas Attwood,
To Mrs. Attwood, Harborne. London, Feb. 11, 1837.
. . . You wonder, my love, that 1 do not write more fully. But London
is an immense place, and engagements of many kinds press upon me. See
how I was engaged yesterday. At 9, I rose, and half read a dozen letters,
thought of Harborne, &c., and at 1 1 went with Marcus 3 miles to Scott. At
12, went in an omnibus 4 miles to Baker St. At 2, went to 13, Seymour St.;

LETTERS. 315
at 3, went to the Cab Repository in Baker St, ; at 4, went 3 miles to the
House of Commons, stopping a moment for a little comfort at Mrs, Fendall's,
Then went to meet D, Wakefield in York Road, at \ past 6, and being
disappointed in that object, I spent the evening with Marcus and Algernon
in friendly communion ; and so, my dear love, this is the way in which my
days pass, and if I should omit to write to you, you must not think that I
forget you, but that I am probably 4 or 5 miles from the Post Office. , ,
London, Feb. 14, 1837.
. . . The times are very gloomy. I think to come to Harborne
shortly. My letter to Peel, I find, pleases the M.P.'s. It was not possible
for human contrivance to get an opportunity of answering him in any other
way. Lojidon, Feb. 17, 1837.
. , , Since I wrote to you yesterday, I find that a grand Irish division
on municipal affairs comes on, on Monday and Tuesday next, and I must
therefore continue here for a few days longer. I fear also that I shall be
obliged to wait here until Saturday or Sunday, the 26th inst., because on
Friday the new Poor Law comes on, and I am always strongly against it.
, . . I am going to-morrow to dine with old Mr, Wakefield to meet
Daniel and the two Edwards, and Arthur, the last just returned from the
Mediterranean after 1 1 years' absence. London, Feb. 23, 1837,
The Tories, I am informed confidentially, are terrified at the aspect of the
money affair, and dare not take office at present. They wish to leave the
responsibiUty of the crisis on the shoulders of the Whigs, Therefore the
Lords will probably pass the Irish Corporation Bill.
To Master E. A. Freeman {now D.C.L., LL.D., Historian of tlie Norman
Conquest, Sr-'c). Birmingham, 10 Mch., 1837.
My dear Nephew,
I have much pleasure in sending you some franks agreeably to your wish.
I congratulate you on the state of Spain and Portugal. Not a single murder
or robbery appears to have been committed by your old friends the Liberals ;
and now I think the career of Don Carlos is drawing to an end. It would
have terminated, I believe, 4 years ago, if the Queen had not given secret
orders to her Generals to thicken the mess, in order to force French inter
ference. I expect we shall be at war with the Russians shortly, and then the poor
Poles will have a chance. Your sister and all your friends are well here. I
am myself going to London to-morrow. With sincerest wishes for your
health and happiness, I remain, my dear nephew, yours affectionately,
T. Attwood.
Mrs. Attwood, Grove House, Harborne. London, Mch. 14, 1837.
, . , I merely write to repeat my last letter, and to say that I shall

3x6 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
dine with Bosco to-morrow, and shall be most happy to meet you and Angela
on Thursday evening at Mr, Humphrey's Hotel.
I find our Birmingham Deputation has had a great effect, but I have not
yet seen any of yesterday's papers which give a copy of it, such as the Globe,
Morning Chronicle, &c. Division on the Church Rate is expected to-night.
. D, W. and Alley and Jno. Barnes dine with us to-morrow,
Mrs. Attwood, 15, Wellington Crescent, Ramsgate.
Birmingham, Mch. 31, 1837.
. . Things here are much as usual, but getting rapidly worse. " The
tender mercies of the wicked are cruel ;" and so our poor Buttons find Sir
Robert Peel. Birmingham, April ^th, 1837.
. , , Your mother never was better. My motion will not come on on
the 1 2th, but shortly after. The Kinnersleys left the Priory on Saturday last,
first calling to see your mother. The parrot and the canary are well, and
also the dogs, cat, pigeons, little bantam, &c. I found a blackbird's nest this
morning, and a little nest with blue eggs. Do not part with Rosabel until
you see me again. London, April 12th, 1837,
I send you the Times of yesterday and to-day, by which you will
see our division of last night (55 majority), and also Greenacre's trial and
conviction. The times grow rapidly worse. Notwithstanding the many
milUons just lent to the American Houses, a deputation from L'pool came
yesterday, to ask more assistance from the Govt,, and was referred to the
Bank of England, and to-day Pattison tells me the assistance will be refused,
contrary to his wish. A deputation from Manchester went also to the Govt.
for assistance, and was refused yesterday. The weather is still odious. I
am sorry to find Marcus continues so weak. London, May loth, 1837.
I saw D, Wakefield, and attended Leader's committee yesterday,
but the Times gives a rascally report of my speech. London, May nth, 1837.
. . Burdett has gained the election by a majority of 3 or 400. I told
you that the Poor Law Bill would destroy Leader's cause. . ,
The election alluded to above was that for Westminster, in
May, 1837, when Sir Francis Burdett turned Conservative, and
Attwood was obliged to side against his old friend. The
numbers were: — Burdett, 3,567; Leader, 3,052. Mr. Leader,
however, obtained the seat at the ensuing general election.
London, May 26, 1837.
. I had quite a scene in presenting addresses from the Birmingham
Union yesterday. The Duchess of Kent exhibited the finest quaUties of the
heart and head. . , I am happy to say that there is still a just God in
heaven, and that General Jackson is ruined by his own measures, combined
with those of Sir Robert Peel, ,

LETTERS. 317
London, fune 3, 1837.
The three great houses are the mere rumbling of the social earth
quake. And our wise fools in the House of Commons look upon their ruin
as the mere consequence of speculation and overtrading. The truth is, my
Love, as I have often told you, that Oxford and Cambridge are the ruin of
England. It takes every man 20 years to unlearn all the nonsense which he
learns there ; and most persons die under the trial, Uke Liverpool, Canning,
and Castlereagh, I think probably to go to Birmingham in a few days ; bt.'t,
as the time is favourable, I shall tiy to force on my motion first. Terrible
news about the Vixen. Poor John Bull has still his bitter cup to drain,
internal misery and foreign shame. See the fruits of a good.
character. You know I always boast that whenever I die, the tears of the
people shall water my grave, London, fune 6, 1837,
. . I send you some papers to amuse you, with accounts of my 3
hours' speech, which was heard with very creditable patience and attention.
London, fune 7.
. . . I sent you lots of papers yesterday, and I send you a Standard
to-day, which gives a tolerably fair abstract. The Morning Post also does
the same. The Times and Chronicle are a mass of wilful lies. The truth is,
however, coming out, and although some 50 members left the House, I find
that a great impression was made.
Sad work about the Vixen. What a horrible shame that we who crushed
Napoleon should tamely submit to be insulted by Nicholas ! These are
among the hoarded injuries which cry out for judgment against the Govt.
and the Parliament,
The " "Vixen " was an English vessel which had been seized by
the Russians on the Circassian coast. Alison, in his History of
Europe, notices, with approval, the patriotic conduct of Attwood
in reference to the seizure. London, fune i, 1837.
I find my speech has had a great effect, Muntz had a long
interview with Lord Melbourne yesterday, who highly praised it. One of
these days I expect that they will coolly turn a corner and retreat, and then
gravely declare that they are not in any way following my advice. This
would break their hearts outright.
Kozmian writes to me that he shall certainly go to Ramsgate on Saturday,
unless something particular should happen. Dwernicki and Zaba called upon
me this morning, and they also partly promised to go. London, fune g, 1837.
The trial of my friend Muntz comes on to-morrow morning at
10 o'clock, and I have occasion to speak to his character, &c., and therefore
I shall not be able to come to you in the boat to-morrow, but I will be sure
to come on Sunday, Perhaps Marcus may stay for me.

3i8 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
I am sorry to say that the King cannot possibly live, and his death is
expected to-day. The House may then sit 6 months longer, under a late
Act of ParUament,
Salt writes me word that 8,000 men have now re-enrolled their names
and paid up their subscriptions to the Union, and that the CouncU is better
and stronger than ever. Sir Richard Nagle tells me that the mail could not
force itself through the crowds assembled at the new election of the Coundl
on Wednesday evening. All this is spontaneous, and has received no further
encouragement than the prophetic warnings which I gave them 6 or 12
months ago, Birmingham, fune 23, 1837.
. Sir Herbert Taylor writes to me that Queen Adelaide is delighted
with my letter, and I much regret, as I told you, that I omitted to name her,
who ought to have been named first. Birmingham, June 24, 1837.
. . . I send you two _/(7K;'«(3:/i' in which you may see how kindly Queen
Adelaide received my letter ; although I quite forgot to allude to her, as I
should have done if I had had time to read over my letter. Our deputation
goes to London to-morrow to offer the Olive Branch or the Moral Sword to
Lord Melbourne, Birmingham, June 26, 1837,
, . . To-day we have had a grand proclamation of the Queen, I
thought it my duty to attend, but I did not intend the result which followed.
The young and interesting Queen was quite forgotten ; and I, a simple
citizen, of Birmingham, without flag or banner, or distinction of any kind, and
walking alone immediately behind the Clergy and Magistrates, was received
with ten times ten thousand shouts of " Attwood for ever," throughout every
street, during a 3 hours' progress. At the end of this triumphant procession
I addressed 30,000 men in New Street ; I comforted them with the hopes of
the future, and at my call they gave 3 unanimous cheers for the Queen, 3
tremendous groans for her enemies, and 3 universal shouts for Old England,
My dear love, you would have been delighted with the wild frenzy of the
people. The old men burst through the soldiers to shake me by the hand,
and the young women acted in a still more gratifying and tender way, I am
pretty well flattery proof, you know, or I fear that I should become vain, and
lifted up with a base pride. But all my pride, as you know, is the liberty and
happiness of the people ; and if I know my own heart, the disappointment of
all my means of producing those great ends would be no disappointment to
me, provided only those great ends were obtained and secured,
I hope shortly to be able to come to Ramsgate. To-morrow I shaU offer
myself again as Member for Birmingham, Birmingham, 27th fune, 1837.
We are all quite well, I read your letters to your mother this morning,
who was delighted with them, I went to church on Sunday afternoon alone,
which you know is not often the case with me. Then I took the dogs a
walk in high glee, and afterwards I spent an hour or two in churchyard
meditations. This is a favourite occupation of mine. Twenty years after
her death, I shed a tear over the grave of our beautiful Helen. How pleased

LETTERS. 319
the poor thing would have been if she could have been sensible of it. Then
I thought of Rosy, Anny, you and Marcus, and crowds of tender thoughts, I
thought my dear Anny was with you, or I should certainly have sent her a
Journal to Barming, Now, I cannot get one for love or money, I say no
more of my Proclamation yesterday, only I must tell you that, by a curious
coincidence, Theodore Price was condemned to walk next to me during the
whole day. I daresay that he frequently thought of his dirty trick in taking
down my humble head from Saml, Pritchett's house, and he perhaps recol
lected what he wrote to me, 2 years ago, about Scholefield's election being
sure, and about mine being a dream. Birmingham, June 30, 1837.
, , Melbourne has acted most handsomely to our ambassadors,
asking them for their plan of relief, and promising either to act upon it, or
to meet them again and discuss his grounds for refusing. P.S. — Rosy would
have been quite jealous if she had seen the kissing which I was compelled
to submit to, — hard fate ! ! Birmingham, July 2, 1837.
. . . I am just come from church, sadly regretting that I have neither
wife, or mother, or child to accompany me. Whenever I die, I think I shall
be buried in the new burial ground of Harborne Church, unless, perhaps, I
may prefer Newhall Hill. Both will be near enough for my faithful Buttons,
with their wives and daughters to make a little Beckett of me, , . I
cannot give you much account of our embassy to Melbourne, It is sufficient
to say that, in effect, our ambassadors are virtually admitted into the Queen's
Cabinet ; and I trust their advice and counsel will prove useful to the nation.
. . As you are so much pleased with my address, I send you a small
edition of \t. I sent you yesterday a Journal with an address to the
Queen, which I know you will like. My friends did not alter a single word,
nor would they have altered one word of my petition to the House of
Commons if I had been present to explain it. fuly 5, 1837.
. . . ParUament will be dissolved on the 20th inst. I look on Stapleton
as a mere tool to serve the spite and jealousy of our unworthy neighbours.
He cannot possibly poll so many votes as R. Spooner did.
London, fuly 14, 1837.
, . , We shall come to you to-morrow by the " Fame," I must return
on Tuesday and attend the Levde on Wednesday, to present the address of
the Birmm, Union, and after that I must go to Birmm., where I expect the
election will take place on Monday week, the 24th inst, London, fuly ig, 1837.
• . . To-day I have attended the Levde and given my petition to the
Queen, who looked quite pretty. I thought of Rosabel, I go to Birmm, in
the morning by the Tally Ho. Birmingham, fuly 21, 1837.
We have a nightingale sings every night on the poplar in our garden.
Three littie ducks have found their way to the ground without injury. D. W.

320 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
could not leave London, or I should have brought him with me. Our
nomination takes place on Monday, and the election on Tuesday. Our
majority will be 2 to i. The Tories merely act to put us to expense. They
have subscribed ^600 for Stapleton, but I have reason to think that he has
already spent ^3,000, supposed to come from the CarUon Club. He keeps a
kind of open house at the Public Houses. Birmm., Tuesday Evg.-
My dear Love, — The Poll has closed with 1,000 majority in our favour,
as follows : — Attwood  2,160
Scholefield  2,132
Stapleton  1,045
Everything is peaceful and we are aU well. To-morrow I shall write to
you again in a frank, I send love and kisses to all. Of the latter I have
had ten thousand to-day, principally from old women, but some of them from
the most beautiful women in the world, I often thought of you and Rosabel.
Birmm., fuly 26, 1837.
. . , The election is over and no mischief done. Our majority is more
than 2 to I. Aurelius is here, I have not time to tell you about the election,
I have only time to tell Rosabel that my lips are quite sore with the kisses of
yesterday, Mrs. Attwood, Hotel du Nord, Boulogne.
Birmingham, Aug. i, 1837,
, , , Stapleton certainly polled 1 50 more than R. Spooner, but I polled
350 more than at last election, Stapleton's friends had been canvassing for
5 weeks, my friends only one week, and in this way feeble spirits are talked
over. I believe that the contest was got up with the object of making a
disturbance on which to ground a petition to the H. of C, and I expressly
warned my Buttons against this object when I first came from London,
urging them to bear and forbear, &c. I cannot see how any petition can
now be grounded, but if one should be presented, I shall have no other
expense but a new election. Birmm., August 3, 1837.
The elections look blank, but, as I always told you, I trust the weakness
of the Ministers will prove to be the strength of the people. August 4, 1837,
. . Benny Mathews is much improved since he went to Leamington,
I dined with Aurelius at Firchild's last Sunday, after church. The elections
turn against the Ministers, which is caused by their wretched Poor 'Law BiU
and by their stupid measures about the Church. Harborne, Aug. 6, 1837.
It is all a Ue about my violent language at Dee's, It was all
what the Philanthropist calls " mental melody," but the more beautiful, the
more criminal, in base and unworthy eyes. I send you a handbill which I

LETTERS. 321
have found absolutely necessary to prevent 10,000 applications per day for
relief {Copy of enclosed handbill)
To the Unemployed Workmen and others who apply to me for Relief
My Friends,
I am exhausted with incessant labour in your cause, I cannot find time to
speak with you ; I cannot find money to relieve you. Let me alone, and I
hope that I shaU be able shortly to restore to you a Good Trade, which will
secure to you permanent comfort and independence. In the meanwhile, all
that I can do for you is to recommend you to apply to your respective Parishes,
The Parishes ought to relieve -^on generously, and I trust that they will do so,
during the present wretched state of the country. If not, I think that you
have a claim upon the gentlemen who oppose me in everything which I do
for your relief They have no Political Unions to attend to — they have no
Parliamentary Duties to attend to — they have leisure to listen to your dis
tresses and complaints. I cannot doubt that they have also the disposition to
relieve them. They can find time and money to obstruct me; undoubtedly
they can find time and money to serve you. Go then to those gentlemen ;
let them give to you the time and money which they have wasted in opposing
the Political Union, and in fruitless exertions to prevent my election in Parlia
ment. At any rate, let them know your distresses, and take the measures which
thy may deem necessary for your relief For myself, I feel for your wrongs
and sufferings ; but I can do no more than I am doing for their redress,
Harborne, fuly II, 1837." Thomas Attwood,
Harborne, August 13, 1837,
, My Buttons are all faithful and true ; but their 16 district
committees occupy me pretty well with dinners, &c, Sarah Eliza is not
yet come, Birmm., Sept. 8, 1837,
, , . Ask Algernon to get you a Weekly Dispatch to-morrow. Our
old friend Ewart has made them publish my speech at the Golden Lion,
Harborne, Sept. 12, 1837.
. , Yesterday we dined at the Prioiy, and found my brother Edward
and his wife, who is really a handsome and very interesting woman, . , ,
I had a letter to-day from my brother James, saying that he is comfortably
settled with his son and daughter, in a farm near Whitehaven, and is
working some ironstone mines.
To Mrs. Attwood, Mrs. Carless' s, Barming, Maidstone.
Birmm., Sept. 13, 1837,
, . . I beUeve our great meeting will be put off for another week, until
the 3rd of Octr,, on account of the Town Hall not being at liberty, and the
High BaUiff objecting to calling the meeting in the open air. . . I hope
you have found Rosy well and good, Sarah Eliza makes a very good
deputy for her, in taking care of me ; but I fear she has half converted me
Y

322 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
into a Tory. My election dinners are not quite ended, but they are drawing
to a close. In the meanwhUe, my prophecies are coming true about Jackson
and Van Buren. . . . Sept 14, 1837.
You may be assured of my usual discretion in the matter of the meeting.
We shall hold it in the Town Hall, and then, if the crowds press, we shall
adjourn into Paradise Street. All this is peace and conciliation.
Harbor7ie, Sept. 16, 1837.
. . . I begin to think that it is possible that our great meeting may be
so frittered away, that it may probably be infra dig. for me to form one of the
deputation. I have received the new pansies, but they are not like those of
my dear Rosy. Her garden blossoms like the mind of its mistress, with
a hundred beauties. I am anxious to see my dear Marcus. Perhaps you
may bring him here when he has seen Scott again, and perhaps it would be
better for you all to come by the Oxford day coach, and sleep at Oxford.
Birmm., Sept. 21, 1837.
. . . I have told you before, I think, that our great meeting is put off
until Tuesday, the 3rd of Octr., then to be held in the Town HaU, for the
sake of peace and conciliation ; but I doubt not that we shall be obliged
to adjourn into Paradise Street. I send you a Philanthropist, containing
a short letter from myself in reply to Mr. Lloyd Williams, and also Mr, LI,
W.'s answer to Mr. Webster. Sept. 22, 1837.
My brother George will accept Wm, Newey's offer of managing the
Colmers, &c, . . . During the winter I must be in London principally.
I rather think that I shall not come to London on the deputation to be
appointed on the 3rd of Octr. The thing will probably not suit me. . . .
Parliament will not meet, I believe, until the 13th of Novr. . . .
Aurelius and Uncle George and Augustus Tulk are going to the Fancy Ball
to-night, and I am going to my two young friends, who have almost
converted me into a Tory. Harborne, Sept. 24, 1837.
Parliament does not meet until the 1 5th of Novr,, and, of course, will
adjourn before Christmas, and will probably not meet again before March.
I told you that George will accept Wm. Newey's offer to manage the
Colmers for a year upon trial, but I am sure the trial will give satisfaction.
A total change is necessary there, I am not sure what I shall do myself If
I succeed in John A.'s business, I may possibly go to Corngreaves ; but if not,
I shall make an agreement with my partners, and leave Birmingham for a
year or two, perhaps permanently, ... I think that Melbourne has been
acting on my advice, for 1 see the bullion arrives daily on acct. of Govt., and
the Bank has now more than 7 millions. Birmingham, Octr. ¦yrd, 1837.
... I am busy with my meeting to-morrow, which is sure to go off
well, although I think to take no part myself in the proceedings. I give
them the Resolutions, which is enough, and perhaps I may do good by
keeping in the quiet.

LETTERS. 323
To Mrs. Attwood, Harborne, Birmingham. London, Novr. ^rd, 1837,
. , , I expect to be at home on Sunday evening, when I will tell you
aU about our Deputation, In the meanwhile, I can only say that each
member made a speech, and that every one of them spoke very properly and
effectually except  , who committed great blunders, which luckily were
not much observed, , . . We shaU hold the Town's Meeting on Tuesday
next to receive our Deputation. House of Commons, Novr. 15, 1837.
. . . To-day we are going to dine with Bosco, if possible, it being
Violet's birthday. The H. of C, meets to-day at 2 o'clock in order to choose
a Speaker, and to-morrow we shall be sworn in. The Speech, it is thought,
will not be delivered until Monday, but I will take care to hear it according
to your orders. Sir W. Molesworth, I see by his speech, relies upon Ballot
to save the Ministers, but the great Whigs will not allow this, and I think
that nothing can save them long but Currency, in the way pointed out in my
letter to Lord M. London, Novr. 17, 1837.
. . . We are now most of us sworn in, and on Monday we shall have
the Speech. No dispute occurred about the Speaker. Our Corporation
affair is going on well. London, Novr. 20, 1837.
Marcus seemed better and stronger, and went yesterday to Boulogne.
I crushed into the H. of Lords, but could not see or hear the Queen, I
enclose her Speech, which is just worth a rush. Wakley is now moving three
amendments to the Address, and I think I must vote with him. They
relate to Suffrage, Ballot, and duration of Parliament, I cannot go to dine
with Bosco, but Algernon is gone. Nov. 21, 1837.
Bosco and his wife are going to the PoUsh Ball to-night. Zaba tells me
that all the tickets are gone, and that they shall realize ^1,000. Lord John
Russell declared last night that he would never consent to any improvement
in the Refonn Bill, which he said was passed as a final measure. Thus, my
dear, we have Ld, Melborne telling us that the House of Commons wiU not
change the Currency, and Lord John R, telling us that he will not change
the House of Commons, Time will shew. You remember the Duke of
WeUington's declaration in 1830, and its consequences, . . . We hear
nothing yet of John A.'s affair, ... I crushed into the H, of Lords, one
of the first, but could neither see nor hear the Uttle Queen, except a few
words. The crowd was dangerous. T. Hawkes and others cried out Uke
women, . . . P.S, — I see no symptoms as yet of a permanent alteration
of the Currency, and yet the Ministers will do nothing. Pray see if you
cannot find a Birmingham Journal containing my speech at the Political
CouncU about a month or six weeks ago, in which I pointed out the certain
fate of Lord Melborne, unless he jumps into our Birmingham boat. Send
one of those Journals to me and inform me how many you have of them.
Send me also a London Dispatch, and a Journal of about the Sth or 9th of
Y 2

324 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
October last, containing my memorial. Love to Anny and Rosy, and my
kindest remembrances and best wishes for the restoration to comfort of our
dear and kind mother, the last link which connects us with the past.
London, Nov. 23, 1837.
I think Wakley's amendment was imprudent, but I thought right to vote
with him. When you have read Lord John Russell's statements of Monday
and Tuesday last, you will see that the Ministers have, as I told them, no
safety but to jump into our Birmingham boat. I cannot yet be quite sure
that they will do so, but I am quite sure that they are lost if they do not.
Read my speech to the Council of the Union in the paper of Oct, 14th, which
you have sent me, Novr. 25, 1837,
, Scholefield and I saw Lord Lansdown (Lord President of the
Council) last night, and he assured us that all was right about our Corporation.
You see also that Ministers have granted an enquiry into the Pension List.
It seems, therefore, that they will rely upon these kinds oi Little Goes, and upon
the weakness of the Tories, to keep them in place, I can make nothing out
respecting the Currency, I find the M,P.'s as ignorant as asses and as
obstinate as hogs. They have no fear of either God or devil before their
eyes. They only fear the Political Unions. I have seen no one from the
Polish Ball, but I understand there were 2,500 persons present. I have
promised to attend the celebration of the Polish Revolution on the 29th inst.
London, Novr. 27, 1837.
You know, my love, that I have always so lived with every living thing
that the death of no one can ever afflict me with remorse. The lacerations
of nature are quite enough for me. You are right about Brougham and
Durham. They begin to see that gteat changes must come,
London, Novr. 30, 1837.
I enclose some letters and a programme of Harvey's dinner,
I attended it and also the Polish meeting, and gave much pleasure to the
natives, if 1 may judge from Mrs, Birkbeck and her lovely daughter, . ,
The Corporation affair is all right. The thing cannot be hurried. It is
certain to come on, and to be granted as soon as Parlianient meets in Feby.
next. Lo?idon, Dec. i, 1837.
Scholefield and I have had an important interview with Melbourne to-day,
but I fear he has not the power to act as we wish. I am sure that his opinions
are much the same as my own, and that he takes very nearly the same gloomy
view of things. I always told you that this was a doomed and a God aban
doned land. London, Dec. 5, 1837.
To-day 1 have been with Marcus to Gravesend, and left him at the Falcon
Inn there, very comfortable, and in a very pleasant room. The passage is
only 2 hours, and I purpose to go to him again to-morrow. I cannot tell
you how much I feel on his account, I took leave of him cheerfully, but in
the bitterness of my heart I prayed to God that He would take my life for
his. Nevertheless, I think he is doing well. His knee diminishes in size

LETTERS. 325
and his appetite is good. He does not know that I am coming to him to
morrow; but he will go to the Royal Oak at Ramsgate in a day or two, unless
he feels improving at Gravesend, I look back upon my youth, and I compare
it with his; pleasure and pain, happiness and misery, hope and despair, the
wild enjoyments of love and the melancholy anticipations of death — form a
solemn and most painful contrast. And yet I think he will recover,
London, Deer. 7, 1837,
In America, my dear, it is clear that Van Buren is breaking down rapidly
In the last New York legislature (his stronghold) he had a majority of gi to
32, The new election has cast him in a minority of 27 to 103 ! ! ! This (as
I told the House last session) is the power of the democracy breaking in
upon the Government without being opposed by a breakwater like our House
of Lords, I told them that the Americans would cjuickly cashier Van Buren
or bowstring him. Trade mends a little, but very slowly. I have given a
notice to the House about Russia, which will come on, on Thursday, the
14th inst., unless the sordid and stupid M.P.'s count me out. To-day we
have delivered the Householders' Petition for a Corporation to Lord
Lansdowne, and he has promised us that that it shall be laid before the
Privy CouncU next week, and that the business shall be disposed of early
in February, unless some opposition petition should be presented, which I do
not anticipate, although I hear threats to that effect, much like those against
the late election. To-night we have a great fight upon a Uttle subject. I am
therefore pressed for time, as, indeed, I always am.
Falcon Inn, Gravesend, Dec. 9, 1837.
. . We had sharp debates last night and the night before, dividing at
2 and 3 o'clock in the morning. The Ministers are evidently trying to make
up in some degree for Lord John Russell's declaration against Reform,
Last night we carried the enquiry into the pension list by a majority of 62,
500 men in the House ! I daresay 1 shall not have 100 on Thursday next,
when I shall bring on the Russian aggressions, a subject of a hundred times
the importance. The M.P,'s care little for domestic misery or foreign shame,
but they care much for the gratifications of spleen and the paltry interests of
party. London, Deer. 11, 1837,
, , , I did vote on Thursday in favour of O'Brien's motion, and also
in favour of Harvey's amendment upon it. I voted for both, as I expect you
will see on referring to the lists. . . I suppose you have the Journal
of Saturday last, ... It contains a long declaration against Ld. John
Russell, but was very properly printed and published before I heard of it,
London, Deer. 15, 1837,
, Marcus and I propose to take our places in the Rail Road coach
for Monday morning next, and we expect to be at the Nelson Hotel by \ past
9 or 10 o'clock on that evening, when, perhaps, you wiU send for us. The
M,P,'s heard me with marked silence for \\ hours, except my friends the
Radicals, for which I trimmed them properly. I am now going to support
the Queen.

CHAPTER XX.
Attwood and the Chartists— Visit to Scotland and grand reception at Glasgow
— Great Meeting at HoUoway Head, August 6, 1838— Death of Mrs, Mary
Carless — Her exemplary life — Small v. Attwood — Decision of the Lords
in John Attwood's favour — Letters for the year 1838.
During the course of the year 1838 Thomas Attwood
became more and more democratic in his political opinions.
Hitherto we have seen him working cordially with men who,
although advanced Liberals, were nevertheless persons of ancient
birth, rank, or wealth. But all such individuals gradually
disappeared from the ranks of his intimate allies. They had
been shrewd enough to see that the passing of the great Reform
Bill was the only means by which they could hope to preserve
their titles and estates ; but, naturally, they could not bring
themselves to support such extreme measures as were now
advocated by the Chartist leaders, of whom, by this time,
Attwood may be considered to have been one. Deferring my
account of his connection with the Chartist movement for the
present, I shall only observe here that the great event of the
year was his visit to Glasgow and enthusiastic reception by the
Scotch Radicals in the month of May.j Unfortunately no news
papers containing full accounts of his proceedings in Scotland
have been preserved, but the events of his journey are sufficiently
described for the purposes of this memoir in various letters.
The Scotch demonstrations were followed by a great meeting
held at HoUoway Head, Birmingham, on the 6th of August.
It was computed by those friendly to the movement that
200,000 persons were present, and Thomas Attwood took, the
chair amidst the usual enthusiastic applause. IThe chief business
of this important meeting, which was attended by delegates
from Glasgow and many other parts of the kingdom, was to
approve and adopt " TiiE NATIONAL PETITION," and to appoint

GREA T MEETING OF A UGUST 6, 183S. 327
delegates to attend the General Convention of the industrious
classes which was shortly proposed to be held in London. The
once famous, though now almost forgotten, national petition
is too long for insertion here, but its great demands were —
Universal Suffrage, The Ballot, Annual Parliaments, Abolition
of the Property Quahfication, and Payment of Members of the
House of Commons.!
At the conclusion of this grand meeting Mr. Attwood spoke
as follows : —
I thank you, my kind friends, from the bottom of my heart. Much as
I rejoice in the sight of this great and magnificent meeting, I rejoice more in
the great objects for which it was assembled. Many persons will tell you
that these great meetings are dangerous, if not illegal, Mark wdiat the best
of the Queen's Ministers has lately said in open Parliament, I mean Lord
Holland, the nephew of Charles Fox, That illustrious nobleman, but a few
weeks ago, stated to the House of Lords that "these great meetings of the
people are as much a part of the constitution of England as the meetings of
the House of Lords itself" Undoubtedly they are so. They have existed
from the earliest ages of our Saxon ancestors, and I trust they will exist to
the end of time. They enable the people, by the peaceful but overwhelming
expression of public opinion, to command those great and necessary changes
in society whjfh, without them, could only be effected by years of anarchy
and blood, f My friends, there^hall be no blood in any measures in which 1
am concerned. (Cheers.) ^T will never act the part of Robespierre in
England ; nor shall there b^any violence or injustice towards any class of
society. The Lords and the Crown shall each keep their own safe and
untouched ; but I will take care, as far as my means enable me, that they
shaU no longer keep the people's own.\ (Cheers.) They shall give up the
House of Commons into the hands of thfe Commons of England, and then I
trust that measures will tie adopted there which will give security, happiness,
and contentment to all. ( But, my friends, I find myself in a painful position ;
you aU know my opinions respecting the Currency. I beUeve that no human
wisdom and no human power can make the industrious classes flourish
permanently in England under the present monetary system. See, then, my
painful position. The day is coming in which these words may appear like
a prophecy. You have placed me at your head ; if I should succeed in giving
you the Uberty, and not succeed in rectifying the Currency, and consequently
in giving you the prosperity, the liberty will but precipitate anarchy, and
your misery will be greater than even it now is. I must dare this great
contingency ; and I must trust to the confidence of the industrious classes,
and to the wisdom and virtue of the forty-nine delegates whom they will
elect, to enable me to insure the prosperity and the liberty at the same time.
Without this, my prospect is but gloomy. If I fail in the great -work of
liberty, I shall fall under the vengeance of the boroughmongers ; and if I

328 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
fail in the great work of prosperity, I shall fall under the fury of a disap
pointed and exasperated people) (Loud shouts of No, no, never.) Now,
my friends, many hours have elapsed since you met, and you are wearied,
but there is still left in the meeting fifty thousand brave men before me, and
I will call upon them to exhibit a spectacle. A year ago I met six or seven
thousand of you in the Town Hall, in the presence of some friends of the
Duke of WeUington, and on that occasion I requested of the meeting, as a
personal favour to myself, that every man of them who deemed me a
dangerous politician should hold up his hand. Not more than seven
hands were raised in the whole meeting. I then requested that every one
of them who was ready to hold the power of his right arm at my disposal,
would hold up his hand. The sight was sublime. I now call upon you, my
friends, and request you, that every one who considers me a just and upright
man, and is willing to stand by me, " come weal, come woe," and to hold the
strength of his right arm at my disposal, will hold up his hand.
(The whole meeting, apparently without a single exception,
held up their hands with vehement shouts of applause.)
Due consideration for brevity prevents me from giving a
fuller description of this great meeting, which, according to all
accounts, presented a spectacle fully equal, for magnitude and
imposing numbers, to those of 1832, although the more respect
able classes appear to have been absent.
In The News of September 2nd, September 9th, and
September 23rd, three very long letters from Thomas Attwood
on the Currency were published.
In the autumn of this year Mr. Attwood visited Ryde with
his family, and from thence, on the 15th of November, he
addressed to the Birmingham Political Union a long letter,
congratulating them upon the progress of their cause, but
emphatically warning them against violence. In this letter
occurs the following grand and noteworthy passage : —
Friends and fellow-townsmen ! I am not superstitious ; but I beUeve
that there is a God in Heaven who blesses a righteous cause. My oppor
tunities of serving the people have been but few. But I have lived to see
some changes. I began the war against the East India monopoly. I saw
its downfall I began the war against the American Orders in Council I
saw their abolition. I began the late war against the boroughmongering
Parhament. I saw its Reform.
He was still at Ryde on December 1 5th, when he published
in The News another long letter upon the state of Ireland,

DEATH OF MRS. CARLESS. 329
advocating his usual remedies. Domestic afflictions continued
to press heavily upon Mr. Attwood during this year, and the
critical state of his son Marcus's health was an unceasing source
of anxiety. In March, his wife's mother, Mary Carless, ended
her long and exemplary life at the age of seventy-nine. She
was the daughter of Thomas Pratchett of Bilston, and since the
death of her husband, William Carless, in 1787, had resided at
Grove House, Harborne, devoting herself with the utmost self-
sacrifice to the spiritual and temporal requirements of the parish.
In 1794, in conjunction with Squire Green, she established the
first Sunday School in Harborne, and to the last day of their
lives both she and her daughters watched over its interests
with the most affectionate solicitude. When Squire Green died,
in 1800, he left to her Grove House for life, in order to secure
her residence in the parish ; but ever afterwards she devoted the
whole of the rent to charitable purposes. It need hardly be
added that she was greatly beloved and respected in the village,
where she was always known as " Madam Carless." Possessed
of a comfortable income, she might easily have mingled in the
pleasures of the world, had she chosen ; but such a thought
seems never to have occurred to her. Similar lives were led by
Thomas Attwood's aunt, Mary Adams of Cakemore, who passed
her long life of nearly ninety-two years in the same house in
which she was born, and by his wife's cousin, Mrs. Carless of
Barming and Wolstanton, who spent her seventy years between
the two parishes of her father and husband. These excellent
women belonged to a type which, unfortunately for the country,
has almost entirely disappeared from modern society, and it
has often occurred to me that a number of similar women
scattered throughout England must have formed a grand
antidote to the bad example set by the Court, aristocracy, and
squirearchy during the evil period of the regency. For, surely,
if the masses had then no better examples than the majority
of those who held rank and office, they must have sunk to a still
lower depth of vice, misery, and degradation than we know to
have been the case.
The same month witnessed the close of the famous, costly, and

330 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
interminable suit of Small v. Attwood. By this I mean that
the great question of it was decided, for litigation respecting
the payment of costs was continued for some years longer.
After the most tedious and innumerable delays, the case at
length came on for hearing before the House of Lords, and
was argued for no less than forty-six days. Lord Lyndhurst
adhered to his opinion, and again displayed his extraordinary
power of memory, making a speech "which," says Lord
Campbell, "again astounded all who heard it;" but numbers
were against him, and on the motion of Lord Chancellor
Cottenham, supported by Lord Brougham and the Earl of
Devon, the House reversed his decree. Mr. John Attwood
was so delighted with this result that he immediately purchased
the finest brougham and pair he could procure in London, and
sent them as a present to Sir Thomas Wilde, his leading counsel,
to whom he had already paid the enormous and unprecedented
fee of six thousand guineas, and the horses were long afterwards
known, when conveying their master to Westminster Hall, the
one by the name of" Small," and the other by that of "Attwood."
Amongst the numerous witnesses examined in this case were —
John William, Earl of Dudley, George Attwood, George De
Bosco Attwood, William Mathews, Jeremiah Mathews, and
Alexander B. Cochrane. To give some idea of the appalling
magnitude of the suit, I take the following extract from a work
published by Mr. H. James in 1834: —
" In the Appeal to the House of Lords, the Appendix to the Respondent's
case fills three large folio volumes of full-sized demi paper, containing
upwards of 1,500 pages. The Appendix to the AppeUant's case is not quite
so bulky, but contains about the same quantity of matter, being printed
somewhat closer. The weight of the two cases and the two Appendices is
27 lbs,, and as 500 copies of each are printed, the total weight will be 6 tons,
enough to fill two large waggons, if all sent do'vvn to the House of Lords.
The expenses attending the printing, to both parties, cannot be less than
ii3!°00j and perhaps much more ; there are nearly 700 reams of paper used.
A very large proportion of the documents in the cause are not printed,
namely : the Interrogatories, many thousand folios. The Decree, which
recites all the pleadings, some thousand folios, not printed. The long Cross
Bill and three long answers, and two amended answers, many thousand
folios, not printed. Many orders, affidavits, notices, &c,, &c,, and two
subsequent Bills and the pleadings, and answers thereto. Altogether more

SMALL V. ATTWOOD. 331
not printed than printed, and this suit now going on for eight years, merely
to ascertain a few plain and simple facts, which common-sense men of
business, as referees, or a Jury, would have decided in a few days, and at
a few hundred pounds cost."
During the session of 1838 Thomas Attwood resided at
4, Connaught Square, Paddington, and there I was born, on
the 1st of May, and immediately became an object of his far-
reaching affection and benevolence, which were continued to
me until my seventeenth year.
Some extracts from Mr. Attwood's letters will sufficiently
illustrate the remaining events of this year : —
To Mrs. Attwood, Harborne. London, Jany. 28, 1838.
, . . I am arrived quite safe and well, and find Algernon the same.
Marcus has not been able to come on account of the ice, which quite
obstructs the river,
I find that Lord Lansdowne was anxious to get an answer to his letter,
and therefore it is well that I wrote to him this morning. Douglas and 4 or
5 others are come up on the deputation, and I suppose we shall succeed in
nipping the opposition in its bud.
{To the same from E. Marcus Attwood) " London, Jany. 31, 1838,
, , . I started from Ramsgate on Monday, but I was obliged to go to
Margate as the "Princess Victoria" would not go out. We had upon the
whole a pleasant passage, and 1 never saw anything so curious as the ice.
There were large fields of it floating about as low as the Nore, and by the
time we got to Woolwich the river was quite filled from shore to shore ; it
was with the greatest difificulty we got as far as Blackwall. It was very lucky
I got up on Monday, as it enabled me to keep term. I shall dine there
to-day, which is the last day of term, and thus be barely enabled to keep it."
{To the same from G. De B. Attwood)
"7, St. Helen's Place, fan. 29, 1838.
. . . The ice has been very remarkable on the Thames. You would
see that, at Hammersmith, a sheep was roasted on the middle of the river,
and on one day people could walk across below the Tower. During the
whole frost the river has been covered with ice, but generally it has been
broken in pieces by the rising and falling of the tide. . . ."
{To ihe same from Thomas Attwood) London, Feb. i, 1838.
. . . I went to-day with my dear Marcus to Blackwall, and left him
safe there, on board the " Dart," Capt. Large, for Margate. Scott says his
knee is doing weU, . . No vessel of any kind can yet come up the

332 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
river above Blackwall, which is 4 miles below London Bridge. The river is
still beautiful, with a thousand little icebergs floating up and down with
the changing tides.
The Lords of the Privy Council decided yesterday to refuse to hear our
opponents by counsel, and they fixed to give us their final answer on Tuesday,
the 13th Feby., when I have no doubt that they will grant us the Corpora
tion. This is as I told you. The beef is come and is very good, but Algernon
and his friend Wm. Scholefield, the High Bailiff, are, I fear, too busy to eat
it. . . . D. W. dined with me and three of the Deputation at Parkes's.
London, Feby. 3, 1838.
. . . Sir Robert Peel has now petitioned against our Corporation as
owner of the Manor of Tamworth, with which the Manor of Birmingham is,
in some way or other, connected. It may possibly put us to the expense of
employing counsel, ... , „
London, Feby. 5, 1838.
. . . I am anxious that you should not attempt to leave Harborne until
you get stronger, and the weather gets milder. I am sorry to hear of my old
friend Rabone's death. I told Mary Jackson that the frost would kill him.
You must not, my dear love, be surprised, or even distressed, if it should
carry off your dear mother. That cough, which troubles her, always attends
old age, and it generally destroys by suffocation. This is the nature of things
and the will of God, and we must bear it as we can.
The Canada business is, I think, now over. The adventurers from Canada
had just the same right to seize the steamboat in the American harbour, as
the adventurers from America had to seize the Canadian island. It will
come to nothing.
Nothing more is known of John A.'s affairs, nor will be before the judg
ment on the 22nd inst. I expect no mischief from Peel's opposition to the
Corporation. . . London, Feby. 9, 1838.
. . . I shall see Bosco to-day. On Tuesday we shall get the answer
to our Corporation. I see by the papers that Col. Wakefield has again
distinguished himself D. W, took a cold dinner with me and a few of our
Birmingham friends on Tuesday last, 8, St. George's Terrace, March 9, 1838,
. . , To-day we have received the letter of Aurelius informing us of
the melancholy termination which we all expected. I trust that you were
fully prepared for it, and that you bear it with resignation and fortitude. I
am sorry to say that Marcus is worse to-day, complaining of great pain
in his knee, and of extreme debiUty and restlessness, ... E. G.
Wakefield called this morning. March 10, 1838,
. I will come down any day you please for the funeral if Marcus
should get better, but I cannot leave him in his present state. He has been
obliged to go to bed to-day for the last 2 hours, which I hope may do him
good. I shall be sure to pay close attention to him, and I shall take care
that he knows not how much I feel on his account.

LETTERS. 333
Sunday, 2 o'clock, March li, 1838,
. . . I am happy to inform you that Marcus is much better to-day.
, . . I shall go with him to-morrow to Scott, and if he continues com
fortable I shall not fail to come to you and attend the funeral of your dear
mother. I suppose you will fix on Friday or Thursday. ... I trust that
Angela and Rosabel take good care of you. I hope also that they will
support and comfort you in the loss you have sustained. It is to me a
source of gratification to reflect that I never in my life used any harsh or
unkind conduct or expression towards one who, for 38 years, has always
acted with undeviating kindness towards me. . . .
London, March 13, 1838.
. . . Marcus has had a good night. . . . If he should not get
worse I shall be sure to come to you and attend the funeral of your dear
mother on Saturday, But if he should get worse I certainly cannot come.
The cruelty of leaving the dying, without the hope of serving the dead, would
be evident, I am sure, to you, as well as to me. Algernon stays with us now,
and is a great comfort to Marcus. Mary is all kindness and attention to us,
as are also the Miss Kinnersleys. I hope Rosy and Anny are well, and I
shall be happy if I find your cold in a fair way. Death, come when it will,
is an unwelcome visitor, but when it comes in an honourable old age, and
after a weU-spent life, we can face it with fortitude and resignation. . . .
London, March 14, 1838.
. . , On Friday morning I shall go to you with Bosco, leaving
Marcus in the care of Algernon, Mary, Mr. Cox, and I, Spooner, who have
all been very kind to him. ... At some periods his sufferings have
been extreme ; and then, although little can be done for him, it is cruelty to
leave him. His spirit still keeps up, for which I thank God, When I told
him that I did not like to leave him on this melancholy occasion, he declared
that he would, in that case, go with me to Harborne himself, which I think
would be certain death to him, . . .
Mrs. Attwood, 8, St. George's Terrace, London.
Warwick, March 30, 1838.
. The trial of Muntz and others has lasted from 9 o'clock this
morning to half-past 6, and it is now postponed until to-morrow. The
Judge takes a stupid view of the case, and it is therefore of consequence that
I should not leave Warwick until to-morrow evening, but you may rely upon
it that I will be with you early on Sunday morning. . . .
" To Thomas Attwood, Esq. Glasgow, 25M April, 1838.
" Sir, — In accordance with enclosed minute of committee, I am desired to
request that you and such other friends as you may think most favourable to
the cause, or most willing to aid and assist in the glorious struggle for the
freedom of the masses, would be so kind as to favour us with your presence
on the 2ist inst. I am likewise desired to return our heartfelt thanks to the

334 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
men of Birmingham for their noble and patriotic conduct in rousing the
country from that apathetic slumber which we feared was the emblem of
political death ; and for deputing Mr. CoUins for that purpose, whose cool,
cautious, yet firm and determined adherence to principle, has gained him
both our confidence and esteem. We have many difficulties to encounter —
many obstacles to overcome — many prejudices to dissipate ; but the masses
are with us, and we therefore feel confident that you will be more cordially
received, more heartily responded to, and by a larger assemblage, than ever
congregated on the Green of Glasgow for a similar purpose,
I have the honour, &c.,
A, Purdie, Secretary."
The resolution alluded to runs thus : —
" Compeared the delegates from the various districts, factories, trades,
shops, and associations, when it was unanimously resolved : — 'That a
demonstration be made in favour of universal suffrage, annual Parliaments,
and vote by ballot, on Monday, the 21st of May, and that T. Attwood, Esq.,
and other friends from Birmingham, should be invited to attend, and that a
committee be appointed to correspond with that gentleman, and to carry this
resolution into effect.'"
The following is a copy of Mr. Attwood's answer : —
London, May 5, 1838.
Sir, — Before I returned a reply to your letter of the 25th ult,, I was
desirous of consulting my friends at Birmingham, This has occasioned
some delay, which I trust you and the men of Glasgow will excuse. Sir,
I accept, with pleasure, the invitation which you have done me the honour
to send me ; and I will not fail to attend the great meeting at Glasgow, on
Monday, the 21st inst,, accompanied by four or five of my Birmingham
friends, who will be appointed at a town's meeting which will be held in a
few days. Pray have the goodness to inform me, as early as you can, at
what hour of the day of the 21st inst,, and at what place, it wUl be convenient
to the men of Glasgow to receive us. It is of high importance that the
meeting should be a day memorable in the history of Scotland and of
England. We come to you with no base pride to gratify ; but we come as
the representatives of millions of our countrymen, determined to unite in the
great work of restoring the prosperity, and vindicating the liberty of our
country — our long-oppressed, misgoverned, and exasperated country. It is
this great and holy cause, therefore, which we shall represent ; and in our
humble persons I doubt not that the men of Glasgow will take care that this
glorious cause shall be gloriously vindicated.
Remember— Peace, Law, Order, Loyalty, and Xi-^io^— these are our
motto. Under these banners we will gather up the strength of the people.
Under these banners the people possess a giant's strength. But if they once
abandon them, they become but as an infant in a giant's hand.
I am, with respect, Sir, your faithful servant,
Thomas Attwood.
Mr. A. Purdie.

LETTERS. 335
To Mrs. Attwood, 8, St. Georges Terrace, London, from Thomas Attwood.
Wigton, May i8, 1838.
, . 1 am arrived here quite safe and well, and shall be at Carlisle in
an hour. It is so very cold that I can scarcely write, and the horses are
waiting. . . . Carlisle, 4 o'clock.
The post was gone, and so I finish my letter here. I hope I shall find a
letter from you to-morrow at the Post Office, HamUton, near Glasgow, and on
Monday at the Post Office, Glasgow. I hope Angela is comfortable. Algernon
will, I doubt not, attend to Marcus as much as possible. I will write to you
as often as I can, and will not forget to tell you on Monday the result of our
great meeting. When I got to Birmingham I found that Salt had been for
the last few days at Dr. Glutton's funeral, and that, in consequence of my not
arriving, my friends had issued handbills putting off the procession, and that
they had proceeded to Manchester by the morning train. Salt and I overtook
them at Manchester by \ past 10 o'clock. The wind has been so boisterous
to-day that I begin to think I should not have reached Glasgow in time if
I had gone by the steamboat from Liverpool. . . .
P.S. — Have no fear for our great meeting. Hamilton, May 20, 1838.
. . . I have received your gratifying letter and hope to have another
at Glasgow to-morrow. I find all is enthusiasm in Scotland, having received
already invitations from all the chief towns. But you need not fear that I
shall be led astray into visiting other towns. Many gentlemen from Glasgow
are come over here to meet us, 1 1 miles, and they give us a grand account of
our reception to-morrow. . . . Glasgow, May 21, 1838,
. . . Our great meeting has gone off well, attended by at least 200,000
persons in the midst of cold and constant rain. Our procession reached more
than 2 miles in one continued stream from beyond Parkhead to Glasgow,
and thence for a mile more to Glasgow Green, which is the finest place I
ever saw, consisting of loo acres of land in an amphitheatre surrounded by
good houses. Near the end of the meeting I counted 150 large banners in
the field, and I think there must have been 300 in the whole. Forty-three
bands of music, all in uniform, met us at Parkhead. The whole of our
resolutions were passed unanimously ; and the whole meeting pledged
themselves to support us. Last night and to-day I have had at least 20
deputations from different towns to request that I will visit them ; and under
aU the circumstances of my position I have thought it my duty to go to the
Renfrewshire county meeting to-morrow at Paisley, a few miles hence ; and
then I shall return to London by the Glasgow steamer on Wednesday,
leaving Kilmarnock, Edinburgh, Dundee, &c,, to be attended by Salt,
Hy, Muntz, and Douglas. I shall therefore, with God's blessing, certainly
reach London either on Thursday night or Friday. ... I wish my dear
Marcus could have been with me to-day. I am sure he would have been
delighted with the high enthusiasm of the people.

336 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD. Glasgow, May 22, 1838,
... I shall leave Glasgow by the steamer at 1 1 o'clock to-tnorrow
morning, reach Birmingham by 5 in the morning, and certainly be with you
on Thursday evening. I am quite well, and this moment setting off for the
Renfrewshire County Meeting at Paisley, The rest of the deputation wiU
visit Edinburgh, Perth, and other towns where the enthusiasm is the same
as in Glasgow. . . .
Copy of card enclosed in foregoing letter : —
BANQUET.

On Monday Evening, tlie 21st. May, 1838.
In the Arena, Hope Street.

James Moir, Esq., Chairman.
Alexander Purdie, Esq. 1
Robert M'Gavin, Esq. [Croupiers,

LIST OF TOASTS.
Chair.— "The Majesty of the People — the true source of all Political
Power,"
Chair.—" The Queen !— May she never forget that the Happiness of the
People is the safety of the Throne."
Chair. — " Her Majesty's Ministers — may they see the propriety of adopting
those practical measures necessary to the Peace and Prosperity
of the Kingdom."
Chair.—" The Magistrates of Glasgow, and all in authority throughout the
Kingdom — may Justice, Mercy, and Integrity be their distinguish
ing characteristics."
Chair. — "Thomas Attwood, Esq., M.P,, and the Deputation from Bir
mingham — may the cause in which they are engaged be eminently
successful,"
Mr. Attwood, — " Universal Suffrage, Annual Parliaments, and Vote by
BaUot,"
Mr. Salt. — "Woman — the Companion and Comforter, not the slave, of
Man,"
Mr. Scholefield, — " Free Trade — a speedy Repeal of the Corn Laws and all
Commercial Restrictions."
Rev. Mr, Wade,— " The Rights of the People— infamy to aU who dare
invade them,''
, Mr. Muntz. — "Justice ! or Emancipation to the Colonies of Great Britain,"
Mr. Edmunds. — " Freedom to the Bondman, and an Adequate Reward for
Labour."
Mr. Douglas, — "The Liberty of the Press — may its powerful influence be ever
exerted for the good of man,"
Mr, Hadley, — " Ireland — Equal Rights administered by equal Laws."
Mr. Edwards. — " CivU and Religious Liberty aU over the World."
Mr. Purdie— "Mr, CoUins, and the Men of Birmingham,"

LETTERS. 337
Glasgow, May 23, 1838,
, , , Mr, Edmonds and I are just setting off by the steamboat for
Liverpool, 11 o'clock; and I may probably reach you before you get this
letter ; but I write to you to prevent mistake.
We had a grand Renfrewshire county meeting yesterday at Paisley, and
aU went off well. The people met us with 20 bands of music 4 miles from
the ground, which was the sacred field of Ellerslie (Wm. Wallace), and I
suppose 50,000 of them, after waiting an hour for us in the rain, escorted us for
the 4 mUes, and most of them continued with us in the rain during the whole
day. AU is enthusiasm and devotion to the cause. My friends are gone to
Kilmarnock, Edinburgh, Perth, &c., but I cannot stay from you and Marcus,
and therefore I am returning to-day.
AU men tell me that my reception in Scotland has far exceeded that of
Lord Durham, or of O'Connell, which last is now sadly faded in public
opinion, Birmingham, Thursday,
24 May, 1838.
I arrived here safe and well to-day at 5 o'clock ; but I found that
the London train at 5 o'clock has ceased to run, and therefore I am obliged
to come to you by the g o'clock train to-morrow morning.
Bm., Monday, fuly gth, 1838,
, . , I forgot to save you a frank, and therefore I write without one, to
say that I arrived very safe, and found everything comfortable at the Acorn.
We came from Coventry to Birmingham, 18 mUes, in 35 minutes.
Birmingham, 10 fuly, 1838.
. . Pray have the goodness to inform Mr. Baker that no house will
suit me if it is more than 2 miles from our kind sister Carless, who has
always been a second mother to my family. Within 2 miles of her, with two
sitting rooms, and 5 bedrooms, I should be happy to spend a few months,
if my dear Marcus can be moved. I am glad to hear the account which
Mr, Good gives, and also that you and Angela are well. Pray give my love
to her, and give a kiss to little Betsey from her dear grandpapa. I will be
bound she will understand what it means, I am myself veiy careful respecting
diet, &c., and I expect to return to London much improved. To-day our
kind friend Mr. Hodgson called to say that he is coming to London this day
by the Rail Road, and that he wiU be sure to see Marcus. This wiU give
you pleasure. Pray let him examine the hiee and give his opinion, whether
Mr, Good happens to be present or not. No offence will be given, and it is
important that Hodgson should see the knee. Birmingham, I'ifuly, 1838.
... I hope to see Hodgson shortly. On Wednesday next I shall
go to Stafford by Rail Road, and return the same evening. (John A.'s
trial.) Birmingham, \6^fuly, 1838.
. I sent your letter to Mathews, but did not see him, I am going
to the Leasowes to-morrow with Salt, and I shall return in the evening, I
Z

338 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
hope to get a letter from yoi] before I go. . . I send you a. fournal, by
which you will see the usual discretion of my proceedings. You would have
been delighted if you had seen the reception of my faithful "Buttons."
They were like 500 Rosabels clinging around me. We think to hold a Grand
Central Meeting on the 6th of Augt, at which I must of course be present
for 2 or 3 days. Birmingham, fuly 17th, 1838.
I walked to the Leasowes with Salt and returned in a car. I am
going to-morrow to Stafford, and shall return in the evening, . . ,
P.S, — To-night we issue our Grand Call upon the neighbourhood — a
Call which, I trust, wiU shake the Temple of Baal to its foundations. But
all is " Peace, Law, Order, Loyalty, and Union.'' Birmingham, i%fuly, 1838.
I am just returned from Stafford, where we have lost our cause
for ^15,000 of interest upon interest, owing to the dog-headed partiality of
Lord Abinger to Lord Lyndhurst, the stupidity of the Jury, &c. However,
it is no great damage, and John A. can well afford the loss, which idea
mainly acted on the Jury. Birmingham, 20 fuly, 1838,
. . I shall certainly be with you by the Rail Road early on Sunday
evening. I am glad to find that Benjamin continues so kind and friendly.
It does him much credit, and is never forgotten by me. I have a letter from
your sister Carless saying how happy Rosabel is.
Birmingham, 3 Augt, 1838.
Immersed in business, I have only a moment's time to say that
I am well, and that I shall hope to hear from you in the morning. I did not
arrive until 1 1 o'clock last night at the Acorn, where I found my rooms very
comfortable and much improved.
Everything is going on well for our great meeting, and I expect we shall
muster 200,000 men, all bold as lions, but innocent as lambs.
I hope my dear Marcus continues comfortable, and that Uttle Betsey
improves. Give her a kiss from her dear grandpa. . . .
P.S, — I travelled with a very clever, but conceited gentleman, who told
me that " everybody within 20 miles of Birmingham was bit by Attwood, and
that there was no doubt that he was mad " ! ! Quite a novelty to me, as you
may imagine. Birmingham, 5 Augt, 1838.
. . I never forget your letters, and generally I contrive to obey your
orders. But to-morrow will be a busy day, and I almost fear that I shall not
have left the ground until the post is gone, and I know you would not like
me to write to-day the letter intended for to-morrow. We have delegates
from Glasgow, London, and many other towns, who will be crowding around
me after the meeting. . . .
I send you a Birmingham fournal for you to see the order of the meeting,
I doubt not that it wUl be grand, orderly, and very imposing, but I shaU not

GREA T MEETING OF A UGUST 6, 183S. 339
at present uncover the mysterious "Serpent Banner," because I have not
got it !
I am careful of my health, and am well, as you may judge from my
handwriting. {Tosame address from T. Aurelius Attwood)
" Birmingham, Aug. 6, 1838.
"Dear Mother, — We have had a very fine meeting indeed, and the day
for the principal part of the meeting very fine. I have left it some time and
since then it has been wet. I am going to dine with my father, &c., at the
BeU in Philip St., and wiU write to you again to-morrow. Lots of reporters
were there, and must have been astonished at the numbers. The Morning
Advertiser had four reporters. . "
{To same address from Thomas Attwood)
Birmingham, Aug. 7, 1838.
Our meeting was a grand affair, and everything went off well. The best
report in the London papers at present is, I think, that in the Morning
Advertiser of this day. Cutler can get you one, if you send him. I could
not possibly write to you myself, but I knew that Aurelius would do so.
First and last there could not have been less than 200,000 persons on the
ground, all of whom conducted themselves as well as a meeting of 20
gentlemen could do, I took the chair myself, and during the 5 or 6 hours
that the meeting lasted, I had not once occasion to make the trumpets sound
to order " Silence!' In the very thick of the meeting a man was arrested for
having killed a girl in the morning by a rash blow, and he was carried out
without the slightest interference or enquiry. I opened the meeting with a
short prayer to Almighty God, and I assure you that the effect was magnifi
cently sublime. We had deputations from many distant towns, such as
Liverpool, Manchester, &c,, but we had not time to allow them to speak,
, I shaU be certain to return to you early on Friday evening, if it please
God, I am quite well, although the labour of three great meetings in one day
was great.
Enclosed with this letter is a cheap ballad, with a rough
portrait of Thomas Attwood engraved on it, entitled "A new
song on the Great Demonstration Meeting to demand the
People's Rights ! Held at HoUoway Head, Birmingham,
August 6th, 1838," The poetry is such sad doggrel that it
is not worth copying, but it is interesting as showing that
Attwood fully retained his great popularity at this date, and
also to what extremely radical opinions he had then descended
or " advanced." Birmingham, Aug. 8, 1838.
• , . I am much concerned to hear that you are yourself unwell, but I
am not surprised. Pray be careful, and cool and tranquil. We cannot avoid
the decrees of Providence, but we may by patience and resignation submit
cheerfully to those decrees. I am glad to find that you expect to move
Z 2

340 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
Marcus comfortably ; and that Angela and her little charges are already
removed, I am sure to be with you early on Friday evening, I receive
every day many proofs of attachment and fidelity from all parts of the country,
but I assure you, my dear love, that none are so dear to me as those that I
receive from you. . . .
Mrs. Attwood, Mrs. Carless' s, Barmi?ig. London, Sept. 6, 1838,
. . Anny requests me to write. She is well, and I am happy to say
that Marcus is comfortable, and, I hope, improving, I am concerned to hear
that you continue so unwell, I hope to see you again on Monday. I send
love to Rosey, who sends none to me, and, I fear, feels none. She is a sad
pet of mine. . . . Mrs. Attwood, Ryde, Isle of Wight. London, Novr. 10, 1838.
. . Sir B. Brodie and Mr. Keate have seen Marcus to-day, and they
both agree that he may go safely and properly to the Isle of Wight on
Monday. We shall therefore be at the George Inn at Portsmouth on
Monday evening, by about 4 or 5 o'clock, and shall join you at Ryde on
Tuesday morning ; but if we should happen to get to Portsmouth, in time
for the steamboat, we shall join you at Ryde on Monday evening. Of this
you can judge better than I can. . .
Mrs. Attwood, Beechlands, Ryde.
Blenheim Hotel, London, Deer. 26, 1838.
I am arrived here quite safe after a pleasant journey. I forgot to
give the old rosy coachman anything. When you come on Friday, pray give
him 2s. 6d. for me if you see him. The cab called the "Tot" shakes
terribly. I think you had better come here in a coach. I send love to all of
you, and many injunctions to take care of fire.
In order to avoid a possible confusion in the future, it may
be noted here, that in the year 1838 died Mr. Thomas Attwood,
organist of St. Paul's, a pupil of Mozart, and a well-known
musician and composer. Mr. T. A. C. Attwood informs me
that this gentleman was related to his namesake of Birmingham,
though I do not know in what degree.

CHAPTER XXI.
Return of Mr. Attwood to Birmingham — Address of the Female Political
Union — Discord in the Political Union— He presents the Great National
Petition, June 14, 1839 — He is heard at length in support of it, contrary
to the rules of the House — His motion rejected, July 12th — Lord
Palmerston and Russia — Mr. Attwood's address announcing his resig
nation — His private letters during 1839 — Letters from Lords Melbourne
and Western,
It would be easy to fill a volume with an account of the last
eventful year of Thomas Attwood's parliamentary career, but for
reasons already given a very brief sketch must sufitice. On the
1st of January, 1839, the Council of the Political Union held its
weekly meeting, and it being known that Mr. Attwood had
arrived in Birmingham the room was crowded to excess.
Shortly after 7 o'clock he joined the meeting and was received
with enthusiastic cheering. In the course of a long speech he
observed that the indisposition of himself and his family had
lately prevented him from attending the Council meetings,
but that he approved of everything that had been done in
his absence.
He congratulated his hearers upon the progress of their
cause, and assured them that if they persevered in just, legal,
and peaceful means their victory was certain. But he emphatic
ally warned them against the consequences if, misled by evil
advisers, they should attempt to obtain their objects by physical
force. On January Sth the Female Political Union of Birmingham,
with their friends, to the number of about 1,000 persons, took tea
in the Town Hall. Thomas Attwood attended, in company with
J. Scholefield and other friends, and made another long speech
of similar purport At its conclusion he was presented with the

342 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
following address by Mrs. Ann Henley, which was read by the
Chairman amidst great applause : —
" Honoured Sir, — We, the members of the Birmingham Female Political
Union, beg most respectfully to congratulate you upon your restoration to
health, and also to welcome you upon your return to that town and people
who esteem you as the firm and zealous friend of freedom and humanity
whose unceasing exertions and integrity of conduct in their cause have
rendered you so worthy of their regard. We likewise express our gratitude
to that good and gracious Being who, in His mercy, has spared your life and
renewed your strength — a life which has hitherto been spent to obtain for
the industrious classes an amelioration of their sufferings, and to secure to
them their just rights and privileges. Sir, we trust you will still pursue the
same course, until the great principles which you have so long, so nobly, and
with so much energetic zeal contended for, become the law of the land. Sir,
we hail your presence among us this day as an earnest that you will — as on
all past occasions, and with the same perseverance — aid and assist us in the
forthcoming struggle for universal liberty. Then, Sir, having faithfully dis
charged your duty, you shall wear the laurels you ha\'e so gloriously won,
which will be to you, as to all true patriots, that balmy consolation which
will make your sun set, after a stormy and boisterous day, beautifully calm
and serene ; and when your strength fails you, and your voice is no longer
heard in the cause of liberty, will shed a halo over your name, which will be
gratefully cherished by every British heart,"
At the Council meeting of January 15th, held at the Public
Office, Mr. Attwood attended and again urged upon his hearers
the necessity of abstaining from all thoughts of violence, pointing
out to them that if the 2,000,000 persons who, he trusted, had by
this time signed the National Petition would only subscribe one
shilling each the victory of their cause would be certain.
Feeling it to be his duty to make every possible exertion at
this great crisis, he was again present at the Council meeting of
January 22nd, and, after speaking at length upon the proposed
religious service for the people and the great delegation of the
industrious classes which was to meet in London upon the
4th of February, concluded as follows : —
In the year 1831 he had the honour of an interview with Lord Grey,
before the passing of the Reform BiU. Lord Grey said to him — " Mr.
Attwood, pray teU me your real opinion. When the Reform BiU is carried,
wiU it lead to a revolution, or wiU it not?" He (Mr. A.) answered in exactly
the following words : — " Lord Grey, as you put to me an honest question, I
will give you an honest answer. My firm opinion is, that if you give the
liberty, and give the prosperity at the same time, the Uberty and the pros-

WARNINGS OF RUSSIAN AGGRESSION. 343
perity wiU walk hand in hand together ; the child in the cradle will never
live to hear the voice of discontent in England ; and you will leave the
greatest name in EngUsh history behind you. But, if you give the liberty,
without giving the prosperity at the same time, the liberty will but precipitate
anarchy ; and you will be deemed the Neckar of England, instead of its
saviour." Was this the part of a dangerous man, to give the Minister a fair
warning of this kind? He (Mr. A,) had never been dangerous. He had
always studied, to the best of his power, to restore the prosperity of the
people, and to give security to the rich, by giving happiness and content
ment to the poor,
I cannot find any account of the meeting of the General
Convention of the Industrious Classes, which was advertised to
be held at Brown's Hotel, Palace Yard, London, on the 4th of
February, 1839,
In the early part of March, Mr, Attwood brought under the
notice of the House of Commons the state of the Russian fleet
in the Baltic, and warned the House not to risk ten or twelve
badly-manned British sail-of-the-line against twenty-seven well-
manned Russians ; but he met with little or no support. Towards
the end of the month he again spoke with great earnestness
upon the miserably weak condition of the British Navy, but
met with no better success. Finally, on the 25th of March,
he made a last effort in the same direction, and descanted at
great length upon the arrogant and iniquitous encroachments of
Russia ; but his speech was received with derision, and he could
not even find a seconder to the motion which he founded upon
it. At a public meeting held in Birmingham in the early part of
April, Mr. Salt read a letter, from which I take some extracts,
addressed to him by Mr. Attwood, with reference to the violent
and shameful proceedings of the physical force party of the
Chartists : — London, March 28, 1839.
My dear Salt, — I have received your letter of yesterday, informing me
of the unhappy discords which have broken out between the Council and the
members of the Political Union. Those discords are much to be regretted.
They threaten more injury to the cause of the people than all other mischiefs
combined. So long as Birmingham remains firm, true, and united, acting
under the law and in defence of the law, but permanently and inflexibly
detennined to use every possible legal effort to obtain from the justice of
Parliament the objects of the National Petition, the cause of the people can

344 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
never be said to be lost, . . Undoubtedly the wUd nonsense about
physical force has done much mischief. ... I assert with confidence,
that if the bitterest enemies of the people had sat down in an infernal con
clave to devise the means of injuring the people's cause, they could not, by
any possibility, have devised more efficient means than by recommending
the people to have recourse to physical force. . . . You know, my dear
Salt, that I have never been a man of blood — never animated by a guilty
ambition. My sole object has been to assist in obtaining liberty, prosperity,
contentment, and glory for our country. In endeavouring to obtain these
great objects I have shrunk from no danger ; but I shrink from crime and
from madness. The miseries of the people shall never be increased through
me. If I am to die a premature death, I will face it in a good cause ; but
will not die the death of a fool, or of a scoundrel, I will leave an unstained
name behind me. . .
The reading of this letter was received with laughter and
dissatisfaction, and some persons wanted to know whether
Mr. Attwood himself had not threatened to march to London
with 200,000 men in 1832, although he had repeatedly explained
that he only offered to do this " if the King should command
it!' ^
/On the 1st of May Mr. Attwood addressed a letter to the
General Convention in reply to their application to Mr. Fielden
and himself to present the National Petition, stating that before
doing so he must require from them a distinct disavowal of all
intention of employing physical force or of creating discord
between masters and men. He also drafted sorhe stringent
resolutions upon the subject, v/hich he recommended them to
adopt. The Convention appear to have rather shirked a distinct
reply to Attwood's question, but they seem to have satisfied him,
for on Tuesday, the 8th of May, the Petition was formally con
veyed to him for presentation, with considerable ceremony.
Previous to this, however, a sharp debate had taken place at
the rooms of the General Convention, in which he was treated
with considerable insult and contumely for .standing fast to
his old motto of " Peace, Law, and Order^ I give, from an
MS. note in his own handwriting, what he thought of these
proceedings : —
I insert this Debate from the News of May 5, 1839, as a small specimen
of the brutal stupidity of the members of the General Convention. I had
been the means of creating them. 1 had been a principal means of giving

HE PRESENTS THE NATIONAL PETITION. 345
more power and unity to the industrious classes, within a few years, than
Cobbett, and Major Cartwright, and Home Tooke, and a host of Whigs,
Radicals, and Patriots, had been enabled to give them for a century before ;
and yet their representatives here treat me with insolence, calumny, and
suspicion, merely because 1 resisted their brutal passions, and pointed out to
them that they were ruining the public cause. From the very first they had
always exhibited this feeling towards me. They had, more or less of them,
attended hundreds of public meetings throughout the country, and not one
single vote of thanks at any such meeting had ever been voted to me, or to
the Birmingham Council, who had set the whole machinery in motion ! !
The Petition was conveyed on a van, accompanied by fifty-
two delegates, to the residence of Mr, Fielden, in Panton Street,
where Mr. Attwood appeared and informed the delegates that
he had seen the Speaker and arranged all preliminaries, but
requested them to keep the Petition in their own hands until the
evening for its presentation arrived.
Meanwhile, on the 31st of May, Mr. Attwood made a long
speech on the Exportation of Gold, but his resolutions were
negatived without a division.
/'The last great public act of Thomas Attwood's life was the
presentation of the monster National Petition on Friday, June 14,
1839 > ^nd whatever may be thought of the justice or expediency
of the Chartist demands, all must admit that the closing scene
was worthy, in its imposing grandeur, of him who had originated
the extraordinary meetings upon Newhall Hill. No such petition
had ever before been presented to the House of Commons, nor
has there been one since. The ponderous document, nine or
ten feet in circumference, and bearing 1,286,000 signatures, was
carried, or rather rolled, by twelve men to the Speaker's table.
The great majority of the House were, of course, hostile to its
demands, but they " wisely resolved," says Mr. Molesworth, " to
treat the petitioners with every courtesy and consideration."
The Standing Orders of the House were suspended to allow
Mr. Attwood to state the case of his clients, and, amidst great
excitement, he spoke as follows :— \
Sir, — I rise to present this extraordinary petition, no less important than
extraordinary. (Hear, hear.) I am aware that the rules of the House will
not allow me to trespass upon their attention by going into any argument in
defence of the great principles which the petition lays down, therefore I shall

346 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
not attempt to go beyond what the rules of the House aUow, (Hear, hear,)
I shall confine myself to stating briefly the contents of the petition, and the
circumstances under which it originated, and perhaps the House will indulge
me with a few words of explanation of the pecuUar circumstances in which I
am situated with regard to it. (The petition originated in Birmingham ; it
was adopted at a large meeting there on the 6th of August last ; immediately
after that, it was sent to Glasgow and adopted there in a similar manner,
where it received upwards of 90,000 signatures, having received a nearly
equal number in Birmingham and the surrounding districts. It was then
handed round the country generally ; and 214 towns, counties, and districts
have adopted the petition nearly universally. The signatures amount to
1,280,000 and upwards. The principle has been affirmed by not less than
500 meetings, at all of which those who had signed it had stated that they
were suffering great distress, which had been too long disregarded by this
House. I attribute the whole of the recent discussions to the sufferings of the
people — sufferings which they have long endured with admirable patience,
and which have been too long disregarded by this House, I hope the House
wUl give its serious attention to the contents of this petition, and not think
that, because the humbler classes of workmen are the sufferers, it is not
entitled to the consideration of this HouseJ (Cheers,) It will be most painful
to the honest men who have signed this petition if their delegates, who, by
the favour of the House, have been permitted to witness its presentation,
should carry back a report that the petition has been treated with disrespect
by the House. (Hear, hear,) /Many who have signed it are at present
suffering under extreme distres^^distress of such a nature that gentlemen
born in the lap of affluence and luxury, whose wants are all supplied by the
property they have derived from their forefathers, can form but a very
feeble idea of the agony which an honest man suffers, whose hands are able,
and whose heart is willing to work, but who yet is, with all that, unable to
get a living. At all the meetings which have been held, the persons attending
them have confined themselves strictly to the lawful pursuit of their consti
tutional rights ; and they have been induced to do so on account of the
injuries and sufferings wdiich they have endured for so many years, without
finding any efficient relief The handloom weavers, the artisans, the agri
cultural labourers — all these classes find themselves aggrieved ; they find
that they receive no sympathy from this House, and they consider themselves
bound to use every just and legal exertion to recover the whole of their
constitutional rights. \ I hope hon, members wiU not be prejudiced against
this demand by thinking there is any slight or any improper reflection upon
themselves. All the petitioners say is, that the members of this House, in
consequence of their birth, parentage, education, wealth, and habits of Ufe,
have not felt that anxiety for the sufferings of the lower classes which they
think is absolutely necessary to the enjoyment of their rights as British
subjects. They have, therefore, adopted this measure for the purpose of
recovering their ancient rights. They and their fathers and grandfathers had
trusted to the noblemen of England to protect them, but no protection having
been given to them for years past, they have been obliged to have recourse
to this petition, in order to obtain their just rights. They say they only ask

HIS SPEECH ON THE OCCASION. 347
for a fair day's wages for a fair day's work, and that if you cannot give them
that and food and clothing for their families, then they say they will put
forth every power the law allows them to change the representation of this
House, that they will use all means to act upon the electors, by which they
hope ultimately to produce such a change of opinion as finally to lead to
success. (Hear, hear.) I have no doubt that they wiU succeed ultimately,
but I trust in God they \\ill shortly succeed in obtaining all the objects of the
petition, (Hear, hear,)|'The first object of these honest men, who every one
of them produce four nmes more than they want, and yet their country
refuses them one fourth of the value of their labour, not only that, but some
of them are put at three-days-a-week work — the first object of these honest
men who are pressed down by the hand of oppression — and I am sure that
such being the case, the House will not be surprised at their using stronger
language than they otherwise would have used — (Hear, hear) — the first part
of the petition claims universal suffrage ; it claims representation co-equal
with taxation, which was the ancient law of England ; it says that they have
been bowed down to the earth ; and then it goes on to describe the suffering
they have endured, and that they come before this House to tell them that
the capital of the master must not be deprived of its due profit ; and the
labourer must not be prevented from having the reward of his labour, and
that the laws that make labour cheap should be abolished. They then
demand universal suffrage in the language used by our forefathers in the
celebrated Bill of Rights, They next go on to show that when the Consti
tution grants a right, it must be understood to guarantee the means of
exercising it. The Constitution guarantees the right of election, and these
petitioners contend that vote by ballot is absolutely necessary to secure
freedom of election, and, therefore, they contend that they have a con
stitutional right to vote by baUot, (Cheers,) They go on further, and
claim annual ParUaments, agreeably to the Constitution. The Act of Settle
ment, orders that the Parliaments shall be triennial ; and under the old
practice of the Constitution they were annual Then they go on to demand
that the labour of representatives shall be rewarded. (Loud laughter.) That
was the ancient practice of the Constitution, as exemplified by Andrew
Marvel ; and I could to-morrow apply to my constituents, at Birmingham,
the Constitution authorising members of this House to be paid the wages of
attendance by a rate on their constitutents. (Much laughter.) They consider,
unless this right is restored, that they cannot have members of this House
properly feeling and understanding the wants and sufferings and distresses
of the people. The fifth demand is, that the property qualification of
members of this House should be abolished. Now, in all these five points
of the petition I most cordially agree, and I do sincerely hope that, by the
progress of public opinion, the day may not be distant when the whole of
these five points will be granted to the people ; that they will have them in
full measure, full weight and pureness, and no mistake about the matter.
(Cheers and laughter.) .
Sir G. H. Smytfirose to order. He contended that the hon. member
was transgressing the rules of the House. He himself had been prevented
from speaking on the presentation of a petition the other night, and he could

348 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
not conceive how any hon, member, with that ridiculous piece of machinery,
could be allowed to transgress the rules of the House. (Loud cries of "Chair"
and "Order,")
The Speaker said if the hon. member appealed to him as to what was
the strict rule of the House, he must, unquestionably, say that no hon.
member had a right to speak at any length in presenting a petition. But
when the House considered the peculiar circumstances under which the
petition was brought forward — (loud cheers) — and the position in which
the hon. member stood, they would, perhaps, be inclined to grant him some
indulgence, (Cheers,)
Sir G, H, Smyth, as an individual, would enter his protest against it.
(Cries of "Oh.")
Mr. Attwood resumed : Sir, I thank you for the indulgence you have
extended to me, and I shall not trespass long upon the attention of the
House. (Hear, hear.) Biit I beg leave to say a few words with regard to
my own peculiar position. ( Although I most cordially support every part of
the petition, and am ready to support and verify every word of it, and
although I am determined to use every legal means in my power to carry
it into law, I must say that many reports have gone abroad of arguments
that have been used, or that are said to have been used, in various parts of
the country, which I disavow, (Hear,) I never, at any period of my life,
recommended any principles except those of peace, law, order, loyalty, and
union, and that, Sir, in good faith, not holding one face here, and another
out of doors. (Cheers.) The face which you now see, I have always held
out of doors and within doors ; my determination is to do all that Ues in my
power, as a man, a Christian, and as a gentleman, to work out the wishes of
the petitioners. (Cheers.) Having stated so much, I wash my hands of any
talk of physical force — (loud cheers) — or arms. I want no arms but the will
of the people, legally, firmly, and constitutionally expressed4-(cheers) — and
if the people will only send to this House a similar petition from every parish
in England, and if they will go on using every argument which justice,
reason, and wisdom dictate, they will create such an action upon the
public mind, which will again act upon the members of this House, that
when the people shall ask for a remedy of their grievances, in the manner
dictated by the Constitution of the country — when they only ask for that
which belongs to them by the Constitution of the country — I hope, that
though hon, gentlemen here differ from me in opinion — I wiU not insinuate
that they differ from me in feeling — I say, if the people go on, washing their
hands from all threats and insolence, but go on firmly, honestly, and
constitutionally, I am sure their demands will meet with respectful attention.
Having said so much, I will now read the prayer of the petition : —
'|May it, therefore, please your honourable House to take this our petition
into\iour most serious consideration, and to use your utmost endeavours,
by all constitutional means, to have a law passed granting to every male of
lawful age, sane mind, and unconvicted of crime, the right of voting for
Members of Parliament ; and directing all future elections of Members of
Parliament to be in the way of secret ballot ; and ordaining that the duration
of Parliament shaU in no case exceed one year ; and abolishing aU property

THE NATIONAL PETITION. 349
qualifications in the members ; and providing for their due remuneration
while in attendance on their parliamentary duties." \ (Cheers,) I thank the
House for the patient hearing they have given me upon this occasion. I will
trespass no further, but move that the petition be brought up. (Laughter.)
The hon. member had unrolled a considerable portion of the petition, and
took its heading up to the table amidst loud laughter and cheers.
Mr. Fielden : I beg to support the prayer of the petition.
Mr. Attwood then moved that the petition be printed, — Ordered.
The Speaker : Does the hon, member mean to found any motion on the
petition ?
Mr, Attwood : Yes, Sir ; I beg to give notice, that on the first supply day
next week, I shall move that the House do resolve itself into a committee of
the whole House, to take the petition into consideration.
The Birmingham Journal, commenting upon the above scene,
says : —
"AU accounts concur in describing the presentation of the National
Petition by Mr. Attwood as distinguished by the most correct taste and
feeling, on the part of the hon. member ; and his speech on the occasion
as marked by great dignity, as well as sound sense and moderation. An ear
and eye witness of the whole says, in a private letter addressed to a friend
here, ' I wish you could have seen our excellent friend Attwood, when he
presented the petition on Friday. It was done to admiration, and, except
the single interruption from the Essex baronet, the member for Colchester,
not a whisper of dissatisfaction was breathed during the whole delivery of
his sensible speech. On the whole, it was, I assure you, a successful
exhibition.' "
On the next day (June 15th) an interesting meeting of the
friends of Poland took place at Freemasons' Hall. The Duke
of Sussex presided, and the attendance was numerous and most
respectable, Mr. Attwood was present and spoke with great
energy upon his favourite topics — the iniquities of Russia, the
servility of England, and the misfortunes of Poland.
The__great motion came on before the House of Commons on
Friday, July I2th,i839, when ^frfjVJP^f-^^i'H^''"' having moved
the order of the day, in order to allow Mr. Attwood to proceed with
his motion, the latter thanked him for his courtesy and proceeded
to move the adoption of the National Petition in a speech which
occupies two-and-a-half columns of the Birmingham Journal.
He enlarged upop the migpi-^r and Hpgtitijtinn which everywhere
pjevailed amongst the industrious classes, and warned the aristoc
racy against incurring the fate of the French noblesse. Towards
the conclusion he gave the following interesting anecdote : —

350 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
[When political unions were first formed in this country, he had sent a
case to a very eminent counsel for the purpose of having his opinion as to
the legality of those societies. The able man whom he had consulted
returned the case, with an intimation that, if he said political unions were
iUegal he should be saying what he did not think ; and if he gave his opinion
that they were legal, he feared he might lead many honest men astray, for it
would be difficult, if not morally impossible, to join those associations without
trenching upon the law. He therefore returned the fee, and expressed no
opinion upon the subject, (Hear, hear.) This was the way in which Sir
Charles Wetherell acted upon that occasion. He (Mr. Attwood) had pro
fited by the opinion which he had thus obtained without a fee, and had
avoided the danger of overstepping t\\e.flammantia mcenia of the law.T
Mr. Fielden and other Radical members supported the motion,
but the result was, of course, foreseen, for nobody ever expected
such a revolutionary proposal to be as well received by the
House as it actually was. In the course of the debate Mr. Attwood
experienced bitter mortification, which he thus describes in a
letter dated July 17th: —
(Lord John Russell, as his main answer to my arguments, produced to the
House a placard, unheard of by me before, and signed apparently by every
member of the General Convention of the Industrious Classes, openly reject
ing these my known and proved doctrines and opinions, denouncing what
the placard calls the power and corrupting influence of paper money, and
declaring that the industrious classes have been " defrauded by the fraudulent
bits of paper, wliich our state tricksters dignify with the name of money, and
are at this moment being robbed by that system of three-fourths of their
labour !! !'W
Here was an argument which I could not answer. "When Lord John
Russell, holding the placard in his hand, and reading its contents, trium
phantly enquired, " of what use would my reform be when my own friends
rejected its most important objects ?" I was paralysed. I had created the
General Convention, It was the offspring of my own brain, I was sur
rounded by enemies on every side, many of them interested against me, and
all contending against me. At this very moment, out of my own camp, a
mortal weapon was directed against my heart !
I leave you, my friends, to judge of my feelings. For t-wenty-five years
I have wasted my life in incessant labours. \
The House divided, and the nunKDers were —
For the motion ... ... 46
Against it ... ... ... 235

Majority  189
mie events which followed the rejection of the National
Petition almost broke the heart of Thomas Attwood ; but all

BIRMINGHAM RIOTS. 351
Conservatives must be thankful that they happened, for there
cannot be a doubt that, had the Chartists loyally accepted him
as their leader and persevered in the course of firm, persistent,
and peaceable agitation recommended by him, the famous five
points would have been conceded many years ago. The country
has made great advances towards democracy during the last
forty-five years, but only two of the least important of the five
demands have been obtained. All sorts of disorders soon took
place. Some of the Chartists resolved to carry out the scheme
of a " sacred month's " abstention from labour, but others made
several abortive and absurd attempts to employ physical force.
These were easily suppressed by the military and police, and
they served the purpose of disgusting the respectable classes
with the movement. Birmingham was in a fearful state during
July, and the riots culminated on the 15th, when lamp-posts and
pavements were torn up, houses sacked and pillaged, furniture
burnt, and at length houses set fire to. Order was at last
restored by the Rifles and Dragoons, with some bloodshed.
The masses had, for once, escaped from the firm and steady
guidance of Attwood, and the consequences were deplorableJ
His melancholy letter of July 17th, to which I have already
referred, concludes as follows : —
My Friends, — In final reply to your kind and gratifying invitation to me
to attend a great meeting in Birmingham, for the purpose of restoring har
mony and reconciliation amongst the different classes of our townsmen, I
have to say that I do not think it prudent to do so in the present excited
state of men's minds. The enemies of the people, always on the watch to
injure the people's cause, with spies, traitors, enthusiasts, and fools, would
undoubtedly be at work. Mischief of some kind would probably be produced,
and that mischief, whatever it might be, would most certainly be laid at my
door. On the 6th of August Mr. Attwood made his last, despair
ing, efifort in the House of Commons to arrest the progress of
Russian ambition in the East. He spoke thus :—
There is one subject of my recent lucubrations which will be anything
but gratifying to the noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and on which I
must ask him a few questions, I was indeed truly glad to hear the noble
lord express this evening such interest in, and such desire to extend the
commercial relations of this country, but if the noble lord is really in earnest,

352 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
how is it he has aUowed British trade to be excluded from the Black Sea ?
How is it that he has allowed the Circassians, a gaUant people, who alone
brave the whole power of Russia, to be cut off from all intercourse with
England ? Why does he not enter into commercial treaties with the Circas
sian chiefs, who have an extent of 300 miles of coast? He knows the
importance of that country as a barrier to India, as the only means of
arresting the designs, and effectually opposing the aggressions, of Russia in
that direction. The noble lord surely cannot now sanction the Treaty of
Adrianople, by which Russia claims the Circassian territory, as he has that
of Unkiar Skelessi, by which the British flag is dishonoured by its exclusion
from the Black Sea. I have heard the noble lord say in this House that he
did not recognise any claim of Russia to the possession of Circassia — that
Russia had no right to receive Circassia — that Turkey had no right to give
it, as it was never subject to her — that Russia had not actual possession, and
therefore could not establish custom-house regulations in a country which
she did not hold ; indeed, in the disgraceful affair of the " Vixen " — that
burning shame to England — he only justified the capture of that vessel under
the pretext that Russia had a fort in the Bay of Soudjoukkale — a pretence by
which he attempted to throw dust in the eyes of the country. Why, then, I
ask the noble lord, why does he not extend British commerce by opening
communications with the Circassian chiefs, who look to England with hope
and for protection ? Where could he find better or more important allies ?
If Circassia falls, the supremacy of Russia is thus established at once in the
East : how long then will he guarantee to this country the continuance of her
trade with Turkey and Trebizonde? If the noble lord would imitate in the
West the energy displayed by the Indian Government in the East, matters
would soon be brought to an issue. Why, indeed, is not the British fleet in
the Black Sea to protect our commerce with Circassia ? The noble lord has
said Russia possesses Anapa and a few other places or forts on the coast ;
but the Circassians have 300 miles of coast ; and, supposing Russia to hold
50 miles of it, is it any reason why we should allow her to possess the
remainder, and thus forward the views of Russia, who has that obstacle to
remove before she seizes the Dardanelles, and eventually drives us out of
India ? I again call to the noble lord to know why he does not recognise the
independence of Circassia? It has been thought and said that Russian gold
has found its way into this House, I do not mean to accuse the noble lord
of having received Russian gold, but the idea has gone abroad that Russian
gold has found its way into this House, The noble lord cannot but be aware
that charges involving criminality of a serious nature have been put forth
against him — in print too — not alone in the daily and weekly press, but in
pamphlets and works, some of which I now hold in my hand — not the
productions of obscure and unknown individuals, but respectable gentlemen,
having filled high offices — secretaries of embassy — employes and proteges
of the noble lord himself Mr, Urquhart and Mr, Parish have brought
forward these accusations, and supported them by documentary evidence.
God forbid that 1 should say that they are true ; but they are uncontradicted
—they have gone forth to the country, and why is it that the noble lord has
not instituted legal proceedings against these gentlemen ? I think it right to

HE REMOVES TO f ERSE Y. 353
state to the noble lord that the country expected that he would have taken
such a course as a means of self-justification. Why have not the parties who
bring forward such charges been prosecuted for libel ? I have not brought
this forward to the notice of the House from any unpleasant feeling to the
noble lord, but in fulfilment of a duty ; I have a right to call attention to this
subject," Strange to say, this remarkable and temperate speech elicited
no reply whatever from Lord Palmerston, and the House was
too servile to insist that he should give one. Stranger still, the
speech was suppressed by all the London newspapers except
the Era, which printed it in full, with an article of indignant
comment upon the unworthy cowardice displayed by all the
members present.
The numerous disappointments and mortifications which
Mr. Attwood underwent this year, combined with the illness of
his relatives, seem to have brought home to him the necessity of
seeking a decided change of scene. Accordingly, in the course
of October, he removed to St. Heliers, Jersey, with all his family.
In this retirement, however, he still continued to take a warm
interest in public affairs, and frequently corresponded with his
friends in Birmingham. On the 24th of October he wrote to
Mr. Thos. Mackay a desponding letter concluding thus : —
" If I had seven lives, I would give them all to see the people of England
as happy as those of this happy island,"
In Hn^ fournal of November 30th there appeared from him
the following interesting letter, which I wish I had seen when
writing the earlier portion of this memoir : —
The editor has been imposed upon grossly by some one respecting my
having been a Tory. During the last forty years, ever since I was a boy, I
have been the foremost amongst the middle classes of Birmingham in
supporting every possible measure of reform. In the year 1819, twenty
years ago, 1 projected the Political Union, and was only prevented from
forming it then by the counsels of several friends who all now recollect it.
In 181 1 I originated the great delegation, which I formed in defiance of the
Corresponding Act, the Tory Ministers, and the East India Company. In
181 2 I did the same with respect to the Orders in Council ; and in that year
20,000 men of Birmingham gave me a silver cup for my conduct in attacking
and controUing the Tory Ministers ; and this conduct gained me also the
friendship of the late Duke of Norfolk and other Whig leaders. This was
thirty years ago, and it was not the conduct of a Tory. But before that time
2 A

354 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
I had gained the warm applause of Dr, Parr, by proposing, at a public
dinner, the toast of—" The cause of liberty all over the world," I never
uttered one word in opposition to reform all my life, although I have always
(since 1810, when the buUion report passed) expressed the same opinion that
I expressed at HoUo-vvay Head on the 6th of August, viz., that no reform of
Parliament would be worth a rush to the people if it left the present metallic
standard to execute its murderous operation upon them. In 1820 I refused
to support the nonsense about legislatorial attorneys ; and during my whole
life that is all that can be said against me as a Reformer. And even then
my heart was so much in the cause, that I befriended both Edmonds and
Ragg when they came out of prison, as you have often heard me say to their
credit. In those days only think how  and  would have stared, if
they had been told 1 was a Tory, or even a Whig ! 1 was intimate with 
and  at a time when both of them were in nearly as much danger as
John Frost now is ; but I never in my life had a political friend amongst
the Tories, To this he adds in MS. —
I might also have added, that between the years 1810 and 1820, I sub
scribed to 3 different efforts to establish, or support, a Reform Paper in
Birmingham, and lost my money in each.
In face of the above facts it is very strange that a notion
should have been widely prevalent in Birmingham that Thomas
Attwood had been a Tory in his j^outh. This probably arose
from the circumstance that his opinions on the Currency were
those which had been considered characteristic of many of the
Tory leaders. They were held by the great Pitt, and have since
received the hearty approval of Sir Archibald Alison.
rAnother cruel disappointment was in store for Mr. Attwood
during the course of the autumn of 1839. The disgraceful riots
of July gave his opponents a cogent and irresistible argument
for the establishment of a police force in Birmingham. He
fruitlessly opposed the Bill in all its stages, but in one instance
was even unable to find a seconder. This is one of those cases
in which even his warmest admirers of the present day must
admit him to have been mistaken. All respectable people have
long become accustomed to consider the new police indispens
able, and every one would now laugh at the idea of their being
hostile to liberty. In justice to his memory, however, it should
be remembered that his opinions on this subject were shared
by many other politicians, both Tory and Radical.

HIS RE SIGN A TION. 355'
Borne down at length by public mortifications, domestic
anxieties, and failing health, and penetrated with grief at his
inability to relieve the distress of the nation, he determined to
retire into private life, I do not know when he first made
known his intention of resigning his seat, but his retirement
seems to have been expected in Birmingham for some time
before its formal announcement. He issued his farewell address
to his constituents on the 9th of December, 1839, It is a
lengthy document, but its importance, in explaining his political
conduct and his reasons for resignation, demands that it should
be reprinted here in full : — )
To the Electors and Inhabitants of the Borough 0 Birmingham.
My dear Friends and Fellow-Townsmen —
After having served you faithfully in ParUament for seven years, I now
resign into your hands the honourable trust which you have three times
confided to me, I rejoice much in these repeated testimonies of your
confidence and esteem, and I rejoice more in the reflection that no part of
my conduct has ever given you occasion to regret them. For myself, my
only regret is that I have been enabled to do so Uttle service to you, or to
youi^.country. IjDr seven years I have toiled on under the influence of the righteous hope
that I might probably be of service in assisting to restore real and permanent
prosperity to the industrious classes, and real and solid liberty to the
people. All my hopes have been disappointed. I have found it utterly im
possible to do any good to my country by honest means, either withiti the
walls of Parliament, or without the walls of Parliament.^
This latter failure has been to me a bitter mortification. When I found
that all hope was vain, within Parliament, I turned to the people out oj
doors. I had done everything in my power to give the Reform Bill a fair trial.
I had waited for year after year, in the hope of its producing fruit meet for
the people. It was not until all hope was abandoned that I cried out to the
people, " Cut down the tree. Why cumbereth it the ground ?^
You will recoUect, my friends, that in 1832, when the Reform Bill was
carried, I cordially united with you in suspending all further political agita
tion. The immense movements of the public mind ceased ; and the nation,
to use my old phrase, sunk to rest as peacefully and tranquilly as the infant
on its mother's breast. If wisdom and virtue had presided in Parliament,
never was there a finer opportunity of restoring the prosperity, the happiness,
the contentment, the power, the glory, and the dominion of England, For
year after year this grand opportunity was totally neglected. In the )ears
1834, 1835, and 1836, some Uttle relaxation of the national misery was eft'ected.
But in the year 1837 the fatal "screw upon the currency" was turned upon
the people as severely as before. 2 A 2

356 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
|But in 1837 I again united with all parties among you in suspending
political agitation. Three times in that disastrous year we appealed to the
Ministers of the Crown, We implored the Government to let the people live.
We represented their miseries and their distresses, and we pointed out the
just and effectual means of relieving them. Lord Melbourne did not appear
to be against us ; but he openly told us, in the November of that year, that
"Birmingham was not England" and that "the House of Commons was
against us!' I ventured to assure his lordship that we would prove to him
that " Birmingham was England, and that we would change the House of
Commons ;'' and on taking leave of him, in the presence of the deputation of
fifteen masters and workmen, I made use of the foUowing words : — " My lord,
I think it my duty to express to you my conviction that, in neglecting the
prayers of the people, upon this great occasion, you will raise a moral
tempest round your head, which no moral means can by any possibility
resist ; and if you attempt to apply physical means, it will be an act of
madness and suicidej^
It was not until then that I thought it my duty, after long and painful
reflection, to appeal to the people, and to unite with many of my most
intimate friends in the last grand movement to obtain a further political
refapm, T did not look upon such reform as absolutely certain to be obtained ; nor,
if obtained, in any degree, however extensive, did I reckon it absolutely
certain that it would produce e!\i!a.e.r prosperity or liberty for the people. But
under the dire circumstances of our country, I thought, and I still believe,
that in the present state of the House of Commons, there is but little hope of
recovering either the domestic prosperity or the foreign honour or safety of
the nation ; and, therefore, I considered that it was necessary to accomplish
a radical change,/
In attempting this great work, seven times greater than that of 1832,
I was sensible of the difficulties which surrounded it. I had to move in
darkness and danger through uncertain means to an uncertain object, and
that object, when obtained, doubtful in its results of ultimate weal or woe for
the people. This I explained to you at HoUoway Head, But I knew that
if wisdom and justice presided in the councils of the people, their will would
be omnipotent. I knew that the interests of both masters and men, among
the industrious classes, are one and the same, no possible mischief reaching
the workman without first coming, as it were, through the very heart of the
master ; and I knew that, in reality, the masters had suffered more wrongs
and oppression, from the state of the law and the conduct of the Government,
than even their unhappy workmen themselves had endured. Above all
things I knew that the masters among the industrious classes, suffering at
least equal wrongs and injuries with their workmen, possess the votes which
command the elections of the House of Commons; and judging from that
community of feeUng and opinion which common injuries and common
sufferings promote, and from that electrical effect which mind has upon
mind, and which masses of minds have upon individual minds; judging by
these things, and also by the experience of 1832, I thought it practicable, by
just and legal means, so to gather up and unite the mind of the industrious

HIS FAREWELL ADDRESS TO ELECTORS. 357
classes, as ultimately to secure either liberty or prosperity, or perhaps both,
for our countiy. The dangers of the attempt were great ; but, in my humble
judgment, the necessities of our countiy were greater. I saw the industrious
classes crushed and broken down, no hope to cheer them, no friend to
protect them, I saw the best hearts in England breaking ; some perishing
by an untimely death, some flying to the extremities of the earth, and others
" Whispering low,
Unhallow'd \'ows to Guilt, the child of Woe."
V It was under these circumstances that I resolved, in conjunction with my
friends, to make the last great effort, by just, legal, and peaceful means, to
establish a system which should give hope to the wretched and protection to
the poor and the oppressed ; and at the same time restore the prosperity,
the power, and the violated honour of England, That effort has been made,
and has totally failed. )
Opposed on every'side by guilt or folly, supported nowhere but in Bir
mingham, and almost unknown in my motives and objects in every other
part of the country, all my labours became worse than useless. My humble
warnings were unheard and unseen. The public press, whether Whig, Tory, or
Radical, throughout the whole nation, concealed them from the public eye, ,
All things went wrong. Whilst I was building up in the day, others were
pulling down in the night. Whilst I was recommending unions between
masters and workmen against their common oppressors, others were recom
mending unions of workmen against their masters. IWhilst I was pointing
out the just and righteous and effectual means of^giving victory to the
people, others were recommending arms and physical force. Whilst I
was recommending Peace, L.A.W, Order, Loyalty, and Union, and
harmony and friendship between masters and workmen, and mutual and
legal co-operation between all the industrious classes generally, others were
promoting violence, discord, jealousy, suspicion and division, separation of
interests and of feelings between masters and workmen, and general hatred,
distrust, and alarm among all classes of the community. The deluders of the
people succeeded in leading the people astray. The irresistible moral tempest
which I had foreseen, was converted into hopeless and feeble exhibitions of
physical force. The people had no hope whatever, except in moral force ;
and there their triumph was comparatively certain. 77?/.; they were taught
to despise and throw away. They did not possess the means of availing
themselves of physical force; and if they had possessed them, it would
certainly have done them more harm than good; and yet upon this broken
reed they were taught to rely. Their poverty was the grand oppression
which rendered reform necessary. They had not the money to buy bi-ead
for themselves and their famiUes, and yet they were gravely recommended
to buy arms for their country. Their disease was poverty, and the remedy
which rich men only can make use of, was recommended to them. They
were omnipotent under the law. They were weaker than infants against
the law. They were seduced to set the law at defiance. And now
what is the result ? The people are delivered up into the hands of their
oppressors.

358 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
Yes, my friends, this is the melancholy state of our country^ The deluders
of the people, by guilt or by folly, have delivered them into the hands of
their oppressors. They have rendered it now almost impossible to form large
combinations, or to hold assemblages of the people They have recom
mended measures notoriously illegal; urging the people to provide arms for
the purpose of either attacking, controlling, or intimidating the Government.
They have thus set the law against them. They have set every jury in
England against them, they have set every rich man, every humane man, and
almost every rational man against them. By unjust calumnies they have set
the middle classes against them. By sanguinary threats they have set the
upper classes against them. The master has been set against the workman,
and the workman against the master. My friends in Birmingham, who for
ten years have been the very life and soul of the Reform interest, have been
rudely thrown aside as leaders of the people for merely standing on their
known Rules and Regulations, and refusing to lead the people astray ;
in fact, for refusing to lead the people into that very line of conduct which
has now enabled " the lawyer and the soldier to break in upon them, and render
all their exertions vain!' Discord, suspicion, hatred, and alarm have been
scattered everywhere. The peaceful, legal, and sublime moral movement of
the nation which 1 was contemplating, has been shattered and broken up into
a thousand fragments ; and I have not the means of restoring the public
confidence, the unity, the morality, and s^-ict legality which are absolutely
necessary to give it a chance of success. |
The people have thus become a rope of sand. Their strength is withered,
and their hopes are blighted. If they had " held fast to the law," the middle
classes would, by this time, have been gained over to their side ; and the
strength of their enemies would have been paralysed. But they have been
taught to rely upon illegal weapons which they have not the means of obtain
ing, nor the means of using beneficially if obtained ; and to neglect, despise,
and throw away that tremendous moral power which was in their ow?i hands,
and which the experience of 1830, 1831, and 1832 ought to have taught them
was omnipotent. But within the walls of Parliament my humble labours
have been equally disappointed in their result. /Again and again I have
pointed out and foretold in ParUament the calamities of 1837, and those of
the present year, and I have shown how those calamities were, in a great
degree, necessarily producing or increasing similar calamities in America.
I have pointed out again and again the certain, just, and safe means of
preventing them, and of relieving them permanently, I might just as well
have preached to the winds of heaven..
Here has been my severest mortification,^ Twenty-five years of incessant
labour have been thrown away,") From iSr5 to 1829 I had laboured in
cessantly out of Parliament, in unavailing efforts to prevent and relieve the
miseries and the dangers which the unjust and insane attempts to restore the
value of the currency were producing. I had reminded the Government, that
no nation upon the face of the earth had ever accomplished such an object.
I had stated to them, that it was an "object vi'hich even Jengis Khan, in the
height of his power, and of his madness, would never have had the audacity
or the cruelty to attempt." I had proved, in every possible shape, that if

HIS FAREWELL ADDRESS TO BISECTORS.

359

persevered in, it would ultimately produce "the wildest anarchy and revolu
tion." I had proved that " the miseries of the people would become so great
under its pressure that no taxes could be endured, and that the nation
would become so weak and powerless that, in less that twenty years, the
meanest of her enemies would sweep her navies from the sea." I had even
pointed out ihefluctuations, the alternations of real adversity and of apparent
prosperity, with which it would necessarily be attended. I had proved upon
a hundred occasions, that " in attempting to restore the ancient standard of
value, the Government, instead of adding only "four per cent." to the value
of money, as was pretended, were literally doubling the burdens of the people,
and at the same time halving their means!!" In these facts and repre
sentations 1 had been supported and confirmed by many of the ablest men
in the country, and contradicted by none.
In the year 1S29 I had made this monster grievance of the nation the
main basis of the Political Union. I considered that the first work of a
reformed Parliament would necessarily have been its rectification. By your
assistance, I had then rendered some service in promoting the Reform Bill,
and I had indulged the hope that, although the measure of liberty was
niggardly, the measure oi prosper ity might yet be full for tlie people. Seven
years of bitter experience in the reformed Parliament have now convinced
me that all my anticipations of national benefit were vain.
In 1832 1 went into Parliament, as )'0U well know, «'ith the main object
of rectifying this terrible oppression, and thereby of relieving the distress of
the industrious classes, and restoring the full employ ment of well-paid labour
and the full prosperity of the manufacturers, commerce, and agriculture. I
lost no opportunity of attempting this, whenever I could break throuyh the
innumerable forms and entrenchments of a reluctant House of Commons,
My facts and representations were never denied. My arguments and proofs
were not contradicted. The House of Commons would listen to me %vith
patience. None would answer me ; few would support me ; but many would
give me privately the most solemn assurances that all my representr.cions
were correct. If I ever received any slights or contumelies, they were always,
I believe, where they ought not to have been, from among the Radical
members of the House, It was in vain for me to prove to the House, as 1
had so often proved before to the country, that the discontent of the people
originated mainly in tiam p07'crty; that t!a€\r poverty was occasioned by the
want of full employment and of well-paid labour; and that these terrible
calamities were occasioned mainly by the attempts of the rich classes to
convert their paper rents, taxes, debts, and dividends into standard gold —
attempts which tended to strangle industry, reducing the industrious classes
occasionally to one-half employment, at the same time extorting from them
double the quantity of the products of their labour, and thus in reality
quadrupling all their public and private burdens, instead of increasing them
" only four per cent." as was pretended. It was in vain for me to prove to
the House, as I had so often proved to the countrj', that this terrible state of
things could not permanently be endured, and that, if allowed to continue, it
would ultimately terminate in the convulsive agonies of a fearful revolution.
My arguments were incontrovertible. If I had been a Minister, they would

36o LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
perhaps have been irresistible, but as a plain tradesman of Birmingham they
produced but Uttle effect.
In the year 1833 they gained me a minority of 158 in the House, but in
the year 1839 that minority dwindled down to 48 ! How could 1 contend with
such a state of things as this ? The members of the House of Commons,
whether Whigs, Tories, or Radicals, have neglected all my warnings, and
have persevered in supporting measures which have covered England with
poverty, misery, discontent, and shame, and which are certain ultimately to
produce its ruin.
But, opposed and strangled as I was within the walls of Parliament,
ought 1 not to have been supported out of doors? There was not a man in
the General Convention of the Industrious Classes who did not
know my opinions upon this great subject. They were altogether ignorant
of it themselves. They had selected me as their organ in presenting the
national petition. That petition expressed my opinions. At the very
moment that 1 w'd.s justifying tlie petition and defending their cause and their
country s, they joined the ranks of my opponents against me ! I The men
chosen by universal suffrage, and the men chosen by the ^10 Franchise,
were all equally hostile to me. How could I stand up against friends and
foes combined? And how could I benefit a country which sends me such
friends for my support ?
" So falls the land to sure and swift decay.
When folly guides, and madness points the way ;
So perish all the remnants of their line.
When love and hate to work their doom combine."
I know, my friends, that you agree with me in opinion, that these unjust
and insane attempts to convert "Cb^ paper rents, debts, taxes, and obligations
of England into gold of the ancient standard, have been and are the fatal
source of nine-tenths of the fluctuations, difficulties, miseries, and distresses
which afflict, degrade, debilitate, and endanger our unhappy country. Un
doubtedly there are many other laws of a cruel and oppressive character,
but the most oppressive of these, as you well know, are eitlitr founded
upon or intimately connected with this monster grievance of the nation. The
corn laws and the new poor laws are in reality one and the same with the
money laws. They are all three Uke the Siamese twins. If you destroy one
of them, the other two die a natural death. And the new police laws are
much of the same character. I have often told you, as I have told the House
of Commons, that " the landlord and the money lord have entered into an
unholy league together. They first passed corn laws to make scarce the
food which supports man's life. They then passed money laws to make
scarce the money which purchases the food. When the people of England,
ground between these twin iniquities like wheat between the upper and the
nether millstone, seek refuge in the workhouse, the melancholy patrimony of
their fathers, their oppressors then pass new poor laws, to close the gates of
the workhouse against them, and to open bastiles in its stead ; and foreseeing
that oppressions like these would dri\ e the people to despair they are now

HIS FAREWELL ADDRESS TO ELECTORS. 361
preparing rural police laws to nip sedition in the bud. If you repeal the
corn laws, you compel the landlords to repeal the money laws in their own
defence. If you repeal the money laws, you render the corn laws a dead
letter; and if you repeal the nezu poor law, you take the ground from under
both the others ! In this latter case, the usual burdens of the owners of land
and of the owners of money will soon compel justice to the unhappy owners of
labour. With these my known views and opinions, expressed upon a hundred
occasions, you cannot doubt, my friends, that I have done everything in my
power to prevent the passing, and to obtain the repeal, of all and each of
these oppressive laws. From the veiy first I have been their constant, bitter,
and unflinching opponent. All my labours have been fruitless.
Nearly the same fate, but not quite so inefficient, has attended my constant
and repeated warnings upon foreign affairs. I have proved, upon many
occasions, in the House of Commons, the absolute necessity of humbling
the barbarians of the north. I have pointed out their violations of the faith
of treaties, their immense preparations for war, and their repeated encroach
ments upon EngUsh honour, interest, and safety in Poland, in Turkey, and
in Circassia, I have shown repeatedly, that these barbarians have literally
menaced the shores of England with twenty-seven line-of-battle ships, assem
bled in one fleet, within a week's sail of the Thames, and that, too, at a time
(1837) when England could not possibly have produced ten line-of-battle ships
to meet them. Animated apparently, as David Hume foretold, by one favourite
object, by the auri sacra fames, " the cursed thirst of gold" by some wild
anxiety to realise their own claims upon industry in standard gold, the
members of the House of Commons appeared to me to have but Uttle
disposition to give serious attention to any other subject, unless occasionally,
perhaps, when the sordid squabbles of party faction might excite them.
The prosperity and happiness of the people, the glory and dominion
of England, the honour and safety of the nation, appeared to me to have
but little attraction for them. As I told you last winter, the very earth
might have been rocking under their feet, and the Russians might have
been thundering at their gates— aU would have been unseen, unheard,
unfelt, unknown.
How different would have been the situation of England if this " cursed
thirst of gold" this " beggar's vice" had never prevailed ! The people would
have been happy at home, and omnipotent abroad. Poland, Turkey, and
Circassia would have been safe as Affghanistan is. The Russians would
have been humbled in the very dust ; or, at least, they would never have
dared to buUd the fleets which now threaten the dominion of the sea.
These barbarous Russians, for the last twenty-five years, have had no
legal money whatever, except /a/^r money, and yet they have recovered from
the devastations of Napoleon, and have suddenly become the most flourishing,
the mo"st prosperous, and the most powerful nation of Europe. England has
been engaged for the last twenty-five years, through aU manner of miseries
and dangers, in establishing her gold }noney, and in thus quadrupling the
burdens of industry; and what has she become ? This glorious England, but
late the mistress of the worid, now miserable and distracted at home, and

362 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
feeble and contemptible abroad, has become the football of the barbarians
to-day, and not improbably will become their plunder and their conquest
to-morrow. Strange it is to reflect, that whUst despotic Russia, despotic Austria, and
despotic Prussia have each been acting upon a wise, benevolent, and patriotic
policy, and have thereby made their people prosperous, happy, and contented,
constitutional England and constitutional America have each been acting
upon a policy directly opposite, producing directly opposite effects. In these
latter countries, no Hardenbergs, no Nesselrodes, no Metternichs, are now
produced. In both of them industry is hunted down, under the name of
speculation. The democracy in America are at this moment cutting their
own throats as madly, and working the very same wild havoc among the
industrious classes there, as the fewish aristocracy are working here. In
their wild efforts to convert a fiction of the law into a reality, they are
abolishing credit and paper money, which have been to tliem more valuable
than the land which they occupy, and more vital, if possible, than the very
air which they breathe. Credit and paper money have been to them the very
life and soul of their industry ; and yet they virtually insist that no man shall,
in future, be permitted to plough the ground, or to cut down the forests,
excepting only the few lucky individuals who happen to be born with golden
ploughs or golden axes at their command ! And this is Democratic America !
She has universal suffrage, she has no national debt and no taxes ; but she
has raised the rate of interest to fifty per cent, per annum ; and her people,
like ours, except tlu Jews among them, are steeped in poverty, misery, and
distress. Greediness, malice, pride, envy, and hypocrisy appear equally to
have animated the councils of both nations ; for, strange to say, all this
wild havoc is being effected in America, as in England, under the extra
ordinary pretext oi benefiting the industrious classes!
Under the pretence of restoring " a sound and healthy currency," the
legislators of both countries have taken away the paper money without
taking away the debts and obligations contracted in it; leaving just sufficient
gold and silver money in circulation to pay their own legal claims upon
industry, but not sufficient to give more than half employment, or half food
to the people. In both countries the people have been told that the monied
interest was too powerful under a paper system; and under the pretence of
reducing this power, the two legislatures have strangely contrived to double
and treble it, by doubling and trebling the value of the money which measures
it, thus grinding and crushing the industrious classes in both countries, and
deUvering them up " like sheep in the butchers' shambles," or, at the best,
converting them, as I have always foretold, into mere "hewers of wood and
drawers of water for the Jews !" What is this madness in the two foremost
nations of the earth ? Is it the mere effect of human passion blinding the
human judgment? Or is it the effect of some mysterious Providence
working its awful dispensations among us ? My mind is in the dark.
But does it follow, because the Russians, the Prussians, and the Austrians
are happy, and the English and the Americans are distressed, that therefore
despotism is better than liberty ? God forbid ! Nations are made unhappy
by despotism much oftener than they are made unhappy by liberty. But all

HIS FAREWELL ADDRESS TO ELECTORS. 363
human systems are liable to error. It is undoubtedly true, as I have often
observed to you, that the happiness of nations depends more upon wisdom
and virtue in Governments than upon uny forms under which Governments
are created or administered; but it is equally true, that the best security for
wisdom and virtue in Governments is the representative principle, fairly,
honestly, and efficiently carried out. That glorious principle, delivered
down to us by our Saxon ancestors, may occasionally fail, under the
pressure of human passions, or under the inscrutable decrees of a myste
rious providence, but it has been the light of the world for a thousand years ;
and I trust in God that it will never permanently fade.
My dear friends and fellow-townsmen, — Injured in my health, and morti
fied to the very heart at the state of things which I have described, both
domestic a.wA foreign, and both in Parliament and out of Parliament, I now
retire from political labour. Standing on the rocks of Jersey, or wandering
over its beautiful and most happy valleys, I have had leisure to reflect upon
the course which duty requires, and I am satisfied that no further sacrifices
can justly or beneficially be required of me. If I had been supported by
the industrious classes throughout England as I have been supported hy you
I should not have despaired of the safety of our country ; nor, indeed, if I
had received any sufficient support within the walls of Parliament. But I
have received no support whatever, except in Binningham, from either
Whigs, Tories, or Radicals, either out of Parliament or in Parliament, and
therefore 1 entertain no hope. With my rooted opinions, confirmed by the
iacts of twenty-five years, 1 should deceive you if I pretended otherwise. If
the prosperity or the liberty of our country is to be restored, it must be done
by other hands than mine. \Nothing will please me more than to see others
succeed where I have failed.
But in closing my political labours, I must beg the favour of your
attention to one further remark. I foresee that, in the course of the winter,
the necessities of the Government wiU probably compel them to have recourse
to a Bank Restriction Act, or to z. paper system of some kind. If this should
be done honestly, efficiently, judiciously, and in good faith, it will yet give
prosperity and contentment to the people, and rescue our country per
manently from domestic misery and foreign shame. But if it should be
done, as I fear it will be done, with the guilty determination of preserving
thit paper money at a value equal to that of the present gold money, it would
do no good whatever. It will only complicate and increase the difficulties of
the nation, without long averting the terrible catastrophe which awaits her.
It will, in fact, close tht gates of retreat, hy rtnAmng paper money as noxious
and as odious as the gold. If this new curse should be inflicted upon our
country, mz., paper money of equal value with our present gold money, there
is in that case, in my humble but decided judgment, only one possible con
tingency which can long prevent either revolution at home, or conquest from
abroad. That contingency is the possible depreciation of gold itself, as
compared with commodities and labour, occasioned by other nations also
adopting a paper system, or by the discovery oi new mines <7/^o/rf producing
the same effect. Respecting this contingency, I forbear to give an opinion.
/ am only sure that money of the present value, whether paper or gold, cannot

364 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
be endured in England. I am equally sure that money of a cheaper character,
judiciously issued, with open ports, would give high wages, high profits, and
general full employment and contentment to the people, without raising the
retail prices of food materially beyond their present level/
But this brings me to the consideration of another analogous danger, .^
which ought to be guarded against, f In reverting to such a paper system as
may be absolutely necessary to prevent anarchy, and to restore and secure
the full employment of well-paid labour throughout the country, at a time
when a real scarcity of food l's, known to exist, it is probable, unless caution
is used, that the abundance of money, co-operating with the scarcity of food,
may give rise to speculations which, y»r a time, may raise the price of food
to an extreme level, in defiance of all foreign importations, and this temporary
rise of prices is rendered the more probable from the immense increase of
the consumption of food which would be consequent upon the restoration of
general prosperity. In this case the whole discredit of such extreme high
prices of food may possibly be laid upon the paper money ; and under
impressions of this nature, confirmed by the calumnies of the last twenty-
five years, it is not improbable that the very soldiers and the labourers may
reject the paper money, and throw it back in the face of the Government,
In 1797, this very evil was partially met and counteracted by forthwith
raising the pay of the soldiers and the sailors, and soon after, of the labourers
generally. It is possible, however, that we may thus be brought into a very
serious predicament, which I have always described as a false position, in
which " it will be ruin to advance, ruin to retreat, and ruin to stand
still!' If the Government should persevere in enforcing the present gold money,
they may have to face panic, bankruptcy, and the universal discharge of
workmen throughout the country, and if they should fly to a paper system
for refuge, that refuge may fail them. To persevere in tlie present gold system
is impossible, without ruin. To restore paper money of equal value with the
gold would be worse than useless. To restore safely an efficient paper system,
under the present circumstances of the nation, and of tlie public mind, will
require knowledge, judgment, caution, and decision. J
My dear friends and fellow-townsmen, — I thank you, from the very
bottom of my heart, for your long-continued and weU-tried confidence in
me. I have never solicited the vote of any one of you, and I know not that
I have ever thanked any one of you, individually, for his vote. Your own
virtue and public spirit, and your own, too friendly, I fear, appreciation of
me, and of my character and disposition, have been my only passports into
Parliament. You have selected me with a noble and high-minded patriotism,
I have had no honours and no emoluments to offer you, and no hopes to
allure you. The seat which you gave me, I have always held at your
command — " at the command of the electors or of the non-electors of Bir
mingham." I now retire from your service, exhausted, disappointed, and
mortified, but rejoicing in the reflection that I have never sold you, nor
betrayed you, nor deceived you. I do most sincerely hope, that in the choice
which now devolves upon you, you will succeed in finding a representative
who, with equal honesty of purpose, will be more successful than I have

HE ACCEPTS THE CHILTERN HUNDREDS. 365
been, in relieving the distress of the people, and averting the doom which
overhangs our country.
My dear friends and fellow-townsmen, I remain, under all circumstances,
ever and most sincerely. Your faithful friend and servant,
Thomas Attwood.
St. Heliers, fersey,
gth Dec, 1839,
Reviewing this address by the light of forty-five years'
experience it cannot be denied that many of its gloomy
predictions appear exaggerated, and to have been falsified by
subsequent events. But it does not follow that Attwood's
arguments were unsound ; for no man, whatever his power of
foresight, could possibly have foreseen the extraordinary develop
ment of the world during the last half-century. Being, as I have
said, utterly ignorant of the Currency I have merely given
Mr. Attwood's opinions on that subject without comment ; but I
think I may venture to remark that it ts possible t\\z.t the enormous
and utterly unexpected discoveries of gold in California and
Australia may have saved his opponents from the necessity
of acknowledging that his views on the matter were correct.
Mr. Attwood's appointment to the Chiltern Hundreds is
dated December i8th, 1839, and signed by Mr. F. T. Baring,
then Chancellor of the Exchequer.
I have found it impossible to compress the events of this
memorable year into a shorter space, but I now close my
account of it with extracts from Mr. Attwood's private letters : —
To Mrs. Attwood, Beechlands, Ryde.
Fendall's Hotel, Palace Yard,
Feb. 4, 1839.
, , I arrived safe and well here at 6 o'clock this morning, and went
to bed for a few hours. I then went with my friend Scott to look up my
Shepherds, and I found about 100 or 150 of them assembled at the British
Hotel in Cockspur Street, The Birmingham men came out and told me that
everything was going on well ; and they anticipate no mischief from the mad
caps, who appear to be a good deal tamed. I then went to John A,, and
recommended him to close his litigation finally, lest his contract should be
overhauled by an Equitable Adjustment, agreeably to the Tamworth Petition,
which is probably drawn up by Sir R, Peel.
I am now sitting down to dinner, and expect shortly to see Bosco and
Ally, who will find me alone, I hope you got home safe. I send much love
to you and Bessy and to everybody.

366 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
London, Feb. 6, 1839.
, . The division last night wiU surprise you. We poor Reformers
had only 86 against 426 ! ! London, Feb. 7, 1839.
. , My " shepherds '' are working admirably, all prudent and good
men. They will not appeal to the country as yet, until they have first
canvassed every member of the bad House, John A, called yesterday and
behaved very properly and kindly. London, Feb. 8, 1839.
John A.'s cause is expected to come on in the Vice- Chancellor's
office on Tuesday morning next. The Compy. offer him ;£300,ooo in long
dated debentures, but the directors refuse to guarantee the debentures, and
therefore this offer would not put an end to the prospect of future litigation.
He tells me that he has now ;^5oo,ooo in his pocket, exclusive of the above
^300,000. John A, strongly advises G, A. and me to get Lord Lyttelton's
land at the Hayes, and build furnaces and miUs there, . Love to
Bessy, and Marcus, Rosy, Anny, and Patty and little Mark, and though last,
not least, to Sarah Eliza and my dear Algernon. . . My friends do
not read newspapers, but, like Shakespeare's blacksmith, they " stand on
their hammers thus," and listen. . , , Feb. 16, 1839,
Old Wakefield has distinguished himself very much to-day in
John A.'s cause, which will come on again on Monday and during next
week, , Feb. 18, 1839.
. . To-morrow night we shall have a discussion on the Corn Laws,
and again on Thursday. The Vice-Chancellor said to-day that he should
take a few days to consider his decision in John A.'s cause. It involves the
question of whether or not the directors of the Iron Co. are to be as
personally liable for the payment of the remainder of the purchase money,
^325,000, as it is acknowledged that Small, Shears, and Taylor are. The
Compy. have offered to pay him ^280,000 for the ^325,000,
My " shepherds " continue to conduct themselves very well ; but they
have not yet obtained more than 700,000 signatures, and will have to produce
1,300,000.
' Feb. 20, 1839.
. The Corn Law agitators had a sad defeat last night in the H. of
C, viz,, 173 to 363, To-day they bluster much and threaten to join the
Radicals. To-morrow the battle comes on again in a new shape, led on
by that redoubtable champion, H. G, Ward. In the meanwhile my faith
ful " shepherds " are coolly and prudently collecting their flocks into the
fold. They are not yet as numerous as the sands of the sea, but they are
enough, . , London, May I, 1839.
. . . Kiss little Mark for me, and be sure to kiss Bessy. I shaU come
to her before she goes away from Ryde. . . . My rugged battalions are
a little restive, but I shall bring them into strict order, or have nothing to do

LETTERS. 367
with them. I do not mean to be made either a fool or a scoundrel, and
therefore I mean to have my own way. Peel again shows what is called a
white feather. I belie\e he will drop his Uttle Jamaica affair, which is now
again postponed until Monday next,
P,S. — Bosco, Mary, and I dine with John A. and Richard Spooner on
Friday, and to-morrow Mr. Martin dines with us.
Mrs. Attwood, Arabin Cottage, Ryde. London, May 4, 1839.
. . You will see in the News my proceedings with the Convention,
The Jamaica affair is adjourned until Monday, when I think the Ministers
will have a majority of 40. I declined Dwernicki's application, I am almost
daily compeUed to do things which are nearly as painful as the cutting off of
my hand. London, May 6, 1839.
, , . We had a pleasant trip to Windsor yesterday, and wished much
that you had been with us, Marcus would have admired the oaks in the little
park, and also Virginia Water. . . I shall not let the mad-caps go to
Birmingham; and if they do, I wiU have nothing to do with them. It is well
that I sent my letter to the Ne-ws, as I perceive all the Radical papers wil
fully omit it. Be assured that I shall not commit myself in any way.
The Jamaica Bill comes on again to-night, and I think it my duty to vote
with the Ministers, who seem disposed not to allow in Jamaica the very
game which they themselves are practising here, viz., striving by underhand
means to overturn and neutralise the benefits of the Reform Bill. It is now
currently said that the Ministers have resolved to fortify Shooter's Hill as a
protection to London ! ! This a pretty commentary upon my Russian
alarms. Besides, they are now surveying the coasts for fortifications! !
Numbers of M.P.'s have assured me how much good I have done
although none had the virtue to support me. London, May 7, 1 839,
, I have only time to say that the Ministers have all resigned to-night,
and that the House is adjourned until Monday next, I had just fixed with
the Speaker to give notice of the National Petition to-morrow; but all is now
abroad for a few days. Be assured that I shall do nothing imprudent. It is
said that Lord Normanby will be the new Premier, and that Lord Durham
wiU be also in office. I will inform you more to-morrow.
The Jamaica Debate, which gave us last night only a majority of 5, out of
590, is the ostensible cause of the resignation ; but I suspect the real cause is
deeper. In the Jamaica affair almost all the Radicals deserted the Whigs,
but I was true to my principles, which are the known hatred of oppression all
over the world. In this way we had a majority of 5. .
London, May 8, 1839,
... I hear no news of the formation of a Ministry to-day, but it is
certain that the old ones are gone. I think that Durham and Normanby
will be consulted, or that the Duke of Wellington (if consulted) will give a

368 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
large measure of reform. It is indeed said that the D. of Wellington has
recommended the Queen to send for Durham.
I cannot tell now when I shall present the Grand Petition, but I think it
will probably be after Whitsuntide.
It is well that I have taken care to have my letter and resolutions
printed in the News and the Chartist, for the other Radical papers have
burked them, except the Sun and the Champion, which only insert the letter,
complaining that my resolutions had been somehow taken out of the hands of
the secretary.
P.S. — I hope to spend Whit-Sunday with you at Ryde. London, May g, 1839.
I have no more to tell you than you will find in the Morning
Chronicle. I expect Peel will succeed in getting up a Tory Ministry, but
unless he repeals his Bill, he cannot rule six months. R, S, was lately quite
confident that in case of Ld, Melbourne's resignation, the Queen would first
send for Peel, and that Peel, after consideration, would advise her to send
for Durham, Time will show.
Czapski is coming down to you on Sunday or Monday, and I hope myself
to come on Wednesday or Thursday next. I cannot leave London just at
present, lest among all the " odd bedfellows " which it is said " Poverty
brings us to sleep with," her Uttle Majesty should possibly think oime!
Joking apart, I am really anxious to come to you, and shall do so some
day next week, I do not like the nonsense of the Portsmouth Ball. There
is too much danger, trouble, and expense attending it. The launch is quite
another thing, and I will come to see it if possible, H. of C, Monday Evg.
Whatever you do will be agreeable to me ; but, if possible, I
should wish Marcus to wait at Ryde until I come to you, which is pretty
certain to be on Thursday or Friday next, . , , Sir Robert Peel has just
given his explanation to the H. of C, and read the correspondence between
the Queen and himself, laying all the difficulty upon the court ladies. Lord
John R, is now replying, and then the House will adjourn till Wednesday,
when Lord John will make some further communication, and then the House
will adjourn again for ten days.
At Molesworth's dinner yesterday, 15 of us Radical M,P.'s signed and
sent in an intimation to Lord Melbourne that we shall withhold our support
from any Government composed of the same persons, and following the same
policy, as his late Government, This intimation will either drive Melbourne
out again, or compel him to liberalize largely. We found out that he was
thinking merely of toddling on in the same way. London, May 14, 1839.
... I have no more to tell you to-day. Only I think Melbourne will
liberalize, as he walked down to the H. of Lords yesterday, in the middle
of the street, accompanied by Durham and Normanby. Our representation
to him is certain to compel him either to liberalize or to retire again from
office.

LETTERS. 369
Do not trouble yourself about the Chartists, It is all stuff that is said
about them,
I do not think that I shall be able to come to you before Saturday or
Sunday next, and then I must certainly return to London on the Thursday
foUowing, as the Speaker will be chosen on the Friday. London, May 16, 1839,
, . I have no letter from you to-day, which I suppose is owing to
the launch. I am afraid I shall not be able to come to you before Sunday as
I am engaged with my brother George and John A. We got no important
information from Ministers last night ; but it is expected by us Radicals that
Melbourne will largely liberalize, without which he cannot continue in office
a month. He told the deputation from our Molesworth clique that he would
consider seriously upon the subject. To-day I have answered the appUca-
tion of Stanley to promise to support Shaw-Lefevre as Speaker, that every
thing depends upon Melbourne's conduct in this respect.
When I come to you on Sunday I hope to stay with you until the Sunday
following, as the House will not meet to choose the Speaker until the Monday.
. . , You will see by the Chronicle that the Convention has left Birming
ham, and dissolved itself until the ist of July, when they purpose to assemble
in Birmingham again, . London, May 17, 1884.
, I can hear no more of the Ministers, but many things lead me to
expect that Melbourne will liberalize largely ; if not, he cannot hold office for
a month, unless, perhaps, he acts upon the Currency. This I have told
Stanley, and I beUeve our redoubtable 15 Radicals have given much the
same answer in reply to Stanley's request to them to support Shaw-Lefevre
as Speaker. So you see, my dear, rather an odd state of things. Here are
3 ladies and 15 Radicals playing at shuttlecocks together, and the shuttle
cocks are called Peel and Melbourne. The 3 ladies strike back Peel, and
the 15 Radicals strike back Melbourne, and thus the interests of a great
nation are played with, I guess the ladies will gain the victoiy.
It is possible that I may bring Miss Charlotte Medley with me on
Sunday, on which day I fully purpose to come to you, I am now busy with
G, A. and John A. Love to Anny, Marcus, and Uttle Bessy,
London, May 18, 1839,
... I caUed upon the young ladies at the Belle Savage last night,
and found that they were gone with Ally to the Lyceum, where I followed
them with Charlotte Medley and found them very well and happy. To-day
they are gone to Kent, ... I have no news to tell you, only to say that
everything is quiet at Birmingham and everywhere else. , ,
H ofC, May 27, 1839,
. . . The division for Speaker has just taken place, and Mr. Shaw-
Lefevre has 317 to 299, being a majority for Ministers of 18, one of which 1
thought it my duty to form. I left Patty safe with her father. Mary will
have written to you to-day about a house. No. 27, Connaught Terrace,
Edgware Road, which will do very well for Marcus, Angela, and the rest ;
2 li

370

LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.

Mary proposing for you and me to stay with her for a fortnight, ine rent
wiU be ^4 4^. per week, the same as R. Spooneris, which is at No. 30, ,
London, May "^ist, 1839,
The House heard me with great patience from \ past 9 to J past
II, but I did not think it right to divide. The report is short, owing to the
Jamaica affair preceding mine, and fiUing up the papers, , Come safely
and carefully on Monday. I have written to-day to Mr. Lefevre.
Lord John has just declared for the Penny Postage. . .
The above is the last letter from Thomas Attwood to his
first wife which I have been able to find, but there is one
addressed by her to her daughter and franked by him, dated
August 29th, 1839. {Lord Melbourne to Thomas Attwood)
" Windsor Castle, October i, 1839.
" Sir, — I beg leave to acknowledge your letter of the 20th inst, which I
received here yesterday. I thank you for it.
You know very well well that I differ from you, I differ from your
opinions, from your views, and , , and still more from the measures
you have taken to accomplish them, I always considered those measures
certain to lead to the consequences to which they have led — danger to others
whom you encouraged, danger to the State, and their own failure.
I trust now that your anticipations will not be realised, but I shall be
happy to receive and to consider any suggestions which you may think of
importance. Believe me. Sir, Yours faithfully,
Melbourne,"
{Lord Western to Thos. Attwood) "Bath, Deer. 2%th, 1839.
" Dear Sir, — I have received the copy of your address which announces
your intended resignation of your seat in Parliament, and have read it with
great interest, I am not surprized at your determination, considering all the
circumstances to which you feelingly allude,
I see the Chamber of Commerce at Manchester is at work in a way that
shews that the light is breaking upon them, and symptoms of proceeding to
act upon it in a different way than heretofore, I suppose the Report will be
printed and published. I should Uke very much to have a copy, but know
none of the parties who have taken the lead. Can you help me to a copy?
— When all our Commercial and Manufacturing difficulties are seen by
Commercial and Manufacturing Capitalists to be owing to our Currency,
statesmen, however ignorant, must follow. I have never doubted that our
gold idolaters have been the Disturbers of the World, and whether we shall
right again without a storm of tremendous character is problematical,
I am, Dr, Sir,
Your faithful and obt, St.,
Western,"

CHAPTER XXII.
Mr, Attwood's resignation — Proposed monument in his honour — Death of
Mrs, Attwood — Birmingham Loyal and Constitutional Association — Mr.
Attwood returns from Jersey and proposes Mr. Scholefield at the election
of 1841 — Correspondence with Sir Robert Peel,
The resignation of Thomas Attwood created intense excitement
in Birmingham, and the Birmingham Journal of December 2 ist,
1839, which announces it, is half filled with the address itself,
a leading article commenting upon the retiring member and his
probable successor, and with letters and advertisements relating
to the ensuing election. Speaking of Mr. Attwood, the editor
said : —
" Mr, Attwood came to the representation of Birmingham neither un
known nor untried. He had been an earnest and honest advocate of
economic reform for many years. As a politician, he was the first who, in
modern times, organised victory in the ranks of the people of England,
Bimiingham carried the Reform Bill through the means of that great
instrument, which was planned and framed by Thomas Attwood, and which,
while subject to his management, was so powerful for all good purposes — the
Political Union. On every consideration of justice and of gratitude, he is
entitled, not only to our thanks, but to the thanks of every liberal man
in the empire. He carries with him into his retirement a name without
stain, without reproach, without suspicion. Of honour unquestioned, of inten
tions pure and disinterested, of temper and deportment mild, benevolent,
and concihatory, Thomas Attwood has contrived, during a long life, in and
out of Pariiament, to attract more of the kindness and goodwill of all parties
than perhaps ever fell to the share of one whose opinions harmonised so
indifferently with those of the men by whom he was commonly surrounded.
We beUeve that there is not an individual in this large town whose hearty
good wishes do not accompany our own — that as his public life has been one
course of uprightness, so may the private life on which he is now entering
be crowned with comfort and peace,"
The great body of Birmingham Liberals at once determined
that Attwood's tried old friend and coadjutor, George Frederick
Muntz, should succeed to his seat in Parliament. A small
2 B 2

372 LIFE OF THOM.IS ATTWOOD.
section proposed Mr, Joseph Sturge, but these gave way, and
at the election in January, 1840, Mr, Muntz was returned by a
large majority over the Tory candidate. Sir Charles "V^'etherell.
Upon this occasion Mr. Joshua Scholefield paid the most
generous tribute to the character of his late colleague, concluding
thus : —
" It was not in his power to express his feelings respecting their late
representative, Mr. Attwood. There did not exist many men of greater
powers of mind, and most certainly there did not exist a man of a more tender
heart, of more generous disposition, or purer patriotism, {Cheers) He was,
in his estimation, positively one of the most perfect creatures ever known.
He therefore proposed, with infinite pleaure, the following resolution : —
' That this meeting entertains the most grateful recollection of the talent
and virtues of their late faithful and beloved member, Thomas Attwood, Esq, ;
and that it is the bounden duty of the Burgesses and inhabitants of Birming
ham to express, by some permanent memorial, their gratitude for his dis
interested, laborious, and patriotic services, both in and out of Parliament,' "
Mr, Edmonds seconded the resolution, saying in the course
of his speech : —
" With respect to Mr. Attwood's merits, he would not then pretend to g'o
into them. He could not do anything like justice to them ; and nothing less
than a town's meeting would satisfy him (Mr, E.), where eveiyone would
have an opportunity of giving vent to his feeUngs in reference to one of the
best of living men — {loud cheering) — a man who had served them with a
desperate fidelity for many years, and who came before them with hands as
pure as ever. Had they ever found Mr, Attwood the slave of any Ministry,
whether Whig, Tory, or Radical ? — {No, no) — No ; he had well and nobly done
his duty, and carried with him the hearts and best wishes of his countrymen."
On the 26th April, 1840, Elizabeth, wife of Thomas Attwood
died at Samares Manor House, Jersey, aged fifty-five, and was
buried in St, Clement's Churchyard. Henceforth, the regular
series of his letters ceases, and for the remainder of his life I
must trust to my own childish recollections and to the few
public letters and documents which he cared to preserve. And
of these last, it should be noted that he only kept those which
bore upon the question of the public welfare, never preserving
anything as a testimony of his great popularity, or even to
gratify the legitimate curiosity of his children and descendants.
I have already given some particulars respecting the family of
Mrs. Attwood, and need only add here that she possessed a

DEA TH OF MRS. A TTWOOD. ^72,
fortune of ;^2O,O0O, which, with a generous, though imprudent,
magnanimity, she had refused to have settled upon herself, and
which was never inherited by her children, a fact which I think
should have been made known to the public at the time of the
failure of Attwood, Spooner & Co., in 1865. Belonging to a
Tory family, proud of their supposed relationship to Colonel
"William Carless, of Boscobel fame, the Radical politics of her
husband were naturally distasteful to her, and although, I
suppose, dazzled by his brilliant success, she always regretted
the friends she had lost through his espousal of the popular
cause ; for party spirit, at that time, extended itself to the private
relations of life, in a way of which we have no conception in
these days. Like her mother she was a devoted churchwoman,
and her liberality to the poor was boundless, Mr. Edwards,
writing in 1879, thus describes the pleasant memories which
still lingered around her name in the village of Harborne ; —
"The older inhabitants of Harborne still speak of 'the Attv/oods '
as the best people that ever Uved in the village. Their old coachman,
William Newey, is never tired of telling of their many acts of kindliness
to their poorer neighbours. Mrs, Attwood was the ' good angel ' of the place
— the Lady Bountiful, Every day — winter and summer — at the hour when
her children and servants dined, came troops of messengers to the hospitable
doors of the Grove, and none went away without carrying to their sick or
aged friends dishes — designed and manufactured purposely, with three
compartments to each — filled with the best cuts of the meat, ample supplies
of vegetables, and huge slices of delicious pudding, all carefully covered with
clean napkins, and tied in flannel to keep it hot. The coachman tells how
he has often seen a joint, prepared for Mrs. Attwood's children, stripped
almost to the bone to supply the wants of the poor and the needy outside,"
On the 22nd of November, 1840, Mr. John Allday, of
Birmingham, wrote to Mr. Attwood, informing him that the
inhabitants of Deritend and Bordesley had held a preliminary
meeting for the purpose of presenting him with a testimonial
of their esteem and attachment In reply to this letter Mr.
Attv/ood sent a long and grateful reply, published in the
Journal, and commencing as follows : —
St. Heliers, fersey, 25M Novr., 1840.
My dear Sir, — I thank you most sincerely for the kind and friendly senti
ments which you always exhibit towards me, but I do beg that you will do me

374 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
the favour to discourage, at least for the present, any efforts on the part of
my kind and excellent friends to present me with any testimonial whatever.
In the present state of trade, it would be too hea-vy a tax upon their friend
ship and generosity, and this reflection would be painful to my feelings.
Let them wait until my measures for the relief of the nation shall have been
acted upon by the Government, and shall have produced the permanent fruit
of justice, prosperity, and contentment for all classes of the people, and tlien
either I or my family will receive with gratitude and without pain any token
of their friendship and esteem which they may think proper to grant.
/ I cannot but painfully feel that I have failed entirely in my honest efforts
to obtain UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE for the people, but I much fear that I have
succeeded too well in proving, through the conduct of the late General
Convention, that Universal Suffrage, if obtained, would give but a
poor guarantee for the wisdom and virtue which are necessary in A HOUSE
OF Commons. , ,
Notwithstanding this discouragement, the admirers of Thomas
Attwood held a meeting on Thursday, January 7th, 1841, at the
Public Office, Birmingham, to consider the propriety of testifying
the gratitude of the town towards him, by some fitting monu
ment. Joshua Scholefield, Esq., M.P., took the chair, and the
following resolutions were unanimously agreed to: —
" Moved by the Low Bailiff, and seconded by Alderman Betts —
' I. That the exemplary devotion of Thomas Attwood, Esq., to the
welfare of the commercial and trading classes of the community during the
long course of thirty years ; his eminent political services during the struggle
for Parliamentary reform, so successfully crowned by the great Act of 1832 ;
and his zeal and integrity as a member of the Reformed House of Commons
for seven successive sessions, entitle him to the warm and lasting gratitude
of the country at large, and in a special manner to that of his fellow-towns
men the inhabitants of Birmingham.'
Moved by Thomas Bolton, Esq., and seconded by R. K, Douglas, Esq, —
'2. That, in the opinion of this meeting, such gratitude ought to be
recorded by some public and permanent monument which shall be at once
worthy of the merits of Mr. Attwood, and of the high character for liberality
and intelligence of this great and populous town,'
Moved by G. Edmonds, Esq., and seconded by Alderman Jenkins —
'3. That a committee be now formed for the purpose of bringing the
object of this meeting effectively before the public, with a view to the raising,
by subscription, such a sum as shall be adequate to the carrying of it into
execution with as little delay as possible ; and that the following gentlemen,
with power to add to their number, do form such committee, namely ; —
Joshua Scholefield, Esq., M.P,, The Low Bailiff, Messrs. W. Scholefield,
John Berts, T. Bolton, D. Barnett, J. H. Cutier, T. Clark, jun,, H, Knight,
W, Jenkins, T. Phillips, R. K. Douglas, T. C, Salt, J, Webster, T. Sturland,

PROPOSED MONUMENT IN HIS HONOUR. 375
S, Bray, G, Edmonds, R. Ryley, T, Sutton, T. Mackay, R. C. Mason, J
Allday, W. Sandiland, J. EUis, W. Jennings, E. Mitton, G. V. Blunt, Cutts,
Lander, White, Hobbis, Sansum, Allen, W. Mincher, jun., Maddocks, Wilkes,
Ault, J. Hawkes, J. Rawlings, J. Hardwick, J. FeUd, C. Truman, J, Hampton,
S. Thomas, T, Steel, E. Banks, G. Richards, J. Rodway, Reuben Wigley,
Whitworth.' Moved by Alderman Cutler, and seconded by Mr, Knight —
'4. That Alderman Phillips be requested to act as treasurer, and Mr.
Douglas and Mr. Whitworth as secretaries to the committee.'"
The Birmingham Journal of January 9th, 1841, adds the
following : —
"There was a good deal of animated conversation on the subject of
Mr. Attwood's great deservings, moral, commercial, and political, in which
the honourable chairman, the low bailiff, Mr. Edmonds, Mr. Salt, Mr.
H. Knight, Alderman Jenkins, Aldermen Philips, Cutler, and Betts, and
other gentlemen present, joined ; and the greatest enthusiasm was exhibited
by the auditors, A recommendation was given, which we have no doubt
will be very soon acted upon, to call a public meeting in the Town Hall on
the subject. In the course of the evening Mr. Salt read some extracts from
a letter recently received from Mr. Attwood, wdiich our readers will not deem
uninteresting. They respect the most false and cowardly attack upon Mr.
Attwood's character, made in the report of the Loyal and Constitutional
Association, under the leading of Lord Dartmouth, Mr. George Barker,
Mr. Richard Spooner, and the rest : —
'These men have the cool audacity to say that I had "but little respect in
tlu Senate and but little in my own town apart from the mob." There is not
a man among them who does not know that I was three times returned to
Parliament by immense majorities, in my own town, without ever soliciting
or thanking one single elector for his vote ! Can they find another man in
England who can make this assertion ? They know also that the franchise in
Birmingham is cjuite of an aristocratical character, being confined by the
Refonn Act, and by our local Acts, to householders paying ^20 a year rent,
and upwards. And yet these honourable and excellent men, the ^20 house
holders of Birmingham, supported me, with immense majorities, upon each
occasion. But the Conservatives speak of " THE MOB " too ; by which unworthy
term they are pleased to designate my innumerable friends among the
workmen of Birmingham. I rejoice in the reflection that I always had the
confidence of the workmen of Birmingham, and 1 am determined that so long
as I hve, no conduct of mine shall ever forfeit it, , Twenty times over I made
to them the pledge, which I was always ready to fulfil, that "although chosen
to Parliament by the electors of Birmingham under an aristocratical franchise,
yet I would never condescend to hold my seat one single day against the
wishes of the workmen, or even of the women of Birmingham, whenever
such wishes should be generally expressed," It cannot be doubted, then,
that I had for seven years the unlimited confidence, aUke of the working

376 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
classes and of the more wealthy classes of Birmingham ; and yet my
ungenerous and ungrateful friends among the Conservatives gravely pretend
that I had " but little respect in my own town ! !"
But my Conservative friends travel stiU further, and appear to think that
I had "but little respect in the Senate!' It is very certain that I took all the
three factions "in ihe Senate" by the throat and grappled with them in
defence of the people, more vigorously and more constantly than any other
man in the House of Commons, But it is equally certain that each of these
factions always treated me with kindness, indulgence, and respect, I was
assured by all parties, and from all quarters, that no other man in the House
would have been treated so respectfully as I was, both in presenting and in
supporting the NATIONAL PETITION,'
In the course of the meeting. Alderman PhilUps reported on behalf of the
committee for Deritend and Bordesley, which is now embodied in the general
committee formed on Thursday, that the subscriptions already received by
him from a very limited circle of subscribers, amounted, to nearly ;{J200.
Amongst these, the first received from a distance, we have pecuUar pleasure
in specifying a subscription of two pounds, by that able, honest, and patriotic
individual, the author of the " Corn-law Rhymes," The announcement of
Mr, Elliot's subscription, in his own characteristic handwriting, bold and
rugged and free, is now before us,"
The promoters of the testimonial to Attwood endeavoured
to induce the lately formed Town Council of Birmingham to
take the lead in the matter, but the majority of that body, with
some reason, declined to introduce party politics into it, and the
movement appears to have fallen into abeyance soon after. I
cannot ascertain the precise causes which led to this result, but,
whatever they were, there can be no doubt that the result itself
was highly discreditable to the liberality and gratitude of the
"Whigs and Radicals, not only of Birmingham but of all England.
Attwood's own sincere discouragement of the proposal does not
excuse their want of common gratitude. It is certain that from
this time to his death no public monumicnt in his honour was
ever erected in Birmingham, nor was any testimonial presented
to him, although every man of his party admitted that the want
of such recognition reflected anything but credit on the town.
Inured as he was to party abuse, the untrue and ungrateful
reflections of the Birmingham Constitutional Association, already
alluded to, appear to have caused much pain to Mr. Attwood,
perhaps the more so as coming so soon after his own domestic
affliction, for in the course of January, 1841, he published two

NARRATIVE OF SECOND MOVEMENT OF THE UNION. 377
long letters to Lord Dartmouth in which he called upon that
nobleman either to prove or retract some of his assertions, but,
as usually happens in such cases, his lordship adhered to his
original opinions,
Attwood's old friend, Mr. T. C. Salt, wrote to him on January
17th, enclosing the first bank-note issued in New Zealand,
which is now in my possession. It was sent to him by Mr.
John Pierce, a former active member of the Birmingham
Political Union, who emigrated to "Wellington, New Zealand,
and was drowned there a few weeks afterwards. The following
extract from Mr, Salt's letter is interesting, when we think of
the present state of New Zealand, and bears strong testimony
to the courage and foresight of Edward Gibbon Wakefield in
undertaking the colonisation of those distant islands : —
" I enclose you the first New Zealand note issued ; it is sent you by John
Pierce, who seems making a fortune ; but, as far as I can judge, the New
Zealand Company is a greater swindle than any joint stock bubble yet
brought forward. There is no timber, no river worthy the name, no land
but an impenetrable forest of scrub."
Mr. Attwood resided in Jersey for more than a year after
his wife's death, spending part of the time at Samares Manor
House, and part at St. Heliers. During this period he drew
up, and wrote in a large scrapbook, an account of " The Second
Movement of the Birmingham Political Union between the
Lower and Middle Classes of the People in the years 1837,
1838, and 1839," This was printed in the Birmingham Journal
of June 19th, June 26th, and July 17th, 1841. The narrative
naturally covers much of the same ground as his farewell address
to the electors, but I select two passages, the one because it
illustrates in a striking manner his fondness for the brute creation,
and his habit of drawing similes therefrom, and the other
because the language which he used in 1832 has been the
subject of misapprehension from that time to this: —
In the spring of 1838, I then cordially united with my friends in this
great moral campaign. I did hope, but I will scarcely say expect, that the
patriotism of my countrymen would have rallied round the Serpent Banner
of the Political Union which I was raising in the Heart of England ;
and that, under that glorious banner, the Serpent, the Lion, and the Lamb,

378 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
the industrious classes of the people might have been gathered up into one
grand, peaceful, and legal combination, , , Everything went wrong ;
the Serpent, the Lion, and the Lamb, and all the great principles which
they involve were forgotten. Instead of being wise as the Serpent,
courageous as the Lion, and harmless as the Lamb, the people were
taught to rally round new and unknown principles, which partook more of
the nature of the Ass, the WoLF, and the TiGER, The doctrines of Peace,
Law, Order, Loyalty, and Union passed away, and those of Violence,
Arms, Physical Force, and Discord succeeded them, . ,
Some of the Tory papers have asserted also, that in the first movement
of the Political Union, in 1830, and 1 83 1, and 1832, 1 used violent and
extreme language, and " threate7ied to march 100,000 armed me}i upon
Londony That assertion is also false, IF TAKEN WITHOUT THE CONTEXT,
In the year 1831, when we had the King with us, and the Ministers
with us, and the great WHIG Aristocracy with us, and the House of
Commons with us; and when the King's Minister described the opposition
to our views as the "whisper of a faction" I merely asserted, at such a time,
" tliat if' the Boroughmongers should be determined to drive things to
extremities, and to have recourse to Arms, / was myself ready, AT THE
King's Cojimand, to produce, within a month, two armies, each of them as
numerous and as brave as that which conquered at Waterloo!' Can this be
thought violent and extreme language under such extreme circumstances?
If so, I can only say, that I intended it in defence of SOCIAL Order, in
defence of the Crown, of the Aristocracy, of the Law, and of the
Constitution. I do not know when Thomas Attwood left Jersey with his
family, but I remember that his voyage home was a v&ry tedious
and almost dangerous one, owing to a breakdown of the
machinery of the steamer. He was in Birmingham at the
election of 1841, and made his appearance in the Town Hall
on June 30th, amidst rapturous applause, for the purpose of
nominating his late colleague, Joshua Scholefield, Mr. G. F,
Muntz found a mover and seconder in Mr. S. Beale and Mr.
"W. Mathews ; while Mr. Spooner was recommended to the
electors by Mr. "W. C. Alston and Mr. E. Armfield.
Mr. Attwood commenced his speech thus :
My dear Friends and Fellow-Townsmen,— Since I last met you here in
this temple of liberty, I have suffered much — domestic afflictions and pubhc
anxieties have pressed heavily upon me ; but I thank God that I have yet
strength to come among you, and to see the prospect of better days dawning
upon our country. It is to me a subject of no little mortification that I
should find it my duty to come forward on this occasion, because I know

ELECTION OF 1841. 379
that I must come in opposition to an old and intimate friend— the friend of
my youth and the friend of my age, and than whom I know very few better
men in existence. I have no fault to find with him as a man or a gentleman
— a friend or a patriot : it is his politics only that I disapprove. 1 do not
believe that his poUtics are suitable to support the interests of the nation at
this great crisis. It is therefore that I am compelled to go against him ; and
if he were my own brother or my own son, I should go equally against him
on this great occasion. The ties of friendship have no effect on me when
great public duties are at issue. ,
He then spoke at length upon his favourite topics of the
Currency, Corn Laws, &c., and in the course of his remarks he
acknowledged, with characteristic candour and unselfishness,
that the foreign relations of the country had greatly improved
since he resigned his seat, and that England had recovered her
honour abroad. He modestly reminded his hearers that he had
always done his best to bring about this great result by main
taining the British navy at its proper strength.
The poll closed as follows: — for Mr, Muntz, 2,176; Mr.
Scholefield, 1,963 ; Mr. Spooner, 1,825.
At this election, Mr. John Attwood, first cousin to Thomas,
and defendant in the case of Small v. Attwood, was returned
as a Conservative for Harwich, making the fourth Attwood
elected to Parliament within the space of ten years, and
Matthias "Wolverley Attwood retired from the representation
of Greenwich, whilst his father was returned without opposition
for Whitehaven.
At the close of this year Mr. Attwood received the following
letters from Sir Robert Peel : — " Whitehall, Dec. 7, 1841.
" Sir, — I beg leave to acknowledge the Receiving the Letter which you
have addressed to me, and the report of a Speech delivered by you which
accompanied it.
The attention which you have devoted to the important subject to which
your communication refers, and my respect for the disinterested motives
which have actuated your conduct in pubUc life, have ensured for that
communication an attentive and respectful perusah
If I limit myself to this assurance, you will not, I am sure, attribute my
reserve to any other Cause than a sense of public Duty.
I have the honour to be. Sir,
Your obedient servant,
Robert Peel."

38o LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
" Whitehall, Dec. 14, 1841.
" Sir, — I beg leave to acquaint you that I have duly received the Second
Letter which you addressed to me, dated the 10 Deer. I have &c.,
Robert Peel."
At the commencement of thfe year 1842 Mr. Attwood
appears to have had an idea, soon abandoned, of emigrating to
Canada. I can only find the following two letters preserved
for that year ; but it is evident, from the numbers, that many of
Sir R. Peel's letters have been lost : —
{Sir Robert Peel to Thomas Attwood)
" Whitehall, March 31, 1842.
" 9ir, — I have great pleasure in complying with your Request and inclose
a note of Introduction to Lord Stanley. In that note I state to him, what is
perfectly Consistent with the fact, that amid the turmoil and excitement of
Politics — I have always heard your name mentioned (so far as private
Character and Conduct are concerned) even by your strenuous political
opponents, with sentiments of esteem and personal goodwill.
I thank you for your good wishes for the successful issue of the arduous
Labours, in which a sense of pubUc Duty has engaged me.
I am. Sir,
Your faithful and obedient servant,
' Robert Peel."
" Whitehall, August 18, 1842.
" Sir, — I beg leave to acknowledge the Receipt of your Letter of the
18 August. The report of my observations with respect to the issue of one pound
notes which you have seen must have been a very erroneous one.
I deprecated any such issue as calculated to give possibly a temporary
stimulus to Trade, but to ensure a subsequent aggravation of present
distress. I am. Sir, Your obedient servant,
Robert Peel."
On the 14th of July, 1842, Mr. Attwood drew up a long
petition to the House of Commons on his favourite subject of
the Currency. This was presented by Mr. Scholefield on the
I Sth, but probably met with no greater attention than his
previous efforts with reference to the same matter.

CHAPTER XXIII.
RecoUections of Thomas Attwood — Grove House, Harborne — 16,000 in
habitants of Birmingham implore him to return to public life, September
29th, 1843 — His reply — The "National Union" — Its failure — Letter to
Sir Robert Peel — Letters from Lord Palmerston — Letters to the Times
and Morning Post.
My first clear recollections of Thomas Attwood commence about
the year 1843 (although I seem to remember him vaguely at
Jersey), and Mrs. Attwood has been kind enough to assist me
with a few notes as to his personal appearance. Mr. Edwards,
writing in 1879, says :
"The old women of the place still speak enthusiastically of his hand
some face and noble figure, and of his cordial, courteous, and friendly
manner." That he was a man of striking appearance, every one
admitted, though I have heard it said that he was never
regularly handsome.
He had a grave, intellectual face, a grand forehead and
massive head. His expression was thoughtful and benevolent,
but often with a far-away, dreamy look. His hair turned grey
early, but seems to have been dark brown in youth, and his eyes
were hazel. The nose was rather large and aquiline, but not
Jewish, and the retreating chin took away from the force of the
face. In stature, he was just six feet, broad shouldered, but
always thin. A caricaturist of the great meeting of 1833 takes
care to contrast his spare frame with the portly person of
O'Connell. He always wore black during the later period of his
life, and out of doors a great-coat with fur collar and cuffs, which
was very famous at the time of the Reform Bill. Owing to the
strong objection which he had to sit for his portrait, it is to
be regretted that no satisfactory likeness of him has been
preserved, though of few public men were so many engravings

382 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
published. Probably these were all taken from hasty and
indifferent sketches. I have already pointed out some of the
principal traits of his character, but may note here that a great
fondness for children was one of the chief, and that even when
oppressed by the heaviest cares of business and politics, he was
seldom provoked into losing his temper by their naughtiest
pranks. Many of his early Currency pamphlets were written
with a child on each knee. He was profuse in his charity to the
poor, and never admitted for a moment the modern doctrines of
political economy with regard to the distribution of alms. No
doubt he was mistaken on this point, and his indiscriminate
generosity was grossly abused. Grove House was always beset
by troops of beggars, who were never sent away empty-handed.
He persevered to the last in the amiable, though dangerous,
delusion, if delusion it was, that it was the fault of the Govern
ment that so many persons were wretched and starving. Charity
was his only extravagance, and I should doubt whether any one,
of his fame and reputation, ever lived in so poorly furnished a
house or dispensed with so many luxuries, which other Members
of Parliament would have considered necessaries. I can only
remember two paintings in his house, and these had been acquired
in a characteristic manner. One had been purchased to relieve
a needy artist, and the other, a portrait of his elder daughter,
had been painted by another, who had vainly importuned him
for permission to take his own gratuitously. To rank he was
utterly indifferent. He neither courted it, like the majority of
Englishmen, nor did he affect to hate and despise it as many
extreme Radicals do. He treated a duke and a labourer with the
same kindly courtesy; but whilst giving to the former his legal
titles, never showed the slightest subserviency to his rank. This,
it should be remembered, was an exceedingly rare characteristic
fifty years ago. He was utterly fearless for his own person, but
nervously apprehensive of the slighest danger to those near and
dear to him, and his letters are filled with minute directions
for the avoidance of danger from boats, carriages, fire, cold,
damp, &c.
At this time he was residing at Grove House in great

GROVE HOUSE, HARBORNE. 38;
economy and retirement, with his two daughters and the children
of the elder. Grove House was a plain building, of moderate
size, which had been formed by the addition of a thin front of three
stories to an old farmhouse. The grounds, however, were prett)',
owing to their supply of water. In front of the lawn there was a
good-sized pond with an island in the middle to which access
was obtained by means of a wooden bridge. At the outlet of
this piece of water, Mr. Attwood had constructed a little pond
for the amusement of his children, and placed there a small water-
wheel and hammer. The stream afterwards filled a sunk fence,
and then found its way across a field to the " Bell " pool. Here
lay a pretty coppice called " The Grove," where Mr. Attwood
allowed the public to walk, though it has since been closed.
Beyond this, a rough road led to some fields and to Harborne
Reservoir, a sheet of water twenty acres in extent, round which,
in the decline of life, he used to take his favourite evening walk.
Harborne Brook, the water of which ultimately finds its way to
the Trent, rises within a mile or so of The Leasowes springs,
which flow to the Severn. Judging from a naturalist's point of
view, there were some interesting differences between the two
localities. Thus, the rose beetle {Cetonia aurata) occurred rarely
at The Leasowes, but was never seen at Harborne, where the
streams, scantily supplied with trout, nourished several kinds of
coarse fish, whilst the beautiful rivulets of Shenstone produced
trout only. One of the earliest facts which I can remember in
connection with Thomas Attwood, is being taken by him to
Harborne Brook, where I was delighted to catch two large bull
heads in some water left by a flood. At certain seasons, the
lampern, or " nine-eye," used to ascend this stream in such dense
shoals that it was easy for a child to catch them by the handful.
In these childish amusements the large, benevolent mind of
Thomas Attwood took a warm interest, whilst he viewed, with a
contempt worthy of him, the costly and frivolous entertainments
of the fashionable world. He still retained his love for animals,
which, next to his affection to all mankind, was his most dis
tinguishing characteristic. He had long parted with his horses,
but I well remember the three dogs — a large water spaniel named

384 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
" Beau,'' a liver-coloured retriever called " Myrtle," and a Scotch
terrier named " Muff"." Besides these, there were a grand old
macaw, which survived both him and his son Aurelius for many
years, and a cockatoo. His bear and eagles had disappeared
before my time. Up to the time of his leaving Harborne, he
generally spent part of the season in London, occupying modest
lodgings in Connaught Terrace or the Edgware Road, and still
taking a keen interest in the parliamentary debates. Of his four
sons, none had fulfilled the brilliant anticipations which had been
generally entertained in the neighbourhood with regard to them.
The two elder had emerged into manhood with a reasonable
probability of representing important constituencies in Parlia
ment, but after his defeat at "Walsall, want of means and a feeble
constitution had compelled G. de B. Attwood to relinquish all
ambitious views, and he was now cheerfully devoting himself to
city drudgery, as Secretary to the Bank of British North America.
Aurelius was leading a bachelor life at Hawne, managing the
estates of his uncle, George Attwood. Edward Marcus was a
barrister residing at No. 3, South Square, Gray's Inn, but the loss
of his leg, and the sufferings connected therewith, rendered him
incapable of professional work, whilst Algernon was in the house
of Spooner & Attwoods, of Gracechurch Street, with the
hope of ultimately being admitted to a partnership in that
well-known firm. In the north, his brother Charles was busied
with his scheme for opening gigantic ironworks at Tow Law,
and had just energetically conducted an anti-Palmerston cam
paign in conjunction with David Urquhart.
Owing to various unfortunate circumstances, all my early
recollections of Thomas Attwood seem tinged with melancholy.
The recent death of his wife at the age of fifty-five ; the paralytic
disorder which, I suppose, was then beginning to undermine his
strong constitution; the long and painful illness of his son Marcus ;
his daughter's unsuccessful marriage ; and, above all, the failure
of his unwearied and unselfish endeavours to induce any Govern
ment to adopt those measures which he deemed essential to the
relief of distress, and to restore the prosperity of the country ;
all these sad events contributed to overshadow with clouds the

HE IS REQUESTED TO RETURN TO PUBLIC LIFE. 385
setting of a brilliant sun. Although no politician in history ever
obtained less of substantial emolument for his services, it may be
questioned whether any one ever received more striking and
extraordinary testimonies of popular confidence and affection.
The last and crowning compliment (and I cannot call to mind
that any other retired politician ever received a similar one) was
paid to him in the course of this year. Forty inhabitants of
Birmingham, bearing a petition signed by 16,000 of them, and
appointed at a public meeting held in the Town Hall, waited
upon him at Grove House and implored him to again take part
in public life ! This occurred on the 29th of September, and
previously, upon the 8th of August, a large meeting of Chartists
had agreed to accept his leadership, provided he would make
the five points of the Charter the basis of his new scheme. To
this flattering request Thomas Attwood returned the following
reply : —
My kind, generous friends, — It is very gratifying to me to receive from
sixteen thousand of my fellow-townsmen this flattering but unexpected
testimony of their long-continued confidence and esteem. It was never
my intention to interfere again in any public movement of the people. For
many years I have anxiously watched the slow but certain progress of the
national ruin. A great change now comes over the prosperity of our country.
I now think that the time has come in which I should be criminal if I did
not co-operate with you in making one other effort to relieve the distress of
the people, and to rescue the nation from the fearful anarchy which threatens
it. The late great changes in the corn and provision laws, by removing in a
great degree the buttresses which propped the powerful landed interest,
have given a prodigious accession of strength to the public cause. Those
changes are now forcing the owners of land into a community of suffering
and feeling with the owners of labour. This I stated would be their effect,
in my petition to the House of Commons in the month of July last year.
Those great measures have already produced the disturbances in Wales, and
the Repeal proceedings in Ireland ; and they are at this moment rendering
the payment of the rent of land literally impossible much longer in England.
under the present monetary laws. Holding these opinions, and having youi
confidence to assure me, I do not hesitate to say that I will immediately
consult the able and estimable friends upon whose assistance I must rely, and
by whose counsel I must mainly be guided ; and with their concurrence I will
very shortly submit to your- approbation the best plan which my humble
reason can devise, for restoring safety, prosperity, harmony, and contentment
to all classes of the people.
In conformity with this promise, Mr, Attwood consulted his
2 c

386 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
friends, and having invited the inhabitants of Birmingham to
meet him at the Public Office on the 26th of October, he there
submitted to them his plan for a " National Union." A large
number attended, and many gave in their adhesion to his pro
posals ; but the more respectable Liberals appear to have held
aloof, and amongst the names of his proposed " Council " I see
none of political reputation, save his own and that of T. C, Salt,
In brief, the scheme was a failure, Attwood's great work was
done, and it was too much to expect that in his declining years,
borne down by sorrow and disappointment, he should a second
time lead the people to victory. The details of the " National
Union " occupy nearly three columns of close newspaper print,
but the whole may be compressed into a single idea, that of
" holding the Ministers of the Crown legally responsible for the
welfare of the people." This scheme appears to have been too
' radical even for the borough members, neither of whose names
appear in connection with it ; yet, for a while, it seemed likely to
meet with success. The Times, usually so hostile to anything
novel or extreme, not only published Attwood's letter in full, but
devoted several leaders to combat his arguments. His letters for
this year, from which I shall now give some extracts, throw some
further light upon the scheme of the " National Union."
On the 23rd of January, 1843, Mr, Attwood published a very
long letter of 51^ columns of close print, entitled, " Observations
on the Letters of the Rt. Hon, Sir Robt. Peel, Bart., to the
Birmingham Chamber of Commerce," which concludes thus : —
, The labours, anxieties, and difficulties which the Right Honourable
Baronet has to endure, and, I hope, to overcome, are certainly immense, and
such as require the warm sympathy and support of the country. Fortunately
for him, the period of his difficulties is short. He must either change his
poUcy or he must retire. If the country should be suffered to continue in its
present state for only three months longer, it is exceedingly probable that the
malt tax will be wrenched out of his hands. In the present distressed state
of agriculture and of trade, both the county members and the borough
members will co-operate in this; and thus the faUing revenue will sustain an
additional loss of five millions per annum.
The Minister will then be driven upon an increased Property Tax. But
here again both the landed interest and the moneyed interest will be combined
against him.
Universal distress, a falling revenue, dangers latent and apparent, crowding

CORRESPONDENCE WITH PEEL AND PALMERSTON. 387
around him. No hope to cheer him. I cannot therefore perceive how the
Right Honourable Baronet can possibly hold the helm of public affairs much
longer without relieving the national distress, and increasing the national
revenue, by the adoption either of a just, fit, and practicable metallic standard
of value, or of a non-convertible paper currency. In either of these cases, it
would be advisable, in the first place, to have recourse to a temporary Order
in CouncU to restrict and protect the Bank of England.
The course before us would then be safe and clear, but a measure of this
kind requires extreme caution and discretion.
Mr. Pitt thought the danger so imminent in 1797 that he literally passed
the Order in Council to restrict the Bank of England on a Sunday. .
In the present state of monetary obligations in England, it is only this
elevation in the prices of property and labour, effected through an action upon
th Currency, which can set free the great processes of production and con
sumption throughout the country, which can effect a just and equitable
distribution of the values of society among the people, which can restore
the reward of industry and the beneficial employment of labour among the
productive classes, and, at the same time, give equal justice, protection, and
security to the monetary classes of the community.

{Lord Palmerston to Thomas Attwood) "C. T, 18 Ap., 1843.
"Dear Sir, — I have to make you many apologies for not having sooner
answered your Letter of the 1st inst., for which I am much obUged to you.
Upon the Subject to which it relates, I fear, however, that we are not Ukely
to come to identity of opinion ; as my opinion is strongly formed one way,
and yours, as I well know, is deeply rooted the other way. I am at present
on my Road from Hampshire to Hertfordshire, where I shall remain for a
week or Ten days, but if anything should bring you to Town after Parliament
meets I should be very happy to discuss the matter with you, as you propose,
at any Time that might suit you.
I fear, however, that the Result of our Conversation might perhaps be, as
sometimes happens in such Cases, that we might each of us remain more
deeply impressed by the Force of our own arguments.
I am. Dear Sir, yrs. Faithfully,
Palmerston.'

" C. T, i^fune, 1843.
" My dear Sir,— I am sorry that a hurried Excursion to the Country has
hitherto prevented me from thanking you for your Two recent Communica
tions, but I shaU not fail to read with attention the Paper you have sent me.
My dear Sir, yrs. Faithfully,
Palmerston." 2 0 2

388 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
{Sir Robert Peel to Thomas Attwood)
" Sir, — I beg leave to acknowledge the Receipt of your Letter of the i. of
August, and to thank you for your intentions in offering the Suggestions
which it conveys. I am. Sir, your obedient Servant,
Robert Peel.
Whitehall, Aug. 3, 1843." {Thomas Attwood to Sir Robert Peel)
Birmingham, 4 Novr., 1843.
Sir, — I have taken the Uberty of forwarding to you a Birmingham
fournal, reporting some late proceedings of mine in this Town. I should
be much concerned if I thought that you could suppose them to be, in any
way, dictated by any personal disrespect or ill-feeling towards yourself If
they should produce any effect, it is my sincere wish that they may assist in
strengthening your hands, and in enabling you to overcome the sinister
influences which have brought the country into its present fearful state, a
state in which to retreat is difficult, to stand still is impossible, and to
advance is certain ruin. I have the honour to be. Sir,
Your obedt. humble Servant,
Thomas Attwood.
" Whitehall, Novr. 8, 1843.
" Sir Robert Peel presents CompUments to Mr, Attwood, and begs leave
to acknowledge the Receipt of his Communication of the 4th Instant,"
{Thos. Attwood to the Editor of the " Times.")
Birmingham, Novr. 10, 1843.
Sir, — In your paper of the 7th inst. you have done me the honour to
publish my letter to the sixteen thousand inhabitants of Birmingham who
have lately requested from me some plan for the relief of the general distress
of the industrious classes, and for the common safety and protection of all
classes. In your paper of the 8th inst, you are pleased to make some
observations upon the plan which I accordingly presented to them, and you
appear to assume that it involved exclusively a question of currency, a
question which it was my object to avoid thrusting upon the public mind.
I think, therefore, that you will oblige me by publishing the plan itself, in
order that your readers may have an opportunity of deciding how far your
criticisms upon my humble labours are correct. Certainly, there is no part
of my plan which can in any way be twisted into a disposition to render the
Ministers of the Crown responsible personally for any unhappy "condition
of the labour market," or for " the number of bankruptcies " in the country.
I only insist upon the facts that, in such a country as this, the industrious
classes ought to flourish ; that nothing can prevent their flourishing but the
mismanagement of public affairs ; that the Ministers of the Crown have the
supreme government of public affairs ; and that no Ministers ought to be

LETTER TO THE " TIMES." 389
aUowed to govern England who are not both able and willing to restore
general and permanent prosperity and contentment to all.
By the term Productive Classes, I certainly mean both masters and men
in every branch of Agriculture, Manufactures, Commerce, and Trade. But
I have always contended that the interests of these two most important
classes of men are inseparable ; and that no possible good or evil can happen
to the workmen, without first being experienced by their employers.
You are quite right in your views, that in my opinion the increased
pressure of the National Debt " is mere dust in the balance," when compared
with the vast, subtle, poisonous, and deadening consequences which I
attribute to the present currency system, I have proved upon a hundred
occasions that nearly the whole of our "fliictiiationsy distresses, and dis
contents have been produced by it ; that its tendency is to place the work
men upon half employment and half wages at the same time ; to estrange
the hearts of the people from the Government ; to strangle the industry of
the country ; to make the yoke of accumulated wealth too heavy to be borne,
and, if persevered in too long, to produce the certain destruction of our
present social system.
You appear to assume that it is quite impossible that there can be any
real connexion between the Provision Tariff of 1842 and the Repeal agitation
in Ireland, and the Rebecca agitation in Wales, in 1843. Reflect for a
moment, and you will perceive that the two latter movements are created
entirely by the former. The Tariff of 1842 removed in a great degree the
uttresses which propped the agricultural interest, broke down agricultural
prices, and rendered it impossible, under our present system, that those
prices should again assume a permanently remunerating level. From this
great cause, from the pressure of the MetaUic Standard of Value, being thus
at last brought to bear with nearly unbroken force upon the agricultural
classes, proceeds the unmeasured ruin amongst the innumeiable little
farmers of Ireland and ofWales. If no fall of agricultural prices had taken
place during the last 15 months, the movements ostensibly against Turnpike
Gates in Wales, and ostensibly against the Legislative Union in Ireland,
could never have been heard of The distresses of Ireland, of Wales, of
Scotiand, and of England, were almost insupportable a year ago. By the
Tariff of 1842 they are rendered absolutely so. "This last drop," in the cup
of Agricultural Distress, "has made the waters of bitterness overflow."
Undoubtedly the proceedings in Ireland and in Wales are mere symptoms
of a great organic disease. They are the mere mutterings of the thunder of
the public wrath, directed against Legislative Unions and Turnpike Gates
to-day, but which, under our present system, may probably be exhibited in
one deadly and universal war against Rents, Custom Houses, and Excise
Officers to-morrow.
Louis the i6th was dancing in a Ball at Versailles at the very moment
when the Towers of the Bastile were trembling over his throne. Charles the
loth was hunting in the woods of Fontainebleau when Marshal Marmont
galloped up to him with the terrible words, " Sire, it is not a Riot, but a
Revolution." Our own James the 2nd was dining in the camp at Hounslow
when the shouts of his soldiers for the release of the Bishops shook the

390 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
crown from off his head. These great changes in the History of Nations
never occur without the public mind being previously prepared for them
by hoarded injuries and oppressions, nor without their being attended by
premonitory symptoms which it is of the highest importance that Statesmen
should regard. These premonitory symptoms are now visible in every
quarter of the British Empire. Woe unto the Statesmen who may disregard
them. I am. Sir, Your obedient humble Servant,
Thomas Attwood.
Three long letters from Mr. Attwood on the Currency
appeared in the Times during the course of November and
December, 1843 ; but, as my plan requires brevity, I take from
them only the following extracts, which appear to me to possess
an interest apart from the special subject of which they treat : —
A few years ago, in one of the Committees of the House of Commons,
the extraordinary evidence of Dr, Franklin, given before the Pri'vy Council
of England, soon after the Peace of 1783, was brought to light. The Pri'vy
CouncU enquired of him, " What, in his opinion, was the real cause of the
discontents of the American Colonies and of their separation from England ?"
That illustrious statesman, the more than Washington in originating and
conducting the American Revolution, answered, to the best of my recollec
tion of the evidence, in nearly the following words : — " It has been generally
represented in England," said he, " that the American Stamp Acts and the
Boston T^a Duties were the cause of the Declaration of Independence in
1776. That is a great mistake. Those were mere symptoms of a great
organic disease. That organic disease was an Act of the Imperial Parlia
ment of England, passed 13 years before, in the year 1763, tyrannically
abolishing, without knowledge or enquiry, all the Paper Money issued by
the Colonial Legislatures of America. That arbitrary and injudicious Act
created one general mass of poverty, difficulty, and distress throughout the
colonies, which rankled in men's minds for 13 years, until at last the
American Stamp Acts and the Boston Tea Duties came like sparks to
ignite a magazine of gunpowder ; and then the Declaration of Independence
was issued."
Amongst the very few papers preserved by Thomas Attwood
there is put up a copy of the Act of 1763, showing the impor
tance which he attached to that measure.
In my letter in your Journal of the 7th December, I had no desire what
ever to disparage the character of the late Mr. Cobbett, or to hurt the feelings
of his family, which I appear, unintentionally, to have done, by your Journal
of the 1 2th inst. He and I always agreed in opinion respecting the monetary
disease of the country. But we differed wholly as to the remedy. His remedy

LETTERS. 391
was to restore payments in specie, under the old standard of value, giving an
"equitable adjustment" at the same time. My remedy was either to con
tinue a regulated paper system, or to regulate the standard of value in
conformity with the state of prices, rents, debts, and tax^s then existing in
the nation, I beUeve that he sincerely wished to lift up the condition of the
labouring classes, but he never disguised the fact that he wished also to
humble the Aristocracy, the Church, and the richer classes. This latter
feeling certainly rendered him not a very proper guide for these latter
classes; and this is all that I intended to express in my letter. I always
made a point of reading his Register from its commencement to its close.
He was a man of very strong prejudices. He always vituperated the paper
system without measure and without reason; calling the bankers "Rag
Rooks " and the paper system " worthless rags," He also always deprecated
any depreciation in the metallic standard of \'alue, which he designated as
"the little shilling" policy, and he facetiously nicknamed ;\Ir. Henry James
under the title of " Lord Little Shilling," For very many years, perhaps 10
or 20, he invariably urged the restoration of payment in specie, on the ancient
metallic standard of value ; but it is due to his memory to say that, at the
same time, he always urged the absolute necessity of an " equitable adjust
ment," which I deemed then, and still deem to be, literally and absolutely
impossible. The Ministers at last adopted Mr. Cobbett's hatred of paper
money. They adopted also his hatred of "Uttle shillings." But they
neglected to adopt his admiration of an " equitable adjustment."
{Thos. Attwood to G. De Bosco Attwood, 7, St. Helen's Place, London.)
Harborne, Novr. 7, 1843.
In the meanwhile, you may see my introductory letter published
in the Times of this day ; and 1 think also you may see the whole plan
published in the Moniing Advertiser of )-esterday. This latter paper I
have not seen, but the Morning Advertiser of to-day speaks of it as having
been published yesterday.
The publication of my letter in the Times seems ominous of some great
change going on.
{Thos. Attwood to Algernon Attwooa, 27, Grace Church St.;
Harborne, January 27, 1843.
It is possible that Salt may write to you to ask you to apply at
the Times office for a manuscript of mine, on the subject of Sir R. Peel's
letters on the Currency. In this case I shall be obliged if you vvill get the
manuscript from the Times office, and take it directly to the Morning
Herald office, saying that they were kind enough to insert my petition on
the Currency in the month of August last, and that I hope they will now do
me the favour to insert my present Observations on the same subject. In
this way, it is possible that my Observations may be printed before the
Queen's Speech is finally decided upon, which in the present state of things,
and. of Sir R. Peel's mind, I think is very important.

392 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
Halesowen, Deer. 29, 1843.
. I have a letter in the Times of yesterday, and expect to have
another or two, in a few days. As a matter of course, the Times must sneer
and complain ; but they appear to me not to touch my argument. Angela
gets better very slowly ; but the chUdren are getting about again,
1 was much pleased by the Morning Post which Marcus sent me,
containing the letter of Muntz, but I could not find the quotation from
Alison, ,
Dransfield, the accountant, told me yesterday that the Iron Co, have
given John A, notice that they are prepared to pay him the last ^150,000
in May next. But I had understood that the money was due on the 4th April
next. This is the last mention that I find of the famous case of
Small V. Attwood, which thus appears to have endured, from
first to last, for nineteen years ! I suppose that no other case on
record ever put so much money into the pockets of the legal
profession. I have already noted the interest which Thomas Attwood
took in this suit, and his readiness to assist his cousin in every
possible way, although I cannot ascertain that he ever derived
any benefit whatever from the large fortune which thus accrued
to his relative. I have heard it said, though I know not with
how much truth, that, but for his unflinching firmness, the case
would never have been fought out to the bitter end.
{Thos. Attwood to fhe Editor of the " Morning Post")
April \tli, 1 844.
Sir, — Your remarks on my letter in your Journal of yesterday are calcu
lated to excite the most profound reflections. Into these it is not my object
to enter. But respecting "Jews and Lawyers," I beg your permission to state
that when I speak of them, it must not be thought that I mean to speak
disrespectfully of the most ancient and venerable nation in the world ; nor
that I mean any slight to the profession of the law, which I know has pro
duced, and still produces, many of the most able, upright, and benevolent men
that ever existed. By the tei'm_/t'a'.f, I only mean such men as Lord Chatham
called muckworms, and as David Hume foretold would ultimately be the
ruin of England — those bands of sordid and greedy men who are so blinded
by the auri sacra fames, by av'arice and jealousy, by the eager desire to
aggrandise their own wealth, and to humble that of their rivals, that if it
were proposed to them to restore the standard of WiUiam the Conqueror, or
even to coin a quarter of a ton of gold into a pound of sterUng, instead of a
quarter of an ounce, — would, many of them, verily believe that it is both just
and right and safe and practicable to do so. The late Mr. Rothschild was a
Jew, and a most able and upright man. Whilst the late Mr, Ricardo, and

LETTERS. "" y-):,
the late Lord Grenville, the two "oracles" in both Houses of Parliament, were
prattling their nonsense about " Three per cent!' and uri^ing the restoration
of the ancient standard of value, Mr, Rothschild .solemnly deprecated such
restoration, aud fearlessly told the Plouse of Lords that they did not seem to
know what they were about. . April 15//;, 1844.
Sir, — In your Journal of the 5th inst. I partially explained the fital
delusions under which the terrible Bill of 1S19 was ukuIc the law of the land.
Well might M. Say exclaim, " Voila PAngleterre, hlle se coupe la gorge!'
There is no public man ali\'e no\\', 1 bcliex-e, who does not readily acknou'-
ledge that, in 1819, the unanimous ^'otes of both Houses were " a gigantic
error:" but, wonderful to sa)', the xcr)- same men now commit a still greater
error by asserting that "// is too late to re/reat!" I beliexe that this last
error is more terrible than the former. If it is not an error, I ha\'e onl)' to
observe, that in my humble judgment the doom of our country is scaled.
. , . I was once conversing with a nobleman of the highest rank, and
distinguished for his virtues, and his well-deserved influence in the nation.
He said to me, " I do acknowledge that we committed a g'/gantic error in
1S19, but it is now too late to retreat." Upon which I remarked, " My Lord,
1 told you in 1S19 that you were committing a gigantic error, did I not?"
" Yes," said he, " I must honestly acknowledge that you did, but I must
repeat my opinion, that it is now too late to reti'caty " Tben," said I, " my
Lord, mark! I, that told you in 1S19 that you were committing a i^ii^'an/!
error, which error >'ou now acknowledge, and -which error was then reme
diable, I tell >'ou that in saj'ing that it is now too late to retreat, )-ou commit
another error, which error is fatal." " Well," said ho, " I can't help it ; to the
Devil we must all go, I suppose." .Vnd thus our melanchol)' conversation
ended. .
[I am not sure to what nobleman this anecdote refers,
probabl)- to Earl Grc)- or Lord Althorp, although the strong
language seems characteristic of Lord Melbourne, — C. M. \\ !\
. No! The Bill of 1819 is not yet ,1 thing done. It is at this
moment, under the mask of returning prosperit)', just commencing- " the
beginning of the end."
^Vllcn the payment of monetary rent shall have ceased, when the taxes
which support the national debt shall ha\'e been abolished, and w hen .foci.il
order shall have been reduced to the wildest anarchy in England, then the
BiU of 1S19 will be " a thing done!- hut not till then.
Birmingham, May 24, 1S45.
, . . The Gov'ernment and the Parliament cannot, I believe, produce
one single petition that was c\cr presented to Parliament against the fice
circulation of " worthless rags!' Why then is mortal war declared against
them? If it is not the busy interference oi Lawyers, some deeper and more
criminal cause remains at the bottom. The l.itc Sir Robert Peel told uic
that "the whole was a Conspiracy, .and that Huskisson was at the bottom of

"594 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
it" And the late Sir John Sinclair urged me to move in Parliament for a
list of Jhe persons largely interested in Funded Property in 1815 and 1819,
assuring me that I should find names of great authority, to which I forbear
to make further allusion, but which might possibly tend to throw a light upon
the deadly secrecy with which this whole subject has been attended.
I made the motion accordingly in the Reformed House of Commons. It
was received with marks of general disapprobation on all sides of the House,
If I had thrown a Serpent down upon the floor, the Representatives of the
People could not have been more alarmed.
It need scarcely be mentioned that the doleful predictions
contained in these letters, and other similar ones, exposed Mr.
Attwood to a great deal of ridicule from his opponents. Whether
it was deserved or not I leave to those who understand the
Currency question to say. But to show that his opinions were
not singular, I note that there was published in London, in 1844,
a book called the Gemitii Letters, from which I have already
quoted, which reviews the Currency question at length, and
exhaustively examines the principles of Attwood and Cobbett,
" who have long been considered as the leaders of the opposing
Currency parties;" and that this work distinctly decides in favour
of Attwood, from whose Remedy and other pamphlets it reprints
long quotations. The authors who wrote under the name of
" Gemini " were Birmingham men, but Mr. Attwood states that
they were personally unknown to him.

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CHAPTER XXIV.
First appearance of Mr. Attwood's fatal illness — His second marriage, June
30, 1845 — Visit to Germany — He leaves Harborne — Residence at Scar
borough — Corn Law Agitation — Removes to York and Harrogate —
Residence at Handsworth — Last appearance in public at the election
of 1847 — Removes to Allesley — Deaths of Peel, WeUington, and Matthias
Attwood, jun, — Deaths of George and G. De B, Attwood — Thomas
Attwood removes to Ellerslie, Great Malvern, and dies there, March 6th,
1856 — The Birmingham fournal or\ his death — Mrs, Attwood's lines.
After the failure of his projected great movement in 1843
Thomas Attwood appears to have finally decided to again
retire into private life, a course to which many reasons, in
dependent of political ones, naturally impelled him. He
seems to have spent the year 1844 in great retirement, not
even interfering at the election which followed the death of
his old friend and colleague, Joshua Scholefield. Mr. Scholefield
died on July 4th, in his seventieth year, and his son, Mr. "W.
Scholefield, was proposed for his vacant seat by Mr. "W. Mathews,
the other candidates being Mr. Spooner and Mr. Sturge. The
polling took place on the 13th of July, when, to the surprise
of every one, Mr. Richard Spooner at last obtained the re
ward of his perseverance, and was returned at the head of the
poll as the first and only Conservative who ever represented
Birmingham. So far as I can trust my memory, Mr. Attwood spent a part
of this year at Ryde and the remainder at Harborne. In
December he had a severe attack of influenza, and when it
passed away the first symptoms of the fatal disease {Paralysis
agitans) which terminated his life after so many long years
of suffering, made their appearance in one of his fingers, I
can find but few traces of him during the earlier part of 1845,
He spent the spring and early summer in London, and on the

396 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
30th of June, 1845, he married at St, John's, Paddington, his
second wife, Elizabeth, only daughter of Joseph Grice, of Hands-
worth Hall, a lady who nursed him for the remainder of his life
with the most devoted care and afifection. After his marriage he
spent a short time in Germany, where he appears to have been
favourably impressed with the condition of the inhabitants as
compared to that of the masses in England. In a letter, written
from Aix la Chapelle on the 12th of July, he notes with interest
the cathedral and relics of Charlemagne. I can well remember
also, as an illustration of his kindness to children, that he brought
home for me a pretty little snake, which he had caught in Germany,
and which I afterwards turned loose upon Barming Heath. In the
autumn of this year, to the surprise and regret of the neighbour
hood, he left Grove House, Harborne, where he had resided for
nearly twenty-five years, where he had seen his children grow up,
and where he had witnessed such brilliant scenes and triumphs.
He first removed to Scarborough, where he occupied a small
house, still remaining unaltered, called " Grove "Villa," looking
upon the viaduct and the sea. This was his principal residence
for the greater part of a year, and I can remember that his
physical strength was still comparatively unimpaired, as he was
able to walk across the north sands to Selby Mill and back.
Once, when he was walking with Mrs. Attwood in this neighbour
hood, a lark, pursued by a hawk, took refuge on his breast.
This pretty incident has since often struck me forcibly, as
emblematic of the character, which he bore throughout his life,
of a protector of the oppressed and helpless. On another
occasion, Mrs. Attwood tells me, when they were at Moor Park,
in Surrey, a wild squirrel came and sat upon his foot. It seemed
as if the very brutes instinctively appreciated the benevolence
of his heart. During his stay at Scarborough he gradually
withdrew himself more and more from public afifairs, and when
urged by an old political friend, Mn John Betts, to take part
in the Anti-Corn Law agitation he was compelled to decline
travelling for that purpose. Mr. Betts wrote several letters
to him on the subject, and to these he returned the following
reply : —

RESIDENCE AT SCARBOROUGH. 397'
Grove Villa, Scarborough, 6 Deer., 1845.
My dear Sir, — I thank you sincerely for your letter of the 2nd inst., and
for the generous and friendly sentiments which it contains, and which, I
assure you, are most cordially reciprocated by me.
Pray do me the favour to express to the gentlemen who are seeking a
repeal of the Corn Laws, my sincere regret that distance from Birmingham
and other circumstances should prevent my taking any part in their pro
ceedings. My sentiments, however, upon this great subject, continue
unchanged, I am of opinion that the people of England will never obtain
any soUd prosperity or safety until the Corn Laws are repealed. Those
unjust laws were passed for the concealed object of protecting the landed
interest against the contemplated effects of the Money Laws of 1819, and
to a certain extent they have succeeded in that object ; for it cannot be
doubted that they have tended to keep up the prices of agricultural produce,
and to protect the landed interest from that extreme depression of prices, and
that general misery and distress, which the Money Laws have inflicted upon
the manufacturing and commercial interests of the country. The landed
interest have been hitherto bribed, as it were, by the monied interest, to co
operate with them in humbling the manufacturing and commercial interests,
in aggrandising the value of money, and in breaking down the value oi labour.
The owners of land wiU shortly be brought to a community of suffering with
the \xn'a.'i.T^yy owners of labour ; and they will then throw their weight into the
scale of the people, and they will put forth the political power which they
yet possess in repeaUng the money laws of 1819. (Discord between the
oppressing classes at last giv«s hope to the oppressed classes) Until this
latter grand object is effected in good faith, it is in vain for the industrious
classes to toil early and late and eat the bread of carefulness. They will reap
only disappointment and ruin as their reward. So long as the landowners
and the Government can obtain their paper rents, taxes, and salaries in full
and in standard gold, there is no limit to their oppressions upon the people.
The very distraction of the poor is made the aggrandisement of the rich.
But when the-fandowners shall be brought down to the metallic level of
'793i they wiU have no resource left but to- co-operate with the industrious
classes in resisting that fraudulent and grinding oppression under which the
people have been suffering for nearly 30 years.
Wishing most sincerely aU health and happiness to you and your family,
I remain, my dear Sir,
Your faithful friend and servant,
Thomas Attwood.
About the end of the spring of 1 846 Mr. Attwood removed from
Scarborough to York, where he occupied an old-fashioned house
close to Micklegate Bar. Here we all lived through the summer
of 1846, though Mr. and Mrs. Attwood travelled in the course of
the autumn. During his stay at York my grandfather fully
appreciated the beauties of the Minster, as well as of the walls and

398 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
bars and other antiquities of that fine old city ; but the interest
which he took in such subjects was of a general and not a
special nature. It was the same with his taste for natural
history. Men, and not books, stones, or animals, had been
the chief objects of his study. Everything with him was
secondary to the one grand aim of promoting the happiness
of mankind. Nevertheless, he had so lofty and simple a way of discours
ing upon history and antiquities, so admirably lowered to the
capacity of a child, that what I heard him say upon these
subjects I have never forgotten.
I may note here that during the year 1832 his popularity
was so great in York that an engraving of him (of which
Mr. Moore has given me a copy) was published in that city.
In the autumn of 1846 Mr. Attwood removed from York
to High Harrogate, where he took a small house and remained
about six months.
I can find but a single letter on the Currency, preserved
amongst his papers for 1846; but the following one from Sir
Archibald Alison is interesting, as showing, as many passages
in the History of Europe do, that his views upon that subject
/ were shared by the great historian of the Tories : —
" Sheriff's Office, Glasgow, March 4, 1 847.
" Dear Sir, — I beg to return you my best thanks for your kind and
gratifying Letter regarding my work on the Currency, to which an extra
ordinary pressure of business has prevented me hitherto answering.
It is peculiarly pleasing to me to find my labour approved and conclusions
supported by a Gentleman so eminently qualified to form a correct opinion on
the subject, and who has made it the object of such long-continued and pro
found study.
Should you be interested in the effects of a contracted Currency and free
trade in grain on the present condition of the Roman Campagna, which is a
most important subject, you will find it fully treated by me in an article styled
"The Roman Campagna," Blackwood! s Magazine, April, 1846.
Interest here by Bankers is up to 6 per cent, a state of things I never
recollect before. It was predicted in the Preface to the third Edition of my
Currency Pamphlet, and affords but a melancholy proof of the effect of
imported grain and exported gold.
Believe me. Dear Sir, With much Respect,
Your faithful servant,
A. Alison."

ELECTION OF 184'j. 399
In the spring of 1847 Mr, Attwood left Harrogate and
returned to the neighbourhood of Birmingham, Here he
resided for more than a year in a house called " Fern Lodge,"
on the Heathfield Road, Handsworth. Although he thus re
visited the scenes of his triumphs, where his name was a
household word, he continued to live in great retirement, and
as the fact of all political excitement being forbidden him
was generally known, but few of his former friends came to
see him. Amongst these I recollect Mr, Muntz and General
Bem, The enormous beard of the former, worn at a time
when close shaving was universal, was calculated to make a
great impression on a child, and the newspapers were soon
afterwards filled with accounts of Bem's gallant exploits in the
Hungarian "War. During his stay at Fern Lodge Mr, Attwood's
physical strength remained pretty good, and he was able to take
walks of tolerable length, besides attending regularly at Hands-
worth Church, In one of these walks I remember that he found
a fine specimen of Prionus coriarius, a somewhat rare beetle
in most parts of the country, and at once knew that it was not
a common species.
It was at the election for North "Warwickshire in 1847 that
Thomas Attwood appeared in public for the very last time. To
the disgust of his Radical friends, he voted upon that occasion
for the Conservative candidates, Newdegate and Spooner. I
had a holiday for the purpose of accompanying him to the poll,
but my mother becoming alarmed at the reports of the dense
crowd, I was left behind at Mr. Mathews' house in Calthorpe
Street, a fact which I have since regretted, for as he stepped out
of his cab the famous shout of " Attwood for ever " was raised
for the last time, and the sight might have enabled me to realise,
in some slight degree, the stirring scenes of '32. As we drove
back to Handsworth I remember the walls of Birmingham being
placarded with " Thomas Attwood has voted for Newdegate and
Spooner." This was, of course, a triumph for the Conservatives ;
but Radicals naturally thought differently, and attributed his last
vote to the failure of his mental powers.
At this election, infirm health compelled Mr. Matthias

400 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
Attwood to retire from the representation of "Whitehaven,
after a Parliamentary service of nearly thirty years, and Mr.
John Attwood was unseated upon a petition as member for
Harwich. Soon afterwards, Mr. Attwood's elder daughter, Mrs. "Wake
field, left Fern Lodge to join her husband in New Zealand, but,
at his kind and special request, I remained in England with
him. I think it was in November of this year that Mr. and
Mrs. Attwood went to Great Malvern for a few weeks, and took
me with them. Edward Gibbon Wakefield was then staying
at Dr. "Wilson's hydropathic establishment, busily engaged in
maturing his scheme for the foundation of the Canterbury
Settlement, and then it was that I had the privilege of seeing
these extraordinary men together, though, of course, I was too
young to appreciate their conversation. Though both ranked
as Radicals, or, at least, extreme Liberals, they differed greatly
in other respects, and it would, I think, be difficult to determine
whether the foundation of the Birmingham Political Union or
the systematic colonisation of South Australia and New Zealand
were the greater or more original design, Attwood was utterly
incapable of understanding the magnificent and far-sighted views
of "Wakefield on colonial subjects. In fact, so far as colonisation
was concerned, his opinions were not one whit in advance of those
of the most bigoted Tory peer or squire of his day. He believed,
in common with the " respectable " people of the country, that
it was the duty of the English race to increase and multiply, to
crowd and starve, in one small island of the globe, whilst they
abandoned its larger and fairer territories to a few poor savages.
It should be remembered, nevertheless, that he always firmly
maintained that the soil of England was fully capable of
supporting its population, provided only that a just system
of government were adopted. Both these able men have re
sembled each other in their fate (owing, possibly, in the case
of the one, to his own fault) of having their splendid services
overlooked or denied by an ungrateful country. But, whatever
the public may choose to think, it is fitting that justice should
be done to their memories by their own relatives. "Without

LAST LETTER ON PUBLIC AFFAIRS. 401
detailing minor services, I believe that Thomas Attwood saved
England from revolution, whilst E. G. Wakefield rescued New
Zealand from the grasp of France. But, just as the credit of
passing the great Reform Bill is popularly given to Grey,
Russell, Althorp, or any one but its real hero, so the glory of
the colonisation of New Zealand has been but grudgingly
accorded to him who bore the brunt of it.
During the course of the year 1847 Mr. Attwood resumed his
pen upon the subject of the Currency, and at least four letters
from him appeared under the signature of " An Old Corre
spondent" in the Morning Posts of May 7th, May 17th, June 2nd,
and June 17th, 1847, He also wrote the following letters : —
{Thos. Attwood to Lord George Bentinck, M.P., enclosing his pamphlet
of 1826, called "The Late Prosperity, Gr^c")
Birmingham, 1st Nov., 1847.
My Lord, — Upon looking over my pamphlets on the Currency, I find in
one such a remarkable analogy between the circumstances which attended
the grecLtpanic 0/1825 and those of the present period, that I am induced to
send it to your Lordship, in the hope that you may find it useful under th"
great duties which I foresee are devolving upon you.
I have the honour to be, my Lord,
Your Lordship's humble servant,
Thomas Attwood,
( Thos. Attwood to the same, enclosing his tetters of 1 847, in re Lretand and the
Duke of Wellington, and in re Lord Ashburton and the "Birmingham
Philosophers," also his papers of i%22 on the "Doubting of the National
Burdens.")
My Lord,— On the ist instant I took the liberty of forwarding to your
Lordship, by post, a pamphlet on the Currency, published by me in 1826,
explaining the sole cause of the panic of 1825, and of all the anomalous dis
tresses which have afflicted this unhappy nation ever since the Peace of 181 5,
I now beg leave also to trouble your Lordship with 2 or 3 other papers of
mine, which I hope may possibly be useful, in the present very gloomy state
of things, . , ,
The following letter seems to be the very last which Mr,
Attwood wrote on public afifairs : —
To G. F. Muntz, Esq., M.P.
T,, „ Handsworth, 27 March, 1848,
My dear Sir,
I have been thinking that the present state of things in England, and on
the Continent, gives a golden opportunity for the insertion, on the Books of
the House of Commons, of a notice to the effect of the enclosed Resolutions.
2 D

402 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
I think that no honest man could vote against the first ; and I think also
that none but " bold, bad men " could vote against the two others. The
worst that such men as Inglis, Bentinck, and Plumptree could do, would be
to run away from the subject ! \
If you should not think it prudent to insert the notice yourself, you will
perhaps do me the favour to place the Resolutions in the hands of Wm,
Scholefield, or R, Spooner, or Cayley, or of some other proper person, who
may possibly think right to undertake the duty, bearing in mind that the
Resolutions may at any time be withdrawn from the Books of the House, if
their withdrawal should become advisable. If I am not mistaken, the very
insertion of the notice upon the Books would at this time produce an immense
effect upon the nation. I am, my Dear Sir,
Yours ever faithfully,
T. Attwood.
P.S, — The Salaries of the Ministers and Judges in 1797 were .£2,500 a
year each ; they are now ^5,000 each. The Pay of the Soldiers was in 1797
only 6d. per day; it is now \s. 2d. per day; and the same is the case with
the Navy ! ! The present pay of the French Soldier is only 4^. per day ! !
Resolved —
1st. — That this House, having upon many occasions expressed its deter
mination to persevere at all hazards, and every sacrifice, in restoring the
ancient metallic money of the country, and in consequently breaking down
the general prices of property and labour ultimately to the ancient level which
existed prior to the year 1797, it is but just and right that the monetary
burdens of the nation and of individuals should, as far as possible, be reduced
correspondently with this reduction of the monetary means.
2nd. — That with this object, this House will shortly proceed to enquire in
what degree the salaries of the Ministers and Judges, and of other Govern
ment officials, and the pay of the army and navy, have been increased since
the year 1796, and in what degree such expenses of the nation can be
properly, justly, and safely reduced ; and also that this House will shortly
proceed to enquire how far the National Debt, mainly contracted during the
existence of artificial money, can be honestly, justly, and safely reduced, and
how far the mortgages, and other fixed monetary charges attaching to landed
property, can also be honestly and efficiently reduced, so as to render equal
justice to all parties, and prevent the injury and ruin of some classes of the
community, for the unjust and surreptitious aggrandisement of other classes.
3rd, — That seeing how the diminution of the artificial money of the
country tends to diminish the means and the inducements necessary to the
employment of labour, and consequently to throw labour out of employment,
by breaking down remunerating prices, and crippling the means of purchase
among the community, and thus arresting the great processes of production
and consumption throughout the country, this House will shortly proceed to
enquire what measures can be safely and prudently adopted for the purpose
of counteracting this fatal operation, and of securing, as far as practicable, to
all classes of labourers, workmen, and tradesmen, the permanent means of

HE REMOVES TO ALLESLEY. 403
being fully and beneficially employed in the mutual production, distribution,
and consumption of each other's commodities.
Without entering into the question of the justice or ex
pediency of the foregoing resolutions, there is, to my mind,
something very pathetic about this final despairing effort of
Thomas Attwood, which I think must be the last thing he ever
wrote upon public afifairs. Life was over for him, but the one
ruling wish of it was still uppermost in his mind, and that was to
remedy by any means in his power (what he considered to have
been) the cruel and fraudulent wrong committed against the
industrial classes by Peel's Bill of 18 19, In opposing that
measure he had vainly expended the whole strength of his
hfe, and he now entered his farewell protest against it. It
was, indeed, the last feeble stroke of the dying lion.
On the nth of July, 1848, Mr, Attwood removed from
Handsworth to Allesley, where he had taken a pretty, old-
fashioned stone house near to the church. Here the state
of his health compelled him to retire into deeper privacy than
ever. Soon after his arrival Mr, Newdegate visited him, but the
necessity for perfect quiet having been explained I do not think
that any one of note ever called upon him after this. Towards
the end of the year he wrote the following letter of condolence
to his daughter in New Zealand, upon the death of her child : —
Allesley, near Coventry,
13 Deer., 1848.
My very dear Angela,
Your letter of the 22nd August has given me the greatest distress, but I
trust that God Almighty, in His mercy, will comfort and console you under
the heavy affliction which you have sustained. No one is better fitted than
yourself to submit with humble deference to the Divine Judgment upon this
distressing occasion. If the dear Uttle Angel had been left with me, and I
had found myself unable to save her, I think that the sight would have broke
my heart. As it is, I trust in the Divine Mercy that she is gone into a state
of eternal happiness and joy, where no troubles of our transitory life can ever
reach her again.
Her dear littie brother is, I am happy to say, quite well and happy. We
brought him a few days ago from Mr. Noble's school at Worcester, and he
will return there in about six weeks. All the rest of our family are quite well.
Rosabel is coming home from Kent and Hertford, where she has been
staying, and I expect that Bosco will bring her here in about a week and
then take Evelyn back with him,
2 D 2

404 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
Pray give my kindest remembrances to your husband, with most sincere
wishes for his health and happiness, I am concerned to hear that his
brother, the colonel, has been so unweU,
I remain, my dearest Angela,
Your ever affectionate father,
Thomas Attwood.
I do not think that Thomas Attwood can have written many
letters of any sort after this, which is the latest I have found
preserved. Long before I left him his hand shook so much that
he was scarcely able to raise a glass of wine to his lips, and for
several years before his death he was obliged to leave oft"" signing
his cheques. Little remains to be added concerning his subsequent
life. Gradually he became more and more helpless, and the whole
of his duties of every kind devolved upon his wife, who never
left him for an instant. During the first few years of his residence
at Allesley his physical strength remained comparatively unim
paired, and he was able to walk for some distance round the
neighbourhood, where he became very popular amongst the
farmers, a class which he had ever done his utmost to serve.
As a striking instance of his innate conservatism I may mention
that he was strongly opposed to any alienation of the " Lammas "
lands round Coventry, which most persons, even then, were
beginning to regard as a nuisance. Another instance, in which
he was undoubtedly mistaken, was his opposition to the Exhibi
tion of 1 85 1, which he regarded as a new-fangled and foreign
idea of Prince Albert. He was now living upon the road along
which he had passed in triumph on the memorable 28th of May,
1832, when the whole distance of sixteen miles, between Coventry
and Birmingham, was lined with shouting crowds ; but the re
collection of that great day, which would have filled an ordinary
man with pride for the rest of his life, never seems to have
afforded him any particular pleasure ; he was so cruelly mortified
at his failure to cause general prosperity to follow in the wake of
his success. The progress of his complaint was so gradual that it is
difificult to recollect the stages of it. I remember accompanying
him on his last long walk, which was to a place called Eastern
Green, about two-and-a-half miles from Allesley. During the
earlier stages of his illness he was chiefly attended by Mr. Prichard,

HIS LIFE AT ALLESLEY. 405
of Leamington ; but as the malady progressed he paid longer
and longer visits to Umberslade Hall, where he seemed to derive
temporary benefit from the skill of Dr, Edward Johnson, who
then kept a water-cure establishment there. He had inherited
the strong constitution of his family, which would not give way
to- the attacks of disease without an obstinate resistance, and, in
consequence, he suffered severely. Mrs, Attwood informs me
that, during the whole course of his long and trying illness she
never heard him make a complaint, save that once, when informed
(I think by Sir Benjamin Brodie) that his complaint was incurable,
he simply said, " It is early to be prevented from doing any more
good to any one." In the midst of his sufferings he invariably
preserved his kind and courteous address to all, and that exquisite
consideration for others which, in the days of his fame, had justly
rendered him the most popular man in the Midland counties.
His sons were prevented from visiting him frequently by
their business engagements, but Aurelius Attwood always made
a point of spending Christmas with him, cheering the melancholy
household with his genial wit. To these visits I always looked
forward with pleasure, though the festivities consisted only of
roasting oysters upon Christmas Eve and visiting the ringers in
the belfry afterwards. On these occasions also Thomas Attwood
used to repeat, in a grand and solemn voice, some favourite lines
on Christmas, from Hamlet, until he became too feeble to be
asked to do so. Whilst he was lingering on in this deep retire
ment it was his fate to survive several of his near relatives and
more than one of his illustrious opponents. Sir Robert Peel
died on the 2nd of July, 1850, and I remember that I was with
my grandfather when the news arrived. His relations with Peel
had extended over many years, and seem at one time (1825) to
have been of an intimate and confidential nature, though, owintr
to the stiffness and pride of Peel, he seems never to have been on
friendly terms with him. Indeed, whilst doing justice to the
talents and good intentions of Peel, he firmly believed that no
individual had ever inflicted so much misery upon his country,
in spite of advice persistently offered him to the contrary.
Nevertheless he used no bitter expressions, but joined in the

4o6 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
manifestations of regret which were universally exhibited at the
sudden end of the great statesman.
On the nth of November, 185 1, Matthias Attwood died at
his house at Dulwich, the first of the brothers to join the majority.
He was by far the wealthiest, and, next to Thomas, the most
politically famous of the Attwoods, having been one of the last
members for Boroughbridge and the first member for Whitehaven,
His parliamentary career had extended over nearly thirty years,
and though not a brilliant speaker he was always listened to with
attention and respect, as a solid and useful member of the
House, who never spoke on subjects which he did not thoroughly
understand. For many years his relations with his brother had
been of an estranged character ; but whatever reasons his family
may have had to complain of his conduct, it is certain that the
public had none, for his political career had been almost as
disinterested as that of his relative. A consistent Tory by
conviction, he wanted nothing to please the great leaders of
his party but a renunciation of his Currency doctrines ; and
these he never affected to compromise or conceal in the slightest
degree. In defence of them he had fearlessly encountered both
Peel and Huskisson, and, according to Alison, had emerged from
the conflict upon no unequal terms. Possessed of parliamentary
ability, considerable wealth, and great business talents, besides
having much influence in the City, it may be reasonably as
sumed that he could easily have obtained a title had he wished
for one ; but he was as simple and unostentatious in his mode of
life as the rest of his family. He was the chief founder of some
of the most important and successful undertakings in the country,
amongst which may be mentioned the General Steam Navigation
Company, the National Provincial Bank of Ireland, and the
Imperial Continental Gas Association. He is said to have been
the head of no less than seven City Companies, but was chiefly
connected with the Merchant Taylors. He was the trusted friend
and associate of Sir Moses Montefiore, whose signature is ap
pended to the following resolution of condolence sent to his
son : —

DEATH OF MATTHIAS ATTWOOD, M.P. 407
Copy of a Resolution passed at the Meeting of the Board of the Imperial
Continental Gas Association on the i^th Novr., 1851,
" The Presidents and Directors, previously to commencing the business of
the Board, feel it incumbent on them to record their deep regret at the loss
they individually and the Association as a body have sustained by the death
of their highly respected and esteemed President and Chairman, Matthias
Attwood, Esq,
Mr, Attwood in every way entitled himself to be regarded as a friend to
this establishment. He was one of the original founders of it ; during the
period of depression and adversity which succeeded, he patiently and per
severingly adhered to it ; and to his counsel, advice, and exertions may in a
great degree be attributed its subsequent prosperity.
To his affectionate and devoted son, M. Wolverley Attwood, Esq,, the
inheritor of his father's talents, energy, and attainments, the Board beg to
offer their sincerest sympathy, and their earnest hope that he may be sup
ported under the present afflicting dispensation, MosES Montefiore, Cliairma7t."
A similar resolution was passed by the Directors of the
General Steam Navigation Company.
Matthias Attwood was buried in Norwood Cemetery. I have
an oil-painting of him, said to be by Sir Thomas Lawrence,
which used to hang in the dining-room at Dulwich Hill.
Previous to his removal to Dulwich he had resided for many
years at Streatham Manor House.
On the 14th September, 1852, occurred the death of the
great Duke of Wellington, an event which must have excited the
most profound reflections in the mind of Thomas Attwood, for
Wellington had been the most obstinate of all his opponents,
was popularly credited with a desire to disperse the famous
meetings on Newhall Hill by military force, and had even
ordered a warrant to be prepared for the arrest of Attwood,/
Muntz, and Salt, though he shrank from the impending storm of
popular indignation and abstained from putting it into execution.
I do not think that Thomas Attwood was ever much influenced
by pride and vain-glory, those overmastering passions of many
great men ; but if he ever was, it must have been one of his
proudest recollections that he, a simple citizen, had organised a
force which the conqueror of Napoleon was afraid to assail. I
think it may be said, without exaggeration, that Attwood was the

4oS LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
only man who had ever dared the Iron Duke to do his worst, and
that the Duke feared to accept the challenge. At this date it is
interesting to recall the fact that there was a time when the
subject of this memoir was not considered unworthy to contest
the palm of popularity with the Hero of Waterloo. A curious
proof of this is afforded by the circumstance that, in or about
1832, the name of Wellington Street in Birmingham was changed
by acclamation into Attwood Street, though a compromise was
afterwards effected, and the street which once bore these names
now goes by the name of Pershore Street.
I was at school at the time of Wellington's death, but I
remember that Aurelius Attwood went up to London to see his
magnificent funeral on November i8th. In the course of the
year 1852 a correspondence took place between Mr. James
Jafifray, editor of the Birmingham fournal, Mr. T. C. Salt,, and
G. de B. Attwood, respecting the desirability of publishing a
memoir of Thomas Attwood. Mr. Salt urged the project with
afifectionate warmth and earnestness ; but apparently it was never
carried into execution, although it seems that Mr. Jafifray was
willing to defray all the expenses of publication. However,
G, de B. Attwood was thereby induced to write the brief account
of the famous nine days preceding the reinstatement of Earl
Grey which I have inserted in its proper place.
In August, 1853, Algernon, fourth son of Thomas Attwood,
married Emma, only daughter of John Foulkes, of Elwy House,
"Wrexham. I cannot recollect the exact date, but it was in April or May,
1854, that I saw Thomas Attwood for the last time, when I left his
kind and generous roof to go to New Zealand. He was sitting in
the dining-room at Allesley, a mere wreck of his former self, and
scarcely able to shake hands with me at parting. He lived
to see the Crimean War, but was, I imagine, too ill to follow
the course of its operations with interest ; and perhaps it was
well that it was so : for, had he been what he once was, a
victorious war with Russia, followed by an inglorious peace,
without insistancc upon the independence of Poland and
Circassia, would have broken his heart.

DEATHS OF G. AND G. DE B. ATTWOOD.

409

The mantle of his foreign policy, however, had fallen upon
his brother Charles, who strenuously exerted himself at a number
of important meetings, held at Newcastle-on-Tyne, to induce the
population of the North to urge the Government to a vigorous
prosecution of the Russian war.
George Attwood, the eldest of the family, died at Edgbaston
Priory on the 24th May, 1854, in the seventy-seventh year of his
age. He was the only one of the seven sons who had been sent
to college, and, curiously enough, he was the only one of an
ordinary and unintellectual disposition amongst them. Yet, as if
Nature had determined to grant him some compensation, he
bore when at University College the reputation of being the
handsomest man in Oxford of his day. He was intended for
the Church, but deafness prevented him from taking Orders, an
unfortunate circumstance, for all his business speculations were
unsuccessful. On the 24th April, 1855, George de Bosco, the eldest son of
Thomas Attwood, preceded him to the grave, at the early age
of forty-seven, leaving a family of six children. I have already
narrated the stirring events of his early career, but for many
years past feeble health and the cares of a family had compelled
him to devote himself exclusively to his business as Secretary to
the Bank of British North America. That, in this comparatively
humble capacity, he had been as successful in obtaining the
respect and esteem of his Directors as he had once, not un
reasonably, aspired to be in securing the applause of his con
stituents in a more distinguished sphere of action, the following
minute shows : — "Bank of British North America,
7, St. Helen's Place,
London, 26 April, 1855,
"At a Meeting of the Court held this day. Sir Andrew Pellet Green,
K,C,H,, in the Chair it was unanimously resolved to place the following
upon the Minutes, and to transmit a copy of the same to the Branches,
and to aU Banking Establishments in correspondence with this Bank : —
' The Court met as usual on Tuesday, the 24th inst,, and proceeded to
the business of the day ; the Secretaiy had begun to read the Minutes of
the previous Court, when he was most suddenly arrested by the hand of
death. In recording this very solemn and melancholy event, the Court would

410 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
desire to express their deep sympathy with the bereaved family of Mr.
Attwood, and the sincere regard which, collectively and individually, they
entertained towards him.
Mr. Attwood took part in the formation of this Bank, having been one of
the original Committee, and subsequently, on the 21st November, 1836, he
was appointed Secretary.
During a period of nearly 20 years he devoted himself most assiduously
to the duties of the office, exhibiting in their discharge a singular equanimity
of temper, and the most strict truthfulness and integrity.
In his unexpected removal from the midst of them, the Directors feel
that the Institution has been deprived of the services of a valuable officer,
and that they have lost the society of an esteemed personal friend.'
A. P. Green,
Chairman!'
Mn de Bosco Attwood was by no means destitute of poetic
taste. His famous Union Hymn was very popular in 1832, and
has been quoted by Martineau, who, however, gives him no
credit for the authorship. He subsequently printed, for private
circulation only, a pretty piece entitled Musings in the Mo}'?iing
Express Train from Brighton to London, and another on the
Battle of the Alma.
In the later part of the year 1855 Rosabel, younger daughter
of Thomas Attwood, was married at Barming Church, by the
Rev. Henry Demain, to H. W. Demain Saunders, Manager of
the Union Bank of Australia,
The end was now rapidly approaching, and but little remains
to tell. In October, 1855, Thomas Attwood gave up the house
at Allesley and removed to Ellerslie, Great Malvern, where
Dr. Walter Johnson at that time received a small number of
patients, and here, on the 6th of March, 1856, in the seventy-
third year of his age, he terminated his, possibly mistaken, but
singularly patriotic, laborious, and disinterested life.
Let his shortcomings have been what they may, I am per
suaded that a more heroic and unselfish spirit never returned to
its Creator. He attached but little weight to the dogmas of
dififerent creeds, and he abhorred all cant ; but in the most
essential attribute of Christianity — love of one's neighbour 
no professional saint or philanthropist ever surpassed him.
Owing to his liberal opinions, he was at one time accused by
some of the coarser of his political opponents of being an

HIS DEATH. 411
Atheist. Even, however, his famous utterance, " The people
don't want priests and religion, but beef, bread, and beer," which
gave such great offence to the respectable Tories of the time,
may be interpreted so as to satisfy the requirements of modern
Christianity. Pretty good evidence of his real religious sentiments may be
collected from the letters, speeches, and poems inserted in this
book. His Radical politics were, of course, very unacceptable
to the Established clergy of his day, and amongst the few
letters he preserved I can only find one from a clergyman,
and that is a cold and stiff note from Archbishop Vernon
Harcourt. But it is greatly to his credit, and of a piece with
the rest of his character, that he never allowed the behaviour of
the ministers of the Church of England to affect, in the slightest
degree, his faithfulness to the Church herself His patriotic
schemes had been frowned upon by the dignitaries of the
Establishment — they had been welcomed with enthusiasm by
Nonconformists and Roman Catholics ; but he never for a
moment permitted this difference of treatment to influence his
religious opinions. As he had repeatedly promised, he lived
and died a member of the Church of England, and attended her
services regularly as long as his strength permitted. I can well
remember that this was the case at Allesley, although the ascent
from his house to the church was steep and trying for an invalid.
It would be easy to dilate at length upon the beauties of his
character, but I prefer that this should be done by others, in no
way related to him, whose speeches I shall presently quote.
He was buried in Hanley Churchyard, within sight of the
residence of his widow. The Boynes, near Upton-on-Severn. A
plain slab of polished granite, bearing no political allusion, but
simply the dates of his birth and death, marks his grave. In the
days of his fame he had written in an album belonging to
Miss Pearman, of Tennall Hall, the following remarkable
sentence: — "Whenever it shall please Almighty God to call
me to the grave the greatest compliment which my friends
can pay me will be to inscribe upon my tomb, ' Here Lies

412 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
THE Founder of Political Unions.' But this was written
in the flush of success, when he had hoped to restore prosperity
to his country by means of Political Unions, and I do not know
that he retained the wish in his later years.
He died in almost Spartan poverty. The silver cup pre
sented by 20,000 workmen of Birmingham, the gold chain and
medal presented by the Birmingham Political Union, the gold
box presented by the Corporation of London, and his old house
in the Crescent, which realised only about ;^8oo, were all the
property left by him who had been for a time the most
powerful man in the kingdom, whose word had made and
unmade Ministries.
The following leading article upon his death appeared in the
ii'm^/w^/ia^w/ijz^rw^/or some other newspaper of similar politics: —
" It would seem difificult for any Englishman, it would seem impossible
for any inhabitant of this town, to hear of the death of Thomas Attwood
without some lively emotion and some serious reflection.
An eminent man has passed from among us : a singularly pure and
disinterested patriot has been withdrawn : a leader of the people has
departed — the leader of the people when its life was most vigorous and
intense, and when its power was most mightily manifested — the chief
representative and foremost man of the English nation during the most
stormy, the most interesting, and the most momentous period of recent
EngUsh history — the founder and leader of the PoUtical Union — the hero
of the Reform Bill — the most potent wielder of English democracy that has
appeared in these latter days.
In such a man all England has an interest ; his departure must arrest for
a moment the attention of every earnest and thoughtful Englishman. But
far deeper is the impression which it must produce upon the inhabitants of
this town, when they reflect that this eminent Englishman was a citizen of
Birmingham, that this leader of the people of England was originally and
conspicuously the leader of the people of Birmingham, that Thomas Attwood
was more especially their own Attwood, that the PoUtical Union was a
society belonging to this place, that the hero of the Reform Bill was their
own particular hero, that it was from Birmingham that Mr. Attwood wielded
the democracy of England, that under his guidance, Birmingham, for the
first and for the last time, marched in the van of England, stood con
spicuously forth in English History, and bore the greatest part in achieving
the greatest poUtical revolution of these latter times.
For a leader of the people, Mr. Attwood possessed many admirable
endowments and remarkable cjualifications, and in many respects towered
above most of those who have attained that distinction. Perhaps his
greatest quality was the purity and disinterestedness of his patriotism ;

HIS DEATH. 4,3
herein he was very seldom equalled and never surpassed. Neither Agis
nor the Gracchi, not the martyr kin- of Sparta, not the martyr brothers of
Rome, exceeded him in unselfish and untainted devotion to the welfare of
tho people. This utter indifference to self-aggrandisement, this entire forget
fulness of his own interests in those of his country, placed him immeasurably
.above O'Connell. This disinterestedness was accompanied and seconded
by a native and inherent magnanimity such as seldom exists in public men.
He was as free from everything small and petty as from eveiything sordid ;
and his benevolence fully came up to his magnanimity. There never breathed
a man more tenderly sensible to human suffering, and more earnest and
ready to relieve it. All these qualities were heightened and deepened by
an intense fervour, which imprcynated his whole nature, and gave him a
ready access to the popular heart.
These qualities pei-vaded his deeds and his words. As a speal^er, he
was earnest, forcible, fervid, impressive, and sometimes solemn and magni
ficent. He was a born poet ; in him the imagination was strongly developed,
imparted potency and impressiveness to his oratoiy, and lent it even an
occasional grandeur. The faults and excellencies of his oratory were pretty
exactly the faults and excellencies of his character — excellencies very precious
in the eyes of the people, but in very small esteem with Parliament — faults
which help to win the favour of a great popular assembly, but of which the
House of Commons is speciaUy intolerant.
He entered the House of Commons in December, 1832, the hero of the
Reform Bill, the most popular and powerful man in England ; he retired
from Parliament in 1S39, weary and disappointed. His Parliamentary
failure may have been somewhat owing to excessive vehemence of manner,
and unrestrained violence of expression, and to his incessant and not always
seasonable or skilful advocacy of his monetary views. But it was still more
emphatically owing to the nobleness of his nature, to the disinterestedness
of his patriotism, to his intense abhorrence of party selfishness, to his utter
disdain for mere party interests, to his entire incapacity for, and hearty
detestation of, the not very exalted manoeuvres, and the not very creditable
intrigues of which too much of parliamentaiy life is made up.
He outlived his position ; he outlived in some sense his popularity ; but
he never outlived the affection and admiration of the followers whom he had
inspired, and the people he had led. He will be gratefully remembered by
his countiymen. He was by no means free from faults and infirmities. But
where through all histoiy shall we find a popular leader more disinterested,
more magnanimous, and more benevolent ? He can hardly be called a great
statesman, nor was he perhaps a successful politician, as party counts success.
But he was an illustrious patriot, a great tribune of the people, and in the
highest sense of the phrase he was an eminently successful politician. He
was the hero of the Reform Bill, the leader in the greatest revolution in these
latter days, and that a peaceable revolution. He did a great work, and the
work of his hands has been established. He will abide in the grateful
remembrance of his countrymen, and will occupy no petty place in EngUsh
history."

414 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
These lines were written by Mrs. Attwood, March 6th,
1856:— "Love strong in death : — The voice was faint and low,
' Not better, never better more, dear wife,
God's will is mine, willing to stay or go.
Kiss me, again, now kiss me.' So from Ufe
Passed unto God a man of antique mould,
Stainless and incorruptible, whom power
Left poor, and strife left loving ; for the old
Heroic virtue was his shield, and dower
The sense of duty : there was wrong to right.
And he must right it if he could or die ;
And so he toiled and won that hard-fought fight.
And having won it, laid down silently
All power and fame, and with clean hands and heart
Lived patiently and bore with manly pride
The quick forgetfulness that is a part
Of the mere popular breath soon blown aside.
Years passed, and slowly, gently, God's good hand
Fell, parting him from all of active life.
From all of good or work he hoped or planned.
From patriot schemes and the world's stirring strife —
A memory to his friends, a treasure past
All price to one, till when his hour was come.
And the great loving heart was cold at last.
In a March morn's grey dawning summoned home.
He, who unflinchingly had borne and done
His life's toil, died. The March sun with red ray
Rose not for him, on tear-dimmed eyes it shone —
His was the dawn of Heaven's eternal day."

CHAPTER XXV,
A Tory account of Attwood's political career— Meeting at the Town Hall,
Birmingham, to honour his memory— Testimonies of Messrs. Muntz,
Spooner, Edmonds, Dawson, Hill, and others to his great services — The
committee determine to erect a statue in his honour — Inauguration of the
Attwood statue — Conclusion.
Shortly before Thomas Attwood's death the following article
appeared in the Morning Herald of January 22nd, 1856, and I
think it is worth while to reprint it as it gives an account of
Attwood's political career from a Tory point of view, and also
throws considerable light upon his Currency doctrines. It is
curious to note that the writer persisted in believing that
Attwood had been a Tory at the commencement of his public
life. " Birmingham has vindicated its previous character for determined resist
ance to the pernicious monetary legislation of the late Sir Robert Peek
Those who have paid attention to this question will recall to mind the
part taken through many years by Mr. Thomas Attwood, and his partner
Mr. Spooner, the present member for North Warwickshire.
Mr. Attwood, who through all his former life had ranked as a Tory,
became so indignant with those of his party who adhered to the monetary
crotchets of the buUionists, carried out, unhappily, by Sir Robert Peel, that he
raised the cry of Reform in Parliament, mainly, as he was accustomed to avow,
for the purpose of obtaining a House of Commons so independent of the former
ruling parties — Tory or Whig — that a fair consideration might be obtained
for this most influential of social questions, in its bearing upon the material
comfort of the industrial classes.
The Whigs had seized upon this lamentable instance of departure from
the political consistency of Toryism, and in every way strengthened the
hands of an opponent who was so clearly playing their game ; for if the
Tories had been more remarkable for one line of policy than another, it was
for their readiness to provide a sufficiency of the instruments of commercial
interchange, and to encourage the ' live and let live ' principle. Well might
Mr. Attwood turn aside with disappointment when he found the rising leader
of the party to which he had long adhered, throw himself into the meshes of
the buUion committee of 18 10, originating, as it too evidently did, in the
political purpose of staying the progress of the war, by forcing upon the

41 6 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
Government a premature return to cash payments, in the midst of our large
subsidies and growing taxation, direct and indirect.
The late Sir Robert Peel, on his return from the Chief Secretaryship in
Ireland, as arising public man, became chairman of the Commons' committee
on Currency in 1819, from which his well-known legislation proceeded. The
late Mr. Matthias Attwood, in his place in Parliament, was unceasing in
powerfully as truthfully denouncing this impracticable Bill on all occasions of
public pressure which occurred between 1820 and 1826 — a course in which he
was subsequently and materially aided by Mr, Cayley, the talented member
for the North Riding of Yorkshire ; while Mr. Thomas Attwood as strenuously
applied himself in Birmingham to the same end. Baffled, however, in his
more ordinary means of influence, he at length formed the notorious Political
Union and its extensive ramifications ; and by the extraordinary influence he
thus acquired over the many, worked out that great and hazardous change
which was said to carry him and his more Radical colleague, Mr. Scholefield,
into the House of Commons on the shoulders of the people. This revolution
in our social system, whether for good or for evil, soon taught this popular
favourite how futile are all human calculations.
Mr, Attwood very early found, to his sorrow, that the increased demo
cratic element infused into the State had more securely forged the metallic
fetters of monetary legislation than before.
Not because the mass of the people approved the legislative errors which
their leader denounced, but because the new members returned to the
Reformed Parliament gave almost implicit confidence to the late Sir Robert
Peel as the paramount authority on the subject. The members of Earl
Grey's Administration having smiled upon the Reform movement were not
very likely to concede a question so peculiarly their own as buUionism. The
Government used the power obtained by the Reform BiU movement as a
means of consolidating their sectional influence, and made it the basis of
corporate and other so-called reforms, which were so arranged as to procure
them for years to come the political suffrages of the operative classes.
Mr. T. Attwood became so fully convinced of the abortion of his personal
efforts to stem the torrent that he retired from Parliament in disappoint
ment and disgust, that his benevolent though misdirected efforts had been
unavailing, , "
During the twelve years of Thomas Attwood's illness an
uneasy feeling seems on several occasions to have pervaded the
minds of his friends that it was anything but creditable to the
Liberal party that the town of Birmingham should have
remained so long without any public monument in his honour,
but no practical steps were taken towards providing funds to
erect one. When, however, the news reached the town that
their beloved old member was actually dead, a considerable
number of the inhabitants at once awoke to the fact that ereat

ATTWOOD MEMORIAL. 417
disgrace would be reflected upon the public spirit of the Mid
lands should they suffer to pass away unhonoured one who had
done, and sacrificed so much for them.
Accordingly a public meeting was convened on the 21st
April, 1856. I subjoin the following slightly abridged report
from the Binningham Mercury of April 22nd, 1856.
"ATTWOOD MEMORIAL.
An enthusiastic meeting of the inhabitants of Birmingham was held in
the Town HaU yesterday at noon, ' To determine the manner in which this
town will pay its debt of honour and gratitude to our late illustrious towns
man, Thomas Attwood,' About 3,000 people were present. The Mayor
presided, and there were also present on the platform— G. F. Muntz, Esq.,
M.P. ; William Scholefield, Esq., M.P. ; Aldermen Cutler, Muntz, Baldwin,
and Hawkes; CounciUors Walker, Truman, Holland, Pollard, Stinton, Hicks,
Aspinall, Turner, Norman, Goode, Boyce, Smith, J. Lloyd and Jackson ; the
Rev. P. Sibree, and Messrs, T. C, Sah, W. Mathews, George Dawson, J.
Webster, J. Betts, TyndaU, Allen, Downing, Fielding, E. Taunton, T. Aston,
G. A, Ashford, Maber, Biggs, J, A. Lander, J HaU, C. Perry, T. Griffin, J.
Green, H. Jenkins, L. Watkins, Hobley, W. R. Lloyd, W. Taunton, T. Stain-
bridge, and M. Green.
The working classes mustered in good numbers, and many of the members
of the old Birmingham PoUtical Union displayed the medal of the association
on their breasts.
The Mayor commenced the business by reading several letters of apology
for non-attendance from several gentlemen. Richard Spooner, Esq., M.P.,
regretted it was out of his power to attend the meeting to pay respect to his
friend, the late much lamented and greatly esteemed Thomas Attwood, as a
most important question relative to education was coming on for discussion
on Monday evening, from which he could not absent himself He observed
that though he differed from Mr. Attwood on most important political
subjects, that difference never for a moment interrupted their friendship,
and he was convinced that a more honest politician never existed. (Cheers.)
The benefit of all classes, but chiefly the industrious classes, was the great
object he ever kept in view — (Hear, hear) ; — his sole aim was to promote the
welfare of the country ; the only reward he claimed was the approval of his
fellow-countrymen, and the consciousness that he had done his duty. Mr.
Spooner concluded by expressing the pleasure he should feel to join in any
testimonial the meeting might agree to. (Cheers.) The next letter was from
Matthew Davenport Hill, Esq., the Recorder, who bore testimony to the
invaluable public services of his departed friend Mr. Attwood, and said he
laboured not merely for his town but for his country. His fame was recorded
for ever in the history of England, and required no other monument ; but it
behoved them to show to the world they would not suffer their great and
good townsman to pass away from amongst them without bearing witness
2 E

4i8 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
by some memorial that they were not insensible to his talents and his virtues.
The Mayor said he had also received letters apologising for non-attendance
from Thomas Thornley, Esq,, M,P,, and the Mayors of Wolverhampton and
Walsall, Since he had been in the committee room of the Town HaU that
morning a deputation had waited upon him from the United Brothers Society,
by whom he had been requested to read to the meeting this letter: —
' Golden Eagle Inn, Swallow St.
' Dear Sir, — It is the intention of the Order of United Brothers to assist
as far as possible the objects of your meeting. Deputations from three
Lodges have been appointed to organise a subscription amongst all the
members of this association. Yours obediently,
W. Mills.'
(Cheers.) Having informed them of the communications he had received, he felt it
incumbent upon him to make a few remarks concerning the various reasons
which had led him as the chief magistrate of that town to call a public
meeting of the townsmen of the late Mr. Attwood, Shortly after the great
man's death, gentlemen of various political creeds suggested to him that
some mark of respect was due to so eminent and good a man, (Hear and
cheers,) He thought it his duty, therefore, to convene a meeting of influen
tial inhabitants by circular. The result was that it was deemed advisable to
take the opinion of Mr, Attwood's fellow-townsmen as to what should be
done in respect to his memory, (Hear, hear.) Their meeting that day
proved that though dead he was not forgotten. (Cheers.) He (the Mayor)
was no orator, but he could sincerely express his conviction that if ever an
honest man lived, that man was their lamented townsman. (Cheers,) He
was glad to see so many of the working classes there to-day, for they more
than all others owed a debt of gratitude to Thomas Attwood they could never
repay. Trace back twenty-five years ago, see how incessantly he laboured
for the working classes, and recall to mind what he gained for them by his
patriotic exertions, (Hear, hear,) Other gentlemen on the platform knew
Mr. Attwood more intimately than he did, whom he would call upon to
address the meeting, after venturing to hope that he had not departed from
propriety as Mayor of this borough in convening that assembly, assuring them
that political feeling had not swayed him in the matter, for if Mr, Attwood
had entertained opinions diverse to those he advocated, he should stUl have
felt it his duty to do all that lay in his power in recognition of a great and
good man's character. (Cheers),
G. F. Muntz, Esq., M,P,, rose to move the first resolution, which with the
others will be found in our advertising columns. He was greeted with loud
and long-continued applause, on the subsidence of which he said that many
of those present, and he could wish they were a larger number, must recol
lect Thomas Attwood in what he called his glory ; and they must also
recollect that their departed friend and himself worked cordially together.
(Cheers,) It had been said most justly by the Mayor and Mr, Spooner,
that Mr. Attwood was essentially an honest man. He could subscribe to
that most heartily. He never heard him express an opinion of any sort

SPEECH OF G. F. MUNTZ, M.P.

419

or kind which was not thoroughly honest, and never heard him advance
anything political which was not entirely and immediately connected with
the people at large, (Hear, hear,) He always used to say, ' My dear fellow,
it is the people, the working men, who ought to be cared for ; we can take
care of ourselves, they cannot help themselves, they are trampled upon in all
ways, and when they cannot get their regular wages they cannot get bread, beef,
or beer, or anything necessary for their comfort and happiness. No man knows
better than you know that a single week's wages lost to the working man,
and all his own and his wife's and chUdren's comfort and happiness are lost
also.' His object was to see every working man — industrious, sober, and
honest, for he always made that exception — his object was to see every such
working man at all times in such a position that, instead of having to run after
masters, masters should run after him, and that he should earn more than
was required for the immediate wants of his household. He laboured hard
to accomplish those ends. What he did for the country was perhaps more
than many estimated ; but what he would have done if he had had the power
was infinitely greater still. (Cheers.) They had had, since his labours, times
of prosperity and adversity, but a large portion of the adversity had been
relieved by his exertions, as compared with what existed previously. If
Thomas Attwood had carried out his will, the honest and industrious would
now be in a position to more than support themselves and families. That
being the case, should they not recollect their duty towards such a man ? and
should they not try to mark that recollection in some substantial way, in
order to encourage other men to be faithful to their interests, and to exert
themselves in their cause ? If the rising generation saw that after all Thomas
Attwood had done for his fellow-countrymen they neglected to substantially
evince their reverence for his memory, there would be no very great induce
ment for a man to imitate his laudable career. Mr, Attwood had no private
interest to benefit, no personal triumphs to achieve, nothing to look for and
work for but the good of the people at large, (Hear, hear, and cheers,) He
was indefatigable, zealous, painstaking, and eminently wise. With some
parties he got into discredit, but what man besides a fool or a rogue would
be on good terms with everybody? (Hear, hear,) To gain all persons'
expressed goodwill a man must connive at the rogue's rascality, and laugh
at the fool's foolery, (Hear, hear.) Mr. Attwood would not brook either
roguery or foolery, and therefore sustained considerable ill-usage. By the
people at large he was, however, beloved, and lived in their hearts still.
(Hear, hear.) Although some few around him recollected their lamented
townsman in his glorious days, still there were many present who knew him
only by report. When a man's good character was reported by the working
people of any country they might depend upon its correctness. Working
men remembered only the character of men who had been faithful towards
them ; and those who did not know Thomas Attwood but by what they heard
of him might take the working man's warranty that all the statements were
true of him which were made by men who had the gratification of knowing
such a man, and loving his many estimable quaUties, (Applause.) He had
never seen such a worthy man during his connection with public life — a period
of forty years, 2 E 2

420 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
W. Mathews, Esq., seconded the resolution. He declared his ardent
admiration for the noble simplicity and intelligence displayed by Mr. Attwood
throughout his political career. It would be unwise and injudicious on his
part to detain them by any selfish retrospect of private regard, however much
his desire might lead him to that line of argument, because it was not in the
indulgence of this retrospection that he should forward the object of to-day.
Public men were pubUc property, and if there was anything inconsistent in
their public acts, it was not by allusions to their private life he could claim
their sympathy and attention. He should therefore stand before them simply
as an admirer of Thomas Attwood in his political capacity, and should en
deavour to appreciate him in his public career, to criticise his public acts,
and to see how far he was justified in recommending any claim upon them to
acknowledge those public acts by some public testimony of his services. He
was quite aware that in addressing himself to this topic he laboured under
some disadvantage. He was an older man than many assembled there, and
was addressing men who only knew Mr. Attwood by reputation, who were
boys when his political career was in active usefulness. Their recollection of
his grand exertions could hardly be so active as that of those who acted with
him ; but yet he very well knew that the men of Birmingham were generous
sympathisers with all disinterested exertions in their favour ; and he had no
apprehension of any shortcoming on their part to bear testimony to a man
who had no shortcomings in his public life, (Applause.) He knew their
venerated townsman for more than forty years, his acquaintance having
begun with him when a boy. He looked to him as his senior in years and
very much his senior in wisdom ; and his admiration for him never ceased
from their earliest intimacy till his death, (Hear, hear,) There was a
dignity, a straightforwardness, a noble simplicity of patriotism about him he
never saw manifested by any public man, (Loud cheers.) A double object
was a matter he could not comprehend. He had but one object in view — the
pubhc good in general, and the good of Birmingham men in particular,
(Applause.) His public career began at twenty-one years of age, and he
filled the post of chief officer of this town soon after attaining his majority.
With untiring, unwearied vigilance — without hope of reward — without fear of
enmity — without affection for mortal man, except for the public good — did
Thomas Attwood pursue the object of his heart, (Cheers,) All present who
were associated with the deceased patriot during his long political career
would bear him out that the statement he had just made was in nowise
exaggerated, (Hear, hear,) He would not weary them with details, but go
on to say that Mr. Attwood continued so to act till at last he, like many other
wise men in this country, found that the House of Commons was perfectly
unfitted for the Constitution, and perfectly unqualified in all respects to attend
to the public good. Therefore a reformed ParUament became absolutely
necessary for the welfare of the country. Nothing would more emphatically
prove how well he organised Birmingham to carry out this great object than
the fact that by the efforts of Birmingham alone was this great measure
carried ; and that but few Birmingham and Birmingham men they might
have been without a Reform Bill tiU this moment. (Loud cheers.) He held
long consultations with their dead friend concerning the formation of this

SPEECH OF W. MATHEWS. 421
movement. Mr. Attwood organised the Political Union, directed its moral
force, controUed its vehemence, checked its immoderate impulses, and
through its means carried triumphantly the object it was founded to obtain,
(Cheers.) In this great work he had most unmistakably the support of
Birmingham men. When danger became great— when the Whigs wanted
to get into power, and found that they could not obtain power without some
pressure from without, they joined the PoUtical Union, (Hear, and laughter.)
They ought never to have left it. (Hear, hear.) When the hour of danger
was over, and they saw an easy entrance before them into political life
without the instrumentaUty of those great powers which had placed them
where they were, the Whigs then left the Political Union, and from that time
to this he had never ceased to hate the Whigs. (Loud cheers.) They
reaped the harvest others had sowed, and denied the labourers their well-
deserved reward. (Applause.) When the Reform Bill was carried came
the temptation. Mr, Attwood was then at the zenith of poUtical power, and
in the height of his popularity. He (Mr. Mathews) saw letters from twenty
towns in England lying on the patriot's table, offering to return him as their
member to Parliament. He might have gone to Parliament with a fame
superior to O'Connell's ; and if he had consented to truckle to the Whigs,
there was no position he coiUd not have obtained. (Loud applause.) He
was true to his nature, true to his trust, and true to his destiny. (Prolonged
cheering.) He worked in the House of Commons with the same diligence
he had worked when out of it ; but found his exertions less effectual than
before. His health began to give way ; and at the earnest entreaty of his
family he retired from his public post, with the consciousness that he could
do no more for the public good than he had done. His honourable friend
Mr, Muntz succeeded him, and he had proved a worthy successor — (applause)
— and one who, he trusted, lived in their esteem, and would ever continue
to live there. (Loud cheers.) It was not for him to tell the men of Birming
ham the form their commemoration of their eminent dead townsman should
take. He was convinced Birmingham men would do justice to his memoi'y.
Whatever might be the nature of the testimonial — a statue, a monument, or
an institution — he was convinced it would be paid for, (Applause,) If, as it
was said, the spirits of the departed honoured those localities they most
loved, sure he was that the shadow of their venerated friend was at that
moment contemplating with a listening ear and a grateful heart the demon
stration being made in his favour ; — (Hear) — and sure he was that the testi
mony which that large meeting had evinced would be to him a more fitting
requiem than any other sounds of praise, inasmuch as the assemblage was
congregated in that noble building — a fitting temple — where so many of his
poUtical triumphs were displayed, and so frequently his political exhortations
were made to the people of Birmingham. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. George Edmonds, on presenting himself to support the resolution,
was greatly cheered. He craved their indulgence in consequence of Ulness,
and said he could not absent himself on such an occasion. He had been
closely connected in personal friendship with the late Thomas Attwood since
the month of February, 1817, when the first great meeting was held on Newhall
Hill on the subject of Reform, They were met in that hall, it was said, to

422 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
pay a debt. If it had been a debt upon simple contract, they might have
pleaded the statute a great many years ago, (Laughter.) If it had been a debt
under seal, more than twenty years had elapsed since the debt was proved,
and moreover the creditor was dead, (Hear, hear,) He really did not wish
to cast reflections upon the people of Birmingham, because he must bear a
part in them, perhaps, for allowing this patriot to die without having at least
paid him some poundage on his debt before he departed, (Hear, hear.) Well,
then, let them endeavour to wipe out any stain that might attach to them for
their cold-heartedness and neglect. He could tell them that Mr. Attwood,
whether considered privately or publicly, was a man to be beloved by all who
knew him, in whose hearts he remained embalmed with all the sweetness
that could fall upon a disposition possessing quaUties most noble, and at the
same time most amiable and condescending, (Cheers.) No man so markedly
combined what was called the suaviter hi modo with the fortiter in re, as
Thomas Attwood. He was unflinching in his purpose, but in the manner in
which he prosecuted his great cause, he contrived to seduce every heart into
compliance with his wise arrangements. (Cheers.) He might be suffered to
draw their attention to one simple object which their revered friend accom
plished. He was a purely historical being to most of those present, nearly
a quarter of a century having elapsed since his labours ; but it was not too
late to ask what were their obligations to this great man. He would tell
them that, if in this century they were to judge of a man by the effects
of his conduct, no man existed more entitled to their gratitude in a high
degree than Thomas Attwood. (Cheers.) It was by the power of his character,
the wisdom of his arrangement, that that great measure the Reform Bill was
passed. Mr. Attwood was the primum mobile who led on and succeeded in
that grand object. By the passing of that Act, 56 rotten boroughs were sent
down to the infernal regions at one blow, (Hear, cheers and laughter.) Those
56 rotten boroughs sent twice that number of rotten members to the House
of Commons. (Hear, hear.) In the very height of enthusiastic feeling, when
he first started in politics, he never dreamt of such a great benefit as that.
He should have been thankful to accept the enfranchisement of Birmingham,
Manchester, and a few great towns, as a wonderful thing coming from the
Tories of that day. What else was produced by that Bill ? — 32 other boroughs,
that had some population, but were merely in the hands of individual aristo
crats, who sent their servants to Parliament, and who ought to have sent them
in livery — (Hear, hear) — 32 of those by that BiU were sent to follow the others
in the downward road. (Cheers and laughter,) In addition (though there was
a difference of opinion as to the manner in which the benefit was conferred)
65 new members were given to the counties at large. That he conceived to be
an important benefit, notwithstanding objections, because it brought a great
number of persons to bear upon the politics and proceedings of the House
of Commons, (Hear, hear). Lastly, there came the creation of 42 new
boroughs, consisting of the great towns of the empire, and applying to a
population of about 2J milUons, 800,000 electors. This was accomplished
by the simple Act which Thomas Attwood was the great instrument of
passing. (Loud cheers.)
(Mr, Edmonds then proceeded to narrate the history of the Reform Bill,

SPEECH OF GEORGE DA WSON M.P.

423

and of the perils to which Mr. Attwood had been exposed, at considerable
length, and concluded by appealing to the meeting to exhibit heartily their
appreciation of his services.)
Mr. George Dawson next came forward. He observed that there was a
reason probably why they would hardly expect him to take part in the meet
ing, yet he thought that was the very reason why he should. He never had the
pleasure of seeing Mr. Attwood, who was politically dead before he came to
Birmingham. He counted himself happy to have come to the town in which
that man lived— (cheers) ; — and he also counted himself happy to have con
tinued the spirit of the work in which that man laboured. When Mr. Attwood
was in his glory he was a schoolboy shut up in a schoolroom surrounded by tall
London walls. As the tide of the sea found its way into the smallest creeks, so
did Mr. Attwood's name find its way into his schoolroom. The scholars took
sides ; and he was glad to say he joined the Liberal party. There were Con
servatives among them. They were gentlemen's sons, and he and his party
were snobs. (Laughter and cheers.) One or two sharp battles were fought, and
he was deUghted to inform them it was then, as it ever should be to the end of
the world, the Liberal party conquered and their opponents ran away. (Cheers
and laughter.) Now for the very reason that he never saw the man it was
befitting that he should join in such a meeting as that. Belonging to another
generation, it was proper he should state their estimate of this great man.
Unlike those who had spoken to-day, he was not led away by personal
considerations for Mr, Attwood. He was one of the few men in this world
who were loved, A man was not loved for doing his duties properly,
washing his face and keeping out of debt, but for large-heartedness, geniality
of manners, kindness to all, forgetfulness of himself, always studying other
people and their interests instead of his own. As far as he could learn,
Mr. Attwood never bored others with himself (Cheers.) He consecrated
himself thoroughly to others. He was loved because he had a large heart,
admired and respected because he had a large brain, and used his large gift
well. (Cheers.) It was difficult to find an opportunity to do honour to a really
just and good man, for sorry he was to say that honours, so thick and plenti
ful in this country, were apt to fall upon the heads of the least worthy people.
(Cheers.) To win honours in this day it was necessary to be incapable, fit
only to make a muddle, to land England in the mire, and to lower her fame.
(Loud cheers.) It was some pleasure to pay tribute to a real Englishman like
Mr. Attwood. He was like the old Roman who left his garden to save
his countiy, and when his country was saved went back to his garden.
Thomas Attwood was a thoroughly honest man, a fearless man, a wise man,
a brave man. He helped the people to get liberty, and saved them from
anarchy. It seemed to him that God was not well pleased with England at
this time. He formerly gave us great men by the score ; now He hardly
provided us with one. What was now to be done ? Great generals were
scarce, great admirals not known, great statesmen few indeed. House of
Peers deadly. House of Commons only lively and excitable when it has a bit
of Sabbath-mongering or Maynoothing — (cheers and laughters) ; — but if it is a
question of continuing the work of Thomas Attwood, the House of Commons,
like a beaten horse at a race, is nowhere at all, (Laughter and cheers,) Mr,

424 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
Dawson went on to say that there was no great Englishman at the present
day, that he revered Thomas Attwood because he was the last great English
man who had been given us, and bore tribute to his manifold virtues and
excellencies. Mr. J. Betts briefly supported the motion, which, like aU the others, was
carried with acclamation,
Mr. T. C, Salt observed that no man ever lived a life of purer devotion
to the cause of the people than had done Thomas Attwood, ("Cheers), He
had retired with their blessing, though not on their tongues, yet lying warmly
on their hearts. Justice had not been done to his great merits — he had not
secured the recognition which was his due during his lifetime. The people
whom he had done so much to serve, almost seemed to have forgotten him ;
and now, instead of lying among Birmingham people, who at heart loved him
so much, he lay beneath the turf of a hallowed, but, as yet, unhonoured
grave, in a remote country churchyard. He (Mr. Salt) desired to recall to
their mind some of the glories of the memorable Reform era, and he could
not do that better than by bringing before them a few extracts from the
speeches of the man whom they had that day met to honour, (Cheers,) He
would, in the first instance, read to them the noble declarations with wdiich Mr.
Attwood had opened and closed the career of the Political Union, He had
addressed the people of Birmingham at the commencement of the Union in
these terms : — ' It may be thought that because I come forward now, I shall
be ready, come weal, come woe, to lead you through the dark and dreary
scenes which are approaching. As far as the law will justify me, I will go
with you. When I say I will go with you as far as the law will allow, I
declare to you most solemnly that I will not go one inch further. I know
that a great crisis is approaching, I will do all I can to avoid that crisis.
But if this nation is ordained to go through the ordeal of political con
vulsions, I will not interfere, except legally and peacefully, I wish you to
bear this in mind ; when those dreadful circumstances arise, you will come to
me and say, " Lead us," My friends, I will not lead you. I will go with you
as far as the law will justify me, but if the elements of peace, law, and order
are disorganised, I will go with you no further,' (Loud cheering,) 'Phis had
been Mr. Attwood's warning. The result had been one of the most glorious
in the history of any country. At the close of the Political Union, in August,
1832, Mr. Attwood had used these words : — 'Other nations ha\'e achieved
great and glorious revolutions by the sacrifice of their best blood. It has
been left to England to effect a real revolution, more glorious than any
recorded in the history of nations, by the moral power of public opinion, by
the force of peaceful and legal exertions, without the shedding of one drop of
blood, without one single circumstance arising which either the patriot, the
philosopher, or the Christian can regret,' He had led them through all
these trials and dangers to a triumph not stained by one crime. (Loud
applause.) , In reference to the memorial, he (Mr. Salt) thought it
should harmonise with the life and character of the man, A statue, a mere
tribute to the vanUy of an individual, would not harmonise with his life. The
memorial must be something which would tend to the benefit of the people.
A park for the people would do most honour to Attwood — (applause) ; — or, if not

SPEECH OF W. SCHOLEFIELD, M.P. 425
a park, it should be something of a charitable nature — something to relieve dis
tress, or increase the comforts and happiness of the working classes, (Cheers,)
A memorial of this sort no doubt pre-supposed a large subscription, A large
subscription they ought to have, (Hear, hear.) There must be subscriptions
from other places besides Birmingham ; for Attwood had been the benefactor
of the whole nation, and Birmingham was not the whole nation. (Applause.)
Mr. Salt concluded by moving the appointment of a committee for the
purpose of receiving subscriptions, and of deciding on the character of the
memorial. W, Scholefield, Esq., M.P., who was received with loud applause, came
forward to second the resolution. He remarked that the life of Attwood had
been, as they were well aware, one continued series of acts of devotion to
his countiy ; but the crowning act of his Ufe had been that connected with
the great struggle for Reform, (Cheers,) He (Mr, Scholefield) had not then
been of age to mix in poUtical matters ; and, like many present, had not
an intimate practical acquaintance with that particular season of his life.
Happily, however, for them, Attwood had risen to the dignity of a his
torical person, and it was to history that they should refer for a knowledge
of those noble deeds which had immortalised his name, (Loud cheers.)
The people had at last been aroused to what it had been conceived was a
great imperfection in the representative system of this country. They had
cried aloud for Reform, and that Reform had been refused. For once, the
customary prudence of the aristocracy of this country had failed them, and
they had forgotten what was due to those over whom they were placed.
Attwood, however, had told them what was necessary to save both the
people and the aristocracy from the coming anarchy. He had raised the
banner of Reform, but with it also the banner of the Constitution, He had
determined to save King, Lords and Commons. He had raised the 'oattlc
cry ; but his battle cry had not been Uke some of which they had heard on
the Continent — his battle cry had not been war to the knife, but ' Peace, Law,
and Order.' (Cheers.) These had been his memorable words — words too
often forgotten in this country from that day to this. The town of Birming
ham had taken a leading part in the agitation. There had been some truth
in the remark of his friend Mr. Mathews ; but he (Mr, Scholefield) could
not attribute to Birmingham the entire glory of passing the Reform Bill.
He would, however, say that without Birmingham the Reform Bill would not
have been secured, and Birmingham would not have had its share in obtain
ing that Reform Bill had it not been for Attwood. (Cheers,) It was to
Attwood, mainly, that the honour belonged of achieving the success on which
they now congratulated themselves, and if, at the moment of achieving that
success, the question had been raised of honouring Attwood, there was not
a district but would have sent in its thousands, (Cheers,) For a time his
great merits had been lost sight of, and he (Mr Scholefield) must say that
he shared with his fellow-townsmen and fellow-countrymen at large in the
feeling of shame which belonged to them for not recognising Mr. Attwood's
great claims. But that time was now past, and they could only take shame
to themselves that they had not acted as became them. His lamented death
had now revived the sleeping love of his countrymen ; the Mayor had, to his

426 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
honour, taken a prominent part in calling upon them to redeem, to some
extent, the lost time, and it was to be hoped they would now do their duty.
(Cheers.) He hoped that this town would come forward freely and liberally
with its contributions, (Cheers,) Although it was customary to call the
people fickle, he knew it was not so. He knew that they were alive to the
claims of true patriotism, great public services, and unspotted private worth
such as were exemplified in the character of their friend Mr. Attwood. (Loud
applause.) Mr, Joseph Webster bore testimony to the great merits of Mr. Attwood.
With respect to his character, he would say that he had never lost a private
friend, and never had a pubhc enemy. (Loud applause.)
Mr. Taunton, of Coventry, had worked with Mr. Attwood in times when
it was dangerous to express Liberal sentiments, and he had come there to do
what he could in rendering justice to the memory of a man who had rendered
services to his country which they could not over-estimate. (Cheers.) The
time, he felt, was fast approaching when they would require the services of
such men as Attwood. There was corruption going on in every department of
the State, and there must soon be a reunion of all the honest men of the com
munity to bring about those changes which were so absolutely necessary to
the weU-being of the people. He caUed on them to afford substantial proof
that they esteemed the memory of such a man as Attwood, and for himself
he would promise to do all in his power in his own locality, (Applause).
Mr. HUl, a working man, said that when the Union was established he
had been but a boy of i6. He had, however, taken a deep interest in its
proceedings, and felt it his duty to do what he could to forward the great and
good objects in view. He remarked that it had not been Mr. Attwood's
fault, or that of any member of the Council, that Reform had not been carried
further. They had been cheated, but the fault had not been Attwood's.
(Applause.) ... It had always been to him a matter of regret that they
had not done their duty to Attwood. He called on them to do it now. He
had done his part. He had cheerfully subscribed his mite, and he hoped
that every man amongst them would do the same, (Cheers.)
Mr. Alderman Baldwin said that although he had never agreed with
Mr, Attwood on money matters, he had respected him as a man thoroughly
sincere at heart. Looking at the man's character, he did not believe that
any one ever had a greater desire to promote the interests of mankind
generally. (Cheers.) When they found a man like Mr. Attwood, whose
friends and relations had been hostile to the cause he had at heart, come out
and work so devotedly for the people, they would be wanting in their duty
if they did not do their utmost to honour his memory. He concurred with
Mr. Salt that the monument should partake of a character which should not
only be a lasting memorial of his worth, but also a benefit to the working
classes. Mr. Alderman Cutler expressed the pride he felt in taking even the
smallest share in the proceedings of that meeting. In speaking of the power
wielded bythe late Mr, Attwood, and the wisdom and discretion he displayed,
he said he challenged history to point out, from the earliest Saxon times
down to the present day, a single instance where a man possessing so much

VARIOUS TESTIMONIES TO HIS SERVICES. 427
power as Thomas Attwood had wielded it with so much honour to himself
and advantage to the nation, (Cheers,) Referring to the method of raising
funds for the memorial, he thought that the various societies of the town
might do much. The working men, he felt assured, would be glad to con
tribute their pence to so worthy an object. (Applause.)
Mr. Mackay expressed in brief terms his high admiration of their departed
benefactor. He felt persuaded the working men would willingly contribute,
and he urged them to do so, for smaU amounts in sufficient numbers would
reach a great sum. (Cheers.)
Mr. Ashmore stated that in the year 1834 or 1835, he had waited on the
late Mr. Attwood at Harborne, when he told him, with tears in his eyes, that
Poland was lost, that Hungary would foUow, and though he were not alive to
see it, the blood of England would be spilt and the treasure of England
expended in a great struggle with Russia. All this had taken place, Mr.
Attwood, however, not anticipating the French alliance, had calculated on a
severer struggle than had occurred. The speaker then related an instance
in which Mr, Attwood had been applied to for the purpose of obtaining a
young man a situation in the Excise, Mr. Attwood had replied that he had
never asked a favour of Government, and should not do so, for it might be
expected that in return he should vote against the liberties of his countrymen.
(Cheers.) The Mayor said he had the gratification of announcing that upwards of
^200 had been subscribed in the hall, (Loud applause,)
G. F, Muntz, Esq,, M,P,, in moving a vote of thanks to the Mayor, took
occasion to make an explanation respecting the connection between Mr.
Attwood and himself He remembered that when Mr, Attwood had retired
from the representation of Birmingham, he (Mr. Muntz) had been charged
with having entered into an arrangement with Mr. Attwood to become his
successor. The fact was, that before any one knew Mr. Attwood was going
to resign, he had written him (Mr, Muntz) a long letter, expressing extreme
disgust at the want of honour and ability in the existing Government, stating
that he felt no good would ever arise from it, that his peace of mind was so
interfered with that he was anxious to retire, and that he knew of no one who
he was so anxious should succeed him as he (Mr, Muntz), He had written
back that he was busily employed, and had no wish to enter Parliament, and
urging Mr. Attwood to reconsider the matter, Mr, Attwood had written to
him again upon the subject, but he had positively declined, and it was only
when he was reminded that he had pledged himself in case of any difficulty
to be at their service, that he had consented. He had thought it only fair to
both of them to make that statement. As to Mr. Attwood making an
arrangement with him, the supposition was out of all character. He
(Mr, Muntz) had not entertained the slightest intention or expectation of
succeeding him. After paying a tribute to the praiseworthy steps taken by
the Mayor in promotion of the movement, Mr. Muntz concluded by proposing
that the thanks of the meeting should be tendered him.
The Mayor briefly acknowledged the compliment, and the meeting dis
persed about three o'clock,"

428 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
I have had much pleasure in transcribing at considerable
length the foregoing speeches ; for, taken together, they constitute
a body of impartial testimony to the merits of Thomas Attwood
such as could with difificulty be collected concerning the vast
majority of public men. But I regret to add that the generous
efforts of the Committee were but ill seconded by the people at
large. When I reflect upon the thousands which are raised
without difificulty for the purpose of doing honour to princes,
dukes, bishops, deans, and other men, who, so far from ever
having done anything for the public gratuitously, have either
spent their whole lives in drawing huge salaries from the public
purse, or have inherited vast ancestral estates,- — when I call to
mind that ;^ 50,000 was subscribed by his friends for Richard
Cobden, — when I think of the enormous sums squandered upon
Albert Memorials, I feel ashamed to record that the Committee
found considerable difficulty in raising the paltry sum of ;^8oo
to perpetuate the memory of Attwood. Such, however, is the
gratitude of the people ! All persons, whatever their politics,
must admit that the aristocracy know better how to reward
their champions. With this sum it was decided to erect a
statue of Thomas Attwood, and the execution of the work was
entrusted to Mr. Thomas, sculptor, and Messrs. Branson and
Gwyther, contractors. The formal inauguration took place on
the 7th June, 1858, with considerable ceremony. The Mayor,
Sir John Ratclifif, followed by the Corporation and a number of
sympathisers, walked in procession from the Town Hall to the
site of the monument in Stephenson Place, New Street. Mr.
Muntz, who had so generously exerted himself to do justice
to the memory of his friend, did not live to take part in
the ceremony, but upon the platform were present George
Edmonds, William Mathews, and Aurelius and Algernon
Attwood. Amongst the ladies assembled at the windows
overlooking the site were Mrs. Attwood and Mrs. William
Mathews. After a few preliminary remarks, the Mayor read
the following address drawn up by the Committee : —

UNVEILING OF HIS STA TUE. 429
To the Mayor, Aldermen, and Burgesses of the Borough of Birmingham.
The committee entrusted with the duty of erecting a memorial of the late
Thomas Attwood, in dedicating it to the public for ever, desire to state the
circumstances under which the work was undertaken, and the spirit in which
it was carried out. There are few politicians of any kind who now deny the
manifold blessings which the Reform Bill of 1832 has conferred on the
country. Under that measure, and mainly by its instrumentality, commerce
has been set free ; penal laws have been modified ; liberty, civil and religious,
has been advanced ; and that freedom of thought and speech to which the
Reform Bill contributed, have made a stiU wider reform in the representation
of the people safe and practicable. To Thomas Attwood the country was
indebted for an agitation, resulting in the Bill which, on this day seven-and-
twenty years ago, received the Royal Assent, and from which these individual
and national blessings have flowed. The party prejudices then prevailing,
the aversion to change, the mistaken and unworthy fear of the people, and the
self-interested opposition which the Bill encountered, roused a spirit of indig
nation throughout the country which was either salutary or dangerous,
according to the direction given to it. The popular faith, which all history
verifies and strengthens, that God raises up men to meet every emergency,
received another confirmation. As Birmingham was the centre of the agita
tion for Reform, so did it furnish the man fitted to control and direct it ;
honest and incorruptible, unselfish in his aims, and genial in his nature, Mr,
Attwood won the confidence and the love of the people. While his stirring
eloquence and his fervent enthusiasm aroused the feelings of the populace,
his calm judgment gave to them a safe and useful direction. At this distance
of time it is impossible to realise the influence which Mr. Attwood exercised.
It is scarcely a figure of speech to affirm that the destiny of his country — at
any rate, the fate of popular freedom — for a time was in his keeping, and all
honour is due to the memory of him whose patriotic and beneficent influence
not only saved the country from anarchy, but speeded the great work of
human freedom and human happiness. As unselfish as he was enthusiastic,
he accepted no honour or reward ; but when his good work was done, he
betook himself to the performance of the ordinary duties of life, leaving the
struggle for office and its fruits to those who care for them. In testimony
of their admiration of so much patriotism, and in the belief that the lesson
which such a life teaches cannot fail to influence the future of many who study
it, a number of the contemporaries of Mr. Attwood, and many who knew him
only by the fame of his good deeds, have erected this statue to his memory.
The memorial so designed, and so admirably executed by the distinguished
sculptor, Mr, Thomas, they now dedicate to the public for ever, as a record
of and a stimulant to pubhc virtue. — Dated this 7th day of June, 1859. —
T. R, T, Hodgson, Chairman ; J. H, Cutler, Deputy-Chairman ; T, AspinaU,
Treasurer ; W, M. Cooper, Secretary. Members of the Executive Committee :
George Edmonds, John Jaffray, W. Mathews, John Betts, S. A. Goddard,
John Webster, WiUiam MiUs, E, Gwyther, T, C, Sah,"
The disrobing of the statue was then commenced, and the

430 LIFE OF THOMAS ATTWOOD.
work received the sanction of the assembled crowd, whose loud
applause showed that they were well satisfied with the memorial.
The royal standard was elevated at the moment when the statue
was uncovered. The Mayor formally accepted the custody of
the statue on behalf of the Corporation of Birmingham, and
after speeches by Mr. George Edmonds and Mr. William
Mathews, the proceedings terminated amidst applause. At
night, thirty or forty gentlemen dined at the Navigation Inn,
Edgbaston, to commemorate the inauguration of the statue.
Mr. J. A. Langford, author of A Century of Birmingham Life,
proposed the toast of the evening, "The Immortal Memory
of Thomas Attwood," and observed that few men were more
worthy of the honour and gratitude of a country than was the
man whose memory they had met to celebrate. He had been
one of the most self-denying and noble patriots who had ever
laboured for his country's welfare, and the work he and his
compeers had accomplished would ever remain a glorious part
of the history of their country.
Considering the comparatively small sum expended on the
Attwood Memorial, the statue has always appeared to me to be
a creditable one, and I should imagine that both sculptor and
contractors must have liberally interpreted the terms of their
undertaking. " The figure is nearly nine feet high, and cut from
a fine block of Sicilian marble. The base is of freestone, and
the shaft of grey granite, the height of the whole being twenty-
two feet. Mr. Attwood is represented in the act of addressing
a meeting. The very posture of the outstretched arm shows
that his eloquence was not of the fiery inflammatory kind ; even
the hand conveys the idea that he is appealing to reason rather
than passion. The left hand holds a roll, on which is inscribed
the word " Reform," and this rests on the Roman fasces (emble
matic of the unity of the people and the supremacy of the law),
on the bands of which are the words " Liberty, Unity, Prosperity."
The site of the statue is certainly one of the best in Birming
ham, where it at once attracts the eye of arrivals by the London
and North Western Railway, and looks upon the street which
has so often re-echoed with tremendous shouts in Attwood's

CONCLUSION.

431

honour, and which witnessed his crowning triumph. The in
scription seems to have been judiciously selected, and merely
asserts an incontrovertible fact. There may be Tories who
still consider Attwood to have been a dangerous politician, who
first opened the floodgates to anarchy and communism ; there
may be many of all political creeds who consider his notions on
the Currency to have been pernicious and absurd ; and there
are doubtless many who give all the credit of his great deeds to
those persons of rank and fortune who reaped the reward of
them. But that he was the founder of that mighty organization,
in opposition to which the victor of Waterloo was but as a
brittle reed, no one can possibly deny. Without, therefore,
entering into the question, whether the momentous secret of the
irresistible power of peaceful combination were first divulged by
Attwood for the ultimate benefit or otherwise of the human
race, the statue bears upon its shaft the simple inscription, so
similar to that which he once wished to be written on his tomb,
of "Thomas Attwood, Founder of the Birmingham
POLITICAL Union."

UNCOMPROMISING
ENEMY OF CORROPTION,
THE UNWEARIED SUPPORTER
|0F PARLIAMENTARY REFORM;]
'WHOSE COUNSELS,
INCORRUPTIBLE INTEGRITY,
AND
\OETOTI0N TO HIS country's WEAL,
HAVE ENDEARED HIM TO
^A EVERf FRIEND j..
^j5*?>, OF ,<nOT-^

MEDAL OF THOMAS ATTWOOD STRUCK ABOUT 1832.

LONDON •
PRINTED BY HARRISON AND SONS,
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