YALE UNIVEESITY LIBRAEY ^i' ;;L. ^2§i 1' fc-I fjf^jw-m --. . FORMED BY James Abraham Hillhouse, BA. 1749 James Hillhouse, B.A. 1773 James Abraham Hillhouse, BA. 1808 James Hillhouse, BA. 1875 Removed 1942 from the Manor Mouse in Sachem's Wood GIFT OF GEORGE DUDLEY SEYMOUR This book was digitized by Microsoft Corporation in cooperation with Yale University Library, 2008. You may not reproduce this digitized copy ofthe book for any purpose other than for scholarship, research, educational, or, in limited quantity, personal use. You may not distribute or provide access to this digitized copy (or modified or partial versions of it) for commercial purposes. HISTO^L ^©SFSKSO^SKStFlPc . G. M ~ttnj,a/~ '.J'tax, rS.rS.Joctlyn ft. WMN JJAMM TIRUM1BTUILIL BoUo A COMPLETE CONNECTICUT, Civil and Ecclesiastical, FROM THE EMIGRATION OF ITS FIRST PLANTERS, FRQM JENftLAND, IN THE YEAR 1630, TO THE YEAR 1764; AND TO THE CLOSE OF THE INDIAN WARS. is two volumes. BY BENJAMIN TRUMBULL, D. D. Yol. 1. WITH AN APPENDIX, Containing the original Patent of New-England, never before pub lished in America. ¦h i wm m i NEW-HAVEN : PUBLISHED bvmaltby, GOLDSMITH AlfD CO. AND SAMUEL WANDSWORTH- 1818. District of Connecticut, ss. T>E it remembered, that on the twenty -second day oi' June, in the 42d year ¦*-* ofthe Independence of the United States of America, Maltby, Goldsmith & Comand Samuel Wadsworth, ofthe said" district, have deposited in this of fice the title of a book, the right whereof they claim as proprietors, in the words following, to wit : " A complete History of Connecticut, civil and eccle- " siastical, from the emigration of its first planters, from England, in the year " 1630, to the yeaf 1764 ; and to the close oC the Indian wars. In two volumes. " By Benjamin Trumbuli, D. D. With an Appendix, containing the original " Patent of New-England, never before published in,America" — Iq conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, " An act for the en couragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such qopjes, during the times therein mentioned." R. I. INGERSOLL, - <• Clerh of the District of Connecticut. T. Q. Woodward, Printer, \ State-St. Mew-Haven. S mEY&CE. AUTHENTIC history is of great utility ; especially, to the countries and people whose affairs it relates. It teaches human nature, poli tics and morals ; forms the head and heart for usefulness, and is an im portant part of the instruction and literature of states and nations. While it instructs, it affords an exalted pleasure. No man of genius ahd curios ity can read accounts of the origin of nations, the discovery, settlement, and progress of new countries, without a high degree of entertainment. But in the settlement pf his own country, in the lives of his ancestors, in their adventures, morals, jurisprudence and heroism, he feels himself par ticularly interested. He at once becomes a party in their affairs, and trav els and converses with them, with a kind of filial delight. While he be holds them braving the horrors of the desert, the terrors of the savage, the distresses of famine and war, he admires their courage, and is pleas ed with all their escapes from danger, and all their progress in settlement, population, opulence, literature and happiness. While he contemplates their .self-denial and perseverance in surmounting all dangers and endur ing all hardships, to form new churches, arid lay the foundations of new colonies and empires, and the immensely happy consequences of their. conduct in turning the wilderness into gardens and fruitful fields, and in transmitting liberty and religion to posterity, he is struck with a pleasing astonishment. The pious man views a divine hand conducting the whole, gives thanks, adores and loves. No history is better calculated to pro duce these happy effects, than that of New-England and Connecticut. Connecticut, originally consisting of two colonies, replete with Indians, and connected as it was with tbe neighboring colonies, affords much in teresting matter for history. . An authentic and impartial account of the affairs of the colony had long been an object of the wishes of the legisla ture, and of many gentlemejn of principal character both in church and commonwealth. In these views the writer, many years since, determined to attempt the compilation of the history which is presented to the public in the fol lowing sheets. He wished for the improvement which such a work might afford him, and for the pleasure of contributing his mite to the ser vice of the community in which he received his birth and education, and has enjoyed such distinguished liberty and immunities. In pursuance of his design, he collected all books and manuscripts from which he could expect assistance. He read the records of Connec ticut, New-Haven and the United Colonies ; and extracted whatever he judged important. He made a journey to Boston, examined the collec tion of the Rev. Mr. Prince, and minuted every thing which he could find relative to Connecticut. To him, at'the time he was about writing the Chronological History of New-England, the ancient ministers, and other principal gentlemen in Connecticut, had transmitted accounts of the settlement of the towns and churches to which they respectively be- 6 PREFACE. longed. Io this collection, important information was found, which could have been obtained from no other source. The author visited most of the principal towns, and places of buried, and obtained from records, monuments, and men of intelligence,' whatever they could communicate on the subject. The ministers and clerks of the respective towns, and Other gentlemen of character, assisted him in his researches. The hon orable legislature, having been made acquainted with his design, passed a generops resolve, which gave him access to their records and papers on file. His excellency governor Trumbull, than whom no man had a more thorough acquaintance with the history of the colony, employed his in fluence and friendship for his assistance, and furnished him with many important papers. In a letter to him on the subject, he expresses himself in this manner — " I wish you success, and to afford you all the assistance in my power. I imagine die earliest times of the colony will be attended with the most difficulty, to collect the facts with sufficient certainty^- wherein the great excellency of a history consists. Such an one I have long desired to see. It must be a work of time and indefatigable labour and industry, since it has been so long neglected, and the materials, ma ny of them, almost lost, and others scattered, and all need so much care in collecting, time in comparing, and judgment in compiling." The truth of these observations, the author hath fully experienced; how far he hath acted upon them must be determined by the public opinion. The honorable George Wyllys, Esq. late secretary of the state, was second to none in the assistance and encouragement which he afforded. From these various sources, the author, in J774, found himself possessed of an ample and important collection ; and determined to write the first volume ofthe history, as soon as might be, with convenience. But before he had eijterecl upon the work, the war commenced between Great-Bri tain and her colonies, and the universal attention was turned to a: very dif ferent object. It was conceived to be dangerous for any of the public papers to be kept so near the sea coast as the place of his residence. A great number of papers, therefore, which he had received from governor Trumbull, and others which had been taken out of the office at Jiart- Ibrd, were returned to their respective offices. For a number of years after the war, the state of the country was alto gether unfavorable for publications of this kind. It was nevertheless still hoped that an opportunity would present for the publication of such a work to advantage, and the design of writing was not wholly given up. However, before the writer had entered upon the work, he was invited, l>y a vote of the General Association of the state, to compile a different history. Many objections presented themselves to his mind against en gaging in the work proposed by that venerable body. But after these had been fully communicated, the solicitation was renewed. In conse- iquence of wiich, and the opinion and advice qf some principal gentlemen of the legislature, he was induced to undertake the writing qf a general history or th^ United States of America, from the first discovery of this northern continent until the year 1792, including three complete centu ries. In making collections for this, and in the compilation of it, all the leisure hours which he could pqssibly redeem, by early rising and an in defatigable attention to business, from the stated labours of his office, have been, for nearly ten years, employed. In the progress of this work it became necessary to have frequent re course to his former collections, which, by this time, had been m a man ner forgotten. By this means the ideas of the ample materials which had beenprepared, for the history of Connecticut, were revived in his mind. When he contemplated the pains and expense at which they had PREFACE. T been collected, the countenance which he had received from the legisla-* ture, and the general expectations which had been entertained with re spect to a history of Connecticut, it appeared to him not very consistent with that respectful and generous treatment which he owed more partic ularly to his own state, to publish a large history of the United States^ while he neglected theirs. It also appeared to be a duty,- which he owed to himself and family, as well as the public, not to suffer all his former pains and expense, in his collections for the history of Connecticut,; to be lost. Upon a mature view of the case, and the advice of a number of his brethren in the ministry, he determined to-suspend the writing ofthe history of the United States, until he- should publish one volume, at least, of the history of Connecticut. If this should meet the public ap probation, it might assist him in introducing a larger work, and render it more extensively useful- If the history of Connecticut should be unpop ular, it would give him a profitable admonition, and prevent a greater misfortune, by a larger and more expensive publication. ' About the middle of December, 1796-, he began to look over and ar range his papers and to compile the following history. Since that time he hath examined the papers on file in the secretary's office, and taken out such as were necessary, composed and copied offwithhis own hand?.' the history now published, besides' preaching twice on every Lord's day, lectures on proper occasions, and attending the other duties of his office. The death of that truly worthy gentleman, the honorable George Wyllys, the former secretary, considerably retarded the work, as more time has been employed in examining the files than otherwise wouldhave been necessary. In compiling the history, great pains have been taken to exhibit the state of the country when the first settlements commenced, to- present every important transaction in a candid and clear view, and to make such an arrangement of the whole, as that every preceding chapter might pre pare the way for the next, and add perspicuity to the story. As this is the first history of the colony, and as time eflaces- ancient re cords and papers, and eradicates from the mind of man the remembrance of former transactions, the compiler judged it expedient to make it more full and particular, than otherwise might have been1 necessary orproper. He imagined, that no person would, probably, hereafter have the same advantages which he has had, nor take the same pains which he has tak en, to examine the ancient records, histories and manuscripts of the country. He wished to assist future historians, and that nothing useful and important, respecting church or state, might be lost- As he has aimed at information and usefulness, he has avoided all circumlocutions, reasonings and opinions of his own, and attempted to fill every page with history. The florid and pompous style has been avoided, as unnatural and improper in historic writings, and the easy and familiar has been at tempted. The compiler has judged his time too precious, and the field of usefulness before him too extensive, to busy himself in rounding peri ods, and guarding against every little matter which might afford business for the critic. He has, however, aimed at authenticity, propriety and perspicuity. He has wished to avoid the dull and dry manner, and to write with a becoming deference to the public. The account which has been given of the sources whence the compiler has obtained his information, the quotations in the body of Uie work, tbe references made in the*inarginal notes to authors, records, and manu scripts, with the appendix, it is imagined, will be abundantly sufficient to authenticate what has been written. Indeed, very little has been taken upon tradition. Had the historv been written more leisurclv and with fewer avocations 8 PREFACE. it might have been more perfect ; but as it was desired to make as short a pause as possible in writing the history ofthe United States, it was judg ed inexpedient fo employ more time upon it. The author is under great disadvantages for historic writing. He can command no time for himself. The work of the ministry, which is his chosen and beloved employment, after all his application, so engrosses his time, that sometimes for weeks and months, after all his application, he cannot find a single day for the compilation of history. When he has attempted it, he has been able scarcely to Write a page without interrup tion. Often he has been so fatigued with other studies, as to befin cir cumstances not the most favorable for composition. It may, possibly,' be thought a great neglect, or. matter of partiality, that no account is given of witchcraft in Connecticut. The only reason is, that after the most careful researches, no indictment of any person for that crime, nor any process relative to that affair, can be found. The minute in Goff's journal, published by governor Hutchinson, relative to the execution of Ann Coles, and an obscure tradition that one or two persons were executed at Stratford, is all the information to be found rel ative to that unhappy affair. The countenance and assistance which the honorable legislature have given the writer, by allowing him a free access to the public records and papers, is most respectfully acknowledged. Th£ attention and complaisance with which he has been treated by the secretaries ofthe state, and their respective families, while he has had oc casion to examine the public records and papers, challenge the warmest expressions of his gratitude. To his brethren in the ministry, the gentlemen of the bar, and the towns who have so generously encouraged and supported the subscrip tion, he returns his grateful acknowledgments. The labor of collecting the materials for the history and compilement, has been almost incredihle. The expense of publication will be great. However, should it meet a favorable reception, assist the legislator or di vine, the gentlemen ofthe bench or ofthe bar ; should it afford instruction and pleasure to the sons and daughters of the state, • and in any degree advance its morals or literature, it will be an ample compensation. ©©^i^sto CHAPTER L INTRODUCTION. The discovery of North- America and New-Eng-; land. Captain Smith's discovery. The country is named New-Eng-* land. New-Plymouth settled. The great patent of New-England, and patent of Massachusetts/ The settlement of Salem, Charlestown, Boston, and other towns in Massachusetts. Mr. Warham, Mr. Phillips and Mr. Hooker, with others of the first planters of Connecticut, arrive and make settlements at Dorchester, Watertown, and Newtown, Their churches are formed and they are ordained. CHAPTER II. The patent of Connecticut. The situation, extent, boundaries and area of the settled part of the colony. The discovery of Connecticut river ; a description of it, and the signification of its name. The colony de rives its name from the river. Description of other rivers. Plymouth and Dutch houses. Prospects of trade upon the river. CHAPTER Iii. The state of the country of Connecticut when the settlement ofthe colo* ny began. Its trees and fruits. Its animals. Number, situation, gen ius, manners, arms, utensils and Wars of the IndiaHS. CHAPTER IV. The people at Dorchester, Watertown, and Ne*towh, finding themselves" straightened in the Massachusetts, determine to remove to Connecticut. Debates in Massachusetts relative to their removal. The general court at first prohibited it, but afterwards gave its consent. The people re moved and settled the towns of Windsor, Hartford and Weathersfield. Hardships and losses of the first winters. Vol. t. B f» CONTENTS, CHAPTER V, The war with the Pequots. The origin of it. The murder of Captains Stone and Norton, of Mr. Oldham and others. Mr. Endicot s expedi tion against them. The Pequots kill a number of the garrison at tne mouth of the river, and besiege the fort. Captain Mason is sent down from Connecticut with a reinforcement. The enemy make a descent on Weathersfield, torture and mock the English. The court at Connec ticut declares war against them. Captain Mason takes Mistic tort- Sassacus destroys his royal fortress and flees to the Westward. A sec- end expedition is undertaken-against the Pequots conjointly, by Massa chusetts and Connecticut. The great swamp fight. The Pequots subdued. Sassacus flying to the Mohawks was beheaded. _ The capti vated and'survivingPequots, after the war, were given to thelMoheagans and Narfagansets, and their name extinguished. CHAPTER VI. Effects of the war. Great scarcity in Connecticut, and means taken to relieve the necessities of the people. Settlement of New-Haven. Plantation covenant. Bleansjflr the defence of the colony. Captaics Mason made major general. ICivil constitution of Connecticut, formed by voluntary compact. First general election at Connecticut. Gov ernors and magistrates. General rights of the people, and principal laws ofthe colony. Constitution and laws of New-HavenJ Purchase' and settlement of several towns in Connecticut and New-Haven. CHAPTER VII. The progress' of purchase, settlement, and law in the colonies of Connec ticut and New-Haven. ' The effect of the conquest of the Pequots on the natives, and the manner in which they were treated. Purchases of them. Towns settled. Divisions at Weathersfield occasion the^settle- mentof Stamford. Troubles with the Ducth and Indians. 'Capital laws of Connecticut. The confederation of the united colonies. Fur ther troubles with the Indians. Victory of Uncas over the Narragan sets, and capture of their sachem. The advice of the commissioners respecting Miantonimoh. His execution. Precautions of the colonies to prevent war. The Dutch, harassed by an Indian war,, apply to New- Haven for assistance. CHAPTER VIII. Public fasts appointed. Indians continue hostile, and commit murder. Acts ofthe commissioners respecting them. Branford settled. Towns- in Connecticut. Message ofthe commissioners to the Narragansets. Their agreement respecting Uncas. Long-Island Indians taken under the protection of the United colonies. Massachusetts claim part of the Pequot country and Waranoke. Determination of the commis- sionei's respecting said claim. Agreement with Mr. Fenwick relative to Saybrook fort and the adjacent country. Fortifications advanced. Extraordinary meeting of the commissioners to suppress the outrages of the Narragansets. War proclaimed and troops sent against them. They treat and prevent war. Fairfield object to a jury of sis. Con- CONTENTS. 1] troversy with the Dutch. The Indians plot against the life of govern or Hopkins and other principal gentlemen at Hartford. Damages at Windsor. Battle between the Dutch and Indians. Losses of New- Haven. Dispute with Massachusetts relative to the impost at Say brook. Mr. Winthrop's claim of the Nehantick country. Settlement pf accounts between the colonies. CHAPTER IX. Settlement of New-London. Salaries first granted to civil officers. Troubles with the Narraganset Indians. Rhode-Island petitions to be united with the colonies in confederation. The Massachusetts resume the affair of the impost. Mr. Westerhouse complains of the seizure of his vessel by the Dutch, in the harbour of New-Haven. Murders com mitted by the Indians ; — resolutions respecting the murderers. Body of laws compiled. Debates relative to the settlement of Delaware,.' The Pequots revolt from Uncas, and petition the English. Resolu tion respecting them. Mr. Westerhouse petitions to make reprisals from the Dutch. Letter to the Dutch governor. Further altercation respecting the impost. Final issue of that affair. The conduct of the Massachusetts upon its decision, and the declaration of the commis sioners respecting it. Their treatment of Connecticut respecting the line between the colonies. The court at Connecticut determine to avenge the death of John Whitmore, and detach men to take the murderer. CHAPTER X. Court of election at Hartford. Grants to captain Mason. The com missioners meet and dispatch captain Atherton to the Narragansets, Their message to Ninigrate. The Dutch Governor arrives at Hart ford, and refers the differences between him and the colonies to arbi trators. Their determination, and the line is fixed between the Eng lish and Dutch plantations. Agreements with Mr. Fenwick occasion general uneasiness. Committees are appointed to explain and ascer tain them. Towns are invited to attend the commiftees, by their dep uties, at Saybrook. An act for the encouragement of Mr. Winthrop in seeking and improving mines. Norwalk and Mattabeseck settled and made towns. The colony of New-Haven make another attempt to settle at Delaware. The Dutch Governor seizes the company and frustrates the design. He pursueshis former line of conduct towards the colonies. The resolutions of the commissioners relative to his conduct, to the settlement of Delaware, and the tribute to be paid by the Pequots. French commissioners from Canada. Their proposals. Reply to them. The Dutch governor and Indians concert a plan to extirpate the colonies. The commissioners meet, and dispatch agents to the Dutch governor. They determine upon war, unless he should manifest his innocence, and redress the grievances of the colonies. They determine on the number of men to be raised, and dray a dec laration of the reasons of the war. The agents return unsuccessful. The commissioners meet again, and determine to make war upon the Dutch and Narraganset Indians. The general court of Massachusetts refuses to raise men, and prevents the war. Altercations between that general court and the commissioners, and between that and the general courts of Connecticut and New-Haven. The alarm and dis tress ofthe plantations in these colonies. Their general courts protest 1* CONTENTS. against the court of Massachusetts, as violaters of the articles of con federation ; and write to Cromwell and the parliament for assistance. The tumultuous state of the inhabitants in several of the towns. CHAPTER XI. ¦The death and character of Governor Haynes. The freemen of Con necticut meet and appoint a moderator. Mr. Ludlow removes to Vir ginia. The spirited conduct of the people at Milford, in recovering Manning's vessel. The freemen add to the fundamental articles. Fleet arrives at Boston for the reduction ofthe Dutch. The colonies agree to raise men to assist the armament from England. Peace pre vents the expedition. The general court at New-Haven, charge the Massachusetts with a breach ofthe confederation. They refuse to join in a war against Ninigrate, and oblige Connecticut and New-Haven to provide for the defence of themselves and their allies. Ninigrate con tinuing his hostile measures, the commissioners send messengers to him. His answer to them. They declare war, and send an army against him. The art of Massachusetts and the deceit of Major Willard, defeat the designed expedition. The number of rateable polls, and the amount of the list of Connecticut. The JPequots are taken under their protec tion. Ninigrate persisting in his hostilities against the Indians upon Long-Island, the general court adopt measures for the defence ofthe In dians and the English inhabitants there. New-Haven perfect and print their laws. The answer of New-Haven to the protector's invitation, that they would remove to Jamaica. Reply of the commissioners to the Dutch governor. Uncas embroils the country. Deaths and char acters of Governors Eaton and Hopkins. Settlement of Stonington. Mr. Winthrop chosen governor. The third fundamental article is al tered by the freemen. Mr. Fitch and his church and people remove to Norwich. Final settlement of accounts with the heirs of Mr. Fenwick^ Deputy governor Mason resigns the Moheagan lands to the colony. CHAPTER XII. ^he general court of Connecticut declare their loyalty and submission ta the king ; determine to address his majesty, arid apply for charter priv ileges. A petition to his majesty is prepared, and a letter addressed to lord Say and Seal. Governor Winthrop is appointed the colony's agent, to present their petition, and solicit a patent. Regicides con demned, Whalley and Goffe arrive at Boston ; escape to New-Hav en, and are kindly entertained, and kept from their pursuers. New- Haven falls into great trouble and danger on that account. New-Hav en excuse themselves; decline sending an agent ; but join with Mas sachusetts in. supporting one. The king proclaimed. Governor Win- fiffPP obtains the charter of Connecticut. First governor and council under the charter. Representation of the constitution it ordains, and tbe privileges it cqnveys. Difficulties of the colony of New-Haven. Governor Leet's address. Charter of Connecticut arrives. Proceed ings of Connecticut in consequence of the Charter. They extend their jurisdiction to all places within the limits of their patent, and challenge New-Haven colony, as under their jurisdiction. Controversy between thetwq_colqnies. Settlement of Killingwqrth. Patent of the duke of YbrL Colonel Nichols and commissioners arrh^-; reduce all the Dutch settlements. Their extraordinary powers. \ Important crisis of pPWPtie'tfT Th? general court make a present to the commission- fcONTENTS. J.8 ,era. Answer to the propositions from his majesty, and reply to the duke of Hamilton's claim and petition. Boundaries between Connec ticut and New-York. Union of Connecticut and New-Haven. CHAPTER XIII. A view of the churches of Connecticut and New-Haven, from their first settlement, until their union, in 1 665. Their ministers. The charac ter of the ministers and first planters. Their religious and political sen timents. Gathering of the churches of New-Haven and Milford. In stallation of Mr. Davenport and Mr. Prudden. Church formed at Guilford. Number of ministers in Connecticut and New-Haven be fore the union. Proportion of ministers to the people, before, and at rthe union. Harmony between the civil rulers and uie clergy. Influ ence ofthe clergy, and the reasons of it. Their opposition to Antino mianism. Assisted in the compilation of Cambridge Platform. Ec clesiastical laws. Care to diffuse general knowledge : its happy influ ence. Attempts to found a college at New-Haven. No sectaries in Connecticut nor New-Haven, until after the union ; and for twenty years the churches generally enjoyed great peace. Deaths and char acters of several of the first ministers- Great dissensions in the church at Hartford soon after Mr. Hooker's death. Dissensions and contro versies -in (he colony and churches in general, relative to baptism, church-membership, and the rights of the brethren. A new genera tion arises, who had not all imbibed the spirit of their fathers. Griev ances presented to the general court of Connecticut, on the account of the strictness ofthe churches, and that sober people were denied com munion with them, and baptism for their children. The court of Con necticut send to the other general courts for advice. Laws against the Quakers. Massachusetts and Connecticut agree in appointing a synod at Boston. General court at New-H^ven oppose the meeting of a sy nod, and decline sending their elders, Questions proposed for discus sion.. The synod meet and answer them ; but it had .no good effect on the churches : they would not comply with their decisions. Dissen sions continued at Hartford. Acts of the general court respecting them. Councils from Massachusetts. Difficulties in some measure composed. Divisions and animosities at Weathersfield. Act ofjthe general court respecting the church there. Mr. Russell and others re move from Weathersfield and Hartford and .settle Hadley. Mr. Stow dismissed from the ministry at Middletown, by a committee of the ge neral court. Synod at Boston. Ifs determination relative to baptism, and the consociation of churches. Division in the synod afid in the churches relative to those points. The court at Connecticut send no elders to the council, nor take any part in the controversy-, until some time afterwards. CHAPTER XIV. Conduct of the king's commissioners. Counties and County Courts regulated. Governor Winthrop's estate freed from taxation. Towns settled. Controversy with Rhode-Island. The grounds of it. Courts appointed in the Narraganset country. Laws revised and printed. War with the Dutch. Claims and conduct of major Edmund Andross, governor of New-York. Protest against him. Conduct of capt. Tho mas Bull. Proclamation respecting the insult received from major - Across, Philip's war, Captains Hutchinpon anjl Lothrop surprised 14 CONTENTS. and slain. Treachery of the Springfield Indians. Hadley attacked by the enemy. The assembly make provision for the defence ot Conneci- icut. Expedition against the Narraganset Indians. The reasons ot it. The great swamp fight. Loss of men. Courage exhibited and hard ships endured. Captain Pierce arid his party cut off. Nanuntenoo taken. Success of captains Denison and Avery. Captain Wadsworth and his party slain. Death and character of governor Winthrop. buc- cess of Major Talcott. Attack upon Hadley. The enemy beaten and begin to scatter. They are pursued to Housatomck. Sachem otl*»- baSg and Philip killed. Number of the enemy before the war. I heir destruction. Loss of the colonies. Connecticut preserves its own towns and assists its neighbour's. CHAPTER XV. Measures adopted to discharge the public debt, and settle the country in peace. The reasons ofthe colony's claim to Narraganset- The for mer settlers and owners of land there apply to Connecticut for protec tion. Major Treat goes to the upper towns upon Connecticut river, to treat with tbe Indians. Fasts appointed through New-England. Act concerning the conquered lands in Narraganset. Navigation act griev ous to tbe colonies. Governor Leet takes the oath respecting trade and navigation. Answers to queries from the lords of trade and plan tations. Protest against Sir Edmund Andross's claim to Fisher's Isl and. Character of governor Leet. Commissioners appointed by his majesty, to examine and make report concerning all claims to the Nar raganset country, or king's province. They report in favour of Con necticut. Answers to the renewed claim ofthe duke of Hamilton, and opinions on the case. Connecticut congratulate the arrival of colonel Dungan, governor of New- York, and agree with him respecting the boundary line between that colony and Connecticut. Petition to king James II. Settlement of Waterbury. Quo-warrantos against the co lony. The assembly petition his majesty to continue their charter pri vileges. Sir Edmund Andross made governor of New-England. Ar rives at Hartford : takes the government by order of his majesty. The oppression and cruelty of his administration. Distressed and sorrow ful state of the people. CHAPTER XVI. Revolution in New-England. Connecticut resume their government Address to king William. Troops raised for the defence of the eastern settlements in New-Hampshire and the province of Maine. French and Indian war. Schenectady destroyed. Connecticut dispatch a re inforcement to Albany. "Expedition against Canada. The land army retreats, and the enterprise proves unsuccessful. Leisler's abuse of major-general Winthrop. The assembly of Connecticut approve the general's conduct. Thanks are returned to Mr. Mather, agent Whii- ing, and Mr. Porter. Opinions respecting the charter, and the legality of Connecticut's assuming their government, Windham settled. The Mohawk castles are surprised, and the country alarmed. Connecticut send troops to Albany. Colonel Fletcher, governor of New- York, de mands the command of the militia of Connecticut. The colony peti tion king William on the subject. Colonel Fletcher comes to Hart ford, and, in person, demands that the legislature submit the militia to his command ; but they refuse. Captain Wadsworth prevents th# CONTENTS* 15 reading of his commission ; and the colonel judges it expedient to leave the colony. The case of Connecticut relative to the militia stated. His majesty determines in favour of the colony. Committees are appoint ed to settle the boundary line between Connecticut and Massachusetts* General Winthrop returns, and receives public thanks. Congratulation of the Earl of Bellemont, appointed governor of New- York and Mas sachusetts. Dispute with Rhode-Island continues. Committee to settle the boundaries. Expenses of the war. Vexatious conduct of governor Fletcher. Peace, joy, and thanksgiving. CHAPTER XVII. General Winthrop is elected governor. The assembly divide and form into two houses. Purchase and settlement of several towns. The boundary line between Connecticut and New- York surveyed and fixed. Attempts for running and establishing the line between Massachusetts and Connecticut. Owaneco and the MoheaganS claim Colchester and other tracts in the colony. Attempts to compose all differences with them. Grant to the volunteers. The assembly enacts, that the ses sion in October, shall, for the future, be in New-Haven. An Act en larging the boundaries of New-London ; and acts relative to towns and patents. Measures adopted for the defence of the colony. Appoint ment of king's attorneys. Attempt to despoil Connecticut of its char ter. Bill for re-uniting the charter governments to the crown. Sir Henry Ashurst petitions against, and prevents the passing of the bill. Governor Dudley, Lord Cornbury, and other enemies conspire against the. colony. They exhibit grievous complaints against it. Sir Henry Ashurst defends the colony, arid defeats their attempts. Quakers pe tition. Moheagan case. Survey and bounds of the pretended Mo- heagan country. Dudley's court at Stonington. The colony protest against it. Dudley's treatment of the colony. Judgment against it. Petition to her majesty on the subject. New commissions are grant ed. Act in favor of the clergy. State of the colony. CHAPTER XVIII. The country is alarmed. Means of defence. The assembly decline the affording of any assistance in the expedition against Port Royal. Grant assistance to the frontier towns. New townships granted and settled. The Rev. Gurdon Saltonstall chosen governor. Act empowering the freemen to choose the governor from among themselves at large. ^Acts relative to the settlement of the boundary line with Massachusetts. Garrisons erected in the towns on the frontiers. Expedition against Canada. First emission of paper money. Address to her majesty. Loss ofthe colony at Wood Creek. Expedition against Port Royal. Expedition against Canada, under the command of Admiral Walker and general Nicholson. Fleet cast away, and the enterprise defeated. The colony petition her majesty, and send the only pilot from Con necticut, to England, to represent to her majesty the loss of the fleet truly as it was. Acts-respecting the superior court. Settlement of the boundary line between Massachusetts and Connecticut. Reasons why the colony consented to such a settlement. Return of peace. The colony happy in the preservation of their frontiers. Towns settled un der Massachusetts. State of the colony. Observations. ie C0NTENT& CHAPTER XIX. A view ofthe churches of Connecticut, from 1665 to 1714, continu ed from chapter XIII. The general assembly appoint a synod to de termine points of religious controversy. The ministers decline meeting under the name of a synod. The assembly alter the name, and require them to meet as a general assembly of the ministers and churches of Connecticut. Seventeen questions were proposed to the assembly, to be discussed and answered. The assembly of minis ters meet and discuss the questions. The legislature declare, that they had not been decided, and give intimations that they did not desire, that the ministers and churches of Connecticut should report their opinion upon them. They express their desires of a larger council from Massachusetts, and New-Plymouth. The Rev. Mr. Davenport removes to Boston. Dissension at Windsor. Mr. Bulkley and Mr. Fitch are appointed by the assembly to devise some way in which the churches might walk together, notwithstanding their different opin ions relative to the subjects of baptism, church communion, and the mode of church discipline. The Church at Hartford divides, and Mr. Whiting and his adherents are allowed to practice upon congregation al principles. The ehurch at Stratford allowed to divide and hold dis tinct meetings. Mr. Walker and his hearers, upon advice, remove and settle the town of Woodbury. Deaths and characters of the Rev. Messrs. John Davenport and John' Warham. General attempts for a reformation of manners.- Religious state of the colony in 1680. At tempts for the instruction and christianising ofthe Indians in Connecti cut. Act ofthe legislature respecting Windsor. The people there re quired peaceably to settle and support Mr. Mather. Owning or sub scribing the covenant introduced at Hartford. College founded, and trustees incorporated. Worship according to the mode of the church of England, performed in this colony, first at Stratford. Episcopal church gathered there. Act of assembly requiring the ministers and churches of Connecticut to meet and form a religious constitution. They meet and compile the Saybrook Platform. Articles of disci pline. Act of the legislature adopting the Platform. Associations. Consociations. General Association. Its recommendations relative tw the examination of candidates for the ministry, and of pastors elect previous to their ordination. Ministers, churches, and ecclesiastical so cieties in Connecticut, in 1713. Degree of instruction. The whole number of ministers in the colony from its first settlementyto that pe riod. APPENDIX. Containing various documents referred to in this volume, with the greate original Patent of New-England, never before published. tHE HISTORY or CONNECTICUT. CHAPTER L Introduction. The discovery of North-America and, New England. Captain Smith's discovery. ^The country is named New-England. New-Plymouth settled. The great patent of New-England, and patent of Massachusetts. The settlement of Salem, Charlestown, Boston, and other towns in Massachusetts. Mr. Warham, Mr. Phillips and Mr. Hooker, with others of the first planters of Connecti cut, arrive and make settlements at Horchester, Water- town and' Newtown* Their churches are formed and they are ordained. THE settlement of New-England, purely for the pur- BoofcfJ poses of Religion, and the propagation of civil and\^rv***> religious liberty, is an event which has no parallel in the history of modern ages. The piety, self-denial, suffer ings, patience, perseverance and magnanimity of the first settlers of the country are without a rival. The happy and extensive consequences of the settlements which they made, and of the sentiments which they were careful to propagate, to their posterity, to the church and to the world, admit of no description. They, are still increas ing, spreading wider and Wider, and appear more and todre important. The planters of Connecticut were among the illustrious characters, who first settled New-England, and twice made settlements, first in Massachusetts, and then in Connecti cut on bare creation. In aii age when the light of freedom was but just dawning, they, by Voluntary compact, formed one of the most free and happyconstitutioris of govern- i8 HISTORY 6F Chap. I. Book I. ment which mankind have ever adopted. Connecticut has ^v-w ever been distinguished by the free spirit of its govern ment, the mildness of its laws, and the general diffusion of knowledge, among all classes of its inhabitants. They have been "no less distinguished by their industry, econo my, purity of manners, population and spirit of enterprise. For more than a century and half, they have had no rival, as to the steadiness of their government, their -internal peace and harmony, their love and high enjoyment of do mestic, civil and religious order and happiness. They have ever stood among the most illuminated, first and bold est defenders of the civil and religious rights of mankind. The history of such a people must be curious, entertain ing and important. It will exhibit the fairest models of civil government, of religious order, purity and human happiness. It is the design of the present work to lay this history before the public. As the planters of Connecticut were among the first set tlers of New-England, and interested in the first patents- arid settlements, sketches of the discovery of the country, of the patents by which it was conveyed and divided to the different colonies, and of the first settlements, will be necessary to illustrate the history of Connecticut and be a natural preliminary to this work. Ort. 12, Christopher Columbus, a Genoese, discovered the 1492. western isles, and first communicated to Europe the intel ligence of a new world : but the Cabots had the honor of discovering the great continent of North- America. J494. John Cabot, a Venetian, born in England, in 1494 discovered Newfoundland and the island of St. Johns. In consequence of this discovery, king Henry the seventh of England, in whose service he was employed, conferred on him the honor of knighthood ; and gave him and his sons a commission to make further discoveries in the new world. John Cabot died soon after he received this commission. His son Sebastian, in 1497, sailed with the fleet, which had been preparing for his father, and directing his course by his journals, proceeded to the 67th degree of north lati tude, and, returning, to the southward, fell in with the conti nent in the 56th degree of north latitude ; and thence ex plored the coast as far south as the Floridas. From these discoveries originated the claims of England to these parts ofthe northern continent. 1602. In 1602, Bartholomew Gosnold discovered some part of New-England. He first touched on its eastern coast, in a- bout 43 degrees of north latitude ; and, sailing to the south ward, landed on the Elizabeth Islands. He made some ©hap. I. CONNECTICUT. , 19 discoveries of the adjacent parts, and gave the name to Book I. Cape Cod and Marthas Vineyard. v^-s^^ Captain Henry Hudson, commissioned by king James I. in 1608, sailed, in the employment of several London 1608- merchants, to North- America. He came upon the coast in about 40 degrees of north latitude, and made a discovery of Long-Jsland and Hudson's river. He proceeded up the river as far as the latitude of 43, and called it by his own name. About two years after he made a second voyage to the i6io. river, in the service of a number of Dutch merchants ; and, some time after, made sale of his right to the Dutch. The right to the country, however, was antecedently in king James, by virtue ofthe discovery which Hudson had made under his commission. The English protested against the sale ; but the Dutch, in 1614, under the Amsterdam West- India company, built a fort nearly on the same ground where the city of Albany now is, which they called fort Aurania. Sir Thomas Dale, governor of Virginia, direct ly after dispatched captain Argall to dispossess the Dutch, and they submitted to the king of England, and under him to the governor of Virginia.* The same year captain John Smith, who some years be- 1614. fore had been governor of Virginia, made a voyage to this part of the continent. He ranged the coast from Penob scot to Cape Cod ; made a discovery of the river Pascata- qua, and the Massachusetts islands. On his return to England, he published a description of the country, with a map of the sea coast, and gave it the name of New-Engi land. In 1620, a number of pious people, part of Mr. Jahn New- Robinson's church and congregation, who, by the violence ^'^j"111 of persecution, had been driven from their pleasant seats 1520. ' and enjoyments in England, arrived on the coast ; and, after braving every danger, and enduring almost every hardship and distress of which human nature is capable, effected a permanent settlement in this part of North-Ameri ca. They gave it the name of New-Plymouth. By vol untary compact they formed themselves into a small com^ monwealth, and had a succession of governors. They set tled all that part of Massachusetts included in the county- of Plymouth. By making permanent settlements, to which others might resort, on their first arrival in New-England, or afterwards in times of distress ; by making treaties with the Indians, by which the peace of the country was pre served; by their knowledge of it, and the experience * Smith's history of Few- York, p. 2. 20 HISTORY OF Chap. I. Book I. which they had gained, they were of peculiar advant- >^-v-*^ age to those who came over and made settlements after them. They were a pious, industrious people, and exhib ited towards each other the most striking examples of fra ternal affection. They continued a distinct colony for a- bout seventy years, until their incorporation, by the char ter of William and Mary, in 1691, with the colony of Mas sachusetts and the province of Maine. " November 3d, 1620, just before the arrival of Mr. Rob- New-EnL inson's people in New-England, king James the first, by land, Nov. letters patent, under the great seal of England, mcorpo- p, 1630./ rate(j the duke of Lenox, the marquises of Buckingham and Hamilton, the earls of Arundel and Warwick, and others, to the number of forty noblemen, knights and gentlemen, by the name " of the council established at Plymouth in the county of Devon, for "the planting, ruling and govern ing of New-England in America" — "and granted unto them, and their successors and assigns, all that part of America, lying and being in breadth from forty degrees of north latitude, from the equinoctial line, to the forty eighth degree of said northerly latitude inclusively, and in length of, and within all the breadth aforesaid, throughout the main lands from sea to sea." The patent ordained that this tract of country should be called New-England in America, and by that name have continuance for ever. This grant is the broad basis on which stand all the other grants made to the colonies in New-England. This pre- . pared the way for future grants and the immediate settle ment of New-England. •patent of Qn the 19th of March, 1628, the Plymouth company •^husetts granted unto Sir Henry Roswell, Sir Joh:* Young, knights, March 19, Thomas Southcoat, John Humphry, John Endicott and Si- }62q. mon Whitcomb, their heirs and assigns forever, all that part of New-England in America, which lies and extends between Merrimack river and Charles river, in the bot tom of Massachusetts bay, and three miles to the north and south of every part of Charles river, and three miles south of the southernmost part of said bay, and three miles to the northward of every part of Merrimack river, and "all lands and hereditaments whatsoever lying within the lim its aforesaid north and south, in latitude and breadth ; and in length and longitude, of and within all the breadth a- foresaid throughout the main lands there, from the Atlantic sea and ocean on the east part, to the south sea on the west ^ part." Mare™, On the 4th of March, 1629, king Charles the first con- ~ 9T firmed this patent under the great seal of England. Xlu? C^vp. I. CONNECTICUT. 21 was the patent of Massachusetts bay, under which the set- Book I. dement of that colony immediately commenced. v^-v-^/ At this time, liberty of conscience could not be enjoyed No liberty in the parent country. No indulgence was granted even of.con- . to the most pious, loyal, and conscientious people, who jwiand, would not strictly conform to the habits, ceremonies, and worship of the church of England. All non-conformists were exposed to fines, imprisonments, the ruin of their families, fortunes,' and every thing which ought to be dear to men. The most learned, pious, orthodox, and inoffen>- sive people, who did not conform to the church of England, were treated, by the king and his bishops, with far greater severity, than drunkards, sabbath breakers, or even the most notorious debauchees. They were condemned, in the spiritual courts, without juries ; without having the wit nesses against them brought into court, to depose face to face ; and, sometimes,' without knowing the crime alledged .against them, or who were the witnesses by whom it was -to be proved. Many of the pious people in England, were 1629, so harassed and persecuted for their non-conformity, that they determined, if possible, rather to make settlements in a dreary wilderness, at the distance of three thousand miles from their native couuntry, than endure the persecu tion and sufferings, to which they were constantly exposed from the hands of those who ought to have cherished and defended them. This cruel treatment of our venerable ancestors, was the cause of the settlement of the New-Eng land colonies and churches. It will ever be the distin- New-Eng- guishing glory of these colonies, that they were not origi- land se't- nally formed for the advantages of trade and worldly emoi- tled for*s In one of the first ships which arrived this year, came 1630. over the Rev. Mr. John Warham, Mr. John Maverick, Mr. Rossiter,' Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Henry Wolcott, and oth ers of Mr. Warham's church and congregation, who first settled the town of Windsor, in Connecticut. Mr. Rossiter and Mr. Ludlow were magistrates. Mr. Wolcott had a fifle estate, and was a man of superior abilities. This was an honourable company. Mr. Warham had been a fa mous minister in Exeter, the capital of the county of De vonshire. The people who came with him, were from the three counties of Devonshire, Dorsetshire, and Somer setshire. Some time before the 20th of March, just as they were about to embark for New-England, upon a day of solemn fasting and prayer, they were formed into a congregational church, in the new hospital at Plymouth, in England. They then made choice of Mr. Warham and Mr. Maverick to be their pastor and teacher, and they were ordained, or re-installed to the care of this particular church. The fa mous Mr. White, of Dorchester, preached and assisted on this occasion.! They sailed from Plymouth, in England, on the 20th of March, in the ship Mary and John, of 400 tons, and arri- Mr. War- ved at Nantasket on the Lord's day, May 30th* The next ham ar- day, captain Squeb, master of the ship, put them and their SJJjf'Mf4 gOods on shore, at Nantasket point, and, in this situation, the first left them to shift for themselves.^ But, by the assistance tiers of of some of the old planters, they obtained a boat, and pro- Windsor. ceeded up Charles river, to the place since called Water- town. Here they landed their goods, and erected a shel ter to cover them ; but as they had many cattle, and found a neck of land at Mattapan, affording good accommodations for them, they soon removed and began a settlement there. They named their town Dorchester. Sir Richard Saltonstall's people, who settled at Water- 1630. town, were the first settlers of Weathersfield, in Connecti- Planters of cut. Mr. Phillips, who was elected their pastor, at Wa- W!??J" lertown, had been minister at Boxford, in the county of ers e Essex. Most of them were, probably, the people of his former charge, and from the same county. The emigrants who came into New-England with Mr. M°r'aJ!ty Endicott and governor Winthrop, soon after their arrival, *° th ° s^t years. t Prince's Chron. p. 200. ' % Ibid. p. 207. Captain Squeb wis, afterwards, obliged to pay dama ges for this conduct, 24 HISTORY OF Chap. I. Book I. were visited with uncommon sickness and mortality. Of w*v~s»/ the company who came with Mr. Endicott the last year, eighty were in their graves before governor Winthrop ar rived. He found the colony in very miserable circumstan ces. Many of those who were yet living, were in a weak and sickly condition. The people had scarcely a suffi ciency of provisions for their subsistence fourteen days. Besides, they had sustained a capital loss in their servants. They brought over with them a hundred and eighty. These cost them more than three thousand pounds sterling. But they were so straightened for provisions, that they were necessitated to give all those who survived the sickness, their liberty, that they might shift for themselves.* Many of the ships which arrived this year, had a long passage of seventeen or eighteen weeks; in consequence of which, numbers had the scurvy, and came on shore in a sickly condition. By reason of wet lodgings, in cottages and miserable huts, for the want of fresh food and other conveniences, this sickness increased. Other diseases al so, soon attacked them with violence ;' so that, in a fort night or three weeks, the sickness became general. In a short time, so many fell sick, that the well were not suffi cient properly to attend them, and bury the dead. Great toumbers-died, and were buried on Charlestown hill.t The sickness and mortality greatly retarded the necessary la bours and affairs ofthe colony ; so that many of the people were obliged to lie in tents, or miserable huts, during the sfoo. winter. By the next spring, a hundred and twenty, or more, were among the dead. Of this number were Mr. Johnson and Mr. Rossiter. The charming lady Arabella, ce lebrated for her* many virtues, died before her husband. She was sister to the earl of Lincoln ; and, for the sake of re ligion, came from a paradise of ease, plenty, and delight, in the house ofa renowned earl, into a wilderness of toil, disaster, and misery. About a hundred of the people were discouraged, and returned to England ; two hundred were dead, and some went to Piscataqua. About seventeen hundred remained j a4ittle more than a hundred and- eighty persons, or thirty families, on an average, to each town. The greatest num bers fixed themselves at Boston and Watertown. In these towns, there were, probably, nearly sixty families : in Charlestown and Dorchester, about forty ; and in the oth er towns, not more than fifteen or twenty families.! Fataine, jn addition to all the other calamities, with which these *' Prince's Chron. p. 209, 210. t Ibid. p. 242, t Ibid, part ii. p. 1 aud 31, Chap. I. CONNECTICUT. 25 plantations had been visited, they, this year, experienced Book I. the distress of famine. By the beginning of February, ^*s^*^ bread failed in every house, except the governor's, and even in this the family were reduced to the last loaves. Such were the necessities of the people, that they fed on clams, muscles, gi'pund'nuts, ai?d acorns. Indeed, in the winter season, it ^as frith great difficulty that the people procured these po&r articles of subsistence. The gover nors foreseeing, in the fall, that they should want provi sions, dispatched a ship to Ireland to procure them a sup* ply. Her happy arrival on the 5th of February, prevented their perishing with famine. The return of health in the spring, the arrival of other vessels, with provisions, after wards, and a plenteous harvest, gave the affairs ofthe col ony a more prosperous appearance. While affairs were thus transacting in the colony, the vio lent persecution of the puritans in England made great numbers look towards America as the only safe retreat. from the impending storm. This, annually, occasioned a large accession of new planters to the settlements in New- England. In 1630, the Rev. Mr. Thomas Hooker, a gentleman of great abilities, and a famous preacher, at Chelmsford, in the county of Essex, was silenced for non-conformity. To escape fiaes and imprisonment, he fled into Holland. He was held in such high and universal esteem among his ac quaintance, that forty-seven ministers, in his vicinity, peti tioned the bishop of London in his favour. These were all conformists, and witnessed for Mr. Hooker, that they esteemed him, and knew him '-'to be, for doctrine ortho dox, for life and conversation honest, for disposition peace able, and no wise turbulent or factious." However, as he was a non -conformist, no personal or acquired excellencies, no testimonials of his good conduct, por prayers of his friends, could save him from prosecutions and deposition. He was so esteemed as a preacher, that not only his own people, but others, from all' parts of the county of Es-j sex, flocked* to hear him. The noble earl of Warwick, though he resided at a great distance from Chelmsford, was so delighted with his public performances, that he fre quently attended them. Great numbers not only attended^ his ministry, but experienced its salutary effects, and found themselves willing to emigrate into any part of the world, to enjoy the happiness of such a pastor. No sooner, there fore, was he driven from them, than they turned their eyes • towards New'-England. They hoped that, if comfortable settlements could be made in thi? part of America, they P 26 ftlSTORY OF ' Chap. L Book I. might obtain him for their pastor. Therefore, in 1632, a w^-^/ large body of them came over and settled at Newtown, 1632. since called Cambridge,- in Massachusetts. Numbers ol them, it seems, came over at an earlier period, and began to settle at Weymouth, but, this year, .they all removed to Newtown. They had expressed their earnest desires to Mr. Hooker, that he would eome over into New-England^ and take the pastoral charge of them. Mr. Hook- At their desire he left Holland, and having obtained Mr. «r arrives, Samuel Stone, a lecturer at Torcester, in Northampton- 1I33' 4th' sIlire» foF an assistant' in the ministry, took his passage for America in the Griffin, a ship of 300 tons, and arrived at Boston* Sept. 4th, 1633, With him came over the famous Mr. John Cotton, Mr. John Haynes, afterwards governor of Connecticut, Mr. Goff, and two hundred other passen gers, of importance to the colony. T633, ]Mr. Hooker, soon after his arrival at Boston* proceeded to Newtown, where, finding himself in the midst of a joyful and affectionate people, he was filled with joy himself. He embraced them with open arms, saying, in the language of the apostle, " Now I live, if ye stand fast in the Lord."* These were the pious people who afterwards- settled the town of Hartford. Messrs. Soon after Mr. Hooker's arrival,, he was chosen pastoiv Hooker antj Mr. Stone teacher of the people at Newtown. On the ordained"2 1 1th of October die church was gathered, and, after solemn Oct.aith, fasting and prayer, the pastor and teacher were ordained 1633. to their respective offices. The church at Watertown, had Mr. Phil- been gathered before, on the 27th of August* 1630, and Mr. edSaTwa- Philips ordained pastor. Thus, the. three churches oi" tertown Windsor, Hartford, and Weathersfield, were gathered anr Aug. 27th,.tecedently to their settlement in Connecticut, and it does i6'39- not appear that they were ever re-gathered afterwards. * Magnalia B. III. The Life of Booker. Chap.IL CONNECTICUT. 27 Book I. CHAPTER II. The patent of Connecticut. The situation, extent, bounda ries, and area of the settled part of the colony. The dis covery of Connecticut river; a description of it, and the ¦signification qf .its name. The colony derives its name from the river. Description of other rivers. Plymouth and Dutch houses. Prospects of trade upon the river. THE greast Plymouth company wished to make* grants of their landTlisfhst as they could find purchasers; and conformity was so pressed,, and the times grew so dif ficult in England, that men of quality, as well as others, were anxious to provide, for themselves and their friends, a retreat in America. Another patent, therefore, contain ing a large .tract of country in New-England, soon suc ceeded that of Massachusetts. On the 19th of March, 1631, Robert, earl of Warwick, Old paten* president ofthe council of Plymouth, under his hand and of Con- sea], did grant and confirm unto the honourable William i63i.CU^ Viscount. Say and Seal, Robert Lord Brooks, Robert Lord Rich, Charles Fiennes, Esq. Sir Nathaniel Rich, Sir Rich ard Saltonstall>, and others, to the number of eleven, and to their heirs, assigns, and associates, for ever, " All that part ©f New-England, in America, which lies and extends itself from a riv&r there, called Narraganset river, the space of forty leagues upon a strait line near the sea shore, towards the south-west, west and by south, or west as the coast Heth towards Virginia, accounting three English miles to the league, and all and singular the lands and hereditaments whatsoever, lying and being -within the bounds aforesaid, , north and south in latitude and breadth, and in length and longitude of, and within all the breadth aforesaid, through out all the main lands there, from the western ocean to the south seas; and all lands, grounds, soil, wood and wood lands, ground, havens, ports, creeks and rivers, waters, fishings and hereditaments -whatsoever, lying within the said space, and every part and parcel thereof; and also, all islands lying in America aforesaid, in the said seas, or either of them, on the western or eastern coasts, or parts of the said tracts of land, by these presents to be given or granted."* The council of Plymouth, the preceding year, 1630, granted this whole tract to the earl of Warwick, and it had been confirmed to him by a patent from king Charles Jhe first. * See this patent jn the Appendix, No. 1. It HISTORY OF Chap. IL Book I. This is the originaj patent of Connecticut. The set- v^S^fc/ tiers ofthe two colonies of Connecticut and .New-Haven were th- patentees of Viscount Say and Seal, lord Brook, and their associates, to whom the patent was originally given. Extent of President Clap describes the extent of the tract, convey- the Cod- ed by this patent, in the words following : " All that part pltent" of New-England which lies west from ^arraganset river, a hundred and twenty miles on the sea coast; and from thence, in latitude and breadth aforesaid, to the south sea. This grant extends from Point Judith, to New- York ; and from thence, in a west line to the south sea : and if we take Narraganset river in its whole length, this tract will extend as far north as Worcester : it comprehends the whole of the colony of Connecticut, and much more."* Neal, Doug lass, Hutchihson,t and all ancient historians and writers, have represented all the New-England grants as extending Jl331' west from the Atlantic ocean to the south sea. Indeed the words ofthe patent are most express, declaring its extent to be south west or west, towards Virginia, to be in length and longitude throughout all the main lands to the south sea. The colony of the Massachusetts, and the commission ers of the united colonies of New-England, understood the patents in this light* and hence extended their claims to the ¦westward of the Dutch settlements. The Massachusetts, in the year 1659, made a grant of lands, opposite to fort Aurania, upon Hudson's river, to a number of principal merchants, in the colony, who were planning to make set tlements in those parts.J The same year, the commission ers of the united colonies asserted their claim of all the western lands to the south sea. In a letter to the Dutch governor, September 1st, 1659, they write, " We presume you have heard from your people of the fort of Aurania, that some of our people, the English, have been lately in; those parts, upon discovery of some meet places for plan tations, within the bounds of the patent of the Massachu setts colony ; which from the latitude of 42 degrees and a half, or 42 degrees and 33 and a half minutes, and so, northerly, extends itself from east to west, in longitude through the main land qf America, from the Atlantic ocean to the south or west sea." The patents to Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia, have ever been understood to have the same westerly ex- * Manuscripts of president Clap. t Neal's histoty N. E. vol. i. p, 148. Douglass, vol. ii. p. 90 and 160 j ?ind Hutchinson voi. i, p. 64 and vol. ii. p. 203. J H ;tctiinson vol, i. p. 159. Chap. II. CONNECTICUT. 29 tension. In the same light have they always been viewed, Book I. by the British kings, and have been pleaded and acted up- v_«*-v/-%«/ on, in treaties, between the court of Great-Britain, and the French and Spanish monarchs. By virtue of this con struction of patents and charters of the American colonies, it was, that all the western territories, as far as Mississip pi, were, in the late peace with Great- Britain, ceded to the states of America. From the same construction of the pa tents, congress have taken a formal surrender of the unap propriated western lands from particular states, and from Connecticut no less than from others. The situation ofthe settled part of Connecticut is chiefly situation, from 41 to 42 degrees of north latitude, and from 72 to 73 soil and degrees and 45 minutes west longitude. It is bounded irea of ._ south by the sea shore about 90 miles, from Byram river, cut- in the latitude of 40 degrees and 58 minutes, and longitude 72 degrees and 25 minutes, to Pawcatuck river, in lati tude 41 degrees and 17 minutes, and in longitude 72 de grees and 25 minutes; east on the colony of Rhode-Isl and 45 miles ; north on Massachusetts 72 miles, the line running nearly in the latitude of 42 degrees ; and west on New- York about 73 miles. It contains 4,730 square miles, and 3,020,000 acres. One twentieth piart of the colony is water and highways.* Exclusive of these there are 2,869,000 acres. Of this about 2,640,000 are estimated improvable. The land is excellently watered, and libe ral to the husbandman. Though, in some places, it is mountainous and broken, yet the greatest part of this is profitable either for wood or grazing. There are some thin lands, but these are profitable with proper manuring and cultivation. The present population is more than fifty souls to every Degree of square mile, including land and water. It is about onef'.opula' person to every ten or twelve acres of land. The first discoveries made of this part of New-England were of its principaLriver and the fine meadows lying upon its bank. Whether the Dutch at New-Netherlands, or the people of New-Plymouth, were the first discoverers of the river is not certain. Both the English and Dutch claimed to be the first discoverers, and both purchased and made a settlement ofthe lands upon it nearly at the same time. In 1631, Wahquimacut, a sachem upon the river Con- Invitation necticut, made a journey to Plymouth and Boston, earnest- *° set0e on ly soliciting the governors of each of the colonies to send e riyei * To find the quantity of water and highways, an accurate computa tion was made of the proportion of water and highways in a particular town, which was supposed to contain $n average with the to\\rns jD gene-, ral. 30 HISTORY OF Chap. II. Book I. men to make settlements upon the river. He represented *-*-v-*-/ the exceeding fruitfulness ofthe country, and promised that he would supply the English, if they would make a settle ment there, with corn annually, and give them eighty beav er skins. He urged that two men might be sent to view the country. Had this invitation been accepted it might have prevented the Dutch claim to any part ofthe lands upon the river, and opened an extensive trade, in hemp, furs, and deer skins, with all the Indians upon it, and far into Canada, „31 The governor of Massachusetts treated the sachem and his company with generosity, but paid no further attention to his proposal. Mr. Winslow, the governor of Plymouth, judged it worthy of more attention. It seems, that soon af ter he went to Connecticut, and discovered the river and the adjacent parts. The commissioners ofthe united colo nies, in their declaration against the Dutch, in 1653, say, " Mr. Winslow, one of the commissioners for Plymouth, discovered the fresh river when the Dutch had neither trad ing house nor any pretence to a foot of land there."* It very soon appeared that the earnestness, with which the Indian sachem solicited the English to make settle- ments on the river, originated in the distressed state of the river Indians. Pekoath, at that time, the great sachem of the Pequims, or Pequots, was conquering them, and driv ing their sachems from that part of the country. . The In dian king imagined that, if he could persuade the English to make settlements there, they would defend him from his too powerful enemies. t The next year, the people of New-Plymouth made more particular discoveries, upon the river, and found a place near the mouth of the little river, in Windsor, at which they judged a trading house might be erected, which would be advantageous to the colony. The Indians represented that the river Connecticut ex tended so far north, and so near the great lake, that they passed their canoes from the lake into it ; and that from the great swamps about the lake came most of the beaver in which they traded. One ofthe branches of Onion river, in Vermont, is with in ten miles of Connecticut river. This was anciently call ed thfe French river. The French and Indians from Cana da came by this river, and from this into Connecticut, when they made their attacks on the northern frontiers of New-England and Connecticut. * Records of the United Colonies. t Winthrop's Journal, p. 25. Chap; II. CONNECTICUT. 31 Connecticut river has its source in that grand ridge of Book I. mountains which divides the waters of New-England and v^-v-^' Canada, and extends north-easterly to the gulph of St. Descrip- Lawrence. The source of its highest branch is in about ^ of 45 degrees and a half, or 46 degrees of north latitude. cut rjver. Where it enters New-England, in 45 degrees of north lati tude, it is ten rods in breadth, and in running sixty miles further, it becomes twenty-four rods wide. It forms the boundary line between New-Hampshire and Vermont a- bout two hundred miles. Thence running through the states Of Massachusetts and Connecticut, it disembogues its waters into Long-Island sound, between Saybrook and Lyme. It runs with a gentle flow, as its course is, between three and four hundred miles. Its breadth through Con necticut, as a medium, is between a hundred rods and half a mile. In the high spring floods it overflows its banks, and in some places is nearly two miles in breadth. As its banks are generally low, it forms and fertilizes a vast tract of the finest meadow ; feasible, fertile, and in which a stone is scarcely to be found. The general course of this beautiful river, above, and between the states of New- Hampshire and Vermont, is nearly south west; thence it turns and runs but a few degrees west of south to its mouth. At a small distance from its mouth is a bar of sand, ap parently formed by the conflux of the river and tide. Up on this there is but ten feet of water at full tide. "The bar is at such a distance from the mouth of the river, that the greatest floods do not increase the depth of the water. This is some obstruction to navigation, but any vessel, which can pass the bar, may proceed without obstruction as faF as Middletown, thirty miles from the sound ; and vessels of eighty, and a hundred tons, go up to Hartford, fifty miles from the river's mouth. By means of locks and cuts, at the falls, it is now navigable, for boats, more than three hundred miles, s In Connecticut, there is one exception to the lowness of the river's banks. About three miles below Middle- town the river makes its way through two mountains, by which its breadth is contracted to about forty rods. This occasions the waters, sometimes, in the spring floods, to rise, even at Hartford, twenty feet above the common sur face of the river. This, for the length of its course, its gentle flow, its excellent waters, the rich and extensive meadows which it forms, and the immense quantities of fish, with which it abounds, is one of the finest rivers in NeW-England. None of the ancient adventurers, who discovered the 32 Book I. History of Chap. IL Connecticut named liom its principalliver. Descrip tion of rivers. OfNau-galuck Of the lit tle river. Of Pe quot. great continent of North-America, or New-England, made any discovery of this river. It does not appear that it was known to any civilized nation, until some years after the settlement of the English and Dutch, at Plymouth and New-Netherlands. From this fine river, which the Indians called Quonehta- cut, or Connecticut, (in English, the long river,) the colo ny, originallytook its name. Indeed this is one principal source of its wealth and convenience. The Housatonick and the little or Farmington river, westward of it, and Pequot river, now called the Thames, on the east, are also considerable sources of its opulence and prosperity. The Housatonick, now commonly called Stratford river, has two principal branches. One rises in Lanesborough, ahd the other in Windsor, in the county of Berkshire, in Massachusetts. Where it enters Connecti cut, between Salisbury and Canaan, it is about fifty rods wide, and running through the , whole length of the colony, it empties into the sound between Milford and Stratford. It is navigable twelve miles to Derby. Between Milford and Stratford it is about eighty rods wide, and there is a- bout four fathoms of water. Were it not obstructed, by a bar of shells, at the mouth, it would admit large ships. Between Salisbury and Canaan is a cataract where the wa ter of the whole river falls perpendicularly sixty feet. The fall produces a perfectly white sheet of water, and a mist in which various floating' rainbows are exhibited, forming a scene exquisitely grand and beautiful. The Naugatuck, or Waterbury river, is another consid erable branch of the Housatonick. Its source is in Tor- riugton, and running through Harwinton, Plymouth and Waterbury, it empties itself into said river at Derby. The little, or Farmington river, rises in Becket, in Mas sachusetts, crosses the boundary line between the colonies at Hartland, and passing through Barkhempsted and New- Hartford, runs south considerably below the centre of Farmington first society ; then, making a remarkable turn, it runs back nearly a north course, twelve or fourteen miles into Simsbury ; where it turns easterly, and running into Windsor, discharges its waters into Connecticut river nearly in the centre of the town. This formerly was re plenished with all kinds of fish in as great a profusion as Connecticut. The numerous dams, which more lately have been erected upon it, have very greatly obstructed their passage. Pequot river, or the Thames, empties into the sound at New-London. It is navigable fourteen miles, to Norwich Chap. IL CONNECTICUT. 33 landing. Here it loses its name, and branches into She- Book I. tucket on the east} and Norwich or little river on the west. v^-V"*»' About a mile from the mouth of the little river, is a re- Descrip- ttiarkable romantic cataract. A perpendicular rock, about lion of tlie twelve feet high, extends itself hcross the whole channel : not^c^ over this the river pitches, in one entire sheet, on to a bed of rocks : here it is compressed by a very narrow and crooked passage, between two craggy cliffs, and for fifteen or twenty rods, forces its way over numerous pointed rocks, with the mdst violent agitation ; thence it flows into a large bason, which spreads itself for its reception. The long and constant falling of the waters, have excavated the rocks, even to admiration. In some, cavities are made, of a circular form, not less than five or six feet deep. The smooth and gentle flow of the river above the fall, the reg ularity and beauty of its descent, the roughness and foam of the waters below, and the rugged; towering cliff impend ing the whole, presents the spectator with a scene ma jestic and pleasing beyond description. The Shetucket, which name it bears as far only as thd of She- southern boundary of Windham, is formed by the Willa- tucket, ma,ntick and Quenibaug rivers. The Willamantick has Wiilaman- its source in Massachusetts, enters Connecticut at Stafford, Q°Je2baug and is the boundary line between Tolland and Willington, Coventry and Mansfield, and passing by Windham, loses itself in the Shetucket. Quenibaug rises in Brimfield, in Massachusetts, and passing through Sturbridge and Dud ley, crosses the line between that state and Connecticut, at Thompson ; and dividing Pomfret from Killingly, Canter bury from Plainfield, and Lisbon from Preston, flows into the Shetucket. The colony is watered and fertilized by numerous other rivers, of less extent and utility* As the people at Plymouth had explored Connecticut river, and fixed upon a place convenient for building and commerce, and found the original proprietors of the soil desirous of their making settlements among them, they judged it an affair worthy of public, and immediate atten tion. In July, 1633, Mr. Winslow and Mr. Bradford there fore made a journey to Boston, to confer with governor Winthrop and his council, on the subject. Governor Wins low and Mr. Bradford proposed it to them, to join with Plymouth, in a trade to Connecticut, for hemp and beaver, and to erect a house for the purposes of commerce. It was represented as necessary, to prevent the Dutch from taking possession of that fine country, who, it was report- E 34 HISTORY OF Chap. II. Book I. ed, were about to build upon the river r but governor Win- v^v^/ throp declined the motion : he objected that it was not 1633. proper to make a plantation there, because there were three or four thousand warlike Indians upon the river ; and because the bar at the mouth of it was such, that small pinnaces only could enter it at high water ; and because that, seven months in the year, no vessels could go into it, by reason of the ice, and the violence of the stream. The Plymouth people therefore determined to undertake the enterprise at their own risk. Preparations were made for erecting a trading house, and establishing a small com pany upon the river. In the mean time, the master of a vessel from Massachusetts, who was trading at New-Neth erlands, shewed to Walter Van Twiller, the Dutch gover nor, the commission which the English had to trade and settle in New-England ; and that his majesty the king of England, had granted all these parts to his own subjects. He therefore desired that the Dutch would not build at Connecticut. This appears to have been done at the di rection of governor Winthrop ; for, in consequence of it, -the Dutch governor wrote a very complaisant letter to him, in which he represented, that the lords, the States General, had granted the same country to the West-India company. He requested therefore, that the English would make no settlements at Connecticut, until the affair should be determined between the court of England, and the States General.* This app'ears to have been a piece of policy in the Dutch governor, to keep the English still, un til the Dutch had got a firm footing upon the river. Several vessels, this year, went into Connecticut river to trade. John Oldham, from Dorchester, and three men bepUm with him, also travelled through the wilderness to Connec ticut, to view the country, and trade with the Indians. The sachem upon the river made him most welcome, and gave him a present in beaver. He found that the Indian hemp grew spontaneously in the meadows, in great abundance : he purchased a quantity of it ; and, upon trial, it appeared much to exceed the hemp which grew in England. William Holmes, of Plymouth, with his company, hav ing prepared the frarne of a house, with boards and materi als for covering it immediately, put them on board a ves sel, and sailed for Connecticut. Holmes had a commission from the goverj3or of Plymouth, and a chosen company to accomplish his design. When he came into the river, he found that the Dutch had got in before him, made a light fort, and planted two pieces of cannon : this was erected * Winthrop's Journal, p. 55. €hap. II. CONNECTICUT. 35 at the place since called Hartford. The Dutch forbid Book I. Holmes' going up the river, stood by their cannon,, ordered s^-v-^/ him to strike his colours, or they would fire upon him : but he was a man of spirit, assured them. that he had a com mission from the governor of Plymouth to go up the river, and that he must obey his orders: they poured out their threats, but he proceeded, and landing on the west side of the river, erected his house a little below the mouth of the Plymouth little river, in Windsor.* The house was covered with house e- the utmost dispatch., and fortified with palisadoes. The wfodL*1 sachems, who were the original owners of the -soil, had Oct. 1633. been driven from this part of the country, by the Pequots ; and were now carried home on board Holmes' vessel. Of them the Plymouth people purchased the land, on which they erected their house.t This, governor Wolcott says, Dutch was the first house erected in Connecticut.^ The Dutch, ho"se at about the same time, erected a trading house at Hartford, Hartford' which they called the Hirse of good hope.§ It was with great difficulty that Holmes and his compa- ny erected and fortified their house, and kept it afterwards, ft-o^the" The Indians were offended at their bringing home the ori- Dutch and ginal proprietors, and lords of the country, and the Dutch Indians. that they had settled there, and were about to rival them in trade, and in the possession of those excellent lands up on the river : they were obliged therefore to combat both, and to keep a constant watch upon them. The Dutch, before the Plymouth people took possession of the river, had invited them, in an amicable manner, to trade at Connecticut; but when they were apprised that ihey were making preparations for a settlement there, they repented of the invitation, and spared no exertions to pre vent them. On the 8th of June, the Dutch had sent Jacob Van Cur- ter, to purchase lands upon the Connecticut. He made a purchase of about twenty acres at Hartford, of Nepuquash, Q t 0 a Pequot captain. Of this the Dutch took possession in October, and on the 25th of "the month, Curter protested Dec. 1634. against William Holmes, the builder of the Plymouth house. Some time afterwards, the Dutch governor, Walter Van Twiller, of fort Amsterdam, dispatched a reinforce ment to Connecticut, designing to drive Holmes and his company from the river. A band of seventy men, under arms, with banners displayed, assaulted the Plymouth * Manuscripts of governor Wolcott. t Prince's Chron. part ii. sec. 2, p. 94, 95, 96. | In his manuscripts. {Smith represents thi§ house as built ten years before it was. Hist, nf New-York, p. 2. 36 HISTORY OF Chap. IL Book I. house, but they found it so well fortified, and the men who w^o^ kept it so vigilant and determined, that it could not be tak en without bloodshed : they therefore came to a parley, and finally returned in peace. The Dutch were always mere intruders. They had no right to any part of this country. The English ever denied ' their right, and when the Dutch placed a governor at New- Netherlands, and the court of England made complaint of it to the States General, they disowned the affair, and said it was only a private undertaking of an Amsterdam West-India company. King James the first commissioned Edward Langdon to be governor, at New-Netherlands, and named the country New-Albion. The Dutch submit ted to the English government, until the troubles in Eng land, under the administrations of king Charles the first and the long parliament.* Taking the advantage ofthe distraction of those times, they again usurped and estab- y lished their government, until they were reduced by king Charles the second, in 1664. They gave great trouble to both the colonies of Connecticut and New-Haven. ™ , • The people of New-Plymouth had carried on a trade up- iiu-. on Connecticut river for nearly two years before they erected a trading house. They found the country to be excellent and the trade profitable ; but that, were there a house and company to receive the commodities which were brought down from the inland country, the profits would be much greater. The country abounded with beaver. The Dutch purchased not less than ten thousand skins an- 1633. nually. Plymouth and Massachusetts people sometimes sent, in a single ship, for England, a thousand pound's. Sterling worth of otter and beaver skins. The extent of Connecticut river, the numerous Indians upon it, and the easy communication which they had with the lakes, and natives of Canada, gave an extensive opening for a trade in furs, skins, corn, hemp and all kinds of commodities which the country afforded. This was a year of great sickness at Plymouth. They lost twenty of their people; Some of them were their principal and most useful inhabitants. Mortality It was a dreadful year to the Indians in the Massachu- iSfs^n s and east of them, from Connecticut river to the eastern 1633. boundary line of the colony, and north-east or north, to its northern boundary line, lay. the Pequot and Moheagan country. This tract was nearly thirty miles square, inclu ding the counties Of New-London, Windham, and the prin cipal part ofthe county of Tolland. § Historians have treated of the Pequots and Moheagans, Pequot as two distinct tribes, and have described the Pequot coun- and Mo- try, as lying principally within the three towns of New- |jo„ftry. London, Groton, and Stonington. All the tract above this, as far north and east as has been described, they have rep resented as the Moheagan country. Most of the towns in this tract, if not all of them, hold their lands" by virtue" of deeds from Uncas, or his successors, the Moheagan sa chems. It is, however, much to be doubted, whether the Moheagans were a distinct nation from the Pequots. They appear to have been a part of the same nation, named from the place of their.situation. Uncas. was evidently of the royal line of the Pequots, both by his father arid moth er ; and his wife was daughter of Tatobam, one of the Pe quot sachems.* He appears to have been a captain, or petty sachem, under Sassacus, the great prince of the na tion. When the EngliiETirst came to Connecticut, he was in a state of rebellion against him, in consequence of some misunderstanding between them ; and of little power or consequence among the Indians. The Pequots were, by far, the most warlike nation in pequot sa- Connecticut, or even in New-England. The tradition is, chems. that they Were, originally, an inland tribe ; but, by their prowess, came down and settled themselves, in that fine country along the sea coast, from Nehantick to Narragan set bay. When the English began their settlements at Connecticut, Sassacus had twenty-six sachems, or princi pal war captains, under him. The next to himself, in dig- nfiy, was MohOnottoh. The chief seat of these Indians, was at New-London and Groton. New-London was their principal harbor, and called Pequot harbor. They had another small harbor at the mouth of Mystic river. Their principal fort was on a commanding and most beautiful em- chief seat> inence, in the town of Groton, a few miles south-easterly from fort Griswold. It commanded one of the finest pros- ¦ pect£ of the sound and the adjacent country, which is to $ President Clap's manuscripts, and Chandler's map of the Moheagan country. * Preface to Capt. Mason's history, and genealogy of Uncas, upon the .records of Connecticut. F fii HISTORY OF Chap. III. Book I. be found upon the coast. This was the royal fortress, ^^-\^v/ where the chief sachem had his residence. He had an- J633. other fort near Mystic river, a few miles to the eastward of this, called Mystic fort. This was also erected upon a beautiful hill, or eminence, gradually descending towards the south and south-east* The Pequots, Moheagans, and Nehanticks, could, doubtless, muster a thousand bowmen. The Pequots only were estimated at seven hundred war riors. Upon the lowest computation we therefore find at least three thousand warriors on the river Connecticut, and in the eastern part of the colony. If we reckon every third person a bowman, as some have imagined, then the Whole number of Indians, in the town and tract mentioned, would be nine thousand ; but if there were but one to four or five, as is most probable, then there were twelve or fif teen thousand. West of Connecticut river and the towns upon it, there were not only scattering families in almost every part, but, in several places, great bodies of Indians* At Simsbury and New-Hartford, they were numerous ; and upon those fine meadows, formed by the meanders of the little river, at Tunxis, now Farmington, and the lands adjacent, was another very large clan. There was a small tribe at Guil ford, under the sachem squaw, or queen, of Menunkatuck. At Branford and East-Haven there was another. They had a famous burying ground at East-Haven, which they visited and kept up, with much ceremony, for many years after the settlement of New-Haven. At Milford, Derby, Stratford, Norwaik, Stamford, and Greenwich, their numbers were formidable. , At Milford, the Indian name of which was Wopowagey diansj n" there were great numbers ; not only in the centre of the town, but south of it, at Milford point. In the fields there, the shells brought on by the original inhabitants are said to be so deep, that they never have been ploughed, or dug through, even to this day. On the West part of the town was another party. They had a strong fortress, with flan kers at the four corners, about half a mile north of Strat ford ferry. This was built as a defence against the Mo hawks. At Turkey hill, in the north-west part of Milford, there was another large settlement. airf Itrat- In Derby' there ^ere tw0 targe clans. There was one fordludi- atPaugusset. This clan erected a strong fort against the ans. Mohawks, situated on the bank of the river, nearly a mile above Derby ferry. At the falls of Naugatuck river, four or five miles above, was another tribe. At Stratford, the Indians were equally, if not more nu- Chap. III. CONNECTICUT, 43 nierous. In that part of the town only, which is compris- Book 1. ed within the-limits of Huntington, their warriors, after the v^~v-^/ English had knowledge of them, were estimated at three 1633. hundred; and, before this time, they had been much wast ed by the Mohawks. The Indians at Stamford and Greenwich, aijd in that Stamford vicinity, probably, were not inferior in numbers to those Indians. at Stratford. There were two or three tribes of Indians in Stamford, when the English began the settlement of the town. In Norwalk were two petty sachemdoms ; so that within these towns, there was a large and dangerous body of savages. These, with the natives between them and Hudson's river, gave extreme trouble to the Dutch. The Norwalk and Stamford Indians gave great alarm, and occa sioned much expense to the English, after they made set tlements in that part of the colony. In the town of Woodbury, there were ajso great numbers of Indians. The most numerous body of them was in that part ofthe town, since named South-Britain. It would doubtless be a moderate computation, to reckon- tfill these different clans at a thousand warriors, or four or,. five thousand people. There must therefore have been_ sixteen, and it maybe, twenty thousand ilndians in Con necticut, when the settlement of it commenced. East of Connecticut were the Narraganset Indians : ^j™San» these were a numerous and powerful body. When the 4jans, English settled Plymouth, their fighting men were reckon ed at three or four thousand.* Fifty years after this time, they were estimated at two thousand. The Pequots and Narragansets maintained perpetual war, and kept up~ an implacable animosity between them. The Narragansets were the only Indians in the vicinity of the Pequots, which they had not conquered. To these their very name was dreadful. They said Sassacus was " ajl one God ; no man could kill him."t On the northeasterly and northern part of the colony, Nipmuck were the Nipmuck Indians. Their principal seat wasrQdians- about the great ponds in Oxford, in Massachusetts, but their territory extended southward into Connecticut, more than twenty miles. This was called the Wabbequasset and Whetstone country ; and sometimes, the Moheagan conquered country, as Uncas had conquered and added it to his sachemdom. $ * Prince's Chron. p. 116. t Major Mason's history of the Peqiiot war. j President Clap's manuscripts, and Chandler's map of tlie Moheag:.* country, 44Book I. 1633. Descrip tion of the Indians. Passive courage. HISTORY OF Chap. III. Features. Genius. The Connecticut, and indeed all the New-rEngland In dians, were large, strait, well proportioned men. Their bodies were firm and active, capable of enduring the great est fatigues and hardships. Their passive courage was almost incredible. When tortured in the most cruel man ner ; though flayed alive, though burnt with fire, cut or torn limb from limb, they would not groan, nor show any signs of distress. Nay, in some instances they would glory over their tormentors, saying that their hearts would never be soft until they were cold, and representing their ton- ments as sweet as Englishmen's sugar,'? When travel ling in summer, or winter, they regarded neither heat nor cold. They were exceedingly light of foot, and would travel or run a very great distance in a day. Mr. Will iams says, '' I have known them run between eighty and a hundred miles in asummer's day and back again within two days." As they were accustomed to the woods, they ran in them nearly as well as on plain ground. They were exceedingly quick sighted, to discover their enemy, or their game, and equally artful to conceal themselves. Their features were tolerably regular. Their faces are generally full as broad as those of the English, but flatter ; they have a small, dark coloured good eye, coarse black hair, and a fine white set of teeth. The Indian children, when born, are nearly as white as the Euglish children ; but as they grow up their skin grows darker and becomes nearly of a copper colour. The shapes both ofthe men and women, especially the latter, are excellent. A crook ed Indian is rarely if ever to be seen. The Indians in general were quick of apprehension, in genious, and when pleased, nothing could exceed their courtesy and friendship. Gravity, and eloquence distin guished them in council, address and bravery in war. They were not more easily provoked than the English ; but when once they had received an injury, it was never forgotten. In anger they were not, like the English, talka tive and boisterous, but sullen and revengeful. Indeed when they were exasperated, nothing could exceed their revenge and cruelty. When they have fallen into the power of an enemy, they have not been known to beg for life, nor even to accept it when offered them. They have seemed rather fo court death.t They were exceedingly improvident. If they had a supply for the present, they gave themselves no trouble for the future. The men de clined all labor, and spent their time in hunting, fishing, * Hubbard's Narrative, p. 130 and 172. I Jefferson's notes, p. 108, 109, and Hubbard's narrative, p. 130. 172. Chap. IIL CONNECTICUT. 45 shooting, and warlike exercises. They were exceUent Book I. marksmen, and rarely missed their game, whether run- v^»-^-n^ ning or flying. 1633. They imposed all the drudgery upon their women. Treat- They gathered and brought home their wood, planted, ™eutof dressed and gathered in their corn. They carried home ^enw°" the venison, fish and fowl, which the men took in hunting. ' When they travelled, the women carried the children, packs and provisions. The Indian women submitted pa tiently to such treatment, considering it as the hard lot of the woman. This ungenerous usage of their haughty lords,' they repaid with smiles and good humour. It has been common among all heathen nations, to treat their women as slaves, and their children, in infancy, with little tenderness. The Indian men cared little for their children when young, and were supposed at certain times, to sacrifice them to the devil. Christianity only provides for that tender and honorable treatment of the woman, which is due to the sex formed of man. This alone pro vides for the tender care, nursing and education of her offspring, and is most favorable to domestic happiness, to the life and dignity of man. The Indian women were strong and masculine ; and as they were more inured to exercise and hardship than the men, were even more firm and capable of fatigue and suf fering than they. They endured the pains of child-bear ing without a groan. It was not uncommon for them, soon after labor, to take their children upon their backs and travel as they had done before'.* The clothing of the Indians in New-England, was the Dress. skins of wild beasts. The men threw a light mantle of sk^ns over them, and wore a small flap which was called Indian breeches. They were not very careful, however, to conceal their nakedness. The w°nien were much more modest. They wore a coat of skins, girt about their loins, which reached down to their hams. — They never put this off in company. If the husband chose to sell his wife's beaver petticoat, she could not be persuaded to part with it, until he had provided another of some sort. In the winter, their blanket of skins, which hung loose in the summer, was tied or wrapped more closely about them, The old men in the severe seasons also wore a sort of trowsers made of skins and fastened to their girdles, They wore shoes without heels, which they called mocka- sins. These were made generally of moose hide, bu( * Wood's prospect of New-England, Neal and Hutchjnson, Neal's Hist N. E. vol. i. p. 45. Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 462 to 467, 46 HISTORY OF Chap. HI. Book I. sometimes of buck skin. They were shaped entirely to >-^>^>*/ the foot, gathered at the toes and round the ankles, and 1633. made fast with strings. Qma- Their ornaments were pendants in their ears and nose, meats. carved of bone, shells and stone. These were in the form of birds, beasts and fishes. They also wore belts of wam- pompeag upon their arms, over their shoulders and about their loins. They cut their hair into various antic forms and stuck them with feathers. They also, by incisions into which they conveyed a black or blue, unchangeable ink, made on their cheeks, arms, and other parts of their bo* dies, the figures of moose, deer, bears, wolves, hawks, ea gles and all such living creatures as were most agreeable to their fancies. These pictures were indelible, and lasted during life. The sachems, on great days, when they de signed to show themselves in the full splendor of majesty, not only covered themselves with mantles of moose, or deerskins, with various embroideries of white beads, and with paintings of different kinds ; but they wore the skin of a bear, wild cat or some terrible creature upon their shouU ders and arms. They had also necklaces of fish bones, and painting themselves in a frightful manner, made a most ferocious and horrible appearance. The warriors who, on public occasions, dressed themselves in the most wild and terrific forms, were considered as the best men. Habita- The Indian houses or wigwams, were, at best, but poor tions. smoky cells. Tbey were constructed generally like ar bours, of small young trees, bent and twisted together, and so curiously covered with mats or bark, that they were tolerably dry and warm. The Indians made their fire in the centre of the house, and there was an opening at the top, which emitted the smoke. For the convenience of wood and water, these huts were commonly erected in groves, near some river, brook or living spring. When the wood failed, the family removed to another place. Food. They lived in a poor low manner : their food was coarse and simple, without any kind of seasoning : they had nei ther spice, salt, nor bread : they had neither butter, cheese, nor milk : they drank nothing better than the water which ran in the brook, or spouted from the spring : they fed on the fiesh and entrails of moose, deer, bears, and all kinds of wild beasts and fowls ; on fish, eels, and creeping things: they had good stomachs, and nothing came amiss. ln the hunting and fishing seasons, they had venison, moose, fat bears, racoons, geese, turkies, ducks, and fish of all kinds. In the summer, they had green corn, beans, squashes, and the various fruits which the country natural- Chap. III. CONNECTICUT 47 ly produced. In the winter they subsisted on com, beans, BdoK I. fish, nuts, groundnuts, acorns, and the very gleanings of v^-v-v-1 the grove. 1633. They had no set meals, but like other wild creatures, No sot ate when they were hungry, and could find any thing tomeols• satisfy the cravings of nature. Some times they had little or nothing for several days ; but when they had provisions, they feasted, lf they fasted for some time, they werfe sure at the next meal to make up for all they had lost be fore. They had but little food from the earth, except what it spontaneously produced. Indian corn, beans and squash es, were the only eatables for which the natives in NeW- Englund labored. The earth was both their seat and their table. With trenchers, knives, and napkins* they had no acquaintance. Their household furniture was of small value. Their Household best bed was a mat or skin : they had neither chair nor furniture. stool. They ever sat upon the ground, commonly with their elbows upon their knees : this is the manner in which their great warriors and councillors now sit, even in the most public treaties with the English. A few wooden and stone vessels and instruments, serve all the purposes of domestic life. They had no steel nor iron instrument, utensils. Their knife was a sharp stone, shell, or kirtd of recd, which they sharpened in such a manner, as to cut their hair, make their bows and arrows, and served for all the purpo ses of a knife. They made them axes of stone : these they shaped somewhat similar to our axes ; but with this difference, that they were made with a neck, instead of an eye, and fastened with a withe, like a blacksmith's chissel. They had mortars, and stone pestles, and chissels : great numbers of these have been found in the country, and kept by the people, as- curiosities. They dressed their corn with a clamshell, or with a stick, made flat and sharp at one end. These were all the utensils which they had, ei ther for domestic use, or for husbandry. Their arts and manufactures were confined to a very Arts and narrow compass. Their only weapons were bows and ar- ™*"sufac" rows, the tomahawk and the wooden sword or spear. Their bows were of the common construction : their bowstrings were made of the sipews of deer, or of the Indian hemp. Their arrows were constructed of young elder sticks, or of other strait sticks and reeds : these were headed with a. sharp flinty stone, or with bones. The arrow was cleft at one end, and the stone .or bone was put in and fastened with a small cord. The tomahawk was a stick of two or throe feet in length, with a knob at otie end. Some times 48 HISTORY OF Chap. III.' Book I. it was a stone hatchet, or a stick, with a piece of deers ¦>-*<-v-s-/ horn at one end, in the form of a pick axe. -Their spear 1633. was a strait piece of wood, sharpened at one end, and har dened in the fire, or headed with bone or stone. With respect to navigation, they had made no improve ments beyond the construction and management of the hol low trough or canoe. They made their canoes of the ches- nut, whitewood, and pine trees. As these grew strait to a great length, and were exceedingly large as well as tall, they constructed some, which would carry sixty or eighty men;.* these were first rates ; but commonly they were not more than twenty feet in length, and two in breadth. The Pequots had many of these, in which they passed over to the Islandsy.and warred against, and plundered. the Island ers. The Indians upon Long-Island had a great number of canoes, of the largest kind; Indian ca- The construction of these, with such miserable tools as structed. the Indians possessed, was a great curiosity. The manner was this •: when they had found a tree to their purpose, to fell it they made a fire at the root, and kept burning it and cutting it with their stone axe, until it fell : then they kin dled a fire at such a distance from the butt as they chose, and burned it off again. By burning and working with their axe, and scraping with sharp stones and shells,- they made it hollow and smooth. - In the same manner they shaped the ends, and finished it to their wishes.- They constructed nets, twenty and thirty feet in length, liookst f°r fishing; especially for the purpose of catching stur geon : these were wrought with cords of Indian hemp, twisted by the hands of the women. They bad also hooks, made of flexible bones, which they used for fishing. With respect to religion and morals, the Indians in New- EelMon England were in the most deplorable condition." They jindlnorals believed that there was a great Spirit, or God, whom they called Kitchtan. They imagined that he dwelt far away in the southwest, and that he was a good God. But they worshipped agreat variety of gods. They paid homage to the fire and Water, thunder and lightning, and to whatever they imagined to be superior to themselves, or capable of doing thfem an injury.! They paid their principal homage to Hobbamocko. They imagined that he was an evil spir it and did them mischief ; and so, from fear, they wor shipped him, to keep him in good humour. They appear ed to have no idea ofa sabbath, and not to regard any par ticular day more than another. But in times of uncommon * Winthrop's Journal, p. 54. *Magnalia, b. iii, p. 192. Chap. IIL CONNECTICUT. 49 distress; by reason of pestilence, war, or famine, and upon Book I. occasion of great victories and triumph, and after the in- s-*-n^w gathering" of the fruits, they assembled in great numbers, 1633, for the celebration of their superstitious rites.* Thp whole, Country, men, women and children, came together upon these solemnities. The manner of their devotion was, to kindle large fires in their wigwams, or more commonly in the open fields, and to sing and dance round-ihem in a wild and violent manner; Sometimes they would all shout aloud, with the most antic and hideous notes. They made rattles of shells, which they shook, in a wild and violent manner, to fill up the cOnfused noise. After the English settled in Connecticut, and they could purchase kettles of brass, they used to strain skins over them, and beat upon them, to aug ment their wretched music. They often continued these wild and tumultuous exercises incessantly, for four or five hours, until they were worn down ahd spent with fatigue. Their priests, or powaws, led in these exercises. They were dressed in the most odd and surprising manner, With skins of odious and frightful creatures about their heads, f&ces, arms, and bodies. They painted themselves in the most ugly forms which could be devised. They sometimes sang, and then broke forth into strong invocations, with starts, and strange motions and passions. When these paused, the other Indians groaned, making wild and dole ful sounds. At these times, they sacrificed their skins, In dian money, and the best of their treasures. These were taken by the powaws, and all cast into the fires and con sumed together. After the English came into the country, and they had hatchets and kettles, they sacrificed these in the same manner. The English Were also persuaded, that they, sometimes, sacrificed their children, as well as their most valuable commodities.' No Indians in Connecticut were more noted for these superstitions than those of Wo- powage and Machemoodus.' Milford people observing an Indian child, nearly at one of these times of their devotion, dressed in an extraordinary manner, with all kinds of In dian finery,' had, the curiosity to inqi#e what could be the reason. The Indians answered, that it was to be sacrificed, and the people supposed that it was given to the devil. The evil spirit, which the New-England Indians called Hobbamocko, the Virginia Indians called Okee. So de luded were these unhappy people, that they believed Aese barbarous sacrifices to be absolutely necessary. They imagined that, unless they appeased and conciliated their gods in this manner, they would neither suffer them to have *Magnalia,B.III. p. 192.' G 50 HISTORY OF Chap. Ill 1633. Morals. Book I, peace, nor harvests, fish, venison,, fat bears, nor turkeys ; v-*^s/-«^ but would visit them with a general destruction. With respect to morals, they were indeed miserably de praved.. Mr. Williams and Mr. Callender, who, at an early period, were acquainted with the Indians in Rhode- Island, Mr. Hooker, and others, have represented them as sunk into the lowest state of moral turpitude, and as the very dregs of human nature.* Though the character which they gave them was, in some respects, exaggerated and absurd, yet it cannot be denied, that they were worship pers of evil spirits, liars, thieves, and murderers. They certainly were insidious and revengeful, almost without a parallel; and they wallowed in all the filth of wantonness. Great pains were taken with the Narraganset and Con necticut Indians, to civilize them, and teach them Chris tianity ; but the sachems rejected the gospel with indigna tion and contempt. They would not suffer it to be preach ed to their subjects. Indeed, both made it a public inte rest to oppose its propagation among them. Their policy, religion, and manners, were directly opposed to its pure doctrines and morals. The manner of their courtship and marriages manifested their impurity. When a young Indian wished for marriage, he presented the girl with whom he was enamoured, with bracelets, belts, and chains of wampum. If she received his presents, they cohabited together for a time, upon trial, lf they pleased each other, they were joined in marriage ; but if, after a few weeks, they were not suited, the man, leaving his presents, quitted the girl, and sought another mistress, and she another lover.t In this manner they courted, until two met who were agreeable to each other. Before marriage the consent of the sachem was obtained, atid he always joined the hands of the young pair in wed lock. The Indians in general kept many concubines, and never thought they had too many women. :£ This especially was the case with their sachems. They chose tbeir concu bines agreeably to*heir fancy, and put them away at pleasure. When a sachem grew weary of any of his wo men, he bestowed them upon some of his favourites, or chief men. The Indians, however, had one wife, who was the governess of the family, and whom they generally kept during life. In cases of adultery, the husband either put away the guilty wife, or satisfied himself by the infliction * Williams' manuscripts, and Mr. Calender's sermon. t Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 461, 462. $ Neal's Hist. N. E. p. 38, 39. Courlthip and mar- riagfe. Plurality of wives. Chap. III. CONNECTICUT. 51 of some severe punishment. Husbands and wives, parents Book I. and children, lived together in the same wigwams, without v^'-v-n^ any different apartment, and made no great privacy of such 1633. actions as the chaster animals keep from open view. The Indian government, generally, was absolute mon- Indian archy. The will of the sachem was his law, The lives j^™" and interests of his subjects were at his disposal. But in all-important affairs, he consulted his counsellors. When they had given their opinions, they deferred the decision of every matter to him. Whatever his determinations were, they applauded his wisdom, and without hesitation obeyed his commands. In council, the deportment ofthe sachems was grave and majestic to admiration. They appeared to be men of great discernment and policy. Their speeches were cautious and politic. The conduct of their counsel lors and servants was profoundly respectful and submis sive. The counsellors of the Indian kings in New-England, Thepani- were termed the paniese. These were not only the wisest, ese but largest and bravest men to be found among their sub jects. They were the immediate guard of their respective sachems, who made neither war nor peace, nor attempted any weighty affair, without their advice. In war, and all great enterprises, dangers, and sufferings, these discovered a boldness and firmness of mind exceeding all the other warriors. To preserve this order among the Indians, great pains were taken. The stoutest and most promising boys were chosen, and trained up with peculiar care, in the observa tion of certain Indian rites and customs. They were kept from all delicious meats, trained to coarse fare, and made to drink the juice of bitter herbs, until it occasioned violent vomitings. They were beaten over their legs and shins with' sticks, and made to run through brambles and thick ets, to make them hardy, and, as the Indians said, to ren der them more acceptable to Hobbamocko, These paniese, or ministers of state, were in league with the priests, or powaws, To keep the people in awe, they pretended, as well, as the priests, to have converse with the invisible worjd, and that Hobbamocko often appeared to them. Among the Connecticut Indians, and among all the In- The crowq dians in New-England, the crown was hereditary, always toredita- descending to the eldest son. When there was no male ry" issue, the crown descended to the female. The blood royal was held in such veneration, that no one was considered as heir to the crown, but such as were royally descended on, 52 HISTORY OF Chap. III. 1633. Revenues of the prince. Book I. both sides. .When a female acceded to the crown, she was called thesijnk squaw, or queen squaw. There were many petty sachems, tributary to other princes, on whom they were dependant for protection, and without whose consent they made neither peace, war, nor alliances with other na tions. The revenues of the crown consisted in the contributions of the people. They carried corn, and the first fruits of their harvest of all kinds, beans, squashes, roots, berries, and nuts, and presented lhem to their sachem. They made him presents of flesh, fish, fowl, moose, bear, cleer, beaver and other skins. One of the paniese was commonly apt pointed to receive the tribute. When the Indians brought it, he gave notice to his sachem, who went out to them, and by good words and some small gifts, expressed his gratitude. By these contributions, his table was supplied ; so that he kept open house for all strangers and travellers. Besides, the prince claimed an absolute sovereignty over the seas within his dominion. Whatever was stranded on the coast, all wrecks and whales floating on the sea, and taken, were his.* In war, the spoils of the enemy, and all the women and royalties of the prince conquered, belong ed to him who made the conquest. The sachem was not only examiner, judge, and execu- judges andtiorier, in all criminal cases, but in ail matters of justice between one man and another. In cases of dishonesty, the Indians proportioned the punishment to the number of times in \vhich the delinquent had been found guilty. For the first offence, he was reproached for his villainy in the most disgraceful manner; for the second, he was beaten with a cudgel upon his naked back. If he still persisted in his dishonest practices, and Was found guilty a third time, he was sure, besides a sound drubbing, to have his nose slit, that all men might know and avoid nim. Murder was, in all cases, punished with death. The sachem whipped the' delinquent, and slit his nose, in cases which required these punishments; and he killed the murderer, unless he were at a great distance. In this case, in which execution could not be done with his own hands; he sent his knife, by which it was effected. The Indians would not receive any pun ishment which was not capital, from the hands of any ex cept their sachems. They would neither be beaten, whip ped, nor slit by an officer : but, their prince might inflict these punishments to the greatest extremity, and they would neither run, cry, nor flinch. Indeed, neither the crimes nor the punishments are esteemed so infamous,, *Magnalia, B.VI. p. 51. Sachems «xeou tioners Chap. III. CONNECTICUT. 53 among the Indians, as to groan or shrink under suffering. Book I. The sachems were so absolute in their government, that v^-v-x^ they contemned the limited authority ofthe English gover- 1633. nors. The Indians had no kind of coin ; but they„had a sort of Indian money, which they called wampum, or wampumpeag. It moupy., consisted of small beads, most curiously wrought out of shells, and perforated in the centre, so that they might be strung on belts, in chains and bracelets. These were of several sorts. The Indians in Connecticut, and in New- England in general, made black, blue and white wampum. Six of the white beads passed for a penny, and three of the black or blue ones for the same. The five nations made another sort, which were of a purple colour. The white beads were wrought out of the inside of the great conchs, and the purple out of the inside of the muscle shell. They were made perfectly smooth, and the perforation was done in the neatest manner. Incjeed, considering that the Indians had neither knife, drill, nor any steel or iron instrument, the workmanship was admirable. After the English set tled in Connecticut, the Indians strung these beads on belts of cloth, in a very curious manner. The squaws made caps of cloth, rising to a peak over the top of the head, and the fore part was beautified with wampum, curi ously wrought upon them. The six nations now weave and string them in broad belts, which they give in their treaties, as a confirmation of their speeches and the seals of their friendship.* The Indians of Connecticut and New-England, although consisting of a great number of different nations and clans, appear all to have, spoken radically the same language. From Piscataqua to Connecticut, it was so nearly the same, Language, that the different tribes could converse tolerably together.t The Moheagan or Pequot language was essentially that of all the Indians in New-England, and ofa great part of the Indians in the United States.f The word Moheagans, is a corruption of Muhhekaneew, in the singular, or of Muhhe- kaneok in the plural , number. Not only the natives of New-England, but the Penobscots, bordering on Nova- Scotia, the Indians of St. Francis, in Canada, the Dela- wares, in Pennsylvania, the Shawanese, on the Ohio, and the Chippewaus, at the westward qf lake Huron, all spoke the same radical language. The same appears evident *Colden's history, vol. i. p. 3,4,71,72. t Hutchinson, vol. i. .p. 479. X Dr. Edwards' observations on the language ofthe Muhhekaneew In dians. -\ 54 HISTORY OF Chap. HI. -*-v~%^ west of Albany. 1633. As the Indians in Connecticut were slaughtered and op- Motives pressed, either by the Pequots or Mohawks, they were ^dUiC dS generally friendly to the settlement ofthe English among ansto '" them. They expected, by their means, to be defended permit the against their terrible and cruel oppressors. They also*""**!811 found themselves benefited by trading with them. They ^ents. furnished themselves with knives, hatchets, axes, hoes, kettles and various instruments and utensils which highly contributed to their convenience. They could, with these, perform more labor in one hour or day, than they could in many days without them. Besides, they found that they could exchange an old beaver coat, or blanket, for two or three new ones of English manufacture. They found a much better market for their furs, corn, peltry, and all their vendible commodities. The English were also careful to treat them with justice and humanity, and to make such presents to their sachems and great captains, as should please and keep them in good humor* By these means, the English lived in tolerable peace with all the Indians in Connecticut, and New-England, except the Pequots, for about forty years. The Indians, at their first settlement, performed many Indian acts of kindness towards them. They instructed them in kindness, the manner of planting and dressing the Indian corn. They carried them upon their backs, through rivers and I waters ; and, as occasion required, served them instead of boats and bridges. They gave them much useful informa tion respecting the country, and when the English or their children were lost in the woods, and were in danger of perishing with hunger or cold, they conducted them to their wigwams, fed them, and restored them to their fami lies and parents. By selling them corn, when pinched with famine, they relieved their distresses and prevented their perishing in a strange land and uncultivated wilder ness. H HISTORY OF Chap. IV. CHAPTER IV. The people at Dorchester, Watertown and Newtown, finding themselves straitened in the Massachusetts, determine to remove to Connecticut. Debates in Massachusetts rela tive to their removal. The general court at first, prohib ited it, but afterwards gave its consent. The people re moved and settled the towns of Windsor, Hartford and Weathersfield. Hardships and losses of the first winters. 1634. ^Sf UCH numbers were constantly emigrating, to New- kJ England, in consequence of the persecution of the SGritans, that the people at Dorchester, Watertown and ewtoWn, began to be much straitened, by the accession of new planters; By those who had been at Connecticut, they had received intelligence of the excellent meadows upon the river : they therefore determined to remove, and once more brave the dangers and hardships of making set tlements in a dreary wilderness. May. Upon application to the general court for the enlarge ment of their boundaries, or for liberty to remove, they, at first, obtained consent for the latter. However, when it was afterwards discovered, that their determination was to plant a new colony at Connecticut, there arose a strong SeptenB- opposition ; so that when the court convened in Septem ber, ber, there was a warm debate on the subject, and a great division between the- houses. Indeed, the whole colony was affected with the dispute. Arguments jyjr> Hooker, who was more engaged in the enterprise ing to Con- ^an l^e other ministers, took up the affair and pleaded for nectitut. the people* He urged, that they were so straitened for ac commodations for their cattle, that they could not support the ministry, neither receive, nor assist any more of their friends, who might come over to them. He insisted that the planting of towns so near together was a fundamental error in their policy. He pleaded the fertility and happy accofnmodations of Conncecticut : That settlements upon the river were necessary to prevent the Dutch and others from possessing themselves of so fruitful and important a part of the country ; and that the minds of the people were strongly inclined to plant themselves there, in prefer ence to every other place, which had come to their knowl edge. Arguments On the other side it was insisted, That in point of con- agamstit. gcjence they ought not to depart; as they were united to Chap. IV. CONNECTICUT. 59 the Massachusetts as one body, and bound by oath to Seek Boo£ I. the good of that commonwealth: and that on principles of '^"v-*-- policy it could not, by any means, be granted. It was 1634. pleaded, that as the settlements in the Massachusetts were new and weak, they were in danger of an assault from their enemies : That the departure of Mr. Hooker and the peo ple of those towns, would hot pnlydraw off many from the Massachusetts, but prevent others, from settling in the color ny. Besides, it was said, that the removing of a candle stick was a great judgment : That by suffering it they should expose their brethren to great danger, both from the Dutch and Indians. Indeed, it was affirmed that they might be accommodated by the enlargements offered them by the other towns. After a long and warm debate, the governor, two assist- J11?,0?"? ants, and a majority ofthe representatives, were for grant- m e ;' ing liberty for Mr. Hooker and the people to transplant themselves to Connecticut^ The deputy-governor howev er and six of the assistants vVere in the negative, and so no vote could be obtained,* This made a considerable ferment, not only in the gene ral court, but in the colony, so that Mr. Cotton was desired to preach on the subject to quiet the court and the people of the colony. This also retarded the commencement of the settlements upon the river. Individuals, however, were determined to prosecute the business, and made preparations effectually to carry it into execution. It appears, that some of the Watertown people came this year to Connecticut, and erected a few huts at Py- quag, now Weathersfield, in which a small number of men made a shift to winter.! While the colonists were thus prosecuting the business May 3, of settlement, in New-England, the right honourable James, 1635- Marquis of Hamilton, obtained a grant from the council of Plymouth, April 20th, 1635, of all that tract of country which lies between Connecticut river and Narraganset riv er and harbour, and from the mouths of each of said rivers northward sixty miles into the country. However, by reason of its interference with the grant to the lord Say and Seal, lord Brook, &c. or for some other reason, the deed was never executed. The Marquis made no settle ment upon the land and the claim became obsolete. The next May, the Newtown people, determining to set tle at Connecticut, renewed their ajpplication to the gene-, * Winthrop's Journal, p. 70. t This is the tradition, and the Rev. Mr. Meeks of Weathersfield in hift, manuscripts says, Weathersfield is the oldest town on the river, 60 HISTORY OF Chap. IV. Book L ral court, and obtained liberty to remove to any place v^v->^ which they should choose, with this proviso, that they 1635. should continue under the jurisdiction of the Massachu setts.! A number of Mr. Warham's people came this summer into Connecticut, and made preparations to bring their families, and make a permanent ' settlement on the river. The Watertown people gradually removed, and prosecut ed their settlement at Weathersfield. At the same time, the planters at Newtown began to make preparations for removing to Hartford the next spring. Meanwhile,, twenty men arrived in Massachusetts, sent over by Sir Richard Saltonstall, to take possession of a great quantity of land in Connecticut, and to make settle ments under the patent of lord Say and Seal, with whom he was a principal associate. The vessel in which they came over, on her ieturn to England, in the fall, was cast away on the isle Sable.t August. As the Dorchester men had now set down at Connecti cut, near the Plymouth trading house, governor Bradford wrote to them, complaining of their conduct, as injurious to the people of Plymouth, who had made a fair purchase ofthe Indians, and taken a prior possession.* The Dutch also, alarmed by the settlements making in Connecticut, wrote to Holland for instructions and aid, to drive the English from their settlements upon the river.t The people at Connecticut, having made such prepara- pd 15th,) tions as w6re judged necessary to effect a permanent set- the plan- tlement, began to remove their families and property. Qn ters on the the fifteenth of October, about sixty men, women, and chil- move their dren, with their horses, cattle, and swine, commenced their families to journey from the Massachusetts, through the wilderness, Connecti- to Connecticut river. After a tedious and difficult jour ney, through swamps and rivers, over mountains and rough ground, which were passed with great difficulty and fa tigue, they arrived safely at the places of their respective destination. They were so long on their journey, and so much time and pains were spent in passing the river, and in getting over their cattle, that, after all their exertions, winter came upon them before they were prepared. This was an occasion of great distress and damage to the plan tations. Oct. 8th, Nearly at the same time, Mr, John Winthrop, son of thl-op a"-" gPvernor Winthrop, of Massachusetts, arrived at Boston, rives at with a commission from lord Say and Seal, lord Brook, ,| Winthrop's Journal, p. 82. 1 Winthrop's Journal, p. 83 and 89. * Winthrop's Journal, p. 8?. f The same, p. 86, -Chap. IV. CONNECTICUT. 61 and other nobjemen and gentlemen interested in the Con- Book I. necticut patent, to erect a fort at the mouth of Connecticut v^-n^->^ river. Their lordships sent over men, ordnance, ammuni- 1635. tion, and 2000 pounds sterling, for the accomplishment of their design.f Mr. Winthrop was directed, by his commission, immedi- His com- ately on his arrival, to repair to Connecticut, with fifty able mission. men, and to erect the fortifications, and to build houses for the garrison, and for gentlemen who might come over into Connecticut. They were first to build houses for their then present accommodation, and after that, such as should be suitable for the reception of men of quality. The lat ter were to be erected within the fort, It was required that the planters, at the beginning, should settle themselves near the mouth ofthe river, and set down, in bodies, that they might be in a situation for entrenching and defending themselves. The commission made provision for the re servation of a thousand or fifteen hundred acres of good land, for the maintenance of the fort, as nearly adjoining to it as might be with convenience.* . Mr. Winthrop, having intelligence that the Dutch were _ * ~i • c.ir .u m ¦ Nov. 9th, preparing to take- possession ol the mouth ot the river, as ^r Win_ soon as he could engage twenty men, and furnish them throp.dis- with provisions, dispatched them, in a small vessel, of aboutPatcbed a thirty tons, to prevent their getting the command of the connecU- river, and to accomplish the service to which he had been cut. appointed. But a few days after the party; sent by Mr. Winthrop, arrived at the mouth of the river, a Dutch vessel appeared off the harbor, from New-Netherlands, sent on purpose . to take possession ofthe entrance of the river, and to erect Dutch not fortifications. The English had, by this time, mounted two suffered to pieces of cannon, and prevented their landing. t Thus, iand- providentially, was this fine tract of country preserved for our venerable ancestors, and their posterity. Mr. Winthrop was appointed governor of the river Con necticut, and the parts adjacent, for the term of one year. He erected a fort, built houses, and made a settlement, ac cording to his instructions. One David Gardiner, an ex pert engineer, assisted in the work, planned the fortifica tions, and was appointed lieutenant of the fort, Mr. Davenport and others, who afterwards settled New- Haven, were active in this affair, and hired Gardiner, in be half of their lordships, to come into New-England, and as* sist in this business.}: % Winthrop's Journal, p. 88, * Appendix, No. II. t Winthrop's Journal, p. 90, 91. % Manuscripts of Gardiner, 62 HISTORY OF Chap. IV. Book I. As the settlement of the three towns on Connecticut river •^-^-^/ was begun before the arrival of Mr. Winthrop, and the de- 1635. sign of their lordships to make plantations upon it was Agreement known, it was agreed, that the settlers on the river should respecting either remove, upon full satisfaction made, by their lord- the plant- j- -, j sufficient room should be found for them and ers in Con- , v ' . i i +, necticut., their companies at some other place. T The winter set in this year much sooner than usual, and the weather was stormy and severe. By the 1 5th of No vember, Connecticut river was frozen over, and the snow was so deep, and the season so tempestuous, tha,t a con-i siderable number of the cattle, which had been driven on from .the Massachusetts, could not be-brought across the:- river. The people had so little time to prepare their huts and houses, and to erect sheds and shelters for their cattle, that the sufferings of man and beast were extreme. Indeed, the hardships and distresses of the first planters of Con necticut scarcely admit of a description. To carry much. provision or furniture through a pathless wilderness, was impracticable. Their principal provisions and household furniture were, therefore, put on board several small ves sels, which, by reason of delays and the tempestuousness of the season, were either cast away or did not arrive. Several vessels were wrecked on the coasts of New-Eng land, by the violence of the storms. Two shallops laden with goods, from Boston to Connecticut, in October, were cast away on Brown's island, near the Gurnet's nose ; and Novem- the men, with every thing on board, were lost.f A vessel, fceF. with six of the Connecticut people on board, which sailed from the river for Boston, early in November, was, about the middle ofthe month, cast away in Manametbay. The men got on shore, and, after wandering ten days in deep snow and a severe season, without meeting with any hu man being, arrived^ nearly spent with cold and fatigue, at New-Plymouth. Famine in By the last of November, or beginning of December, Connecti- provisions generally failed in the settlements on the river, Jeti,, e and famine and death looked the inhabitants sternly in the Arrived in face. Some of them, driven by hunger, attempted their Massa- Way, in this severe season, through the wilderness, from ti«26th'. Connecticut to. Massachusetts, Of thirteen, in one com pany, who made this attempt, one, in passing the rivers, fell through the^ ice, and was drowned. • The other twelve were ten days on their journey, and would all have perish-; ed, had it not been for the assistance of the Indians. Indeed, such was the distress in general that, by the 3d ¦t Winthrop's (Journal, p; 88. % The same, p. 87. Chap. IV. CONNECTICUT. 63 and 4th of December, a considerable part ofthe new set- Book I. tiers were obliged to abandon their habitations. Seventy v^-v-^ persons, men, women, and children, were necessitated, in 1635. the extremity of winter, to go down to the mouth of the December river, to meet their provisions, as the only expedient to 3d or 4th" preserve their lives. Not meeting with the vessels which ihey expected, they all went on board the Rebecca, a ves sel of about 60 tons. This, two days before, was frozen in twenty miles up the river ; but by the falling of a small rain and the influence ofthe tide, the ice became so broken and was so far removed, that she made a shift to get out. She ran, however, upon the bar, and the people were forced Dec. lOfth. to unlade her, to get her off. She was reladen, and, in five days, reached Boston* Had it not been for these pro vidential circumstances, the people must have perished with famine. The people who kept their stations on the river suffer- The set- ed in an extreme degree. After all the help they were tlers ate ,• able to obtain, by hunting, and from the Indians, they were grajn9. obliged to subsist on acorns, malt and grains.* Numbers of the cattle, which could not be got over the river before winter, lived through without any thing but what they found in the woods and meadows. They win tered as well, or better, than those which were brought over, and for which all the provision was made, and pains taken, of which the owners were capable. However, a great number of cattle perished. The Dorchester, or Wind- Loss in sor people lost, in this single article, about two hundred catUe„ pounds sterling. Their other losses were very consider able. It is difficult to describe, or even to conceive, the appre hensions and distresses of a people, in the circumstances of our venerable ancestors, during this doleful winter. All the horrors of a dreary wilderness spread themselves around them. They were encompassed with numerous? fierce and cruel tribes of wild and savage men, who could have swallowed up parents and children, at pleasure, in their feeble and distressed condition. They had neither bread for themselves, nor children ; neither habitations nor clothing convenient for them. Whatever emergency might happen, they were cut off, both by land and water, from any succour or retreat. What self-denial, firmness, and magnanimity are necessary for such enterprises ! How dis tressful, in the beginning, was the condition of those now fair and opulent towns on Connecticut river ! For a few years after the settlements on the river com- * Winthrop's Journal, p. 90> 91, to 98. 64 HISTORY OF Chap. IV. Book I. tnenced, they bore the same name with the towns in the y-^ss-s^ Massachusetts, whence the first settlers came. 1636. ( The Connecticut planters, at first settled under the gen- ; eral government ofthe Massachusetts, but they held courts of their own, which consisted of two principal men from each town ; and, on great and extraordinary occasions, these were joined with committees, as they were ealled, consisting of three men from each town. These courts had power to transact all the common affairs ofthe colony, and with their committees, had the power of making war and peace, and treaties of alliance and friendship with the na tives within the colony. First court fhe first court in Connecticut, was holden at Newtown, in Connec- Aprij gg^ ]636# it consisted of Roger Ludlow, Esq. » . P Mr. John Steel, Mr. William Swain, Mr. William Phelps, Mr. William Westwood, and Mr. Andrew Ward. Mr. Ludlow had been one of the magistrates of Massachusetts in 1630, and in 1631 had been chosen lieutenant-governor of that colony. At this court it was ordered, that the in habitants should not sell arms nor ammunition to the In dians. Various other affairs were also transacted relative to the good order, settlement, and defence of these infant towns.* People re- Several ofthe principal gentlemen interested in the set- turn to dement of Connecticut, Mr. John Haynes, who at this tlemenfa". t'me was govern°r of Massachusetts, Mr. Henry Wolcott, Mr. Wells, the ministers of the churches, and others had not yet removed into the colony. As soon as the spring ad vanced, and the travelling would admit, the hardy men be gan to return from the Massachusetts, to their habitations on the river. No sooner were buds, leaves and grass so grown, that cattle could live in the woods, and obstruc tions removed from the river, so that vessels could go up with provisions and furniture, than the people began to re turn in large companies, to Connecticut. Many, who had not removed the last year, prepared, with all convenient dispatch, for a journey to the new settlements upon the river. Mr.HooW About the beginning of June, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Stone, er removes and about a hundred men, women and children, took their *°c„tonne(> departure from Cambridge, and travelled more than a j'une.1" hundred miles, through a hideous and trackless wilderness, to Hartford. They had no guide but their compass ; made their way over mountains, through ,swamps, thickets, and rivers, which were not passable but with great difficulty. They had no cover but the heavens, nor any lodgings but "* Records of Connecticut. Chap. IV. CONNECTICUT. 65 those which simple nature afforded them. They drove Book I. with them a hundred and sixty head of cattle, and by the y^^-w way, subsisted on the milk of their cows. Mrs. Hooker ^1636. was borne through the wilderness upon a litter. The peo ple generally carried their packs, arms, and some utensils. They were nearly a fortnight on their journey. This adventure was the more remarkable, as many of this company were persons of figure, who had lived, in England, in honor, affluence and delicacy, and were entire Strangers to fatigue and danger. The famous Mr. Thomas Shepard, who, with his peo ple, came into New-England the last summer, succeeded Mr. Hooker at Cambridge. The people of his congrega tion purchased the lands which Mr. Hooker and his com pany had previously possessed* The removal of Dorchester people to Windsor is said to Mr. Mav- have been disagreeable to their ministers, but, as their erick died whole church and congregation removed, it was necessary that they should go with them. However, Mr. Maverick died in March, before preparations were made for his re- tnoval. He expired in the 60th year of his age. He Was characterized as a man of great meekness, and as labori ous and faithful in promoting the welfare both of the church and commonwealth. Mr. Warham removed to Windsor in September, but he did not judge it expedient to bring his family until better accommodations could be made for their reception. Soon after the removal of Mr. Warham from Dorchester, a new church was gathered in that toWn, and Mr. Mather was or dained their pastor. Mr. Phillips, pastor of the church at Watertown, did not remove to Weathersfield. Whether it was against his inclination, or whether the people did not invite him, does not appear. They chose Mr. Henry Smith for their min ister, who came from England in office. The colony of New-Plymouth professed themselves to.piyn,,,,,^ be greatly aggrieved at the conduct of the Dorchester peo- people pie, in settling on the lands, where they had made a pur- agSri«v<" chase, and where they had defended themselves and that6 part of -the country against the Dutch. They represented that it had been a hard matter that the Dutch and Indians had given them so much trouble as they had done, but that it was still more grievous to be supplanted by their profess ed friends. Mr. Winslow of Plymouth, made a journey to Boston, in the spring, before governor Haynes and some other principal characters removed to Connecticut, with a view to obtain compensation for the injury done to ^he 6.6 HISTORY OF Chap. IV. Book 1. Plymouth men, who had built the trading house upon the v-»-n/~^ river. The Plymouth people demanded a sixteenth part 1636. ofthe lands and 100 pounds as a compensation ; but the Dorchester people would not comply with their demands.* There however appeared to be so much justice, in making them some compensation, for the purchase they had made, and the good services which they had done, that some time after, the freeholders of Windsor gave them fifty pounds, forty acres of meadow, and a large tract of upland for their satisfaction.! Juiie^th ¦At a court holden at Dorchester, it was ordered, that eve ry town should keep a watch, and be well supplied with ammunition* The constables were directed to warn the watches in their turns, and to make it their care that they should be kept according to the direction of the court. They also were required to take care, that the inhabitants were well furnished with arms and ammunition, and kept in a constant sdate of defence. As these infant settlements were filled and surrourtded with numerous savages, the people conceived themselves in danger when they lay down and when they rose up, when they went out and when they came in. Their circumstances were such, that it was judged necessary for every man to be a soldier. September At a third court, therefore, holden at Watertown, an or^ lst* der was given, that the inhabitants of the several towns should train once a month, and the officers were authorized to train those who appeared very unskilful more frequent ly, as circumstances should require. The courts were hol den at each town by rotation, according to its turn. j?!1™?' A settlement was made, this year, at Springfield, by Mr* tied. Pyncheon and his company from Roxbury. This for a- bout two years was united in government with the towns in Connecticut. In November, Mr. Pyncheon for the first time appears among the members of the court. govern- All the powers of government, for nearly three years, seem to have been in the magistrates, of whom two were appointed in each toWn. These gave all orders, and di rected all the affairs of the plantation. The freemen ap pear to have had no voice ia making the lawsy or in any part of the government, except in some instances of gene ral and uncommon concern. In these instances, commit tees were sent from the several towns. Juries were em ployed injury cases, from the first settlement of the colony.- This was a summer and year of great and various la- * Winthrop's Journal, p. 96. t Governor Wdlcott's Manuscripts compared witb governor Winthrop's ment at fil-st, Chap. IY. CONNECTICUT. 67 bors, demanding the utmost exertion and diligence. Ma- Book I. ny of the planters had to remove themselves and effects v_*~v-%^ from a distant colony. At the same time, it was absolute- 1636., ly necessary, that they should turn the wilderness into gar- Labors of dejns and -fields, that they should plant and cultivate the thls year' earth, and obtain some tolerable harvest, unless they would again experience the distresses and losses of the preceding year. These were too great, and too fresh in their memo ries, not to rouse all their exertion and forethought. It was necessary to erect and fortify their houses, and to make better preparations for the feeding and covering of their cattle. It was of equal importance to the planters, not only to make roads for their particular convenience, but from town to town ; that, on any emergency, they might fly immediately to each other's relief. It was with great difficulty that these purposes could be at first ac complished. The planters had not been accustomed to .felling the groves, to clearing and cultivating new lands. They were strangers in the country, and knew not what kinds of grain would be most congenial with th'e soil, and produce the greatest profits, nor had they any experience how the ground must be cultivated, that it might yield a plentiful crop. They had few oxen, or instruments for husbandry. Every thing was to be prepared, or brought from a great distance, and procured at a dear rate. Be sides all these labors and difficulties, much time was taken up in constant watchihgs, trainings,, and preparations for the defence of themselves and children. The Pequots had, already, murdered a number of the English ; some of the Indians, in Connecticut, were their allies ; and they had maintained a great influence over them all. They were a treacherous and designing people ; so that there could b • no safety, but in a constant preparation for any emergency. Some Of the principal characters, who undertook this great work of settling Connecticut, and were the civil and Fathers of religious fathers of the colony, were Mr. Haynes, Mr. Lud- Connecti- low, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Warham, Mr. Hopkin^s, Mr. Wells, cut- Mr. Willis, Mr. Whiting, Mr. Wolcott, Mr. Phelps, Mr. Webster, and captain Mason. These, were of the first class of settlers, and all, except the ministers, were chosen magistrates or governors of the colony, Mr. Swain, Mr. Talcott, Mr. Steel, Mr, Mitchell, and others, were capital men. Mr. John Haynes, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Hopkins, Mr. Stone, Mr. George Wyllys, Mr. Wells, Mr. Whiting, Mr. Thomas Webster, and Mr. John Talcott, were aU of Hart ford. Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Henry Wqlcott, Mr. Warham, Mr. William Phelps, and captain John Mason, were som? 68 HISTORY OF Chap. IV. Book I. of the principal planters of Windsor, Mr. William Swain, <,w,Mr, Thurston Rayner, Mr. Henry Smith, Mr. Andrew 1636, Ward, Mr. Mitchell, and Mr. John Deming, were some of the chief men, who settled the town of Weathersfield, These were the civil and religious fathers ofthe colony. They formed its free and happy constitution, were its leg islators, and some of the chief pillars of the church and commonwealth. They, with many others of the same ex cellent character, employed their abilities and their estates for the prosperity of the colony. While the three plantatiop? on the river were making the utmost exertions for a permanent settlement, Mr. Win throp was no less active, in erecting fortifications and con venient buildings at its entrance. Though he had, the last year, sent on one company after another, yet the season was so far advanced, and the winter set in so early, and with such severity, that little more could be done than just to keep the station. When the spring advanced, the works were, therefore, pressed on with engagedness. Mr. Win throp and his people were induced, not only in faithful ness to their trust, but from fears of a visit from the Dutch, and from the state of that warlike people, the Pequots in the vicinity, to hasten and complete them, with the utmost dispatch. A good fort was erected, and a number of hou ses were built. Some cattle were brought from the Massa chusetts, for the use of the garrison. Small parcels of ground were improved, and preparations made for a com fortable subsistence, and good defence. There were, at the close of this year, about two hun dred and fifty men in the three towns on the river, and there were twenty men in the garrison, at the entrance of k, under the command of lieutenant Gardiner. The whole consisted, probably, of about eight hundred persons, or of a hundred and sixty or seventy families. Chap. Vf CONNECTICUT, CHAPTER V. 1636, The war with the Pequots. The origin of it. The murdir qf captains Stone and Norton ; of Mr. Oldham and oth ers. Mr. EndicoVs expedition against them. The Pe quots kill a number of the garrison at the mouth of the river, and besiege the fort. Captain Mason is sent down from Connecticut with a reinforcement. The enemy make ' a descent on JVeathersfield / torture and mock the En glish. The court at Connecticut declares war against them. Captain Mason takes Mistic fort. Sassacus des troys his royal fortress, and flees to the westward. A second expedition is undertaken against the Pequots con jointly, by Massachusetts and Connecticut The great swamp fight. The Pequots subdued. Sassacus, flying to the Mohawks, teas beheaded. The captivated and sur viving Pequots, after the war, were given to the Mohea gans, and Narragansets, and their name extinguished. THE Indians in general, were ever jealous of the Eng lish, from the first settlement of New-England, and wished to drive them from the country. Various circum stances however, combined to frustrate their designs. The English, on their first settlement at New-Plymouth, enter ed into such friendly treaties with some of the principal tribes, and conducted themselves with such justice, pru dence and magnanimity towards them and the Indians in general, as had the most happy influence to preserve the peace of the country. The animosities of the Indians among themselves, and their implacable hatred of each oth er, with their various separate interests, contributed to the same purpose. Some of them wished for the friendship and neighbourhood of the English, to guard them from one enemy, and others of them to protect them from another. All wished for the benefit of their trade ; and it is proba ble, that they had no apprehensions, at first, that a handful of people would ever overrun, and fill the country. It was therefore nearly sixteen years before they commenced open hostilities upon their English neighbours. But no sooner had they begun to trade and make settlements at Connecticut, than that great, spirited, and warlike nation, the Pequots, began to murder and plunder them, and to Murder pf wound and kill their cattle. captaihs In 1634, a number of Indians, who were not native Pe- stone and quots? but in confederacy with them, inurdered captain Ij^0"' 70 HISTORY OF Chap. V. Book I. Stone and captain Norton, with their whole crew, con- -w^fa-v-%^ sisting of eight men : they then plundered and sunk the 1634, vessel. Captain Stone was from St, Christopher's, in the West-Indies, and came into Connecticut river, with a view of trading at the Dutch house. After he had entered the river, he engaged a number of Indians to pilot two of his men up the river, to the Dutch : but night coming on, they went to sleep, and were both murdered by their Indian. guides. The vessel, at night, was laid up to the shore. Twelve of those Indians, who had several times before been trading with the captain, apparently in an amicable manner, were on board. Watching their opportunity, when be was asleep, and several of the crew on shore, they murdered him secretly in his cabin, and cast a cov ering over him, to conceal it from his men : they then fell upon them, and soon killed the whole company, except captain Norton. He had taken the cook room, and for a long time made a most brave and resolute defence. That he might load and fire with the greatest expedition, he had placed powder in an open vessel, just at hand, which, in the hurry of the action, took fire, and so burned and blind ed him, that he could make no further resistance. Thus, after all his gallantry, he fell with his hapless companions. Part of the plunder was received by the Pequots, and another part by the eastern Nehanticks. Sassacus and Ninigret, the sachems of those Indians, were both privy to the affair, and shared in the goods and articles taken from the vessel. It was supposed that the Indians had pre-con certed this massacre.* The November following, the Pequots sent a messenger The Pe- to Boston, to desire peace with the English. He made an quots de- 0ffer 0f a orreat quantity of beaver skins and wampumpeag, sire peace. , y ., ' J . . , r. , T °' to persuade the governor to enter into a league with them. The governor answered the messenger, that the Pequots must send men of greater quality than he was ; and that he would then treat with them. The Pequots then sent two messengers to the governor, carrying a present, and ear nestly soliciting peace. The governor assitred them, that the English were willing to be at peace with them ; but in sisted, that, as they had murdered captain Stone and his men, they must deliver up the murderers, and make fuU compensation. The messepgers pretended, that captain Stone had used the Indians ill, and provoked them to kill him : that their sachem, who was concerned in the affair, had been killed by the Dutch, and 'that the Indians who perpetrated the murder, were all dead but two ; and thats * Maspn's history, and Hubbard's narrative. Chap. V. CONNECTICUT. 71 if they were guilty, they would desire their sachem to de- Book L liver them up to justice. They offered to concede all their v^-^-^/ right at Connecticut river, if the' English should desire to '1635. ¦settle there ; and engaged to assist them as far as was in Treaty their power, in making their settlements. They also^ltht^e promised that they would give the English four hundred equ0 fathoms of wampum, forty beaver, and thirty otter skins* After long and mature deliberation, the governor and his council entered into a treaty with them, on the conditions which they had proposed. The English were to send a vessel with cloths, to trade with them fairly, as with friends and allies.* The reasons of their' sq earnestly soliciting peace, at this time, Were, that the Narragansets were making war furi ously Upon them ; and the Dutch, to revenge the injuries done them, had killed one of their sachems, with several of their men, and captivated a number more. ' They wished not, at this critical time, to increase the number of their enemies. They artfully suggested to their new allies, the governor and council of Massachusetts, their desire, that they would be mediators between them and the Narragan sets. They also intimated their willingness, that part of the present which they were to send, might be given to them, for the purpose of obtaining a reconciliation. Such was the pride and stoutness of their spirits, and so much did they stand upon a point of honour; that though they wished for peace with their enemy, yet they would not di rectly offer any thing for that purpose. This treaty was signed by the parties, but hostages were not taken to se cure the performance of the articles, and the Pequots never performed one of them. Whatever their designs were at that time, they afterwards became more and more mis chievous, hostile and bloody. The next year, John Oldham, who had been fairly tra ding at Connecticut, was murdered near Block Island. He had with him only two boys and two Narraganset Indians. These were taken and carried off. One John Gallup, as he was going from Connecticut to Boston, discovered Mr. Oldham's vessel full of Indians, and he saw a canoe, hav ing Indians on board, go from her, laden with goods. Sus pecting that they had murdered Mr. Oldham, he hailed them, but received no answer. Gallup was a bold man, and though he had with him but one man and two boys, he immediately bore down upon them, and fired duck shot so thick among them, that he soon cleared the deck. The , * Winthrop's Journal, p. 75, compared with Hubbard^ narrative, p, 15;- 16, 17. 72 HISTORY OF Chap. V. Book I. Indians all got under the hatches* He then stood off, and v^>v-v running down upon her quarter with a brisk gale, nearly 1636. overset her; and so frightened the Indians, that six of them leaped into the sea, and were drowned. He then steered off again, and running down upon her a second time, bored her with his anchor, and raked her fore and aft with his shot. But the Indians kept themselves so close, that he got loose from her ; and running down a third time upon the vessel, he gave her stich a shock, that five more leaped overboard, and perished, eis the former had done. He then boarded the vessel, and took two of the Indians, and bound them. Two or three others, armed with swords, in a little room below, coald uof. be driven from their re treat. Mr. Oldham's corpse was found on board ; the head split, and the body mangled in a barbarous manner. He was a Dorchester man, one of Mr. Warham's congregation. In these circumstances, Gallup, fearing that the Indians whom he had taken might get loose, especially if they were kept together, and having no place where he could keep them apart, threw one of them overboard. Gallup and his company then, as decently as circumstances would permit, put the corpse into the sea. They stripped the vessel, and took her rigging, and the goods which had not been carri ed off, on board their own. She was then taken in tow, with a view to carry her in ; but the night coming on, and the wind rising, Gallup was obliged to let her go adrift, and she was lost. The Indians who perpetrated the mur der were principally the Block-Islanders, with a number of the Narragansets, to whom these Indians, at this time, were subject. Several of the Narraganset sachems were in the plot, and it was supposed that the Indians whom Old ham had with him, were in the conspiracy. Several of the murderers fled to the Pequots, and were protected by tbem. They were, therefore, considered as abettors of the mur der. Mr. Endi- The governor and council of Massachusetts, therefore, *cUtionX" l^e Dext year' dispatched captain Endicott, with ninety l*' volunteers, to avenge these murders, unless the Indians should deliver up the murderers, and make reparation for the injuries which they had done. The Narraganset sa chems sent home Mr. Oldham's two boys, and made such satisfaction, and gave such assurances of their good con duct, for the future, as the English accepted ; but the other Indians made no compensation. Captain Endicott was, therefore, instructed to proceed to Block-Island, put the men to the sword, and take possession of the island. The women and children were to be spared. Thence he was Chap. V. CONNECTICUT. 73 to sail to the Pequot country, and demand of the Pequots Book I. the murderers of captains Stone and Norton, and of the v-*-v^w other Englishmen who were of their company. He was 1636. also to demand a thousand fathoms of wampum for dama ges, and a number of their children for hostages, until the murderers should be delivered, and satisfaction made. If they refused to comply with these terms, he was directed to take it by force of arms. He had under him captains John Underhill and Nathaniel Turner. They sailed from Boston on the 25th of August. When he arrived at Block- Aug.,25. Island, forty or fifty Indians appeared on the shore, and opposed his landing ; but his men soon landed, and, after a! little skirmishing, the Indians fled to the woods. The In dians secreted themselves in swamps, thickets, and fast nesses, where they could not be found. There were two plantations on the island, containing about sixty wigwams, some of which were very large and fair. The Indians had, also, about two hundred acres of corn. After the English had spent two days on the island, burning the wig wams, destroying their corn, and staving their canoes, they sailed for the Pequot country. When they had arrived in Pequot harbour, captain Endicott acquainted the Pequots with the design of his coming, demanded satisfaction for the murders which they had committed against the English, and compensation for the damages which they had done them. In a few hours, nearly three hundred of the Pe quots collected upon the shore ; but soon after they were fully informed of his business, they began to withdraw into the woods, and, instead of treating, answered him with their arrows, from fhe adjacent rocks and fastnesses. He landed his men on both sides of the harbour, burnt their wigwams, and destroyed their canoes, but made no spirited attack upon them, nor pursuit after. them. As their corn was standing, no pains were taken for its destruction. They killed an Indian or two, and then returned to Boston. They all arrived on the 1 4th of September, unharmed ei- Sept. 14. ther by sickness or the sword.* Enough, indeed, had been done to exasperate, but nothing to subdue a haughty and warlike enemy. Sassacus and his captains were men of great and inde- Views and pendent spirits ; they had conquered and governed the na- feelings of tions around them without controul. They viewed the Eng- Sassacu'- lish as strangers and mere intruders, who had no right to the country, nor to controul its original proprietors, inde pendent princes and sovereigns. They had made settle ments in Connecticut without their consent, and brought * Winthrop's Journal, p. 105, 106, 107. K 74 HISTORY OF Chap. V- Book I-. home the Indian kings whom they had conquered, and re- s-»-^-^ stored to them their authority and lands. They had built 1636. a fort, and were making a settlement, without' their appro bation, in their very neighbourhood. Indeed, they had now proceeded to attack and ravage their country. They were now, therefore, all kindled into resentment and rage ; they determined upon, and breathed nothing but war and revenge. They determined to extirpate, or drive all the English from' New-England. Poliey of Eor this purpose, they conceived the plan of uniting the the Pe- Indians generally against them. They spared ho art nor quots. pains to make peace with the Nal"ragansets5 and to engage them in the war against the English. They represented, that the English, who were merely foreigners, were over spreading the country, and depriving the original inhabit ants of their ancient rights and possessions : that, unless effectual measures were immediately taken to prevent itf they would soon entirely dispossess the original proprie tors, and become the lords of the continent. They insist ed, that, by a general combination, they could either de stroy, or drive them from the country. With great advan tage did they represent the facility with which it might be effected. They said there would be no necessity of com ing to open battles : that, by killing their cattle, firing their houses, laying ambushes on the roads, in the fields, and wherever they could surprise and destroy them, ihey might accomplish their wishes. They represented, that, if the English should effect the destruction of the Pequots, Savage re- they would also soon destroy the Narragansets. So just vengepre-and politic were these representations, that nothing but ion" ^ "B" t'iat t^rst f°r revenge which inflames the savage heart, could have resisted their influence. Indeed, it is said, that, for a time, the Narragansets hesitated. The governor of Massachusetts, to prevent an union be tween these savage nations, and to strengthen the peace between the Narraganset Indians and the colony, sent for Miantonimoh, their chief sachem, inviting him to come to Boston. Upon this. Miantonimoh, with another of the Narraganset sachems, two of the sons of Canonicus, with a numbeV of their men, went to Boston, and entered into the following treaty. Treaty That there should be a firm peace between them and the with the English, and their posterity : That neither party should Narragan- make peace w;t|1 the pecjUots without the consent of the olher: That they should not harbor the Pequots, and that they should return all fugitive servants, and deliver over to the English, or put to death, all murderers. The En- Chap. V. CONNECTICUT. &1 glish were to give them notice,, when they went out against Book I. the Pequots, a^id they were to furnish them with guides. ^*~v"*+> It was also stipulated, that a free trade should be maintain- 1636. ed between the parties. Captain Underhill and twenty men, appointed to rein- peqnots force the garrison at Saybrook, lying wind bound off Pe- fight in quot harbor, after Mr. .Endicott's departure, a party oftheirown them went on shore to plunder the Pequots, and bring offdefence> their corn. After they had plundered a short time, and brought off some quantity of corn, the Pequots attacked them, and they fought a considerable part of the afternoon. At length, the enemy retired, and they returned to their boats. They had one man wounded, and imagined they killed and wounded several of the Indians, About the beginning of October, the enemy, concealing themselves in the high grass, in the meadows, surprised five of the garrison at Saybrook, as they were carrying Surprise home their hay. One Butterfield was taken and tortured '^^q t to death. Therest made their escape ; but one of thems'a ' had five arrows shot into him.- From this disaster, the place received the name of Butterfield's meadow. ' Eight or ten days after, Joseph Tilly, a master ofa small vessel, was captivated by the enemy, as he was going T;]_ down Connecticut river. He came to anchor two or three J^ken miles above the fort, and taking a canoe, and one man and tortu* with him, went a fowling. No sooner had he discharged red- his piece, than a large number of Pequots, arising from their concealment, took him, and killed his companion. Tilly was a man of great spirit and understanding, and determined to show himself a man. , The Indians used him in the most barbarous manner, first cutting off his hands, and then his feet, and so gradually torturing him to death. But as all their cruelties could not effect a groan, they pronounced him a stout man, The enemy now kept up a constant watch upon the riv er, and upon the people at Saybrook. A house had been erected, about two miles from the fort, and six of the gar rison were sent to keep it. As three of them were fowl ing, at a small distance from the house, they were sudden ly attacked, by nearly a hundred Pequots. Two of them ¦were taken. The other cut his way through them, sword in hand, and made his escape ; but he was wounded with Before winter, the garrison were so pressed by the en- ^p°BVe" emy, that they were obliged to keep almost wholly within with in- * Hubbard's Narrative, Winthrop's Journal, and Mason's History of th? la? Pequot war. 7S HISTORY OF Chap. V. Book I. the reach of their guns. The Pequots razed all the outr >-*-n^/ houses, burnt the stacks of hay, and destroyed almost eve- 1636. ry thing, which was not within the command, of the fort. The cattle which belonged to the garrison, were killed and wounded. Some of them came home, with the arrows of the enemy sticking in them. Indeed, the fort was but lit tle better than in a state of siege, a great part of the win ter. The enemy so encompassed it about, and watched all the motions of the garrison, that it was dangerous, at any time, to go out Of the reach of the cannon. When the spring came on, they became still more mis: chievous and troublesome. They kept such a constant watch upon the river, that men could not pass up and down, with any, safety, without a strong guard. They waylaid the roads and fields, and kept Connecticut in a state of constant fear and alarm. In March, lieutenant Gardiner, who commanded the fort H™chM at Saybrook, going out with ten or twelve men, to burn the killed at marshes, was waylaid by a narrow neck of land, and as Saybrook. soon as he had passed the narrow part of the neck, theen- emy rose upon him, and killed three of his men. The rest made their escape to the fort ; but one of them was mortally wounded, so that he died the next day. The lieutenant' did not escape without a slight wound. The enemy pursued them in great numbers, to the very fort, and' compassed it on all sides. They challenged the En glish to come out and fight, and mocked them, in the groans, pious invocations, and dying language of their friends, whom they had captivated, when they were tor turing them to death. They boasted, That they could ki|l English men " all one flies." The cannon loaded with grape shot were fired upon them, and they retired. Some time after, the enemy, in a number of canoes, be ing down" set a shallop, which was going down the river, with three the river, men on board. The men fought bravely, but were over powered with numbers. The enemy shot one through the head with an arrow, and he fell, overboard ; the other two were taken. The Indians ripped them up, from the bot tom of their bellies to their throats, and cleft them down their backs : they then hung them up by their necks upon trees, by the side ofthe river, that as the English passed by, they jmght see thos? miserable objects of their ven geance. The Pequots tutored the captives to death in the most cruel manner. In some, they cut large gashes in their flesh, and then poured embers and live coals into the wounds. When, in their distress, they groaned, and in a Chap. V. CONNECTICUT. 77 pious manner committed their departing spirits to their Re- Book I. deemer, these barbarians would mpck and insult them in ¦^-v-^' their dying agonies and prayers. 1637. On the 21st of February, the court met at Newtown, and Feb. 2lst. letters were written to the governor of Massachusetts, rep- ^ou^ a* resenting the dissatisfaction of the court with Mr. Endi- cott's expedition, the consequences of which had been so distressful to Connecticut, The court expressed their de sires that the colony of Massachusetts would more effectu ally prosecute the war with the Pequots,* It was also represented to be the design of Connecticut to send a force against them. At this court it was decreed, that the plantation called Newtown, should be named Hartford ; and that Water- town should be called Weathersfield. It was soon after decreed, that Dorchester should be called Windsor. Hart ford was named in honor to Mr. Stone, who was born at Hartford, in England, Captain Mason was soon after dispatched with twenty March, men, to reinforce the garrison at Saybrook, and to keep the £nemy at a greater distance. After his arrival at the fort, the enemy made no further attacks upon it, but appeared very much to withdraw from that quarter. A party of them took a different route, and, in April, waylaid the people at Weathersfield, as they were going A ;] into their fields to labour, and killed six men and three Damage at women. Two maids were taken captive : besides, they Weathers- killed twenty cows, and did other damages to the inhabi- fie'(1, tants. Soon after this, captain Underhill, who had been ap pointed, in the fall preceding, , to keep garrison at Say- Iprook, was sent from the Massachusetts, with twenty men, to reinforce the garrison. Upon their arrival at Say brook, captain Mason and his men immediately returned to Hartford, The affairs of Connecticut, at this time wore a most Gloomy gloomy aspect. They had sustained great losses in cattle circum- and goods in the preceding years, and even this year they thecolonv were unfortunate with respect to their cattle. They had no hay but what they cut from the spontaneous produc tions of an uncultivated; country. To make good English meadow, was a work of time, The wild, coarse grass, which the people cut, was often mowed too late, and but poprly made. They, did npt always cut a sufficient quan tity, even of this poor hay. They had no corn, or proven der, with which they could feed them: and, amidst tlje * Winthrop's journal, p, 123. 78 -HISTORY OF Chap. V. Book I. multiplicity of affairs, which, at their first settlement, de- y-r^-^ manded their attention, they could not provide such shel- 1637. ters for them, as were necessary during the long and se vere winters of thisnorthern climate. From an union of these circumstances, some of their cattle were lost, and those which lived through winter, were commonly poor, and many of the cows lost their young. Notwithstanding all the exertions the people had made the preceding sum mer, they had not been able, in the multiplicity of their af fairs, and under their inconveniences, to raise a sufficiency of provisions. Their provisions were not only very coarse, but very dear, and scanty. The people were not only in experienced in the husbandry of the country, but they had but few oxen or ploughs.* They performed almost the whole culture of the- earth with their hoes. This rendered it both exceedingly slow and laborious. Every article bore a high price. Valuable as money was, at that day, a good cow could not be purchased un der thirty pounds ; a pair of bulls or oxen not under forty pounds. A mare from England or Flanders, sold at thirty pounds ; and Indian corn at about five shillings a bushel : labour, and other articles bore a proportionable price. In addition to all these difficulties, a most insidious and dreadful enemy were now destroying the lives and proper ty of the colonists, attempting to raise the numerous In dian tribes ofthe country against them, and threatened the utter ruin ofthe whole colony. The inhabitants were in a feeble state, and few in number. They wanted all their men at home, to prosecute the necessary business of the plantations; They had not a sufficiency of provisions for themselves: there would therefore be the greatest difficulty in furnishing a small army with provisions abroad. They could neither hunt; fish, nor cultivate their fields, nor trav-- el at home, or abroad, but at the peril of their lives. They were obliged to keep a constant watch by night and day ; to go armed to their daily labours, and to the public wor ship. They were obliged to keep a constant watch and guard at their houses of worship, on the Lord's day, and at other seasons, whenever they convened for the public worship. They lay down and rose up in fear and danger. If they should raise a party of men and send them to fight the enemy on their own ground, it would render the settle ments proportionably weak at home, in case of an assault from the enemy. Every thing indeed appeared dark and * It seems, that at this periqd ther^ were but thirty ploushs in the whole colony of Massachusetts. Winthrop's journal, p. 114. It is not probable that there were ten, perhaps not 6ve, in Connecticut. Chap. V. CONNECTICUT. 79 threatening. But nothing could discourage men, who had Book I. an unshaken confidenee in the divine government, and v-^~v"^ were determined to sacrifice evety other consideration, for 1637. the enjoyment of the uncorrupted gospel, and the propaga tion of religion and liberty in America* In this important crisis, a court was summoned, at Hart- Court ford, on Monday the 1st of May. As they were to delib- May lsf< erate on matters in which the lives of the subjects and the very existence of the colony were concerned, the towns for the first lime, sent committees* The spirited measures adopted by this court, reader the names ofthe members worthy of perpetuation. The magistrates were Roger Ludlow, Esq. Mr. Welles, Mr. Swain, Mr, Steel, Mr, Phelps and Mr. Ward. The committees were Mr, Whit ing, Mr. Webster, Mr. Williams, Mr. Hull, Mr. Chaplin, Mr. Talcott, Mr. Geffords, Mr. Mitchel and Mr. Sherman. The court, on mature deliberation, considering that the mfn^'on Pequots had- killed nearly thirty of the English ; that they war a- had tortured and insulted their captives, in the most horri- gainst the! ble manner ; that they were attempting to engage all the Pe1uots- Indians to unite for the purpose' of extirpating the English; and the danger the whole colony was in, unless some capi tal blow could be immediately given their enemies, deter mined, that an offensive war should be carried on against them, by the three towns of Windsor, Hartford and Weath-, ersfield. They voted, that 90 men should be raised forth with ; 42 from Hartford, 30 from Windsor, and 1 8 from Weathersfield. Notwithstanding the necessities and pov erty of the people, all necessary supplies were voted for this little army** No sooner was this resolution adopted, than the people prosecuted the most vigorous measures, to carry it into immediate and effectual execution. The report of the slaughter and horrid cruelties prac- Massa- tised by the Pequots, against the people of Connecticut, chusetts roused the other colonies to harmonious and spirited exer- anjIF|ym" tions against the common enemy. Massachusetts deter- to a?sjst mined to send 200, and Plymouth 40 men, to assist Con- Connecti- necticut in prosecuting the war. Captain Patrick with 40 cut- men was sent forward,- before, the other troops, from Mas sachusetts and Plymouth, could be ready to march, with a view, that he might seasonably form a junction with the party from Connecticut. On Wednesday, the 10th of May, the troops, from Con- Mayioth, necticut fell down the river, for the fort at Saybrook. They {J. dr°°„& consisted of 90 Englishmen and about 70 Moheagan and the river. river Indians. They embarked on board a pink, a pin- * KecOrds^of Connecticut, 80 HISTORY OF Chap. V. Book I. nace and a shallop. The Indians were commanded by v-^^w Uncas, sachem of the Moheagans. The whole was com- 1 637. manded by captain John Mason, who had been bred a sol dier in the old countries. The Rev. Mr. Stone of Hart ford went their chaplain. On Monday the 15th, the troops May 15. arrived at Saybrook fort. As the water was low, this lit tle fleet several times ran aground. The Indians, impa tient of delays, desired to be set on shore, protnising to join the English at Saybrook. The captain therefore granted their request. On their march, theyfell in with Success of about forty of the enemy, near the fort, killed seven and Uncas. tbok one prisoner. The prisoner had been a perfidious villain. He had liv- Hisbarba- e(] ;n t^e fortj some time before, and could speak English ment of his W«H. But after the Pequots commenced hostilities against prisoner, the English, he became a constant spy upon the garrison, and acquainted Sassacus with every thing he could dis cover. He had been present at the slaughter of all the English who had been killed at Saybrook. , Uncas and his men insisted upon executing him according to the manner of their ancestors ; and the English, in the circumstances in which they then were, did not judge it prudent tointer- fjose. The Indians, kindling a large fire, violently tore lim limb from limb. Barbarously cutting his flesh in pie ces, they handed it round from one to another, eating it, singing and dancing round the fire, in their violent and tu multuous manner. The bones and such parts of their cap tive, as were not consumed in this dreadful repast, were . committed to the flames and burnt to ashes. Ma'son and This success was matter of joy, not only as it was a his council check upon the enemy, but as it was an evidence of the divided in fidelity' of Uncas and his Indians, of which the English' opinion. j,acj heen before in doubt. There were other circumstan ces, however, which more than counterbalanced this joy. The army lay wind bound until Friday, and captain Ma son and his officers were entirely divided in opinion, with1 respect to the manner of prosecuting their enterprise. The court, by the commission and instructions which it had giv en, enjoined the landing of the men at Pequot harbour, and that from thence they should advance upon the ene my. The captain was for passing by them, and sailing to Delnrtes in the Narraganset country. He was fixed in this opinion, of wCa°.UnC fecause he found that> expecting the army at Pequot har bour, they kept Watch upon the river night and day. Their number of men greatly exceeded his : He was in- formed, at Saybrook, that they had sixteen fire arms, with . powder and shot. The harbour was compassed with rocks Chap, V. CONNECTICUT. 81 and thickets, affording th« enemy every advantage. They Book I. were upon the land, «»id exceedingly light of foot. He was >_«./ there should be perpetual peace between Miantonimoh 1638, and Uncas, and their respective Indians ; and that all past injuries should be remitted, and for ever buried : that if any injuries should be done, in future, by one party to the other, that they should not immediately revenge it, but ap peal to the English to do them justice. It was stipulated, that they should submit to their determination, and that if either party should be obstinate, that then they might enforce submission to their decisions, It was further a- greed, that neither the Moheagans, nor Narragansets should conceal, or entertain any of their enemies ; but de liver up or destroy all such Indians as had murdered any English man or woman. The English then gave the Pequqt Indians to the Narragansets and Moheagans ; eighty to Miantonimoh, twenty to Ninnigret, and the other hundred to Uncas ; to be received and treated as their men. It was also covenanted, that the Pequots should never more in habit their native country, nor be called Pequots, but Nar ragansets and Moheagans. It was also further stipulated, That neither the Narragansets nor Moheagans should pos sess any part of the Pequot country without the consent of the English. The Pequots were to pay a tribute, at Con necticut annually, of a fathom of wampumpeag for every Sannop, of half a fathom for every young mari, and of a hand for every male papoose. On these conditions the magistrates, in behalf of the colony, stipulated a firm peace with all the Indians,* * The conquest of the Pequots struck all the Indians in New-England with terror, and they were possessed with such fear ofthe displeasure and arms ofthe English, that they had no open war with them for nearly forty years. This happy event gave great joy to the colonies. A day of public thanksgiving was appointed ; and, in all the churches of New-England, devout and animated praises were addressed to Him, who giveth his people the victory, hpd causeth them to dwell safely. • Records of Connecticut. HISTORY OF Chap. VI. 1637. CHAPTER VI. Effects of the war. Great scarcity in Connecticut, and means taken to relieve the necessities of the people. Set tlement of New-Haven. Plantation covenant. Means for the defence of the colony. Captain Mason made ma jor-general. ¦ Civil constitution of Connecticut, formed by ¦voluntary compact. First general election at Connecticut. Governors and magistrates, General rights of the people, and principal laws ofthe colony. Constitution and laws of New-Haven. Purchase and settlement of several towns in Connecticut and New-Haven. T THOUGH the war with the Pequots was now happily terminated, yet the effects of it were severely felt by the inhabitants. The consequences were, scarcity and a debt, which, in the low state of the colony, it was exceed ingly difficult to pay. Almost every article of food or cloth ing was purchased at the dearest rate: and the planters had not yet reaped any considerable advantage from their farms. Such a proportion of their labourers had been em ployed in the war, and the country was so uncultivated, that all the provision which had been raised, or imported, was in no measure proportionate to the wants of the peo ple. The winter was uncommonly severe, which increas ed the distress of the colony.* The court at Connecticut foreseeing that the people would be in great want of bread, contracted with Mr. Pyncheon for five hundred bushels of Indian corn, which he was to purchase of the Indians, and a greater quantity, if it could be obtained. The inhabi tants were prohibited to bargain for it privately, and limit ed to certain prices, lest it should raise the price, while he was making the purchase, A committee was also appoint ed by the court, to send a vessel to Narraganset, to buy of the natives in that quarter, t But notwithstanding every pre- Scarcity in caution which was taken, the scarcity became such, that Connecti- COrn rose to the extraordinary price of twelve shillings by the bushel. J In this distressful situation a committee was sent to an Indian settlement called Pocomtock, since Deer^ *The snow lay from the 4th of SJovembe^ until the 33d of March. It was, at some times, three and four feet deep. Once in the winter it snow ed for two hours together, flakes as big as English shillings. Winthrop's Journal, p. 154. t Records of Connecticut. :£ Mason's history. Twelve .shillings sterling at that time, was doub^- Je«s equal to eighteen or ^wenty shillings lawful monfy. Chap. VI. CONNECTICUT. 95 field, where they purchased such quantities, that the In- Book I. dians came down to Windsor and Hartford, with fifty ca- v^-v-w noes at one time, laden with Indian corn.§ The good 1638. people considered this as a great deliverance. Those, Relieved* who, in England, had fed on the finest of the wheat, in the beginning of affairs in Connecticut, were thankful for such coarse fare as Indian bread, for themselves and children. In this low state of the colony, the court found it neces sary to order the towns immediately to furnish themselves with magazines of powder, lead and shot, and every man to be completely armed, and furnished with ammunition. The court were also obliged to impose a tax of 550 pounds, to be collected immediately, to defray the expenses of the war. This appears to have been the first public tax in Connecticut. Agawam, since named Springfield, though it sent no men to the war, yet bore its proportion of the expense.* The first secretary and treasurer appears to have been Mr. Clement Chaplin. He was authorised to February issue his warrants for gathering the tax which had been im- 9th. posed. Captain John Mason was appointed major-general of the militia of Connecticut. The reverend Mr. Hooker March was desired to deliver him the military staff. . This he 8th" doubtless performed with that propriety and dignity which was peculiar to himself, and best adapted to the occasion. The general Was directed to call out the militia of each town, ten times in a year, to instruct them in military disci pline. He received out of the public treasury 40 pbunds annually, for his services. As it Was ofthe highest importance to the colony to cul tivate peace, and a good understanding with the Indians, laws were enacted to prevent all persons from offering them the least private insult or abuse. While the planters of Connecticut were thus exerting themselves in prosecuting and regulating the affairs of that colony, another was projected and settled at Quinnipiack,t afterwards called New-Haven. Oh the 26th of July, 1637, Mr. Dav- Mr. John Davenport, Mr. Samuel EatOn, Theophilus Eat- ™P°rl ar- on and Edward Hopkins, Esquires, Mr. Thomas Gregson, g™^ and many others of good characters and fortunes, arrived at Boston. Mr. Davenport had been a famous minister in the city of London, and was a distinguished character for piety, learning, and good conduct. Many of his congre- ¦} Mason's History. * The tax was laid on the towns in the proportions following : Agawam, 86 pounds : 16 : 0. Windsor, 158 pounds : 2 : 0. Hartford, 251 pounds ¦ S : 0. And Weathersfield", 124 pounds : 0 : 0. t This is sometimes spelt Quillipiack, and Qinnepioke. w History of c^ap. vl< Book I. gatiori, on account of the esteem which they- had for his1 *^~v~s-/ person and ministry, followed him into New-England. Mr. 1638. Eaton and Mr. Hopkins had been merchants in London, possessed great estates, and were men of eminence for their abilities and integrity. The fame Of Mr. Davenport, the reputation and good estates of the principal gentlemen of this company, made the people of the Massachusetts ex ceedingly desirous of their settlement in that common- Offers to wealth. Great pains were taken, not only by particular retain him persons and towns, but by the general court,, to fix them thuseto" m *e c°l°ny- Charlestown made them large offers ; and Newbury proposed to give up the whole town to them. The general court offered them any place which they should choose.*. But they were determined to plant a distinct colony. By the pursuit of the Pequots to the westward, the English became, acquainted with that fine tract along the shore, from Saybrook to Fairfield, and with its several harbours. It Was represented as fruitful, and happily sit uated for navigation and commerce. The company there fore projected a settlement in that part of the country. In the fall of 1637, Mr. Eaton, and others, who were of the company, made a journey to Connecticut, to explore the lands and harbours on the sea coast. They pitched upon Quinnipiack for the place of their settlement. They erected a poor hut,' in which a few men subsisted through the winter. On the 30th of March, 1638, Mr. Davenport, Mr. PrudJ den, Mr. Samuel Eaton, and Theophilus Eaton, Esquire, with the people of their company, sailed from Boston for' Quinnipiack. In about a fortnight they arrived at their April 18th, desired port. On the 18th of April, they kept their first -thhhrt sa^bath in the place. The people assembled under a large Lept^t spreading oak, and Mr. Davenport preached to them from New-Ha- Matthew vi. 1. He insisted on the temptations of the wil- ven. derness, made such observations, and gave such directions and exhortations as were pertinent to the then present state of his hearers. He left this remark, - That he enjoyed a good day. One of the principal reasons which these colonists as- Reasons signed for their removing from Massachusetts, was, that they should be more out ofthe way and trouble of a general governor of New-England, who, at this time, was an objeet of great fear in all the plantations. What foundation there was for the hope of exemption from the controul ofa gene ral governor, by this removal, had one been sent, does not appear. It is probable, that the motive which had the * Winthrop's Journal, p. 151. for remov- Chap. VI. CONNECTICUT. 87 greatest influence with the principal men, was the desire Book I. of being at the head of a new government, modelled, both ^^*v-w in civil and religious matters, agreeably to their own ap- 1638, prehensions. It had been an observation of Mr. Daven port's, That whenever a reformation had been effected in the church, in any part of the world, it had rested where it had been left by the reformers. It could not be advanced another step. He was now embarked in a design of form ing a civil and religious constitution, as near as possible to scripture precept and example. The principal gentle men, who had followed him into America, had the same views. In laying the foundations of a new colony, there was a fair probability, that they might accommodate all matters of church and commonwealth to their own feelings and sentiments. But in the Massachusetts, the principal men were fixed in the chief seafs of 'government, which they were likely to keep, and their civil and religious poli ty was already formed. Besides, the antinomian controver sy and sentiments, which had taken such root at Boston, were exceedingly disagreeable to Mr. Davenport, and the principal gentlemen of his company. He had taken a de cided, though prudent part, against them. He, with his leading men, might judge, that the people who came with them would be much more out of danger of the corruption, and that they should be more entirely free from: the trouble of those sentiments, in a new plantation, than in the Massa chusetts. These might all unite their influence with Mr. Davenport and others, to determine them to remove and begin a new colony. Soon after they arrived at Quinnipiack, in the close of a day of fasting and prayer, they entered into what they termed a plantation covenant. In this they solemnly bound Plantation themselves, " That, as in matters that concern the gather- covenant ihg and ordering of a church, so also in all public offices, a* Q"inni" which concern civil order, as choice of magistrates and officers, making and repealing laws, dividing allotments of inheritance, and all things of like nature, they would, all of ¦them, be ordered by the rules which the scripture held forth to them." This was adopted as a general agree ment, until there should be time for the people to become more intimately acquainted with each other's religious views, sentiments, and moral conduct ; which was suppo-i ged to be necessary to prepare the way for their covenant ing together, as christians, in church state. The aspects of Providence on the country, about this time, were very gloomy, and especially unfavourable to Dew plantations. The spring, after a long and severe wi«i*- N IHSTORY OF Chap. VL ter, was unusually backward. Scarcely any thing grew, _' for several weeks. The planting season Was so cold that 1638, the corn rotted in the ground, add the people were obliged to replant two or three times.* This distressed man and beast, and retarded all the affairs of the plantations. It rendered the gloom and horrors of the wilderness still more horrible. The colonists had terrible apprehensions of scarcity and famine* But at length the warm season came on, and vegetation exceeded all their expectations. Great On the 1st of June, between the hours of three and four earth- in the afternoon, there was a great and memorable earth quake, qUake throughout New-England. It came with a report une 1st. j.ke contjntfeci thUnder, or the rattling of numerous coach es1 upon a paved street. The shock was so great that, in many places, the tops of the chimnies were thrown down, and the pewter fell from the shelves. It shook the water* and ship's in the harbours, and all the adjacent islands. The duration ofthe sotrnd and tremor was about four min utes. The earth, at turns, Was unquiet for nearly twenty days. The weather was clear, the wind westerly, and the course of the earthquake from west to east. The planters at Quinnipiack determined to make an ex tensive settlement; and, if possible, to maintain perpetual peace and friendship with the Indians. They, therefore, paid an early attention to the making of such purchases and amicable treaties, as might most effectually answer their designs. The first On the 24th of November, 1638, Theophilus Eaton, purchase Esq. Mr. Davenport, and other English planters, entered at New inJO an agreement with Momauguin, sachem of that part of Nov. 2W tlie country, and his counsellors, respecting the lands. The 1638. articles of agreement are to this effect : That Momauguin is the sole sachem of Quinnipiack, and had an absolute power to aliene and dispose of the same : That, in consequence of the protection which he had tasted, by the English, from the Pequots and Mo hawks,! he yielded up all his right, title, and interest to all the land, rivers, ponds, and trees, with all the liberties and appurtenances belonging to the same, unto Theophi lus Eaton, John Davenport, and others, their heirs and as signs, for ever. He covenanted, that neither he, nor his Indians, would terrify, nor disturb the English, nor injure * Winthrop's Journal, p. 155. Ibid. See also Morton and Autchinson. t The Indians of Quinnipiack, in this treaty, declared; that they still re- meinbefed the heavy taxes of the Pequots and Mohawks ; and that, by reason of their fear of them, they could not stay in their own country, but had been obliged to flee. By these powerful enemies, they had been redu ced to about forty men. Chap. VI. CONNECTICUT. 99 ihem in any of their interests ; but that, in every respect, Book I. they would keep true faith with them. \^-v'>»» The English covenanted to protect Momauguin and his 1638, Indians, when unreasonably assaulted and terrified by other Indians ; and that they should always have a sufficient quantity of land to plant on, upon the east side of the har bour,* between that and Saybrook fort. They also cove nanted, that by way of free and thankful retribution, they gave unto the said sachem, and his council and company, twelve coats of English cloth, twelve alchymy spoons, twelve hatchets, twelve hoes, two dozen of knives, twelve porringers, and four cases of French knives and scissors.! This agreement was signed and legally executed, by Momauguin and his council on the one part, and Theophi lus Eaton and John Davenport on the other. Thomas Stanton, who was the interpreter, declared in the presence of God, that he had faithfully acquainted the Indians with the said articles, and returned their answers. In December following, they made another purchase of Second a large tract, which lay principally north of the former, n^nth This was of Montowese, son ofthe great sachem at Matta- 1638. ' beseck. This tract was ten miles in length, north and south, and thirteen miles in breadth. It extended eight miles east of the river Quinnipiack, and five miles west of Tract pur- it towards Hudson's river. It included all the lands with- chased* in the ancient limits of the old (owns of New-Haven, Bran- ford, and Wallingford, and almost the whole contained in the present limits of those towns, and of the towns of East- Haven, Woodbridge, Cheshire, Hamden, and North-Ha ven. J These have since been made out of the three old towns. The New-Haven adventurers were the most opulent t company which came into New-England, and they design ed to planta capital colony. They laid out their town, plat in squares, designing it for a great and elegant city. I-n lhe centre was a large, beautiful square. This was encom passed with others, making nine in the whole. The first principal settlers were Theophilus Eaton, Esq, Mr. Davenport, Mr, Samuel Eaton, Mr. Thomas Gregson, Mr. Robert Newman, Mr. Matthew Gilbert, Mr. Nathaniel Turner, Mr. Thomas Fugill, Mr. Francis Newman, Mr- Stephen Goodyear, and Mr. Joshua Atwater. Mr. Ealon had been deputy-governor of the East India * This was in the present town of Ea$t-Haven. t Records of New-Haven. f.For this last t)?actof ten miles north and south, and thirteen east apd west, the English gave thirteen coats, and allowed the Indians - ground to plant, and liberty to hunt within tbe lands. Records of New-Haven. 100 HISTORY QF Chap. VI. Book I. company, and was three years himself in the East Indies. n^-v-»^ He served the company so well, that he received from them 1638. presents of great value. He had been on an embassy from the court of England to the king of Denmark. He was a London merchant, who had, for many years, traded to the East Indies, had obtained a great estate, and brought over a large sum of money into New-England.t Others were merchants of fair estates, and they designed to have been a great trading city. There appears no* act of civil, military, or ecclesiastical authority, during the first year; nor is there any appear ance, that this colony was ever straitened for bread, as the other colonies had been. Mr. Prudden, and his company, who came with Mr. Da venport, continued the first summer at Quinnipiack, and were making preparations for the settlement of another township. When Mr. Davenport removed to Quinnipiack, Mr. Hopkins came to Hartford, and soon after incorporated with the settlers of Connecticut. The inhabitants of the three towns upon Connecticut .river, finding themselves without the limits of the Massa chusetts patent, conceived the plan of forming themselves, by voluntary compact, into a distinct commonwealth. Theorigi- On the 14th of January, 1639,% all the free planters sal const!- convened at Hartford, and, on mature deliberation, adopt- t«tionof e(J a constitution of government. They introduce their enLjM^ constitution, with a declaration to this effect, That for the %£th 1639. establishment of order and government, they associated, and conjoined themselves to be one public state or com monwealth ; and did, for themselves and successors, and such as should be, at any time, joined to them, confederate together, to maintain the liberty and purity of the gospel, which they professed, and the discipline of the churches, according to its institution ; and in all civil affairs, to be governed according to such laws, as should be made agree ably to the constitution, which they were then about to Two gene- ad°Pt- ral assem- The constitution, which then follows, ordains, That blies annu- there shall be, annually, two general courts, or assemblies ; "'' t The tradition is, that he brought to New-Haven a very great estate, in plate and money. The East India company made his wife a present of a bason and ewer, double pit, and curiously wrought with gold, weighing more than sixty pounds. X This stands on the records of the colony, January 14th, 1638, which is owing to the manner of dating at that time. The first settlers of the col ony, began their year on the 25th of March ; and until this time, they da ted 1638 ; but it was most evidently 1639, as the December preceding, was 1638, and the April following, 1639. Chap. VI. CONNECTICUT. 101 one on the second Thursday in April, and the other on the Book I. second Thursday in September : That the first, shall be v^~v-^ the court of election, in which shall be annually chosen, 1638. at least, six magistrates, and all other public officers. It How com* ordains, that a governor should be chosen, distinct from Posed- the six magistrates, for one year, and until another should be chosen and sworn : and that the governor and magis trates should be sworn to a faithful execution ofthe laws of the colony, and in cases in which there was no express law established, to be governed by the divine word. A- greeably to the constitution, the choice of these officers was to be made by the whole body of the freemen, conven ed in general election. It provided, that all persons, who had been received as members of the several towns, by a Officers majority of the inhabitants, and had taken the oath of fidei- how sb9* ity to the commonwealth, should be admitted freemen ofs6n' ( the colony. It required, that the governor and magistrates (should bfe selected by ballot ; the governor by the greatest number of , votes, and the magistrates by a majority. How- eyer, it provided, that if it should so happen, at any time, that six should not have a majority, that in such case, those who had the greatest number of suffrages, should stand as duly elected for that year. No person might be governor, unles,s he were a member of some regular church, and had previously been a magistrate in the colony, Nor could any man be elected to the office, more than once in two years. No one could be chosen into the magistracy who was not a freeman of the colony,.and had been nominated, cither by the freemen, or the general court. The assem bly were authorised to nominate, in cases in which they _ judged it expedient. Neither the governor, nor magis- and mag;a trates, might execute any part of their office until they had trates to been publicly sworn, in the face ofthe General Assembly. be swora- The constitution also ordained, that the several towns should send their respective deputies to the election : and Assemblies that when it was finished, they should proceed to do any h°uejon" public service, as at any other courts : and, that the as- v° sembly, in September, should be for the enacting of laws, and other public services. It authorised the governor, ei ther by himself or his secretary, to issue his warrants for calling the assemblies, one month at least, before the time of their appointed meetings. Upon particular emergen cies, he might convene them in seventeen days, or even up on shorter notice, stating the reasons in his warrant. Up on the reception of the governor's warrants, in April and {September, the constables of the respective. towns were obliged to warn all the freemen to elect and send the^p deputies. 102 HISTORY OF Chap. VL Book I. The constitution ordained, that the three towns of Wind- v^-v*-/ sor, Hartford and Weathersfield, should each of them send 1639. f°ur deputies to every general court ; and, that the other Number oitowns, which should be added to the colony in future, deputies to should send such a number as the court should determine, be sent- proportionate to the body of their freemen. The constitu tion declared the deputies to be vested with the whole Powers of power of the respective towns which they represented. It the house authorised them to meet separately, and determine their ofrepre- own elections, to fine any person who should obtrude eentatives. hjmsejf upon them} when he had not been duly chosen, and to fine any of their members for disorderly conduct, when they were assembled. Constables Further, the constitution provided, that in case the gov- to convoke ernor and the major part of the magistrates should, upon a general any urgent occasion, neglect or refuse to. call an assembly, item y. ^^ freemen should petition them to summon one ; and, if, upon the petition of a major part ofthe freemen in the colony, they still refused or neglected, then the constables of the several towns should, upon the petition of the major part of the freemen, convoke an assembly. It also or dained, that when this assembly was convened, it should have power of choosing a moderator ; and when it was thus formed, should exercise all the powers of any other general assembly. Particularly it was authorised to call any court, magistrate, or any-other person before it, and to displace, or inflict penalties according to the nature of the offence. All general assemblies, called by the governor, were to consist of the governor, four magistrates, and the major part of the deputies. When there was an equal vote, the governor had a casting voice. The constitution also pro vided, that no general court should be adjourned or dissolv ed, without the consent of a major part of the members : and that, wheaever a tax was laid upon the inhabitants, the sum to be paid by each town should be determined by a committee, consisting of an equal number from each of the respective towns. The form of oaths to be administered to the governor and ' magistrates was also adopted in the general convention of the free planters. This, for substance, was the original constitution of Connecticut.* With such wisdom did our venerable ancestors provide for the freedom and liberties of themselves and their pos terity. Thus happily did they guard against every en croachment on the rights of the subject. This, probably, * Appendix, No. IIJ. Chap. VI. CONNECTICUT. 103 is one of the most free and happy constitutions of civil Book L government which has ever been formed. The formation ¦^-v^/ of it, at so early a period, when the light of liberty was 1639. wholly darkened in most parts of the earth, and the rights of men were so little understood in others, does great hon or to their ability, integrity, and love to mankind. To posterity indeed, it exhibited a most benevolent regard. It has continued, with little alteration, to the present time. The happy consequences of it, which, for more than a cen tury atia half, the people of Connecticut have experienced, are without description. Agreeably to the constitution, the freemen convened at General Hartford, on the second Thursday in April, and elected Election at .u • cc r «u - • Hartford their oflicers for the year ensuing. the secon(j, John Haynes, Esq. was chosen governor, and Roger Thursday Ludlow, George Wyllys, Edward Hopkins, Thomas *n APrJ- Wells, John Webster and William Phelps, Esquires, were chosen magistrates. Mr. Ludlow, the first of the six mag istrates, was deputy governor. Mr. Hopkins was chosen secretary, and Mr. Wells treasurer. The deputies sent to this first general assembly, in Con necticut, were Mr. John Steele, Mr. Spencer, Mr. John Pratt, Mr. Edward Stebbins, Mr. Gaylord, Mr. Henry Wolcott, Mr. Stoughton, Mr. Ford, Mr. Thurston Rayner,. Mr. James Boosy, Mr. George Hubbard, and Mr. Rich ard Crab. The general assembly proceeded as they had leisure, Firsf liw'' and as occasion required, to enact a system of laws. The °' h{s ° laws at first were few, and time was taken to consider and digest them. The first statute in the Connecticut code is a kind of declaration, or bill of rights. It ordains, that no man's life shall be taken away ; no man's honor or good name be stained, no man's person shall be arrested, res trained, banished, dismembered, nor any wise punished ; That no man shall be deprived of his wife or children ; no man's goods or estate shall be taken away from him, nor any wise endamaged, under colour of law, or countenance of authority, unless it should be by the virtue of some express law of the colony warranting the same, establish ed by the general court, and sufficiently published ; or in case of the defect of such law, in any particular case, by some clear and plain rule of the word of God, in which the whole court shall concur.t It was also ordained that all persons in the colony, whether inhabitants or not, should enjoy the same law and justice without partiality or delay. These general precepts bore the same aspect, and breath- t Old code of Connecticut. 104 HISTORY OF Chap. VL Jtfne 4th, 1639, the planters at Quinni piack, as semble to form a constitution. Its funda mental ar ticles. ed the same spirit of liberty and safety, with respect to the subjects universally, which is exhibited in the consti tution.' The planters of Quinnipiack continued more than a year without any civil or. religious constitution, or com pact, further than had been expressed in their plantation covenant. > Meanwhile, Mr. Henry Whitfield, William Leet, Esq. Samuel Desborough, Robert Kitchel, William Chittenden and others, who were part of Mr. Davenport's arid Mr. Eaton's company, arrived to assist them in their new set tlement. These were principally from Kent and Surry, in the vicinity of London. Mr. Whitfield's people, like Mr. Davenport's, followed him into New-England. There were now three ministers, with many of the members of their former churches and congregations, collected in this infant colony, and combined in the same general agree ment. On the 4th of June, all the free planters at Quinnipiack convened in a large barn of Mr. Newman's, and, in a very formal and solemn manner, proceeded to lay the founda tions of their civil and religious polity. Mr. Davenport introduced the business, by a sermon from the words of the royal preacher, " Wisdom hath builded her house, she hath hewn out her seven pillars." His design was to show, that the church, the house of God, should be formed of seven pillars, or principal brethren, to whom all the other members of the church should be added. ; After a solemn invocation of the Divine Majesty/ he proceeded to represent to the planters, that they were met to consult respecting the settlement of civil govern ment according to the will of God, and for the nomination of persons, who, by universal consent, were, in all res pects the best qualified for the foundation work of a church. He enlarged on the great importance of the transactions before them, and desired, that no man would give his voice, in any matter, until he fully understood it ; and, that all would act, without respect to any man, but give their vote in the fear of God. He then proposed a number of ques tions in consequence of whieh the following resolutions were passed. I. That the scriptures hold forth a perfect rule for the direction and government of all men in all duties which they are to perform to God and men, as well in families and commonwealth, as in matters of the. church. II. That as in matters which concerned the gathering and ordering ofa church, so likewise in all public offices Chap. VI. CONNECTICUT. 105 which concern civil order, as the choice of magistrates and Book I. officers, making and repealing laws, dividing allotments of v^-v-s^ inheritance, and all things of like nature, they would all 1639. be governed by those rules, which the scripture held forth to them. IIL " That all those who had desired to be received as free planters, had settled in the plantation, with a purpose, resolution and desire, that they might be admitted into church fellowship according to Christ." IV. " That all the free planters held themselves bound to establish such civil order as might best conduce to the securing of the purity and peace of the ordinance to them selves and their posterity according to God." Wken these resolutions had been passed and the people had bound themselves to settle civil government according to the divine word, Mr. Davenport proceeded to represent unto them what men they must choose for civil rulers ac cording to the divine word, and that they might most ef fectually secure to them and their posterity a just, free and peaceable government. Time was then given to discuss and deliberate upon what he had proposed. After full dis cussion and deliberation it was determined — V. " That church members only should be free burgess es ; and that they only should choose magistrates among themselves, to have power of transacting all the public civ il affairs of the plantation : Of making and repealing laws, dividing inheritances, deciding of differences that may arise, and doing all things and businesses of like nature." That civil officers might be chosen and government pro ceed according to these resolutions, it was necessary that a church should be formed. Without this there could be neither freemen nor magistrates. Mr. Davenport there fore proceeded to make proposals relative to the forma tion of it, in such a manner, that no blemish might be left on the " beginnings of church work." It was then re* solved to this effect, VI. " That twelve men should be chosen, that their fit ness for the foundation work might be tried, and that it should be in the power of those twelve men, to choose sev en to begin the church." It was agreed that if seven men could not be found among the twelve qualified for the foundation work, that such other persons should be taken into the number, upon trial,* as should be judged most suitable.! The form of a solemn * Appendix No. IV. t The twelve persons chosen for trial, out of whom the seven pillars of .the ijouse were chosen, were Theophilus Eaton, John Davenport, Eobert o 106 HISTORY OF Chap. VL Book I. charge, or oath, was drawn up and agreed uport at this meet* v-*~v->^ ing to be given to all the freemen. 1639. Further, it was ordered, that all persons, who should be received as free planters of that corporation, should sub mit to the fundamental agreement above related, and in testimony of their submission should subscribe their names August 22. among the freemen.* After a proper term of trial, Theo philus Eaton, Esq. Mr. John Davenport, Robert Newman, Matthew Gilbert, Thomas Fugill, John Punderson and Jeremiah Dixon, were chosen for the seven pillars of the church. General October 25th, 1639, the court, as it is termed, consist- QuinnTi-* 'rtS °f t'iese seven persons only, convened, and after a ack, Oct. solemn address to the Supreme Majesty, they proceeded 25th, 1639. to form the body of freemen and to elect their civil officers. The manner was indeed singular and curious. Mode of jn the first place, all former trust, for managing the pub- procee - jjc afj-a;rs 0f far, plantation, was declared to cease, and, be utterly abrogated. Then all those who had been admitted to the church after the' gathering of it, in the choice of the seven pillars, and all the members of other approved churches, who desired it, and offered themselves, were ad mitted members of the court. A solemn charge was then publicly given them, to the same effect as the freemen's charge, or oath, which they had previously adopted. The" purport of this was nearly the same with the oath of fideli ty, and with the freemen's administered at the present time. Mr. Davenport expounded several scriptures to them, describing the character of civil magistrates given in the sacred oracles. To this succeeded the election of officers. Theophilus Eaton, Esq. was chosen governor, Mr. Robert Newman, Mr. Matthew Gilbert, Mr. Nathan iel Turner, and Mr. Thomas Fugill, were chosen magis trates, Mr. Fugill was also chosen secretary, and Robert Seely, marshal. Charge to Mr. Davenport gave governor Eaton a charge in open Gov. Ea- court, from Deut. i. 16, 17. " And I charged your judges at that time, saying, Hear the causes between your breth ren, and judge righteously between every man and his brother, and the stranger that is with him. Ye shall not respect persons in judgment, but ye shall hear the small as well as the great ; ye shall not be afraid ofthe face of man ; for the judgment is God's : and the cause that is too hard for you, bring it unto me, and I will hear it." Newman, Matthew Gilbert, Richard Malbon, Nathaniel Turner, Ezekiel Chevers, Thomas Fugill, John Punderson, William Andrews and Jeremiah Dikon. * Sixty-three subscribed on the 4th day of Jufte, and there were added sqqn after about fifty other names. ¦Chap. VI. CONNECTICUT. 107 It was decreed, by the freemen, that there should be a Book I. general court annually, in the plantation, on the last week v-^~v->^ in October. This was ordained a court of election in 1639, which all the officers of the colony were to be chosen. This court determined, that the word of God should be the only rule for ordering the affairs of government in that commonwealth. This was the original, fundamental constitution of the government of New- Haven. All government was original ly in the church, and the members of the church elected the governor, magistrates, and all other officers. The magistrates, at first, were no more than assistants of the governor, they might not act in any sentence or determi nation of the court.* No deputy governor was chosen, nor were any laws enacted except the general resolutions which have been noticed ; but as the plantation enlarged, and new towns were settled, new orders were given ; the general court received a new form, laws were enaicted, and the civil polity of this jurisdiction gradually advanced, in its essential parts, to a near resemblance of the govern ment of Connecticut. While these affairs were transacted at Quinnipiack, plan- Milford tations commenced at Wopowage 'and Menunkatuck. ifn^Gui'" Wopowage was purchased February 12th, 1639,t and Me- chased and nunkatuck the September following. Both were settled settled. this year. The churches of Mr. Prudden and Mr. Whit field were both formed upon the plan of Mr. Davenporf s ; each consisting of seven principal men, or pillars. They appeal- to have been gathered at the same time. The plan- w. g&». ters were in the original agreement made in Mr. Newman's barn, on the 4th of June, The principal men, or pillars in the town of Wopowage, were Mri Peter Prudden, William Fowler, Edmund Tapp, Zechariah Whitman, Thomas Buckingham, Thomas Welch, and John Astwood. The principal planters of Menunkatuck, were Henry Whitfield, Robert Kitchel, William Leet, Samuel Desborough, Will iam Chittenden, John Bishop, and John Caffinge. The lands in Milford and Guilford, as well as in New-Haven, were purchased by these principal men, in trust, for all the inhabitants of the respective towns, Every planter, after paying his proportionable part of the expenses, arising from laying out and settling the plantation, drew a lot °r lots of land, in proportion to the money or estate which he had expended in the general purchase, and to the number * Records of the colony of New-Haven. t On the records it was 1638, but according to the present mode cf Siting IQ39. 108 HISTORY OF Chap. Vf- Book I. of heads in his family. These principal men were judges w-v^/ in the respective towns, composing a court, to judge be- 1639. tween man and man, divide inheritances and punish of fences according to the written word, until a body of laws should be established. Most of the principal settlers of Milford were from Weathersfield.* They first purchased of the Indians all that tract which lies between New-Haven and Stratford river, and between the sound on the south, and a stream called two mile brook on the north, which is the boundary line between Milford and Derby. This tract comprised all the lands within the old town of Milford, and a small part of the town of Woodbridge. The planters made other purchases which included a large tract on the west side of Stratford river, principally in the town of Hunting ton. In the first town meeting iu Milford, the number of free planters, or of church members, was forty four. The Indians were so numerous in this plantation, that the English judged it necessary for their own safety, to compass the whole town plat, including nearly a mile square, with a fortification. It was so closely inclosed with strong pallisadoes, as entirely to exclude the Indians, from that part of the town, The purchasers of Guilford agreed with the Indians, that they should move off from the lands, which they had purchased. According to agreement they soon ell remov ed from the plantation. The number of the first free planters appears to have been about forty. They were all husbandmen. There was not a merchant, nor scarcely a mechanic among them. It was at great expense and trouble that they obtained even a blacksmith to settle in the plantation. As they were from Surry and Kenl, they took much pains to find a tract of land resembling that from which they had remov ed. They therefore finally pitched upon Guilford, which, toward the sea, where they made the principal settlement, was low, moist, rich land, liberal indeed to the husband man, Especially the great plain south of the town. This had been already cleared and enriched by the natives. The vast quantities of shells and manure, which, in a course of ages, they had brought upon it from the sea, had contributed much to the natural richness of the soil. There were also nearly adjoining to this, several necks, or points of land, near the sea, clear, rich and fertile, pre pared for immediate improvement. These, with the in-* * Mr. Prudden ^t seems preached at Weathersfield, (he summer before lis people removed toMilfon). Chap. VI. CONNECTICUT. 1Q9 dustry of the inhabitants, soon afforded them a comforta- Book I. ble subsistence.* v^v^-' At the same time when these settlements commenced, 1639, two new ones were made under the jurisdiction of Con necticut. Mr. Ludlow, who went with the troops in pursuit of the Mr. Lud- Pequots, to Sasco,t the great swamp in Fairfield, was so oXsresefe pleased with that fine tract of country, that he soon pro- tie Fair,- jected the scheme of a settlement in that part of the colo- fl*w' ny. This year, he, with a number of others, began a plantation at Unquowa, which was the Indian name ofthe town. At first there were but about eight or ten families. These, probably, removed from Windsor, with Mr. Lud low, who was the principal planter. Very soon after, another company came from Watertown and united with, Mr. Ludlow and the people from Windsor. A third com pany removed into the plantation from Concord ; so that the inhabitants soon became numerous, and formed them selves into a distinct township, under the jurisdiction of Connecticut. The first adventurers purchased a large tract of land ofthe natives, and soon after Connecticut ob tained charter privileges, the general assembly gave them a patent. The township comprises 'the four parishes of Fairfield, Green's farms, Greenfield and Reading ; and part ofthe parish of Straffiel'd. The lands in this tract are excellent, and at an early period the town became weal thy and respectable. Settlements commenced the same year at Cupheag and Selt,e' Pughquonnuck, since named Stratford. That part which stratforJ contains the town plat, and lies upon the river, was called or Cup- * Cupheag, and the western part, bordering on Fairfield, heaS- Pughquonnuck. It appears that settlements were made in both these places at the same time. Mr. Fairchild, who was a priricipal planter, and the first gentleman in the town vested with civil authority, came directly from England. Mr. John and Mr. William Curtiss and Mr. Samuel Haw ley were from Roxbury, and Mr. Joseph Judson and Mr. Timothy Wilcoxson from Concord, in Massachusetts, These were the first principal gentlemen in the town and church of Stratford. A few years after the settlement com menced, Mr. John Birdseye removed from Milford, and became a man of eminence both in the town and church. There were also several ofthe chief planters from Boston, and Mr. Samuel Wells, with his three sons, John, Thomag * Manuscripts of Mr. Ruggles. tit has also been called Pequot swamp, on the account oi the memois? 1^ battle fought is this place with the Pequot?. 110 HISTORY OK Chap. VL Book I. and Samuel, from Weathersfield. Mr. Adam Blackman, w-v^/who had been episcopally ordained in England, and a 1639, preacher of some note, first at Leicester, and afterwards in Derbyshire, was their minister, and one of tbe first plant ers. It is said, that he was followed by a number of the faithful into this country, to whom he was so dear, that they said to him, in the language of Ruth, " Intreat us not to leave thee, for whither thou goest we will go ; thy people shall be our people, and thy God our God." These, doubt less, collected about him iu this infant settlement. The whole township was purchased of the natives ; but, at first, Cupheag and Pughquonnuck only, where the set tlements began. The purchase was not completed until 1672. There was a reservation of good lands at Pugh* quonnuck, Golden hill, and another place, called Coram, for the improvement of the Indians. The town is bounded upon the east by the Housatonick* or Stratford river ; on the south by the Sound ; by Fair field on the west; and Newtown on the north. It com prises these four parishes, Stratford, Ripton, North-Strat ford and New-Stratford, and a considerable part of Stral- fiel.d. The lands in this town, like those in Fairfield, are good, and its situation is exceedingly beautiful and agree able. While these plantations were forming in the south-west ern part of Connecticut, another commenced on the west side of the mouth of Connecticut river. A fort had been built here in 1635 and 1636, and preparations had been made for the reception of gentlemen of quality ; but the war with the Pequots, the uncultivated state of the country, and the low condition of the colony, prevented the coming of any principal character from England, to take posses sion of a township, and make settlements in this tract. Un til this time, there had been only a garrison of about twen ty men in the place. They had made some small improve ment of the lands, and erected a few buildings in the vi cinity of the fort ; but there had been no settlement of a plantation with civil priviliges. But about midsummer, Mr. George Fenwick, with his lady and family, arrived in a ship of 250 tons. Another ship came in company with him. They were both for Quinnipiack. Mr. Fenwick and others, came over with a view to take possession of a large tract upon the river, in behalf of their lordships, the original patentees, and to plant a toiyn at the mouth of the river. A settlement was soon made, and named Saybrook, in honour to their lordships, Say and Seal and Brook. Mr. |'enw\clc, Sir. fhomas Peters, who was the first mi^iste^ Chap. VL CONNECTICUT. ill ihfthe plantation, captain Gardiner,? Thomas Leflingwell, Book I. Thomas Tracy, and captain John Mason, were some ofv-<»-v/-^^ the principal planters. Indeed, the HuntingtOns, Bald- 1637. wins, Reynolds's, Backus's, Bliss's, Watermans, Hydes, * Posts, Smiths, and almost all the names afterwards to be found at Norwich, were among the first inhabitants of Say brook. The government of the town was entirely inde pendent of Connecticut, for nearly ten years, until after the purchase made of Mr. Fenwick, in 1644. It was first taxed by the colony in the October session, 1645 ; and it appears by the tax imposed, that the proportion of the towns of Hartford, Windsor, and Weathersfield, were to this, as six to one. The plantation did not increase to any considerable degree until about the year 1646, when Mr. James Fitch, a famous young gentleman, was ordained to the pastoral care of the church and congregation ¦>, and a considerable number of families from Hartford and Wind sor removed and made settlements in the town. Its origi nal boundaries extended eastward five miles beyond the river, and from its mouth northward six miles ; including a considerable part ofthe town of Lyme* Westward they extended to Hammonasset, the Indian name of the tract comprised in the limits of Killingworth, and north eight miles from the sea. Mr. Fenwick and captain* Mason were magistrates, and had the principal government of the town. Great difficulties had arisen the last year, between theTfoublea English at Pyquaug, now Weathersfield, and Sowheag and eJ9^,e(1athJ his Indians. It was discovered, that some of the Indians wjtt, the at Pyquaug, under Sowheag, had been aiding the Pequots Indian*. in the destruction which they had made there the prece ding year, and were instrumental of bringing them against the town. Sowheag entertained the murderers, and treat ed the people of Weathersfield with haughtiness and insult. The court at Connecticut, on hearing the differences, de termined, that, as the English at Weathersfield, had been the aggressors, and gave the first provocation, the injuries which Sowheag had done should be forgiven, and that he should, on his good conduct for the future, be restored to their friendship. ¦ Mr. Stone and Mr. Goodwin were ap- {>ointed a committee to compromise all differences with Court at u'm. tyowever, as Sowheag could not, by any arguments, ^°t""5cl1" or fair means, be persuaded* to give up the murderers, but 5"h' d^t. continued his outrages against the English, the court, this mines to dispatch # Though captain Mason was appointed major-general of the militia of 100 men to flie colony, yat he whs nlways called captain, or major, upon the records ; Mattabe- in conformity to which I have uniformly given him those titles. sefck. 112 HISTORY OF Chap. VL Book I. year, determined, that a hundred men should be sent down »>-v-^ to Mattabeseck, to take the delinquents by force of arms. 1639. The court ordered, that their friends at Quinnipiack should be certified of this resolution, that they might adopt the measures necessary for the defence of the plantations. It was, also, determined to have their advice and consent in an affair of such general concernment. New-Ha- Governor Eaton and his council fully approved of the ven ob- design of bringing the delinquents fo condign punishment • jects, and but they disapproved of the manner proposed by Con- from?theS necticut. They feared that it would be introductive to a design. new Indian war. This they represented would greatly endanger the new settlements, and be many ways injurious and distressing. They wanted peace, all their men and money, to prosecute the design of planting the country* They represented that a new war would not only injure the plantations in these respects, but would prevent the com ing over of new planters, whom they expected from Eng land. They were, therefore, determinately against seek ing redress by an armed force. Connecticut, through their influence, feceded from the resolution which they had formed with respect to Sowheag and Mattabeseck. Expedi- Nevertheless, as the Pequots had violated their cove- tlon. . nant, and planted at Pawcatuck, in the Pequot country, Pequots t^e court dispatched major Mason, With forty men, to drive Septem- them off, burn their wigwams, and bring away their corn.* *>er- Uncas, with a hundred men and twenty canoes, assisted in the enterprise. When they arrived at Pawcatuck bay, major Mason met with three of the Pequot Indians, and sent them to inform the others of the design of his coming, and what he should do, unless they would peaceably desert the place. They promised to give him an immediate an swer, but never returned, The major sailed up a small river, landed, and beset the wigwams so suddenly, that the Indians were unable to car ry off either their corn or treasures. Some of the old men had not time to make their escape. As it was now Indian harvest, he found a great plenty of corn. Indian While Uncas's Indians were plundering the wigwams, fighting, about sixty others came rushing down a hill towards them. The Moheagans stood perfectly still, and spake not a word, until they came within about thirty yards of them ; then, shouting and yelling, in their terrible manner, they ran to meet them, and fell upon them, striking with bows, and cut ting with knives and hatchets, in their mode of fighting. Indeed, it scarcely deserved the name of fighting. It, how- * Records of Connecticat. 6up. VL CONNECTICUT. H& ^vef, afforded something new and amusing to the English, 6ook I. as they were now spectators of an Indian battle. The ma- *^~»-x-/ jbr made a movement to cut oft' their retreat, which they 1639. perceived, and ihstantly fled. As .it was not desired to kill, or irritate the Indians more than was absolutely necessary, the English made no fire upon them. Seven Indians were taken. They behaved so outrageously, that it was de signed to take off their heads ; -but one Otash, a Narragan set sachem, brother to Miantonimoh, pleaded that they faiignt be spareid, because they were his brother's men, who was a friend to the English. He offered to , deliver the heads ,bf so many murderers in lieu of them. The English, considering that no blood had been shed, and that the pro posal tended both to mercy and peace, granted the request. The Indians were committed to the care of Uncas, until the conditions should be performed. , The light of ihe next morning no sooner appeared, than the English discovered three hundred Indians in arms, on the opposite side of the creek in which they lay. Upon this, the soldiers immediately stObd to their arms. The Indians Were alarmed at the appearance Of the Eng lish ; sohie fled, and others secreted themselves behind yocks and trees, so that a man of ihem could not he seen. The English called to them, representing their desire of Speakingwith them. Numbers of them rose up, and major Mason acquainted them with the Pequots' breach of cove nant with the English, as they were not to settle or plant in any part of their country. The Indians replied, that the Pequots were good men, artd that they would fight for them, and protect them. Major Mason told them it was hot far to the head of the creek ; that he: would meet them there, and they might try what they could do at fighting. The Indians replied, they would not fight with English men, for they were spirits ; but they Would fight with Un- fcas. The major assured them, that he should spend the day in burning wigwam's, and carrying Off the corn, and they might fight When they had an opportunity. The Eng lish beat up theirdrum, and, fired their wigwams, but they flared not to engage them. The English loaded their bark With Indian corn, and th6 Indians the twenty canoes in which they passed to Pawcatuck, and thirty more, which they took from the Indians there, with kettles, trays, mats, and other Indian luggagfe, and returned in safety.* k During these transactions in Connecticut, the Dutch, at Apprehen- New-Netherlands, were increasing in numbers and strength, sions froi* A new governor, William Kieft, a man of ability and en- tte Dutch" * Mason's History. P 114 HISTORY OF Chap. VL Book I. terprise, had arrived at their seat of government. Kieft *-*^-n^ had prohibited the English trade at the fort of Good Hope, 1639. in Hartford, and protested against the settlement at Quin nipiack.** These circumstances gave some alarm to the English in Connecticut. The court at Hartford appointed a committee to go down to the mouth of the river, to con sult with Mr. Fenwick,, relative to a general confederation of the colonies, for mutual offence and defence. The de puty-governor, Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Thomas Wells, and Mr. Aug, 15th. Hooker, went upon this business. They were, also, in- structedto confer with Mr; Fenwick, relative to the patent. Attempts The court approved of the conduct ofthe committee, and, tsA unfonf'Vi1'1 respect to the article of confederation, declared its willingness to enter into a mutual agreement of offence and defence, and of all offices of love between the colonies. Mr. Fenwick was in favour of an union of the New-Eng land colonies. With respect to the patent of the river, it was agreed, that the affair should rest, until the minds of the noblemen and gentlemen particularly interested, could be more fully known. Governor Haynes and Mr. Wells were appointed to re pair to Pughquonnuck, and administer the oath of fidelity to the inhabitants ; to admit such of them as were qualified to the privileges of freenaen; and to appoint officers for the town, both civil and military. They were, also, authorised to invite the freemen to send their deputies to the general courts at Hartford. t Oct. lOtfi; At an adjourned General Assembly, the court incorpo- towns in- rBted the several towns in the colonies, vesting them with corpora- fuj.j p0wers t0 transact their own affairs. It was enacted, that they should have power to choose, from among them- Town selves, three, five, or seven of their principal men, to be a stttuted?" fcourt f0ir eacl1 town* °ne °^ tlie three, five> or seven, was to be chosen moderator. The major part of them, always including him, constituted a quorum. A casting voice was allowed him, in cases in which there was an equal division. He, or any two of the court, were authorised to summon the 'parties to appear at the time and place appointed, and might grant execution against the party offendhng. They were authorised fo determine all matters of trespass or debt, not exceeding forty shillings. An appeal might be made froiii this court, ai; any time before execution was given Out. This court was appointed to sit once in two months. * Smith's Hist. N. York, p. 3. t It was not unusual for the General Assembly to fine its members. Mr. Ludlow, the deputy-governOr, was fined for absence, and for his conduct at Pughquonnuck. . It was, probably, on the account of the displeasure ofthe court towanls him, that this committee were appointed, Ghap. VI. CONNECTICUT. Il5 It was ordained, that every town should keep a public Book I. ledger, in which every man's house and lands, with the ^^-sr^+r- boundaries and quantity, according to the nearest estima- 1639. tion, should be recorded. All lands also granted and mea sured to any man aftqjrwards, and all bargains and mort gages of lands were to be put on record. Until this was done, they were to be of no validity. The towns were, also, empowered to dispose of their own lands. This was the origin ofthe privileges of particular towns in Con necticut. Besides the court in each town, there was the court of magistrates, termed the particular court. This held a ses sion once in three months. To this lay all appeals from the other courts. In this were tried all criminal causes and actions of debt, exceeding forty shillings, and all titles of land. Indeed, this court possessed all the authority, and did all the business now possessed and done by the county and superior courts. For a considerable time, they were vested with such discretionary powers, as none of the courts at this day would venture to exercise, Nepaupuck, a famous Pequot captain, who had frequent ly stained his hands in English blood, was condemned by the General Court at Quinnipiack, for murder. It appear- Oct. 30th, ed, that in the year 1637, he killed John Finch, of Weath ersfield, and captivated one of Mr. Swain's daughters. He had also assisted in Jailing the three men, who were going down Connecticut river in a shallop. His head was cut off, and set upon a pole in the market place. It will, doubtless, hardly he granted, in this enlightened age, that the subjects of princes, killing men by their orders, in war, ought to be treated as murderers. Though the first planters of New-England and Connecticut were men of eminent piety and strict morals, yet, . like other good men, they were subject to misconception and the influence of passion. Their beheading sachems, whom they took in war, killing the male captives, and enslaving the women and children of the Pequots, after it was finished, was treat ing them with a severity, which, on the benevolent princi ples of Christianity, it will be difficult ever to justify. The executing of all those as murderers, who were active in killing any of the English people, and obliging all the In dian nations to bring in such persons, or their heads, was an act of severity unpractised, at this day, by civilized and christian nations. The decapitation of their enemies, and the setting of their heads upon poles, was a kind of barba rous triumph, too nearly symbolizing with the examples of uncivilized and pagan nation?. The further we are remo . 116 HISTORY OF Chap. VIL Book I-. vedfrom every resemblance of these, and the more deeply C^-^-^ we ijnbibe those divine precepts, " Love your enemies • 1640. Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so to them;" — the greater will be our dignity and happiness. CHAPTER VIL The progress of purchase, settlement, and law, in the colo nies of Connecticut and New-Haven-. The effect qf the conquest ofthe Pequots on the natives, and the manner ih winch they were treated. Purchases qf them. -Towns set tled. Divisions at Weatherfield occasion the settlement of , Stamford. Troubles withjhe Dutch and Indians. Capi tal laws qf Connecticut. The confederdiion qf the United Colonies. Further troubles with the Indians. Victory of Uncas over the Narragansets, and capture of their, sachem. The advice of the commissioners respecting Miantonimoh, His execution,. Precautions of the colonies to prevent: war. The Dutch, harassed by an Indian war, apply tp New- Haven for assistance. ALTHOUGH thg conquest of the Pequots extended the claim of Connecticut to a great proportion of the lands in the settled part of the Colony, yet, to "remove all grounds of complaint or uneasiness, the English planters made fair purchases of almost the whole tract of country within the settled part of. Connecticut. Claims of After the conquest of the Pequots, in consequence of the dian^'and covknant made with Uncas, in 1638, and the gift ofa hun- the man- dred Pequots to him, he bepame important. A considerable ner in number of Indians collected to him, so that he became one T&Hisli316 °^ t'le Principal sachems in Connecticut, and even in New- trefted England. At some times he was able to -raise four or five tfeem. hundred warriors. As the Pequpts were now conquered^ and as he assisted in the conquest, arid was a Pequot him self, he laid claim to all that extensive tract called-the Mo heagan or Pequot country. Indeed, it.seems he claimed, and was allowed to sell some part of that tract which was the principal seat of the Peqpots. The sachems in other parts of Connecticut, who had been conquered by the Pe quots, and made their allies, or tributaries, considered themselves^ by the conquest. of» this haughty nation, as re- (Chap. VIL CONNECTICUT. 117 stpred to their former rights. They claimed to be inde- Book L pendent sovereigns, and to have a title to all the lands s*^v^/ which they had at any time before possessed. The plan- 1640, ters therefore, to show their justice to the heathen, and to maintain the peace ofthe country, from time to time, pur chased of the respective sachems and their Indians, all the lands which they settled, excepting the towns of New-Lon don, Groton and Stonington, which were considered as the peculiar seat qfthe Pequot nation. The inhabitants of Windsor, Hartford, and Weathersfield, either at the time of their settlement, or soon after, bought ciii those exten sive tracts, which they settled, of the native, original pro prietors of the country. Indeed, Connecticut planters generally made repeated purchases of their lands. The colony not only bqughf the Moheagan country of Uncas, but afterwards all the particular towns were purchased again, either of him or his successors, when the settle ments in them commenced. Besides, the colony was often obliged to renevy its leagues with Uncas and his successors, the Moheagan sachems ; and to make new presents and take hew deeds, to keep friendship with the Indians and preserve the peace of the country. The colony was obli ged to defend Uncas from his enemies, which was an oc casion of no small trouble and expense. The laws obliged the inhabitants of the several towns to reserve unto the na tives a sufficient quantity of planting ground. They were allowed fo hunt and fish upon all the lands no less than the English. The colonies made laws for their protection from insult, fraud and violence.* The inhabitants suffered them to erect wigwams, and to live on the very lands which they had purchased of them > and to cut their fire \[rood on theil' uninclosed lands, for more than a whole century, after the settlements ; began. The lands, therefore, though really worth nothing at that time, cost the planters very consid erable sums, besides the purchase of their patents and the right of pre-emption. In purchasing, the lands, and making settlements, in a wilderness, the first plasters of Connecticut expended great estates. It has been the opinion of the best judges, who have had the most perfect acquaintance with the an cient affairs of the colony, that many of the adventurers expended more, in making settlements in Connecticut, than all the lands and huildings, were worth, after all the im provements which they had; made upon tbem,t * These faGts are fully ascertained by the records of-the colonies, and of £he respective towns. ' *>• ^ This was tbe general opinion among men of extensive knowledge, in^ 118 HISTORY OF Chip. VII. Book I. At the general election in Connecticut, this year, Mr. v^vx/ Hopkins was chosen governor, and Mr. Haynes deputy 1640. governor. Mr. Ludlow was chosen magistrate in the Election at place of Mr. Hopkins. The other magistrates were the Hartford. same wj,0 were elected the last year. The same govern or, deputy governor and magistrates, who were in office, at New-Haven, the last year, were re-elected for this. As the colonists, both in Connecticut and New-Haven, were the patentees of Lord Say and Seal, Lord Brook and the other gentlemen interested in the old Connecticut pa tent, and as that patent covered a large tract of country, both colonies were desirous of securing the native title to the lands, with all copvenient dispatch. Several large purchases were made this year both by Connecticut and New-Haven. Connecticut made jjresents to Uncas, the Moheagan sa chem, to his satisfaction, and on the 1st of September 1640, obtained of him a clear and ample deed of all his lands in Connecticut, except the lands which were then planted. These he reserved for himself and the Moheagans. The same year, governor Haynes, in behalf of Hart ford, made a purchase of Tunxis, including the towns of Farmington and Southington, and extending westward as far as the Mohawk country. The people of Connecticut, about the same time, pur chased Waranoke and soon began a plantation there, since called Westfield. Governor Hopkins erected a trading house and had a considerable intertest in the plantation. Mr. Ludlow made a purchase ofthe eastern part of Nor walk, between Saugatuck and Norwalk rivers. Captain Patrick bought the middle part of the town. A few fami lies seem to have planted themselves in the town about the time of these purchases, but it was not properly settled un til about the year 1651. The planters then mEide a pur chase of the western part of the town.* About the same time Robert Feaks and Daniel Patrick bought Greenwich. The purchase was made in behalf of New-Haven, but through the intrigue of the Dutch gov ernor, and the treachery of the purchasers, the first in habitants revolted to the Dutch. They were incorporateU and vested with town privileges by Peter Stuyvesant, gov- Massachusetts, as well as in Connecticut. Governor Hutchinson, in » manuscript which he wrote against the stamp act, observed, that land in New-England, at the time of its settlement, was of no value. * The first purchases were of the sactiem, Mamechimoh. Mt. LudlowTs deed bears date Feb. 26th, 1640, and Capt. Patrick's April 20th, 1640. The western purchase was of a sachem called Brickingheage. lt hence appears that there were twe aachema in this town. Chap. VIL CONNECTICUT. 119 ernor of New-Netherlands, The inhabitants were driven Book I. off by the Indians, in their war with the Dutch j and made ^^vv* no great progress in the settlement until after Connecticut 1640. obtained the charter, and they were taken under the juris diction of this colony. Captain Howe and other Englishmen, in behalf of Con necticut, purchased a large tract of the Indians, the origin al proprietors, on Long-Island. This tract extended from the eastern part of Oyster bay to the western part of Howe's or Holmes's bay to the middle of the great plain. It lay on the northern part of the island and extended southward about half its breadth. Settlements were immediately be gun upon the lands ; and by the year 1642, had made con siderable advancement. New-Haven made a purchase of all the lands at Rippo- Purchases warns. This purchase was made of Ponus and Toquam- of New" ske, the two sachems of that tract, which contained the aven' whole town of Stamford. A reservation of planting ground was made for the Indians.! Another large purchase, sufficient for a number of plan tations, was made by captain Turner, agent for New-Ha ven, on both sides of Delaware bay or river. This pur chase was made with a view to trade, and for the settle- ment of churches in gospel order and purity. The colony of New-Haven erected trading houses upon the lands, and sent nearly fifty families to make settlements upon them. The setdements were made under the jurisdiction of New- Haven, and in close combination with that colony in all their fundamental articles. It also appears, tbat New-Haven, or their confederates, purchased and settled Yennycock, Southhold, on Long- Island. Mr. John Youngs, who had been a minister at Hingham in England, came over, with a considerable part of his church, and here fixed his residence. He gather ed his church anew, on the 21st of October, and the plan ters united themselves with New-Haven. However, they soon departed from therule of appointing none to office, or of admitting none to be freemen, but members of the church. New-Haven insisted on this as a fundamental ar ticle of their constitution. They were, therefore, for a number of years, obliged to conform to this law of the ju risdiction. Some of the principal men were the Reverend Mr. Youngs, Mr. William Wells, Mr. Barnabas Horton, Thomas Mapes, John Tuthill and Matthias Corwin. Laws were enacted, both by Connecticut and New-Ha- t The purchase was made by captain Nathaniel Turner, agent for New-' Haven. It cost about thirty pounds sterling. 120 HISTORY OF Chap, VIL Book I. ven; prohibiting all purchases of the Indians, by private *^-v-s^ persons, or companies, without the consent of their res- 1640i pective general cburts. These were to authorize and di rect the manner of every purchase. fejpt. 5th. The general court, at New-Haven, this year, made a grant of Totoket to Mr. Samuel Eaton, brother of govern- br Eaton, Upon condition of his procuring a number of his friends, from Engldnd, to make a settlement in that tract of country* At this court it was decreed, that the plantation at Quin nipiack should be called New-Haven. General At the general election, this year, at Hartford, John H&C tf'V* Haynes, Esqi ivas chosen governor, and George Wyllys, April (T ' Esq. deputy governor. Mri Hopkin£ was chosen magis-' 1641. trate, and the other prihcipal officers were re-elected. Divisions The brethren of the church at Weathersfield removed fct Weath- without their pastor, the Rev. Mr. Phillips ; and, having ersfieldk nQ ^ttje(j minftter at first, fell into Unhappy contentions and artimOsities. These continued for a number of years, and divided the inhabitants of the town, as well as the brethren! of the church. They were the means of scattering the in habitants, and of the formation of new settlements and churches in other places. Great pains were taken, by the ministers on the river, to compose the differences" and unite the church and town ; but they were unable to effect art union. Mf. Davenport arid some of the brethren of the church at New-Haven were sent for, to advise and attempt a reconciliation. Mr. Davenport and his brethren gave advice some\vtiat different from that which had been given by the ministers and churches On the river ; and, it seems, suggested the expediency of one of the parties removing and making a new settlement, if they could not by any means be united among themselves. Some were pleased with the aiivioe, others disliked it, and the parties could not agree which of them should remove. The church, ivhich consisted of seven members only, was divided three against four. The three claimed to be the church; and therefore pleaded, that they ought not to remote. The four, as they were the majority, insisted that it was their right to stay. The church at Watertown, as they had not dismissed their brethren, at Weathersfield, from their watch, judged it theip duty to make them a visit, and to attempt to heal the divisions which had sprung up among them. For this benevolent purpose, several of the brethren made a jour ney to Connecticut ; but they succeeded no better in their endeavours, than those who had been before them. It Chap. VIL CONNECTICUT. J21 now appeared to be the opinion, that it was expedient for Book I. one of the parties to remove, but it could not be agreed v^x-v-ov Which of them should be obliged again to make a new set- 1641, tlement. At length a number of principal men, who were the most pleased with the advice of Mr. Davenport and the New-Haven brethren, and to whom the government of that colony was most agreeable, determined to remove, and settle in combination with New-Haven. Therefore, on the 30th of October, 1640, Mr. Andrew Ward and Mr. Robert Coe of Weathersfield, in behalf of themselves and about twenty other planters; purchased RipjDowams of New-Haven. The whole number obliged themselves to remove, with their families, the next year, before the last of November. This spring the settlement tommenced. The principal planters were the Rev* Mr. Richard Denton, Mr. Matthew Mitchel, Mr. Thurston Rayner, Mr. Andrew Ward, Mr* Robert Coe, and Mr. Richard Gildersleve. Mr. Denton was among the first planters of the town, and continued their minister about three or four years. After that time he removed with part of his church and congregation to Hempsted. They set tled that town about the year 1643 or 1644- At the general election, this year, in New-Haven, Theo- Election at philus Eaton, Esq: was chosen governor, and Mr. Stephen New-Ha- Goodyear, deputy governor. The magistrates were Mr. ^'ig^j' Gregson, Mr. Robert Newman, Mr. Matthew Gilbert and ' Mr. Wakeman; Thomas Fugill was appointed secretary, and Mr; Gregson treasurer. Upon the general election, this year, at Hartford, there 1642. was a considerable change, with respect to civil officers. SecS0°i George Wyllys; Esq. was elected governor, and Roger Ludlow, Esq. deputy governor. Eight magistrates were chosen for Connecticut. This is the first instance of more than six; The magistrates were John Haynes, Esq. Mr. Phelps, Mr. Webster, captain Mason, Mr. Wells, Mr. Whiting, Edward Hopkins, Esq. and Mr. William HOp- kinS; The Indians were exceedingly troublesome this year. The In it was suspected, that they were forming a combination dians are for a general war. All trading with them, in arms or any ™e_e'^ instruments of iron, was expressly prohibited, both by Connecticut and New-Haven. Each colony concerted all measures of defence. A constant watch was kept in all the plantations. Upon the sabbath a strong guard was set at the places of public worship. At this court, the magistrates were desired to write to PaJ?*g^ the Dutch, and, as far as possible, to prevent their vend- rjutcb Q 123 HISTORY OF Chap. VIL Book L ing arms and ammunition to the natives, and to settle all vi*--v-^ disputes between them and the colony with respect to 1642. claims. But notwithstanding all their endeavours, the Dutch behaved with great insolence, and did much dam age to both the English colonies. The Dutch, at Hartford, gave entertainment to fugitives from the English ; helped them when confined to file off their irons ; and persuaded servants to run from their mas ters and then gave them entertainment. They purchased goods which had been stolen from the English, and would not return them. They also assisted criminals in breaking gaol. Besides these misdemeanors, at Hartford, the Dutch governor, William Kieft, caused the English setdements on Long-Island, which had now advanced, on the lands pur chased by captain Howe, as far as Oyster bay, to be bro ken up. Some of the English planters were forcibly seiz ed and imprisoned, and others driven from their settle ments. These were injuries done to Connecticut. To the colony of New-Haven the Dutch were stiff more hostile and injurious. Notwithstanding the fair -purchases which that colony had made, by their agents at Delaware, governor Kieft, without any legal protest or -warning, dis patched an armed force, and with great hostility, burned the English trading houses, violendy seized and for a time detained their goods, and would not give them time to take an inventory of them. The Dutch also took the company's boat, and a number of the English planters, and kept them as prisoners. The damages done the Eng lish at Delaware, were estimated at a thousand pounds sterling** The same year the Swedish governor and Dutch agent uniting in a crafty design against Mr. Lamberton, a prin cipal gentleman of New-Haven, made an injurious attempt upon his life* "They accused him of having joined in a plot with the Indians to cut off the Swedes and Dutch. They attempted, by giving his men strong drink, and by threatenings and allurements, to influence them to bear testimony against him. They proceeded so far as to im prison and try him for treason. When, notwithstanding these unfair means, and that they were both his accusers and judges, they could not find any evidence against him, they arbitrarily imposed a fine upon him, for trading at Delaware, though within the limits of the purchase and ju risdiction of New-Haven. At another time, when Mr. Lamberton was occasional- * Records ofthe united colonies, and Safth's history of New-York, p. 4. Chat. VII. CONNECTICUT. 123 ly at Manhatoes, in the capacity of an agent for New-Ha- Book L ven, the Dutch governor, Kieft, by force and threatenings, v_*-v-»^ compelled him to give an account of all his beaver, within J 642. the limits of New-Haven, at Delaware, and to pay an im post upon the whole. The Dutch did other damages, and insulted the English in various other instances. Both Connecticut and New-Haven, from year to year, com plained and remonstrated against them, but could obtain no redress. While jthe colonies were increasing in numbers and set tlements, progress in la wand jurisprudence, in the regular establishment of courts and the times of their sessions, was alsp necessary, for the advancement, order and happiness of the respective jurisdictions. This, so far as the numerous affairs ofthe colonies would {>ermit, was an object of special attention. The capital aws of Connecticut were, this year, nearly completed, and put upon record. The several passages of scripture on which they were founded were particularly noticed in the statute. They were tvyelve in number, and to the fol lowing effect. If any man or woman §hall have or worship any God, Capital but the true God, he shall be put to death. Deut. xiii. 6. J?wsof\. xvii. 21. Exodus xxii. 2. f £on««te If any person in this polony shall blaspheme the name of 2, iW. God the Father, Son or Holy Ghost, with direct, express, presumptuous or high-handed blasphemy, or shaU curse in like manner, he shall be put to death, Levit. xxiy. 15, 16. If any man of woman be a witch, that is, hath or con- sulteth with a familiar spirit, they shall be put to death. Exodus xxii. 1 8. Levit. xx. 22. Deut. xviii. 10, 11. If any person shall commit wilful murder, upon malice, hatred or cruelty, not in a man's own defence, nor by cas ualty against his wil}, he shall be put to death. Exodus xxi. 12, 13, 14. Numb. xxxv. 30, 31. If any person shall slay another through guile, either by poisoning, or other such devilish practices, he shall be put to death. Exodus xxi. 14, If any man or woman shall lie with any beast or brute creature, by carnal copulation, they shall surely be put to death, and the beast shall be slain and buried, Leviticus xx. 15, 16. If any man lieth with mankind, as he lieth with a wo-, man, both of them have committed abomination ; they both shall surely be put to death, except it appear that one of the parties was forced, or under fifteen years of age. Levit, 121 HISTORY OF Ciur. VIL Book I. If ony man lie with his mother, or father's wife, or wife's \^-v>^/ mother, his daughter, or daughter inlaw, hnviti" rurnal 1642, copulation with them, both of them have committed nbomi- nation; they shall be put to death, except it appear, that the woman was forced, or under fourteen years of ago. Levit. xx. 11, 12, 14, and xviii. 7, 8. If nny man shall forcibly ravish any maid, or woman, by carnal Copulation, against her consent, he shall be put to death, provided proseeution and complaint be made forth with upon the rape. Deut. xxii. 25. lf any man steal a man, or mankind, and selleth hitn, or he be found in his hand, he shall be put to death. Exodus xxi. 16. If any person rise, up by false witness, willingly, nnd of purpose, to take away man's life, he or she shall be put to death. Deut. xix. 16, 18, 19. It was also enacted, that if any person should conspire against the commonwealth, attempt an insurrection, inva sion, or rebellion against it, he should be put to death. Wilful arson, the cursing and smiting of father or moth er, and notorious stubbornness in children, after n certain age, were, sqon after, made capital offences, by the laws of the colony, and added to the list of the capital laws.* Before this time, unchastity between single persons, and wanton behaviour, had been punished with whipping at the tail of the cart, by fining, or obliging the delinquents to marry, at the discretion of the particular courts. The general court approved of what the particular courts had done, in these cases, and authorised them, in fu ture, to punish such delinquents by fines, by committing them to the house of correction, or by corporal punish ment, at the discretion of the court. As some loose persons deserted the English settlements, and lived in a profane, heathenish manner, a law was en acted, that all persons who should be convicted of this crime, should be punished with three years imprisonment, at least, in the house of correction, with fine, or corporal punishment, as the particular court should direct. t General At a general court in New-Haven, April 5, 1643, con- New-Hav- "derable progress was made in the laws and government on, April " of that colony. Deputies were admitted tp the court, and 5^ 1643. an addition was made to the number of magistrates. Stam ford, for, the first time, sent captain John Underhill, and Mr. Richard Gildersleve, to represent the town. Mr. * Records of Connecticut, and the old Connecticut code. + Records of Connecticut. When the Connecticut laws were printed, in 1(572, thit law wfts altered, and'the term ^educed from (hrefe, to one1 year's imprisonment. Chap. VIL CONNECTICUT, 125 Mitchel and Mr. Rayner were nominated for magistrates Book I, in Stamford. Mr. Rayner was appointed by the court, ^^v-*^ Captain Underhill, Mr. Mifchel, Mr. Andrew Ward, and 1643. Mr. Robert Coe were appointed assistant judges to Mr. Rayner. This court was vested with the same powers as the court at New-Haven, aqd was the first instituted in Stamford. Mr. William Leet and Mr. Desborough were admitted magistrates for Menunkatuck, and that plantation was named Guilford. This year John Haynes, Esq, was elected governor, and General Mr. Hopkins deputy governor. Mr. Wolcott and Mr. Hlrtforf, Swain were chosen magistrates ; and Mr. Phelps and Mr. April 13,' William Hopkins were not elected.* Mr. Whiting was 1643. chosen treasurer and Mr. Wells secretary. It appears to have been customary, for a number of years, to choose the secretary and treasurer among the magistrates. Juries appear to have attended the particular courts, in Anactres-, Connecticut, from their first institution, They seem to ries.'nS^U" have been regularly enrolled about the year 1641, or 1642. But the particular courts found great difficulties with res pect to their proceedings. There were no printed laws for the inhabitants to study, and many of the common peo ple had attended very little to law and evidence. The ju ry therefore, very often, would be so divided, that they could not agree upon any verdict ; and when they were agreed, it did not always appear to the court that they fcrought in a just one. A pretty extraordinary law there fore passed this court, regulating the juries. The court decreed, that the jury should attend diligently to the case, and to the evidence, and if they could not all agree in a verdict, they should offer their reasons upon the case to the court, and the court should answer them, and send out the jury again. If, after deliberating upon the case, they could not bring in a joint verdict, it was decreed, that it should be determined by a major vote ; and that this should, to all intents and purposes, be deemed a full and sufficient verdict ; upon which judgment should be entered, and exe cution, and all other proceedings should be as though there had been a joint verdict of the iury. It was also provided, that if the jury should he equally divided, six and six, they should represent the case to the court', with their reasons, and a special verdict should be drawn, and a major vote of the court, or magistrates, should determine the cause, and * Mr. Phelps, I suppose, was now dead, as he appears no more upon lhe records. He was one of the principal planters of Windsor, and chos en into the magistracy from the first settlement of Connecticut. He ap pears to have been the ancestor of tbe Phelpses iu this state. 126 HISTORY OF Chap. VIL Book I. all matters respecting it should be as though there had v^-v-^/ been a joint verdict ofthe jury.* 1643. At this court, it was ordained, that a grand jury of Grand ju- twelve men should attend the particular courts, annually, jy *° ?*; in May and September, and as often as the governor and court*!6 court should judge expedient. It was also enacted, that the grand jury should be warned to give their attendance. This is the first notice of a grand jury, at any court. Proposals A general confederation of the New-England colonies, fcr a gene- had been proposed, and in agitation for several years. In rf'thniN 1638' articles of un'on, for amity, offence and defence, mu- En'giand' tua' advice and assistance, upon all necessary occasions,- Colonies, were drawn, and for further consideration, referred to 1 639. Connecticut and Mr. Fenwick agreed to confederate for these purposes. From this time, Connecticut had annual ly appointed some of her principal men, to go into the Massachusetts, to complete the designed confederacy. Governor Haynes and Mr. Hooker, in 1639, were nearly a month in Massachusetts, laboring to carry it into effect. New-Haven paid equal attention to an affair so important to the colonies. The circumstances of the English na- Reasons t'on' an(^ ^e siate °f 'he colonies in New-England, at this >for the un- time, made it a matter of urgent necessity. For the ac- ion. commodation of particular companies, the colonies had ex tended their settlements upon the rivers and sea coasts .much farther, and had made them in a more scattering manner, than was at first designed. No aid could be ex pected from the parent country, let emergencies be ever so pressing. The Dutch had so extended their claims, and were so powerful and hostile, as to afford a just ground of general alarm. All the plantations were compassed with numerous tribes of savage men. The Narragansets appeared hostile, and there were the appearances of a general combination, among the Indians, in New-England, to extirpate the English colonies. There were, notwith standing, impediments in the way of effecting even so ne cessary and important an union. The Massachusetts was much more numerous and powerful, than the other colonies. It. was in various respects more respectable and important. It was, therefore, a matter of difficulty, to form an union upon equal terms. The other colonies were not willing to unite upon such as were unequal. There were also dis putes between Connecticut and Massachusetts. The col ony of Massachusetts claimed part of the Pequot country, on the account of the assistance which they afforded in the Pequot war. There was also a difference with respect to * Records of Connecticut, Chap. VA CONNECTICUT. 127 the boundary line between Massachusetts and Oonnecti- Book L cut. Both colonies claimed the towns of Springfield and ^^-^~^y Westfield. These difficulties retarded the union. 1643* However, Connecticut, New-Haven, and Plymouth, all dispatched commissioners to Boston, in May, at the time of the ^session of the General Court. The commissioners from Connecticut were, Governor Haynes and Mr. Hop kins ; Mr. Fenwick, from Saybrook ; Governor Eaton and Mr. Gregson, from New-Haven ; Mr. Winslow and Mr. Collier, from Plymouth. The general court of Massachu setts appointed Governor Winthrop, Mr. Dudley, and Mr. Bradstreet, of the magistrates, and of the deputies, Mr. Hawthorne, Mr. Gibbons, and Mr. Tyng. There appear- TheNe*^ ed, at this time, a spirit of harmony and mutual eondescen- Engknd ¦ colonics ' sion among the commissioners, and on the 19th of May, COnfede- 1643, the articles were completed and signed. The com- rate, May missioners were unanimous in adopting them; but those wth, 1643.- frorti Plymouth did not sign them, as they had not been authorised by the court. At the meeting, of the commis sioners in September, they came Vested with plenary pow ers, and signed them. The commissioners, in the introductory part, declare, Articles of with respect to the four colonies of Massachusetts, Ply- ^_e eia" mouth, Connecticut, and New-Haven, and the plantations under their respective jurisdictions, that, as they all came into these parts of America with one and the same end and aim, to advance the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, and enjoy the liberties of the gospel in purity and peace, they conceived it. their bounden duty to enter into a present con federation among themselves, for mutual help and strength in all future concernments ; that, as in nation and religion, so in other respects they be and continue one, and hence forth be called by the name of The United Colonies of New-England. They declare, that the said united colonies, for them selves and their posterity, did, jointly and severally, enter into a firm and perpetual v league of friendship and amity,' of offence and defence, mutual aid and succour, upon all just occasions, both for preserving and propagating the truth and liberty of the gospel, and for their own mutual safety and welfare. The articles reserved to each colony an entire and dis tinct jurisdiction. By them, no two colonies might be uni ted in one, nor any other colony be received into the com federacy, without the consent ofthe whole. Each colony was authorised to send two commissioners annually, always to be church members, to meet on the i2g HISTORY OF cW VIL Book I. first Monday in September, first at Boston, then at Hart- w*~v-w> ford, New-Haven, and Plymouth. This was to be the an- 1643. nual order, except that twO meetings successively were always to be at Boston. The commissioners, when met, were authorised to choose a president from among themselves, for the preservation of order. They were vested with plenary powers for ma king war and peace, laws and rules of a civil nature and of general concern. Especially, to regulate the conduct of the inhabitants towards the Indians, towards fugitives; for the general defence of the country, and for the encourage ment and support of religion. The expense of all wars, offensive or defensive, was to be borne in proportion to the number of the male inhabit ants in each colony, between sixteen and sixty years of age. Upon notice from three magistrates of any of the colo nies of an invasion, the colonies were immediately to send assistance, the Massachusetts a hundred, and each of the other colonies forty-five men. If a greater number was necessary, the commissioners were to meet and determine the number. All determinations of the commissioners, in which six were agreed, were binding upon the whole. If there were a majority, yet under six, the affair was to be referred to the general court of each colony, and could not be obliga tory, unless the courts unanimously concurred. No colony might engage in a war, without the consent of the whole union, unless upon some urgent and sudden occasion, Even in such case, it was to be avoided as far as possible, consistent with the general safety. If a meeting Were summoned, upon any extraordinary occasion, and the whole number of commissioners did not attend, any four who were met, might, in cases which ad mitted of no delay, determine upon a war, and send to each colony for its proportion of men. A number, however, less than six could not determine the justice of a war, nor have power to settle a bill of charges, nor make levies. If either of the confederates should break any article of the confederation, or injure one of the other colonies, the affair was to be determined by the commissioners of the three other confederates. The articles also made provision, that all servants run ning from their masters, and criminals flying from justice, from one colony to another, should, upon demand, and proper evidence of their character, as fugitives, be returned to their masters, and to the colonies whence they had made Chap. VIL CONNECTICUT. 139 tiieir escape ; that, in all cases, law and justice might have Book I. their course. v-^-v'-w This was an union of the highest consequence to the 1643. New-England colonies. It made them formidable to the Dutch and Indians, and respectable- among their French neighbours. It was happily adapted to maintain a gene ral harmony among themselves, and to secure the peace and rights of the country. It was one of the principal means of the preservation of the colonies, during the civil wars and unsettled state of affairs in England; It Was the grand source of mutual defence in Philip's war, and of the most eminent service in civilizing the Indians, and propa gating the gospel among them. The union subsisted more than forty years, until the abrogation of the charters of the New-England colonies, by king James the second. This union was very seasonable. The Indians Were SO The vexa- tumultuous and hostile, that its whole influence was neces- Jj0,ls co°". sary to prevent a general war; The troubles originated in aJJtonimobi. the ambitious and perfidious conduct of Miantonimoh, chief sachem of the Narragansets. After the Pequot war, he attempted to set himself Up as universal sachem over all the Indians in New-England. The old grudge and hatred which had subsisted between him and the Pequots, he now suffered to embitter and inflame his rancorous heart against Uncas and the Moheagans. Without any regard to the league made between him, the English, and the Mohea- fans, at Hartford, in 1638, when the Pequots were divided etween him and Uncas, he practised murder and war against him. At the same time, he used all the arts of which he was master, by presents and intrigue, to inflame; the Indians, and excite a general insurrection against the English plantations. The Indians, through his influence, had been collecting arms and ammunition. There appear ed among them a general preparation for war. The colo nists were obliged to keep guards and watch every night, from the setting to the rising of the sun, and to guard their inhabitants from town to town, and from one place to an other, Connecticut was for making war immediately, and sent pressing letters to the court at Boston, urging that a hun dred men might be sent to Saybrook fort, to assist against the enemy ,|as circumstances might require. But the court of Massachusetts pretended to doubt of the facts alledged, and would not consent. In the mean time Miantonimoh, in prosecution of his bloody designs, hired a Pequot, one of Uncas's men, to kill trim. He made an attempt, ih the spring, and shot Uncas R 130 History of Chap. vil. Book 1. through his arm. He then ran off to (the Narragansets, re-' ,«^',"*~w porting, through the Indian towns, that he had killed Un- 1643. cas. But when it was known that Uncas was not dead, though wounded, Miantonimoh and the Pequot contrived together, and reported that Uncas had cut through his arm with a flint, and then charged the Pequot with Shooting him. However, Miantonimoh soon after going to Boston, in company with the Pequot who had wounded Uncas, the governor and magistrates, upon examination, found clear evidence, that the Pequot was guilty of the crime, with which he had been charged. They had designs of appre-* tending him and sending him to Uncas, that he might be punished; but Miantonimoh pleaded, that he might be suf fered to return with him, and promised that he would send him to Uncas. Indeed, he so exculpated himself, and made such fair promises, that they gave up their designs, and permitted them to depart in peace. About two days after, Miantonimoh mtirdered the Pequot, on his return, that he might make no further discovery of his treacherous conduct. About the same time much trouble arose from Sequas- sen, a sachem upon Connecticut river. Several of his men killed a principal Indian belonging to Uhcas. He, or some of his warriors, had also waylaid Uncas himself, as he was going down the said river, and shot several arrows at him. Uncas made complaint to the governor and court at Connecticut, of these outrages* Governor Haynes and the court took great pains to make peace between Uncas and Sequassen.- Upon hearing their several stories it ap peared, that Uncas required, that six of Sequassen's men should be delivered to him, for the murder of his man, be cause he was a great man. Governor Haynes and the court laboured to dissuade Uncas from his demand of six men for one; and urged him to be satisfied upon Sequas sen's delivering up the murderer. At length, with much Sersuasion and difficulty, Uncas consented to accept of the iurderer only; But Seqiiassen would not agree to deliv er htm. He was nearly allied to Miantonimoh, and one Of his peculiar favorites. Sequassen chose rather to fight, than to make Uncas any compensation, expressing, at the same time, his dependance on Miantonimoh for assistance. It is not improbable, that it was through the influence of Miantonimoh, that he came to this resolution. Uncas ahd Sequassen fought. Sequassen was overcome. Uncas killed a number Of his men and burned his wigwams. Miantonimoh, without consulting the English, according to agreement, without proclaiming war, or giving Uncas Chap, VII. CONNECTICUT. * 31 the least information, raised an army of nine hundred, ora Book I. thousarid men, and marched against him. Uncas?s spies ^-^/~x^ discovered the army at some distance and gave him intellir 1 643. fence. He was unprepared, but rallying between four and Miantoni- ve hundred of his bravest men, he told them they must by mohwa" no means suffer Miantonimoh to come into their to;»vn ; but ^ith Unr must go and fight him on bis way, Having marched three cas. or four miles, the armies met upon a large plain. When they had advanced within fair bow shot of each other, Un cas had recourse to a stratagen, with which he had previ ously acquainted his warriors. He desired a parly, and Uncas's both armies halted in the face of each other. Uncas, gal- stratagcio. lantly advancing in the front of his men, addressed Mian tonimoh to this effect, " You have a number of stout men with you, and so have 1 with me. It is a great pity that such brave warriors should be killed in a private quarrel between us only. Come like a man, as you profess to be, and let us fight it out, If you kill me, my men shall be yours ; but if I kill you, your men shall be mine." Mian tonimoh replied, " My men came to fight, and they shall fight." Uncas falling instantly upon the ground, his men discharged a shower of arrows upon the Narragansets ; . „ and, without a moment's interval, rushing upon them, iii the most furious manner, with their hideous Indian yell; put them immediately to flight. The Moheagans pursued the enemy with the same fury and eagerness with which they commenced the action. The Narragansets were driven down rocks and precipices, and chased like a doe by the huntsman. Among others, Miantonimoh was ex ceedingly pressed. Some of Uncas's bravest mep, who were most light of foot, coming up with him, twitched himMiantoni- back, impeding his flight, and passed him, that Uncas fe"^^^ might take him. Uncas was a stout man, and rushing for- taken ward, like a lion greedy of his prey, seized him by his prisoner. shoulder. He knew Uncas, and saw that he was now in the power ofthe man whom he had hated, and by all means attempted to destroy ; but he sat down sullen and spake not a word. Uncas gave the Indian whoop and called up his men, who were behind, to his assistance. The victo ry was complete. About thirty of the Narragansets were slain, and a much greater number wounded. Among the latter was a brother of Miantonimoh and two sons of Ca nonicus, a chief sachem of the Narraganset Indians. The brother of Miantonimoh was not only wounded, but armed with a coat of mail, both which retarded his flight, Two of Miantonimoh's captains, who formerly were Uncas's pjen, but had treacherously deserted him, discovering hi?. 132 HISTORY OF Chap. VIL Book I. situation, took him and carried him to Uncas, expecting in v-t'v-n^ this way to reconcile themselves to their sachem. But Un- 1643, pas and his men slew them. Miantonimoh made no re quest, either for himself or his men ; but continued in the < same sullen, speechless mood. Uncas, therefore, deman ded of him why he would not speak. Said he, "Had you taken me, I should have besought you for my life." Un cas, for the present, spared his life, though he would not ask it, and returned with great triumph to Moheagan, car- . rying the Narraganset sachem, as an illustrious trophy of his victory.* The famous Samuel Gorton and his company had purr chased lands of Miantonimoh, under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts and Plymouth ; and expected to be vindi cated in their claims, by him, against those colonies, and against the Massachusetts and Plymouth sachems, who were the original proprietors. Therefore, when the news of Uncas' victory, and ofthe qaptupe of Miantonimoh, ar rived at Providence, they sent to Uncas to deliver Mianto nimoh, threatening him that the power of the English should be employed against him, if he refused a compliance, ¦j* Uncas, therefore, carried his prisoner to Hartford, to adi yies him to yise with the governor and magistrates, with respect tq Hartford, his conduct in such a situation. and advis- The governor and magistrates were of the opinion that, governor.6 as there was no open war between them and the Narragan sets, it was "not prudent for them to intermeddle with the quarrel ; but advised, that the whole affair should be re ferred to the commissioners of the united colonies at their meeting in September. Miantoni- ^ow long Miantonimoh continued speechless, does not moh is appear ; but it is certain, that when he came to Hartford, kept at his mouth was opened. He most earnestly pleaded to be Hartford. jeft Jn the custpdybf the English. He probably expected more safety and better treatment with them, than with Un cas. Uncas consented to leave him at Hartford, but in sisted that he should be kept as his prisoner, He was, therefore, kept under guard at Hartford, until the meeting ofthe commissioners. On the 7th of September, thes commissioners met at Bos ton. Governor Winthrop and Thomas Dudley, Esquires, * This accouut is taken from a manuscript of Mr. Hyde, of Norwich, from governor Winthrop's Journal, and from the records ofthe united col onies, in one or other of which, all the facts are ascertained. The manu script represents Miantonimoh as having 900, and Uncas 600 men. Tha i-ecords of the united colonies represent, that Miantonimoh had 900, of 1000 men, and that Uncas had not half so many. Governor Winthrop'? Recount is essentially the samp. ' Chap. VII. CONNECTICUT. I3S were commissioners for Massachusetts ; George Fenwick Book L and Edward Hopkins, Esquires, for Connecticut ; and s-*~^-^ Theophilus Eaton and Thomas Gregson, Esquires, for 1643. New-Haven.* Governor Winthrop was chosen President, The whole affair of Uncas and Miantonimoh was laid be fore the commissioners, and the facts already related were, in their opinion, fully proved ; not only his attempts upon the life of Uncas, but that he hadl)een the principal author of inflaming asd stirring up the Indians to a general con federacy against all the English plantations. It also ap peared that, instead of delivering the Pequot, who had shot Uncas, as he promised in open court, he had murdered him on the road from Boston to Narraganset. It was also affirmed to the commissioners, that the Narragansets had sent for the Mohawks, and that they were come within a 'day's journey of the English settlements, and were kept back only by the capture of Miantonimoh : That they were •waiting for his release, and then would prosecute their de signs against the English, or Uncas, or against both, as the Indians should determine, The commissioners, hav ing fully considered the premises, laid the affair before five or six of the principal ministers in Massachusetts, and took their advice relative to the lawfulness and justice of putting him to death. They gave it as their opinion, that he ought to be ppt to death. The commissioners finally resolved, Determi- " That as it was evident that Uncas could not be safe, nation of while Miantonimoh lived ; but that, either by secret treach- the c"m~ ery or open force, his life would be continually in danger, "nceming he might justly put such a false and blood-thirsty enemy Miantoni- to death." They determined Uncas should not do it in moh- any of the English plantations, but in his own jurisdiction. At the same time, they advised, that no torture or cruelty, but all mercy and moderation be exercised in the manner of his execution. The commissioners also determined, that if the Narra gansets, or any other Indians, should unjustly assault Un cas, on the account of the execution of Miantonimoh, tne English should, upon his desire, assist him against such vi olence, t Governor Winthrop writes, " It was clearly discovered to us, that there was a general conspiracy among the In dians, to cut off all the English; and that Miantonimoh was the head and contriver of it : That he was ofa turbu lent and proud spirit, and would never be at rest : and that he had killed the Pequot contrary to his promise. J * The commissioners for Plymouth are not upon record this year. It is probable that they did not arrive until after the commissioners had for-; med. t Records of the qoited colopies. X Winthrop's Journal, p. 3.05, 30Q. 134 HISTORY OF Chap. VH, July 20th, Che Dutch wrote to governor Winthrop. povcrnorWin throp's re- J>ly. The injuri ous con duct of the Dutch is laid before the com missioners. The commissioners had received intimations, that the Narragansets had it in contemplation to capture one or more of them, with a view to the redemption of Miantoni moh. Their determination respecting his execution, was therefore kept as a profound secret, until after the return of the commissioners of Connecticut and New-Haven, lest it should inflame and engage them, in earnest, to make the attempt. Previously to the meeting of the commissioners, the Dutch governor had written a letter to governor Winthrop, containing high congratulations on the union of the colo nies, and at the same time making grievous complaints of Connecticut and New-Haven, as having committed unsuf- ferable injuries against the Dutch, and as having given mis information respecting them to their agent in Europe. He desired a categorical answer from governor Winthrop, whether he would aid or desert them, that be might know who were his friends, and who were his enemies. The governor, after consulting with some few of his council, who were at hand, wrote an answer, in part, to the Dutch governor, reserving to himself one more full, at the session of the general court. He represented his sorrow for the differences which had arisen between the Dutch « and his brethren at Hartford, suggesting that they might be settled by arbitrators, either in England, Holland, or America. He observed, that by the articles of confederation, each colony was obliged to seek the safety and welfare of the other colonies, no less than its own. He hoped however, that this would not interrupt the friendship which had sub sisted between them and the Dutch. The governor ob served, that the controversy at Hartford was for a small piece of land only, which, in so vast a continent as this, was of too little value to make a breach between protest ants so related in profession and religion, as the Dutch and English were. He therefore earnestly desired, that each party would carefully avoid all injuries, until the differences between them should be amicably accom modated, by an impartial hearing and adjudication, either in Europe or America.* The affair was now brought before the commissioners. Governor Eaton and Mr. Gregson complained of the out rages which the Dutch had committed against the persons and property of the English, within the limits of New-Hav en, at Delaware, and in other places, and made proof of the injuries of which they complained. The conduct of the Dutch towards Connecticut was also laid before the commissioners, by governor Hopkins and Mc Fenwick, f Winthrop's Journal, p. 303, 304, 305. «hap. VIL CONNECTICUT. 135 Upon which the president was directed to t*rite a tetter, Book L in the name of the commissioners, to the Dutch governor, ^-v/^ stating the particular injuries which the Dutch had done 1643. the English colonies, and to demand satisfaction. It was They de- «lso directed, that, as governor Winthrop had, in part an- ™aDd sati swered the Dutch governor's letter respecting Connecticut, a he would now, in further answer to it, particularize tbe in juries done, both lo Connecticut and New-Haven, and de mand an answer. He was also authorised to assure the Dutch, that as tbey would not wrong others, so neither would they desert their confederates in a just Cause.t The Indians, at this period were beginning to acquire the use of fire arms. The French, Dutch and others, for the sake of gain, were vending lhem arms and ammunition. The Indians were in such a tumultuous and hostile state, as had the appearance of a general war. The commission ers therefore gave orders, that the militia, in the several colonies, should be frequently trained, and completely furnished with arms and ammunition. All the companies were to be mustered and reviewed four times in a year. It was ordered, that all the towns should prepare maga zines, in proportion to the number of their militia. The commissioners, having given the necessary direc tions for tbe execution of Miantonimoh, and for the gene ral safety of the country, dispersed and returned to their respective colonies. immediately, upon the return of the commissioners of Connecticut and New-Haven, Uncas, with a competent number of his most trusty men, was ordered to repair forth with to Hartford. He was made acquainted with the de termination of the commissioners, and, receiving his pris oner, marched with him to the spot where he had been taken. At the instant they arrived on the ground, one of Uncas's men, who marched behind Miantonimoh, split his Execution head with a hatchet, killing him at a single stroke. He°lj^ia£" was probably unacquainted with his fate, and knew not by what means he fell. Uncas cut out a large piece of his shoulder, and ate it in savage triumph. lie said, " it was the sweetest meat he ever ate, it made his heart strong." The Moheagans, by the order of Uncas, buried him at •the place of his execution, and erected a great heap, o; pillar, upon his grave. This memorable event gave the place the name of Sachem's Plain.* Two Englishmen were sent with Uncas, to witness tbat the execution was t Records of the united colonie*. * Manuscript of Mr. Byde. Tfoh plain U io tha eastern part of th? towr. off Norwich. 136 HISTORY Of Chap. Vtf, Book I. done, and to prevent all torture and cruelty in the manner v-^-v-%^ of its performance. Connecticut and New-Haven, agree- 1643. ably to the direction ofthe commissioners, sent a party of Soldiers to Moheagan, to defend Uncas against any assatlt which might be maidtf upon him by the Narragansets, ini consequence of the execution of their sachem'.' Message to Governor WinthrOp, at the same' time, according to- the the Marra- or(jers which he had received from the commissioners, dis- ganse s. patcjjec] messengers to CanOnicus, the Narraganset sa chem, and the NarragansenHdTans,' to certify them, that the English had noticed their perfidy, in violating the league between them and the English, from time to time', notwith standing the English had treated them with love and in tegrity. They assured them, that they had discovered their mischievous plots, in joining with Miantonimoh, in purchasing aid of the Indians, and, by gifts, threats, and allurements, exciting them to a confederacy to root out the whole body of the English. They represented to them their treachery in waging war with Uncas, contrary to then4 express covenant with him, and with the English. They justified the execution of Miantonimoh, by Uncas, as he was his lawful captive, and as he had practised treachery and murder against him and his subjects. They insisted, that it was both just and agreeable to the practice ofthe' Indians in similar cases. It was declared to be necessary for the safety of Uncas, the peace of the country, and even of the Narragansets themselves. While they firmly and fully represented these facts to them, they, in the name of the united colonies, tendered them peace and safety. They assured tbem, that they would defend Uncas and all their allies, whether English or Indians, in their just rights : that if they desired peace, they would exercise equal care and friendship towards them.t The commissioners gave orders, that Connecticut should provide for the defence of Uncas against any assault or fury of the Narragansets, or any other Indians. Electioh at Upon the general election at New-Haven in October, *e"70ct" g°vernor Eaton and Mr. Stephen Goodyear, were re-elect- 98th. C" ed governor and deputy->governor< Mr. William Fowler and Mr. Edward Tapp were elected magistrates for Mil ford, and Thurston Rayner for Stamford. This year, for the first time, the general court at New-Haven, are dis tinctly recorded and distinguished by the names of gover nor, deputy-governor, magistrates, and deputies. f It appears that the plantation at Yennycock had not fully attended to the fundamental article of admitting none + fiecords of the United Colonies* ChAp. VII. CONNECTICUT. 137 to be free burgesses; but members of tlie church. It w&s, Book I. therefore, at thifcgenetal court; decreed, " That none should ^^-v-*^/ be admitted free burgesses in any of the plantations, but 1643. puch as were members of some approved church in New- Program o£ England : that such only should have any vote in elections $ J?™ *nd and that no power for ordering any civil affairs, should be Ne".y a put into the hands of any but such." Haven. It was enacted, that each town in the jurisdiction should , choose, their own judges, in ordinary cases. They were gou"t».U°n authorised to judge in civil cases, not exceeding twenty ' shillings, and in Criminal cases, in which the punishment did not exceed setting the delinquent in the stocks; whip ping him, or fining not exceeding five pounds. If there were a magistrate, or magistrates, in tne towns in which these town courts were holden, then the magistrate, or ma gistrates, were to sit in the court, and judgment was to be given With a due respect to their advice* From these courts, there was liberty of appeal to the court of magis trates. It was granted, that all the free burgesses in the planta- Privileges tions, should vote in the choice of governors, magistrates, offreeme'n. secretary, and treasurer. It was also granted, that each town should have a magistrate, if they desired it, chosen from among their own free burgesses. At this general court, a court of magistrates was appoint- Court of ed, consisting of all the magistrates in the jurisdiction. mngi*» They were to meet twice, annually, at New-Haven, on the j^4d"" Mondays preceding the general courts in April and Octo ber. This court was authorised to receive appeals from the plantation courts, and to try all important causes, civil and criminal. Every magistrate was obliged, on penalty ofa fine, to give his attendance. Four magistrates consti tuted a quorum. All judgments of the court were to be determined by a major vote. All trials were decided by the bench. It does not appear that juries were ever used in the colony of New-Haven. The court enacted, that there should be two general Act re- courts for this colony, to meet at New-Haven, on tne first Jj^^f , Wednesday in April, and the last in October, annually. It govts'!*'* was decreed, that the general court should consist of a deputy-governor, magistrates, and two deputies from each town. In the last of thoee general courts, a governor, de puty-governor, magistrates, secretary, treasurer, and mar shal, or high sheriff, were to be annually chosen. The governor, or, in his absence, the deputy-governor, had power' to call a general court, upon pressing emergencies, and whenever it might be necessary. All the members S t3S HISTORY OF Chap. VIT. Book I. were obliged to attend, upon penalty of twenty shillings s-^-v-v^ fine, in case of default. It was ordained, that in this court 1643. should subsist the supreme power ofthe commonwealth. General It was particularly ordained, that the general court Crovide° should, with all care and diligence, endeavour tomaintaiu fbr°theepu- the purity of r-ligion, and to suppress all irreligion, ac- rity of re- cording to the best light they could obtain from the divine ligion. oracles, and by the advice of the elders and churches in the jurisdiction, so far as k might concern the civil pow er.* The Dutch The Dutch were this year exceedingly harassed and *PP'y t0 distressed by the Indians, and made application to govern- ve" for a of Eaton and the general court, soliciting that a hundred l.plp a- men might be raised in the plantations, for their assistance tainst the against such barbarous enemies. d ians. rp^g war between the Dutch and Indians began in this ofthe1011 marraer# A drunken Indian, in his intoxication, killed a between Dutchman. The Dutch demanded the murderer, but he the Dutch was not to be found. They then made application to their and In- governor to avenge the murder. He, judging it would be unjust or unsafe, considering the numbers of the Indians, and the weak and scattered state of the Dutch settlements, neglected to comply with their repeated solicitations. In the mean time the Mohawks, as the report was, excited by the Dutch, fell suddenly on the Indians, in the vicinity of the Dutch settlements, and killed nearly thirty of them. Others fled to the Dutch for protection. One Marine, a Dutch captainT getting intelligence of their state, made application to the Dutch governor, and obtained a commis sion to kill as many of them as it should be in his power. Collecting a company of armed men, he fell suddenly upon the Indians, while they were unapprehensive of danger, and made a promiscuous slaughter of men, women and children, to the number of seventy or eighty. This in stantly roused the Indians, in that part of the country, to a furious, obstinate and bloody war. In the spring, and be ginning of the summer, they burnt the Putch out-houses ; and driving their cattle into their barns, they burned the barns and cattle together. They killed twenty or more of the Dutch people, and pressed so hard upon them that they were obliged to take refuge in their fort, and to seek help of the English. The Indians upon Long-Island united in the war with those on the main, and burned the Dutch houses and barns. The Dutch governor in this situation, invited captain Underhill from Stamford to assist him in the war. Marine, the Dutch captain, was so exasperated * Records of New-Haven, fol. vol. i. p. 73, 74, 75. Chap. VII. CONNECTICUT. i.33 with this proceeding that he presented his pistol at the Book. I. governor, and would have shot him, but was prevented by -^-n^»-/ one who stood by him. Upon this one of Marine's ten- 1643. ants discharged his musket at the governor, and the ball but just missed him. The governor's sentinel shot the tenant and killed him on the spot. The Dutch, who at first were so forward for a war with tbe Indians, were now, when they experienced the loss and dangers of it, so irri tated at the governor, for the orders which he had given, that he could not trust himself among them. He was obli ged to keep a constant guard of fifty Englishmen about his person. In the summer and fall the Indians killed fifteen more ofthe Dutch people, and drove in all the inhabitants ofthe English and Dutch settlements, west of Stamford. In prosecution of their works of destruction, they made a visit to the neighbourhood where Mrs. Hutchinson, who had been so famous, at Boston, for her Antinomian and fa- milistical tenets, had made a settlement. The Indians, at first, appeared with the same friendship with which they used to frequent her house ; but they murdered her and all ber family, Mr. Collins, her son in law, and several other persons, belonging to other families in the neighbourhood. Eighteen persons were killed in the whole. The Indian*, with an implacable fury, prosecuted the destruction of the Dutch, and of their property, in all that part of the coun try. They killed and burned their cattle, horses and barns without resistance. Having destroyed the settlements in the country, they passed over to the Dutch plantations on Long-Island, doing all the mischief of which they were capable. The Dutch, who escaped, were confined to their fort, and were obliged to kill and eat their cattle, for their subsistence. Their case was truly distressing.* lt de manded succour as far as it could have been consistently given. Governor Eaton and the general court, having maturely considered the purport of the Dutch governor's letter, re jected the proposal for raising men and assisting in the war against the Indians. Their principal reasons were, that joining separately in war, was prohibited by lhe artU cles of confederation ; and that they were not satisfied that the Dutch war with the Indians was just, Nevertheless it was determined, that if the Dutch need ed corn and provisions for men or cattle, by reason ofthe destruction which the Indians had made, the court would give them all the assistance in its power,! * Winthrop's JournsJ, p- 272, 273 and 308. t Records of >'ew,Haven, 140 HISTORY OF Chap. VIL Book I. The war continued several years, and was bloody and v-^-^-^/ destructive both to the Dutch and Indians. Captain Un- 1643.' derhill had the principal management of it, and was of great service to the Dutch. He collected a flying army Ofa hundred and twenty, and sometimes ofa hundred and fifty men, English and Dutch, by which he preserved the Dutch settlements from total destruction. It was suppos ed, that, upon Long-Island and on the main, he killed be tween four and five hundred Indians.! The Indians at Stamford too much caught the spirit of the western Indians in their vicinity, who were at war with the Dutch. They appeared so tumultuous and hostile, that the people at Stamford were in great fear, that they should soon share the fate of the settlements at the west ward of them. They wrote to the general court at New- Haven, that in their apprehensions there were just grounds ¦ ofa war with those Indians, and that if their houses should be burned, because the other plantations would not con sent to war, they Ought to bear the damage. The Narraganset Indians were enraged at the death of their sachem. The English were universally armed. The strictest watch and guard was kept in all the plantations. In Connecticut, every family, in' which there was a man capable of bearing arms, was obliged to send one com plete iu arms, every Lord's day, to defend the places of public worship. Indeed all places wore the aspect of a general war. t Dr. Belknap's Hist. vol. i. p. 5& Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. CHAPTER VIII. i644. Public fasts appointed. Indians continue hostile, and com mit murder. Acts ofthe commissioners respecting tliem. Branford settled. Towns in Connecticut. Message qf the commissioners fo the Narragansets. Their agreement respecting Uncas. Long-Island Indians taken under the protection of the United Colonies. Massachusetts claim part ofthe Pequot country and WdranokeZ Determina tion ofthe commissioners respecting said claim. Agree ment with Mr. Fenwick relative to Saybrook fort and the adjacent country. Fortifications advanced. ' Extraordi nary meeting of the commissioners io suppress the outrages qfthe Narr&gQnsets. War proclaimed and troops sent against lhem. Tftey treat and prevent war. Fairfield object to a jury of six. Controversy wilh the Dutch. The Indiaris plot against the life qf governor Hopkins and other principal gentlemen at Hartford. Damages at Windsor. Battle between the Dutch and Indians. Loss es of New-Haven. Dispute xoilh Massachusetts relative to the impost at Saybrook. Mr. Winthrop'' s claim of the Nzhantick country. Settlement of accounts between the colonies, THE affairs both of Old and New-England, wore so Pulfic gloomy an aspect, at this time, that the pious p'eo- pa0^1^(]ap' pie, in the colonies, judged extraordinary fasting nnd prayer to be their indispensable duty. The flames of civ il discord were kindled ih England^ and the tumultuous and hostile state of the natives in the united colonies, threatened them with a bloody and merciless Indian war. The general court of Connecticut therefore ordained a monthly fast, through the colony, to begin on Wednesday, the 6th of January. New-Haven had before appointed a fast, at the same time, in all the plantations in that juris diction. Indeed, this was practised, ' throughout the uni ted colonies, during the civil wars in England. The colo nists sympathized with their brethren, in their native coun try, and conformed' to them in their days <>f humiliation and prayer. The freemen of Connecticut and New-Haven, exhibited Freemen a remarkable example of steadiness in the election of civ- steady. il officers. Nearly the same persons were chosen annual ly into places of principal trust as long as they lived. This •year Edward. Hopkins, Esq. was chosen governor, and 142 HISTORY OF Chap. VIII. Book I. John Haynes, Esquire, deputy-governor. The other ma- ¦*^~ss~s^ gistrates were the same as they had'been the last year, ex- 1644. cept Mr. William Swain, who was chosen into the magis tracy. Mr. Haynes and Mr. Hopkins were generally elected, alternately governor and deputy-governor, during their respective lives. The reason of this annual change of them, from governor to deputy-governor, was because the constitution prohibited the choice of any man gover nor, more than once in two years. At New-Haven, governor Eaton was annually elected to the office of governor, during his life ; and Mr. Stephen Goodyear was generally chosen deputy-governor. The Indians were no more peaceable this year, than they were the last. Those in the western part of Connect. icut, still conducted themselves in a hostile manner. Jn the spring, they murdered a man belonging to Massdchu- The In- settS) between Fairfield and Stamford. About six or eight mit'mur™" weeks after the murder was discovered, the Indians prom- der. ised to deliver the murderer, at Uncoway, if Mr. Ludlow would appoint men to receive him. . Mr. Ludlow sent ten men for that purpose ; but as soon as the Indians came ¦within sight of the town, they, by general consent, unbound the prisoner and suffered him to escape. The English • were so exasperated at this insult, that they immediately seized on eight or ten of the Indians, and committed them to prison. There was among them not less than one or two sachems. Upon this, the Indians arose in great mim- May 1st. ^ei's about the town, and exceedingly alarmed the people, both at Fairfield and Stamford, Mr. Ludlow wrote to New-Haven for advice. The court desired him to keep the Indians in durance, and assured him of immediate as sistance, should it be necessary and desired. A party of twenty men were draughted fortliwith, and prepared to march to Stamford upon the shortest notice. The Indians were held in custody, until four sachems? in those parts, appeared and interceded for them, promising, that if the English would release them, they would, within a month, deliver the murderer to justice. Not more than a month after their release, an Indian went boldly into the town of Stamford, and made a murder ous assault upon a woman, in her house. Finding no man Woman at home, he took up a lathing hammer, and approached her at°s"am^ as though he were about to put it into her hand; but, as ford in " she was stooping down to take her child from the cradle, June. he struck her upon the head. She fell instantly with the blow ; he then struck her twice, with the sharp part pf the hammer, >vhich penetrated her sltulK Supposing her to Chap, VIII. CONNECTICUT. 143 be dead, he plundered the house, and made his escape. Book I. Soon after, the woman so far recovered, as to describe the '^^-v***' Indian, and his manner of dress. Her wounds, which at 1644. first appeared to be mortal, were finally healed ; but her brain was so affected, that she lost her reason. At the same time, the Indians rose in those parts, with the most tumultuous and hostile appearances. They re fused to come to the English, or to have any treaty with lhem. They appeared, in a very alarming manner, about several of the plantations, firing their pieces, and exceed ingly terrifying the inhabitants- They deserted their wig wams, and neglected to weed their corn. The English had intelligence that the Indians designed to cut them off. Most of the English judged it unsafe to travel by land, and soifte of the plantations were obliged to keep a strong guard and watch, night and day. And as they had not numbers sufficient to defend themselves, they made appli cation to Hartford and New-Haven for assistance." They both sent aid to the weaker partfe of their respective colo nies. New-Haven sent help to Fairfieldand Stamford,.as they were much nearer to them, than to Connecticut. After a great deal of alarm and trouble, the Indian, who had attempted the murder of the woman, was delivered up, and condemned to death. He was executed at New-Ha ven. The executioner cut off his head with a falchion : inaian ex- but it was cruelly done. He gave the Indian eight blows, ecnted. before he effected the execution. The Indian sat erect and motionless, until his head was severed from his body.* Both the colonies of Connecticut and New-Haven, were put to great expense, this year, Jn defending themselves, and they were obliged to bear the whole charge, as the measures adopted for their defence, were taken by the or der of their respective legislatures, and not by the direction of the commissioners. The unhappy divisions which continued at Weathers field, occasioned another settlement under the jurisdiction of New-Haven. As Mr. Eaton, to whom Totoket had been granted, in 1640, had not performed the conditions ofthe grant, New-Haven, for the accommodation of a number of people at Weathersfield, made a sale of it to Mr. William Swain, and others of that town. They sold it at the price which it cost them, stipulating with Mr. Swain and his com pany, that they should unite with that colony, in all the fundamental articles of government. The settlement of the town immediately commenced. At the same time, Mr. Abraham Pierson, with a part of his. church and congrega- * Records ofthe colonies, and Winthrop's Journal,' p. 352. 144 HISTORY OF Chap. VIII. Book I. tion, from Southampton, on Long- Island, removed and uni- y^^^r- ted with the people of Weathersfield, .in the settlement of 1644. the town. A regular church was soon formed, and Mr. Pierson was chosen pastor. The town was named Bran- ford. Mr. Swain was the principal planter, and, a few years after, was chosen one of the magistrates of the colony of New-Haven, as he had previously been of the colony of Connecticut. Sept. 5th. The meeting of the commissioners, this year, was at Hartford. Mr. Simon Bradstreet and Mr. William Haw thorne were commissioners from the Massachusetts ; Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. William Brown, from Plymouth ; Governor Hopkins and Mr. George Fenwick, for Con necticut ; and Governor Eaton and Mr. Thomas Gregson, from New-Haven. Commis- No sooner was the meeting opened, than a proposal was; sioners of made by the commissioners from Massachusetts, directed ^b^'tt ky their general court, that the commissioners from that claim pre- colony should always have preference to the commission- cedence. ersof the other colonies, and be allowed to subscribe first, in the same order in which the articles of confederation had been signed. Upon consideration of the proposal, the commissioners were unanimously of the opinion, that no such thing had either been proposed, granted, or practised, by the com missioners of the other jurisdictions, in any of their former meetings, though the articles had been subscribed in the presence ofthe general court of the Massachusetts. They resolved, that the commission was free, and might not re ceive any thing, but what was expressed by the articles of confederation, as imposed by any general court. Never theless, they determined, that, on account of their respect to the Massachusetts, they willingly granted, that their commissioners in that, and in all future meetings, should subscribe first, after the president, and the commissioners of the other colonies in such order as they were named in the articles ; viz. Plymouth, Connecticut, and New-Haven. The Indians were, this year, almost every where trouble some, and, in some places, in a high state of hostility. In Virginia they generally rose, and made a most horrible massacre of the English,* and it was imagined, that there was a general combination among the southern and New- England Indians, to destroy all the colonies. The Narra ganset Indians, regardless of all their covenants with the * In two days they massacred about 300 Virginians. Many of them were killed so suddenly and unexpectedly, that they knew neither the hand no? weapon by which they fell. Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. 145 English and- with Uncas, continued in acts of constant hos- Book I. tility against the' latter, and so oppressed the sachems and ***~v~H~' Indians under the protection Of the Massachusetts, that 1644. they Were obliged to dispatch a party of men for their de fence and assistance, in fortifying against these Oppressors, The commissioners immediately sent Thomas Stanton, Message their interpreter, and Nathaniel Willet, into the Narragan- from ^e i ut i, ¦ • i • i • • commis- Set and Moheagan countries, with particular instructions Sioners to to their respective sachems. They were instructed to ac- the In- quaint the sachems, that the commissioners were then met ^-n^w landing the confederation, rendered all the determina- 1644, tions of the commissioners void, which were not agreeable to their views and interests, As the Indians were numerous, and began to learn the use of fire arms, all trading with them, in any of the united colonies, in guns, ammunition, swords, or any warlike in struments, 'directly or indirectly, was prohibited, upon the penalty of a fine of twenty times the value of the articles thus unlawfully sold. It was also recommended, to the several courts, to prohibit all vending of arms and ammu-. jiition to the French or Dutch, because they immediately disposed of them to the Indians. Every smith was forr bidden fo mend a gun or any warlike instrument for an In dian, upon a seyere penalty,* South-Hampton, on Long-Island, was, by the advice of the commissioners, taken.under the jurisdiction of Connec ticut. This town was settled in 1640. The inhabitants of Lynn, in Massaphusetts, became "so straitened at home, that, about the year 1639, they contracted with the agent of Lord Sterling, for a tract of land on the west end of Long-Island. They also made a treaty with the Indians, and began a. settlement, but the Dutch gave them so much trouble, that they were obliged to desert it, and remove further eastward, They collected nearly a hundred fami lies and made a permanent settlement at South-Hampton. By the advice ofthe general court of Massachusetts, they entered into a pombination among themselves, to maintain civil government. A number of them regularly formed themselves into church state, before they removed to the Island, and called Mr. Abraham Pierson to be their pastor. He had been a minister jn Yorkshire, ih England. Upon his arrival iu Nevv-Eoglaud, he became a member of the church at Boston, whence he was called.to the work ofthe ministry at South-Hampton.t This year he removed with part of his church to Branford. It seems that they were not pleased that the town had put itself under the jurisdic tion of Connecticut. General This year, a committee, consisting of the governor, dep- •tourt in uty-governor, and several other gentlemen, were appoint- April- ed by the general court of Connecticut, to treat with George . Fenwick, Esquire, relative to the purchase of Saybrook fort, and of ajl guns, buildings and lands in the colony, which he, and the lords and gentlemen interested in the patent of, Connecticut, might claim. The next December * Records of the united colonies, tMagnalia, b.Viii. p. 95, Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. 149 they came to an agreement with Mr. Fenwick, to the fol- Book I. lowing effect : ^~s/^r "Articles of agreement made and concluded betwixt 1644. George Fenwick, Esquire, of Saybrook fort, on the one Agreement part, and Edward Hopkins, John Haynes, John Mason, ™th John Steele, and James Boosy, for, and on the behalf of j^nwlck the jurisdiction of Connecticut river, on the other part, the Dpc. s, 5th of December, 1644, 1644. • " The said George Fenwick, Esq. doth make over to the use and behoof of the jurisdiction of Connecticut river, to be enjoyed by them forever, the fort at Saybrook, with the appurtenances ; all the land upon the river Connecticut ; and such lands as are, yet undisposed of, shall be ordered and given out by a coipmittee of five, whereof George Fen wick, Esq. is always fo be one, The said George Fen wick doth also promise, that all the lands from Narragan set river, to the fort of Saybrook, mentioned in a patent granted by the earl of Warwick, to certain nobles, and gentlemen, shall fall in under the jurisdiction of Connecti cut, if it come into his power,"? * About this tjme died George Wyllys, Esq. the venerable ancestor of the Wyllyses in Connecticut. He was possessed of a fair estate, at Knap- ton, in the county of Warwick, worth £500 a year, fn 1636, he sent over William Gibbons, the steward of his house, with twepty men, to prepare him a seat at Hartford. They purchased, and took possession of a fine tract of land, erected buildings, anil planted a garden upon that pleasant plat, which has ever since been the principal seat of the family. In 1638 lie came over with his household ; and, at the election in 1639, was chosen into the magistracy, in which he continued about five years, until his death. In 1641, hfe was chosen deputy-governor, and in 164?, governor of the col ony. It appears from the manuscripts of the family, that both he and Mrs. Wyllys were eminently pious, living with all the exactness of the Pu ritans of that day. From love to undefiled religion, and purity in divine ordinances and worship, they exchanged their pleasant seat and easy cirr cumstances in England, for tlie dangers and hardships of a wilderness in America. He left one son, Samuel, about twelve years of age. He was educated at Cambridge, where he was graduated 1653 ; and the next year was chosen one of the magistrates for Connecticut, at about twenty-two years of age. It appears by his manuscripts, that he became deeply im pressed with the truths find importance of religion, at college, under tht; ministry of Mr. Shepard ; and the spirit of his pious parents descended upon him. He married a daughter of governor Haynes, who appeared equally to have imbibed the spirit gf her, Saviour, . In his manuscripts, he describes the excellent examples which their parents had exhibited, and the pious pains they employed in their education ; teaching them, from childhood, to pray always in secret, private and public ; to venerate the sabbath, and the divine word ; and to attend all christian institutions and duties. After hearing testimony to the great advantages of such an education, and to the comfort which they had experienced in the duties, in which they had been educated, he warmly recommends them to his children, and their posterity. The family is ancient, and may be traced back to the reign of Edward the IV. more than three centuries. It has well supported its dignity to tho present time. Some of the family haya been magistrates or secretaries qf 150 HISTORY OF Chat. Vltf; Book I. On the part of Connecticut it was stipulated, " That v^rv-iw the said George Fenwick, Esq, should enjoy all the hous- 1645. ing* belonging to the fort for the space of ten years. And that a certain duty on corn, biscuit, beaver and" cattle, which should be exported from the river's mouth, should be paid to him during the said term." The gene- Upon the 4th of February, 1645, the general court qf ral court Connecticut confirmed this agreement with Mr. Fenwick, confirm an(j passec|an act imposing a duty of two pence per.bush- ment§w1th gf uPon a'H g^2'11) six pence upon every hundred weight of Mr. Fen- biscuit, and a small duty upon all beaver exported from wick, Feb. the mouth of the river, during the term of ten years, from ^ i 45' the first day of March ensuing. It was also enacted,- that an entry should be made of all grain laden on board any vessel, ofthe number of bushels, and of the weight of bis* cuit, and that a note of the same be delivered to Mr. Fen;. wick, upon the penalty of forfeiting the one half of all such grain and biscuit as should be put on board and not thus certified. The colony, on the whole, paid Mr. Fenwick 1,600 pounds sterling, merely for the jurisdiction right, or for the old patent of Connecticut, The general court, the July 19th. next July, ordered that a tax of two hundred pounds should be levied on the plantations in the colony, to defray the charge of advancing the fortifications at Saybrook fort. A committee was appointed', at the same time, to bargain with Mr. Griffin for that purpose, and to make provision for the immediate completion of the fortifications in view, A letter was also dispatched, from the court, to Mr. Fen wick, desiring him, if his circumstances would permit, to make a voyage to England, to obtain an enlargement of the patent, and to promote other interests of the colony. Hostility Notwithstanding the unwearied pains the commission- rl«ni!"" ers °^ t'le c°l°nies) ancl the colonies themselves, had . ta ken to prevent hostilities among the Indians, and to pre serve the peace ofthe country, the perfidious Narragansets were continually waging war. Pessacus and the Narra ganset Indians, in violation of all their treaties, had re peatedly invaded the Moheagan country and assaulted Un cas in his fort. They had killed and taken numbers of his men, and so pressed him, that both Connecticut and New- Haven were obliged to dispatch parties of men to his as sistance, to prevent the enemy from completely conquer ing him and his country. - , • Governor Winthrop therefore called' a special meeting the colony for more than a century aiid an half. May the deiscehdafits ev- ¦ci inherit its virtues and honors ! * An old word, meaningtlw quantity of inhaMted buildings. fagansets. Ghaf.VIII. CONNECTICUT. 15X of the commissioners, at Boston, on the 2#fh of June, Book I. 1645. Governor Winthrop and Mr. Herbert Pelham, -^-v-^ were commissioners for Massachusetts, Mr. Thomas Prince 1 645. and Mr. John Brown for Plymouth, Edward Hopkins and Extraor- George Fenwick, Esquires, for Connecticut, governor dmai7 Eaton and Mr. Stephen Goodyear fqr New-Haven. "/the"2 Immediately on the meeting of the commissioners* they comm're- dispatched messengers into the Narraganset and Mohea- sTione™' , • t? . j ? • . ., . June 28th. gan countries. 1 hey were charged to acquaint the sa- Messen- chems and Indians of the respective tribes, that if they gers, sent would go to Boston, the commissioners would impartially *? the hear and determine all their differences ; and that, howev- getJ'ia*1*" er the treaty might end, tuey should be allowed, to go and suited. return in safety. The sachems, at first, seemed to give some fair speeches ; but finally determined,, that they would neither go nor send to Boston. The Narragansets insulted and abused the messengers, and uttered haughty and threatening speeches against the English. One of the sachems declared, that he would kill their cattle and pile them in heaps ; and that an Englishman should no sooner step, out at his doors than the Indians would kill him. He declared that, whoever began the war, he would continue it ; and that nothing should satisfy him but tho head of Uncas. On the whole, the messengers were obli ged to return without effecting , any good purpose. By them Mr. Williams wrote to the commissioners, assuring them that an Indian war would soon break out ; and that, as a preparative, the Narragansets had concluded a neu trality with Providence and the towns upon Aquidney isl and. These reports roused the English spirit. The commis sioners, considering that the Narragansets had violated all their treaties, killed a number of the Moheagans, taken others captive, destroyed their corn, and, with great ar mies, besieged Uncas in his Tort; and. besides, that they had highly insulted the united colonies and abused their messengers, determined that an immediate war with them was both justifiable and necessary. However, as they wished to act with prudence as well as spirit, and to' give general satisfaction in an affair of such moment, they desired the advice ofthe magistrates, elders, and a number ofthe principal military officers in the Massachusetts. These assembled, and were unani mously of the opinion, that their engagements obliged them to defend Uncas and the. Moheagans : that the de fence which they were obliged to give, according to the common acceptation of such engagements, extended not 152 HlSf OBY OF Chap. VllL Book 1. barely to tlie defence of UncaS and his men in their fort, ^rf-^-w but to his estate and liberties • and that the aid to be given 1645. must be immediate, or he would be totally ruined. War with It was therefore determined, that a war with the Indians the. Narra- was j„st . tfjat the case sh0uld be stated in short, and War, determin- wlt^ ^e reasons of it, be proclaimed. A day of fasting ed. and prayer was appointed on the fourth of September. It was resolved, That three hundred men should be forth with raised," and sent against the enemy. Massachusetts .were to furnish 190, Plymouth and Connecticut 40 each, and New-Haven 30. As the troops from Connecticut and New-Have, n, who had assisted in defending Uncas, the for mer part ofthe summer, were about to return to their res pective colonies, forty men were impressed in the Massa chusetts, and marched in three days, completely armed and victualled. These were commanded by Humphry Ather ton. Orders were dispatched to the troops to be raised in Connecticut and New-Haven, to join them at Moheagan. A commission was forwarded to captain Mason to take the command of all the troops, Until the whole army should form a junction. The chief command of the army was given to major Edward Gibbons, of Massachusetts. He was instructed not only to defend Uncas, but to invade and distress the Narragansets and Nehanticks, with their con federates. He had instructions to offer them peace. If they would receive it upon honorable terms, he, with his officers, had poWer to make a treaty with them. If the en emy should flee from the army, and Would neither fight nor make peace, the commander had orders to build forts in the Nehantick and Narraganset country ; to which he might gather the enemy's corn and goods, as far as it should be in his power. The Narragansets had sent a present to governor Win throp, of Boston, desiring that they might have peace with the English, but wage war with Uncas, and avenge the death of Miantonimoh. The governor refused to receive the present upon such terms; but the messengers, by whom it was carried, urging that they might leave it until ihey could consult their sachems, he suffered it to be left with him. The commissioners ordered, that it should be immediately returned. Captain Hurding, Mr. Wilbore, and Benedict Arnold, were sent into the Narraganset coun try, to return the present, and to assure Pessacus, Canoni cus, Janimo, and the other sachems of the Narraganset and Nehantick Indians, that they would neither receive their presents, nor give them peace, until they should make sat isfaction for past injuries, and give security for their peace- $hap. VIIL CONNECTICUT. 153 able conduct for the future. They were to certify the In- Book I. dians, tbat the English were ready for war; and that if v^^v^^/ tvar was their choice, they would direct their affairs for 1645, that purpose. At the same time, they had orders to as sure them, that if they vvoufdmake satisfaction for the dam ages which they had done, and give security for their peaceable conduct, in time to come, they should know, that the English were as desirous of the pg^ce, and as tender of the blood, of the Narragansets, as tffy^had ever fceen. The messengers prosecuted their journey vfith great>dis- £>atch, and brought back word, that Pessacus, chief sacheni 6f the Narragansets, and others, were coming to Boston forthwith, yested with full powers to treat with the commis sioners. The messengers, though sent on purpose to car ry back the present, and to assure the Indians that the En glish would not receive it, r.eforned with it to Boston. They also wrote to captain Mason, acquainting him that ihere were hopes of peace with the Indians. The commissioners, therefore, while they acknowledg ed the pains and expedition with which they had accom plished their journey, censured them, for not attending to their instructions; Especially, they judged them worthy Of censure, for bringing back the present, and for writing to captain Mason, fhe latter, they imagined, coiild have no other effect than to retard his operations. The Indians, finding that an army was coming into the heart of their country, made haste to meet the commission ers, arid ward off the impending blow. A few days after the return of their messengers, Pessacus, Meeksamo, the eldest son of Canonicus, and Wytowash, three principal Sachems Of the Narragansets, and Awashequen, deputy of the Nehanticks, with a large train, arrived at Boston; They, at first, denied and excused many particulars tshich th6 commissioners charged upon them. They in sisted on the old story of the ransom, and proposed to make a truce with Uncas, until the next planting time, or for a year. The commissioners assured them* that matters were now come to a crisis, and that tbey would accept of no such terms. They charged the Indian sachems with their per fidious breach of treaties, with the injuries they had done to Uncas, with their insults of the English, and with the great trouble and expense to which they had put them, to defend Uncas, and maintain, the peace of the country; The Indians, finally, though with great reluctance, ac- Tj,e rnJ knowledged their breach of treaties. One ofthe sachems dians treat presented the commissioners with a stick, signifying, by for pea*e. 354 HISTORY OF Chap. VIIL Book I. that token, that he submitted the terms of war and peace s-*-v-v^ into their hands, and wished to know what they required 1645. ofthe Indians* The commissioners represented to them, that the charge and trouble which they had brought on the colonies was Very greaj, besides all the loss and damages which Uncas had sustained. They charged all these, upon their infrac tion of the Afeaties which they had made with the colonies, and with Uncas. They assured the Indians, that though two thousand fathom of white wampum would, by no means, be equal to the expense to which they had put the colo nies, entirely by their violation of their treaties ;, yet, to show their moderation, they would accept of that sum for all past damages. It Was required, that tbey should re store to Uncas all the captives and canoes which they had taken from him ; that they should submit all matters of controversy, between them and Uncas, to the commission ers, at their next meeting ; and that they should maintain perpetual peace with the English, and all their subjects and allies. Finally, hostages were demanded, as a securi ty for the performance of the treaty.* These-, indeed, Were hard terms. The Indians made many exceptions to them ; but as they knew the English were gone into their country, and were fearful that hostilities Would be com menced, even while the treaty was pending, they submit ted to them. Some abatement was made, as to the times Of payment at first proposed, and it was agreed that Un cas should restore to the Narragansets all captives and ca- noes which he had taken from them. This gave the Nar ragansets and Nehanticks some ease ; but it was with great reluctance, that they finally signed the articles. Nothing but the necessity of the case, could have been a sufficient inducement. ffeneCdeS . ?n tbe 30th °f AuSust' the articles were signed, and the ¦s • Indians left several of their number, as hostages, until the children, who had been agreed upon for a permanent secu rity, should be delivered. The troops which had been raised were disbanded, and the day appointed for a general fast was celebrated as a day of general thanksgiving. Designs to New-Haven, this year, appointed Mr. Gregson their obtam pat- agent to the parliament in England, to procure a patent for the colony. The court at New-Haven, voted, that it was a proper time to join with Connecticut, in procuring a patent from parliament, for these parts.t It appears,, that * Records of the united colonies. t Records of New-Haven. Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. 159 both Connecticut and New-Haven, at this time, had it in Book I. contemplation to obtain charters from parliament, for their v^^v-x^ respective jurisdictions ; but Mr. Fenwick, who had been 1645. desired to undertake a voyage, for this purpose, in behalf of Connecticut, did not accept the appointment, and Mr. Gregson was lost at sea. In consequence of these circum stances, and the state of affairs in England afterwards, the business rested until after the restoration. % This year Tunxis was named Farmington. At this Towns in time, there were in the colony of Connecticut eight taxa- Connecti- ble towns ; Hartford, Windsor, Weathersfield, Stratford, ^ew-Ha- Fairfield, Saybrook, South-Hampton and Farmington. In ven. the colony of New-Haven were six ; New-Haven, Mil ford, Guilford, Southhold, Stamford and Branford. , In 1646 there was an alteration in the act respecting ju- 1646. ries. In 1644, an act passed authorizing the court of mag istrates to increase or mitigate the damages given by ver dict of the jury. It was now enacted, that whatever al- APril 6-. terations should be made of this kind, at any time, should be made in open court, in the presence both ofthe plain tiff and defendant, or upon affidavit made, that they had been summoned to appear. At this court the town of Fairfield made objections to that part of the act passed in 1644, which admitted of a jury of six. They insisted on twelve jurymen in all cases triable by a jury ; but consented, that eight out of twelve should bring in a verdict. It does not appear, that a jury of six was ever empannelled, after this time. The laws were soon after revised, and ordained a jury of twelve in all cases whiph required a jury. The commissioners of the united colonies met, this year, at New-Haven, The l^utch continuing their injurious Conduct against the English, complaints were made to the commissioners, ofthe recent and repeated insults, and dam ages which they had received from them. Instead of mak ing them the least satisfaction for past injuries, they pro ceeded to new instances of insolence and abuse. Kieft Kieft'* wrote a most imperious letter to governor Eaton, charging letter ^ him, and the people at New-Haven, with an unsatiable de- pro sire of possessing that which belonged to the Dutch na tion. He affirmed, that contrary to ancient leagues, be tween the kings of England and tbe States General, con trary to the law of nations, and his protestations, they had, indirectly, entered upon the limits of New-Netherlands. He therefore protested against them, as breakers of the peace and disturbers of the public tranquillity. Indeed he proceeded so far as to threaten, that if the English,. s& 156 HISTORY OF Chap. VIII, governorEaton's £eply. Misde meanors of the Dutch at Jlartford. Complaint to the com mission ers. The com missioners Write and' send an Express to the Putch gpverhor. .New-Haven, did not restore the places which they had u- surped, and repair the losses which the Dutch had sustain ed, that they would, by such means as God should afford, recover them. He affirmed, that the Dutch would not view It as inconsistent with the public peace, but should impute all the evils, which might ensue, to the English.* Governor Eaton replied to this letter, that the colony under his government had never entered upon any land, to which the Dutch had any known title : That, notwithstand ing all the injuries received from the Dutch, and the very unsatisfying answers which their governor had given, from time to time, the colony, in his apprehensions, had done nothing inconsistent with the law of God, the law of na tions, nor with the ancient leagues Subsisting between England and Holland, He therefore assured him, that the colony would cheerfully submit all differences, between them and the Dutch, to an impartial hearing and adjudica? tion, either in Europe or America. The Dutch, at Hartford, maintained a distinct and inde pendent government. They resisted the laws ofthe colo ny, and counteracted the natural rights of men. They in- yeigled an Indian woman who, having been liable to pub lic punishment, 'fled from her master. It was supposed, that the Dutch kept her for the purpose of wantonness. Though her master demanded her, as his property, and the magistrates, as a criminal, on whom the law ought tq have its course, yet they would not restore her. The Butch agent at Hartford, in the heighth of disorder, re sisted the guard. He drew his rapier upon the soldiers, and broke it upon their arms. He then escaped to the fort, and there defended himself With impunity. The commissioners of Connecticut -and New-Haven made complaint of these insults and misdemeanors to the commissioners of the united colonies, and laid open the >vhole conduct of the Dutch towards them- They repre sented, that in answer to their complaints of past injuries, they had, -instead of satisfaction, received nothing but in jury and abuse. The commissioners, upon a deliberate view of the case, wrote to tlie Dutch governor, stating how they had written to him from time to time ; and, in consideration of the great worth of peace, had pttetfipted to compromise the differ* ences which had so long subsisted between the Dutch and their confederates. They observed to the governor, that he had returned nothing but an igrioratrius, withanoffen- * Kieft's letter to governor Eaton, on the records of the unitei} colo- £hap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. I$J sive addition, which they left to his review and better con- Book I. sideration. They stated the affair at Hartford, and ob- v^-v^v served, that had the Dutch agent been slain, itt the haugh- 1646, ty affront which he had given, his blood would have been upon his own head. They assured him, that his agent and the company at Hartford, had proceeded to an intole rable state of conduct : that they had forcibly taken away their cattle from authority, and made an assault upon a ttian, who had legally sought justice for damages which he had sustained: that they struck him, and, in a hostile man ner, took his team and loading from him. The commis sioners noticed the letter of the Dutch governor, to the col ony of New-Haven, and manifested their approbation of the answer which governor Eaton had given. They ex pressed their hopes, that it would give satisfaction. They concluded by observing, that, to prevent all inconvenien ces Which might arise from any part of the premises, they had sent an express, by whom they yished to receive such an answer as might satisfy them Of his concurrence with them, to embrace and pursue righteousness and peace. Several of the English who had traded with the Dutch, had not been able to recover their just debts, and gover nor Kieft would not afford thdm that assistance which was necessary for the obtaining Of justice. Mr. Whiting, of Connecticut, complained, that an action had been carried against him at Manhatoes, in his absence, and when he had no agetit to exhibit his evidence, or plead his cause. He also maide complaint, that, upon demanding a just debt, long since due from the Dutch, the goverrior neglected to give him that assistance which yr&s necessary for the re covery of his right. The commissioners wrote also to governor Kieft on this subject. They desired hita to grant Mr, Whiting a review in the case Specified, and prtJper assistance in the recovery of his debts from the Dutch. They assured him, that all the colonies woujd grant similar favours to the Dutch in all their courts. By their express, the commissioners received tvsto-letters Dutch lett from the Dutch governor, in answer to what they had writ- ters and ten, expressed in the same haughty and offensive Strain, as pr° his former letters. He denied that the womian, who had been detained by the Dutch at Hartford, Was a servant, •with mdny otlfor facts which had been stated by the com missioners. Instead of submitting the affairs in dispute to a legal decision, either in Europe or America, he still threatened to avenge the injuries of which he complained, by force of arms. With respectto other njatters of special 1.58 HISTORY OF Chap. VIII. The fcom- jnission- prs' reply. Plotagainst Governor Hopkins,Haynes, &c. importance, he passed them without the least notice. Hq compared the commissioners to eagles which soar aloft, and always despise the little fly, but he assured them, that the Dutch, by their arms, would manfully pursue their rights. He then finished his letters in this remarkable manner: — " We protest against all you commissioners, met at the red mount,*- as against- breakers of the common league, and, also, infringers of the rights of the lords, the states, our superiors, in that you have dared, without our express and special consent, to hold your general meeting within the limits of New Netherlands." The commissioners made a short reply, assuring the Dutch governor, that they could prove the facts which they had stated to him in their letters ; and that the woman whom the Dutch had detained, was a servant, and an im portant part of her master's property : that she had fled from civil justice, and, by the confession of Mr. David Pro vost, Dutch agent at Hartford, had been defiled. They insisted, that the conduct of the Dutch at Hartford, was in tolerable, and complained, that he had given no orders to redress the grievances which they had mentioned. They also complained, that he had made no reply to so many important articles, concerning which they had written to him. With respect to the protest, with which he had clo sed his letter, they observed, that, though it was offensive, yet it agreed with the general strain of his writing ; and that he had no more reason to protest against their boldness in holding their session at New-Haven, than they had to protest against his boldness in the protest which he had sent them. After all the insult which the commissioners received from the Dutch governor, their replies were cool ?md without threatening,! This year a horrid plot was concerted among the In dians, for the destruction of a number of the principal in habitants of Hartford. Sequassen, a petty sachem upon the river, hired one ofthe Waronoke Indians to kill gover nor Hopkins and governor Haynes, with Mr. Whiting, one of the magistrates, Sequassen's hatred of Uncas was in satiable, and, probably, was directed against these gentle men, on account of the just and faithful protection which they had afforded him. The plan wa,s, that the Waranok recommence by force of arms. However, that they might Show their love of peace, and their forbearance towards these barbarians, they dispatched another message to them. In this a full representation was made of these par ticulars; They were assured, that the commissioners were apprised of their intrigues, artd that, in the eyes.of all the colonies^ they had rendered themselves a perfidious people. The war between the' Dutch and Indians continuing, a Battle on- great and general battle was fought between them in that strick- piart of Horseneck commonly known by the name of Strick- ^. . s land's plain. The action was long and severe, both par ties fighting with firmness and obstinacy. The Dutch, with much difficulty, kept the field, and the Indians with drew. Great numbers were slain on both sides, and the graves of the dead, for a century or more, appeared like a number of small hills** New-Haven having been exceedingly disappointed in ^OS6e^of trade, and sustained great damages at Delaware, and the *"" ** large estates which they brought into New-England rapid ly declining, this year, niade uncommon exertions, as far as possible, to retrieve their former losses. Combining their money and labors,, they built a ship, at Rhode-Isl and, of 150 tons ; and freighted her, for England, with the! best part of their commercial estates. Mr. Gregson, cap tain Turner, Mr. Lamberton and five or six of their princi pal men embarked on board. They sailed from New-Ha ven in January, 1647. They were obliged to cut thr&ugh the ice to get out of the harbour. The ship foundered at sea, and Was never heard of after she sailed. The loss of this ship, with the former losses which the company had sustained, broke up all their expectations with respect to trade, and as they conceived themselves disadvantageous- Attempts ly situated for husbandry, they adopted the design of leav- to rem«ve» ing the country. They Were invited to Jamaica, in the .West-Indies. They had also an invitation to Ireland. It Seems they entered into treaties for the city of Galloway, which they designed to have settled, as a small province for themselves. f Nevertheless they were disappointed with respect to all these designs. Their posterity, who * Manuscripts of the Rev. Stephen Monson. tMagnalia, B. I. p, 25, 26. V 1C2 HISTORY OF Chap. VIIL Book I. they frared would be reduced to beggary, made respecta- •^-v~w ble farmers, and flourished, with respect to worldly circuih- 1647. stances, no less than their neighbours. Election at At the election, this year, at Hartford, nine magistrates mir™"1' were ch°sen- Mr. Cosmore and Mr. Howe were elected for the first time. The other magistrates were the same as in the preceding years. At this session of the general court, an explanation or addition was made to the tenth fundamental article. By this article, as it stood, it was the opinion of some, that no particular court could be holden, unless the governor and four magistrates were present. It was therefore decreed,f that the governor, or deputy governor,' with two magis trates, should have power to keep a particular court, ac cording to the laws established ; and, that in case neither the governor, nor deputy governor should be present, or able to sit, if three magistrates should meet, and choose one of themselves moderator, they might keep a particular court, which to all intents and purposes, should be deemed as legal, as if the governor or deputy governor were pres ent. All orders contrary to this were repealed.! ^Ct' ° i t° tt ii ii.i i commis- Jmghsh and the Indians^ He declared, that he knew ¦ no sjoners* 164 HISTORY OF Chap. VIII. Book I. cause why the Narragansets should pay so much wampum. •v^-nz-v-/ He said they owed nothing to the English. The commis- 1647, sioners acquainted him, that it was on account of their breach of treaty, and the great charge which, by 4hat means, they had brought on the colonies, that the Narragansets engaged to pay such a quantity. Well knowing his de ceit, they charged him as being the very man, who had been the principal cause of all their trouble and expense, relative to the Indians. They declared to him, that he was the sachem who had threatened to pile their cattle in heaps, and to kill every Englishman who should step out at his doors, At so home a charge, which he could not deny, he was not a little chagrined. However, he excus ed the matter ^vith as much art as possible. With respect to the wampum, he declared, that the Narragansets had not a sufficiency to pay the sum required. The commis-; sioners knew that the Narragansets were a great nation, and that they could, at any time, upon short notice, pay a greater amount than they demanded. They considered the demand, not only as their just due, but as matter of pol icy, as far as was consistent with justice, to strip them of their wampum, to prevent their hiring the Mohawks, and other Indians, to join with them,. in a general war against the colonies. They, therefore, insisted that the whole sum . should be paid. They declare^ to him, that they were not satisfied with his answers. Ninigrate, after he had taken time to consult with his council, the other deputies, who were with him, answered, that he was determined to give the colonies full satisfaction. He desired ten days to send messengers to Narraganset, to collect the wampum due, and offered himself a hostage until their return. Tho messengers returned with no more than two hundred fath oms. Ninigrate imputed this to his absence. He desired liberty to return, promising, that if the ¦. whole sum should pot be; paid by the next spring, the commissioners might take his head, and seize his country. The commissioners agreed with him, that if within twenty days, he would de liver a thousand fathoms of wampum, and the remainder which was due by the next planting time, they would dis miss him, They also, for his encouragement, acquainted Ijim, that although they might justly put the hostages to death, for their delays and breach of covenant, yet they would forthwithdeliyer them to him ; and if they should find him punctual to his engagements, they would charge former defects to Pessacus. These terms he gladly ac cepted. • & J The commissioners irom, Connecticut, the last year, Abap. VHL CONNECTICUT, l§j> made complaint, that Mr. Pyncheon and the inhabitants at Book L Springfield, refused to pay the impost which had been im- s^-v-^w posed by Connecticut for the maintenance of the fort at 1647. Saybrook. The commissioners judged, that the fort was of great cqnsequene.e to the towns on the river; but, as the flflair of the impost had riot been laid before the general court of Massachusetts, and as the commissioners of that colony had no instructions respecting it, a full hearing had been deferred to this meeting. Meanwhile, the general court of the Massachusetts had taken up the affair, and passed a number of resolutions re specting the impost. These are a curiosity, exhibiting a lively picture of human nature, and, in the course of con duct consequent upon them, will afford a general specimen of the manner in which the Massachusetts anciently treated her sister colonies. The resolutions were, at this meeting, laid before the commissioners, and were to the following effect. 1. That the jurisdiction at Hartford had not a legal pow- Resolu- er to force any inhabitant of another jurisdiction, to pUr-tlonaoftI,on was neither to buy lands nor the fort. He observ ations, ed also, that it was not material to what purpose an impost "was applied, if it were lawful in itself, and did not exceed the bounds of moderation. With respect to the second article, he said, that it impeached all states and nations' of injustice, no less than Connecticut : that their practice, in all similar cases, warranted the impost. He urged, that, for twelve years, the fort at Saybrook had been of special service to Springfield ; and that it was so still, and might be for a number of years to come. He therefore insisted, that it was strictly just, that the inhabitants of that town should pay the impost. He said he was willing to risk the case, and have it decided on the principles of strict justice. The third article, he observed, was a mere presumption, and had no just foundation ; besides, if it were founded, he argued, that the comparison was not equal. The whole of the fourth article, he said, was a mistake : that the confede ration was completed in about five years from the first men tioning of it, and that it was not retarded by the means sug gested, nor were they ever mentioned. With reference to the fifth article, he replied, that all taxes weakened estates, and if this were a ground of objection against the impost, then no tax or impost could ever be laid. He insisted, that the impost was just and moderate, and, therefore, could not enslave the inhabitants of Springfield. The towns ia Connecticut, he observed, were settled before Springfield, and that town had been at no expense in making settle ments, more than the towns in Connecticut. He said, if Connecticut, at any time, should become exorbitant in its impositions upon any of the colonies, they would find a remedy in the confederation. With reference to the last article, he declared his willingness, in all similar cases, ta submit to the like imposition. The commissioners, upon a full hearing, determined, that it was of weighty consideration to all the plantations upon the river, that the mouth of it should be secured, and a safe passage for goods, up and down the river, be, main tained, though at some expense ; and, that as Springfield enjoyed the benefit, the inhabitants should pay the impost of two pence per bushel for corn, and a penny on the pound, for beaver, or twenty shillings upon every hogshead. Ne vertheless, out of respect and tenderness to the Massachu setts, it was resolved, that Springfield, or the general court. Determi nation of the com missioners. 4?,Hap. V1IL CONNECTICUT, let might have the liberty of exhibiting further reasons against Book L the impost, if any should occur. v^-vwi At this meeting, Mr. John Winthrop, of Pequot, laid 1647. claim to the whole country of the western Nehanticks, in- Mi-, win- cluding a considerable part of the town of Lyme. He re- *™p's presented, that he obtained the title to this large tract part- th^Nehan^ ly by purchase, and partly by deed of gift, before the Pe- tick cou&j quot war. He petitioned the commissioners to this effect : try- " Whereas I had the land at Nehantick by deed of gift and purchase from the sachem, before the Pequot war, I desire the commissioners would confirm it unto me, and clear it of all claims of English and Indians, according to the equity of the case." As he had no deed nor writing respecting the land, he produced the testimony of three Nehantick In dians. They testified, that before the Pequot war, Sashions, their sachem, called all his men together, and told them, that, he was determined to give his country to the gover nors son, who lived at Pattaquasset,* and that his men gave their consent : that afterwards he went to Mr. Win throp, at Pattaquasset, and when he came back, said that he had granted all his country to the governor's son ; and also, that he had received coats for it, which they saw him bring home. Three Englishmen also testified, that they vv so harassed, that they made application, by their repre- 1648. sentatives, to the commissioners, to be admitted to the confederation of the united colonies. Reply of The commissioners replied, that they found their pre- ttiecom- sent state t0 be fujj of confusion and danger, and that they ' were desirous of giving them both advice and help. They however observed, that as the plantation made at Rhode- Island, fell within the limits of the ancient patent granted to.the colony of New-Plymouth, they could not receive them as a distinct confederate. They represented, that it was the design ofthe honourable committee of parliament, that the limits of that colony should not be abridged or in fringed. They proposed, that if the Rhode-Islanders would acknowledge themselves to be within the limits of Ply mouth colony, they would advise how they might be re ceived on equitable terms, with a tender regard for their convenience ; and that they would afford them the same .advice and protection, which they did the other plantations within the united colonies. Rjessen- The commissioners sent messengers again to the Narra- gerssenttoganSet 'and Nehantick Indians, to charge their treachery ^setg[ra' upon them, remonstrate against their conduct, and demand the arrearages of wampum which were yet unpaid. Their outrages against the inhabitants of Rhode-Island were par1 ticularly noticed, and the sachems, were peremptorily charr ged to keep their men under better government. The colo nies wished to exhibit all forbearance towards the Indians, and, if possible, to preserve the peace of the country. They chose rather to restrain the natives by policy and the arts of peace, than by the sword. ' ' Further The general court of Massachusetts was, by no means, debate re- p]eased with the determination of the commissioners, the the im-" 'ast year, relative to the impost to be paid at Saybrook. post < A committee was, therefore, appointed to draft an answer to the observations and pleadings of governor Hopkins before the commissioners, at their former sessions. The committee introduced their answer with a number of questions relative to the articles of confederation. Some were calculated to make nothing of them, and exhibit them in a point of light entirely contemptible. Others related to the power of the (Commissioners, and to the degree in whiqh obedience was due to their determinations. They inquired whether a non-compliance with the orders of the commi^ioners would be'a breach of the articles of confede ration ? They complained, that they had not a greater num ber of commissioners, as Massachusetts was much larger. Chap. IX. CONNECTICUT. 173 than the other colonies. They proposed, that they should Book I. have the privilege of sending three commissioners, andv^-v-w/ that the meetings of the confederates should be triennial. 1648. They then proceeded to a large reply to the arguments of Arguments. governor Hopkins ; and attempted to vindicate the reasons a£*inst iu which they had given before against the impost. In ad dition to what they had formerly offered, they endeavoured to show, that if Springfield was benefitted by the fort at Saybrook, and ought to pay the impost on that account, that New-Haven, Stamford, and all the towns on that side of the river, ought to pay it no less ; because they had been already benefitted, and might be hereafter. Since this was the case, .as they pleaded, they objected against the commissioners of New-Haven, as disqualified to judge in the case. They, also, objected against the decision of the commissioners, because it was made, as they said, with out a sight ofthe Connecticut patent. They insisted, that if the patent had been produced, there might have been some clause which would have helped their case. The committee pleaded a priority of possession. They affirm ed, that the first possession of Saybrook fort was taken "by Mr. John Winthrop, in November, 1635 ; and our posses sion was before that ; for those who went from Watertown, Cambridge, Roxbury, and Dorchester, the summer before, took possession in our name and right ; and had a commis sion of government from us, and some ordnance for tjieir defence. And in this state they remained a good space. In fine they urged, that if the impost were lawful, it was not expedient; that they could view it in no other light than as a bone of contention, to interrupt their happy union and brotherly love. Indeed, they represented, that it laid them under temptations to help themselves in some other way. This was adopted by the general court. Governor Hopkins and Mr. Ludlow insisted on the an- Repjy 0f swers which had been given the last year, to the arguments the com- Of the general court of the Massachusetts. They attempt- ™>s!;oners ed to show, that, notwithstanding all which had been urged, necticufc. the arguments in favour of the impost remained unanswer- „ ed, and in their full force. They observed, that whatever propositions might have been made by the Massachusetts, in 1638, with respect to the exemption of plantations under their government from an impost, nothing was ever granted upon that head : that affairs were now in a very different state from what they were at the time ofthe confederation. Tfyey urged, that now the charge of the fort and garrison at Saybrook, lay upon the colony; which was not the f ase at that time ; and that nothing could be fairly plead-* 174 HISTORY OF Chap. IX. Book I. ed from the circumstances in which the colonies confede- v^-v-w rated. 1648. With respect to priority of right, and the commission which had been mentioned, they observed, that the com mission of government was taken, salvo jure, of the inte rest of the gentlemen who had the patent of Connecticut, this commission taking rise from the desire of the people that removed, who judged it inexpedient to go away with out any frame of government, not from any claim of the Massachusetts jurisdiction over them by virtue of patent. With reference to the decision of the commissioners, without seeing the Connecticut patent, they observed, that a copy of it was exhibited at the time of the confedera tion ; that it had been well known to many : and that the Massachusetts in particular knew, tbat it had recently been owned by the honourable committee of parliament ; and that equal respect and power had been given by it to all within its limits, as had been either to Massachusetts or Plymouth, within the limits of their respective patents. As to the inexpediency of the impost, as tending to dis turb the peace and brotherly love subsisting between the colonies, they replied, that it was their hope and earnest desire, that in all the proceedings of the confederation, truth and peace might embrace each other. But they in sisted, that pleading for truth and righteousness ought, by no means, to disturb peace or brotherly affection. Indeed, they maintained, that things which were rational, and con sistent with truth and righteousness, should never be an occasion of offence to any. The commissioners of Connecticut, at this time, produ ced an authentic copy of their patent, and governor Hop kins offered to attest it upon oath. As this was the third year since the affair of the impost had been litigated before the commissioners, it was urged, that it might have a final issue, agreeable to truth and righteousness. Governor Hopkins and Mr. Ludlow disputed the southern boundary of Massachusetts, and claimed Springfield as lying within the limits described in the patent of Connecticut. The commissioners judged, that the objections offered against the gentlemen from New-Haven, were insufficient, and the commissioners from Massachusetts gave them up. Upon the whole, after a full hearing and mature delibera tion, the former order, in favour of Connecticut, was con firmed.* J'th th* Notwithstanding the congratulatory letter, which the Dutch.6 commissioners addressed to Stuyvesant, the Dutch gover- * Records of the united, colonits. Chap. IX. CONNECTICUT. 175 nor, at their last session, he proved not the most comfort- Book I. able neighbour. He gave no answer to the complaints ^"v-^ which had been stated to him, in their letter. He trans- 1648. mitted no account of the" customs laid upon the English merchants, nor of the cases in which the Dutch made sei zures, so that it was extremely difficult to know on what terms they could trade, or how to escape fines, seizures, and confiscations. By Stuyvesant's order, the Dutch seized a vessel of Mr. Mr. Wes- Westerhouse, a Dutch merchant and planter at New-Haven, ^,*XfM while riding at anchor within the harbour. He preferred a 0f the sei- complaint to the commissioners. He came in from Vir- zure of his ginia, and gave evidence, that, when he sailed thence, he shlP- made a full payment of all the customs. The commission- ers wrote to the Dutch governor on the subject, and re- mj8Sjoners monstrated against such a flagrant insult to the united colo- remon- nies, and against the injustice done to Mr. Westerhouse. strate anii They protested against the Dutch claim to all the lands, pro es ' rivers, and streams, from Cape Henlopen to Cape Cod; and asserted their claim to all the lands and plantations in the united colonies, as anciently granted by the kings of England to their subjects, and since purchased by them of the Indians, the original proprietors. At the same time, they assured him, that they expected satisfaction, both for the injury and affront, in taking a ship out of one of their harbours, upon such a challenge and title to the place, unjustly claimed without purchase, pos session, or any other considerable ground. They repre sented to him in strong terms, the absolute necessity of a meeting for the adjustment of the differences between the Dutch and the united colonies. They professed themselves to be inclined to pursue all proper counsels for that pur pose. As his letters to them, as well as to the governors of Massachusetts and New-Haven, had been expressed in such indeterminate language on the subject,, they wished him to be more explicit. They avowed their determina tion, that, until such time as the Dutch should come to an amicable settlement of the points in controversy, neither their merchants nor mariners should enjoy any privilege, in any of the English plantations or harbours, either of an choring, searching, or seizing, more than the English did at the Manhadoes. They declared, that if, upon search, they should find arms and ammunition on board any ofthe Dutch ships, for the mischievous purpose of vending them within the limits of the united colonies, to the Indians, they would seize them, until further inquiry and satisfaction should be made. In short, they avowed their purpose of !76 HISTORY OF Chap. IX/ Book I. treating the Dutch mariners and merchants in the English ^*-n^"w harbours and plantations, in the same manner in which 1648. they treated the English t They declared,- that, if the Dutch should proceed to seize any vessel or goods, within any of the harbours of the united colonies, whether. of English, Dutch, or any other nation, admitted to be planters in any of the said colonies, they should be necessitated to vindi cate their rights, and to repair the damages by all just means.* Mr. Whit- Soon after the meeting of the commissioners, Mr. John dered in"" Whitmore, of Stamford, was murdered by the Indians. He October. was a peaceable, worthy man, and one of the representa tives ofthe town in the general court at New- Haven. He fell as he was seeking cattle in the woods.- The sachem's son first carried the news into town, and reported that one Toquattoes had killed him, and had some of his clothes, of which he gave a particular description. From this cir cumstance, it was suspected, that he was either a principal or an accomplice in the crime. No such evidence, how ever, could be obtained as would warrant the apprehend ing him. The English took great pains to find the remains of Mr. Whitmore, but could make no discovery at that time. About two months after, Uncas, with several of his Indians, went to Stamford, and making inquiry concerning Mr. Whitmore's body, the sachem's son and one Kehoran, an other of the natives who had been suspected, led Uncas, with his men, and a number of the English, directly to the place of his remains. Upon carrying them into town, the sachem's son and Kehoran fell a-trembling, and manifest ed such signs of guilt, that the Moheagans declared that they were guilty. But before they could be apprehended, they made their escape. The Indians at Stamford and its vicinity, either through fear of their sachem, or favour to his son, or from some other cause, charged the murder upon Toquattoes. But neither he, nor the other suspected per sons, were delivered up, nor could the English bring them to any examination respecting the subject. Murder at About the same time it was reported, that the Indians Island" uPon Long-Island had, some years before, murdered a number of Englishmen, who were part of the crew of a vessel of one Mr. Cope, which had been cast away near the island. These instances of bloodshed gave great alarm to Connecticut and New-Haven, especially to Stam ford, and the towns in that vicinity. Mrs. Whitmore, by letters and messengers, sued for justice against the mur derers of her husband. The Indians grew haughty and * Records ofthe united colonies. ,HAP. it. CONNECTICUT. HI insolent, and censured the conduct of the English. It was Book L dangerous to suffer, such crimes to be unpunished, as it s^-n^w would embolden the natives to be constantly massacreing 1649. the English. But as nothing could be done, in this case, except by an armed forte, it was deferred to the conside ration of the commissioners of the united colonies. At the generkl election in Connecticut, Mr. Haynes was Election, chosen governor, and Mr; Hopkins deputy-governor. Mr. ?l%17th' Ludlow took his place again among the magistrates. The other officers were as they had been the preceding year. In consequence of the burning of the old fort at Say brook, a new one was begun the last year, at a place call ed the new fort hill. At this session of the assembly j or ders were given for the erecting of a new dwelling-house in the fort, arid for completing the works and buildings at Saybrook. The magistrates were empowered to impress suitable hands for carrying the business into effect, tand appropriations were made for that purpose. Whereas the commissioners Of Massachusetts, in their Resolu- pleadings before the commissioners of the united colonies, ^""^j at their last session, had expressed their doubts, whether court, in the act of Connecticut, imposing a duty upon certain arti- the May cles exported from Connecticut river, had any respect to Bession* the inhabitants of Springfield, the general court declared, that they had particular respect to them, as under the gov ernment of the Massachusetts. They also resolved, that, in their best apprehensions, nothing was imposed on them more than was strictly just, or than had been imposed on themselves ; and that tney ought to submit to the impost; They declared, that the execution of the act, with respect to their brethren at Springfield, had been deferred, only that the judgment of the commissioners of the other colo nies might be had on the premises. The assembly also re solved, that they Were wholly unsatisfied that Springfield did fall within the true limits of the Massachusetts patent. They alsO expressed their earnest wishes, that the line might be speedily and fully settled, in righteousness and peace. It was ordered, that these resolutions should be laid before the commissioners at their next meeting, Mr; Ludlow had, for several years successively, been desired by the general court to make a collection of the laws which had been enacted, and to revise, digest, and prepare a body of laws for the colony. He had now fin ished the work, and at this session a code was established. Until this time, punishments, in many instances, had been uncertain and arbitrary. They had been left wholly to the discretion of the court. Defamation had, in some X 178 HISTORY OF Chap. IX. Book I. instances, been punished by fine, repeated scourging, and v-*"v~*-' imprisonment.* For violation of (he sabbath, there is an 1649. instance of imprisonment during the pleasure of the court. Unchastity between single persons was, sometimes, punish ed by setting, the delinquent in the pillory, and by whip ping him from one town to another. But, from this time, the laws, in general, became fixed, and the punishment of particular crimes was specified, so that delinquents might know what to expect, when they had the temerity to trans gress. The statute now required a jury of twelve men : that in cases in which they were doubtful with respect to law, they should bring in a non liquet, or special verdict ; and that matter of law should be determined by the bench, as it is at the present time. But if, after the jury had been sent out repeatedly, the court judged they had mistaken the evi dence, and brought in a wrong verdict, they were author ised, in civil cases, to impannel a new jury. The court, also, retained the power of lessening and increasing the damages given by the jury, as they jpdged most equitable.! All cases of life, limb, or banishment, were determined by a special jury of twelve able men, and a verdict could not be accepted unless the whole jury were agreed. Con necticut now had the appearance of a well regulated com monwealth. Commis- An extraordinary meeting of the commissioners was sioners holden this year at Boston. The members were Thomas ggf ' uy Dudley, Esq'r. Mr. Simon Bradstreet, William Bradford, Esq'r. Mr. John Brown, Edward Hopkins, Esq'r. Mr. Thomas Wells, Governor Eaton, and Mr. John Astwood. The settle- Governor Eaton, in behalf of the colony of New-Haven, ment of proposed that effectual measures might be immediately ba^uTed a<^°Ptec' f°r t'ie settlement of Delaware bay. The title ' which a number of merchants, at New-Haven, had to ex tensive tracts on both sides of the river;, by virtue of fair purchases from the Indians, was laid before the commis sioners.; The fertility of the soil, the healthfulness of the country, the convenience of the several rivers, the great advantages of settlements, and a well regulated trade there, not only to New-Haven,- but to all the New-England Colo nies, were strongly represented. * In 1646, one Robert Bartlett, for defamation, was sentenced to stand in the pillory during the public lecture, then to be whipped, pay £5, and suffer six months imprisonment. ^Thjs year one Daniel Turner, for the same crime, was sentenced to be whipped, and then imprisoned a month ; at the month's end to go to the post again, and then to be bound to his good behaviour. t Old Connecticut code, p. 37. Chap. IX. CONNECTICUT. 179 The commissioners, after a full hearing and mature de- Book L liberation, were of the opinion, that the circumstances of v_^-v^> the colonies were such, that it would not be prudent, at 1649. that time, by any public act, to encourage the settlement of those tracts. Besides the contest with the Dutch and the danger of involving the colonies in war, it was observ ed, that they had scarcely sufficient numbers of men at home for their own defence, and the prosecution of the necessary aflairs of their respective plantations. It was therefore recommended to the merchants and gen- Advice of tlemen at New-Haven, either to settle or make sale ofthe ^ c™' lands which they had, as should appear most expedient. respect- ° The commissioners resolved, that if any persons in theuni- ing it. ted colonies should attempt, without their consent, to make settlements on the lands, or to do any thing injurious to the rights of the purchasers, tbat they would neither own nor protect them ui their unjust attempts.* The murder of Mr. Whitmore, and the other murders Resoiu- which the Indians had committed against the English, were u^' .' -- fully considered. The commissioners therefore resolved, j%&mS that the guilty should be delivered up ; and if they were murder- not, that the sachem, at Stamford, or his son, should be ap- &*¦ prehended and kept in durance, until they should be se cured, and justice have its course. They ordered, tbat search should be made with respect to the murders, said to be committed, at Long-Island, and, if evidence could be obtained, to apprehend the delinquents and bring them to justice.Some time before the meeting of the commissioners, the Murder at Indians upon Long-Island perpetrated murder at South- Soutbhold. hold. They rose, in a hostile manner, for several days round the town. The inhabitants were obliged to arm and stand upon their defence against them for a considera ble time ; and afterwards to keep a strong and vigilant guard by night. The town was not only exceedingly alarmed and distressed, but put to great expense. They therefore made application to the commissioners for relief. But they would not consent, that the colonies in general should bear any of tbe charge, in such instances. They determined in this case, as they had done before with res pect to other towns in flie jurisdictions of Connecticut and New-Haven. The colonies and towns, which had suffer ed, had been obliged to bear all the expense of defending Stamford and other places, Uncas and the Moheagans, in all instances in which they had not been warranted, by the particular directions- of the commissioners. * Records ofthe united colonies. 180 HISTORY OF Chap. IX. Book I. ,The Narraganset and Nehantick Indians still persisted v-*~v^^ in their murderous designs against Uncas, and in their per- 1649. fidious conduct towards the colonies. The alarming as- Nkrragan- pect of affairs, with respect to them, was the occasion of sets and this extraordinary meeting. «cks"on- An Indian, hired by the Narraganset and Nehantick sa- tinue their chems tp kill Uncas, going on board a vessel in the plots. Thames, wheire he was, ran him through the breast with a toSsi- sword- The wOpnd, at first, was judged to beiportal; nate Un-" Uncas however finally recovered. At this meeting, he cas. presented himselif before the commissioners, and com plained pf the assault made upon him ; and affirmed, that these sachems had hired the Mohawks and other Indians against him, as wejl as an assassin to kill him secretly, He complained also, that the Narragansets had neither re stored his canoes nor his captives, as had been expressly demanded and stipulated. He prayed, that, as he. had ever been friendly and faithful to the colonies', they would provide for his safety, avenge these outrages, and do him justice. ; Ninigrate was examined before the commissioners on these points ; and it was proved, by the confession of the Mohawks themselves, that the Narragansets had hired them against Uncas. The Indian, who had wounded Un-- cas, declared, that he had been hired by Pessacus and Ninigrate. Ninigrate made but a poor defence, either of himself or Pessacus. [jUie cpmmissioners dismissed him, entirely unsatisfied^ and assured him, that unless he imme diately complied with the terms on which they had form erly agreed, they should leave him to his own counsels. The colonies were alarmed with the report, that one of tiie brothers of Sassacus, or his son, was about to marry the' daughter of Ninigrate: and it was conjectured, that the Narraganset and Nehantick Indians were concerting a plan to collect the scattered remains of the Pequots, and to set them up as a distinct nation with the son, or brother of Sassacus, at their head. \The commissioners viewed the colonies as upon the commencement Of an Indian war,: and gave directions, that they should be immediately pre pared for any emergency. ¦'¦ " The* pl^ °f ' TJie ;Pequots; who had been given to Uncas, had now (juots?" for more tb*n twoyears revolted from him, and Hved sepa rately; as a distinct clan. In 1647, they complained to the commissioners, that Uncas and the Moheagans had abused them. : They represented, that,' though they had submitted arid been faithful to him, assisted him in his wars, been esteemed as his men^ and paid him tribute, J?e ^M Chap. IX. CONNECTICUT. 181 nevertheless grossly injured them. They said, that he had Book I. required tribute of them, from time to time, upon mere pre- v^-v-^> tences; and that since they had been put under him, they 1649. paid him jvampum forty times. They alledged, that upon the death of one of his children, he gave his squaw pres ents, and ordered them to comfort her in the same way ; and that they presented her with a hundred fathom of Wampum : That Uncas was pleased, and promised that, for the future, he would esteem and treat them as Mohea gans. They affirmed, that notwithstanding this engage ment, the Moheagans wronged them in their plays, and de prived them of their just rights." Obachickquid, one of their chief men, cOmplained that Uncas had taken away his wife and used her as his own. They proved, that Un cas had wounded some of them, and plundered the whole company. They prayed, that the English would inter pose for their relief, and take them under their protection. The petition was presented in the behalf of more than sixty. The commissioners found these charges so well sup- Determi- ported, that they ordered Uncas to be reproved, and de- naf.ioQ UP- creed, that he should restore Obachickquid his wife, and Uncas &U pay damages for the injuries he had done the Pequots. fined. They also fined him a hundred fathom of wampum. Ne vertheless, as it had been determined, by Connecticut, that the name ofthe Pequots should be extinguished, and that they should not dwell in- their own country, it was resolv ed that they should return, and he in subjection to Uncas. He was directed to receive them without revenge, and to govern them with moderation, in aU respects, as he did the Moheagans. They did not however return to Uncas ; but annually presented their petition to the commissioners to be taken under the protection pf the English, and to be come their subjects. They pleaded, that though their tribe had done wrong, and were justly conquered, yet that they had killed no English people ; and that Wequash had promised them, if they would flee their country, and not injure the colonies, that they would do them no harm. To ease them, as far as might be consistent with former de terminations, the commissioners recommended it to Con necticut to provide some place for them, which might not injure any particular, town, where they might plant and dwell together. At the same time, they were directed to be in subjection to Uncas ; and it was again enjoined on him to govern them with impartiality and kindness. Mr. Westerhouse renewed his ?dOmplaint respecting the Complaint Seizure of his Vessel, in the harbour of New-Ha.ven. ¦ Heandpeti-L 182 HISTORY OF Chap. IX. Book I. alledged, that besides the Joss of his vessel, and the ad- s-*-~v^w; vantages of'trading, the prime cost of his goods was 2,000 1649. pounds; and that, after repeated application fo the Dutch tion o^ Mr. governor, he had not been able to obtain the least com- Wester- pensation. He had therefore petitioned the government of ouse' New-Haven, that some Dutch vessel might be taken by way of reprisal. He now petitioned the commissioners for liberty to make reprisals, by way of indemnification, until he should obtain satisfaction. Commis- Though the commissioners declared against the injustice Prisafc not °f the seizure, and regretted both the insult done to the u- granted. nfted colonies, and the damages sustained by Mr. Wester- hojjse, yet they declined granting him a commission to make reprisals. They j-udgfed it expedient first to nego tiate, Coipmis- They therefore wrote to the. Dutch governor, that Miv writeto Westerhouse had applied to them for a commission to make the Dutch reprisals, and that they had not granted his petition, as governor, they wished first to acquaint him with the motion, and to represent to him the equity of making reprisals, unless jus tice should be done him some other way. They again a- vowed their claim to all parts of the united colonies. They asserted the right of New-Haven to Delaware bay, and as sured him, that it would not be given up. They com plained of his letter, the last year, that it was, in various respects, unsatisfying ; and that with regard to that dan* gerous trade of arms and ammunition carried on with the Indians, at fort Aurania and in the English planta tions, it was wholly sjlent. They observed, that all dif ferences, between them and the Dutch, might have been amicably settled, had it pleased him to attend the meeting ofthe commissioners, at Boston, according to the invita tion which they had given him. As that was not agreea ble to him, they avowed their designs of making provision for their own safety. Resolution To prevent the vending of arms and ammunition to the against Indians in the united colonies, they pas&ed the following arms'to resolve : " That after due application hereof, it shall not the na- be lawful for any Frenchman, Dutchman, or person of any lives. foreign nation, or any Englishman living among them, or under the government of any of them, to trade with any Indian or Indians within this jurisdiction, either directly or indirectly, by themselves Or others, under the penalty of confiscation of all such goods and vessels as shall be found so trading, or the true value thereof, upon just proof of any goods or vessels so traded or trading." The gentlemen from Massachusetts, at this meeting, a- Chap. IX. CONNECTICUT. 183 gain brought on the -dispute between them and Connecti- Book L cut relative to the impost. They pretended, that Mr. Fen- v-*~v-*^ Wick, some years before, had promised to join with them, 1649. in running the line, but that as he had not done it, and it Further had now been done by them, at their own expense, and liti§atlon^ to their satisfaction, it ought to be satisfactory to all oth- the im- ° ers, who could make no legal claim to the adjacent lands, post. This they insisted that Connecticut could not, because °bJec" they had no patent. M°ansss°. The commissioners from Connecticut denied the facts chusetts. which had been stated. They insisted, that Mr. Fenwick ^eP'y ol. never had agreed to run the line with them ; and that c °"nec '" their running the line, at their own expense, was not ow ing to any defect of his, nor on the part of Connecticut ; for they ran the line a year before the dispute with Mr. Fenwick respecting Waranoke. Besides, they said, what he promised at that time, was not to run the line, but to clear his claim to that plantation. With respect to the pa tent, they acknowledged, they had not indeed exhibited the original, but a true copy, to the authenticity of which Mr. Hopkins could give oath. They observed, it was well known that they had a patent ; that the original was in England, and could not then be exhibited ; and that the Massachusetts insisting on this point was an entire bar to the amicable settlement of the line between the colonies. Mr, Hopkins insisted, that the southerly extent of the Mas sachusetts patent ought first to be mutually settled ; then he proposed, that the line should be run by skilful men, mutually, chosen, and at the mutual expense of the colo nies. The commissioners from Connecticut indeed' de clared, that it was evident, beyond all doubt, that Spring field, at first, was settled in combination with Connecticut ; and, that it had been acknowledged to be so even by the colony of Massachusetts. They affirmed, that when prop ositions were sent, by governor Winthrop, to the planta tions upon the river, in 1637, relative to a confederation of the New-England colonies, Mr. Pyncheon, in prosecu tion of that design, was, in 1638, chosen and sent as a commissioner from Connecticut, to act in their behalf: That it was at this time, and never before, he suggested his apprehensions, that Springfield would fall within the limits of Massachusetts ; and that this was received as a fact without any evidence of what had been alledged. They. expressed it, as their full persuasion, that Mr. Pyn- cheon's representations and motion, at that time, originated from a pang of discontent which had overtaken him, in con sequence ofa censure laid upon him, by the general court 184 tilST ORY OF5 Chap. IX,' Final de cision of the com missioners.Act of Massa chusetts. Declara tion of the commis sioners. . of Connecticut.*- They concluded by expressing their earnest wishes, that both the government of the Massachu setts and their commissioners would consider, that they did not cOmply with the advice of the commissioners rela tive to the present dispute; and that they insisted upon what they knew .could nOt, at that 'time,' be obtained; They charged them, with an unwillingness to submit the differences; subsisting between them' and Connecticut^ to the mature and impartial judgment of the commissioners' of the other colonies, according to the true intent of the confederation. In a very modest and respectful manner, they referred it to the serious consideration of their breth ren of the Massachusetts, whether their conduct was not directly contrary to the articles and design of the confede rates, to which they all ought to pay a conscientious re gard.! The commissioners finally decided the controversy in favor of Connecticut. Upon this the gentlemen from Mas sachusetts produced an order of their general court, pass* ed by \fray of retaliation, imposing a duty upon all goods belonging to any of the inhabitants of Plymouth, Connec ticut or New-Haven, imported within the castle, or ex: ported from any part of the bay. J This was very extraordinary indeed, as it was contrary to all the arguments from justice, liberty, expediency, or brotherly love, which they had pleaded against- their sis ter colony. It was extravagant and unreasonable, as it respected Connecticut ; as the impost at Saybrook affect ed the inhabitants of one of their towns only ; and that solely upon the export of two or three articles ; whereas their impost was upon the inhabitants of all the planta tions in the colony; and upon all their imports, as well as exports. With respect to the other colonies, who had laid no kind of imposition on any of the inhabitants of Massa chusetts, it was still more unjust and cruel. The commissioners from Plymouth, Connecticut and New-Haven, in consequence of this extraordinary act, drew up the following declaration and remonstrance, ad dressed to the general court of Massachusetts. " A difference between the Massachusetts and Connec ticut, concerning an impost at Saybrook, required of Springfield, having long depended, the commissioners hoped, according to the advice at Plymouth, might, at this meeting, have been satisfyingly issued : but upon the pe- * It seems the court had blamed him for a particular instance of his conduct; ih trading with the Indians. t Records of the united colonies.. X Hutchinson, vpl. i, p. 154, 155. Chap. IX. CONNECTICUT. 185 rusal of some late orders made by the general court of the Book L Massachusetts, they find, that the line on the south side of v^-v**/ the Massachusetts jurisdiction is neither runy nor the 1649. place whence it should be run agreed : That the original patent for Connecticut, or an authentic exemplification thereof, (though Mr. Hopkins hath offered upon oath to as sert the truth ofthe copy by himself presented,) is now re quired ; and that a burthensome custom, is, by the Massa chusetts, lately imposed not only upon Connecticut, inter ested in the impost at Saybrook, but upon Plymouth and New-Haven colonies, whose commissioners, as arbitrators, according to an article in the confederation, have been only exercised in the question, and that upon the desire of the Massachusetts, and have impartially, according to their best light, declared their apprehensions ; which custom and burthen, (grievous in itself) seems the more unsatisfy ing and heavy, because divers of the Massachusetts depu ties, who had a hand in making the law, acknowledge, and the preface imports it, that it is a return, or retaliation upon the three colonies for Saybrook : and the law requires it of no other English, nor of any stranger of what nation soev er. How far the premises agree with the law of love, and with the tenor and import of the articles of confederation, the commissioners tender and recommend to the serious consideration of tbe general court for the Massachusetts. And in the mean time desire to be spared in all future agi tations respecting Springfield."* Governor Hutchinson observes, that this law was pro duced to the dishonor ofthe colony : That had the Massa chusetts imposed a duty upon goods from Connecticut only, they might, at least, have had a colour to justify them ; but that extending their resentment to the other colonies, be cause their commissioners had given judgment against them, admitted of no excuse. It was a mere exertion of power, and a proof of their great superiority, which ena bled them, in effect, to depart from the union, whenever they found it to be for their interest. If it had been done by a single magistrate, it would have been pronounced ty rannical and oppressive. He observes that, in all ages and countries, communities of men have done that, of which most of the individuals, of whom they consisted, would, acting separately, have been ashamed.t The Massachusetts treated Connecticut in the same un- Manner of generous manner, with respect to the line between the col- j!^8*" onies. In 1 642, they employed one Nathaniel Woodward m^ng * Records ofthe united colonies. e e' t Hntchinson, vol, i. p. p. 155, 156. Y 186 HISTORY OF Chap. IX, Book I. and Solomon Saffery, whom Douglass calls two obscure s-^-v^w/ sailors, to run the line between them and Connecticut. 1649. They arbitrarily fixed a boundary, as the exact point to Which three miles south of every part of Charles river would carry them. Thence by water they proceeded up Connecticut river, and setting up theircompass in the same latitude, as they supposed, declared, that the line struck the chimney of one Bissell's house, the most northern building then in the town of Windsor. This was a whole range of towns south of the true line between the colonies. Connecticut considered the boundary fixed as entirely ar bitrary, and six or eight miles further south than it ought to have been. They imagined, that the error at Windsor was still greater, as no proper allowance had been made for the variation of the needle. They viewed the manner in which this had been effected, as contrary to all the rules of justice, and to the modes in which differences of that magnitude ought to be accommodated. The utmost extent of Narraganset river was their north line, and they were persuaded, that this would run so far north as to compre hend the town of Springfield, and other towns in the same latitude. Therefore, neither Connecticut, nor the com missioners ofthe united colonies, considered any boundary as properly settled, whence the line should be run, nor any line run between the colonies; Connecticut wished to have the southern boundary of Massachusetts mutually settled and the line run, at the joint expense of the two colonies; but Massachusetts would neither consent to this, nor even allow that the copy of the Connecticut patent was authentic. For nearly sev enty years they encroached upon this 'colony, and settled whole towns within its proper limits; ' The general court of Connecticut adopted the recom mendation of the commissioners, with respect to the pro hibition of all trading of foreigners among the Indians of the united colonies. They made the penalty to be the confiscation of all vessels and goods employed in such trade. The as- The court also, after conferring with New-Haven, de- sembly^s termined to avenge the blood of John Whitmore, of Stam- tion to 'aT ^rd ? *nd> cohering all its circumstances, and the con- rest mur- duct of the Indians in the town, and bordering upon it, re dexers, solved, that it was lawful to make war upon them. It was ordered, that fifty men should be immediately drafted, arm ed, and victualled, for the purpose of bringing the murder ers to condign punishment, or of arresting other Indians, until the delinquents should be delivered to justice.* These * Records of Connecticut. Chap. X. CONNECTICUT. 187 spirited measures appear to have had the desired effect. Book I. The Indians at Stamford, it seems, became peaceable, andv^-s^w there is nothing further upon the records respecting any lg50? trouble with them, CHAPTER X. Court of Election at Hartford. Grants to Captain Mason, The commissioners meet and dispatch Captain Atherton to the Narragansets. Their message to Ninigrate. The Dutch governor arrives at Hartford, and refers the differ ences between him and the colonies to arbitrators. Their determination, and the line is fixed between the English and -Dutch plantations. Agreements with Mr. Fenwick occasion general uneasiness. Committees are appointed to explain and ascertain them. Towns are invited to attend the committees, by their deputies, at Saybrook. Jin act for the encouragement of Mr.- Winthrop, in seeking and im proving mines. Norwalk and Mattabeseck settled, and made towns. The colony of New-Haven make another at tempt to settle at Delaware. The Dutch governor seizes the company, and frustrates the design. He pursues his former line of conduct towards the colonies. Tlie resolu tions of the commissioners relative to his conduct, to the settlement of Delaware, and the tribute to be paid by the ~Pequots. French ¦ commissioners from Canada. Their proposals. Reply to them. Th/e Dutch governor and In dians concert a plan, to extirpate the colonies. The com missioners meet, and dispatch agents to the Dutch gover nor. They determine upon war, unless he should mani fest his innocence, and redress the grievances ofthe colo nies. They determine on the number of men to be raised, and draw a declaration of the reasons of the war. The agents return unsuccessful: The commissioners meet agetin, and determine to make war upon the Dutch and Narraganset Indians. The general court of Massachu setts refuses to raise men, and prevents the wan. Alterca tions between that general court and the commissioners, and between that and the general court? of Connecticut and New- Hav en. The alarm and distress of the planta tions in these colonies. Their general courts protest against fh,e court qf Massachusetts, as violators of the opticles of: 188 HISTORY OF Chap. X. Book I. confederation ; and write to CromweU and the parliament s^-\/-x»/ for assistance. The tumultuous state qfthe inhabitants in 1 650. several of the towns. Election, May 16th, Grant to -captain Mason. Commis sioners meet, Sept. 5th. CaptainAthertonsent to Narraganset, UPON the election at Hartford, Mr. Hopkins was cho sen governor, and Mr. Haynes deputy governor. Mr. Clark was added to the magistrates. The court consisted of thirty-two members ; the governors, ten assistants, and twenty deputies. The court had granted a thousand acres of land to cap tain Mason, for his good services in the Pequot war ; five hundred to himself, and five hundred to be given to his five best officers and soldiers, lt Was now ordered, that the five, hundred acres granted to the soldiers, should be laid out for them at Pequot, or in the Neanticut country. The next year the court made a grant of Chippachauge island, in Mystic bay, and a hundred and ten acres of land at Mystic, to the captain. The commissioners met this year at Hartford. The meeting consisted of Mr. Simon Bradstreet and Mr. Wil liam Hawthorne, Mr. Thomas Prince and Mr. John Brown, and of Governors Hopkins and Haynes, Eaton and Good year. Governor Hopkins was chosen president. As the Narragansets still neglected to pay the tribute which had been so many years due, the commissioners dispatched captain Atherton, of Massachusetts, with twenty men, to demand and collect the arrearages. He was au thorised, if they should not be paid, upon demand, to seize on the best articles he could find, to the full amount of what was due ; or on Pessacus, the chief sachem, or any of his children, and carry them off. Upon his arrival among the Narragansets, he found the sachem recurring to his former arts, putting him off with deceitful and dilatory answers, and not suffering him to approach his presence. In the mean time, he was collecting his warriors about him. The captain, therefore,, marched directly to the door of his wig wam, where posting his men, he entered himself with his pistol in his hand, and seizing Pessacus by the hair of his head, drew him from the midst of his attendants, declaring, that if they should make the least resistance, he would dis patch him in an instant. This bold stroke gave him such an alarm, that he at once paid all the arrearages. Ninigrate, sachem of the Nehanticks, continuing his per fidious practices, began to lay claim to the Pequot country, and appeared to be concerting a plan to recover it from the English. Captain Atherton, therefore, made him a visit, and, according to bis instructions, assured, him, that tho Chap. X. CONNECTICUT. 189 commissioners were no strangers to his intrigues, in mar- Book I. rydng his daughter to the brother of Sassacus ; in collect- \^»-v-x> ing the Pequots under him, as though he designed to be- 1 650. come their head ; and in his claims and attempts respect ing the Pequot country. He remonstrated against his con duct, as directly opposite to all the covenants subsisting between him and the English colonies. He protested to him, that the colonies would never suffer him to accom plish his designs ; either to possess any part of the coun try which they had conquered, or even to hunt within its limits. He demanded where the brother of Sassacus was ? What numbers he had with him ? And what were his de signs ? He insisted upon categorical answers, that the com missioners might order their afiairs accordingly. Having, in this spirited manner, accomplished his business, he re turned in safety. Meanwhile, Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor, arrived at Sept. llth, Hartford. He had been often invited to attend the meet- arrives!**" ing of the commissioners, with a view to the accommoda tion of the difficulties subsisting between him and the En glish colonies. He chose to treat by writing, and on the Corres- 13th* day of September, he introduced his correspondence pondence with the commissioners. In his letter he complained of commen" the encroachments niade upon the West India company, e ' and the injuries done them, both by Connecticut and New- Haven. He pretended, that the Dutch, in behalf of said company, had purchased the lands upon the river, of the native Americans, before any other nation had bought them, or laid any claim to them. He, therefore, demand ed a full surrender of said lands, and such compensation as the nature of the case required. He also complained of the act prohibiting all foreigners to trade in the English colonies, and that the English sold goods so cheap to the natives, as to ruin the trade for other nations. He conclu ded with intimations of his willingness to settle a general provisional line, between the Dutch and English planta tions, by a joint writing to their superiors in England and Holland, or by the decision of agents, mutually chosen and empowered for that purpose* The commissioners, observing that his letter was dated at New-Netherlands, replied, that they would not treat, D.g hfe unless he would alter the name of the place where he wrote, ^^^g He answered, that if they would not date at Hartford, he the place would notat New-Netherlands, but at Connecticut. They of dating. consented,- that he should date at Connecticut, but claim ed a right for themselves to date at Hartford. He gave .* 23d old style, as he datedi 190 HISTORY OF Chap. X. Book I. up the right of dating at the Netherlands, and the treaty »~^-v-^ proceeded. 1650. The commissioners replied to his complaints, to this ef- Replyof feet: That their title to Connecticut river, and the adja- the com- cent country) j,aj been often asserted, and made sufficient- to the ly evident, both to the Dutch and English ; and that they Dutch hoped amply to prove their title to what they enjoyed, by complaints patent, purchase, and possession. Consequently, they in sisted, that they had made no encroachments on the hon orable West India company, nor done them the least in jury. They affirmed, that they knew not what the Dutch claimed, nor upon what grounds : That at some times they claimed all the lands upon the river, and at others, a part only : That their claim was founded sometimes upon one thing, and at other times upon another ; and that it had been so various and uncertain, as to involve the whole af fair in obscurity. With respect to trade, they observed, that they had the same right to regulate it, within their jurisdiction, which the Dutch, French, and other nations had to regulate it, within their respective dominions : That their merchants had a right to deal with the natives on such terms as they pleased ; and that they presumed they did not trade to their own disadvantage. They gave intimations that, if the then present treaty should succeed agreeably to their wish es, they might reconsider the act of trade, and repeal the prohibition respecting foreigners. They then proceeded to a large and particular statement statement of the grievances they suffered from the Dutch ; particu- of their larly representing those which have been already noticed ances."^" 'n ^'s history, with several other more recent injuries. Especially, that the Dutch agents had gone off from Hart ford, without paying for the goods which they had taken up : That their successors had refused to make any settle ment of their accounts ; and that the Dutch governor had not obliged them to make payment : That the Dutch bought stolen goods, and would make no compensation to the English, whose property they were : And that they had, not only formerly, helped criminals to file off their irons and make their escape ; but that they had been guil ty of a recent instance of similar conduct. They alleged, that a Dutch servant had, lately, assisted a criminal, com mitted for a capital offence, to break gaol and make his es cape ; and that the Dutch called him to no account, for so gross a misdemeanor. tors cho"- Various letters passed, and several days were spent, in sen. these altercations. At length, the commissioners chose Chap. Xt CONNECTICUT. 19t Mr. Bradstreet, of Massachusetts, and Mr. Prince, of Ply- Book I. mouth, as arbitrators, to hear and compose all differences s^-n"w with respect to injury and damages ; to make provisional 1650. boundaries, in all places where their respective limits were controverted, and to settle a just and free correspondence between the parties. The Dutch governor chose Thomas Willet and George Baxter for the same purpose. Both parties, in the most ample manner, authorised the arbitra tors to hear and determine, in the most full and absolute manner, all differences between the two nations in this country. The arbitrators, after a full hearing ofthe parties, came to Uie following determination, which they drew up in the form of an agreement, "Articles of an agreement, made and concluded atDetcrmi- Hartford, upon Connecticut river, September 19th, 1650,™*'°°b°[ betwixt the delegates ofthe honored commissioners of the trators. united English colonies, and the delegates of Peter Stuyve sant, governor general of New-Netherlands. I. " Upoti a serious consideration ofthe differences and grievances propounded by the two English colonies of Connecticut and New-Haven, and the answer made by the Dutch governor, Peter Stuyvesant, Esq, according to the trust and power committed to us, as arbitrators, and delegates betwixt the said parties i We find that most of the offences or grievances were things done in the time, or by the order ana command of Mons. Kieft, the former gov ernor, and that the present honorable governor is not pre pared to make answer to them ; we therefore think meet to respite the full consideration and judgment concerning them, till the present governor may acquaint the H. M.* States and West India company with the particulars, that so due reparation may accordingly be made." II. " The commissioners, for New-Haven, cotiiplained of several high and hostile injuries which they, and others of that jurisdiction, have received from and by order of the aforesaid Mons. Kieft, in Delaware bay and river, and in their return thence, as by their former propositions and complaints may more fully appear ; and besides the Eng lish right, claimed by patent, presented and showed several purchases they have made, on both sides the river and bay of Delaware, of several large tracts of land unto, and somewhat above the Dutch house or fort there, with the consideration given to the said sachems and their compa nies for the same, acknowledged and cleared by the hands of the Indians, who they affirmed were the true proprietors ; * H. M. High and Mighty. 192 HISTORY OF Chap. X. Book I. and testified by many witnesses. They also affirmed, that, v^-n^-v^ according to the best of their apprehensions, they have 1650. sustained 1000 pounds damage there, partly by the Swe dish governor, but chiefly by order from Mons. Kieft. And therefore required due satisfaction, and a peaceable possession of the aforesaid lands, to enjoy and improve according to their just rights. The Dutch governor, by way of answer, affirmed and insisted on the title and right to Delaware, or the south river, as they call it, and to the lands there, as belonging to the H. M. States and West- India company ; and professed he must protest against any other claim ; but is not provided to make any such proof, as in such a treaty might be expected, nor had he com mission to treat or conclude any thing therein. Upon con sideration whereof, we, the said arbitrators or delegates, wanting sufficient light to issue or determine any thing in the premises, are necessitated to leave both parties in statu quo prius, to plead and improve their just interest, at Del aware, for planting or trading, as they shall see cause : Only we desire, that all proceedings there, as in other pla ces, may be carried on in love and peace, till the right may be further considered and justly issued, either in Europe or here, by the two states of England and Holland." HI- " Concerning the seizing of Mr. Westerhouse's ship and goods, about three years since, in New-Haven harbour, upon a claim to the place, the honored governor, Peter Stuyvesant, Esq. professed, that what passed in wri ting that way was through error of his secretary, his intent not being to lay any claim to the place, and with all affirm ing, that he had orders to seize any Dutch ship, or vessel, in any of the English colonies or harbours, which should trade there without express licsnse or commission. We therefore think it meet, that the commissioners of New- Haven accept and acquiesce in this answer." " Concerning the bounds and limits betwixt the English United colonies, and the Dutch province of New-Nether- landS, we agree as followeth." I. " That upon Long-Island, a line run from the wes ternmost part of Oyster-Bay, and so a straight and direct line to the sea, shall be the bounds betwixt the English and Dutch there, the easterly part to belong to the English, and the westernmost to the Dutch." II. u The bounds upon the main to begin at the west side of Greenwich bay, being about four miles from Stam ford, and so to run a northerly line, twenty miles up into the country, and after, as it shall be agreed, by the two governments of the Dutch and New-Haven, provided the 6k ap. X; CONNECTICUT. 193 said line come hot within ten miles of Hudson's river. Book L And it is agreed, that the Dutch shall not, at any time here- >->-v-^ after, buildany house or habitation within six miles ofthe 1650. said Une ; the inhabitants of Greenwich to remain (till fur ther consideration thereof be had) under the government Of the Dutch." . III. "The Dutch shall hold and enjoy all the lands in Hartford, that they are actually possessed, of, known and set out by certain marks and bounds, and all the remainder of the said land, on both sides of Connecticut river, to be and remain to the English there." " And it is agreed, that the aforesaid bounds and lim its, both upon the island and main, shall be observed and kept inviolable, both by the English of the united colonies, and all the Dutch nation; without any encroachment or mo lestation, until a full and final determination be agreed upon, in Europe, by the mutual consent of the two states of England and Holland." " And in testimony of our joint consent to the several foregoing conclusions, we have hereuntoset our hands this 19tb day of September, Anno Dom. 1650." Simon Bradstreet, Thomas Prince, Thomas Willet, George Baxter. The Dutch governor promised also, and his agents, Messrs, Willet and Baxter, engaged for him, that Green wich should be put under the government of New-Haven, to whom it originally belongedi It was also agreed, that the same line of conduct which had been adopted, with, respect to fugitives, by the united colonies, in the eighth, article of confederation, should be strictly observed be tween them and the Dutch, in the province of New-Neth erlands. The Dutch governor also acquainted the com missioners, that he had orders from Europe to maintain peace and good neighbourhood with the English in Ameri ca ; and he proceeded so far as to make proposals of a nearer union and friendship, between the Dutch and the united colonies. The commissioners declined acting up on these proposals, without consulting their constituents j and recommended the consideration of them to their res pective general courts. While this settlement with the Dutch seemed to give a General favorable aspect to the affairs ofthe colonies, there arose a remectin' great and general uneasiness in Connecticut, relative to the the agree- agreements which had been made with Mr. Fenwick, and™enti,witl> to the state of the accounts between him and the colony. ^^ en? 194 HISTORY OF Chap. X. Feb. 5th, 1651. Ulay 15. Rhode-Island en tertains fugitives. By the first agreement, besides the impost on several arti cles exported from the mouth of the river, for ten years, the people were obliged to pay one shilling annually for every milch cow and mare in the colony, and the same sum for every swine killed either for market or private use. Springfield refused to pay the impost ; and it seems that Connecticut was obliged, by the conduct of Massachusetts, to repeal the act relating to the imposition. By reason of the controversy which arose betweenConnecticut and Mas sachusetts, and some other circumstances, several of the towns, during the two first years, paid but a small propor tion of what had been stipulated. The colony therefore, on the 17th of February, 1646, made a new agreement with Mr. Fenwick. This was to the following effect : That, instead of all former grants, he should receive from the colony, annually, one hundred and eighty pounds, for ten years. He was to collect what was due from Spring field, and to enjoy certain profits arising from the beaver trade. A hundred and seventy or eighty pounds was also to be paid to him from Saybrook and one or two newly set tled towns. The whole amount appears to haye been more than 2,000 pounds, which the colony paid for the right of jurisdiction, the ordnance, arms and stores at the fort.* As different apprehensions had arisen, respecting these agreements, and the state of affairs between Mr. Fen wick and the colony, the general court appointed commit tees to meet at Saybrook to ascertain them. To quiet the minds ofthe people, notice was given to every town of the time and place of the meeting of the committees, and each was authorized to send representatives to hear the disputes and report the issue, with the reasons of it, to their con stituents. By these means the inhabitants obtained gene ral satisfaction. Mr. John Winthrop, -at the election, was chosen into the magistracy. The assembly consisted of thirty four mem bers ; twelve magistrates and twenty two deputies. The colony of Rhode-Island gave great trouble to her neighbours, by giving entertainment to criminals and fugi tives. Connecticut found it so prejudicial to the course of justice and to the rights of individuals, that the court re solved to recommend the consideration ofthe affair to the commissioners of the united colonies.t Mr. Winthrop imagined, that Connecticut contained * See the agreements, Numbers V and VI. + Augustus Harriman, a Dutch trader, with his vessel, was seized by the people of Saybrook for illicit trade with the Indians. The court fined him 40 pounds and confiscated his vessel and cargo. They also made him ghe it in writing, under his hand, (bathe had been weU treated. Chap. X. CONNECTICUT. T95 mines and minerals, which might be improved to great ad- Book I. vantage to individuals, as well as to the public emolument, v^v^ Upon a motion of his, the assembly passed the following 1651. act. " Whereas, in this rocky country, among these moun- Act to en* tains and rocky hills, there are probabilities of mines of thedSov- metals, the discovery of which may be of great advantage ery of to the country, in raising a staple commodity; and where- ™'"es- as John Winthrop, Esquire, doth intend to be at charges and adventure, for the search and discovery of such mines and minerals ; for the encouragement thereof, and of any that shall adventure with the said John Winthrop, Esquire, in the said business, it is therefore ordered by the court, that if the said John Winthrop, Esquire, shall discover, set upon, and maintain such mines of lead, copper or tin ; or any minerals, as antimony, vitriol, black lead, alium, stone salt, salt springs, or any other the like, within this jurisdiction ; and shall set up any work for' the digging, washing and melting, or any other operation about the said mines or minerals, as the nature thereof requireth ; that then the said John Winthrop, Esquire, his heirs, as- ' sOciates, partners or assigns, shall enjoy forever, said mines, with the lands, wood, timber and water, within two or three miles of said mines, for the necessary carrying on of the works, and maintaining of the workmen, and pro vision of coal for the same : provided it be not within the bounds of any town already settled, or any particular per son's property ; and provided it be not in, or bordering upon any place, that shall, or may, by the court, be judg ed fit to make a plantation of." Though the eastern and middle parts of Norwalk had gettja, been purchased more than ten years, yet there had been ment of only a few scattering inhabitants within its limits. But Norwalk, the last year, upon the petition of Nathan Ely and Rich ard Olmstead, the court gave liberty for its settlement, and ordained that it should be a town by the name of Norwalk. The western part of it was purchased on the 15 th of Feb ruary. The inhabitants, at this time, consisted of about twenty families. About four years after, the general court vested them with town privileges. The situation of the place is very agreeable ; the harbor is pleasant and safe, and the lands rich, yielding plenteously. The air is un commonly healthful and salubrious.* * From the first settlement of the town, to 1732, a term of more than 30 years, there was no general sickness, except tbe measles, in the town. From 1715, to 1719, there died in that large town, twelve persons only. Out of one train band, consisting of a hundred men, there died-hotone per son, from 171§, to 1730, during theteriaof fourteen years. Mis. Han-. 196 HISTORY OF Chap.X. Book I. The settlement of Mattabeseck commenced about the v^-^- The commencement of hostilities, the last year, between England and, Holland, the perfidious management of the Dutch governor, with apprehensions of the rising of th§ Indians, spread a general alarm through the colony, * Records ofthe united colonies. A 2 202 HISTORY OF Chap. X. Book I. The assembly convened on the 30th of June, and adopt- ^-^-v'-s-' ed several measures for the common safety. Orders were 1652. given, that the cannon at Saybrook should be well mount- June 30th. ed on carriages ; that the fort should be supplied with am munition; and that the inhabitants, who were scattered abroad, should collect their families into it, and hold them selves jn the best state of readiness for their common de fence.- Indians re- The Indians in the vicinity of the several plantations, quired to within the colony, were required to give testimony of their thlirams friendship and fidelity to the English', by delivering up their April, ' arms to the governor and magistrates. Those who refu- 1653. sed^ were to be considered as enemies. Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor, made no satisfaction for past injuries ; but added new insults and grievances to those which were past. He again revived the claims which he had renounced at Hartford ; and though he re strained the Dutch from open hostility, yet he used all his arts with the Indiansto engage them to massacre the Eng lish colonists. A discovery was made in March, that he was confede rate with the Indians, in a plot for the extirpation of the April 19th, English colonies. An extraordinary meeting of the com- commis- missioners was called upon the occasion. It consisted of mtet.a Governor Endicott, Mr. William Hawthorne, William Brad ford, Esq'r. Mr. John Brown, Mr. Ludlow, Captain Cul- lick, Governor Eaton, and Captain John AstWood. Gov. Endicott was chosen president. Upon a close attention to the reports which had been spread, and a critical examination of the evidence, all the commissioners, except those of the Massachusetts, were of the opinion, that there had been a horrid and execrable Plot of the plot, concerted by the Dutch governor and the Indians, Dutch and for fae destruction of the English colonies, Ninigrate, it Indians. -it, , • i-iirfi-i • , appeared, bad spent the Winter at the Manhadoes, with Stuyvesant, on the business* He had been over Hudson's river, among the western Indians ; procured a meeting of lhe sachems ; made- ample declarations against the Eng lish ; and solicited their aid against tbe colonies. He was brought back in the spring, in a Dutch stoop, with arms Evidence and ammunition from the Dutch governor. The Indians, Pf '*• for some hundreds of miles, appeared to be disaffected and hostile. Tribes, which before had been always friendly to the English, became inimical ; and the Indians boasted, that they were to have goods from the Dutch, at half the price for which the English sold them, and powder as plen ty as the sand. The Long-Island Indians testified to the Chap. X. CONNECTICUT. 203 plot. Nine sachems, who lived in the vicinity of the Dutch, Book I. sent their united testimony to Stamford, " that the Dutch v^-v^ governor had solicited them, by promising them guns, povv- 1653. der, swords, wampum, coats, and waistcoats, to cut off the March 17. English." The messengers who were sent, declared, " they were as the mouth of the nine sagamores who aU spake, they would not lie." One of the nine sachems, afterwards, came to Stamford, with other Indians, and tes tified the same. The plot was confessed by a Wampeag and a Narraganset Indian, and was confirmed by Indian testimonies from all quarters.* It was expected, that a Dutch fleet would arrive, and that the Dutch and Indians would unite in the destruction of the English plantations. It was rumoured, that the time for the massacre was fixed upon the day of the public election, when the freemen would be generally from home. The country was exceedingly alarmed ; especially Con- Alarm and necticut and New-Haven. They were greatly hindered in t^'coTo-* their ploughing, sowing, planting, and in all their affairs. nies. They were worn down with constant watching and guard ing, and put to great expense for the common safety. Six of the commissioners were satisfied, that they had just grounds of war with the Dutch. They drew up a general declaration of their grievances, for the satisfaction of the people. They also stated the evidence they had of the conspiracy, which they supposed was then in hand. They determined, nevertheless, before they commenced hostilities against the Putch, to acquaint the governor with the discovery which they had made, and to give him an op portunity of answering for himself. In the mean time letters arrived from the Du(ch govern or, in which he appeared, with great confidence, absolute ly to deny the plot which had been charged upon him. He offered to go or send to Boston to clear his innocence ; or desired that some persons might be deputed and sent to the Manhadoes, to examine the charges and receive his an swers. Other letters arrived at the same time confirming the evidence of tlie conspiracy, and representing, that the Indians were hastened to carry it into execution. The commissioners determined to send agents to the gov- Agents ernor ; and with the utmost dispatch made choice of Fran- J?"^)^" eis Newman, one of the magistrates of New-Haven, cap-£)ut°h tain John Leveret, afterwards governor of Massachusetts, governo!-, and Mr. William Davis. They vested them with plenary powers to examine, the whole affair, and to receive tlie governor's answer, according to his own proposals, » Records ofthe united colonies. 264 HISTORY OF Chap. X, 1653. Letters to him and his coun cil. Troops to be raised. Book I. Stuyvesant, in his letters, pretended to express his ad- v^-nt-x^ miration, that the English should give credit to Indian tes timony. The commissioners, therefore, in their reply, charged him with making use of heathen testimony against New-Haven ; and observed, that Kieft, his predecessor, had used Indian testimonies against the English in a strange manner, in a case of treason, and life or death. They also acquainted him with the bloody use which the Dutch governor and his council had made of the confession of the Japanese, against captain Towerson and the English chris tians at Amboyna, though it was extorted by torture. They wrote to Monsieur Montague and captain New ton, who were of the Dutch governor's council, that his protestations of innocence gave them no satisfaction. They charged the fiscal,* as well as the governor, with the plot. They stated their grievances, demanded satisfaction for past injuries, and security for the future. While their agents were employed at the Manhadoes, they determined on the number of men to be raised, in case of a war, For the first expedition they resolved to send out five hundred ; and appointed captain Leveret to the chief command. They also determined, that, should they engage in war with the Dutch, the commissioners of the united colonies should meet at New-Haven, to give all necessary directions respecting the expedition, and to or der the war in general. The Dutch Notwithstanding the fair proposals which governor Stuy vesant had made, he would submit to no examination, by the agents, any further than a committee of his own ap pointing should consent. Two ofthe committee were per sons who had been complained of for misdemeanors, at Hartford ; and one of them had been laid under bonds for his crimes. The agents conceived, that the very proposal of such persons as a committee was a high affront to them, to the united colonies, and to the English nation. Be sides, the Dutch governor would not suffer the witnesses to speak unless they were previously laid under such res traints as would prevent all benefit from their evidence. The agents not only objected to the committee, and de clined all connection with them, but remonstrated against the restraints proposed to be laid on the witnesses. Find ing that nothing could be effected with respect to the de sign of their agency, they, in a spirited manner, demanded satisfaction for insults and injuries past, and security a-' gainst future abuse, and took leave ofthe Manhadoes. As they returned, they took various testimonies respect: f Tbzd is, the treasurer. governor avoids ex t«)n Chap. X. CONNECTICUT. 205 ing the plot ; some from the Indians, and others from the Book I. English, sworn before proper authority. Before their re- v^-v~*^ turn, the commissioners were dispersed, and the general 1653. elections were finished. The courts at Connecticut and Agent* New-Haven voted tbeir respective quotas of men, appoint- retutn- ed their officers, and gave orders, lhat all necessary prepa- tions should be made for the designed expedition. On the election at Hartford, the former officers were ^^8s"0f rechosen. The time of election, at New-Haven, had been >eW-Ha- changed from October to May 5 and this year was on the ven. 25 th ofthe month. The governors were the same as they Jiad been for several years, Eaton and Goodyear. The magistrates were, Mr. William Fowler, Mr. John Ast- wood, William Leet, Esquire, Mr. Joshua Atwater, and Mr. Francis Newman. Mr. Atwater was treasurer, and Mr. Newman secretary. Immediately, on the return of the agents, from the Man- Commfe- hadoes, the general court of Massachusetts summoned an- «tonbra other extraordinary meeting of the commissioners, at Bos- j^in. ton, about the last of May. The commissioners were all the same who composed the last meeting, except Mr. Brad street in the room of governor Endicott, who was obliged to attend the general court. The agents made report of the treatment which they had Agent* received from the Dutch, and of such evidence as they had make re taken of the plot on their return. The commissioners were port* also certified, that the Indians, on Long-Island, had charg ed the fiscal with the plot ; and that captain Underhill, having reported what the Indians declared, was seized and carried by a guard of soldiers, from Flushing to the Man hadoes, where he was confined by the fiscal, until what he had reported, was affirmed to his face : then he was dis missed, without trial, and all his charges borne. No soon er had the agents taken their departure from the Manha does, than the captain, because he had been active in ex hibiting the evidence of the Dutch and Indian conspiracy, notwithstanding all the important services he had rendered the Dutch, was ordered to depart. The commissioners re ceived a letter from him, May 24th, representing the ex treme danger in which he and all the English were, as suring them, that as necessity had no law, he had, like Jep- tha, put his life in his hand, to save English blood ; and that he was waiting their orders, with loyalty to them and the parliament, to vindicate the rights of the nation. The Dutch demanded, that all the English among them should take an oath of fidelity to them. This, in case of war, might have induced them to fight against their own nation.. 206 HISTORY OF Chap. X. Book I. The people of Hampstead, at the same time, represented v^-v-*^ that they were in /he utmost danger, and wrote, in the 1653. Inos,; pressing manner, for armsand ammunition, to defend themselves. Letters were also sent from Connecticut and New-Haven, with intelligence, that the Dutch governor, by presents of wampum, coats, and other articles, was excit ing the Mohawks, and various Indian tribes, to rise and at tack the English, both on Long-Island, and on the main. A long letter from the Dutch governor was also receive ed, in which, in general terms, he excused himself relative to the plot ; but he gave no encouragement of the least satisfaction, in a single instance; or that the colonies should be more safe from injury and insult, for the future. Indeed, he still insulted them, renewing the claims, both to Connecticut and New-Haven, which he had given up at Hartford, The com- All the commissioners, excepting Mr. Bradstreet, voted areSforerS ^or war against ^e Dutch. He was under the influence of waJ,. the general court of Massachusetts, who were using all their arts to oppose the commissioners, and prevent open hostility. The commissioners, however, so strenuously urged the justice and necessity of an immediate war with the Dutch, and so spiritedly remonstrated against the con duct ofthe court, as violaters ofthe articles of union, that they appointed a committee of conference with them. They desired, that a statement of the case might be made, and the advice of the elders taken on the subject. The com mittee of the court were major Denison and captain Lev eret. The commissioners replied, that their former declara tion, their letter to the Dutch governor, and the evidence before them, afforded clear and sufficient light in the af fair; Nevertheless, they appointed captain Hawthorne* Mr. Bradford, and governor Eaton, a committee to confer with the gentlemen appointed by the court. Governor Eaton drew a state of the case, in behalf of the committee of the commissioners. The committee from the general court would not consent to it, but drew a statement of their own. Under the influence of the general court, and the different representation which their committee had made, the elders gave their opinion : Advice of " That the proofs and presumptions of the execrable plot, the elders, tending to the destruction of so many of the dear saints of God, imputed to the Dutch governor and the fiscal, were of such weight as to induce them to believe the reality of it; yet they were not so fully conclusive, as to clear up a present proceeding to war before the world ; and to bear Chap. X. CONNECTICUT. 207 up their hearts with that fulness of persuasion, which was Book I. meet in commending the case to God, in prayer, and tov^-v-*-' the people in exhortations ; and that it would be safest for 1653. the colonies to forbear the use of the sword ; but advised to be in a posture of defence, and readiness for action, un til the fnind of Gop should be more clearly known, either for a more settled peace, or manifest grounds of war." It seems, that the affair was very partially referred to the ministers, whether the evidence of the plot was so clear as to warrant a war ; whereas, this was but one circum stance among many, which might render it just and ne cessary. These ought to have been considered, no less than the other. The deputies of the court concurred with the clergy. „ i ,u „ ,i . . . rtir Governor In the mean time, all the commissioners, except Mr. Eaton's Bradstreet, continued determined for war. Governor Ea- represen- ton insisted, that the Dutch had, for many years, during a *?ti?? °/. c ,.• ,'.,.. tJ J j, ... a j. the Dutch succession ot governors, multiplied injuries and hostile at- eon(juct. fronts, with treachery and falsehood, against the English, to their very great damage : That these injuries had been fully and repeatedly represented to the'm, and satisfaction demanded ; yet that nothing had been received in return, but dilatory, false, and offensive answers. He observed, that the governor and his associates had been formerly suspected and accused of instigating the Indians against the English ; and that now a treacherous and bloody plot had been discovered, and charged upon him and his fiscal, by more witnesses than could have been expected ; that by it the peace of the country had been disturbed, their own lives, the lives of their children, and all their connexions, had been in constant jeopardy : That though they had al lowed the Dutch governor a fair opportunity of clearing himself, of making satisfaction, and securing the colonies for the future ; yet that, by his conduct, he had increased the evidence of his guilt ; and that he had given the colo nies no security for their future peace and safety ; nor had they the least reason to expect them. He insisted, that the English, nnder the jurisdiction of the Dutch, were in the most immediate danger, not only from them, but the Indians, through their instigation; because they would not submit to an oath to join with them in fighting against their own nation. He urged, that the insolence, treachery, and bitter enmity, which the Dutch had manifested against the nation of England, and all the English abroad, as they had opportunity, were sufficient to assure them that, as soon as the States General should be able to send a small fleet to the Manhadoes, the colonies could not be safe, er- 208 HISTORY 0# 6hap. Xj Book I. ther in their persons or property, by land or sea. He fur- v-»-^-w ther insisted, that the state of the commonwealth of En- 1653. gland, and of the colonies, was such as called for war; and that, if either ofthe colonies should refuse to join init, against the common enemy, and if any of the plantations, through such refusal, should be destroyed, the guilt of such blood would lie upon them.* Mr. Norris ,' Some faithful people in the Massachusetts were entirely pleads for opposed to the conduct of their general court, and ventur- war- ed to express their opinion. The Rev. Mr. Norris, of Sa lem, sent a writing to the commissioners, representing the necessity of a war. He urged, that if the colonies, in their then present circumstances, should neglect to engage in it, it would be a declaration of their neutrality in the contest ; May 30. might be viewed in that light by the parliament;, and be of great and general disservice to their interests : That the spending of so much time in parlies and treaties, after all the injuries they had received, ^md while the enemy was insulting them, and fortifying against them, would make them contemptible among the Indians : That it was dis honoring God, in whom they professed to trust, and bring ing a scandal among themselves. He insisted that, as their brethren had sent their moan to them, and desired their assistance, if they should refuse, the curse of the angel of the Lord against Meroz would come upon them. This, he said, he presented in the name of many pensive hearts. t t But nothing could induce the Massachusetts to unite Dedara- ! w't'1 their brethren, in a war against the Dutch. The gen- tion ofthe eral court, in direct violation of- the articles of confederal general j tion, resolved, that no determination of the commissioners, M°sst-°f ¦ though ^y should all agree, should bind the general court chusetts. '• to join' in an offensive war, which should appear to such general court to be unjust. This declaration gave great uneasiness to the commissioners, and to the sister colo nies. Indeed, it nearly effected a dissolution of their un ion. The commissioners, finding that the Massachusetts would not submit to their determination, nor affordany assistance to her confederates, dissolved. Resolution In this important crisis, governor Haynes called a spe- of the gen- cial court, on the 25th of June. The court resolved, that atacon-r' the fears and distresses of the English, bordering upon the necticut. Dutch, and the damages which they had sustained, should June25tb. be forthwith represented to the magistrates in Massachu setts : That the opinion ofthe court, respecting the power * Records of the united colonies. t Records of the united colonies, Chap. X. CONNECTICUT. 209 of the commissioners to make war, and the reasons of their Book L opinion, should be communicated. They also determined, v**-v--n^ that their messengers should humbly pray, that war might 1653. be carried on against the Dutch, according to the deter mination of the commissioners. The messengers were in structed, to use their influence, that three magistrates might have power to call a meeting of the commissioners, at Hartford or New-Haven, to conduct the affairs of the war, as occasion might require. If this could not be obtained they were to desire that liberty might be given to enlist volunteers, in tlie Massachusetts, for the defence of the colonies. Governor Haynes and Mr. Ludlow, were appointed to confer confer with governor Eaton and his council on the sub- with New^ ject. The court at New-Haven were no less clear and Haven> unanimous, in the opinion of the power of the commission ers to declare war and make peace, than the general court at Connecticut ; and that all the colonies were absolutely bound by their determination. Both colonies united in sending the messengers, and in the purport of their mes sage. But nothing more could be obtained, than the cal ling of another meeting of the commissioners, at Boston. They met on the 1 1 th of September. The resolutions Commis- of the general courts of Connecticut and New-Haven were sioners produced, expressing their entire approbation of the deter- g^tNifl, mination of the commissioners, and remonstrating against the declaration of the general court of Massachusetts, and the sense which they had put on the articles of confedera tion. The general court of Massachusetts returned an answer to this effect : that since their brethren of the other colo nies had apprehensions different from theirs, they judged it might conduce most to peace to wave the point in contro versy. At the same time, they intimated they had no oc casion to answer them. The commissioners refused to accept this as an answer. Reject the- They insisted, that they had ample powers, from all the answer of other colonies, to determine, in all affairs of peace and the genera} war ; and that this was consistent with the grammatical, jyiassa_ and true sense of the articles of confederation. They in-chusetts. sisted, that it was totally inconsistent, not only with the Alterca- articles of union, but with the welfare of the colonies, tions be* that they should be at so much expense and trouble, to *j^ meet and deliberate on the general interests of the confed erates, if their determinations were to be annulled by one court and another. The general court, on their part, insisted, that the deter- B2 21* HISTORY OF Chap, X, Book I. minations of the commissioners, could not bind them to a v^-v~^ war which they could not see to be just ;- and that it was 1 653. inconsistent with the liberties of the colonies, that their de cisions should compel them lo action. The commissioners replied, that no power could bind men to do that which was absolutely unlawful ; but that their authority was as absolute, with respect to war and peace, as any authority could be ; and that it was their province only to judge of the justice of the cause. They maintained, that it could be no infringement of the rights of the colonies, to be bound by the acts of their own agents, vested with plenary powers for those very acts. They re presented the religious and solemn manner in which the confederation was made ; that, by its express words, it was- a perpetual league for them and their posterity, in which their eight commissioners, or any six of them, should have full power to determine all affairs of war and peace, leagues, aids, &c : That every article had been examined, not only by a committee of the four general courts, but by the whole court of Massachusetts, at the time when it was completed : That many prayers were addressed to heaven for its accomplishment, while it was under consideration ^ and that the carrying of it into execution, had been an oc casion of abundant thanksgiving. They said, that after practising upon it for ten years, the colonies had experi enced the most salutary effects, to the great and general advantage of all the confederates. In these views, they insisted, that the violation of it would be matter of great sin in the presence of God, and of scandal before men. They referred it to the serious consideration of the general court, whether they would not, in his' sight who knew all hearts, be guilty of this sin and scandal ? The general court earnestly requested, that they would drrtp the dispute, and enter upon business. Their com missioners also pressed the same. But, with a spirit of magnanimity and firmness, becoming their character, they utterly refused ; determining, to a man, after drawing a re monstrance against the Massachusetts, to return to their respective colonies, and leave the event with the supreme ruler. No sooiier had the general court intelligence of what was transacting, than they dispatched a writing to the com missioners, apparently retracting all which theyhad before advanced in opposition to them. It was, however, expres sed artfully in doubtful language. Upon the reception of this, they proceeded to business. Ninigrate, eVer since the Pequot war, had been the Chap.X. CONNECTICUT. 211 common pest of the colonies. He had violated all his Book I, contracts with them ; had fallen on the Long-Island In- v_»r-vw aid attention to family government, instruction, and re- igion. His great integrity, and wise management of all affairs, in private and public, so raised and fixed his char acter, in the esteem of the people, that they always, when the constitution would permit, placed him in the chief seat of government, and continued him in it until his death.* * The governor, by two wives, had eight children ; five sons and three daughters. By his first, he had Robert, Hezekiah, John, Roger, and Ma ry ; and by his second, Joseph, Ruth, and Mabel. When he came into New-England, he left his sons, Robert and Hezekiah, and his daughter Mary, at Copford Hall. Upon the commencement of the civil wars in England, Robert espoused the royal cause ; but Hezekiah, declaring for the parliament, was, afterwards, promoted to the rank of major-general, under Cromwell. Upon the ruin of the king's affairs, Robert was put un der confinement, and died without issue. Hezekiah enjoyed Copford Hall, under his father, until his decease. He then possessed it as a paternal in heritance, and it descended to his heirs. John and Roger, who came into this country with their father, some time before his death returned to Eng land. Roger died on his passage, or soon after his arrival. John settled in the ministry, at or near Colchester, in the county of Essex, in England^ Chap. XL CONNECTICUT^ 2i? Mr. Hopkins was in England, and the colony had neither Book I. fovernor nor deputy governor present, to act in its behalf. s^-v~^/ 'he freemen, therefore, in February, convened at Hartford, 1654. and elected Mr. Thomas Wells moderator of the general Feb. 16th. Court, until a governor should be chosen. About this time, there happened a great controversy Contro'ver* fcetween Uncas and the inhabitants of New-London, rela- SJ ^til tive to their respective limits. It seems that the inhabit- Unea9, ants carried the dispute' so far, as to rise and take posses sion of his forts and many of his wigwams. The assembly interposed, and gave orders, that the Indians should not be injured, and that the people should be accountable for all damages which they had done them. A committee was March lst» appointed to fix the boundaries between New-London and Uncas, and to compose all differences between the parties. Nearly at the same time,' the colony received an order order of from the parliament, requiring that the Dutch should be parlia- treated, in all respects, as the declared enemies of the ment- commonwealth of England. In conformity to this order, Sequestra- the general court was convened, and an act passed seques- ti°n ofthe tering the Dutch house, lands, and property of all kinds, ^0*0ehat at Hartford, for the benefit of the commonwealth ; and the Hartford, Court, also, prohibited all persons whatsoever from impro- April 6tl$ ving the premises, by virtue of any former claim, or title, had, made, or given, by any of the Dutch nation, or any other person, Without their approbation* ./ In the proclamation for a general fast, this spring, the great breach made in the colony, by the death of the gov ernor ; the alienation of the colonies, on account of the violation of the articles of confederation ; the spreading of erroneous opinions in the churches ; the mortality which had been among, the people of Massachusetts ;. and the ca lamitous state of the English nation ; were particularized as matters of humiliation. The colony was, this year, deprived of Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Lud- One of its chief magistrates. He was one of the most zeal- low leaves OUs for prosecuting the war against the Dutch, and no man t ie co ony" was more displeased, that the colonies did not follow the determinations of the commissioners. He might appre- Reasons - prehensions of trouble on that account, or, at least, that the freemen would neglect him. For some, or all of these reasons, about this time, he removed with his family to Virginia.* He was clerk of the town of Fairfield, and car ried off their records, and other public writings. He came from the west of England, with Mr. Warham and his com pany. In 1630, he was chosen into the magistracy ofthe Massachusetts company ; and in 1634, deputy governor of that colony. He was twice elected deputy governor of Connecticut, and was every year magistrate or deputy governor, from his first coming into the colony, in 16357, until the time of his departure. He appears to have been distinguished for his abilities, especially his knowledge of the law, and the rights of mankind. He rendered most essential services to this commonwealth J was a principal in forming its original civil constitution, and the compiler of the first Connecticut code, printed at Cambridge, in 1672. For. jurisprudence, he appears to have been second to none who came into New-England at that time. Had he possessed a happier temper, he would, probably, have been the idol of the people, and shared in all the honours which they could have given him. Nearly at the same time, an affair happened, in which the people of Milford exhibited a noble spirit of zeal and enterprise. One captain Manning, master of a ten gun ship, had been apprehended for an unlawful trade with the Dutch, at the Manhadoes. While the affair was upon trial before the court at New-Haven, his men ran off with the ship from Milford harbour. The people completely arm ed and manned a vessel, with so much dispatch,' that they pressed hard Upon the ship before she could' reach the Dutch island. The men, perceiving they must be taken, Unless they immediately abandoned the ship, made their escape in their boat. The ship, thus left adrift, was re covered, and brought into Milford harbour, and, with all her goods, condemned as a lawful prize. At the general election, Mr. Hopkins, though itt Eng land, was chosen governor. Mr. Wells was appointed ' deputy governor. Mr. Webster, Mr. Mason, Mr. Win throp, Mr. Cullick, Mr. Wolcott, Mr. Clark, Mr. Wyllys, son of George Wyllys, and Mr. John Talcott, were elected magistrates* Mr. Cullick" was secretary, and Mr. Talcott treasurer. * By the records of New-Haven, it appears, that he Was shipping hi* (family and effects on the 26th of April. Chap. XL CONNECTICUT. 210 At this court, the freemen passed the following r.esolu- Book I, tion, as an addition to the fundamentals of their constitu- v-*^^**/ tion : — " That the major part of the magistrates, in the ab- 1654, sence of the governor and deputy governor, shall have Addition power to call a general court ; and that any general court, '° the fun" being legally called and met, the major part of the magis- art™^^ trates and deputies then met, in the absence of the gover nor and deputy governor, shall have power to choose un to, and from among themselves, a moderator, which being •done, they shall be deemed as legal a general court, as if the governor, or deputy governor were present." At the election in New-Haven, the only alteration inMay3l? public officers, was the addition of Mr, Samuel Eaton, of^tle^'°" New-Haven, to the magistrates, and the choice of Mr. Ben- Haven. jamin Fenn, in the room of captain John Astwood. About the same time, in answer to the petitions of Con necticut and New-Haven, major Sedgwick and captain Leveret arrived at Boston, with a fleet of three or four ships, and a small number of land forces, sent by Oliver Cromwell, lord protector, for the reduction of the Dutch. On the 8th of June, governor Eaton received a letter from his highness, certifying, that he had sent ships and ammu nition for the assistance of the colonies. With this came a letter from major Sedgwick and captain Leveret, request ing,, that commissioners might be sent immediately from each of the governments, to consult with them on the ob jects of the designed expedition. Mr. William Leet and Mr. Jordan were appointed commissioners forJune9fll' New-Haven. They were authorised to engage, in behalf of that jurisdiction, to furnish all the men and provisions which it could spare* An embargo was laid on all pro visions, and every measure adopted, that the utmost assist ance might be given, in the enterprise. Such was the zeal '; of the general court, that they instructed their commission ers to engage the assistance of that colony, though no other, except Connecticut, should join with them. On the 13th of June, the general court of Connecticut June 13tfa, convened, at Hartford, and appointed major John Mason r \ and Mr. Cullick commissioners, They were directed to proceed with the utmost dispatch tp Boston ; and, in be half of Connecticut, to engage any number of men, not ex ceeding two hundred, but rather than the expedition should fail, four or five hundred. The general court of Massachusetts was convoked on the 9th of June, but did not agree to raise any men them selves. They granted liberty, nevertheless, for major Sedgwick ana captain Leveret to raise five hundred vol-. 220 HISTORY OF Chap. XL Book I. unteers. The commissioners finally agreed upon 800 men, ¦^-v*-^ as sufficient for the enterprise. The ships were to furnish 1654. two hundred soldiers ; three hundred volunteers were to be raised in Massachusetts ; two hundred men were to be Sent from Connecticut ; and a hundred and thirty three from New-Haven. But while preparations were making with vigor and dispatch, the news of peace, between Eng land and Holland, prevented all further proceedings rela tive to the affair. The total defeat of the Dutch fleet, the loss of admiral Tromp and a great number of their merchantmen, made the Dutch in earnest for peace ; and it was expeditiously concluded, on the 5th of April, The news of it arrived in America, almost as soon as the fleet. The commander in chief therefore employed his forces, with the Massachu setts volunteers, in dispossessing the French from Penob scot, St. John's, and the adjacent coast. This was doubt less one object of the expedition, and not undertaken with out orders from the protector. ~( < Transae- It was not expected, that there would have been any tlons. r"7 meeting of the commissioners this year. Massachusetts confede- had violated the articles of union, and the colonies had pro ration, tested against them, as breakers of the most solemn con federation. The general court of Massachusetts had also. represented, to the other colonies, that the articles needed explanation and emendation, that they might be consistent with the rights of the several general courts. Indeed, it had proposed a meeting ofthe commissioners for that pur pose. The other colonies viewed the articles as perfectly intelligible, and consistent with th^rights ofthe confede-; rates. "They therefore rejected the motion. The genera] court of New-Haven had voted, that there was no occasion for appointing commissioners that year. But on the 5th of July, governor Eaton received a let ter from the general court of the Massachusetss, waving an answer to the letter jointly written from the general courts of Connecticut and New-Haven, and lamely excusing their ? non-compliance with the resolution of the commissioners, pn the account of their not being able to apprehend the jus tice of the war with the Dutch and Ninigrate. They complained of the other colonies, for treating them as vio lators of the confederacy. They professed themselves to be passionately desirous of its continuance, according to the genuine construction of the articles. They gave in formation, that they had chosen commissioners, and had determined to empower them as had been usual. The general court, at New-Haven, replied, that they and Chap. XL CONNECTICUT. 221 the other colonies had justly charged them with a violation Book I. of their covenant, and urged, that, according to their own \^-v-v^ interpretation ofthe articles, they stood responsible to them 1 654. for the infraction ; and that, according to the eleventh ar ticle of the confederation, they were to be treated by them according to the magnitude of their fault. They observ ed, that her sister colonies had not only condemned their conduct, but had sent messengers and taken proper pains to inform them, and adjust the difference between them ; but that they had treated them in a very disagreeable man ner, and their endeavours had been to- no good purpose. They declared, nevertheless, that, if the combination might be again firmly settled, according to the original intention and grammatical sense of the articles, they would, without further satisfaction, forgetting what was past, cheerfully re new their covenant, and send their commissioners to meet, at any time and place, for that end. This was subscribed by the secretary, and sent to Hartford, to be subscribed by the general court of Connecticut ; and to be transmitted, in, the name of each of the colonies, to the Massachusetts. This, it seems, was harmoniously clone. As the general court of the Massachusetts would not join Ninigrate With her confederates, against Ninigrate, he prosecuted the continues war against the Long-Island Indians, and it was supposed, os e' that his design was to destroy, both those Indians and the Moheagans. For this purpose he had hired the Mohawks, Pocomtocks, and Wampanoags, afterwards called Philip's Indians, to assist him. By a collection of such numbers of Indians, from the westward, northward, and eastward, the general peace ofthe country would haVe been greatly en dangered, and the Long-Island Indians, vvhohad put them selves under the protection of the English, exposed to a to tal extirpation. They had been obliged, not only to fortify themselves, and to use every precaution for their own de fence, but to suffer the loss of fflany of their people, who had been already either slain or captivated. The deputy governor, and council, of Connecticut, judg- Connect ed it an affair of such importance, to defend their allies, cut and and provide for their Own safety, that they determined to „ e„w" „?" t -i ¦ -** • i - • • 1 i _ ven send dispatch major Mason, with ammunition, and a number of aid to men, to the assistance of the Indians upon the Island. Montau- The deputy governor and Mr. Clark acquainted governor jj?* '""' Eaton with their views and determination, and desired that the colony of New-Haven would send lieutenant Seely, with a detachment of men, and with Supplies of ammuni tion, to second their design. The court of New-Haven .poinplied with the desire of Connecticut. Lieutenant See? 222 HISTORY OF Chap. XL -Commis sioners meet, Sep tember 7. Send mes sengers to Ninigrate. His an swer. ly had orders to join major Mason at Saybrook. They were instructed to acquaint the Montauket Indians, that the colonies made them that present of ammunition, wholly for their own defence, and not to enable them to injure Ninigrate, or any other Indians, unless they should make an attack upon them : and that, while they continued faith ful to the English, they would be their friends. It was or dered that, if Ninigrate should invade the Long-Island In dians, the English officers should use their endeavours to persuade them to peace, and to refer their differences to the decision of the commissioners. But if he would fight, they were commanded to defend themselves, and the In dians in alliance with the colonies, in the best manner they could.* In September, the commissioners convened at Hartford. They consisted of the following gentlemen, Mr. Simon Bradstreet, Major Denison, Mr. Thomas Prince, Mr. John Brown, major Mason, Mr. John Webster, governor Eaton, and Mr. Francis Newman. Governor Eaton was chosen • president'. They immediately dispatched messengers to Ninigrate, demanding his appearance at Hartford, and the payment of the tribute so long due for the Pequots under him. On the 18th, Mr. Jonathan Gilbert returned, and made a report of Ninigrate's answer, in the words follow ing: "Concerning the Long-Island Indians, he answered, wherefore should he acquaint the commissioners, as the Long-Island Indians began with him, and had slain a sa chem's son, and sixty of his men ; and therefore he will not make peace with the Long-Islanders ; but doth desire that the English will let him alone ; and that the commis sioners would not request him to go to Hartford ; for he hath done no hurt. What should he do there ? If our gov ernor's son were slain, and several other men, would you ask counsel of another nation, how and when to right your selves 1 And added, that he would neither go nor send to Hartford. Concerning the upland Indians, t his answer was, that they were his friends, and came to help him against the Long-Islanders, who had killed several of his men. Wherefore should he acquaint the commissioners of it ? He did but right his own quarrel, which the Long-Isl anders began with him." With respect to the tribute due for the Pequots, though he had never paid it, yet he pre tended there was none due. The commissioners, considering his perfidious conducj, * Records of Connecticut and New-Haven. t Thus he called the Pocomtocks and Wampanoa^s. »HAP, Xl. CONNECTICUT. 223 the last year, his present answer, and that lenity and for- Book I. bearance had been an encouragement, of his insolence and \-^-v->^ barbarity, ordered forty horsemen, and two hundred and 1654. seventy infantry to be raised, to chastise his haughtiness. Commis- The Massachusetts were to raise the forty horsemen, and ™ne.rs de" a hundred and fifty-three footmen ; Connecticut forty-five, u^'war and New-Haven thirty-one. Orders were given, that with Nini- twenty horse, from Massachusetts, twenty-four men from grate- Connecticut, and sixteen from New-Haven, should be im mediately dispatched into the Nehantick country. The commissioners nominated major Gibbons, major Denison, or captain Atherton, to the chief command ; leaving it, in complaisance, to the general court of Massachusetts, to ap point which of the three should be most agreeable to them. But rejecting these, who were men of known spirit and enterprise, they appointed major Willard. The commis sioners instructed" him to proceed with such troops, as Massa- should be found at the place of general rendezvous, by the chusetts 13th of October, directly to Ninigrate's quarters, and de-^?u™^or mand of him the Pequots, who had been put under him, defeat and the tribute which was due. If Ninigrate should not their de^ deliver them, and pay the tribute, he was required to take si£n- them by force. He was instructed to demand of Ninigrate, a cessation from all further hostilities against the Long-Isl anders. If he would not comply with these demands, he had express orders to subdue him. If a greater number of men should be found necessary, his instructions were to send for such a number, as he should judge sufficient to carry the expedition into effect. The place of rendezvous was at Thomas Stanton's, in the Narraganset country. When he arrived at the place appointed, he found that Ni nigrate had fled into a swamp, at fourteen or fifteen miles distance from the army. He had left his country, corrty and wigwams, without defence, and they might have been laid waste, without loss or danger. Nevertheless, he re turned, without ever advancing from his head quarters, or doing the enemy the least damage. About a hundred Pequots took this opportunity to re nounce the government of Ninigrate, and come off with the army. They put themselves under the protection and government of the English. The commander pleaded, in excuse, that his instructions commis- were equivocal, and the season for marching unfavorable, sioners dis- The commissioners, however, were entirely unsatisfied, satisfied. They observed to him, " That, while the army was in the Narraganset country, Ninigrate had his mouth in the dust ; Av.i that he would have submitted to any reasonable terms; 224 HISTORY OF Chap. XL Book I. which might have been imposed upon him." They char- wv ged the major wifh neglecting an opportunity of humbling 1655. his pride; and they referred it to his consideration, what Charge satisfaction ought to be expected from him, and those of inajor wif. jjjg councii ^q advised and joined with him in his mea- lard with % ' J neglect of sures- d»ty. Governor Hutchinson has observed, that major Willard was a Massachusetts man, andalthough that colony had so far complied with the rest, as to join in sending out the for ces, yet they were still desirous of avoiding an open war. This was the second time of their preventing a general war, contrary to the minds * of six of the commissioners of the other colonies. t The general court of Massachusetts had receded from their explanation of the articles of confederation, and the commissioners had a most amicable meeting. They were unanimous in the war against Ninigrate, and yet the Massa chusetts, by private intrigue, defeated their designs.- In which instance they acted the most honorable and consis tent part, when, by an open infraction ofthe articles of un ion, they prevented a war, or when they supplanted their brethren, by secret treachery, the impartial world will judge. The whole number of rateable persons, in the colony of Connecticut this year, was 775, and the grand list was 79,073 pounds.^ Upon the election at Hartford, Thomas Wells, Esq'r. was chosen governor, and Mr. John Webster, deputy-gov- Election, ernor. The magistrates elected were, Mr. Hopkins, Mr. May 17th. Mason, Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Wolcott, Mr. Cullick, Mr. Clark, Mr. Wyllys, Mr. Talcott, Mr. JohnCosmore, and Mr. Thomas Tapping. Mr. Cullick Was secretary, and Mr. Talcott treasurer. At the general election in New-Haven, this year, there was no alteration of their officers. * Records of the united colonies. + Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 186, 187. X By the number of persons, and the amount of the lists in each town^ an idea may be formed of their proportion to each other. Estates. £ 19,609 15,83312,602 8,634 4,4377,958 S,5I9 2,172 2,309 S75 59,073 Towns. Persons. Hartford, 177 Windsor, 165 Weathersfield, 113 Fairfield, 94 Saybrook, 53 Stratford, 72 Farmington, 46 Middletown, 31 Norwalk, 24 Chap. XI. CONNECTICUT. m The Pequots persevering, in their petitions, to be taken Book I. tinder the protection and government of the English, the v^"v*-' commissioners, this year, granted their request. Places 1655. of residence were afterwards appointed -for them, by theThePe" general court of Connecticut, about Pawcatuck and Mis- kenunder tic rivers. They were allowed to hunt on the lands west the gov- of the latter. They were collected together in these two eminent places, and an Indian governor was appointed over themg J?sll, in each place. General laws were made for their govern ment. Blasphemy, murder, witchcraft, and conspiracy a- kaws for gainst the colonies, were prohibited upon pain of death. their s°.v" Sabbath-breaking, adultery, and drunkenness, were pro hibited under proper penalties. He who stole was requir ed, on conviction, to pay double damages. They were prohibited to make war with other Indians, or to join with them in their wars, unless it were in their own just defence, without the consent of the commissioners of the united col onies. They were obliged to submit to the Indian gov ernors, whom they should appoint over them, and pay them the same tribute which they had stipulated to pay to the English.* After the return of major Willard and the troops under Emigrate his command, from the Narraganset country, Ninigrate as- f^^* sumed his former haughtiness, and continued the war a- against the gainst the Indians upon Long-Island. Mr. Thomas James, Long-lsl- minister of Easthampton, captain Tapping of Southamp- anders- ton, captain Underhill and others, wrote to the commis sioners, that both the English and Indians on the Island were in a calamitous and distracted condition ; and in im minent danger, on the account pf his constant hostilities. They assured them, that the Indians, upon the Island, could not hold out much longer, but must submit them selves and their country to the Narragansets, unless they .should have some speedy assistance. They intreated them to consult some effectual measures to prevent such calamity* , In consequence of this intelligence, they ordered, that a {j,®?^; vessel, well armed and manned, should lie in the road be- fenCe, tween Neanticut-and the Island, to watch the motions of Ninigrate 5 and, if he should attempt to pass the sound, to stave and destroy his canoes, and to make all the slaugh ter and destruction upon him, which should be in their pow- «r< Captain John Youngs was appointed to command this vessel of observation. He was authorised to draught men from" Saybrook and New-London, as emergencies might require. An encouraging message was sent to the * Records-bf the eolon'ws. v D3 228 HISTORY OF Chap. X3. * Book I. Montauket sachem, acquainting him with the measures the v^-*~w English were taking for his defence. The commissioners 1655. sent him a supply of ammunition. Provision was also made, that South and East-Hampton, with all the adjacent towns, should be completely furnished with all articles ne cessary for war. Orders were given, that if the Indians could not maintain their ground, in any assault, they should flee towards some of the neighbouring towns ; and that, if the enemy should pursue them within two miles of any of the settlements, the inhabitants should immediately repair to their assistance. Intelligence of these resolutions was dispatched to the Narragansets, as well as the Long-Isl anders. All the united colonies were exceedingly offended at the conduct of major Willard, except the Massachusetts, under whose influence he was supposed to acL The gene ral court at New-Haven, resolved, that he had not follow ed his instructions, in the expedition against Ninigrate ; but that they were willing to suspend their judgment, with respect to the measures to be taken with him, until, they should be certified of the opinions of the other confede rates. Whatever their opinions or wishes were, major Willard was safe under the wing of the Massachusetts ; and Connecticut and New-Haven had principally to bear the unhappy consequences of his perfidious conduct. They were obliged, the next year, at their own expense, to con tinue the commission of captaiu Youngs to cruise between the main and Long-Island, to prevent the designs of Nini grate. They also found it necessary to furnish both men and provisions, for the defence- of the Islanders. ¦Governor Governor Eaton had been desired to perfect a code of Eaton laws for the colony of New-Haven. For his assistance in compiles the compilation, he was requested, by the general court, New-Ha- t0 consult the Rev. Mr. Cotton's discourse on civil govern- ven. ment in a new plantation, and the laws of Massachusetts. Having accomplished the work, and the laws having been examined and approved, by the elders of the jurisdiction, tfftober they were presented to- the general court. They ordered, c^'rt'or- ^at 500 c&P'es should be printed. The copy was sent to Uertheuh England, that the impression might be made under the in to be spection of governor Hopkins. He procured the printing printed. 0f the iawS) at his own expense, and sent them the number proposed, with some other valuable books, as a present. The laws were distributed to the several towns in the juris diction. Reath of This year, died Henry Wolcott, Esq'r. in the 78th year Wolcott, of ^ age- He was the owner of a good estate in Somer- Esq, ' setshire, in England. His youth, it is said,, was spent in Chap. XT. CONNECTICUT. 227 gaiety :and country pastimes ; but afterwards, under the Boqk L instructions of Mr. Edward Elton, his mind was entirely v_^-v">^ changed, and turned to the sincere love and practice of 1655. religion. , As the puritans were then treated with great se- His char- verity, he sold about 8,000 pounds worth of estate in Eng- acter- land, and prepared for a removal into America. He came into New-England with Mr- Warham, in May, 1630, and settled first at Dorchester, in Massachusetjts. In 1636, he removed to Windsor, and was one of she principal planters of!that town. He was chosen into the magistracy in 1643, and continued in it until his death. He left ah estate in England, which rented at about sixty pounds a year, which the family, for some time, enjoyed ; but it was afterwards sold. After his decease, some one of his descendants was annually chosen into the magistracy, for a term of nearly eighty years, until the year 1754, when governor Wolcott left the chair.* At the election in Connecticut, Mr. John Webster was chosen governor, and Mr. Wells deputy .governor. This was the only alteration in the magistracy. , At New-Haven, the former governors and magistrates Election at were rechosen. Mr. John Wakeman was appointed treas- New-Ha- urer. The general court at New- Haven, took great pains jg£g_ ay' to put the colony in a state of defence. Orders were given for the raising ofa troop -of sixteen horse, in the five towns May 28th, upon the sea coast, with complete arms and furniture. For their encouragement, they were exempted from taxation, horeeap- and from training with the foot, and were to enjoy all the pointed. privileges of troopers in Massachusetts. This was the first troop in any part of Connecticut, lt was ordered, that all the common soldiers should be trained to shooting at a mark; that they should be furnished with ammunition for lhat purpose, at the public expense ; and that prizes should be prepared for the best marksmen. The soldiers were directed to play at cudgels, and at the broadsword, that they might know how to defend themselves and their country. * Manuscripts from Windsor, found in the collection of the Rev. Mr. 'Prince; at Boston. The family have kept up the monument of their ancestor, and preserve^ their dignity to the present time. His Excellency, Oliver Wolcott, Esq'r. one of the sons of the former governor, Eager Wolcott, Esq'r. is the pre sent governor of tlie state. His brother, the Hon. Erastus^ Wolcott, Esq'r. was, for some years, one of the magistrates of ponnecticjit, and, after wards, one of the judges of the superior court. * Oliver Wolcott, Esq'r. one of the sons of the present governor Wolcott, is secretary of the treasu ry of the United . States. Some of the family have been members of tha , assembly, judges of the superior court, or magistrates, from the first set tlement of the colony to this time, during the term of more than a century and a Jialf.- A. D. 1797. 228 HISTORY OF Chap. XL Commis sioners meet, Sept. 4th. Letter from the putch governor. The protector, Oliver Cromwell, having conquered Ja maica, made it a favourite object to remove the people of New-England to that island. He artfully represented, that they had as clear a call for transporting themselves from New-England to Jamaica, as they had for emigrating from Old England to New, for the advancement of their; inte rests ; as the Lord's people were to be the head, and not the tail.. He likewise represented, that it would have a tendency to the destruction of the man of sin. He wrote particularly to New-Haven on the subject, and sent them a copy of his instructions relative to the affair. These he had given to one captain Gookins, whom he had employed in the several plantations, to promote this,'his favourite de sign. He and major Sedgwick dispatched letters also to NewrHaven, on the same business. Governor Eaton had, some time before this, laid them before the general court. The several plantations in the colony had been made acquainted with their contents, and the deputies had been desired to return their opinion to the court. Afteca long and serious debate, the court re- solyed, "That, though they could- not but acknowledge the love, care, and tender respect of his highness, the Lord Protector, to New-England in general, aud to this cofony in particular, yet, for divers reasons, they cannot conclude , that God calls them to a present remove thither," The governor was desired to write to the lord protector, acknowledging' his greai care and love towards the colony. The commissioners of the united colonies, this year, held their meeting at Plymouth. They received a very plausible letter from Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor. He wrote with a great show of religion, expressing his joy that God had quenched the bloody war between the Dutch and the English, in Europe ; and his warm desires, that it might redound to the great advantage of the subjects of the two ' nations, in these remote parts of the earth. " He sor licited a nearer union between the Dutch and the united colonies. At the same time, he certified them, that he had received a ratification of the agreement made at Hartford, in 1650, under the seal of the High and Mighty States of the United Belgick Provinces ; and desired that time any place might be appointed for delivering and interchanging the ratifications. The governor was so well known to the commissioners, that neither the plausibility of his letter, nor the very chris tian manner in which it was written, made any deep im,T pressions Upon them, They replied, in short, that the peape was matter of joy to them, and they wished the con- Chap. XL CONNECTICUT. 229 tinuance of it in Europe, and in all the plantations abroad. Book L They gave assurances, that the preservation of it should s^-n^-w be their constant endeavour. Nevertheless, they gave no 1656. intimations that they desired a nearer union, or to ratify the agreement. The Dutch governor had not observed it himself; they considered the Dutch as mere intruders, and were growing daily more able to defend themselves against their encroachments : they were, therefore^ determined to do nothing further relative to the affair. They observed to the governor, that he had made no re paration of the damages he had done the colonies, and that they had not heard that he designed to make any ; that they heard he yet laid claim to Oyster bay, and that he had made no proper resignation of Greenwich. They desired him to be explicit on these points.* The last year, complaints were made to the court atCom- New-Haven, that the inhabitants of Greenwich were under Plai.nt little government, and demeaned themselves in a lawless ^""n* manner. They admitted of drunkenness among themselves, wkh. and among the Indians, by reason of which, damages were done to themselves and to the towns in the vicinity, and the public peace was disturbed. They received children and servants, who fled from the correction of their parents and masters, and unlawfully joined persons in wedlock, with other misdemeanors. Upon this, the general court asserted their right fo Greenwich, and ordered the inhabitants to submit to their jurisdiction. But they continued much in the same state, and sent a letter to the court in May, denying their juris diction, and refusing any subjection to the colony, unless they should be compelled to it, by the parliament. The court, therefore, resolved, that, unless they should appear before the court, and make their submission, by the 25th pf ..June, Richard Crab and others, who were the most stubborn among them, should be arrested and punished, The inha- according to law. They, therefore, some time after, sub- bitants jected their persons and estates to the government of New- S11™1' t0 Haven. Haven. Uncas, though friendly to the English, appears to have fcieen a proud, mischievous sachem, who, by his haughty carriage and provoking language, was often embroiling the country, and bringing trouble upon himself and the colonies. He made an assault upon the, Podunk Indians, at Hartford. He, or his brother, invaded the Norwoo- tucks, He upbraided the Narragansets of their dead sa chems, and challenged them to fight. Among other in- * Records ofthe united colonie?. 230 HISTORY OF , Chap. XI. Book I. stances of misconduct, he proved treacherous to the Moti- y-*ss~^ fauket. sachem, and joined with Ninigrate, in his perfidi- 1656. ous practices. By these means, the country was so dis quieted, that it was with great difficulty the commissioners maintained the general peace. ' They interposed, and ob liged Uncas to make restitution to the Indians, whom he had injured. They prohibited his making war, without their consent and advice. They endeavored to quiet and conciliate the natives; but they found them, whether they Were friends or foes, to be a troublesome people. After all their precautions, the country was still more alarmed the next year. In April, the Indians committed a horrid murder at Far- 1657. mington, and besides Mesapano, who was the principal ac tor, the Norwootuck and Pocomtock Indians were suppos ed to be accomplices. The Montaukets, after all the trouble and expense, which the English had been at for their defence, became tumultuous, and did great damage to the inhabitants of Southampton. April 9th. The general court at Hartford, gave orders that the In dians, who perpetrated the murder at Farmington, should be apprehended, and that the sachems of the Pocomtock and Norwootuck Indians should deliver up the delinquents among them. Major Mason was ordered, with a detachment, to Long- Island, to bring the Indians there to a just and peaceable conduct, and adjust affairs between them and the English.* At the general election in Connecticut, 1657, Mr. John Mav 21st Winthrop was elected governor, and Mr. Thomas Wells '' ' deputy-^governor. Mr. Webster was chosen the first mag istrate. The other officers were -the same who had been May 27th. appointed the last year. The freemen, at the election in New-Haven, made no alteration in their magistrates. The -general court at Hartford, this year, was uncom monly thin, consisting of twenty-two members only. The danger of the plantations, and of particular families, from the hpstile state of the Indians, appears to have been the reason. The Montaukets, Moheagans, Narragansets, and War3o- th Norwootucks, engaged in implacable wars with each other. Indians. ° They would pursue one another into the English planta tions, and even into their houses, and kill each other in the presence of the families, to their great alarm and aston ishment. Uncas was so pressed by the Narragaosets, that Connecticut was obliged to send men to his fortress, to assist him in defending himself against them. TheNar- * Records of Connecticut. Chap. XL CONNECTICUT. 231 ragansets, in several instances, threatened and plundered Book L the inhabitants Of Connecticut. , \_*-v~%^ Therefore, when the commissioners met, in September, 1657. they sent messengers to them, demanding that they should Sept- ^ cease from war, until their grievances, and the grounds of their contentions, should be heard. They assured them, that they would hear and determine impartially, without favoring any of the parties. They represented to them the covenants which they had made with the English, and the entire inconsistency of their conduct, with those en gagements. They also prohibited all fighting in the En glish plantations. This year, the colony of New- Haven, and indeed all the New-England colonies, sustained a heavy loss in the death c^acter of governor Eaton.* He was a minister's son, born at ofTheoph- Stony Stratford, in Oxfordshire ; was educated an East In- aus Eaton, dia merchant, and was sometime deputy-governor of the q' company, trading to the East Indies. For several years, he was agent for the king of England at the court of Den mark, After his return, he was a merchant of great busi ness and respectability, in the city of London. Upon the Laudean persecution, he left his native coun try, and came into New-England with Mr. Davenport, his minister, in 1637. He was one of the original patentees of the Massachusetts, and soon after his arrival was cho sen one of the magistrates of that colony. Upon the set tlement of New-Haven, he was chosen governor of the col ony, and was annually re-elected uayl his death. He is represented as comely and personaore, and is said to have appeared upon the bench with a dignity and majesty, which admit of no description. The impartiality with which he administered justice, was most exemplary, and his authority was not to be opposed. The wisdom, grav ity, and integrity of his administration, were viewed -with universal admiration. In honor to his memory, and the good services which he had rendered the colony, his fune ral charges were borne, and a handsome monument erect ed at the public expense.t * He died January 7th, 1657, in the 67th year of his age. t His private was not less amiable than his public character. In con versation, he was affable, courteous, and generally pleasant ; but always grave and cautious. He was pious and strictly moral. His meekness, patience, and fortitude, were singular. In tbe conduct of his family, he was strict, prudent, and happy. Though it sometimes consisted of not less tfaaii thirty persons, yet they were under the most perfect order and government. They were all assembled morn ing and evening, and the governor, after reading the scriptures, and mak ing devout and useful observations uponthein, prayed with great reverence and pertinency. On the sabbath,- and other days of public devotion, life 232 HISTORY OF Chap. XL Book I. Nearly at the same time, died his son-in-law, Edward >-*-v-w/ Hopkins, Esquire, for a number of years governor of Con- 1657. necticut. He conducted the affairs of government with Character great wisdom and integrity, and was universally beloved. norSHTOr" was a gentIeman of exemplary piety, righteousness, and juns. charitjr. In his family and secret devotions, he followed the example of governor Eaton. His charity was great and extensive. Besides the relief he dispensed to the poor, with his own hands, he gave considerable sums of money to others, to be disposed of to charitable purposes. When he went into England, on the occasion of his broth er's death, who had been warden of the English fleet, he designed to return again to his family and friends, in New- England ; but he was very soon particularly noticed, and made first warden of the fleet, in the room of his brother. He was then chosen commissioner of the admiralty and navy ; and finally member of parliament. These unexpected pre ferments altered his designs- and determined him to send over for his family, and to spend the remainder of his days in his native country. He had been a consumptive man, attended with a cough, and spitting of blood, for more than thirty years. His constitution was now entirely wasted, and he died in the 58th year of his age. His dona- His last will was highly expressive of that public spirit tions. anc] charity, which had so distinguished him in life. His whole estate, in New-England, was given away to charita ble purposes. He manifested his peculiar friendship to the family of Mr. HookA his pastor, at Hartford, by giving his relict, Mrs. HooKer, all the debts due from the family, to him ; by giving to Mrs. Wilson, of Boston, Mr. Hook er's eldest daughter, his farm at Farmington, with all the houses, out-houses, and buildings upon it ; and by legacies to several others of his descendants. All the remainder of bis estate, in New-England, he bequeathed to his " father, Theophilus Eaton, Esquire, master John Davenport, mas ter John Cullick, and master William Goodwin, in full as- spent an hour or two with his family, in instructing them in the duties of faith and practice ; and in recommending to them the reading and study of the scriptures, secret devotion, the sanctification of the sabbath, and a devout and constant attendance on all divine institutions. On these days he sang praises, as well as prayed with his fandily. He was greatly be loved by his domestics, as well as by the commonwealth. Indeed, there was no man, among the first planters of New-England, who had a more general acquaintance with public business, or who sustained a fairer cha racter. His monument is kept up to the present time. Upon it are thes* expressive lines : "Eaton, so meek, so wise, so fam'd, so just, The Phoenix of our world here hides his dust i Thi6 name forget, New-England never must i CfiAP. XL CONNECTICUT. §S£ surance of their trust and faithfulness, in disposing of It ac-" BOok I. cording to the true intent and purpose of him, the said Ed- *-^-v-hb» ward Hopkins, which was to give some encouragement, in 16S7* those foreign plantations^ for the breeding up of hopeful youths, in a way of learning, both at the grammar school and college, for the public service of the country, in future times." He also made a donation of five hundred pounds more, out of his estate in England, to the said trustees, in further prosecution of the same public ends, " for the up holding and promoting the kingdom of the Lord Jesus Christ, in those parts of the earth." This last donation was considered as made to Harvard college, and, by virtue of a decree in chancery, was paid in 1710. The interest iven in New- England, was estimated at about 1,0001. ster- ing ; and was ' appropriated to the support of the gram mar schools in New-Haven, Hartford, and Hadley. The money originally belonged to New-Haven and Hartford -;< but as a considerable number of the people of Hartford af terwards removed to Hadley, and were principal settlers of that town, they received their proportion of the do nation. At a general court in Hartford, March 11th, 1658, ai'i6&. troop of thirty horsemen was established in Connecticut, first troop.. and Richard Lord was appointed captain. This was the ™c„tonnec" first in the colony. This year there was a very considerable alteration with Election at respect to governors and the council,, both in Connecticut H"1^' and New-Haven. At the election in Connecticut, Thom- ay as Wells, Esquire, was elected governor, and John Win throp, Esquire, deputy governor. To the magistrates last year, who were again re-chosen, there was an addition of Mr. Matthew Allen, Mr. Phelps, Mr. John Wells, Mr. Treat, Mr. Baker, Mr. Mulford, and Mr. Alexander Knowles. There appears to have been sixteen magis trates, and twenty-six deputies; in the whole, forty-two members. On the election at New-Haven, Mr. Francis Newman was chosen governor, and William Leet, deputy gover nor.* Mr. Jasper Crane was added to the magistrates, and Mr. William Gibbard was appointed secretary. This year a considerable settlement was made between Pawca- Mistic and Pawcatuck rivers. This tract was called Pe- *uck, af* quot, and originally belonged to New-London. The first terWMd'' * Mr. Stephen Goodyear, who had been deputy goveriior, with gover nor Eaton, through almost his whole administration, died this year, in Lon don, and was either there, or on his passage, at this election. He ap pears to have been a worthy man, and left a respectable family. 'E2 934-'- HISTORY OF Chap. XL Book I. man -who settled upon this tract, was William Cheese- y^ss^> brough, from Rehoboth, in 1649. A complaint was ex- 1658. hibfted against him for carrying on an illicit trade with the liamed Indiaps, for repairing their arms, and endangering the pub- Stoning- ]jc safety# The general court of Connecticut declared,, tied.*01' ^at they had a clear title to those lands, and summoned him before them. They reprimanded him for settling up- Cheese- on them without their approbation ; for withdrawing him- brough^-e- seif. from christian society and ordinances ; and for unlaw- pnman - ^j^ trat^jng w^fa atuj assisting the Indians. He confessed his faults; but pleaded, in excuse, that he had been en couraged by Mr.- Winthrop, who claimed a right at Paw catuck. He gave bonds for his good conduct, and was al lowed to continue upon the land. The court promised him, that if he would procure a sufficient number of plant ers, they would give them all proper encouragement, in making a permanent settlement. About ten or twelve families, this year, made settlements in that quarter ; and, finding that there was a controversy between Connecticut and the Massachusetts, with respect both to title and juris- The plant- diction, they, on the 30th of June, entered into a voluntary ers agree contraci (q govern themselves, and conduct their affairs in tliem- peace, until it should be determined to which colony they selves. should submit. The principal planters were George Deni son, Thomas Stanton, Thomas Shaw, William, Elisha, and Samuel Cheesebrough, and Moses and Walter Palmer* These, with some others, were signers of the voluntary compact. Claim of At the meeting of the commissioners, the Massachusetts Massa- claimed that tract of country, by virtue of the assistance c use s. wjjj^jj faey agorc[ec| Connecticut in the conquest of the Pe- Determi- quots. The commissioners resolved, " That the determi nation of nation did arise only from the several rights of conquest, the com- ^jefo were not greatly different ; yet that being tender of ' any inconvenience which might arise to those Who were already possessed, either by commission from Massachu setts or Connecticut, in any part thereof, should they be put off their improvements; also, upon inquiry, finding,, that the" Pequot eountry, which extended from Nehantick to Wekapaug, about ten miles eastward from Mistic river, may conveniently accommodate two plantations, did, re specting things as they then stood, conclude, that Mistic river be the bounds between them, as to propriety and ju risdiction, so feir as conquest may give title. Always1 pro vided, that such as are already accommodated, by com mission of either of the said governments, or have grants of any tracts, of land, on either side of the Mystic river, be. Chap. XL CONNECTICUT. 235 not molested in any of their possessions or rights, by any Book L other grants." s^-v^ Upon the petition of the planters, the general court of 1658. the Massachusetts made them a grant of eight miles from Oct. 19th. the mouth of Mystic river towards Wekapaug, and eight miles northward into the country, and named the planta tion Southerton. It continued under the government of Massachusetts until after Connecticut obtained a royal charter. This was a year of great sickness and mortality in Con necticut, and in New-England in general. Religious con troversies, at the same time, ran high, and gave great trouble to church and commonwealth. The Indians con tinued their wars with implacable animosity. The com missioners employed all their wisdom and influence to make peace ; but they could not reconcile those blood- • thirsty barbarians. The crops were light, and it was a year of fear, perplexity, and sorrow.* John Winthrop, Esq'r. was chosen governor of Con- Election at necticut for the year 1659, and Thomas Wells, Esq'r. de- ^f^J puty governor. Captain Tapping and Mr. Robert Bond ]659. ' were elected magistrates, in the room of Mr. Knowles and Mr. Mulford. At the election in New-Haven, the same governor and council were rechosen. Indeed, little alteration was made with respect to them, until the union of that colony with Connecticut. At the October session, Cromwell bay, or Setauket, on Oct. 6th. Long-Island, at the desire of the inhabitants, was admitted as a member of the jurisdiction of Connecticut. In 1660, Mr. John Winthrop was rechosen governor. Election, This was the first time that any governor had been elected May 17th, to that office more than once in two years. Major Mason 1660- was advanced to the place of deputy governor. The ma gistrates were Mr. Henry Clark, Mr. Wyllys, Mr. Phelps, Mr. Allen, Mr. Treat, Mr. Gould, Mr. Tapping, Mr. Og den, Mr. Bond, Mr. Daniel Clark, and Mr. Talcott. Mr. Daniel Clark was secretary, and Mr. Talcott treasurer. Mr. Webster and Mr. Wells appear now to be no more. They had been annually chosen into the magistracy, for about twenty years, and both had the honour of the chief seat of government.t * In a proclamation for a general fast, the intemperate season, thin har vest, sore visitation by sickness, and the sad, prolonged differences in the churches, are particularized as matters of humiliation. t Four or five governors of Connecticut, governor Haynes, governor Wyllys, governors Wells and Webster, lie buried at Hartford, without a monument. William Leet, Esq. governor of New-Haven and Con- 23ff HISTORY OF Chap. XL Distress of 'Uncas. Relievedby Thom as Iieffing- ¦jfell, '• NofwichT At this election, the freemen, having found by long ex perience, that the clause in the third fundamental article, incapacitating any person fo be choson governor more than once in two years, was prejudicial, rather than advan tageous to the colony, resolved, that there should be liber ty for the annual choice ofthe same person governor, or of any other whom they should judge best qualified to serve the .commonwealth, During, the wars between Uncas and the Narragansets, they besieged his fort, near the bank of the Thames; until his provisions were nearly exhausted, and he found that he, and his men, must soon perish, by famine or sword, unless he cpuld obtain speedy relief. In this crisis, he found means of communicating his danger to the scouts, who had been sent out from Saybrook fort. By his messengers, he represented the great danger the English, in those parts, would be in immediately, jf they should suffer the Mohea-. gans to be destroyed. Upon this intelligence, one Thomas Leffingwell, an en sign at Saytrook, an enterprising, bold man, loaded a car- noe with beef, corn, and pease, and, under cover of the night, paddled from Saybrook into the Thames, and had the address to get the whole into the fort. The enemy soon perceiving that Uncas was relieved, raised the siege. For this service, Uncas gave said Leffingwell a deed of a great part, if not of the whole town of Norwich. In June, 1659, Uncas, with his two sons, Owaneco and Attawan- hood, by a more formal and authentic deed, made over unto said Leffingwell, John Mason, Esq. the Rev. James Fitch, and others, consisting of thirty-five proprietors, the whole township of Norwich, which is about nine miles square."" The company, at this time, gave Uncas .and his sons about, seventy pounds, as a further compensation for so large and fine a tract. Preparations were immediately made for its settlement ; and, this spring, the Rev. James Fitch, with the principal part pf his church, and congregation, removed from Say brook, and planted the town of Norwich. , Three or four planters joined them from New-London, apd two or three from the towns pf Plymouth and Marshfield, in Massachu setts. In 1663, the general asseipbly ordered that the deed should be recorded. The limits were afterwards ascer tained, and the town received a patent of the whole. hecticut, also lies interred there, in the same obscure manner. Consider ing their many and important public services, this is remarkable ; but their virtues have embalmed their names, and will render them vencrabfe ¦to tlie latest posterity. Chap. XL CONNECTICUT. 23? The Moheagans were a great defence, and of essential Book I. -service to the town for many years. They kept out their ^*~v-+~' scouts and spies, and so constantly watched their enemies, 1660. that they gave the earliest . notice of their approach, and were a continual defence against them. For this purpose, in times of danger, they often moved aqjd pitched their wig wams near the town, and were a great terror to the enemy. Once the hostile Indians came near to the town, upon the sabbath, with a design to make a descent upon it ; but, viewing it from an eminence, and seeing the Moheagan huts, they were intimidated, and went off without doing the least damage/* This year, the town of Huntington, upon Long-Island, Hunting- was received as a member of the Connecticut jurisdiction. *°n recei*- This general court ordered, that grand jurors should bee appointed in every town, to make presentment of all breach- Grand j li es of law, in their respective towns. The law required rors ap- that the presentments should be made to the particular Pointef1, .court, in May and October. The accounts with the heirs of George Fenwick, Esq. had not been closed, nor discharges given, relative to the purchase made ofthe fort at Saybrook, and the old patent of Connecticut. This was an occasion of great uneasiness among the people. The three towns of Hartford, Windsor, and Weathersfield, presented petitions to the general court, praying that the accounts might be adjusted, and the colo ny discharged. In consequence of these, a large commit tee was appointed to tnake a complete settlement with the said heirs. They having prepared the accounts for a final adjustment, the general court, at their session in October, authorised them, in their behalf, to perfect and confirm the writings. The governor was authorised, in their name, to affix the public seal of the colony to those which were to be delivered to captain Cullick, and Elizabeth, his wife, heirs of the said George Fenwick, Esq. and to receive of them the writings, tq be delivered to the court, in favour of the colony. Accordingly, on the 7th of October, the colony dischar- Settle- ged Mr. John Cullick, and Elizabeth, his wife, their heirs, ^n^lh &c. ; and the said John, and Elizabeth, his wife, gave an 0f Mr. ample discharge to the colony of Connecticut, from all sums Fenwick, of money due to the said Fenwick, his heirs or assigns, by 0ct- 7ft- virtue of the agreements made with Mr. Fenwick, or pur- phase of the river's mouth, t * Manuscripts from Nsrwich, and Records of Connecticut. t Mr. Cullick, who, for several years, had been one ofthe magistrate? pf Connecticut, and secretary of the colony, had novif removed his resfei' 4en?e to Boston, 238 HISTORY OF Chap. XL Book I. Thus, after the term of sixteen years, from the first, and <^^-x^ fourteen frOm the second agreement with Mr. Fenwick, the 1660. colony completed a settlement respecting the fort and lands holden by him; and became legally possessed ofthe tract conveyed to the lords and gentlemen severally named, in the patent. 500 pounds Upon a final adjustment of the accounts, it appeared, toloD*1* that Mr- Cull»ck and the heirs of Mr. Fenwick were in debted 500 pounds sterling to the colony, which had been paid them, more than what was due according to the origi nal agreements with Mr. Fenwick. John Mason, Esq. now deputy governor, had some time since been authorised, in behalf of the colony, to purchase of Uncas all the lands, which he had reserved for himself and the Moheagans, in the deed of 1640, under the name of planting grounds. Having effected the purchase, he made a surrender of the lands, in the presence of the gene ral court. The following is a minute of the transaction. "Hartford, session of the general court, March 14, 1660.* March 14, « The jurisdiction power over that land, which Uncas im Mason an(^ Wawequa have made over to major Mason, is by him resigns the surrendered to this colony. Nevertheless, for the laying Moheagan out of those lands to farms, or plantations, the court doth lands. leave it in the hands of major Mason. It is also ordered and provided, with the consent of major Mason, that Uncas and Wawequa, and their Indians and successors, shall be supplied with sufficient planting ground at all times, as the court sees cause, out of t^iat land. And the major doth re serve to himself a competency to make a farm." For want of form, and a more legal manner of convey ance, with respect to those lands, originated the memora ble Mason case, or controversy, as it was called. It con tinued about seventy years, and was an occasion of great trouble and expense to the colony. A statement of it will be made in the progress of this history. * This according to the presentjnode of dating was March 14, 1961. Chap. Xlt CONNECTICUT CHAPTER XII. 1660, "The general court of Connecticut declare their loyalty and submission to, the king • determine td address his majes ty, and apply for charter privileges. A petition to his ma jesty is prepared, and a letter addressed to lord Say and Seal. Governor Winthrop is appointed the 'colony's a- gent, to present their petition, and solicit a patent. Regi cides condemned. Whalley and Goffe arrive at Boston, escape ta New-Haven, and are kindly entertained, and kept from their pursuers. New-Haven falls into great trouble and danger on that account. New-Haven excuse themselves ; decline sending an agent ; but join with Mas sachusetts, in supporting one. The king proclaimed. Governor Winthrop obtains the charter of Connecticut. First governor and council under the charter. Repre* sentation of the constitution it ordains, and the privileges it conveys. Difficulties of the colony of New-Haven* Governor LeePs address. Charter of Connecticut ar rives. Proceedings of Connecticut in consequence of the charter. They extend their jurisdiction to al\ places withr in the limits of their patent, and challenge New-Haven colony, as under their jurisdiction. Controversy between the two colonies. Settlement of Killing-worth. Patent of the duke of York. Colonel Nichols and commissioners arrive, reduce all the Dutch settlements. Their extraor dinary powers. Important crisis of Connecticut. The general court make a present to the commissioners.. An* swer to the propositions from his majesty, and reply to the duke of Hamilton's claim and petition, Boundaries be tween Connecticut and New-York. Union qf Connecticut and New-Haven. THE colony having purchased the patent, and the gov- March 14. ernment of England having been settled in the king and parliament, the general court determined to make ap plication for a charter under the royal signature. They avowed their allegiance to his majesty, king Charles the Tlie t second ; declared that all the inhabitants of this colony avow. their were his faithful subjects ; and that it was necessary to pe- allegiance tition him for his grace, and the continuance and confirma- J?.1",!18 ,, tion of their rights and privileges. The court resolved, that the 500 pounds due from Mr. Cullick should be ap propriated to the prosecution of their address, and applica tion to his majesty for a patent* 240 HISTORY OF CiTAf . XIL Book I. 1661. Prepare a petitionfor a chai-- ter.May 16. Gov. Win- throp ap pointed agent. Representations in the peti tion. Letter to lord Say ¦ and Seal. Complaints n- gainst Mr. Fenwick. At the session inxMay, a petition to his majesty was pre sented by the governor, and approved by the general court. That it might, however, be made as perfect as possible, the governor and deputy governor, Mr. Wyllys, Mr,- Allen, Mr. Warham, Mr. Storie, Mr. Hooker,' Mr.- Whiting, and ihe secretary, were appointed a committee for its emendations They were authorised 10 methodise and make all such alterations, as they should judge expe dient, provided the substance of it were retained. They were directed to write letters to any noble personages in England, to whom it might be expedient to make applica tion, and to transact whatever might be necessary, respect ing the petition and the procurement of a patent. Governor Winthrop was appointed agent to present the petition to his majesty, and to transact all affairs in Eng land, respecting the general welfare of the colony. He had particular instructions from the general court for the management of the business of his agency. He was' espe cially directed to obtain the consent, and take the advice ofthe nobles and gentlemen, who had been interested in the pld patent of Connecticut ; and to engage the friendship and influence of all those,,who might be active and servicea ble, with respect to the interests of the colony. In the petition to his majesty, it was represented, that the greatest part of the colony had been purchased and obtain ed by great and valuable considerations ; that some other part thereof had been obtained by conquest ; and that it had, with great difficulty, at the sole endeavours, expense and charges of themselves and their associates, under whom they claimed, been subdued and improved, and thereby become a considerable enlargement and addition to his ma jesty's dominions and interests in New-England.* These were pleaded as reasons, With his majesty, to grant the tract apd privileges for which the petitioners prayed. At the same time, a letter was addressed to lord Say and Seal, representing the encouragements which their fathers, and some of their surviving associates, received from him, to transplant themselves into the inland parts ofthis vast wilderness, and their assurances of his patronage and fa vor. They also complained, that Mr. George Fenwick, several years after he had taken possession ofthe entrance of Connecticut river, determining to return to England, proposed to sell the fort, at Saybrook, with all the build ings and appurtenances there, together with all the lands upon the river, as far eastward as Narraganset bay, with the right of jurisdiction, to the colony. They represented^ * Appendix No. VII. Chap. XII. CONNECTICUT. ,#H that this, at first, was strenuously opposed, by many dfBooit I. the inhabitants, as they imagined his lordship, and the v-*-v-w other noble patentees, had very bountiful intentions to- 166L wards them ; and that such a procedure would be extreme ly contrary to their designs^ Nevertheless, that after wards, as some of thoSe gentlemen, who hud the greatest interest in the affections of their lordships, were removed by death ; and as Mr. Fenwick pretended to be the only patentee ; and threatened, that unless the colony would purchase the lands, on his own terms, he would either im pose duties upon the people, or sell the premises to tho Dutch, they finally agreed with him, and paid him 1,600 pounds for them; They intimated that this was the only way in which the peace and safety of the community could have been preserved.- As a further chatter of grievance, they complained, that, besides this gre&t abuse, Mr. Fen wick hud given thorn nothing under hishand, to oblige him self or his heirs to fulfil his engagements ; and that they had nothing to secure them* in the enjoyment of their just rights nnd privileges, as a distinct commonwealth. They further made complaint of Encroachments made upon them, on the north by the Massachusetts, and by them and others towards the Narragansets ; and that they knew not hotf to support their claims, or ascertain their boundaries, with out ti patent. They intreat his lordship to consider their circumstances, counsel and assist their agent, and counte nance their designs.* The only alteration 1vhich had beert taade; at the elec tion, this year, in Connecticut, was the choice of Rfr. Thurston Rayner into the magistracy ; but at New-Haven the alteration was very considerable. Francis Newman, Esq. who had succeeded governor Governor Eaton, in the chief seat of government, was now no more. Jjj[°7ma,y Ho had been for many years secretary, under the adminis tration of governor JSaton, and was Well acquainted with the affairs ofthe colony. He is represented as a gentleman Of piety and unblemished morals, happily imitating his predecessor both in public and private life. Upon the election, William Leet, Esq. was chosen gov- Jgj^ ¦* ernor, und Mr. Matthew Gilbert, deputy governor. Mr. von)"Mttj Benjamin Fenn, Mr. Robert Treat, Mr. Jasper Crane, Mr. 29th. John Wakeman, and Mr. William Gibbard, were elected magistrates. The spirit of republicanism however was so high, at Ncw-IIuven, that several of them would not ac cept their appointments und take the oaths prescribed. Mr. Wukcmatv and Mr. .Gibbard utterly refused. Mr. « l.rttor to his lordship, No. VIII. F a 242 UfSf OftY OF Chap, tit Book I. Fenn #as hardly prevailed with to accept his office. He <-*ss~%-' at last took the oath, with this previous explanation, that it ¦1661. was only with reference to the particular laws of that colo ny ; and that if any thing foreign should present, it should give no Offence if he should decline acting. MrL James Bishop was chosen secretary, and Mr. Robert Allen, trea surer. An affair had happened at New-Haven, a few months before this, which now began to alarm the country, and soon g^ve great anxiety a-nd trouble to that eolony. ttfcY - ^ery spon after the restoration, a large number of the efl. judges of king Charles the first, commonly termed regicides, were apprehended and brought upon their trials, in the Old Baily. Thirty nine were condemned, and ten exe cuted as traitors. Some others, apprehensive of danger, fled out of the kingdom before king Charles II. was pro- ¦fahalley claimed. Colonels Whalley and Goffe made their escape and Goffe to New-England. They were brought over by one cap- arrive at tain Gooking, and arrived at Boston, in July, 1660.- Gov ernor Endicott and gentlemen of character, in Boston and it's vicinity, treated them with peculiar respect and kind ness. They were gentlemen of singular abilities, and had moved in an exalted sphere. Whalley had been a lieuten ant general, and Goffe, a major general, in Cromwell's ar my. Their manners were elegant, and their appearance grave and dignified, commanding universal respect. They €am-et° soonwen£ from Boston to Cambridge, where they resided bridge. until February. They resorted openly to places of pub lic -worship on the Lord's day, and at other times of public devotion. They were universally esteemed, by all men of character, both civil and religious.' But no sooner was it known, that the judges had been condemned as traitors, and that these gentlemen were' excepted from the' act of pardon, than the principal gentlemen in the Massachusetts began to be alarmed. Governor' Endicott called a court of magistrates to consult measures for apprehending them. However, their friends were so numerous that a vote could not, at that time, be obtained to arrest them. Some of the court declared that they would stand by them, others ad vised them to remove out of the colony. Finding themselves unsafe at Cambridge, they came, by the assistance of their friends, to Connecticut. They made their route by Hartford, but went on directly to New- irnveat Haven. They arrived about the 27th of March, and made wew Mr. Davenport's house the place of their residence. They March 27. wpre treated with the same marks of esteem and generous friendship, at New-'Haven, which they had received in the Chap. XIL CONNECTICUT. ?43 Massachusetts. The more the people became acquainted Book L with them, the more they esteemed them, not only as men ^j^y^^> of great minds, but of unfeigned piety and religion. For 1661. some time, they appeared to apprehend themselves as out of danger, and happily situated among a number of pious and agreeable friends. But it was not long before the news of the king's proclamation against the regicides ar rived", requiring, that wherever they might be found, they should be . immediately apprehended. The governor of Massachusetts, in consequence of the royal proclamation, issued his warrant to arrest them. As they were certified, Goto by their friends, of all measures adopted respecting them, Mllfor"- they removed to Milford. There they appealed openly in the day time, but at night often returned privately to New- Haven, and were generally secreted at Mr. Davenport's, until abOut the last of ApriL In the mean time, the governor of Massachusetts receiv ed a royal mandate requiring him to apprehend them ; and amore full and circumstantial account of the condemna tion and tbe execution of the ten regicides, and ofthe dis position of the court towards' them, and the republicans and puritans in general, arrived in New-England. This gave a more general artd thorough" alarm to the whole country. A feigned search had been made in the Massa chusetts, in consequence of the former warrant, for the co lonels Whalley and Goffe ; but now the governor and ma gistrates began to view the affair in a more serious point of light ; and appear to have been in earnest to secure them. They perceived, that their own personal safety, and the liberties and peace of the country, were concerned in the manner of their conduct towards those unhappy men, They therefore immediately gave a commission to Thomas Kellond Kelfond and Thomas Kirk, two zealous young royalists, to and Ki.rl£ go through the colonies, as far as the Manhadoes, and make ^ned'to a careful and universal search for them. They pursued search the the judges, with engagedness, to Hartford ; and, repairing country. to governor Winthrop, Were nobly entertained, He as sured them, that the colonels made no stay in Connecticut, but went directly to New-Haven. He gave them a war rant and instructions similar to those: which they had re ceived from the governor of Massachusetts, and transacted every thing relative to the aflair with dispatch. The next Conie to day they arrived at Guilford, and opened their' business to GuilforS*k;< tition, were recognized in the charter, nearly in the same ed" form of words, as reasons of the royal grant, and of the ample privileges which it conveyed. It ordained, that John Winthrop, John Mason, Samuel Wyllys, Henry Clarke, Matthew Allen, John Tapping, Nathan Gould, Richard Treat, Richard Lord, Henry Wol cott, John Talcott, Daniel Clarke, John Ogden, Thomas Wells, Obadiah Bruen, John Clark, Anthony Hawkins, John Deming, ahd Matthew Can6eld, and all such others as then were, or should afterwards be admitted and made free of the corporation, should forever after be one body corporate and politic,- in fact and nam?, by the name of the Governor and company op the English colony of Connecticut in New-Englasd in America ; and that by the same name, they and their successors should have per petual succession. They were capacitated, as persons in law, to plead and be impleaded, to defend and be defend ed, in all suits whatsoever : To purchase, possess, leasee grant, demise, and sell lands, tenements, and goods, in as ample a manner, as any qi his majesty's subjects or corpo rations in England. The charter ordained, that there should be, annually, two general assemblies ; one holden on the second Thursday in May, and the other on the sec ond Thursday in October. This was to consist of the governor, deputy1 governor, and twelve assistants, with two deputies from every town or city. John Winthrop was appointed governor, and John Mason, deputy govern or, and the gentlemen named above, magistrates, until a hew election should be made. The company Were authorised to have a common seal, to appoint judicatories, make freemen, constitute officers, establish laws/impose fines, assemble the inhabitants in marshal array for the. common defence, and to exercise martial law in all cases, in which it might be necessary. It was ordained by the charter, that all the king's sub> jects, in the colony, should enjoy all the privileges of free and natural subjects within the realm of England ; and that the patent should always have the most favorable construc tion for the benefit of the governor and company. (52 QSO HISTORY OF Chap. XTL Governor Leet'sconciliatory speech, May 28th. General election at Hartford, Oct. 9th, 1662. The charter did hot come over until after the election. This was on the 15th of May, and the freemen made no al teration in their officers. - Many of the colony of New-Haven appear to have been exceedingly opposed to king Charles, and to the royal in structions which they had received. It had been With great difficulty, that the governor and council had managed the government in such a manner, as to keep peace among the people, and not incur the displeasure of the king and his council. Though they had done as little as possible, consistent with loyalty, in conforming fo his majesty's or ders, yet they had done more than was pleasing to alL There had been some insurrections and tumults, and the authority, in some instances, had not been well treated. Some complained, that tbey could not enjoy their privileges more amply ; and lhat none but church members could be freemen ofthe corporation. Governor Leet, therefore,, at the court of election, made- a pacific speech to the freemen. He represented to them the great difficulties and dangers of the year past, and the divine goodness towards them, in the continuation of their civil and religious privileges. He acknowledged himself to be subject to many imperfections, yet professed, that, ia his office, he had acted conscientiously, consulting the com mon safety and happiness. He declared his readiness to give the reasons of his conduct to any brother, or breth ren, who would come to him, in an 'orderly manner. He acknowledged their kind affection and patience towards him, in covering and passing by his infirmities. Upon this, the election proceeded, and he was chosen governor, and Matthew Gilbert deputy governor. The deputy governor's not apprehending the regicides, did not, in any measure, injure his popularity. No objection was made against either of the governors. Mr. William Jones and Mr. William Gibbard were chosen magistrates, for New-Haven ; Mr. Benjamin Fenn and Mr. Robert Treat, for Milford ; and Mr. Jasper Crane, for Branford. Seve ral of the magistrates took the oath, this year, with the ex planations and exceptions which they had made the last. Before the session of the general assembly of Connecti cut, in October, the charter was brought over ; and as the governors and magistrates, appointed by his majesty, were not authorised to serve after this time, a general election was appointed on the 9th of October. John Winthrop, Esq. was chosen governor, and John Mason, Esq. deputy governor. The magistrates were, Matthew Allen, Samu el Wyllys, Nathan Gould, Richard Treat, John Ogden, Chap. XII. CONNECTICUT. 251 John Tapping, John Talcott, Henry Wolcott, Daniel Book I. Clarke, and John Allen, Esquires, Mr. Baker, and Mr. s-^-v">/ Sherman. John Talcott, Esq. was treasurer, and Daniel 1662. Clarke, Esq. secretary. Upon the day of the election, the charter was publicly read to the freemen, and declared to belong to them and their successors. They -then proceeded to make choice of Mr. Wyllys, Mr. Talcott, and Mrf Allen, to receive the charter into their custody, and to keep it in behalf of the colony. It was ordered, that an oath ghould be adminis tered by the court, to the freemen, binding them to a faith ful discharge ofthe trust committed to them. The general assembly established all former officers, Act9 Pa«- civil and military, in their respective places of trust ; and the"rec?p. «nacted, that all the laws ofthe colony should be continu- tion ofthe ed in full force, except such as should be found contrary charterj to the tenor of the charter. It wa; also enacted, that the °6c6t2<9tI?, same colony se#l should be continued. The major part of the inhabitants of Southhold, several of the people at Guilford, and of the towns of Stamford and (Greenwich, tendering their persons and estates to Connec ticut, and petitioning to enjoy the protection and privileg es of this commonwealth, were accepted by the assembly, and promised the same protection and freedom, which was common to the inhabitants of the colony in general. At the same time, it was enjoined upon them, to conduct them selves peaceably, as became christians, towards then- neighbours, who did not submit to the jurisdiction of Con necticut ; and that they should pay all taxes due to the ministers, with all other public charges then due. A mes sage was sent to the Dutch governor, certifying him of the charter, granted to Connecticut, and desiring him, by no means, to trouble any of his majesty's subjects, within its limits, with impositiqns, op prosecutions from that jurisdic tion. _ The assembly gave notice to the inhabitants of Winches ter, that they were comprehended within the limits of Con necticut ; and ordered, that, as his majesty had thus dis posed of them, they should conduct themselves as peacea ble subjects, Jhebf'c The assembly resolved, that the inhabitants of Mistic t^nd tliei^" and Pawcatuck should no more exercise any authority, by jurisdic- yirtue of commissions from any other colony*, but spould tjon to elect their town officers, and manage all their affairs, q.c- t^^d cording to the laws of Connecticut. It was also resolved, Long-Isl- that this, nnd some other towns, should pay twenty pounds and. 252 HISTORY OF Chap. Xll, Book I. each, towards defraying the expense of procuring the v^vw charter.* 1662. Huntington, Setauket, Oyster-Bay, and all the towns upon Long-Island, were obliged to submit to the authori ty, and govern themselves agreeably to the laws of Con necticut. A court was instituted at Southhold, consisting of captain John Youngs, and the justices of South and East-Hampton. The assembly resolved, that all the towns, which should be received under their jurisdiction, should bear their equal proportion of the charge of the col ony, in procuring the patent. Appoint a ^s l^e charter included the colony of New-Haven, Mr, committee Matthew Allen, Mr. Samuel Wyllys, and the Rev. Messrs. to confer Stone and H°°ker, were appointed a committee, to pro- with New- eeed to New-Haven, and to treat with their friends there, *ven' respecting an amicable union of the two colonies. t The committee proceeded to New-Haven, and after a conference with the governor, magistrates, and principal gentlemen in the colony, left the following declaration, to be communicated to the freemen. e " We declare, that through the providence of the Most tee's dec- High, a large and ample patent, and therein desirable pri- laflatjon. vileges and immunities from his majesty, being come to our hand, a copy whereof we have left with you, to be consid ered, and yourselves, upon the sea coast, being included and interested therein, the king having united us in one body politic, we, according to the commission wherewith we are intrusted, by the General Assembly of Connecticut, do declare, in their name, that it is both their and our ear nest desire, that there may be a happy and comfortable union between yourselves and us, according to the tenor of the charter ; that inconveniences and dangers may be pre vented, peace and truth strengthened and established, through our suitable subjection to the terms of the patent, and the blessing of God upon us therein." The authority of New-Haven made the following reply. New-Ha- " We have received and perused your writings, and yen's re- heard the copy read *of his majesty's letters patent to Con- **' necticut colony ; wherein, though we do not find the colo ny of New-Haven expressly included, yet lo show our de- * It appears, from the appropriations made, and taxes imposed, to pay the charges of governor Winthrop's agency, that fte charter cost (be col ony about thirteen hundred pounds sterling. t A thanksgiving was appointed by this assembly, through the colony, to celebrate the divine beneficence ; especially, in granting them such a favorable reception with his majesty, and such ample civil and religious privileges, as bad been conferred by their charter : and for God's gracious answe^to the prayers of his people, in abating the sickness ofthe country, ipA giviDg them rain in the tune of drought . • » Chap. XH. CONNECTICUT. 253 sire that matter! may be issued in the conserving of peace Book L and amity, with righteousness between them and ns, we v-^-v-^/ shall communicate your writing, and a copy ofthe patent, 1662. to our freemen, and afterwards, with convenient speed, re turn their answer. Only we desire, that the issuing of matters may be respited, until we may receive fuller in formation from Mr. Winthrop, or satisfaction otherwise ; and that in the mean time, this colony may remain distinct, entire, and uninterrupted, as heretofore : whicb we hope you will see cause lovingly to consent unto ; and signify "the same to us with convenient speed." On the 4th of November, the freemen of the colony of -. New-Haven, convened in general court. The governor meet at communicated the writings to the court, and ordered a copy New-Ha» of the patent to be read. After a short adjournment, for ™i ^0T~ consideration in an affair of so much importance, the free men met again, and proceeded to a large discussion of the subject. The Rev. Mr. Davenport was entirely opposed to an Mr- DaF" anion with Connecticut. He proceeded, therefore, to offer j^, ^" p. number of reasons, why the inhabitants of New-Haven union. could not be included in the patent of that colony, and for whicb they ongbt by no means, voluntarily to form an un ion. He left his reasons in writing, for the consideration of the freemen. He observed that, he should leave others to act according to the light which they should receive. It was insisted, that New-Haven had been owned as a -.^^ distinct government, not only by her sister colonies, by the aga^ it Earliament, and the protector, during their administration; ut by his majesty, king Charles tbe second : That it was against the express articles of confederation, by which Connecticut was no less bound, than the other colonies : That New-Haven had never been certified of any such de sign, as their incorporation with Connecticut ; and that they had never been heard on the subject. It was further urged, that, had it been designed to unite them with Con necticut, some of their names, at least, would have been put into the patent, with the other patentees ; but none of them were there. Hence it was maintained, that it never could have been the design of his majesty, to comprehend them within the limits of the charter. It was argued, that for them to consent to an union would be inconsistent with their oath, to maintain that commonwealth, with all its pri vileges, civil and religious. Indeed, it was urged, that it would be incompatible both with their honor and most es sential interests. governor Leet excused himself bote, speal#ng on tbft 254 HISTORY OF Chap. XII. Book I. subject, desiring rather to hear the freemen speak their v-*fa-v-N-»/ minds freely, and to act themselves, with respect to the un- 1662. ion. After the affair had been fully debated, the freemen re solved, that an answer to Connecticut should be drawn up under the following heads. 1. " Bearing a proper testimony against the great sin of Connecticut, in acting so contrary to righteousness, amity, and peace." 2. " Desiring that all further proceedings, relative to the affair, might be suspended, until Mr. Winthrop should re turn, or they might otherwise obtain further information and satisfaction." 3. " To represent, that they could do nothing in the af fair, until they had consulted the other confederates."* The freemen appointed all their magistrates and elders, with Mr. Law, of Stamjprd, a committee to draw up an arii swer to the General Assembly of Connecticut. They were directed to subjoin the weighty arguments, which they had against an union. If these should not avail, they were directed to prepare an address to his majesty, pray ing for relief. The committee drew up a long letter, in which they de clared, that they did not find any command in the patent, to dissolve covenants, and alter the orderly settlement of New-England ; nor a prohibition against their continuance as a distinct government. They represented, that the con duct of Connecticut, in acting at first without them, con firmed them in'those sentiments ; and that the way was still open for them to petition his majesty, and obtain immuni ties, similar to those of Connecticut, They declared, that they must enter their appeal from the construction which Connecticut put upon the patent ; and desired that they might not be interrupted, in the enjoyment of their distinct privileges, They solicited, that proceedings relative to an union might rest, until they might obtain further infor mation, consult their confederates, and know his majesty's pleasure concerning them. The committee then proceeded to represent the unrea sonable and injurious conduct of Connecticut towards them, in beginning to exercise jurisdiction^ithin their limits, be fore they had given them any intimations that they were included in their charter ; before they had invited them to an amicable union ; and before they had any representa tion in their assembly, or name in their patent. They ur ged, that, in such a procedure, they had encouraged divi * Records of New$Ia7$u. CkAP. XIL ' CONNECTICUT, 25* sion, and giveti countenance to disaffected persoris : that Book I. they had abetted them in slighting solemn covenants and v_x-v->^ oaths, by which the peace of the towns and churches,- in 1662. that colony, was greatly disturbed,' Further, they insisted,- that, by this means, his majesty's pious designs were coun teracted, and his interests disserved : that great scandal was brought upon religion before the natives, and the beau ty of a peaceable, faithful and brotherly walking exceed ingly marred among themselves. The committee also re presented, that these transactions were entirely inconsist ent with the engagements of governor Winthrop, contrary to his advice to Connecticut, and tended to bring injurious reflections and reproach upon him. They earnestly pray-> ed for a copy of all which he had written to the deputy governor and company on the subject, On the whole, they professed themselves exceedingly injured and griev ed ; and intreated the general assembly of Connecticut to adopt speedy and effectual measures- to repair the breaches which they had made, and to restore them to their former state, as a confederate and sister colony.* Connecticut made no reply to this letter ; but at a gene- Assembly ral assembly, holden March 11th, 1663, appointed the de-at passed, 1663. " This court doth declare, that they can do no less, for Act res- their own indemnity, than to manifest their dissatisfaction New-H - wfth the Plantations of New-Havert, Milford, Guilford, venT *" Stamford, and Branford, in their distinct standing from us, in point of government ; it being directly opposite to the tenor of the charter, lately granted to our colony of , Con necticut, in which these plantations are included. We do also expect their submission to our government, according to our charter, and his majesty's pleasure therein express ed ; it being a stated conclusion with the commissioners, that jurisdiction right goeth with patent. And whereas, the aforesaid people of New-Haven, Milford, Guilford, Stamford, and Branford, pretend they have power of gov ernment, distinct from us, we do hereby declare, that our council will be ready to attend them, or a committee of theirs; and if they can rationally make it appear, that they . have such power, and that we have wronged them accord ing to their complaints, we shall be ready to attend them .with due satisfaction,"* The assembly appointeda committee to draught a letter to the gentlemen at New-Haven, and to inclose, to them the preceding resolution. A ts Agents were sept to this assembly from the Manhadoes, from the to treat with the legislature, relative to the differences sub- Dutch, sisting between them and the Dutch. A petition, at the same time, was presented from the English plantations upon Long-Island, in the vicinity ofthe Dutch, praying for the protection and privileges of the corporation of Connec ticut. Upon which the assembly passed the following re solve : " That, as they were solicitous to maintain the interests and peace of his majesty's subjects, and yet to attend all ways of righteousness, so that they might hold a friendly correspondence Vith. their -neighbours, at the Manhadoes, they would, for the present, forbear all acts of authority to wards the English plantations on the west end of Long-Isl and, provided the Dutch would forbear to exercise any co ercive power towards them; and this court shall cease from further attendance unto the premises, until there be a seasonable return, from the general Stevenson, to thoSe propositions his messengers carried with them, or until there be an issue of the difference, between them and us. And, in case the Dutch do unjustly molest or offer violence Vnto them, we declare, that we shall not be willing to sec * Records of Connecticut. Chap. XII. CONNECTICUT. 261 our countrymen, his rnajesty?s natural born subjects, and Book I. his interests, interrupted or molested, by the Dutch or any *-x-v-«w others ; but we shall address ourselves, to use such just 1665, and lawful means, as God shall, in his wisdom, offer to our hands, for their indemnity and safety, until his majesty, our sovereign lord the king, shall please to declare his roy al pleasure for their future settlement." As governor Winthrop was now returned from England, the assembly embraced the first opportunity to present him with the thanks of the colony, for the great pains he had taken, and the special services he had rendered it, in procuring the charter. The legislature, determining to secure, as far as possible, the lands within the limit? of their charter, authorised one Thomas Pell to purchase of the Indian proprietors all that tract between West-Chester and Hudson's river, and the waters which made the Manhadoes an island ; and resolv ed, that'it should be added to West-Chester. The towns on the west end of Long-island petitioning to be under the government of Connecticut, the assembly de clared, that, as the lines of their patent extended to the ad joining islands, they accepted those towns under their ju risdiction. It was resolved, in October, that Hammonasset should October. be a town. The same month, twelve planters, principally from Hartford, Windsor, and Guilford, fixed their residence there. It was afterwards named fCillingworth. At the October session, 1703, the assembly gave them a patent, confirming to the proprietors all the lands within the limits of the town.* While these affairs were transacted in Connecticut, the Oct. 22, colony of New-Haven persisted in their opposition to an in- rJcSo^t corporation with that government. On the 28d of Octo- at New- ber, their general court convened, and governor Leet ac- Haven quainted the court, that, since the meeting of the commis- Jjon^ecii- sioners, their committee had written to Connecticut to the cut. following effect : That as the commissioners had unani- mously'established the confederation, and the distinct and entire jurisdiction of each confederate colony, they judged, that it would not be unacceptable to present to their gene ral assembly our request, that they would act in conformi ty to the advice ofthe commissioners, and recal all former acts, inconsistent with their determinations. They insist ed, that a compliance with their wishes would be no ob- * The name originally designed was Kennelworth, and thus it is writ ten, for some years, on the records ofthe colony, but by mistake it was recorded Killingworth, and this name finally prevailed. 262 HISTORY OF Chap. XII. Book I. struction to an amicable treaty ; but that its tendency s^-n^-^/ would be sooner to effect the union, which they desired: 1663. That it could, by no means, endanger their patent, nor any of their chartered rights ; and that they had the counte nance of all the confederates, to apologize for them in their present request, and in maintaining their rights, as a dis tinct jurisdiction. Governor Leet further certified the court, that their committee had desired an answer to their letter, before the present session of their general court, and previously to their answering the proposals made to them by Connecticut, The free- The freemen ofthe colony of New-Haven were not only termine'to °PPosed to an incorporation with Connecticut, but even to hold no treating with them, under the then present circumstances. further The court, after a long and serious debate, considering, ^vith th *'iat l^e Sener9' court of Connecticut had not complied colony. "rid1 their request, but still claimed a right of jurisdiction over them, and countenanced the malcontents in their sev eral towns, were decidedly against any further treaty. The following resolution was adopted. " That no treaty be made, by this colony, with Connecticut, before such acts of power, exerted by them, upon any of our towns, be revo ked and recalled, according to the honorable Mr. Win throp's letter engaging the same, the commissioners' de-- termination, and our'frequent desires," Order that The court ordered, that the magistrates, or other offi- rates shall cers^ w^ere there were no magistrates, should issue war- trained, rants, according to law, to attach the personal estate of those who, upon legal demand, had refused, or should re fuse to make payment of their rates. It was provided, that, in case of resistance and forcible rescue, violence should not be used to the shedding of blood, unless it were in a man's own defence. The court further determined to make application to his majesty for redress. The plan adopted by the court, as circumstances then were, was to petition the king for a bill of exemption from the govern ment Of Connecticut, and to leave the affair of procuring a "patent, for that colony, to the wisdom of their agents in England, as they should judge to be most expedient. A tax of 300 pounds was levied upon the colony, for the purpose of enabling them to prosecute the affair before his majesty in council. A day of extraordinary fasting and prayer was appoint ed to supplicate divine mercy, for the afflicted people of God universally, and especially for themselves, that they might be directed to the proper means of obtaining an es tablished and permanent enjoyment of their just rights and privileges. Chap. XII. CONNECTICUT. 263 The affairs of the colony of New-Haven were now ex- Book I. eeedingly embarrassed, and approaching to an important v^v'^/ crisis. The colony was much in debt. Taxtes had not 1 663, been punctually collected. Many were disaffected with Embar- the government, and refused to pay any thing for its sup- ras^ed port* When the officers of New-Haven attempted to col- New-Ha led the taxes, which had been imposed, they repaired to ven. Connecticut for protection ; and, with too little appearance of justice, or brotherly affection, were protected, by its legislature. Indeed the colony was so reduced, that it coult not pay the stated salaries of its principal officers. While the court expressed their ardent desires, were it in their power, to give the governors the full salary, which had been usual, yet, considering the low state of the colo ny, and the numbers withdrawn from them, they judged they were not able to give the governor more than forty pounds, and the deputy governor not more than ten. No sooner did the officers begin to distrain the rates of Alarm at those who refused to pay, than it produced the most alarm- Guilford, ing and dangerous consequences. One John Rossiter of anjNew- Guilford, and his son, bold and disorderly men, who had Haven, been punished for misdemeanors, by the authority of the Dec. 30th. colony of New-Haven, made a journey to Hartford, and ob tained two of the magistrates of Connecticut, a constable, and several others, to come down to Guilford, on the night of the 30th of December. By firing a number of guns in the night, they greatly alarmed and disturbed the town. Some ofthe men, from Connecticut, were rough, and used high and threatening language. In such a crisis, governor Leet judged it expedient to send immediately to Branford and New-Haven, for assistance. Both the towns were a- larmed, in the dead time of night, and forwarded men to tlie aid of the governor. The governor and magistrates eonducted affairs with such moderation and prudence, thaf no mischief was done. The gentlemen from Connecticut remonstrated against collecting taxes from those, who had been taken under the protection of that colony, and de sired New-Haven to suspend the affair for further conside ration. Governor Leet therefore convoked a special court, at General New-Haven, on the 7th of January, 1664. He opened S?urt*' the public business, by acquainting the court, that it was veenw}an" the earnest desire of the magistrates from Connecticut, 7th,' 1664. and of Mr. Rossiter and his son, that the act of the general court of New-Haven, relative to the distraining of taxes, might be suspended, until there could be another confer ence between the colonies ; at which, they were in; expec- 264 HISTORY OB1 6hap. XII. Book I. tation, that all difficulties might be amicably settled. He v-o-n^w/ also laid before the court the representations which the 1663. gentlemen from Connecticut had made of the great danger there would be, in carrying that act into execution, in di rect opposition to the authority of Connecticut. It was de sired, that the court would maturely consider the affair* The court insisted, that all former treaties with Connec- Persistsm ticut had been without any good effect; and persisted in its resolu- the resolution, that, until the members, which had been so tion not to unrjghteously taken from them, should be restored, they Co^ti- would' hold no further treaty with that colony.* Mr. Da- cut, venport and Mr. Street were appointed to make a draught of their grievances, to be transmitted to the General Assem bly of Connecticut. It was to be examined and approved by such a number of their committee, as could be conven ed upon the occasion. They drew up a long and sensible' Statement remonstrance, which they termed " New-Haven case sta- of.Mew- ted." The subject was introduced with a declaration to Haven fa-is effect : That it was their deep sense of the injuries, which the colony had suffered, by the claims and encroach ments, which had been made upon their just prerogatives and privileges, which had induced them, unanimously, though with great reluctance, to declare their grievances unto them. They proceeded then, to declare, that they settled at New-Haven, with the consent of Connecticut ; had purchased the Whole tract of latfd, which they had set tled^ upon the sea coast, of the Indians, the original propri etors of the soil ; and had quietly possessed it nearly six and twenty years : That they had expended great estates, in clearing, fencing, and cultivating the lands, without any assistance from Connecticut ; and had formed themselves^ by voluntary compact, into adistinct commonwealth. They then proceeded to state a great variety of instances, in which Connecticut, the united colonies, the parliament, andprotector, the king, and his council, had owned them as a distinct colony. They insisted that, notwithstanding, they had now procured a patent including New-Haven, not only without their concurrence, but contrary to their mirids.^ previously expressed ; contrary to the express ar ticles of the confederation, and to their own engagements, not to include them in the charter. Further they affirmed, that Mr. Winthrop, before his departure for England, had, by his letters, given assurance, that it was not designed to include New-Haven in the patent ; and that the magistrates of Connecticut had agreed, that, if the patent should in clude them, they should be at full liberty to incorporate * Records of New-Haven. CftAt. XIL CONNECTICUT, &5 with them or not, as should be most agreeable to their in- Book I. clinations. They alledged that, contrary to all the prem- %-*-n^-w ises, to justice, to good faith, to brotherly kindness, to the 1664. peace and order of church and commonwealth, Connect icut, even in their first assembly, proceeded to the dis memberment of the colony qf New-Haven, by receiving its members from Stamford, Guilford, and Southhold : That, after such dismemberment, they had preposterously- pretended to treat with them relative to an union : And that, after a conference with the committee from Connecti cut, and the reading of their charter, it did not appear that they were so much as mentioned, or that it had any refer ence to them. They declared that, in a full persuasion of his majesty's pleasure, to continue them a distinct jurisdic tion, they had assured the committee of their design to ap peal to him, and know his royal purpose : That, though they immediately sent their appeal ; yet that, out of ten der respect to the peace and honor of Mr. Winthrop, they advised their friends, in England, to acquaint him with their papers, that he might adopt some effectual expedi ent, to compromise the unhappy differences between the two colonies : And that it was on the account of Mr. Win throp's engagements to their friends, that their rights and interests should not be disquieted nor injured, that the ap peal to his majesty was then suspended.* From a state ment of these, and some other facts and circumstances, they attempted to demonstrate their rights, as a distinct colony, and the injustice, unfaithfulness, ingratitude, and cruelty of Connecticut, in their ^claims upon them, and in the manner of their prosecuting them. Their beginning to dismember their colony, by receiving and protecting their subjects and malcontents, previous to any treaty with them ; their appointing officers, creating animosities, and raising alarms in their several towns, were especially insisted on, as contrary to all their covenants, as brethren and confederates, and contrary to all order, peace, and justice. The General Assembly of Connecticut, at their session Assembly- in May, avowed their claim to Long-Island, as one of the a.4 Connec* adjoining islands mentioned in their charter, except some j^-'i2tb» preceding right should appear, approved by his majesty. Officers were appointed, by the court at Hampstead, Ja maica, Newtown, Flushing, Oyster-Bay, and all the towns General upon the west end of the island. election at Upon the general election at New-Haven, the freemen New~,J*a" proceeded to the choice of their civil officers, as had been ^k *y * Records of New-Haven. 12 2G6 filStORY Of Chap, XlL Book I. usual. Governor Leet was rechosen, and Mr. William •^-v-n^ Jones was elected deputy-governor. Matthew Gilbert, 1664. Esq. the former deputy-governor, Mr. Berijamin Fenn, Mr. Jasper Crane, Mi4. Treat, and Mr. Nash, were ap pointed magistrates. The two last would not accept the office. The governor and deputy-governor were chosen commissioners for the next meeting at Hartford. The col ony was now become so weak, and the affairs of it so em barrassed, by the claims and proceedings of Connecticut, that the general court either did n'o b&siness, or judged it expedient to put nothing upon record. In this situation of affairs, an event took place, which alarmed all the New-England colonies, and at once chang ed the opinions ofthe commissioners, and of New- Haven, with respect to their incorporation with Connecticut. King Charles the second, On the 12th of March, 1664,, gave a patent to his brother, the Duke of York and Alba ny, of several extensive tracts of land, in North America, the boundaries of which are thus described. " All that part of the main land of New-England, begin~ tukeof ning at a certain place, called and known by the name of York's St. Croix, next adjoining to New-England in America, and pa^nt. ^,om t^g^cg extending along the sea coast unto a certain place called Petnaquie or Pemaqu-id, and so up the river thereof, to the furthest bead ofthe same, as it tendeth north ward; and extending from thence to the river Kembequin, and soupwards by the shortest course tothe river Canada, northward : and also, all'that island or islands, commonly called by the general name or names of Meitowax, or Long-Island, sJtuate and being toward the west of Cape Cod, and the narrow HighgaiisetS,. abutting upon the main land between tbe.tWo rivers t'here called or known by the several names of Connecticut and Hudson's river, and all the land 'from the west side of 'Connecticut river to the east side of Delaware bay, and also all those several islands called Or known by the names of Martin's Vineyard or Nantucks, otherwise Nantucket : together," &c. The concern ofthe Duke of York for his property, the aversion both of his majesty and the duke to 'the Dutch, with the -differences between them and the New-England colonies, made an expedition against the New-Netherlands a prime object of flieir attention. Though his majesty Armament king Charles 11. was an indolent prince, devoted to dissi- forthere- pation and pleasure, yet, under the influence of these mo- ductionof tives, an armament was soon prepared, and a fleet Jis- setti?-Ut°h Patched t0 New-England, for the reduction ofthe Dutch ment?. settlements on the continent. Colonel Richard Nichols Chap. XII.' CONNECTICUT, 267 was chief commander of the fleet and army. Colonel Book I, .Nichols had not only a commission, for the reduction of\^^-^/ the Dutch plantations, and the government of them, but he, ] 664. with George Cartwrith, Esq. Sir Robert Carr, and Samuel Commis- Maverick, Esq. were appointed commissioners, by his ma- «?ners jesty, and vested with extraordinary powers, for visiting tJaordina- \he New-England colonies ; hearing and determining all iy powers. matters of complaint and controversy between them, and settling the country in peace.* Colonel Nichols arrived at Boston, with the fleet and Colonel troops under his command, on the 23d of July, 1664.. He ^h°'s9 immediately communicated his commission to the colonies, Boston and his majesty's requisition of troops, to assist in the ex- July 23d. pedition against the Dutch. He then sailed for the New- Netherlands, and on the 20th of August, made a demand of Demands the town and forts upon the island of Manhadoes. Heasurren- had previously sent letters to governor Winthrop. to join ^erof*he him, at the west end of Long-Island. Governor Winthrop, t0wn at with several ofthe magistrates and principal gentlemen of tlw Man- Connecticut, joined him, according to his wishes. hadoes. Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor, was an old soldier, and had he been better prepared, and the people united, doubts less wonjd have made a brave defence. But he had no intimations of the design, until the 8th of July, When he received intelligence, that a fleet of three or four ships of war, with three hundred and fifty soldiers on board, were about to sail from England, against the Dutch settlements. Upon this, he immediately ordered that the forts should be put into a state of defence, and sent out spies into several parts of Connecticut, with a view of obtaining further in formation. Indeed, the tradition has been, that tbe Dutch governor, apprehending the danger in which all the Dutch plantations would immediately be, on the arrival of the fleet, should the colonies unite against them, came to Hart ford to negotiate a neutrality with Connecticut ; and that he was there when he received the news of the arrival of the fleet at Boston. The story has been, that he made his departure in the night, and returned with the utmost expe dition. He was extremely opposed to a surrender of the fort Dutch gor-. and town. Instead of submitting to the summons pt first ernor op- sent him, he drew up a long statement of the Dutch clajmsr^.^o*; and their indubitable, right to the country. He insisted that, had the king of England known the justice of their claims, he never would have adopted such measures against them. He concluded, by assuring colonel Nichol^ that * No. xiii. and his majesty's letter No. xiv. 268 HISTORY OF Chap. XII. Book 1. he should not submit to his demands, nor fear any evils, ^-^-w but such as God, in his providence, should inflict upon 1664, him.* Colonel Nichols, in his first summons, had, in his ma- jesty's name, given assurance, that the Dutch, upon their submission, should be safe, as to life, liberty, and property. Governor Winthrop also wrote a letter to the governor and council, advising them to surrender. But they were care ful to secrete the writings from the people, lest the easy terms proposed, should induce them to surrender. The burgo-masters and people desired to know of the governor, what was the import of the writings he had received, and pfeoppose especially of the letter from governor Winthrop. The )iim. Dutch governor and his council giving them no intelligence, they solicited it still more earnestly. The governor, irri tated at this, in a paroxysm of anger, tore the letter in pie ces. UP0n which the < people protested against his con duct, and all its consequences. ¦The conj- While the governor and his council were thus contend- pissioners ing with the burgo-masters and people, in the town,- the »roclama- English commissioners caused a proclamation to be pub- $ipn, lished, in the country, encouraging the inhabitants to sub mit to his majesty's government. This promiseclto all the inhabitants, who would become subject to his majesty, ?' that they should be protected by his majesty's laws and justice, and peaceably enjoy whatever God's blessing, and their honest industry, had furnished them with, and all the other privileges with his majesty's English subjects." Theputch The colonel, finding that the Dutch governor was deter- Amstcr- m'nec^) >f possible, to keep his station, sent officers to Ja- dam, fort maica, Hampstead, and-other towns, upon the island, to Orange, beat up for volunteers. Captain Hugh Hyde, who com and Dela- manded the ships, had orders to proceed to the reduction mfuio'his" Pf the fort.t Troops were raised in New-England, and majesty's ready to march upon the first notice. Two thirds of the arms, and inhabitants upon Long-Island were English subjects, and tenglish wished for the success of his "majesty's arms. ' They were subjects, ready, if necessary, to afford their immediate assistance. In snch circumstances, opposition would have been mad ness. The Dutch therefore, on the 27th of August, sub mitted on terms of capitulation. The articles secured them in the enjoyment of liberty of conscience ih divine wor ship, and their own mode of discipline. -The Dutch gov ernor and people became English subjects, enjoyed their estates, and all the privileges of Englishmen. Upon thja * Smith's History of New-York, p. 12, li, : •I The same, p. 10,83. Chap. XII. CONNECTICUT. 269 surrender of the town of New-Amsterdam, ' it was hamed Book I. New-York, in honor to the duke of York. v^-v-w Part of the armament immediately sailed up the river, 1664;. under the command of Carteret, to fort Orange, or Aura nia. This surrendered on the 24th of September. This was named Albany, in honor to the duke of York and Alba ny. Sir Robert Carr proceeded with another division of the fleet to Delaware. He obliged the Dutch and Swedes to capitulate, and deliver up their respective garrisons, on the 1st of October. Upon this day, the whole of New- Netherlands became subject to the crown of England. The Dutch, who before had given so much trouble to the English colonists, from this time, commenced their loyal and peaceable fellow subjects. Tne short time the commissioners tarried at Boston, be fore they proceeded upon their expedition against the Dutch, was sufficient to discover something of their extra ordinary powers, and such a taste of the high and arbitra ry manner in which they conducted, as spread a general alarm, and awakened, in the colonies, serious apprehen sions for their liberties. Mr, Whiting, who was at Bos- News and ton, and learned much of their temper, was sent back, in ?dv,Cg haste, to give information of the danger, in which, it waston< apprehended, the colonies all were ; to advise New-Haven to incorporate with Connecticut, without delay; and to make a joint exertion for the preservation of their chart ered rights. This was pressed, not only as absolutely ne cessary for New-Haven, but for the general safety of the country. In consequence of this intelligence, a general court was Q!ene,.al convened at New-Haven, on the 11th of August, 1664. court at Governor Leet communicated the intelligence which he New-Hav- had received from their friends at Boston. He acquainted j"J'lhAusllst them that Mr. Whiting and Mr. Bull had made a visit to New-Haven, and in their own names, and in behalf of the magistrates of Connecticut, pressed their immediate sub jection to their government. Further, the court was certi fied, that after some treaty with those gentlemen, their committee had given an answer, purporting, that, if Con necticut would, in his majesty's name, assert their claim to the colony of New-Haven, and secure them in the full en joyment of all the immunities, which they had proposed, and engage to make a united exertion, for the preservation of their chartered rights, they would make their submis sion. After a long debate the court resolved, that, if Con necticut should come and assert their claim, as had been agreed, they wpuld submit uptil the meeting 9f the comr 270 HISTORY OF Chap.XIL Connecti cut re monstrate against the sitting of the com missioners of New- Haven. Court of commissionersmeets Sept. 1st. Advise to a speedy onion of Connecti cut and New-Haven. missioners of the united colonies. The magistrates and principal gentlemen of the colony, seem to have been sen sible, not only of the expediency, but necessity of an in corporation1 with Connecticut. The opposition, however,- was so general among the people, that nothing further could be effected. The court of commissioners was so near at hand, that governor Winthrop and his council judged it not expedi ent to make any further demands upon New-Haven, until their advice, could be known. However, when the gene ral assembly met, early in September, they passed a*re- monstrance against the sitting of governor Leet and depu ty governor Jones with the commissioners. In the re monstrance they declared, that New-Haven was not a colo ny, but a part of Connecticut, and avowed their claim to it as such. They insisted, that owning that as a colony, distinct from Connecticut, after his majesty had, by his, letters patent, incorporated it with that colony, was incon sistent with the king's pleasure ; would endanger the rights of all the colonies, and especially the ¦ charter-rights of Connecticut. The assembly, at the same time, declared, that they would have a tender 'regard to their honored friends and brethren, at New-Haven, and exert themselves to accommodate them, with all the immunities and privi leges which were conveyed by their charter. On the Ist of September, the court of commissioners met at Hartford. The commissioners from New-Haven were allowed their seats with the other confederates. The case of New-Haven and Connecticut was fully heard, and though the court did not approve offl.be manner, in which Connecticut had proceeded, yet they earnestly ipressed a speedy and amicable union of the two colonies. They represented, that the divine honor, and the welfare of all the colonies, as well as iflieirown, were greatly concerned in the event. To remove all obstructions on their part, the commis sioners recommended it to the general courts of Massachu setts and Plymouth, that, in case the colony of New-Ha ven should iinefflrprarate with Connecticut, they might then be owned as one coltatiy, and "send two commissioners to each meeting ; and that the determinations of any four of the six, should be equally binding on the confederates, as the conclusions of six out of eight, had been before. Jt was also proposedto the court, that the meeting, which of course had been at New-Haven, should be at Hasftford.* * Records of the united .coldriieii. Ft was determined, atthis court, .that their meetings, for?lhe future, should be 'triennial. ©hap. XII, CONNECTICUT. 271 In compliance with the advice ofthe commissioners, gov- Book L ernor Leet convened the general court at New-Haven, on >^vv the 14th of September, and communicated the advice 1664. which had been given, and papers from the committee of General Connecticut, advising and urging, them to unite. They ?,ourt ** referred it to their most serious consideration, whether, if veenT' the king's commissioners should visit them, they would not be much better able to' vindicate their liberty and just rights, in union with Connecticut, under a royal patent, than in their then present circumstances. Many insisted, No vote notwithstanding, " That to stand as God had kept them to °bt^ine(} that time was their best way." Others Were entirely of jon. the contrary opinion, and after the. fullest discussion of the subject, no vote for union or treaty could be obtained. New-Haven and Branford Were more fixed and obsti- Grounds nate in their opposition to an incorporation With Connec- t^B^oTn ticut, than any of the other towns in that colony. Mr. union with Davenport and Mr. Pierson seem to have been among its Connecti- chief supporters. They, with many of the inhabitants of cut- the colony, Were more rigid, with respect to the terms of church communion, than the ministers and churches of Connecticut generally were. The ministers and churches in Connecticut were, a considerable number of them, in favor of the propositions ofthe general council, which met at Cambridge, in 1662, relative to the baptism of children, whose parents were not in full communion. The minis ters and churches of New-Haven were universally and ut terly against them. Mr. Davenport, and others in this colony, were also strong in the opinion, that all govern ment should be in the church. No person in this colony could be a freeman, unless he were a member in full com munion. But in Connecticut, all orderly persons, possess ing a freehold to a certain amount, might be made free of the corporation. Those gentlemen', who were so strong in the opposition, were, doubtless, jealous that an Union would mar the purity, order, and beauty of their churches, and have an ill influence on the civil ad-ministrations. The- removal of the -seat of government ; the apprehension which some had of losing their places of trust and general influence ; with strong prejudices and passions against Connecticut, on account of the injuries, which it was con ceived it had done the colony, all operated in forming the opposition. Besides, it was a painful reflection, that, af ter they had been at so much pains and expense to form •and support themselves a$ a distinct commonwealth, and had been so many years owned as one, their existence must ce_a$e and their name be obliterated. 272 HISTORY OF Chap. XU. Book I. 7'his event, however, was hastening, and grew more and v^-v-»w/ more urgent^ Milford, at this time, broke off from themy 1664. and would no more send either magistrate or deputies to the general court* Mr, Richard Law, a principal gendeman at Stamford, also deserted them. Assembly In this state of affairs, the general assembly of Connecti- mects cut convened, on the 13th of -October. This was an im- liCpor-3th Por^ant crisis with the colony^ In few instances, have so tant crisis many important objects of consideration, at one time, pre- with Con- sented themselves to a legislature. Their liberties were necticut. no(. onjy jn equai danger with those of their sister colonies, from the extraordinary powers, and arbitrary dispositions and measures ofthe king's commissioners, but the duke of York, a powerful antagonist, had received a patent,, cover ing Long-Island and all that part of the colony west of Connecticut river. The Massachusetts were encroaching upon them on their northern and eastern boundaries.- William and Anne, the duke and dutchess of Hamilton, had petitioned his majesty to restore to them the tract of country granted to their father, James, marquis of Hamil ton, in the year 1635 ; and his majesty had, on the 6th of May, 1664, referred the case to the determination of colo nel Nichols and the other commissioners.* Besides, the state of affairs with New-Haven was neither comfortable nor safe. Acts of In these circumstances, the legislature viewed it as a point the assem- 0f capital importance to conciliate the commissioners, and pecting" obtain the. good graces of his majesty. For this purpose, the com- they ordered a present of five hundred bushels of corn, to missioners, be made to the king's commissioners. A large committee chusetts was aPPointedyto settle the boundaries between Connecti- & Rhode- cut and the duke of York. A committee, consisting of Mr. Island. Allen, Mr. Wyllys, Mr. Talcott, and Mr, Newbury, was also appointed to settle the boundary line between this colony and Massachusetts, and between Connecticut and Rhode-Island. They were instructed not to give away any part of the lands, included within the limits of the charter. Respect- Mr. Sherman, Mr. Allen, and the secretary, were author ing New- ;seci t0 proc'eed to New-Haven, and, by order of the gen- a*en' eral assembly, " in his majesty's name, to require the in habitants of New-Haven, Milford, Branford, Guilford, and Stamford, to submit to the government established by his majesty's gracious grant to this colony, and to receive their answer." They had instructions to declare all the free men, in those towns, free ofthe corporation of Connecti cut ; and to make all others, in the respective towns men* * No. XV. Chap. XIL CONNECTICUT. 273 tioned, qualified according to law, freemen of Connecticut. Book L At the same time, they were directed to administer to them v^-v-*-* the freeman's oath. 1664* Besides, they were authorised to make declaration, that the assembly did invest William Leet and William Jones, Esquires, Mr. Gilbert, Mr. Fenny Mr. Crane, Mr. Treat, and Mr. Law, with the powers of magistracy ; to govern their respective plantations agreeably to the law's of Con necticut, or such of their own laws, as were not inconsist-: ent with the charter, until their session in May next. It was proclaimed also, that all other officers, civil and mili tary, were established in their respective places; and that cognizance should not be taken of any case which had been prosecuted, to a final adjudication, in any of the courts of that colony.* The gentlemen appointed to this service, on the 19th of November, went to New-Haven, and proceeded according to their instructions. About the same tube,' Governor Winthrop, Mr. Allen, Mr. Gould, Mr. Richards, and John Winthrop, the com mittee appointed to settle the boundaries between Con necticut and New- York, waited on the commissioners up on York Island. . After they had been fully beard,- in. be half of Connecticut, the commissioners determined, " That DetenriU the southern bounds of Ms majesty's colony of Connecti-n?tion.°f, cut, is the sea; and that Long-Island is to be under the tyVToS-" government of his royal highness, the duke of York, as is missioners^ expressed by plain words in the Said patents respectively. Nov. 30tl» We also order and declare, that the creek or river called Mamaro nock; which is reputed to be about twelve miles to the east of West-Chester, and a line drawn from the east point or side, where the fresh water falls into the salt, at high water mark, north-north-west, to the line of Massa chusetts, be the. western. bounds ofthe said colony of Con necticut ; and the plantations lying Westward Of that creek, and line so drawn, to be under his royal highness's govern ment- and all plantations lying eastward of that creek and line, to be under the gpvernment of Connecticut. t- In consequence of the acts of Connecticut, and the de- General terminatipn of the commissioners, relative tp the bounda- ^JJf.g ries of the colony, a general court was called at New-Ha- v^jj^. ven, with the freemen, and as many of the inhabitants of 13th. the colony as chose to attend, on the 13th of December, 1664. The .following resolutions were then unanimously passed. . 1. " That, by this act or vote, we be .not understood to. ' * Records of Connecticut. t No. XVI-. K3 274 History of ?HAP. XlL 1664. Resolves ofthet'btat. Book I. justify Connecticut's former actings, nor any thing disor- w*-\^*»i/ derly done by their own people, on such accounts." 2. " That, by it, we be not apprehended to have any hand in breaking or dissolving the confederation." 3. " Yet, in loyalty to the king's majesty, when an au thentic copy of the determination of his majesty's commis sioners is published, to be recorded with us, if thereby it shall appear to our committee, that we are, by his majes ty's authority, now put under Connecticut patent, we shall submit, by a necessity brought upon us, by the means of Connecticut aforesaid ; but with a. salvo jure of our former rights pnd claims, as a people, who have not yet been heard in point of plea."* The members of the court, then present, the elders of the colony, with Mr. John Nash, Mr. James Bishop, Mr. Francis Bell, Mr. Robert Treat, and Mr^ Richard Bald win, were appointed a committee to consummate an union between the colonies. Several letters passed between the committees of the two colonies, on the subject, in whick the committee of New-Haven signified, that the officers in that colony would continue to act in their respective offices, and expressed their good designs and wishes towards Connecticut, and their loyalty to his majesty. They also represented their expectations, that the governor and company, according to their engagements, would give them' all the advantages and privileges which they could do,- consistent with the patent, and their desires still to continue the confederation, t The committee of Connecticut, in answer to NeW-Ha- ven, assured them of their willingness to bestow on them all the privileges granted in their charter, prepared ready to their hands. They acquainted them, that provision had been made for the continuance of the confederation, ac cording to their wishes. They pleaded the necessity and importance of their incorporation with Connecticut, as they Were nearly in the centre of the colony, as an apology for the* measures which they had taken. They expressed their strong desires that New-Haven would cordially unite with them, and, by no means, view it as a matter of con straint: that mutual candour might be exercised ; and that alf reflections and past conduct, disagreeable to. either of them, be entirely buried and for ever forgotten .J The general assembly of Connecticut appointed no com mittee to meet with that chosen by the general court of > New-Haven. Of this their committee complain, in their * Records of New-Haven. f No. XVII. ± Letter of Connecticut to New-Haven, No.- XVI1L Session of assembly, April 20th 1665. Ch*f. XII. CONNECTICUT. ali last letter.* However, at a session of theirs, the 20th of Book L April, 1665, they passed several resolves, for the further ^*-v->^ completion of the union. 1665. It was resolved, that William Leet and William J6iJes;Resoiu-* Esquires, Mr. Benjamin Fenn, Mt. Matthew Gilbert, Mr. lions re- Jasper Crane, Mr. Alexander Bryan, Mr. Law, and Mr. I^°s Robert Treat, should stand in the nomination for magis- Haven. trates at the next election. The assembly, also, passed the following declaration : " That all acts of the authority of New-Haven, which had been uncomfortable to Connecticut, should never be call ed to an account, but be buried in perpetual oblivion."t The king's commissioners presented the following pro- rjis majes? positions, or requisitions, from his majesty, to this assem- ty's requi- bly. sitions. 1. " That all householders, inhabiting this colony, take the oath of allegiance, and that the administration of jus tice be in his majesty's name." 2. " That all men of competent estates and of civil con versation, though of different judgments, may be admitted to be freemen, and have liberty to choose, or to be chosen officers, both military and civil." 3. "That all persons, of civil lives, may freely enjoy $ie liberty of their consciences, and the worship of God in that way which they think best ; provided that this liberty tend not to the disturbance of the public, nor to the hin drance of the maintenance of ministers, regularly chosen, in each respective parish or township.'' 4. "That all laws, and expressions in laws, derogatory to his majesty, if any such have been made, in these trou blesome times, may be repealed, altered, and taken off the' file-" * The assembly answered in the manner following. 1. " That according to his majesty's pleasure, expressed The an- in our charter, our governor formerly appointed1 meet per- ^er toi sons to administer the oath of allegiance, who have, ac- em" cording to their order, administered the said oath to seve ral persons already; and the administration of justice among us hath been, is, ' and shall be; in his, majesty's name." 2. " That our order for the admission of freemen is con sonant with that proposition." 3. "We know not of any one that hath been troubled, by us, for attending his conscience, provided he hath not disturbed the public." 4. " We know not of any law, or expressions of law, * No. XIX. t Records of Connecticut. 276 HISTORY OF Chap. XU- Booh I. 16.65, Answer to the duke of Hamil ton's pgtf tion. Election, May 11th. Colonies wilted in one assem- (County jcourts first instituted,May 11th. that are derogatory to his majesty among us ; but if any such be found, we count it our duty to repeal, alter, and take them off the file; and this we attended, upon the re ceipt of our charter,'' About thi.s time, it seems, the council gave the follow ing answer, for substance, to the commissioners, relative to the cjaim and petition of the duke of Hamilton : That the grant of Connecticut to the nobles and gentlemen, of whom they purchased, was several years prior to the marquis of Hamilton's : That with great difficulty they had conquer ed a potent and barbarous people, who spread over a great part pf that tract of country, which he claimed ; and that it was but a small compensation, for the blood and treasure, which they had expended in. conquering it, and defending it for his majesty's interest against the Dutch and other for eigners : That they had peaceably enjoyed that tract for abou f thirty, y ears : That they had with great labor and expense cultivated the lands, to their own and his majes ty's interest ; and tbat hisjnajesty, of his grace, had been pleased to confirm it to them, by his royal pharter, in which these reasons had been recognized,* They at the same time, solicited their honors, the com- mis'sipners, to present their humble acknowledgments to his majesty for his abundant grace, in the granting of their charter, and for his gracious letter, sent them by his com missioners, re-ratifying their privileges, civil and ecclesi astical, At the general election, May 11th, 1665, when the two colonies of Connecticut and New-Haven united in one, the following gentlemen were chosen into . office., John Win throp, Esq. was elecfed governor, John Mason, Esq. de puty governor, and Matthew AWen, Samuel Wyllys, Na than Gould, John Talcott, Henry Wolcott, John Allen, Samuel Sherman, James Richards, William Leet, William Jones, Benjamin Fenn, and Jasper Crane, Esquires, ma gistrates. John Talcott, Esq. was treasurer, and Daniel Clark secretary. A proportionable number of the magistrates were of the fprmer colony of New-Hayen ; all the towns sent their de puties ; and the assembly appears to have been entirely harmonious. This assembly enacted,' that Hastings and Rye should be one plantation, by the name of Rye. By this assembly county courts were first instituted, by that name. It was enacted, that there should be two coun ty courts holden annually, in New-Haven ; one on the seic* * No, XX. Chap. XII. CONNECTICUT. 277 ond Thursday in June, the other on the third Thursday in Book I. November. The court was to consist of five judges, two v_*~v-«w< magistrates, and three justices of the quorum. A similar 1665- court was appointed at New-London ; and, the next Octo? ber, that was made a distinct county. At the session in October, a county court was appoints ed, at Hartford, instead of the quarterly courts. This was to be holden annually in the months of March and September. The county courts had cognizance of all cases except those of life, limb, or banishment. Incases of more than twenty shillings, the law required that a jury should be impannelled, At the same time, a superior court was appointed to beSuperior holden, at Hartford, the Tuesday before the session ofthe ct°!"'ti'}" general assembly in May and October. This was to con- Oct" 12! sist of eight magistrates, at least, and always to be attend- ed with a jury. In this court were tried all appeals from the several county courts^ and all capital actions, of life, limb, and banishment. All the towns, formerly under the jurisdiction of New- Branford Haven, were satisfied with the union of the colonies, ex- ^sa''f" cept Branford. But Mr. Pierson and almost his- whole the union. church and congregation were so displeased, .that they soon removed into Neffiark^io,.New;.Jersey. They carried off the records of the church and town, and after it had been settled about five and twenty years, left it almost without inhabitants. For more than twenty years from that time, there was not a church formed in the town. People, from various parts of the colony, gradually moved into it, and purchased the lands of the first planters, so that, in about twenty years, it became re-settled. In 1685, it was re-in vested with town privileges. The union of the colonies was a happy event. It great- The un- ly contributed tp the convenience, strength, peace, and ion a hap- welfare of the inhabitants of both, and of their posterity, Py event- Greater privileges New-Haven could riot have enjoyed, had they been successful in their applications to his ma- fa^"^ jesty. -This must have been very expensive, and after much expense, they might have failed in their attempts and lost their liberties, or have been joined to Connecticut at last. Had they remained a distinct colony, the charges of goyernnient would haive been greater than in their state of incorporation. Their situation, in so central a part ofthe colony, would have been extremely inconvenient, espe cially for Connecticut, lt was, doubtless, his majesty's pleasure, and for his interest, that the colonies should be ^ae ; and their friends on both sides the water judged it 278 HISTORY OF Chap. XII, Book I. most expedient. It was what their own and the general >^-v-n^ good demanded. All these circumstances, Connecticut 1665. i could plead, as an apology for their conduct. But after all, it' will be difficult, if not impossible, tp reconcile some parts of it, at least, with their pre-engagements, the rules of justice, and brotherly affection. War was proclaimed, this year, in London, in the month of March, between England and Holland. H's majesty had given intelligence to the colony, that De Ruyter, the Dutch admiral, had orders to visit New- York. The col ony was alarmed, and put into a state of defence. But the admiral was diverted from the enterprise, and the year passed in peace. In the proclamation for thanksgiving, in November, the people were excited to, praise the Supreme Benefactor, for. preventing the troubles which they had feared, and for the blessings of liberty, health, peace, and plenty.* CHAPTER XIII, A view of the churches of Connecticut and Mew-Haven, from. their first settlement, until their union, in 1665. Their ministers. The character of the ministers and first plan-. ters. Their religious and political sentiments. Gather ing qfthe churches qf New-Haven and Milford. Instal lation of Mr. Davenport and Mr. Prudden. Church for med at Guilford, . Number of ministers in Connecticut and Mew-Haven, before the union. Proportion of minis ters to the people, before and at the time of the union. Harmony between the civil rulers and the clergy* . Influ ence of the clergy, and the reasons of it. Their opposi tion tq Antinomianism. Assisted in the compilation of , Cambridge Platform. Ecclesiastical laws. • Care to dif fuse general knowledge ; its happy influ^ice. Attempts to found a college at New-Haven. No sectaries in Con necticut nor New-Haven, until after the union. Deaths and characters of several of the first ministers. Great dissensions in the church at Hartford, soon after Mr. Hooker's death ; dissensions and controversies in the colo ny, and churches in general, relative to baptism, church- * It was now thirty years since tljp settlement ofthe colony commenced, jet, after the defalcation of Long-Island, it consisted of nineteen towns only, which paid taxes. The grand list was no more than £153,620 : 16 : 5. ChAp. XIII. CONNECTICUT. 279 membership, and the rights of the brethren. , A new gen- Book I. eration arises, who had not all imbibed the spirit of their ^r^/*)** fathers. Grievances presented to the general court of Connecticut, on the account qf the strictness of the church es, and that sober people were denied communion with them, and baptism for their children. The court of Con necticut send to the other general courts for advice. Laws agdinst the Quakers. Massachusetts and Connecticut agree in appointing a synod at Boston. General court at New-Haven oppose the meeting qf a synod, and decline sending their elders. Questions proposed for discussion. The synod meets and answers them ; but it had no good effect on the churches. They would not comply with their decisions. Dissensions continued at Hartford; acts of the general court respecting them. Councils from Mas sachusetts. Difficulties in some measure composed. Di visions and animosities at Weathersfield. Act of the gen eral court respecting the church there. Mr. Russel and numbers remove from Weathersfield and Hartford, and settle Hadley. Mr. Stow dismissed from the ministry at Middletown, by a committee of the general court. Synod at Boston. Its determination reldtive to baptism and the consociation of churches. Division in ihe synod, and in the churches, relative to these points. The court at Con necticut sent no dders to the council, nor took any part in the controversy, until some time afterwards. CONNECTICUT, no less than other parts of New-Eng land, was settled with a particular view to religion. It was the design of the first planters, to erect churches in the strictest conformity to scripture example ; and to trans mit evangelical purity, in doctrine, worship, and disci pline, with civil and religious liberty, to their posterity. The attention which they paid to these interesting points, will be the principal subject of this chapter. The first churches, though their numbers were small, Yl*st m!a" and they had to combat all the hardships, dangers, and ex- connecti- pense, of new settlements, commonly sujjpgrted two able, cut and experiencedjministers. With the first three churches',"set- New-H%-. tied in Connecticut," there were, at Hartford, the Rev. Mr. ^en" Hooker and Mr. Stone, at Windsor, Mr. Warham and Mr. Hewet, and at Weathersfield, Mr. Prudden, in 1638, while his people were making preparations to remove from New- Haven to Milford. To the garrison, at Saybrook fort, Mr. John Higginson, son of the Rev. Mr. Higginson, of Salem, preached three or four of the first years. At New-Haven, at first were Mr. Davenport and Mr. Samuel Eaton, broth- 280 HISTORY OF Chap. XIIL Book ^1. er to governor Eaton. At Milford, Mr. Prudden was pas- nanting with each other, gave one another satisfaction with respect to their repentance, faith, and purposes of holy living. lt appears, that the churches of New-Haven and Mil- Churches ford were gathered to the seven pillars, on the 22d of Au-?!^6"'" gust, 1639.* The tradition is, that soon after, Mr. Da- Milford, venport was chosen pastor of the church, at New-Haven ; gathered and that Mr. Hooker and Mr. Stone came and assisted in Au?- 22d> his installation. J Mr. Prudden was installed pastor of the church, at Mil- Installa- ford, April 8th, 1640, upon a day of solemn fasting and tion of Mr. prayer. Imposition of hands was performed by Zechari- ArUndfo?h ah Whitman, William Fowler, and Edmond Tapp. They 1640. ' were appointed to this service by the other brethren ofthe church. t The installation was at New-Haven, and it seems that the hands ofthe brethren were imposed in the pres ence of Mr. Davenport and Mr. Eaton. Though the members of Mr. Whitfield's church were in Guilford the original agreement, at New-Haven, and engaged to £h!irch , embody into church estate, in the same manner as New- Apri"6 ' Haven and Milford churches did, yet they delayed the com- 1643. pletion of the work for a considerable time. Probably, it was because their company were not yet all arrived. But in April, 1643, Mr. Whitfield, Mr. Higginson, Mr. Samuel Desborough, Mr. William Leet, Mr. Jacob Sheaf, Mr. John Mipham, and Mr. John Hoadly, were elected the seven pillars. On the 19th of June, all the other ehurch members were gathered unto these seven persons. Mr. Higginson, who had been preaching about two years at Guilford, with Mr. Whitfield, was, at this time, elected teacher in that church. Mr. Whitfield had not separated from the episcopal church, when he came into New-Eng land. As he came over in orders, and his church came generally with him, there are no intimations of his instal lation. The circumstance of the seven pillars in these three churches appears to have been peculiar to them. There are n6 intimations of it in the formation of any other church es. The churches in the other towns were gathered, by subscribing similar confessions of faith, and covenanting together in the same solemn manner, upon days of fasting and prayer. Neighbouring elders and churches were Jiresent on those occasions, assisted in the public solemni- ies, and gave their consent. When new members were * Milford church records. t Ibidem. 286 HISTORY OF Chap. XIH. Book I, Mr. Den ton re moves from Stamford. Mr. Bish op suc ceeds him. Church gathered and Mr. Fitch or dained at Say brook, admitted to full communion, in any of the first churches of ' Connecticut, they gave satisfaction to the brethren of their sincere repentance towards God, and faith in the Lord Jesus Christ. • They commonly made a relation of their re ligious experiences. They were then admitted to full communion, by a public profession of their faith, and by covenanting in the manner which has been represented. Mr. Eaton continued but a short time at New-Haven, and then returned to England. Mr. William Hook suc ceeded him as teacher in the church. Mr. Denton, after spending three or four years at Stam ford, removed to Hampstead on Long-Island. Upon his removal, the church sent two of their members to seek them a minister. They travelled on foot, through the wilderness, to the eastward of Boston, where they found Mr. John Bishop, who left England before he had finished his academical studies, and had completed his education in this country. They engaged him to go with them to Stam ford. He travelled with them, on foot, so great a distance. The people were united in him, and he labored with them, in" the ministry, nearly fifty years. Mr. Peters, after preaching three or four years, at Say brook, returned to England. In 1646, a church was form ed in that town, by the direction and assistance of the Rev. Mr. Hooker and some other ministers. At the same time, Mr. James Fitch, who had perfected his theological stu dies, under the direction of Mr. Hooker, was ordained their pastor. The tradition is, that though Mr. Hooker was present, yet that hands were imposed by two or three of the principal brethren, whom the church had appointed fo that service. On the 13th of October, 165S, a church was gathered at Farmington, and Mr. Roger Newton was ordained pastor. The same year, Mr. Thomas Hanford began to preach at Norwalk, and some time after a church was formed in tbe town, and Mr. Hanford ordained pastor. In 1660, Mr. Fifoh and the greatest part of his church removed to Norwich. Mr. Thomas Buckingham succeed ed him in the ministry at Saybrook. A council of minis ters and churches assisted at his ordination, but the imposi tion of hands was performed by the brethren, as it had been before in the ordination of Mr. Fitch. The council considered it as an irregular proceeding, but the brethren were so tenacious of what they esteemed their right, that it could not be prevented without much inconvenience.* These fifteen churches were the whole number, formed' * Manuscripts from Saybrook. Chap. XHL CONNECTICUT. 287 in the colony, and in which ministers had been installed, Boon L Or ordained, at the time of the union. The settlements v^-v-^ and churches upon Long-Islafld had been adjudged to the jurisdiction of New- York. There were several other towns which paid taxes, where churches were not formed nor pastors ordained. This was the case with Stonington, Middletown, Greenwich, and Rye. Nevertheless, at the two former, there was constant preaching. The' general court would not suffer any plantation to be made which would not support an able, orthodox preacher. At Stonington, Mr. Zechariah Brigden officiated about three years, until his death in 1663. To him succeeded Mr. James Noyes, the same year, who preached more than fifty-five years in the town, but he was not ordained until more than ten years after his first preaching to the people. At Middletown, Mr. Nathaniel Collins was preaching, but not ordained. Mr. Stow also preached there, before, Or with, Mr. Collins. Greenwich and Rye were but just come under the jurisdiction of Connecticut, and not in cir cumstances for the support of ministers. They had occa sional preaching only, for a considerable time. From this view, it appears, that the first towns and Proportion churches in Connecticut were remarkably instructed. of minis'. Scarcely in any part of the christian church, have so^many ^n, stars, of such distinguished lustre, shone in so small a firmament. At the time of the union, the colony contained about 1700 families, eight or nine thousand inhabitants,, and they constantly enjoyed the instructions of about twen ty ministers. Upon an average, there was as much as one minister to every eighty-five families, or to about four hundred and thirty souls. In some ofthe new plantations, thirty families supported a minister, and commonly there were not more than forty when they called and settled a pastor. In several of the first churches, there were not more than eight, nine, and ten male members. Exclusive of, Hartford, Windsor, New-Haven, and Guilford, there appears to have been none, in which there were more than sixteen or seventeen male communicants, at their forma tion. That the first churches and congregations, notwithstand- Word and ing their poverty, hardships, dangers, and expense in set- ordinances tling in a wilderness, and in defending themselves against preaous* the savages and other enemies, should maintain such a number of ministers, strongly marks their character as christians, who desired the sincere milk of the word. It affords a striking evidence of their zeal for religion, and 288 HISTORY OF Chap. XIIL Harmonybetween the legisla ture and clergy. Influenceofthe cler gy-Reasons of it. Book I. that the word and ordinances were indeed precious in those The most perfect harmony subsisted between the legis lature and the clergy. Like Moses and Aaron, they walk ed together in the most endearing friendships The gover nors, magistrates, and leading men, were their spiritual children, and esteemed and venerated them, as their fa thers in Christ. As they had loved and followed them into the wilderness, they zealously supported their influence. The clergy had the highest veneration for them, and spared no pains to maintain their authority and government. Thus they grew in each other's esteem and brotherly affection, and mutually supported and increased each other's influ ence and Usefulness^ Many of the clergy Who first came into the country, had " good estates, and assisted their poor brethren and parish ioners in their straits, in making new settlements. The people were then far more dependent on their ministers, than they have been since. The proportion of learned men was much less then, than at the present time. The clergy possessed a very great proportion of the literature of the colony. They were the principal instructors of the young gentlemen, who were liberally educated, before they commenced members of college, and they assisted them in their studies, afterwards.- They instructed and furnished others for public usefulness, who had not a public educa tion. They had given a striking evidence of their integri- < tyand self denial, in emigrating into this rough and distant country, for the sake of religion, and were faithful and abundant in their labours. By their example, counsels, exhortations, and money, they assisted and encouraged the people. Besides, the people who came into the country with them, had a high relish for the word and ordinances. They were exiles and fellow sufferers in a strange land. All these circumstances combined to give them an uncom mon influence over their hearers, of all ranks and charac-. ters. For many years, they were consulted by the legisla ture, in all affairs of importance, civil or religious* They were appointed committees, with the governors and magis-1 trates, to advise, make drafts, and assist them in the most delicate and interesting concerns of the commonwealth. In no government have the clergy had more influence, or of Con" keen tl'eatec^ w't'1 more generosity and respect, by the civil nccticut rulers and people in general, than in Connecticut. condemn The ministers and churches of Connecticut abhorred the Antinomi- Antinomian heresy, which so distracted the church atBos- 163™' '" ton, and some others in the Massachusetts. In the first Chap. XIII. CONNECTICUT. 380 generahcouncil in New-England, Mr. Hooker and Mr. Da- Book I, venport bore a noble testimony against the prevailing \^~s^-v/ errors and spirit of that time. In the next general council in New-England, ten years 1648. after, the ministers and churches of Connecticut and New- Theirel- Haven were present, and united in the form of discipline ekm* °^ which it recommended. By this platform of discipline, bridge the churches of New-England, in general, walked for more platform. than thirty years. This, with the ecclesiastical laws, form ed the religious constitution of the colonies, In the platform, it is declared to be evident; " That ne- Opinion re* cessary and sufficient maintenance is due to ministers of sPectinS the word, from the law of nature and nations, the lawoftena'naT" Moses, the equity thereof, and also the rule of common of mink* reason:" that it is matter of indispensable duty, a debtter3, due, and not an affair of alms or free gift. " That not only memhers of churches, but all who are taught in the Word, are to contribute unto him that teacheth in all good things Y and that the magistrate is to see that the ministry be duly provided for."* An early provision was therefore made, by law, in Mas- Ecclesias* sachusetts and Connecticut, for the support of the minis- tical laws* try. In Connecticut, all persons were obliged, by law, to contribute to the support of the church, as well as of the commonwealth. All rates respecting the support of min isters, or any ecclesiastical affairs, were to be made and collected in the same manner as the rates of the respective towns.t Special care was taken, that all persons should attend the means of public instruction. The law obliged them to be present at the public worship on the Lord's day, and upon all days of public fasting and prayer, and of thanksgiving, appointed by civil authority, on penalty of a fine of five shillings for every instance of neglect.| The congregational churches were adopted and established by law ; but provision was made that all sober, orthodox per sons, dissenting from them, should, upon the manifestation of it to the general court, be allowed peaceably to worship in their own way.§ It was enacted, " That no persons within this colony, shall in any wise embody themselves into church estate, without consent of the general court, and approbation of neighbouring elders." The laws, also, prohibited that any ministry, or church administration, should be entertained, or attended, by the inhabitants of any plantation in the colony, distinct and separate from, * Cambridge Platform, chap. xi. t The first code of Connecticut, p. 52 and 59. J Ibid. p. 22-. Ubid. p. 21. M2 290 {HISTORY OF Chap. XIII. Book I, and in opposition to, that which was openly and publicly ><^-v-<^/ observed and dispensed, by the approved minister of the place ; except it was by the approbation of the court and neighbouring churches.* The penalty for every breach of this act, was five pounds. The court declared, that the civil authority established in the colony, " Had power and liberty to see the peace, ordinances, and rules of Christ, observed in every church, according to his word ; and, also, to deal with any church member in a way of civil justice, notwithstanding any church relation, office, or interest." Tbe law also pro vided, that no church censure should degrade or depose any man from any civil dignity, office, or authority, which he should sustain in the colony.t In the grant of all new townships, special care was ta- Care to ken_ j,y fae legislature,- that the planters should npt be j^J^led?e without a minister, and the stated administration of gospel and good ordinances. morals. Every town, consisting of fifty families, was obliged, by the laws, to maintain a good school, in which reading and writing should be well taught ; and in every county town a good grammar school was instituted. Large tracts of land were given and appropriated, by the legislature, to afford them a permanent support. The select men of every town were obliged, by law, to keep a vigilant eye upon all the inhabitants, and to take care that all the heads of families should instruct their chil dren and servants to read the English tongue well, and that once every week they should catechise them in the principles of religion. The penalty for every instance of neglect, in this respect, was twenty shillings, for any fam ily so neglecting. The select men were also authorised, to take care that all families should be well furnished with bibles, orthodox catechisms, and books on practical godli ness. It was provided by the legislature, that the capital laws should be taught weekly in every family.Ji The colony of New-Haven, from the beginning, made provision for the interests of religion, learning, and the good conduct of the inhabitants, with no less zeal than Connecticut. The care and piety ofthe first planters did not rest here; but they were careful, as soon as possible, in their circum stances, fo found public seminaries, in which young men might be instructed in the liberal arts, prepared for the * The first code of Connecticut, p. 21. i Ibid. p. 22. t Old code ol" Connecticut, p. 13'. Chap. XIII. CONNECTICUT. 291 ministry, and all places of importance, in civil or religious Book I. life. v^-v-n^ ,As Connecticut and New-Haven were not able, of them selves, at first, to erect a college, they united with Massa chusetts, and contributed to the support of that at Cam bridge, Frequent, contributions were made, both in Con necticut and New-Haven, for that purpose, and money was paid from the public treasury. For a course of years, the inhabitants educated their sons at that university. By these means, knowledge, at an early period, was gen- Happy ef. erally diffused among people of all ranks. This abundant fects of public and private instruction, and constant attention to them- the morals, industry, and good conduct of the inhabitants, has been the means of that general illumination, which has always been observable among the people of this colony ; and of that high degree of civil, ecclesiastical, and domes tic peace and order, which, for so long a period, have ren dered them eminent, among their neighbors. This has made it feasible to govern them by that free constitution and mild system of laws, by which they have ever been distinguished. To this, are owing the wisdom and stead iness of their elections, and the integrity and firmness of their public administrations. In this way they have been formed not only to virtue, but to industry, economy, and enterprise. Indeed, they have been rendered one of the happiest people upom the earth. Cambridge platform, in connection with the ecclesiasti cal laws, was the religious constitution of Connecticut, for about sixty years, until the compilation of the Saybrook agreement. The colony of New-Haven,* sensible of the importance of public seminaries, and of the inconvenience of sending Grammar their sons to so great a distance as Cambridge for an edu- ^°^n" cation, at an early period, attempted the founding of a col- and college lege. A proposal, for this purpose, was made to the gen- founded at oral court, in 1654. The next year, at the session in May, " it appeared, that New-Haven had made a donation of 3001. and that Milford proposed to give 10Q1. more, for the en couragement of the design. The court proposed it to the deputies of the other towns to enquire, and make report, what they would give. . Mr. Davenport, who was the prin cipal promoter of the affair, about the same time, wrote to governor Hopkins, who Was then in England^ upon the sub ject ; and it seems, solicited his assistance. Soon after, some lands were given, by the people of New-Haven, for the further encouragement of so laudable an undertaking. Upon these favorable prospects, the legislature, in 1659, New-Ha ven. 292 HISTORY OF Chap. XIII. Book I. proceeded to institute a grammar school at New-Haven. It %^-v~>*/ was ordered, that 401. annually, should be paid out of the public treasury, for its support. 1001. were also appro priated for the purchase of books for the school. In 1660, the donation of governor Hopkins having come into the possession, and being at the disposal of Mr. Davenport, he, on the 30th of May, surrendered it into the hands of the general court, for the purpose of founding a college. He proposed, that this donation should be united with the lands which had been already given, and with such other dona tions as might be made by the legislature, for the same purpose. The elders of the several churches in the colo ny, were nominated as trustees, As Mr. Davenport was the only surviving legatee of governor Hopkins, with res pect to that part of the donation which had fallen to the ^hare of New-Haven, he desired, that, for the better dis charge of the trust, which had been reposed in him, he might have a negative upon the corporation, with respect to the disposal of that, whenever he could exhibit substan tial reasons, that it was about to be applied to any pur pose contrary to the design of the donor. The resigna tion was made in writing, in a formal manner, containing valuable sketches of history, and a complete plan of the college and grammar school, which it was designed to in stitute.* The general court thankfully accepted the donation, upon the terms on which it had been surrendered. They appropriated the lands, which had been given, at New-Ha ven, to the support of the college ; agreed to collect the money given by governor Hopkins ; and besides all other grants previously made, enacted, that a hundred pounds Stock should be paid in from the treasury of the colony, in such time and manner as the court should order. The court also ordained, that both the grammar school and col lege should be at New-Haven, One Mr. Peck was ap-. pointed master ofthe school ; but this and the college were of short continuance. The troubles iin which the colony was involved by the claims of Connecticut, and the defec tion of such numbers of their inhabitants, so impoverished and weakened it, that a support could not be obtained for the instructor. He became discouraged, and the court gave up the school. By the same means, the design of a college also miscarrried. After the union, the colony made further provision for a grammar school, and all the lands and money," which had been given for that and the college, were appropriated to its support. The school re« yjvedand has continued unto the present time, >* Appendix No. xsj. Chap. XIII. CONNECTICUT. 293 For a long course of years, there were no sectaries in Book I. Connecticut. The churches, in general, enjoyed great •^^-N^->^ peace and harmony, during the continuance of the first ministers, and principal members of whom they were com- fiosed. But many of these were considerably advanced in ife when they came into the country, and in about four or five and twenty years after the first settlements, a consid erable proportion of them were in their graves, some had returned to England, and others were far advanced in years. Before the union of the colonies, in 1665, almost all the first ministers were either dead, or removed. Mr. Hewet, teacher in the church at Windsor, died Sep tember 4th, 1644. The Rev. Thomas Hooker, the father and pillar ofDeath and the churches in Connecticut, died July 7th, 1647, in the ^^ter 61st year pf his age.* He was born at Marshfield, in the Hooker. county of Leicester, 1586. He appears to have boen ed ucated at Emmanuel college, Cambridge, in England. Af terwards he was promoted to a fellowship in the same col lege, where he acquitted himself with such ability and faith fulness, as commanded universal approbation and ap plause. While at college, in his youth, he was arrested with strong convictions of his sin and misery, and ofthe dreadfulness of the divine displeasure. His heart was af terwards humbled, and submitting to the terms of mercy, he received the spirit of adoption ; and was enabled to ex hibit a life of the most exemplary piety, self-denial, pa tience, and goodness. He was naturally a man of strong and lively passions ; but obtained a happy government of Tiimself. In his day, he was one of the most animated and powerful preachers in New-England. Ih his sermons, he insisted much on the application of redemption ; was searching, experimental, and practical. Another circum stance, which rendered his public performances still more engaging and profitable, was his excellency in prayer. A spirit of adoption seemed to rest upon him. In conver sation he was pleasant and entertaining, 'but always grave. He was exceedingly prudent in the management of church discipline. He esteemed it a necessary and important, but an extremely difficult, part of duty. He rarely suffer ed! church affairs to be publicly controverted. Before he brought any difficult matter before the church, special care was taken to converse with the leading men, to fix them right,, and to prepare the minds of the members ; so that they might-be harmonious, and that there might be no con- * He possessed considerable property. His estate was appraised aft 2Sd, 1660. Hands were imposed at his installation, by Succeeded Zechariah Whitman, ruling elder, deacon John Fletcher, ^ Mr- and Robert Treat, who were appointed to that service by 1660. ' the brotherhood, Mr. Samuel Hooker, son of the famous Mr. Hooker, of Mr- Hook- Hartford, succeeded Mr. Newton at Farmington. He was edat fLT- ordained in July, 1661. mington^ These deaths were all before the charter. There were also a number of removals of some of the principal minis ters. The Rev. Mr. Whitfield, after he had labored elev en years, with the people at Guilford, returned again to Engljand. Some time in the year 1650, he took leave of Removal his flock and congregation, and embarked for his native of Mr. country. He was exceedingly beloved by his flock, and JiJJJ ™ ' they accompanied him to the water's side with many tears. He had a large family of nine children, whom he support ed principally out of his own estate, as most of his people were poor. He found that his estate was much exhausted, and that he must still labor under many and great incon veniences, if he continued in this country ; and he had numerous and pressing invitations to return to England. A combination of these circumstances, at length, prevail ed with him to leave his flock. He was one of the weal thiest clergymen, who came into Connecticut. Before he Hl^ chir" came into this country, he enjoyed one of the best church livings at Okely, in the county of Surrey, and had a fine interest of his own. His charity was happily proportion ed to his opulence. While he was at Okely, he procured another pious and able preacher, that he might go abroad and give assistance unto other churches and poor people. While he was in England, his house was a place of resort for the distressed. Though he was, for twenty years, a conformist, yet his house was a place of refreshment for Mr. Cotton, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Goodwin, and other pious non conformists. After he came into New-England, he ex pended much of his interest in assisting his poor people. He was a capital preacher, delivering himself with a pecu liar dignity, beauty, and solemnity. After his return to England, he appears to have finished his life, in the minis try, at the city of Winchester.* * In consequence of Mr. Whitfield's estate and expenses, in purchasing and settling- the plantation, and of Mr. Fenwick's gift of the eastern part of the township to him, a large portion of the best land in the town was allotted to him. On his return to England, he offered, upon very low terms, to sell all his lands to the town. But the people were poor, and imagined they should soon follow their pastor, and neglected to purchase. 296 HISTORY OF Chap. X11L Book L Several of the principal men returned to England with \^-yr>^/ Mr. Whitfield ; particularly Mr. Samuel Desborough, Mr. Jordan, and others". Mr. Desborough, after his return, was made lord keeper of the great seal, and one of the seven counsellors of the kingdom of Scotland. Mr. Higginson continued his ministry, as teacher in the church at Guilford, until about the year 1659, when, upon the death of his father, he returned to Salem, and succeed ed him in the pastoral office, over the church in that town. Mr. Hook Mr. William Hook, who, for about fourteen years, had removes, been teacher in the church at New-Haven, about the year 1655> 16-55 returned to England. Mr. Eaton and Mr. Hook have been represented as men of great learning and piety, and as possessing excellent pulpit . talents. A writer of Mr. Eaton's character, says, " He was a very holy man, a per son of great learning and judgment, and a most incompar able preacher." He dissented from Mr- Davenport, with respect to his- strict terms and form of civil government. His brother, governor Eaton, therefore, advised him to a removal. After his return, he became pastor of a church at Duckenfield, in the parish of Stockport, in Cheshire. Mr. Hook, after his return, was some time minister at Ex- mouth, in Devonshire ; and then master of the Savoy, on the Strand, near London, and chaplain to the greatest man then in; the nation. After the restoration, he was silenced for non-conformity, May 24th, 1662. On the 21st of March, 1667, he died in the vicinity of London. Mr. Eaton was a companion with him in tribulation ; for soon after the restoration of king Charles the second, he was silenced, and suffered persecution for conscience sake. Mr. Blytf- The Rev. Mr. Blynman, after he had labored about ten mTes' years *n the ministry at New-London, in 1658, removed to 1658. ' New-Haven. After a short stay in that town, he took shipping and returned to England. He lived to a good old age ; and, at the city of Bristol, happily concluded a long life, spent in doing good. Mr. Nicholas Street succeeded Mr. Hook, as teacher in the church, at New-Haven, about the year 1659. And Mr. Blynman was succeeded in office at New-London, by Mr. Gershom Bulkley, from Concord, in Massachusetts. Divisions The- first ministers in the colonies being thus dead, or re in the njoved, and a new generation risen up, who had not all Hartford. imbi!?ed the sentiments and spirit of their pious fathers, al terations were insisted on with respect to church member- Mr. Whitfield, therefore, sold them to major Robert Thompson, in Eng land, by whose' heirs they have been holden, to the great damage of the towq, to this time. Chap. XIIL CONNECTICUT. S& ship, discipline, and baptism ; and great dissensions arose Book I. in the churches. They began first in the church at Hart- v^-v-**/ ford, not many years after Mr. Hooker's decease. The origin of them appears to have been a difference between the Rev. Mr. Stone and Mr. Goodwin, the ruling elder in the churchy upon some nice points of Congregationalism. It seems, that some member had been admitted, or baptism administered, which elder Goodwin conceived to be incon sistent with the rights of the brotherhood, and the strict principles of the congregational churches. Perhaps he imagined himself not to have been properly consulted and regarded. Not only this church became divided and in flamed with the controversy, but it spread into almost all the neighbouring churches. They interested themselves in the controversy, some taking one side, and some an other, as their connections, prejudices, andparticular sen timents led them. The whole colony became affected with the dispute, and the general court particularly interested themselves in the affair. The brethren in the church at Hartford, became so inflamed, and imbibed such prejudices and .uncharitable feelings-one towards another, that it was with •great difficulty they could be persuaded to walk to gether. To prevent an entire division of the church, it appears, that about the years 1654 and 165S, several coun cils of the neighbouring elders and churches were called, to compose the differences between the parties. They la boured to satisfy them, with respect to the points in con troversy. But the brethren at Hartford imagined, that all the elders and churches in Connecticut and New-Haven, were prejudiced in favour of one party or the other, and^ therefore, they would not hear their advice. For this rea son, it was judged expedient to call a council from the other colonies. Some time in the year 1656, it seems, a number of elders and churches from Massachusetts came to Hartford, and gave their opinion and advice to the church and the aggrieved brethren. But it appears, that, > in the apprehension of the aggrieved, the church did not comply with the result. The state of the church, there fore, was no better than it was before, but the parties be came more alienated and embittered. Elder Goodwin was joined by governor Webster, Mr. Whiting, Mr. Cullick, and other principal gentlemen at Hartford, who were lead ers in what they imagined to be a defence of the true prin ciples of Congregationalism. Meanwhile, there was a strong party in the colony of Connecticut, who were for admitting all persons of a re gular life to a full communion in the churches, upon their 5 N2 298 HISTORY OF Chap, XIII. Book Leaking a profession of the christian religion, without any *-^-v-^ inquiry with respect to a change of heart ; and for treating all baptized persons as members of the church. Some carried the affair, still further, and insisted, that all persons, who had been members of churches in England, or had been members of regular ecclesiastical parishes there, and supported the public worship, should be allowed to enjoy the privileges of members in full communion in the church es of Connecticut. They also insisted, that all baptized persons, upon owning the covenant, as it was called, should have their children baptized, though they came not to the Lord's table. Numbers of them took this opportunity to introduce into the assembly a list of grievances, on account of their being denied their just rights and privileges by the ministers and churches. A dispute had arisen in the churches and con gregations, relative to the choice- of a pastor, ft was urged, that it did not belong to the churches solely to choose the pastor for themselves and the congregation : but, as the inhabitants in general had an equal concern for themselves and their children, with the members of the church, in the qualifications of their pastor, and as they were obliged to contribute their proportion to his support, ihey had a just right to give their voice in his election. The denying them this right was considered as a great grievance. Many of the churches, and some or other of the members in all of them, it seems, maintained, that the choice ofa pastor belonged to them solely, exclusive of the congregation : that there was no scripture example of any person's ever giving a suffrage, in the choice of a pastor. bat members of the church : that pastors were ordained over the churches only, and were termed the elders, pas tors, and angels of the churches. It appears, by the acts of the assembly, and the questions proposed, that these. and a number of other points, were now warmly agitated in the colony. Different The general state " of the country was greatly altered countf ^ from what il was at its first settIement' The people then counry. wefe gen^raj|y church members, and eminently pious. Reason of They loved strict religion, and followed their ministers in- the dissen- to. the wilderness, for its sake. But with many of their sions. children, and with others who had since emigrated into this country, it was not so. They had made no open profes sion of religion, and their children were not baptized. This created ftneasiness in them, in their ministers, and others. Tbey wished for the honours and privileges of church members for themselves, and baptism for their chil- Chap. XIII. CONNECTICUT. 299 dfen ; but they were not persuaded that they were regene- Book I. rated, and knew not how to comply with the rigid terms of v^-v>^ the congregational churches. A considerable number Of the clergy, and the churches in general, zealously opposed all innovations, and exerted themselves to maintain the first practice and purity of the churches. Hence the dissensions arose. The general court, it seems, with a view to reconcile The court the church at Hartford, and to compose difficulties, which ofCr.on" ii . . • , . , r , . ' • -¦ necticut were generally rising in the colony, at theijr session in send to the May, 1656, took the affair into their serious consideration, other gen- They appointed a committee, consisting of governor Web- vJp.a" Massachusetts, inviting them to send a number of their el- pose a ders to assist in the council, they, in a long letter, remonstra- council, ted against it, and excused themselves from sending any of their ministers. They represented, that the petition and questions, exhibited fo the general court of Connecticut, were unwarrantably procured, and of dangerous tendency : That they heard the petitioners were confident that they should obtain great alterations both in civil government and church discipline: That. they had engaged an agent to prove, " That parishes, in England, consenting to and con tinuing meetings to worship God, were true churches," and that the members of those parishes, coming into New- England, had a right to all church privileges; though they made no profession of a work of faith and holiness upon their hearts. They expressed their apprehensions, that a general council at that time, would endanger the peace and purity, of the churches. They acquainted the general court of Massachusetts, that they had sent an an swer to all the questions, proposed to the court of Connec ticut ; and that it was their opinion, that the' legislature and elders of that colony were sufficient to determine all those points without any assistance from abroad. They ob served that, on account of the removal of Mr. Whitfield and Mr. Hook, and the late death of Mr. Prudden, their elders could not be spared. With their letter, they sent the answers, which they had given to the questions to be debated, and they intreated the court and their elders se riously to consider them. They desired, that, as the court had formed their civil polity and laws upon the divine word, and as the elders and churches had gathered and received their discipline from the same, they would exert Jhemselves to preserve them inviolable. They observed, 302 HISTORY OF Chap. XIIL Book 1, tliat, considering the state of affairs, in Connecticut, un- »«^-vw less the general court of Massachusetts should firmly ad here to their then constitution, and the council should have the divine presence with them, their meeting might be ofthe most unhappy consequence to the churches. Con sidering how soon the church at Ephesus, though famous for her first love, declined and was forsaken of her Sav iour, they insisted, that there was great occasion of watch fulness and prayer, lest the churches of New-England should decline after her example.* The' colonies of Connecticut and Massachusetts persist ed in calling a general council. The questions proposed for discussion, as they stand up on the records, are the following. Questions i . Whether federal holiness, or covenant interest, be not tPor?he°Sed the ProPer Sround of baptism ? general 2. Whether communion of churches, as such, be not council, warrantable by the word of God ? June,i657. 3. Whether the adult seed of visible believers, not cast out, be not true members, and subjects of church watch ? 4. Whether ministerial officers are not as truly bound to baptize the visible disciples'of Christ, providentially set tled among them, as officially to preach the word ? 5. Whether the settled inhabitants of the country, being members of other churches, should have their children baptized amongst us, without themselves first orderly join ing in churches here . 6. Whether membership, in a particular instituted church, be not essentially requisite, under the gospel, to entitle to baptism . 7. Whether adopted children and such as are bought with money are covenant seed ? 8. Whether things new and weighty may be managed, in a church, without concurrence of officers, and consent of the fraternity of the same church ? And if things of common concernment, then how far the consent of neigh bouring churches is to be sought ? 9. Whether it doth not belong to the body ofa town, collectively taken, jointly to call him to be their minister, whom the church shall choose to be their officer ? 10. Whether Apolitical and external administration of Abraham's covenant be not obligatory to gospel churches ?. 11. Unto whom shall . such persons repair, that are grieved at any church process or censure; or whether they must acquiesce in the churohls censure to which they be<- long? * Records of New-Haven. Chap. XIII. CONNECTICUT. SOS 1 2. Whether the laying on of hands in ordination, be- Book I. long lo presbyters or brethren . *^~^-%s 13. Whether the church, her invitation and election of an officer, or preaching elder, necessitates the whole con gregation to sit down satisfied, as bound thereby -to accept hhn as their minister, though invited and settled without the town's consent? 14. What is the gospel way to gather and settle churches ? 15. From whom do ministers receive their commission t< > baptize ? • 16. Whether a synod hath a decisive power? 17. Whether it be not justifiable, by the word of God, that civil authority indulge congregational and presbyterian churches, and their discipline in the churches ?* It appears, by the records, that several other questions were proposed; but these are all which are to be found upon lhem. • They stand in the same order in which they are here inserted. The council convened at Boston, June 4th, 1657, and, Council at after a session of a little more than a fortnight, gave an ela- Boston, borate answer to twenty-One questions. The elders from jg?£ 4th' Connecticut brought back an authentic copy ofthe result of the council, and presented it to the genbral court, at a ses sion on the 1 2th of August. The court ordered, that copies should be sent forthwith to all the churches in the colony ; and if any of them should have objections against the an swers which had been given, they were directed to transmit them to the general court, at the session in October. The answers were, afterwards, printed in London, under the title of "A disputation concerning church members and their children." Several of ihe questions involve each oth er. The principal one was that respecting baptism and church membership. An answer to this, in effect, answer ed a considerable part of the other questions. With respect to this, they asserted, and learned pains were taken to prove, "That it was the duty of infants, who "confederated in their Answer to parents, when grown up unto years of discretion, though the ques- not fit for the Lord's supper, to own the covenant they tion r.e~ made with their parents, by entering thereinto, in their own wtism persons; and it is the duty of the churches to call' upon and 6hurch them for the performance thereof; and if, being called up- member- on, they shall refuse the performance of this great duty, or p" otherwise continue ,scandalous, they are- liable to "be cen sured for the same by the church. And in case they un derstand the ground of religion, and are not scandalousj and * Records of Connecticut. 304 HISTORY' OF Chap. XIIL Book I. solemnly own their covenant in their own persons, wherein ^-"-v-vy they give up themselves and their children unto the Lord, and desire baptism for them, we see not sufficient cause to deny baptism, unto their children."! The answer to this question was, in effect, an answer to the other respecting the right of towns to vote in the elec tion of ministers; for if they were all members of the church by baptism, and under its discipline, they, doubt less, had a right to vote with the church in the election of their pastor. Indeed, there was no proper ground of dis tinction between them and the church. Hence, it seem •. the answer to that question Was to this effect, " That though it was the right of the brotherhood to choose their pastor, and though it was among the arts of antichrist to deprive them of this power, yet they ought to have a special re gard to the baptized, by the covenant of God, under their watch." The decisions ofthe council do not appear to have had any influence to reconcile, but rather to inflame the church es. A number of ministers, and the churches pretty gene rally, viewed this as a great innovation, and entirely incon sistent with the principles on which the churches of New- England were originally founded, and with the principles of Congregationalism. The church at Hartford, and the aggrieved brethren, in stead of being satisfied and reconciled, appeared to be thrown into a state of greater alienation and animosity. The aggrieved soon after withdrew from Mr. Stone and the church, and were about forming an union with the church at Weathersfield. Among the aggrieved were gov ernor Webster, Mr. Goodwin, ruling elder in the church, Mr. Cullick, and Mr. Bacon, principal men both in the church and town. Mr. Stone and the church were pro- 1658. ceeding with them in a course of discipline. In this state of their affairs, the general court, interpo sed, and passed an act, prohibiting the church at Hartford, to proceed any further in a course of .discipline of the members, who had withdrawn from their communion, and those members to join with the church at Weathersfield, or any other church, until further attempts should be made, for their reconciliation with their brethren. By. the act it appears, that the churches in the colony were generally af fected with the dispute at Hartford, and viewed it as a common cause, with respect to all the congregational churches. It exhibits, in so strong a point of light, the t Magnalia, B. V. p. 63. Chap. XIII. CONNECTICUT. 305 authority, which the general court imagined they had a Book I. right to exercise over the churches, and the spirit of those v^-vs^ times, as to merit a place in this history. It is in the fol lowing words. " This court orders, in reference to the sad difficulties Act ofthe that are broken out in the several churches in .this colony, general and in special, betwixt the church, at Hartford and the c^nnecti- withdrawers ; and to prevent further troubles and sad Cut, consequences, that may ensue from the- premises to the March lla whole commonwealth, that there be, from henceforth, an 165 utter cessation of all further prosecution, either on the church's part at Hartford, towards the withdrawers from them ; and, on the other part, that those, that have with drawn from the church, at Hartford, shall make a cessa tion in prosecuting their former propositions to the church at Weathersfield, or any other church, in reference to their joining there, in church relation, until the matters, in con troversy betwixt the church.at Hartford and the withdrawn members, be brought to an issue, in that way the court shall determine." The court, having desired the' eldqrs of the colony to meet them, and assist in adopting some measures by whicl\ the divisions in the churches, and especially in that at Hart-. ford, might be healed, adjourned about a fortnight. It met again on the 24th of March. Whether the el- Advice of ders met with them, or not, does not appear ; but the ad-MeC'h24 vice ofthe assemby, at this time, was that Mr. Stone, with the church and brethren who had withdrawn, should meet together ; and, in a private conference, if possible, agree upon some terms by which they might be reconciled., Governor Wells and deputy governor Winthrop, were ap-. pointed to meet with them, and employ their "wisdom and influence to make peace. It seems-, that the church did not comply with this ad vice ; or if there were any meeting of the parties, nothing was done to effect an accommodation. It appears, that May 20th, Mr. Stone viewed the withdrawn brethren as in the hands 5 " of the church at Hartford, and the matters to be determin ed as not lying before any council or the general court. And he would not admit, that he, or the church, had coun* teracted the advice of the former council. He therefore, at the session in May, petitioned, that the subsequent pro positions might be entered upon the records of the colony, and that the withdrawn brethren, or ,some person whpia they should appoint, would dispute them with him in the presence ofthe court. 0 2 30© HISTORY OF Chap. XIII. Book I. I. " The former council, at Hartford, June 26, is utter- v^-n^x^ ly cancelled and of no force. 2. " There is no violation of the last agreement, (made when the reverend elders ofthe Massachusetts were here,) either by the church of Christ at Hartford, or their teacher. 3. " The withdrawn brethren have offered great violence to the foremen tioncd agreement, 4. " The withdrawn brethren are members ofthe church of Christ at Hartford. 5. " Their withdrawing from the church is a sin exceed ing scandalous and dreadful, and of its own nature destruc tive to this and other churches. 6. " The controversy between the church of Christ at, Hartford, and the withdrawn persons, is not in the hands of the churches,, to be determined by them.* "Samuel Stone." It does not appear that the court gave their consent, that the propositions should be disputed before them, or that they enacted any thing, at this court, respecting the affairs. of the church, or the brethren who had withdrawn. wust But at a session, in August, they insisted, that the church i8th. aiid aggrieved brethren should meet together, according to their former advice, and debate their difficulties among themselves, and that the points in controversy should be- clearly stated. At this time, a complaint was exhibited against govern or Webster, Mr. Cullick, elder Goodwin and others, who had withdrawn from their brethren,. But the court would not hear it at that time, lt ordered, that, if the church and brethren would' not agree to meet together and debate their differences among themselves, each party should choose three as indifferent elders as could be found ; who should afford all the light and assistance in their power, towards settling the differences according lo the divine oracles ; and that both parties should peaceably submit to their advice. If either of the parties should refuse to make choice of three gentlemen, for the1 design proposed, the court deter mined to choose for them. The church rejected the pro posal, and the court chose Mr, Cobbett, Mr. Mitchel, and Mr. Danforth, for them. For a reserve, if either should fail, Mr. Brown was chosen. The- aggrieved brethren chose Mr. Davenport, Mr. Norton, and Mr. Fitch ; and as a reserve, Mr. Street, The council were to meet on the 17th of September. v The ehurch, it seems, would not send for the council, and so it did not convene. 1 Records of Connecticut Chap. XIIL. CONNECTICUT. 307 At a session of the general court, the next year, March Book L 9th, 1659, it was determined, that, as its past labors, to v-*-v~w promote unanimity, at Hartford, had been frustrated, by Resolu- the non-compliance of the parties, the secretary, in the tion of the name of the court, should desire the elders, who had been S^" formerly appointed, to meet at Hartfordon the 3d of June council, succeeding, and afford their assistance in healing. the March9» breach, which had been made there. It was also enacted, 1659- that the church, at Hartford, and the brethren who had withdrawn, should jointly bear the expenses of the former council, and of making provision for that which had been then appointed. The council, consisted of the elders and churches of June 3, Boston, Cambridge, Charlestown, Ipswich, Dedham, and i?59- Sudbury. They convened according to appointment, and Hartfor/* were abundant in their labors to soften the minds and con ciliate the affections of the -parties ; and though they did not effect a reconciliation, yet they brought the brethren much nearer together than they had been, and left the church and town in a better state than they had enjoyed for years before. On the 15th of June, the court convened, and perceiv ing the good effects of this council, desired the same gen tlemen to meet again, at Hartford, on the 19th of Au gust. Upon the choice and desire of the, brethren who had withdrawn, the Rev. John Sherman, and the church at Watertown, and the elder and ehurch at Dorchester, were also invited to come with them. The general court, in this state ofthe controversy, order ed the heads of the complaint, which had been exhibited against the withdrawn brethren, to be drawn up and sent to them, and they were required to appear before the court, in October, and answer to them. The church a- greed to the whole council, and the brethren aggrieved, to seven of them. The general court ordered, that both parties should submit to the judgment of the council, and that it should be a final issue; The council convened again, at Hartford, and so far composed the difficulties which had so long subsisted, as to prevent a separation at that time. Some of the capital characters were soon removed into the land of silence, where all animosities are forgotten. Mr. Cullick removed to Boston, and a considerable number removed to Hadley. By these means, the church was restored to a tolerable state of peace and brotherly affection ; but it was viewed, by some of its own members, and others, as having, in some degree,, departed from the strict prihciples of the 308 HISTORY OF Chap, XIII. troyersy.. Book I. first congregational churches in New-England; and seems, s^-n/'k* afterwards, to have divided nearly on the same grounds. Nature of j Doctor Mather, in his Magnalia, represents, that it was the con- /difficult, even at the time of the controversy, to find, what were the precise points in dispute. Indeed, what the par ticular act or sentiment in Mr. Stone or the church was, which gave elder Goodwin disgust, and began the dissen sion, does not fully appear. Nothing however is more evident, from the* questions propounded, which it appears were drawn by the veiy heads of the parties, and by the gentlemen chosen by the disaffected brethren, and rejected by the church, than that the whole controversy respected the qualifications for baptism, church membership, and the rights of the brotherhood, Mr. Stone's ideas of Congrega tionalism appear to have bordered more on presbyterian. ism, and less on independence, than those ofthe first min isters in the country in general. His definition of Congre gationalism, was, " That it was a speaking Aristocracy in the face ofa silent Democracy." The Hartford controversy was, for its circumstances, duration, and obstinacy, the most remarkable of any in its dgy. It affected all the churches, and insinuated itself into all the affairs of societies, towns, and the whole common wealth. Doctor Mather, in his figurative manner of des cription, says, " From the fire of the altar, there issued thunderings, and lightnings, and earthquakes, through the colony.". This was considered as much-more remarkable, as the church, at Hartford, had been famous for its instruc tion, light, gifts, peace, and brotherly love. It had been viewed as one ofthe principal churches in New-England, Its dissensions were a ground of great sorrow to all the good people in the country. Extraordinary were the pains ta-, ken, by the principal characters in New-England, to heal them. The commissioners of the united colonies, in September 1656,' wrote them a frjendly and pacific letter on the sub ject. They say, " We have, with much sorrow of heart, ihe united heard of your differences, and that the means attended hi- fStefW therto, for composing them, have proved ineffectual. We cannot but be deeply sensible ofthe sad effects and dread ful consequences of dissensions, heightened and increased ^n a church of such eminence for light and love." They reprelented to them, that though all the churches sympa thized with them, yet they themselves would be sure, in the the first place, to feel the smart. They most earnestly ex horted them not only to be exceedingly cautious of all fur ther provocations, but to employ a-11 their wisdom and e^- Controversy at Hartford remarka ble in its Am Letterfrom the commis sioners of Chap. XIII. CONNECTICUT. 309 ertiojis for a reconciliation. They intreated them, not to Book I. suffer any discouragements to prevail with them, to make n^-v-**' a separation and scatter abroad.* The churches in Connecticut and New-Haven laboured to harmonize their views and affections, and to make peace. The ministers in Massachusetts were so affected with their circumstances, that they offered to make a journey to Con necticut, to attempt their reconciliation. The long and repeated journeys they made, and the indefatigable labours they employed to compose their difficulties, exhibited a noble spirit of benevolence, and a zeal for the peace and prosperity of Zion. They hot only merited the grateful acknowledgments of the people at Hartford, but of the colony in general. The proclamation for a public thanksgiving in Novem ber, recognized the success of the council, in composing the difficulties- at Hartford, as an event demanding public joy and praise, The church , at Weathersfield interested themselves in the dispute at Hartford, and became divided and conten tious. Some ofthe brethren exhibited a complaint to the court against Mr. Russell, for joining With the church in excommunicating one of the brethren, as it was alledged, without giving him a copy of the complaint exhibited against him, and without acquainting him with his crime. The general court ordered, that Mr. Russell should be re proved, for acting contrary to the usage of the churches, The brethren were divided with respect to their church state. Some insisted, that they were no church, because they had never been gathered according to gospel order ; or if they had been a church, that the members of it had moved away in such a manner, as had destroyed its very existence. Many were inviolably attached to Mr. Russell, while others strenuously opposed him. In this state of affairs, the general court appointed the 1660, elders and churches of Hartford and Windsor, a council to hear the difficulties which had arisen in the church and town. But the parties could not befeconciled. Mr. Rus- Mr. Rus. sell removed to Hadley, where he and a number of his se" re~ warm friends from Hartford and Weathersfield, planted a Hadley." new town and church. The general court resolved, that a church had been regularly gathered at Weathersfield, by the consent of the general court, and approbation of neigh bouring elders ; and that, though divers of the members liad removed to other places, yet the brethren there were t}i£ true and undoubted church of Weathersfield, and so to * Records of the united colonies, 310 HISTORY OF Chap. XIII. Book I. Mr. Sam uel Stow dismissed from Mid dletown. Svmd, 1682. Its resolu tions. They are opposed. be accounted, notwithstanding any thing which did appear. Thus terminated the controversy; and Mr. Bulkley, in 1666, removed from New-London, and succeeded Mr. Russell in the pastoral office. The same year, Mr. Simon Bradstreet, from Charlesto\vn,.came to New-London, and took the pastoral charge of the church there. About the time of Mr. Russell's removal from Weathers field, the minds of the people at Middletown became alien ated from Mr. Stow, who appears to have been the first minister in that town. A committee of ministers and ci vilians, appointed by the general, court, dismissed him, on account of the evil temper of the people towards him. Many of the ministers and of the people, in the country, were for extending baptism, according to the determination of the general council, in 1657 ; but the churches were so generally and warmly opposed to it, that it could not be effected without a synod. As this and the consociation of churches were favourite points, which a large number of the clergy and principal civilians in Massachusetts and Connecticut, wished to carry, the general court" of Massa7 chusetts appointed a synod of all the ministers in that colo ny, to deliberate and decide on those points. The. ques tions proposed, were, 1. Who are the subjects of baptism ? 2. Whether, according to the word of God, there ought to be a consociation of churches? The council met at Boston, in September, 1662. Their answer to the first question, was substantially the same with that given by the council, in, 1 657. They declared, " That church members, who were ad mitted in minority, understanding the doctrine of faith, and publicly professing their assent thereunto, not scandalous in life, and solemnly owning the covenant before the church, wherein they give up themselves and children to the Lord, and subject themselves to the government of Christ in his church, their children are to be baptized." They further resolved, " That the members of orthodox churches, being sound in the faith, and not scandalous in life, and present ing clue testimony thereof, these occasionally coming from one church to another, may have their children baptized in the church whither they came, by virtue of communion of churches." They, also, gave their opinion in favour Of the consociation of churches. However, the council were not unanimous ; several learned and pious men protested against the determination relative to baptism. The Rev. Charles Chauncey, presi dent of Harvard college ; Mr. Increase Mather, afterwards Chap. XIII. CONNECTICUT. 311 doctor in divinity ; Mr. Mather, of Northampton ; and oth- Book I. ers, were warmly in the opposition. President Chauncey v^-v-*>/ wrote a tract against the resolution respecting baptism, en titled Antisynodalial Mr. Increase Mather, also, wrote in opposition to the council. Mr. Davenport, and all the ministers in the colony of New-Haven, and numbers in Connecticut, were against the resolutions. Mr. Daven port wrote against them. The churches were more gene rally opposed to them than the clergy. The general court of Connecticut took no notice of the synod, nor of the dispute, but left the elders and churches at liberty to act their own sentiments. They were attempt ing to form an union with New-Haven ; and, as the minis ters and churches of that colony weire unanimous in their opposition to the synod, they, probably, judged it impolitic, at that time, to act any thing, relative to these ecclesiastical points^ While the churches were agitated with these disputes, Death of another of their original lights was extinguished. Mr. JJj" ^f* Stone expired July 20th, 1663. He had his education at f663. * Emmanuel college, in the university of Cambridge. He was eminently pious and exemplary ; abounded in fastings H,s char" and prayer, and was a most strict observer of the christian ac er* sabbath. Preparatory to this, he laboured to compose himself on Saturday evening, to the most heavenly views and exercises, and was careful not to speak a word which was not, graved serious, and adapted to the solemnity. He spent much time, on this evening, in the instruction of his family, commonly delivering to them the sermon which he designed to preach on the morrow, or some other, which might be best calculated for their instruction and edifica tion. His sermons were doctrinal, replete With sentiment, concisely and closely applied. He was esteemed one of the most accurate and acute disputants of his day. He was celebrated for his great wit, pleasantry, and good hu mour. His company was courted by allgentlemen of learn ing and ingenuity, who had the happiness of an acquaint ance with him. All the ministers who illuminated the first churches in Connecticut and New-Faven, except Mr. Warham and Mr. Davenport, had now finishedtheir course, or returned to England ; and most of their brethren, who composed the first churches, slept with them in the dust. The first gov ernors and magistrates were no more. The next year, the general court of Connecticut came to a resolve, with a view to enforce the resolution of the synod, upon the churches in Connecticut. It was in the words following. 312 HISTORY OF Chap. XlIL Book I. " This court understanding, by a writing presented to v-^-v-*w them, from several persons of this colony, that they are Resolve of aggrieved, that they are not entertained in church fellow- courtenesa! P> l^s court' having duly considered the same, desiring, pecting that tfie rules of Christ may be attended, do commend it baptism to the ministers and churches in this colony, to consider,. and church whether it be not their duty to entertain all such persons, shi™ Oct. wh° are °f an honest and godly conversation, having a 13, 1664. competency of knowledge in the principles of religion, and shall desire to join with them in church fellowship, by an explicit covenant ; and that they have their children baptized : and that all. the children of the church be ac cepted and accounted real members of the church; and that the church exercise a due christian care and watch over them : and that when they are grown up, being ex amined by the officer,- in the face of the church, it appear in the judgment of charity, that they be duly qualified to participate in that great ordinance of the Lord's supper, by their being able to examine themselves and discern the ' Lord's body, such persons be admitted to full communion. " The court desireth the several officers of the respec tive churches would be pleased to consider, whether it be not the duty of the court to order the. churches to practice according to the premises, if they do not practice without such order. If any dissent from the contents of this writ ing,, they are desired to help the court, with such light as is with them, the next session of this assembly." The secretary was directed to send a copy of this reso lution to all the ministers and churches in the colony. The elders and churches, who would not comply with the proposed innovation, had not only to combat the argu ments and influence of the synod, but the influence of the Uneasy people in the congregations, and. of the general court ; but it was but slowly, and with great difficulty, that the practice of owning the covenant, and baptizing the children of parents who did not enter into full communion, and attend both the sacraments, was introduced. But few churches, for many years, admitted the practice, and some never did. It appears that, notwithstanding the influence of the general court, and the resolutions of the synods, or general councils, a majority of the churches in Connecti cut were against it. They imagined, that such a latitude in baptism, and admission of members to communion, would subvert the very design for which the churches of Discipline New-England were planted. continues The discipline and usages of the Connecticut churches samef the continued yets f°r some time, nearly in the same situation Chap. XIII. CONNECTICUT. 3f$ in which they had been from the beginning. The clergy Book I. and churches were strict in the admission of members to s^-v-^< full communion. Those who were admitted, generally made a public relation of their christian experiences, by which they gave satisfaction to the church of their repen tance, faith, and sincere friendship to the Redeemer. The elders and churches were exceedingly strict, with respect to those whom they ordained ; examining them not only in the three learned languages and doctrinal points of theology, with respect to cases of conscience, and their ability to defend Christianity and its doctrines against infi dels and gainsayers, but with respect to their own experi mental, heart religion. All those, who were to be or dained over any church, previously to their separation to the sacred office, satisfied the brotherhood of their spiritu al birth, and were admitted to their communion and fellow ship. None were ordained, or installed over any church, until after they had been admitted to its full communion and fellowship. They were also strict in the formation of churches ; none could be formed, nor any minister ordained, without liberty from the general court, and the approbation of the neighboring elders and churches. From the preceding view, it appears, that before the union there were fifteen churches in Connecticut, exclu- i sive of those which had been formed upon Long-Island. There had been thirty-one ministers in the colony; of whom about twenty-five or six had been installed or ordained. Twenty-one were ministering to the people at the time of the union ; nineteen of whom had been installed or or dained. The other two, Mr. Noyes and Mr. Collins, were afterwards settled in the ministry, in the towns where, for some years, they had been laboring. P2 HISTORY OF Chap. XIV. 1665. CHAPTER XIV. Conduct of the king's commissioners. Counties and county courts regulated. Governor Winthrop's estate freed from taxation. Towns settled. Controversy with Rhode-Isl and. The grounds of it. Courts appointed in the Nar raganset country. Laws revised and printed. War with the Dutch. Claims and conduct of major Edmund An- dross,governor of New-York. Protest against him. Con duct of captain Thomas^ Bull* Proclamation respecting the insult received from major Andross. Philip's war. Captdins Hutchinson and Lothrop surprised and slain. Treachery of the Springfield Indians* Hadley attacked by the enemy. The assembly make provision for the de fence of Connecticut. Expedition against the Narraganset Indians. The reasons of it. The great swamp fight. Loss of men. Courage exhibited, and hardships endured*. Captain Pierce and his party cut off. Nanunttenoo tak en. Success of captains Denison and Avery. Captain Wadsworth and his party slain. Death and character of governor Winthrop. Success of major Talcott. Attack upon Hadley. The enemy beaten and begin to scatter. They are pursued to .Housatonick. Sachem of Quabaug and Philip killed. Number of the enemy before the war. Their destruction. Loss of the colonies. Connecticut happy in preserving its ortn towns and, assisting its neigh bors. A' FTER the reduction of the Dutch settlements, colonel Nichols fixed his residence at New- York, to manage the affairs of government. Sir Robert Carr, Cartwrith, Conduct of ancj Maverick, the other commissioners, soon went to Bos- commif-8 ton' an(^ proceeded upon the business of their commission. sioners. After they had communicated their instructions to the gen eral court,, and made a number of requisitions inconsistent With the chartered rights of the colony, and some inconsis tent with the rights of conscience and of the churches, they went from Boston to Narraganset. They held courts at Warwick and Southerton, and spent a considerable time in hearing the complaints of the Indians, in determining the titles of the English to their lands ; and, without any color of authority from their commission, undertook to make a new province. They determined, that the deed of the Rhode-Islanders, from the Indians, was of no force. Cap tain Atherton, and others, had made a large purchase of Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. 315 the Indians, in Narraganset, east of Pawcatuck river, and Book I. the planters had put themselves under the government of v^»~v~%~> Connecticut. The commissioners determined, that cap- 1665* tain Atherton's deed was not legal,, because there was no mention of the sum which he had paid. However, as it appeared that considerable had been paid the Indians for the lands, the commissioners ordered the natives to pay to the purchasers a certain quantity of wampum, and or dered the. planters to move off from the lands. As the Narraganset sachems had, in 1644, made their subjection to the king of England, acknowledging themselves to be his subjects, they declared that the country belonged to his majesty, and that, in future, it should be called the king's province. They determined, that no person, of what colony soever, should presume to exercise any au thority within that tract, exeept those who should be au thorised by them, until his majesty's pleasure should be known. They further decreed, that the king's province ¦should extend westward to the middle of Pawcatuck river, and northward as far as the south line of Massachusetts. 2n the plenitude of their power, they also ordered, that the Pequots, to whom the General Assembly of Connecti cut had, agreeable to a resolution of the commissioners of the united colonies, assigned a tract of land on the east of Pawcatuck, should be removed and settled in some other place, which the assembly should appoint, west of that riv er.* It appears that they came to these important decis ions, without giving Connecticut notice, or ever hearing what reasons the colony had to offer against them. When they had finished their business in Narraganset, they returned to Boston. There they proceeded in the •most arbitrary manner, giving the general court of Massa chusetts and the whole colony unspeakable trouble. They undertook the protection of criminals against the common wealth ; and summoned the members of the general court before them to answer for judgments which they had given in their legislative and executive capacity. They receiv ed complaints against the colony, from Indians and other disaffected persons-, and undertook to judge in cases which had been previously prosecuted to a final adjudication, ac cording to law. Indeed, they did not content themselves with determining civil matters only, they made requisi tions respecting the church. They demanded, that all persons of orthodox opinions, competent knowledge, and * Records of Connecticut, in their book of patents, letters, deterwiw? Aions, &c. 316 HISTORY OF Chap. XIV, Book I. civil lives, should be admitted to the Lord's supper, and s<^"^~w their children to baptism.! J66i5, ^ While the general court of Massachusetts expressed en tire loyalty to his majesty, they firmly maintained their charter rights, and remonstrated against the proceedings of the commissioners. At this firm conduct, they were highly disgusted, and made a very unfavorable representa tion of the colony to his majesty, much to its disadvan tage. They came to no determination with respect to the claim of duke Hamilton, but returned the answer of Connecticut to the king,'and made a very friendly report to him of the manner in which they had been received by the colony of Connecticut, and ofthe loyalty and attachment ofthe peo ple to, his royal person. In consequence of it, the king sent a most gracious letter to the colony. In this, he says, " We cannot but let you know how much we are pleased. Although your carriage doth of itself most justly deserve our praise and approbation, yet it seems to be set off with more lustre, by the contrary deportment of the colony of Massachusetts. We shall never be unmindful of this your loyal and dutiful behaviour.":} Ma^lTth At tbe Seneral election, May 1 1th, 1666, the former gov- 1666. ' ernor and council were re-elected. Counties The general assembly, at this session, proceeded to as- jaade and certain the limits of the counties and the business of the «>urt°Un y county courts. It was enacted, that the towns upon the regulated, river, from the north bounds of Windsor, with Farmington, to thirty miles island, should be one county, to be called the county oflfartford. That from Pawcatuck river, with Norwich, to the west bounds of Hammonasset, should be one county, by the' name of the county of New-London ; and that from the east bounds pf Stratford to the western boundary of the colony, be another county, to be known by the name of the county of Fairfield. The county courts were to consist of one magistrate, at least, and of two jus tices of the quorum, If three magistrates were present they were authorised to proceed to business, though the justices were absent. The probation of wills and all tes tamentary matters, which before had beeO transacted in the court of magistrates, were referred to the county courts, with the liberty of appeal to the superior court. May 1667. In 1667, no alteration was made with respect lo the gov ernor and council, but governor Winthrop, at first, declin ed his office. The assembly appointed a committee, and i Hutchinson's Hist. vol. i. p. 230 — 256. X No. XXII, Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. 317 desired to know the reasons of his desire to leave the chair. Book I. They reported the reasons to the assembly. It seems that s^-^-^/ the expense of his office was'such, in his opinion, that he 1667. could not, consistently with his duty to himself and family, continue in it, without some further allowance from the colo ny. The assembly continued their earnest desire, that he would accept the trust to which he had been chosen. To enable him to support his office with dignity, the legisla ture freed all his estate, in the colony, from taxation, and granted him a hundred and ten pounds out of the public treasury. Upon these encouragements, in connection with the desire and unanimity of the freemen, he consented to accept his appointment. About the year 1664, settlements commenced on the east Lyme side of Connecticut river, upon the tract, on that side, which ™ade a originally belonged to the town of Saybrook. In May, May,'i667. 1667, the inhabitants were so increased, that the assembly made them a distinct town by the name of Lyme. The Indian name for the eastern part of the town was Nehan tick. At the election in 1668, the freemen elected Mr. Alex- May 14th, ander Bryan, Mr. James Bishop, Mr. Anthony Hawkins, 1668- and Mr. Thomas Wells, magistrates, instead of Mr. Mat thew Allen, Mr. Sherman, Mr. Crane, and Mr. Clark. In this and the next year, several new settlements were made and new towns incorporated. On the 20th of May, 1662, a purchase was made Ofthe Indians, of a township of land termed thirty miles island. The Indian name of the tract, east of the river, since call ed East-Haddam, was Machemoodus, The original pro- prietsrs were twenty eight. They began their settlements on the west side of the river, and the inhabitants were so Haddam increased that? in the session in October, 1668, the planta- made a tion was vested with town privileges, and named Haddam. octD'l668 The extent of the town was six miles east and west of the river. About the same time a settlement was made at Massa- Massacoe coe. In April, 1644, the general court of Connecticut P^chased, gave liberty to governors Hopkins and Haynes to dispose a towD) £ of the lands upon Tunxis river, called Massacoe, to such ofthe name the inhabitants of Windsor as they should judge expedient. °fSyms- In 1647, the court resolved, that Massacoe should be pur- ury' chased by the country, and a committee was appointed to dispose of it to such of the inhabitants of Windsor as they should choose. A purchase of the lands was made of the Indians, and settlements began, under the town of Wind sor, The plantation, at first, was considered as an, ap- 318 HISTORY OF Chap. XIV. Book I. pendix, or part of that town.. In the session in May, 1670, •>-x-^-x_/ it was enacted, that Massacoe should be a distinct town, 1670. by the name of Symsbury. The limits granted were ten miles northward from the north bounds of Farmington, and ten miles westward from the western bounds of Windsor. Walling- At the same time, New-Haven Village was incorporated ford incor- and made a town, by the name of WaQingford. The pur- porated. chaseof the town was made by governor Eaton, Mr. Da venport, and other planters of New-Haven, in December, 1638. ] The settlement was projected in 1669. A com mittee was appointed, by the town of New-Haven, vested with powers to manage the whole affair ofthe settlement. This committee held the lands in trust, and acted in all the affairs ofthe town, as trustees, until May, 1672, when they resigned their trust to the town. May 12th, At the general election, May, 1670, William Leet, Esq, was chosen deputy governor, and major Mason, who for many years had been deputy governor, was chosen the first 1670. Alteration Until this time, the great body of the freemen had annu- ^^ f ally convened at Hartford, upon the day of election, to election, make choice ofthe governor, magistrates, and civil officers, appointed by charter, to be elected on that day. But the freemen were now become so numerous, and it had been found to be so expensive and inconvenient, that it was judged necessary to alte-i' the mode of election. The as sembly resolved, " That henceforth all the freemen of this jurisdiction, without any further summons, from year to year, shall or may upon the second Thursday in May year ly, in person or in proxy, at Hartford, attend and consum mate the election of governor, deputy governor, and as sistants, and such other public officers as his majesty hath appointed, by our charter, then yearly to be chosen." A law was then made regulating the freemen's meetings and the mode of election, for substance nearly the same with the law respecting the election at the present time. While the colony was thus extending its settlements, and regulating its internal police, great, troubles arose res pecting the boundaries between Connecticut and Rhode- Island. From year to year Connecticut had appointed committees to settle the boundary line between the colo nies, but all their attempts had been unsuccessful. ^jstPute In ,1668, the assembly appointed Mr. Wyllys, and Mr. Rhode- Robert Thompson, of London, by petition or otherwise, to Island res- represent the affair to his majesty, and obtain a resolution pecting respecting the boundary line. Nothing decisive, however, was effected. Meanwhile, the conduct of Rhode-Island nes. Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. 319 was such, that the General Assembly of Connecticut de- Book I. dared it to be intolerable, and contrary to the settlement v-^-v-n^ made by his majesty's commissioners. The assembly, - 1670. therefore, in May, 1670, appointed Mr. Leet, the deputy- governor, John Allen, and Jamo* Richards, Esquires, cap tain John Winthrop, and captain Benjamin Newbury, a committee lo meet at New-London, the June following, to treat with such gentlemen, from Rhode-Island, as should be sent, properly authorised to act in the affair ; and con cerning the injuries which the inhabitants of that colony had done to the people of Connecticut. They were not only vested with plenary powers to compromise these dif ficulties, but, in case the commissioners from Rhode-Isl and would not agree to some equitable mode of settlement, to reduce the people of Squamacuck and Narraganset to obedience to this colony. They were also authorised to hold courts in the Pequot and Narraganset country, and to hear and determine all cases of injury, which had been done to the inhabitants of Connecticut, according to law* Instructions were also given them to appoint all officers, necessary for the peaceable government of that part of the colony. The commissioners of the two colonies met at New-Lon don, but could effect no settlement of the controversy. The commissioners from Rhode-Island, insisted that Paw catuck river was their boundary, according to the express words of their charter. Those from Connecticut, insisted that their charter, which was prior to that of Rhode-Island, bounded them easterly upon Narraganset bay and river, and that the Pequot country, which they had conquered, extended ten miles east of Pawcatuck ; that, therefore, they had a right -to that part, both by charter and con quest. As no agreement could be effected, the committee from Connecticut, went into the Narraganset country, and read the charter at Wickford, and the plantations east of Pawca tuck river, and, in the name of the General Assembly of Connecticut, demanded the submission and obedience of the people to its authority and laws. They also appointed officers for the good government of the people.* Both colonies had something plausible to plead. The case, truly stated, is this. The old patent of Connecticut, to lord Say and Seal, lord Brook, and, their associates, bounded the tract conveyed eastward, by Narraganset bay and river. The charter granted in April, 1662, gave the same boundaries as the old patent in 1631. Pawcatuck * Records nf Connecticut; 320 HISTORY OF Chap. XIV. Book I. river was never known by the name of Narraganset river, \^~>r-»*r. and it made no bay ; -consequently the mouth of it, and the 1670. sea there, could not be called Narraganset bay. But when Mr. John Glark was in England, as agent for the colony of Mr. Win- Rhode-Island, in 1663, there arose much difficulty between Sroprfnl h'm and Mr. Winthrop, respecting the boundaries between submit " l^e tw0 colonies. They were advised, by their friends, to their diffe- submit the controverted points to arbitrators, in England, rences to to which they consented. William Breereton,. Esq. ma- ar ltrators jQr R0bert Thompson, capt. Richard Deane, capt. John Brookhaven, and doctor Benjamin Worseley, were mutu ally chosen to hear and determine the differences between them. They came to the following determination : " First, That a river there commonly called and known termina-3" ^y Pawcatuck river, shall be the certain bounds between tion, April, those two colonies, which said river shall, for the future, 1663. be also called alias Narragance or Narraganset river." "Secondly, lf any part of that purchase at Quinebaug doth lie along upon the east side of the river, that goeth down by New-London, within six miles of the said river, that then it shall wholly belong to Connecticut colony, as well as the rest which lieth on the western side of the afore said river." "Thirdly, That the proprietors and inhabitants of that land about Mr. Smith's trading house, claimed or purchas ed by major Atherton, capt. Hutchinson, lieut. Hudson, and others, or given unto them by Indians, shall have free liberty to choose to which of those colonies they will be long." " Fourthly, That propriety shall not be altered nor destroyed, but carefully maintained through the said colo nies." To this the two agents, John Winthrop and John Clark, Esquires, interchangeably set their hands and seals, as an agreement finally terminating the controversy between them. This was signed on the 7th of March, 1663. In consequence of this agreement, the charter of Rhode- Island, granted July 8th, 1663, bounded that colony west ward by Pawcatuck river, and ordained, with particular reference to the agreement, which is recognized in the charter, that this river should be called alias, Narragance or Narraganset' river; and that the same shall be holdert by the colony of Rhode-Island, " any grant, or clause in a late grant, to the governor and company of Connecticut colony in America, to the contrary thereof, in any wise notwithstanding. The proprietors, mentioned in the agreement, made Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. 321 choice of the government of Connecticut, July 3d, 1663, Book I. and were taken under, the jurisdiction and protection of,-'-v,w this colony. 1671. Connecticut insisted, that Mr. Winthrop's agency was finished before the agreement with Mr. Clark, and that he had never received any instructions from the celony au thorizing him to enter into any SUch compact. It was al so pleaded, that his Majesty could not re-grant that which he had previously granted to Connecticut. Rhode-Island insisted on the agreement between Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Clark, and on the limits granted in the charter of that co lony. Hence arose a "controversy between the colonies, which continued more than sixty years. Governor Winthrop, at the session in October, again proposed a resignation of his office, and desired the con sent and approbation of the general assembly. The as sembly were utterly opposed to it, and could, by no means, be persuaded to give their consent. Through the influ ence of the houses, he was persuaded to keep the chair, and means were adopted to give him satisfaction. The assembly, at the next session, granted a hundred and fifty pounds salary. Grants were several times made him of valuable tracts of land. These considerations, with the great unanimity and esteem of the freemen, prevailed with him to continue in office until his death. In 1671 the former officers were all reschOsen. May 1671. During the term of eighteen or twenty years, attempts had been making to settle a township at Paugasset. About Settlement the year 1663, it appears that governor Goodyear, and se- of Derby! veral other gentlemen in New-Haven, made, a purchase of a considerable tract there. About the year 1654, it seems that some few settlements were made. The next year, at the session -in October, the planters presented a petition to the general court, at New-Haven, to be made a distinct town, and to order their affairs independently ofthe other towns. The court granted their petition ; gave them lib erty to purchase a'tract sufficient for atownship; released them from taxtes ; and( appointed Richard Baldwin mode rator to call meetings, and conduct the affairs of the plan tation. At the next court, however, Mr. Prudden, and the people of Milford, made such strong remonstrances against the act, that the court determined the people at Paugasset should continue, as they had been, under the town of Mil ford, unless the parties should come to an agreement, res pecting the incorporation of the inhabitants there into a distinct township. In 1657 and 1 659 a purchase was made . ^of the lands of the chief sagamores, Wetanamow and Ras- Q 2 322 HISTORY OF Chap. XIV, Book I. kenute. The purchase appears to have been confirmed ^-^v-v afterwards by Okenuck, the chief sachem. Some of the 1-671. first planters were Ed. Wooster, Ed. Riggs, Richard Bald- fa* win, Samuel Hopkins, Thomas Langdon, and Francis French. They preferred a petition to the general assem bly of Connecticut, praying for town privileges, in 1671. The assembly determined that their south bounds should be the north line of Milford, .and that they should extend their limits twelve miles northward, to a place called the notch. For their encouragement, it was promised, that, as soon as there should be thirty families in the plantation, they should be vested with town privileges. About four years after, Oct. 1675, they renewed their application. They represented that they then consisted of twelve families, and that eleven more were about moving directly into the plan tation: that they had procured a minister, built him a house, and made provision for the enjoyment of divine or dinances. Upon these representations, the assembly made them a town, by the name of Derby. Major John Mason, who, for many years, had been de puty governor, and rendered many important services to i the colony, being fer advanced in years, and visited with many infirmities, about this time, excused himself from the, Election, serviee of the commonwealth. At the next election, May May 9th, 9th, 1672, Mr. John Nash was chosen magistrate, to fill j«72. fae vacancy made by his resignation.* Until this time, the colony had kepi their laws in manu- Laws prin- script, and bad promulgated them, by sending copies to be ted. publicly read in the respective towns. This year, the first code of Connecticut was published. It was printed at Cambridge, in Massachusetts. It consisted of between seventy and eighty pages, in small folio, printed, and of nearly the same number of blank pages. It is a great cu riosity. The preface is written in the most religious man ner, .sufficiently solemn for an introduction to a body of sermons. It is thus introduced, " To our beloved breth ren and neighbours-, the inhabitants of Connecticut, the * John Mason, Esq. was bred to arms in the Dutch Netherlands, under i Sir Thomas Fair/as. He came into New-England with Mr. Warham and ; his company, in 1630. Five years after, he removed to Connecticut, and was one of the first planters of Windsor. Iu 1642 he was chosen magis trate ; in tfhich office he continued until May, 1660, when he was chosen. , deputy governor. In this office he continued ten years. At the desire of tlie inhabitants of Saybrook, and for tlie defence of the colony, he remov- ; ed to that town in 1647. From thence he removed to Norwich, in 1659; where he died, in 1672 or '73, in tne 73d year of his age. He was tall and , portly, full of martial fire, aud shunned no hardships or dangers in the de- i fence and service of the colony. He was a gentleman not only of distin guished heroism, but of strict morals and great prudence,- Ghat. XIV. CONNECTICUT. 323 general court of that colony wish grace and peace in our Book L Lord Jesus." It recognizes the design of the first plan- s-^-v-n.-/ ters, " who," as the court express it, " settled these foun- 1672. dafions," for the maintaining of " religion according to the gospel of our Lord Jesus ;" which it declares " ought to be the endeavour of all those, that shall succeed, to up hold and encourage unto all generations.1' The assembl y enacted, that every family should have a law book. In the blank pages, all the laws enacted after 1672 were insert ed, in writing, until the year 1699, when the book was fill ed up. At the election, May 8th, 1673, Robert Treat, Esq. was «hosen into the magistracy. At this court, Richard Smith was appointed a commis- Court of sioner at Narraganset, and vested with the powers of ma- jjj^jJti! gistracy through that country. A court of commissioners 1673, was instituted there, and Mr. Smith was appointed the -chief judge. This pourt had cognizance of all cases not exceeding twenty pounds, provided that all such as ex ceeded forty shillings should be tried by a jury. A com missioner* was appointed at Pettyquamscot, As war had been declared in England, the last year, a-- War with gainst the Dutch, the colony was put into a state of de- tiie Dut9^- fence. It was ordered that a troop of horse should be rais ed in each county. This year, the colony was more tho roughly alarmed, and experienced the benefit of being in a good state of preparation. On the 30th of July, a small Dutch fleet, under the command of commodores Cornelius Everste and Jacob Benkes, arrived at New- York. One John Manning, who commanded the fort and island there, treacherously delivered them up to the enemy, without fir ing a gun, or attempting the least resistance. The inhabi tants of New- York and New-Jersey generally submitted to the Dutch without opposition. About the same time, the Dutch captured a vessel of Mr. Sillick's of this colony, near one of the harbours of the western towns. Upon this emergency, a special assembly was convo- The as ked, at Hartford, on the 7th of August. Orders were im- sembly mediately issued, that the respective troops, in the colony, meet, and with five hundred dragoons, should forthwith be ready for ^JjjL™6^ service ; and that all the trainbands should be complete in the Dutch their arms. The same day, Mr. James Richards and Mr. commo- William Roswell, were dispatched, with a letter from the dores- assembly, to the Dutch commodores, to know their further intentions; The assembly remonstrated against their con duct in capturing Mr. Sillick's vessel, and in demanding * Coflomissioner was 3 name for a justiqe of the.pe»ce. 32? HISTORY OF C«ap, XIV. Book I. the Submission of his majesty's English subjects, upon tk-^-vota/ Long-Island, and that they should take the oath of alfe- 1673. giance to the States General, They acquainted the Dutch commanders, that the united colonies were, by his majes ty, constituted the defenders of the lives and liberties of his subjects, in these parts of his dominions, and assured them that they would be faithful to their trust. The assembly appointed the governor, deputy govern or, and a number of the council, a committee of war, to act as emergencies should require. I The Dutcl} commanders returned a soldier-like answer to the Messengers and letter from Connecticut, purporting, ; that they had a commission to do ajl damages, in their pow er, to their enemies, by land and sea : that they had sum- _ moned the towns upon Long-Island to submit to them ; and that, unless they should comply, they would reduce them to their subjection by force of- arms : that as the vessel they had taken was their enemy's it was strange to them that any questions were proposed concerning it : and that while they doubted not of the faithfulness of the united colonies in defending their majesty's subjects, they should not be ! less zealous and faithful in the service of the States Gene ral,* On the 1 1 th of August, the committee of war met at Hartford. They appear to have apprehended an imme diate invasion. They gave orders, tbat the whole militia ofthe colony should be ready to march at an hour's warn ing, to ahy place which might be attacked. They made such arrangement of the dragoons, and sent such assistance to their friends upon Long-Island, as prevented an inva sion of any part of the colony, and the plunder and des truction of the English upon the island. On the meeting of the assembly, in October, letters were sent to Massachusetts and Plymouth, to solicit their united assistance against the Dutch, and to know their opinion relative to proclaiming war, and engaging in offensive ope rations against them. Mr. John Banks was sent express to the Dutch commanders, with a spirited remonstrance $- gainst the conduct of the Dutch, who had threatened the towns on the Island with destruction, by fire and sword, unless they would submit and swear allegiance to the States General. They had sent ships and an armed force towards the east end of the island, to subdue the people ; but had been prevented. The assembly assured them, tbat they knew how to avenge themselves upon their planta tions, and not only io, but upon their bead quarters, if the * Iietter on fle. Assembly meet Oct. 9th. Chap. -XIV. CONNECTICUT. 325, colonies should rise, and warned them of the consequences Book I. of injuring the English towns upon the island. v^-v-vi' Connecticut, upon consulting their confederates, found 1674. it to be the general opinion to act offensively against the J>utch. A. special assembly was called on the 26th of No vember, and war was immediately proclaimed against them. It was determined, that an expedition should be undertaken against New- York, This, it seems, was in conjunction with the other confederates, Major Treat was appointed to command the troops from Connecticut The Dutch not only threatened the English towns on the island with destruction, but, it seems, made several de scents upon it, with a view to attack them : however, by the assistance of the troops from Connecticut, they were, in all instances, repulsed, and driven from the island.* Be fore suitable preparations could be made for an attack up on the Dutch, at their head quarters, the season was too far advanced for military operations. Early in the spring, the news of a general pacification between England and Holland, prevented all further proceedings of this kind. The whole militia of the colony, at this time, amounted to no more than 2,070 men. One quarter, it seems, were mounted as dragoons, and employed for the defence Of the colony, and of his majesty's English subjects upon Long-; Island. The only alteration made by the election in 1674, was the choice of Thomas Topping, Esq, instead of Mr. Haw-, kins. As the inhabitants of Long-Island had been protected and governed, the latter part of the last year, by Connecti cut, they made application, at this assembly, for the fur ther enjoyment of its protection and government. The legislature accepted them, and appointed officers in the several English towns, as they had done at their session the preceding October. Upon the application of the town of Wickford, and other plantations in Narraganset, the legislature took them un der the government qf this colony. A court was instituted at Stonington, for the government of the people in Narra ganset, that they might not live in dissolute practices, to the dishonour of God, of the king and nation, and to the scandalizing of the very heathens. Pompe- The legislature, in 1672^. granted liberty to Mr- Sher- raug set- man, Mr. Williajn Gurtiss,aod their associates, to make a Ued a"4 plantation at Pomperaug. Such a number of settlements Wood- had been made there, in about two years, that the assembly, bury. * Records of Connecticut, and letters on file. 326 HISTORY OF Chap. XIV. Book I. in May, 1674, enacted that it should be a town, by the v^vv name of Woodbury. 1675. Scarcely had the colonies recovered from one calamity and danger, before new and more terrible scenes of alarm and destruction presented themselves. Not only Connecti cut, but all the New-England colonies, were now verging upon a most distressful and important period, in which their very existence was endangered. Major An- - Upon the pacification with the Dutch, the duke of York, dross ap- {0 remove all doubt and controversy respecting his proper- eovernor ^ *n America, to°k out a new patent from the king, June of New- '29th, 1674, granting the same territory described in the York. former patent. Two days after, he commissioned major, afterwards Sir Edmund Andross, to be governor of New- York, and all his territories in these parts. The major was a mere tool of the duke, and a tyrant over the people. Mr. Smith, in his history of New- York, observes, " That be knew no law but the will of his master; and that Kirlc- and Jefferies were not fitter instruments than he to execute the despotic projects of James the second." His claims Notwithstanding the priority of the patent of Connecticut upon Con- .{0 the, duke of York?s, and the determination of his majes- i675CU ' *y's commissioners about ten years before, he set up the duke's claim to all that part ofthe colony which lies to the westwards Connecticut river, and he threatened the colo ny with an invasion. Warwith At the same time, Philip, sachem of the Wampanoags, Philip. commenced hostilities against the colonies, and involved The rea- them in a most bloody and destructive war. It had been tons of it. supposed, that the Indians, for several years, had been concerting a general conspiracy against the plantations in New-England, with a view of extirpating the English from the country. They viewed themselves as a free and inde pendent people. Their sachems were men of high and independent spirits. They considered themselves as sove reign princes, and claimed to be the original proprietors and lords of the land. They viewed the English as intru ders and usurpers. While, therefore, they saw them, in almost every quarter, extending their settlements over the dominions of their ancestors, they could not but kindle into resentment, and adopt counsels to prevent the loss of their liberties and country. Though they had entered into trea ties with the colonies, and acknowledged themselves to be subjects of the king of England, yet it is by no -means pro bable, that, by these treaties and acknowledgments, they designed to give up their independence, or any'pf their • natural rights They viewed themselves rather as allies, Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. sa7 than as subjects of England. To be called to an account Book L for their conduct, and to be thwarted in their designs, by ^-v-*^ the colonies, or to be holden as amenable to them for their 1675. actions, was a treatment which their haughty spirits could not brook. These were general reasons for which they might wish for the destruction of their English neighbors. But beside these, there were others, which had more imme diate influence upon Philip. John Sausaman, a christian Indian, who had once been a subject of Philip, made a dis covery of his plots against the English. Philip, fired with resentment, procured the murder of Suasaman. The mur derers were discovered, tried by the English laws, and ex ecuted. Philip, enraged at the execution of his subjects, conscious of his own guilt, and probably apprehensive for his personal safety, armed his own warriors, the Wampa- noags, and such strange Indians as he could engage to cm- bark in his measures, and, with the most hostile appearan ces, began to march up- and down the country. As the colonies, for some time, had been apprised, that the Indians were forming designs against them, they, by treaties, and such other means as appeared to be wise and politic, had been attempting to prevent the storm. Not withstanding, it now burst upon tnem with uncommon fury. Its destruction was wide ana dreadful. Philip's numbers daily increasing, gave him fresh cour- The In- agc, and increased his insolence. On the 20th of June, **"°eCh^ 1675, his Indians commenced hostilities upon Swanzey, unties, one ofthe frontier towns of New-Plymouth, bordering on June 20th. the territories of Philip, whose chief seat was at Mount Hope.* They insulted the English, rifled their houses, and killed their cattle. Fourdays after, they killed nine, and wounded seven of the inhabitants. The troops of that colony marched immediately to the defence of tlie town. In four days, they were reinforced with several companies from Boston. On the 29th, the troops were drawn forth agaiijst the enemy. They instantly fled before them, for a mile or two, and took refuge in a swamp. The next day, major Savage arrived with more troops and a general com mand from Boston. He marched the army into the In-> dian towns, to surprise their head quarters, and give them battle upon their own grounds'. The troops found the en emy's towns, and even the seat of. Philip, deserted with marks of the utmost precipitation. As the Indians fled, they marked their route with the burning of buildings, the scalps, hands, and heads ofthe English, which they had * Mount Hope is an eminence in tho eastern part of ths town of Br»tdt, iu Rhodta-Island, 328 HISTORY OF Chap. XlV. Book I. taken off and fixed upon poles by the way side. As they ^*-v~s^ could not come up with the enemy, they returned' to their 1675. head quarters, at Swanzey. Troops In consequence of the war with Philip, the commission- dispatched ers 0f the united colonies met at Boston, and governor ton and the Winthrop, Who was one of the commissioners for Connect- seaport kut, was gone there,- to attend the business of the country. towns. Deputy-governor Leet and the, council, upon receiving in telligence of the war, dispatched troops to Stonington, to defend that part of the colony against the enemy. At the same time, it was discovered that major Andross was about to make a hostile invasion of the colony, and to demafid a surrender of its most important posts to tlie gov ernment of the duke of York. Detachments from the mi litia were, therefore, sent, with the utmost expedition, to New-London arid Saybrook. Captain Thomas Bull, of Hartford, commanded the party sent to Saybrook. Major An- About the 8th or 9th of July, the people of that town dross ap- were surprised by the appearance of major Andross, with anTrmed*1 an arm€^ f°rce> »n 'he sound, making directly for the fort. force at They had received no intelligence ofthe affair, nor instruc- Saybrook. tions from the governor and council, how to conduct them selves upon such an emergency. They were, at first, un determined whether to make any resistance or not ; but they did not hesitate long* As the danger approached, and. their surprise abated, the martial spirit began to en kindle; the fort was manned, ahd the militia ofthe town drawn out for its defence.* At this critical juncture, cap tain Bull with his company arrived, and the most vigorous exertions we^e made, for the defence of the fort and town. Demands On the 11th, major Andross, with several armed sloops, the fort, drew up before the fort, hoisted the king's flag on board, and demanded a surrender of the fortress and town. Cap tain Bull raised/his majesty's colors in the fort, and arrang ed his men in the best manner. They appeared with a < good countenance, determined and eager for action. The major did not like to fire on the king's colors, and perceiv ing that, should he attempt to reduce the town by force, it would be a bloody affair, judged it expedient not to fire up on the troops. He, nevertheless, lay all that day, and part of the next, off against the fort. Assembly The critical state of the colony had occasioned the meet- meet, ing of the assembly, at Hartford, on the 9th of July. They July 9th. immediately proceeded to draw up a declaration, or pro test, against the major, in the words following, * Letter from the Rev. Mr. Buckingham to the governor and council, on the subject. Chap. XlV. CONNECTICUT. 329 " Whereas, we aye informed that major Edmufid Andross Book I. is come with some considerable force into this his majes- v^v^ ty's colony of Connecticut, which might be construed to 1675, be in pursuance of his letter to us, to invade or intrude up- Protest a- on the same, or upon some part of our charter limits and Sainst An- privileges, and so to molest his majesty's good subjeets, in ju]y 19^, this juncture, when the heathen rage against the English, and by fire and sword have destroyed many of his majesty's good subjects, our neighbors of Plymouth colony, and still are carrying their heads about the country, as trophies of their good success ; and yet are proceeding further* in their cruel designs against the English ; in faithfulness to our royal sovereign, and in obedience to his majesty's com mands, in his gracious charter to this colony, we can do no less than publicly declare and protest against the said major Ednitfnd Andross, and these his illegal proceedings, as also against all his aiders and abettors, as disturbers of the peace of his, majesty's good subjects in this colony ; and that his and their actions, in this juncture,* tend to the. encouragement of tbe heathen to proceed in the effusionof christian blood, which may- be very like to be the conse quence of his actions, and which we shall unavoidably lay at his door, and use our utmost power and endeavour, '(.ex pecting therein the assistance of Almighty God) to defend the good people of this colony from the said major An dross his attempts ; not doubting but his majesty will coun tenance and approve our just proceedings therein* they being according to the commission we have received from. his majesty, in his gracious charter to this colony ; by which power and trust, so committed unto us, we do again forewarn and advise the said major Attdross, and all his aiders and abettors, to forbear and desist such forenamed unjust and unwarrantable practices, as they expect to an swer the same, with all such just damages and costs as may arise or accrue thereby. And we do further, in his majes ty's name, require and command all, the good people, his majesty's subjects, of this colony of Connecticut, under1 our present government, utterly to refuse to attend, coun tenance or obey the said major Edmund Androssy or any under him, in any Order, instruction, qr command, diverse from or contrary to the laws and orders of this colony here established, by virtue of his majesty's gracious charter, granted to this colony of Connecticut, as they wilj answer the contrary at their peril." " God save the King." This was voted unanimously. It was sent by an ex press to Saybrook, with instructions to captain Bull to pro- R2 330 HISTORY OF ./HAP. XIV, Major An dross comes on shore. te forbid den to read his commis sion. Sails for Long-Isl- afid. Declara tion of the general as sembly. pose to major AndrOss the reference of the affair in dispute to commissioners, to meet in any place in this colony which he should choose. Early in the morning of the 12th of July, the major desired that he might have admittance on shore, and an interview with the ministers and chiet Officers. He probably imagined, that if he could read the duke's patent and his own commission, 'it would make an impression upon the people, and that he should gain by art that which he could not by force of arms. He was al lowed to Come on shore with his suit. Meanwhile, the ex press arrived with the protest, and instructions from the assembly. Captain Bull and his officers, with the officers and gentlemen ofthe town, met the major, at his landing, and acquainted him that they had, at that instant, received instructions to tender him a treaty, and to refer the whole matter in controversy to commissioners, capable of deter mining it according to law and justice. The major reject ed the proposal, and forthwith commanded, in his majes ty's name, that, the duke's patent, and the commission which he had received from his royal highness, should be read. Captain Bull commanded him, in his majesty's name, to' forbear reading.* When his clerk attempted to persist in reading, the captain repeated his command, with such energy of voice and manner, as convinced the major it was not safe to proceed. The captain then acquainted him that he had an address from the assembly to him, and read the protest. Governor Andross, pleased with his bold and soldier-like appearance, said, " What is your tiame ?" He replied, ^ to Springfield, and to major Treat, who lay at Westfield, 1675. with the Connecticut troops, to apprise them of the danger. But the people at Springfield were so strongly persuaded of the friendship of those Indians, that they would not cre dit the report. One lieutenant.Cooper, who commanded there, was so infatuated, that, as soon as the morning ap peared, instead of collecting his men and preparing for the defence of the town, he, with another bold man,, rode out, with a design to go to the fort, and discover how the mat ter was. Fie soon met the enemy, who killed his compan ion, by his side, and shot several balls through his body. As he was a man of great strength and courage, he kept his horse, though mortally wounded, until he reached the first garrisoned house, and gave the alarm. The enemy imme diately commenced a furious attack upon the town, and j^!11^ "began to set fire to the buildings. The inhabitants were tacked in the utmost consternation. They had none to command and partly them, and must soon have all fallen a bloody sacrifice toatmrned- merciless foe, had not major Treat appeared. for their re lief. Upon receiving intelligence of the designs of the enemy, he marched, without loss of time; but meeting with considerable hindrance in crossing the river, for want of boats, his arrival was not in such season as to prevent the attack. He soon drove off the enemy, saved the inhabit ants, and a considerable part of the town. Great damage, however, was done in a very short time. Thirty dwelling bouses, besides barns and out houses, were burned. Ma jor Pyncheon and Mr. Purchas sustained each the loss of a thousand pounds.* Mr. Pelatiah Glover, minister ofthe town, lost his house, with a large and excellent library. In this stage of the war, the General Assembly of Con necticut convened, October 14th. The court, sensible of the good 'conduct of major Treat, in defending the colony, and the towns on Long-Island against the Dutch, and in re lieving captain Mosely and Springfield, returned him pub lic thanks, appointed him to the command of all the troops to be raised in the colony, to act against the enemy, and desired his acceptance ofthe service. Upon intelligence from the Rev. Mr. Fitch, that a large body of the enemy were approaching the town of Norwich, major Treat was directed to march forthwith, for the de fence of that part of the colony. But soon after, his or- * Major Pyncheon was at Hadley, but did not come down, with the troops there, in season to prevent this great damage. He had, until this time, the chief command in that part of the country, but he soon after re signed it, that tie might take care of his own affairs. 336 HISTORY OF Chap. tlV. Book I. ders were countermanded, and he marched for Northampr vx^^-w ton. Here he arrived in season to render his country an- 1675, other piece of important service. The enemy had been Assault so elated with their various successes, that, having collec- ]uP°n^d" ted about eight hundred of their warriors, they made a fu- 19th. r'ous attack upon Hadley, Almost every part ofthe town was assaulted at the same instant. Bat the town was de fended by officers and men of vigilance and spirit, so that the enemy every where met with a warm reception. Sev eral parties of the Massachusetts troops, who were in the neighboring garrisons, flew to their assistance, and major Treat, advancing with his usual dispatch from Northamp- myrouted ton' soon attacked them, with his whole force, and they ' were put to a total flight. They sustained such loss, and Rendez- were so disheartened, that, from this time, the main body vous in of them left that part ofthe country, and held their general Nan-agan- rendezvous in Narraganset. Small numbers, however, re mained, doing damage as they had opportunity, and keep ing the people in constant fear and alarm. From the intelligence communicated to the general as sembly of Connecticut, during the October session, it ap peared that the enemy had designs upon almost all the sembfva- frorlt'er towns in the colony. Each county was therefore dopt mea- required to raise sixty dragoons, complete in arms, hors- sures for es, and ammunition, for the immediate defence of the colo- the com- ny^ wiierever their services might be necessary. Captain Avery was appointed to the command of forty Englishmen from the towns of New-London, Stonington, and Lyme, with such a number of Pequots as he should judge expedi ent, for the defence of that part of the country, and the an noyance of the enemy, as occasion should present. Cap tain John Mason was appointed to command another party of twenty Englishmen, and the Moheagan Indians. These parties were ordered to post themselves in the best manner to guard the eastern towns, and to act conjointly or sepa rately, as emergencies should require. An army of one hundred and twenty dragoons was appointed to act against the enemy, under the command of major Treat, .It was ordered that.all the towns should be fortified, and that ev ery town should provide the best places of defence of which it was capable, for the security of the women and children, who' were directed to repair to them upon the first intima tions of danger. The inhabitants of the towns on the frontiers, who were few in number, and most exposed, were advised to remove their best effects, and people una ble to defend themselves, to retire into the more- populous parts ofthe colony, where they would be in a more pro?. bable state of safety. Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT, , 337 The Narragansets, in direct violation ofthe treaty, which Book L thfey had made with the colonies, gave a friendly recep- v^-v-w tion to Philip's men and other hostile: Indians. The com- 1675. missioners of the united colonies were satisfied, that some The Nar- of them had been in actual service, in the assaults which raganseta had been made upon the English.* Their young men had rous? "" returned wounded to Narraganset. It was supposed, that Reasons of the Narraganset sachems could muster two thousand war- ^ ^P6-" riors, and that they had a thousand muskets. It was judg- gai^t*" ed that, if they should all engage, in the spring, in open them. hostilities, and scatter, as they might, into all parts ofthe country, all the force, which the colonies could bring into the field, would not be sufficient to defend the plantations against the united exertions of the enemy. In the summer and fall past, one company of brave men after another had been cut off, and future prospects were not more favora ble. The commissioners of the united colonies therefore resolved, that an army Ofa thousand men should be raiis- of^en.1 ed, for a winter campaign, to attack the enemy at their head • quarters, in the Narraganset country. The colony of Massachusetts furnished a corps of five hundred and twenty seven men, consisting of six companies dffoot and a troop of horse, commanded by major Appleton. Plym outh furnished one hundred and fifty-eight men, consisting of two companies, under the command of major Bradford and captain Gorham. The proportion of Connecticut was three hundred and fifteen men, but they sent into the field three hundred English men and 1 50 Moheagan and Pequot Indians, These were divided into five companies, com manded by captains Seely, Gallup, Mason, Watts, and Marshall. This corps was commanded by major Treat. The honorable Josiah Winslow, Esq. governor of New- Plymouth, was appointed commander in chief* The or ders of the commissioners to Connecticut were issued at Boston, the 1 2th of November. They required, that the best officers and firmest men should be appointed, and armed and clothed in the best manner. It was required, that the troops should rendezvous at New-LOndon, Nor wich, and Stonington, by the 10th of December, ready to receive orders from the commander in chief, The commissioners were sensible, that an expedition, atDangerof this season, would be most distressful and hazardous. Such the expe^ is the extremity of the weather, in this climate, that they dltlon- were not without apprehensions ; the whole army might- per ish, should the troops be Obliged to lie uncovered a single night in the open field. It did not escape their delibera tions, that the snow often fell so deep, thatit would beex- S 2 »S8 HISTORY OF C?ap. XlV, Boqi$ I. tremely difficult, if not impossible, to send any succours to "¦^"v>»' the arniy, jn case of any misfortune ; but they considered 1675,. this a,s the only probable expedient of defeating the ene my, and preventing the desolating of the country. They obseryed, " It was a humbling providence of God, that put his poor people lo be meditating a matter of war at such a season." They appointed the second of December to be observed as a solemn fast, to seek the divine aid.* The Connecticut troops arrived at Petty quamscot, on the 1 7th of December. Here had been a number of buildings, in which the troops expected to have been covered and kindly entertained ; but the. enemy, a day or two before, had killed ten men and five women and children, and burn ed, all the houses and barns. The next day, they formed Dec^s7' a junct'011 with the Massachusetts and Plymouth forces. Though the evening was cold and stormy, the troops were tine of obliged to remain uncovered in the open field. The next march, morning, at the dawning ofthe day, they commenced their Lord's march towards the enemy, who were in a swamp at about 19th. e°' fifteen miles distance. The troops from, Massachusetts, headed by captains Mosely and Davenport, led the van ; their rear was brought up by major Appleton and captain Oliver, (general Winslow, with the Plymouth companies, formed in the centre ; and the troops of Connecticut form ed, in the rear of the whole, brought up by major Treat, This was the line of march, t The troops proceeded with great spirit, wading through the s,now, in a severe season, until nearly one o'clock, with out fire to warm or food to refresh them, except what had been taken on the way. At this time, they had arrived just Situation upon the seat of the enemy. This was upon a rising ofthe ene- ground, in the qentre ofa large swamp. It was fortified my" with pa}isades, and compassed with a hedge without, near ly ofa rod's thickness. The only entrance, which appear ed practicable, was over a log, or tree, which lay up five or six feet from the ground. This opening was commanded in front by a kind of log house, and on the left by a flanker. As soon as the froops entered the skirts of the swamp, they discovered an advanced party ofthe enemy, upon whom they immediately fired. The enemy returned the, fire, and retired, before them, until they were led to the very en- Attack trance by the blockhouse. Without reconnoitering the upon the fort? or waiting for the army to march up and form for the attack, the Massachusetts troops, led on by their officers, with. great courage, mounted the tree and entered the fort ; * Letters ofthe commissioners to Connecticut. I Hubbartl's Narrative, p. 104. Chap, XIV. CONNECTICUT. 3*9 but they were so galled from the blockhouse, and receiv- Book L ed such a furious and well directed fire from almost evely v-^v-^/ quarter, that, after every exertion of skill and courage, of 1675. which they w» re capable, they were obliged to retreat out ofthe fort. The whole army pressed forward with the ut most coulage ahd exertion, but such were the obstructions from the swamp and the snow, that it was a considerable time before the men could all be brought up to action. By reason of this, and the sharpri'.ss ofthe fire from the flanker and block-house, a sufficient number of men were not able to enter the fort to support those brave officers and men, who so courageously began the assault. Captains John- Dec' W- s6h and Davenport, and many brave men of the Massachu setts, were killed. The Connecticut Hoops, who fortned in the rear, coming up to the charge, mounted over'the log before the blockhouse, the captains leading and spiriting up the men in the most undaunted manner. About the same time that the main body of the Connecticut troops were forcing their way by the blockhouse, a few bold men ran round to the opposite part of the fort, where they found a narrow spot where there were no palisades, but a high •and thick hedge of trees and brush. The sharpness of the action in the front had drawn off the enemy from this part, and climbing over unobserved, they ran down between tfo? wigwams, and poured a heavy and well directed fire upon the backs ofthe enemy, who lay wholly exposed to their shot.* Thus assaulted, in front and rear, they were driven frond the flanker and block-house. The captains cfying out, they run, they run, the men pressed so furiously upon them, that they were forced from that part of the fort. The Soldiers without rushed in, with great spirit, and the ene my were driven from one covert and hiding place to anoth er, until the middle of the fort was gained ; and after a long and bloody action they were totally routed and fled into the wilderness. As they retired, the soldiers set fire Theene- to the wigwams, about six hundred of which were instantly ™fa*feat" consumed. The enemy's cOrn, stores, and utensils, with their wig- many of their old men, women, and children, perished in wam» the conflagration. It was supposed, that three hundred burnt- warriors were slain, besides many wounded, wbo after wards died of their wounds and with the cold. Nearly the same number were taken, with three hundred women and children. From the number of wigwams in the fort, it is probable that the whole number ofthe Indians was nearly * Manuscripts ofthe Rev. Mr. Ruggles, He observes, "It is a pity- thing* bo curious anti remarkable, and wherein the hand of Providence «o evidently appeared, as iu taking the fort at Narragaoset, should be lost,' They deserve to bq recorded in history." 9.40 HISTORY OF Chap. XIV. Book I. four thousand. Those who were not killed in battle; or i^v">*> did not perish in the flames, fled to a cedar swamp, where 1 675, they spent the night, without food, fire, or covering. It was, nevertheless, a dearly bought victory. Six brave captains fejl in the action, and eighty men were killed or mortally wounded.. A hundred and fifty were wounded, who afterwards recovered. After the fatiguing march,and hard fought battle of three hours, in which the troops had been exercised, the army, just at the setting of the sun, having burnt and destroyed all in their power, left the en emy's ground, and, carrying about two hundred dead and wounded men, marched back, sixteen or eighteen miles, March to to head quarters. The night was very cold and stormy. Jf ad 1aar" The snow fell deep, and it was not until midnight, or after, -•'¦"' that the army got in. Many of the wounded, Who other wise might have recovered, died with the cold, and the fa tigue and inconveniences of such a distressing march.* Af ter lying the preceding njght in the open field, and after all the exertions of so long and sharp an action, the army marched, through snow and a pathless wilderness, in less Courage than twenty-four hours, more than thirty miles. The cour- and'hanf- aSe exhibited by every part of the array, the invincible he-. ships en- rpism of the officjers, the firmness and resolution of the solT dured. djers, when they saw their captains falling before them, and the hardships endured, are hardly credible, and rarely find a parallel in ancient or modern ages, The cold was extreme, and the snow fell so deep that night, that it was State of difficult, the next day, for the, army to move. Many of the arrny the soldiers were frozen, and their limbs exceedingly swol- feQth. fen. Four hundred were disabled and unfit for duty. The Connecticut'trpop? were more disabled than those of the other colonies. They had endured a tedious march from, Stonington to Pettyquamscot ; and as the buildings there were all destroyed, they endured great hardships before their junction with the troops ofthe other colonies. They had sustained a much greater loss in the action, in propor tion to their numbers, than the troops* of the other colo- * It appears, by the letters from the army, tb^t twenty men only were kil led in the action. This was the whole' number dead, when the army began their march for head quarters. Eight were left on the gi;oiind, and twelve carried off by the army. Ten or twelve died on the marchj and several nest morning; so that oh the 20th of Pdcember, thirty-four were buried' iii a grave. Four "died the next day, and'tw6 the day after. " Forty only were dead on the 22d. Though the best surgeon? which the country could fur nish, were proyided, yet the season was so severe, and the accommodations, after all the exertions which could be made, so poor, that, by the end of January, twenty more were in their graves. The number mentioned, as killed, in the Ancient histories, included all who were killed or died after-j v/ards of their wounds. Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. Ul nies.t Ofthe live Connecticut captains, three, Seely, Gal- Book I. lup, and Marshall, were killed, and captain Mason receiv- •^-v^*/ ed a wound, oC which he died about nine months after. 1675. Marshall was killed as he ascended the tree before the log house. The fire of the enemy was dreadful, when the Connecticut men were entering, and after they first enter ed the fort, until the men who came in upon the backs of them, began to fire their large muskets, loaded with pistol bullets, upon the enemy, where they stood together in the clo sest manner. This at once disconcerted them, and check ed their fire, in that quarter. Gallup and Seely, leading and animating their men, in this dreadful moment, soon fell. The enemy made an obstinate defence, after the men gained the fort the second time, taking the advantage of their block-houses, wigwams, and every covert of which they could avail themselves. Some of the soldiers expend ed all their ammunition before the action was terminated, and were obliged to seek new supplies. The troops from Connecticut had sustained such a loss of officers, and were so disabled, that major Treat judged t The whole number killed and wounded, was abouttwo hundred. From tjhe returns and letters before me, it appears, that of the Massachusetts, there were one hundred killed and wounded, of whom thirty-one were kil led or died of their wounds. Among these were captains Johnson, Daven port, and Gardiner. They had, also, a lieutenant Upham mortally wound ed, who died afterwards at Boston. Plymouth sustained the loss of twen ty killed and wounded ; eight or nine, it seems, were killed, or died of their wounds afterwards. Of the three hundred Englishmen from Connecticut, eighty were killed and wounded ; twenty in captain Seely's, twenty in .captain Gallup's, seventeen in captain Watts's, nine in - captain Mason's, and fourteen in captain Marshall's company. Of these about forty were killed, or died of their wounds. About half the loss in this bloody action, fell upon Connecticut, The legislature of the colony, in a representation of the services they had performed1 in the war, say, " In that signal service, the fort fight, in Narraganset, as we had our full number, in proportion with the other confederates, so all say they did their full proportion of ser vice. Three noble soldiers, Seely, courageous Marshall, and bold Gallup, died in the bed of honour ; and valiant Ma .on, a fourth captain, had his death's wound. There died many brave officers, and sentinels, ,whose mem ory is blessed -, and whose death redeemed our lives. The bitter cold, the tarled swamp, the tedious march, the strong fort, the numerous and stub born enemy they contended with, for their God, king and country, be their trophies over death. He that commanded our forces then, and npw us, made no less than seventeen fair shots at the enemy, ahiTwas thereby aij oft a fair mark for them, Our mourners, over all the colony, witness for ouFTneii^ IhaY they were not unfaithful in that day." It is the tradition, that major, afterwards governor Treat, received a ball through the brim of his hat, and that he was the last man who left the fort, in the dusk of the evening, commanding the rear of the army. The burning the wigwams, the shrieks and cries of the women and- children, and the yelling of the war riors, exhibited a most horrible and affecting scene, so that it greatly mov ed some of the soldiers. They were in much doubt then, and, afterwards, often seriously inquired, whether burning their enemies alive could be con sistent with humanity, and the benevolent principles ef the gospel. , Man.; ^scripts ofthe Rev. Mr. Thomas Haggles. 342 HISTORY OF Chap. XIV. Book I. it absolutely necessary to return to Connecticut, where he •M»-vi<«te' might recruit them, and cover them with more convenience, 1675. than could possibly be done in that part of the country. The wounded men, who were not able to travel, were put on board vessels and carried to Rhode-Island. The Con necticut troops, in their march from Stonington to Petty- quamscot, killed six and captivated seven of the enemy. On their return home, they killed and captivated about thirty more. • • The Massachusetts and Plymouth troops kept the field the greatest part of the winter, ranged the country, capti vated numbers of the enemy, brought in considerable quantities of corn and beans, and burned more than 200 wigwams ; but achieved nothing brilliant or decisive. In the whole, in the fort and in the country, the English burn ed between eight and nine hundred wigWams, and destroy ed almost the whole of the enemy's provisions. This was much more distressing, and had a greater influence in their total ruin, than was at first imagined. Meanwhile,' much pains were taken to make1 peace, and various messages passed between the English and the Indians, on that subject ; but they would not accept of any overtures which the colonies thought proper to make to them. As the enemy had lost their dwellings and principal stores, in Narraganset, the great body of their warriors moved off to the northward, to the Nipmuck country, and into the wilderness, north of Brookfield. They were not, however, idle. The latter part of January, they drove ofi, from one man, at Warwick, as they took leave of their country, sixteen horses, fifty neat cattle, and two hundred I^ancaster s^eeP- ^n February, the Narraganset and Nipmuck In- burnt, dians fell upon Lancaster, and plundered and burned the Feb. 10th. greatest part of the town. They either killed or captivat- Medfield ed forty of the inhabitants.* Some days after, they made assaulted. an assault on Medfield, killed twenty men, and laid nearly Feb. t20th. half of the town in ash£js> March was a month of still greater disasters. The towns of Northampton and Springfield, of Chelmsford,. Groton, Sudbury, and Marlborough, in Massachusetts, and of War wick and Providence," in Rhode-Island, were assaulted ; and some of them partly, and others entirely, destroyed. Many of the inhabitants were killed, and others led away into a miserable captivity. * The enemy set fire to the garrison house, and the women and children were all captivated, among whom W3b the wife and family of Mr. Row landson, minister of the town. Q?af. XIV. CONNECTICUT. 343 Captain Pierce, about the same time, with fifty English- Book L inen and twenty friendly Indians, was drawn into an am- >^»-v-^ ljush, and surrounded by a great body of the enemy, who 1676, slew every Englishman, and the greatest part of the In- Captain dians. This was a great loss to so small a colony as x?,rc? Plymouth, to whom captain Pierce and his company be- March 2«. longed. Two days after, the enemy fell upon Rehoboth, 28th- in the vicinity of Swanzey, where hostilities first began, and burned forty dwelling houses, besides barns and out houses. Captain Wadsworth, a brave officer, with fifty men, marching, ten days before, to the relief of Sudbury, was Captain surrounded by a numerous body of the enemy, and fell Wads- witli his whole party. Massachusetts, at this time, was in worth | great distress and sorrow. It was feared by many, thatthe kllled- whole colony would be depopulated. But it was now fell tide with the enemy, they soon received an important check, and began rapidly to decline. In February, 1676, a number of volunteers from Con necticut, belonging principally to New-London, Norwich, guTvolun- and Stonington, formed themselves into companies, under teers. major Palms, captain George Denison, captain James Ave ry, and captain John Stanton, for the annoyance of the enemy. They engaged a number of Moheagans, Pequots, apd Narragansets, to be associates with them, for the sake of plunder, and other considerations. The Moheagans were commanded by Onecho, one of the sons of Uncas ; the Pequots, by Cassasinamon, their chief ; and the Narra- fansets, consisting of about twenty men, by Catapazet. 'hese latter were Ninigrate's men, who, in time past, had given the colonies so much trouble ; but at this time they remained quiet, and would not join the other. Narraganset sachems. These companies began to range the Narraganset coun try, and harass the enemy, the latter part of February, and continued making their incursions from that time un- Their suc- til the enemy were driven from those quarters. As soon cesses. as one company returned, another went out immediately, so as to keep the .enemy in continual alarm. Their suc cess was admirable. Captain Denison, of Stonington, on the 27th of March, began a very successful incursion into the country. Nanunttenoo, or Canonchet, the head sachem of all the Narragansets, son of Miantonimoh, inheritor of all his -* The principal seat of Ninigrate was at Westerly, which formerly be longed to Stonington. He put himself uudfer the English, and he, and his Indians, were the only ones who were not destroyed, or driven from that part of the country. 344 HISTORY OF Chap. XIV, Booe I. pride, and of his insolence and hatred towards the Eng- v^-^-^/ lish, had ventured down from the northern wilderness to 1676.. Seaconk, near the seat of Philip, to procure seed corn, to plant the towns whi«;h the English had deserted, upon Con necticut river. He had been aiding in the slaughter of captain Pierce and his men just before. After captain Denison and his party had wearied themselves for several days, in hunting the enemy, they came upon their tracks near Blackston's river, and soon discovered, by a squaw whom they took, that Nanunttenoo was in a wigwam, not far distant. The captain made dispositions immediately N to surprise him. While he was boasting of that great feat noo sur- " °f cutting off captain Pierce, and diverting himself with prised and the story, the English came upon him. Some of his party, taken. discovering them, ran off with great precipitation ; but one more faithful than the rest, entered the wigwam and ac quainted him with his danger. He instantly fled with all his might. Catapazet, from the manner of his running, suspecting it was Nanunttenoo, gave chase with as much eagerness as he fled. The other Indians, who were most light of foot, joined in the pursuit. They pressed him so hard, that he soon threw off his blanket, and then his sil ver laced coat, which had been given him at Boston. The pursuers, perceiving that they were not mistaken with res pect to the person, employed their Utmost exertions to seize him. At length, plunging through the river, his foot slipped, upon a smooth stone, and he fell and wet his gun. One Monopoide, a Pequot, outrunning the other Indians, leaped thraugjt the river after him, and soon laid hold up on him. Though he was a man of goodly stature, and of great strength and courage, yet he made no resistance. One Robert Stanton, a young man, was the first English man who came up to him. He asked him several ques tions ; but this haughty sachem, looking with disdain up on his youthful countenance, replied, in broksn English, " You too much child ; no understand matters of war — Let your captain come ; him I will answer." This party, in about sixteen days, killed and took nearly fifty of the enemy, without the loss of a single man. This success was more important on account of the capture ofthe chief sachem, and a number of counsellors and war captains. Nanunttenoo would not accept of life when offered upon the condition that he should make peace with the English; nor would he so much as send one of his counsellors to make a single proposal for that purpose. When he was made acquainted that it was determined to put him to death, he said, " He liked it well ; that he should die before his Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. »45 heart was soft„ or he had spoken any thing unworthy of Book I. himself." The Moheagan sachem, his counsellors, and ^^sr^s the principal Pequots, shot him at Stonington. Those 1676* brave volunteer captains and their flying parties had, at this time, killed and captivated forty-four of the enemy, and before the end of April, seventy-six more, about a hun dred and twenty in one month; Among these was another sachem, a grandson of Pomham, who was esteemed the best . soldier and most warlike of all the Narraganset sa chems. They made, in the spring, summer, and fall, ten t or twelve expeditions, in which they killed and captiva- ! ted two hundred and' thirty of the enemy, took fifty mus kets, and brought in one hundred and sixty bushels of their corn. They drove all the Narraganset Indians out of their country, except those at Westerly under Ninigrate.* In all these expeditions they had not one man killed or woun ded.! Governor Hutchinson observes, that " the brave actions ofthe Connecticut volunteers have not been enough applauded. Denison's name ought to be perpetuated." While Connecticut had the honor and happiness of giv-Beathof ing a check to the war, the colony sustained a heavy loss. 9 ov' Win" in the death of governor Winthrop. He had been cho- April5th. sen one of the commissioners from Connecticut, the May preceding, to the court ofthe commissioners ofthe united colonies. Upon the meeting of this court, early in the spring, he went to Boston, where he was taken sick and1 flied, April 5th, 1676, in the 74 st year of his age. He was honorably interred, at Boston, in the same tomb with his father. He was the eldest son of the honorable John Winthrop, Hischar- Esq. the first governor of Massachusetts. His birth was acter. at Groton in England, 1605. His father gave him a libe ral education, at the university of Cambridge, in England ; and afterwards supported him some years at the universi ty of Dublin, in Ireland. As travelling was considered a great accomplishment to a young gentleman, he travelled into France, Holland, Germany, Italy, and Turkey. With these advantages he returned to England, not only a great scholar, rich in experience and literature, but a most ac complished gentleman. While he collected the literature and excellencies of the various nations and countries through which he passed, he cautiously avoided their er rors and vices. He was a puritan of distinguished piety and morals. After his return from his travels, he came into- New-England, with his father's family, in 1631, and was. * Declaration of the volunteers, sworn before governor Saltenstall. t Hubbard's Nanrative, from p. 125 to 131. T2 34© HISTORY OF Chap. XIV, Election, May 11th, William Leet, Esq. chosen governor. The as semblyraise an army. Major Talcott eomman-a'er. .chosen one of the magistrates of the colony of Massachu- setts. He afterwards went into England"; and in 1635,. returned with a commission to erect a fort at the mouth of Connecticut river, and to be governor of that part of the country. In 1651, he was chosen one of the magistrates of Connecticut. In 1657, he was elected governor, and the next year deputy'governor.. In 1659, he was again chosen goramor ; from which time he was annually re chosen to that office, until his death. He was one of the greatest chymists and physicians of his age, a member of the royal society of "philosophical- transactions, and one of the most distinguished characters in New-England. He rendered many important services to- the colony, was ex ceedingly beloved in life, and died greatly and universally lamented. At the election, May Iith, William Leet, Esq. was cho sen governor, and Robert Treat, Esq. deputy governor. Captain John Mason was chosen magistrate, to fill the va cancy roade by the advancement of major Treat, to the of fice of deputy governor. No alteration was made with res pect to the other officers^ The assembly voted three hundred and fifty men, who, withthe friendly Indians, were to be a standing, army, to defend the country and harass the enemy. Major John Talcott was appointed to the chief command. The Rev. Gershom Bulkley, of Weathersfield, was appointed sur geon, and Mr. James Fitch, chaplain. Mr. Bulkley was viewed as one of the greatest physicians and surgeons then- in Connecticut. The assembly ordered that the surgeon and chaplain should be of the council of way. Major Talcott, on his appointment to the command of the army, resigned the office of treasurer, and William Pitkin, Esq. was appointed to that office,, by the assembly. The first general rendezvous of the army, this year, was at Norwich. From thence major Talcott marched, the be ginning of June, with about two hundred and fifty English soldiers and two hundred Moheagan and Pequot Indians, up towards the Wabaquasset country, scouring the woods through that long tract. They found the country every where deserted. The fort and wigwams at Wabaquasset were deserted. Nothing more could be done there, than demolish the Indian fortress and destroy about My acres of corn which the enemy had planted. On the 5th of June, the army marched to Chanagongum, in the Nipmuck country. There they killed nineteen Indians, and took thirty-three captives.* The army then marched to Qua- * Major T&lcott's letter to the committee of war, June 8, 1676. Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. 347 baug, or Brookfield, and thence to Northampton. This Book L was a long march, in which the troops suffered greatly for v-*-^-^ want of provisions. It has ever since, in Connecticut, 1676. been known by the name of the long and hungry march. Hungry Major Talcott expected to have met with the Massachu- marcb setts forces at Brookfield, or in that vicinity, but they did not arrive. On the 12th of June, four days after the arrival of the Connecticut troops at Northampton, about seven hundred Indians made a furious attack upon Hadley ; but major Talcott, with his party, soon appeared for the relief of the garrison, and drove off the enemy. His seasonable arri val was, providentially, a happy circumstance, which pro bably saved Hadley, and other towns upon the river. Some time after, the Massachusetts forces arrived, and, in conjunction with major Talcott and his soldiers, scoured the woods on both sides the river, as far as the falls at Deerfield. Tbe enemy, by this time, had made their es cape from that part of the country. The army broke up their fisheries, destroyed their fish and other stores, recov ered some stolen goods, and returned, without effecting any thing very important. After major Talcott had spent about three weeks in ser vice upon the river, he left that quarter, and marched through the wilderness, towards Providence and the Nar raganset country. On the 1st of July, the army came near a large body of the enemy, and took four. Two days after, July 3d. major Talcott surprised the main body of them, by the side of a large cedar swamp. He made such a disposition of his men, and attacked them so suddenly, that a consider able number were killed and taken on the spot ; others es caped to the swamp. The troops compassed the swamp, and, after an action of two or three hours, killed and took 171. Thirty-four warriors were killed in the action, and also Magnus, the sunk squaw, or old queen of Narragan set ; 90 of the captives were killed, and between 40 and 50 women and children preserved alive. The same day, the troops marched to Providence, and compassed the neck there, and afterwards, Warwick neck ; in which places they killed and captured 67. Eighteen were killed. In these several rencontres,. 238 were killed and taken, with about 30 arms.* About the 5th of July, the army returned to Connecticut. In their route, they took 60 more of the enemy. From about the beginning of April to the 6th of July, the Con- * Major Talcott's letter to the council of war, July 4th, W76. 34« HISTORY OF Chap. XIV. Book f. necticut volunteers, and the troops under major Talcott, s^o-v-iw killed and captivated about 420 ofthe enemy.f Jt>76, The enemy, about this time, fell into a state of division, fear, and astonishment. They found that, by attempting to destroy their English neighbours, they had utterly ruin ed themselves. A complication of evi|s conspired for their destruction. The( destruction of their fort and principal Distressed stores, in the dead of winter, the burning Of their wigwams, condition and bringing off their corn and be§ns, in all parts of the of the ene- country, put them to inexpressible hardships and distres- ",jr" ses. They had been able to plant but little, in the spring ; what they had planted, the English had destroyed ; they had been driven from the sea and rivers, and cut off from almost every kind of subsistence. They had been obliged to lie in swamps and marshes ; to feed on horse flesh, and other unwholesome food ; all which gendered infirmity and death ; so that they became debilitated and disheartened by fatigue, famine, disease, and mortality.^ They could not keep together in any considerable bodies, for want of sustenance. They were pursued and hunted from swamp to swamp, and from one lurking place to another; so that, in July and August, they began to come in to the English, in large .bodies, and surrender themselves to the mercy of Jbeir conquerors. The ene- Major Talcott, after his return from Narraganset, having py fly to recruited his men a short time in Connecticut, took his ward!''" Bta^n at Westfield. While he lay there, a large body of the enemy vyas discovered fleeing to the westward. Major Major Talcott pursupc} them, and on the third day, about half way Talcott, between Westfield and Albany, discovered them lying on andS"ur- t.he west side of Housatonick river, entirely secure. It was prises judged too late in the day tq attack them to any purpose. |he«i. * The army, therefore, retreated, and lay upon their arms, in great silence, during the night, Towards morning, the troops were formed in two divisions, One was ordered to pass the river below the enemy, and to advance and com- {>ass them in on that side. The other party, creeping si- ently up to the east bank of the river, were to lie prepared insta'ntly to fire, -jvhen they should receive the signal from the other division, who, when they had reached their ground, were to fire a singje gun. But this well contrived plan wa? in some measure disconcerted. An Indian had left his companions in a dead sleep, and proceeded down t Hubbard's Narrative, p. 131, 164. 166. Hutchinson's history, vol. i. p. 305, 306. " X Some of the captives reported, that more died by sickness, than the ^prd. / Chap. XIV* CONNECTICUT. 349 the river to catch fish. As the division on the west side of Book I. the river was advancing to surround the enemy, he discOv- ^^-v-w . ered them, and roared out, " Awannux, Awannux." Upon 1676. this, one of the party fired, and killed him on the spot. The other division, on the east bank of the river, supposing this to be the signal gun, discharged upon the enemy, as they were rising in surprise, or lay upon the ground, and killed and wounded a great number of them. Those who were not killed, or disabled by wounds, instantly fled, leaving their camp, baggage, provisions, and many of their arms. As the division on the west side, had not advanc ed to the ground designed, before the alarm was given, the enemy made their escape with much less damage, than oth erwise they could have done. The troops pursued them some distance, but the woods were so extremely thick, that they soon disappeared, and the army returned. The sachem of Quabaug or Brookfield was killed, and 44 other |ach^™ ?f Indians were killed and taken. Among the killed were ^n°d. 35 warriors.* Several brave captains and officers in the Massachus setts, in July and August, were very successful. Captain Church, of Plymouth, afterwards major Church, a famous partisan, took several small parties of the enemy. The Indians, who were taken or came in to the English to save their own lives, betrayed their friends, and led the Eng lish captains to their haunts and hiding places. Thus as sisted, the Massachusetts and Plymouth soldiers hunted Philip from week to week, and from place to place. They killed and captured his brother, his counsellors, and chief men, his wife and family ; but his mind continued firm and unbroken. In the midst of all this misfortune and dis tress, he would hear no proposals of peace. At length, on the 1 2th of August, captain Church, led by one of Phil ip's men, whom he had disaffected, by shooting his broth er, only for proposing to him to make peace with the col onies, surprised this famous sachem, in a swamp, near Mount Hope, As he was flying to make his escape, the Indian who had been guide to the party, shot him through Philip kiu- the heart. Thus fell a brave enemy, who had defended ed) AnS- himself and his country, and what he imagined to be his ' own, and the just rights of his countrymen, to the last ex tremity. The Indians in this part of the country, now generally submitted to the English, or fled and incorporated with dis tant and strange nations. After this time, very little dam age was done. ¦ ¦- Manuscripts of tbe Rev, Thomas Ruggles and Hubbard's Narrative. 350 HISTORY OF Chap. XIV. Book I. Connecticut. offered the same conditions to the enemy, ^v>^ upon their submission, which had been given to the Pe- 1676. quots : That they should have life, liberty, protection, and ground to plant. Some principal incendiaries and mur derers, however, were excepted. They disdained to ac cept the terms, and generally fled their country. The Nip- . mucks, Nashawas, Pocomtocks, the Hadley and Springfield Indians, fled to the French and their Indians, in Canada. About 200 of them, after their surprise at Housatonick riv er, fled to the Moheaganders, upon Hudson's river, incor porated and became one with them. When Philip began the war, he, and his kinswoman, Wetamoe, had about 500 warriors, and the Narragansets nearly 2000. The Nipmuck, Nashawa, Pocomtock, Had ley, and Springfield Indians, were considerably numerous. It is probable, therefore, that there were about 3000 war riors combined for the destruction of the New-England colonies, exclusive of the eastern Indians. The war ter minated in their entire conquest, and almost total extinc tion. At the same time, it opened a wide door to extensive settlement and population. This, however, in its connection with the war with the Losses in eastern Indians, which commenced about the same time, the war. was the most impoverishing and distressing, of any which New-England has ever experienced, from its first settle ment to the present time. The war with the eastern In dians continued until the spring of the year 1678. The enemy killed and captivated great numbers of the people, captured nearly twenty fishing- vessels, with their crews, arid rioted in plunder and devastation, until most of the set tlements in those parts were swept away, and the country was reduced to their domination.* About 600 of the inhabitants of New-England, the great est part of whom were the flower and strength of the coun try, either fell in battle, or were murdered by the enemy. A great part of the inhabitants of the country were in deep mourning. There were few families or individuals who had not lost some near relative or friend. Twelve or thir teen towns, in Massachusetts, Plymouth, and Rhode-Isl and, were utterly destroyed, and others greatly damaged. About 600 buildings, chiefly dwelling houses, were con sumed with fire. t An almost insuperable debt was con- * Dr. Belknap's hist. vol. i. p. 157, 159. t This statement of the loss of lives, towns, andbuildings, is made from an accurate enumeration of the various numbers mentioned, in the ancient histories, of the lives lost, and ofthe towns and buildings burned. But a$ there were, doubtless, many persons killed, and others who died of their wounds, not mentioned in those accounts, they must have exceeded the Chap. XIV.< CONNECTICUT. 351 ¦» lracte4 by the colonies, when their numbers, dwellings, Book L goodsj cattle, and all their resources, were greatly dimin- -^-^-x^ ished. 1676. Connecticut, indeed, had suffered nothing, in compari son with her sister colonies. Her towns and inhabitants had been preserved from the ravages of the enemy ; but about a seventh part of the whole militia was out upon con stant service, besides the volunteers. A large proportion was obliged to watch and guard the towns at home. The particular towns were necessitated to fortify themselves with an inclosure of pallisades, and to prepare and fortify particular dwellings for garrison houses, which might, in the best manner, command the respective towns; and to which the aged people, women, and children might repair, and be in safety, in the time .of danger. For three years after the war commenced, the inhabitants paid eleven pence on the pound, upon the grand list, exclusive of all town and parish taxes. After the war was finished, they had a considerable debt to discharge. The colony, never theless, was highly distinguished and favoured in many re spects. The numerous Indians within it, were not only peaceable, but the Moheagans and Pequots were of great service in the war. They were not only a defence to the eastern towns, but especially advantageous in discovering and harassing the enemy, and in preventing a surprise by them. Connecticut had not one party of mfen surprised and cut off during the war; nor did the colony sustain any considerable loss of men, at any time, except in taking the ' fort in Narraganset. At the same time, the legislature and people were happy, in giving seasonable and powerful as sistance to their confederates, and in repeatedly rescuing whole towns and parties, when in the most imminent danger. number here stated. The histories of those troubles, rarely mention the barns, stores, and out houses burned ; and sometimes there is notice of the burning of part ofa town, and of the.buildings in such a tract, without' any specification of the number. All the buildings in Narraganset, from Providence to Stonington, a tract of about fifty miles, were burned, or otherwise destroyed, by the enemy, but the number is not mentioned. The loss of buildings must, therefore, have been much greater than has been mentioned. The militia of Connecticut, in 1675, amounted to 2,250 men. Of these, the commissioners required 315, as their proportion ofthe 1,000 men then to be raised. If the proportion was just, there were about 7,150 ofthe militia ofthe united colonies. Reckoning every fifth man a soldier, and five persons to every family, there were 7,150 families, and 35,750 inhabitants, at that time in the united colonies. According to this estimation, about one fencible man in eleven was killed, and every eleventh family. was burnt out; or an eleventh part ofthe whole militia, and of all the buildings ofthe united colo nies were swept away by this predatory war. This greatly exceeded the loss in the lato war with Great-Britain, in proportion to the numbers and wealth of the Unitod Slates. 352 HISTORY OF Chap. XV. CHAPTER XV. Measures adopted to discharge the public debt, and settle the country in peace. The reasons of the colony's claim to Narraganset. The farmer settlers and owners of land there apply to Connecticut for protection. Major Treat goes to the upper towns upon Connecticut river, to treat wilh the Indians. Fasts appointed through New-England. ~Act concerning the conquered lands in Narraganset. Na vigation act grievous to the colonies. Governor Leet takes the oath respecting trade and navigation. Answers to queries from the lords of trade and plantations. Protest against Sir Edmund Andross's claim to Fisher's Island, Character of Governor Leet, Commissioners appointed, by his majesty, to examine and make report, concerning all claims to the Marraganset country, or king's province. They report in favour of Connecticut. Answers lo the re newed claim of the Duke of Hamilton, and opinions on the case. Connecticut congratulates the arrival of Colo nel Dungan, governor qf Mew-York, and agree with, him respecting the boundary line between that colony and Con necticut, Petition to King James II. Settlement of Wa terbury. Quo warrantos against the colony. The assem bly petition his majesty to continue their charter privile ges. Sir Edmund, Andross made governor of New-Eng land, Arrives at Hartford, and takes the government, by order of his majesty. The oppression and cruelty of his administration. Distressed and sorrowful state of the people. CONNECTICUT had now conquered the Narraganset country, and, in conjunction with the other confede rates, terminated the war in this part of New-England. Oct. 12th. The- legislature, therefore, addressed themselves to dis charge the public debt ; to settle the friendly Indians in a state of peace among themselves, and with the colonies ; and to extend their settlements in the Narraganset coun try, as well as in other parts of their jurisdiction. To dis charge the public debt, they levied a tax of eight pence on the pound, upon the whole list of the colony, in October annually, during the term of two years. They appointed a committee to hear all affairs, which the Moheagans, Pe quots, and Narragansets, under Ninigrate, or Ninicraft, had to lay before them ; and to do whatever they should judge expedient to promote peace among them, and to pre- Chap. XV. CONNECTICUT. 353 serve their friendship and attachment to the English. For Book I. their encouragement, the legislature granted liberty for >^-vv> them to hunt, in all the conquered lands, during their plea- 1677. sure. • They were also authorised to kill and destroy any of the enemy, who should return to their country, without submitting to the colony and accepting the terms which had been offered them. At the election, in May, 1677, there was rio alteration in Court of the legislature, excepting the choice of Andrew Leet, Esq. flecti°~' into' the magistracy, instead of captain John Mason, who 1677. ' died, the September before, of the wounds he had receiv ed in taking the Narraganset fort. The same governor, deputy governor, and magistrates were re-elected for seve ral" years successively. A committee Was appointed, by the assembly, to settle all affairs of government in the Nar raganset country, and to report what places there were there adapted to the purpose of planting new towns. As the Rhode-Islanders had deserted the country, in Deteftni- the war, and had done nothing in the defence of it, and as "ation °f the Connecticut volunteers had driven the enemy entirely ^"to set- fro m that extensile tract, the legislature determined to tie and plant and govern if,- as part of this colony.- 'govern For various reasons they viewed the act of his majes- searrasa*" ty's commissioners, determining that Rhode-Island and Reasons of Narraganset should be a province for the king, as a mere their de- nullity. Their commission gave them no poWer to make J;™ina" new colonies^ It required that colOhel Nichols should al ways be one of the council, that any of its acts might be valid ; but he was not present at that determination. Fur ther, colonel Nichols, with two or three of his council, af terwards reversed that judgment.- In the same point Of light they viewed the agreement with Mr. Clark, as it was after Mr. Winthrop had obtain ed the Connecticut charter, and sent it to the colony, at which time his agency was terminated. Further, that a- greementWas entirely alien from the business of his agen cy, and without any instructions or authority from the colo ny. The agreement with Mr. Clark was considered as a nullity, in another point of light, as the charter to Rhode- Island recognized and had reference to one artiole of the agreement only, and as Rhode-Island had never submitted to one of the other articles, ln direct contravention of them, they had invaded the property of the settlers named in it, wantonly carried off the productions of their lands and fruits of their labors, driven off their cattle, forced the inhabitants from their possessions, burned their fences, U2 354 HISTORY, OF Chap.XVj Book I. and even pulled down their houses,* They had claimed yrv>w/ jurisdiction oyer them, after they had, in the year 1663, 1677.' chosen to belong to Connecticut, and formally put them selves 'under the government of that colony. They had not regarded the agreement even with respect to the boun daries, but attempted to extend their limits beyond what was expressed in the charter. Besides, when his majes ty had previously granted that- tract to Connecticut, there remained, in law and reason, no further right in him to that country. He had nothing there .fbrther tq grant. There fore he could grant nothing there to Rhode-Island. Con necticut well knew that Pawcatuck never was called Nar raganset river, and that the Narragansets never extended their- claims so far westward ; but that Pawcatuck, and the country some miles to the east of it, belonged to the Pe quots. I For these reasons, the legislature considered their title and claim to this part of the colony as clear and just„ as to any other part of it whatever. Mr. Elisha Hutchinson, William Hudson, and others, their Hutchin- associates, claiming a large tract in the Pequot and Nar- oth'ers pe- raganset country,! applied to the general assembly for titionfor their assistance and protection, against Rhode- Island, in protec- the re-settlement of their lands. The assembly determin ed to extend their protection, and government to them. Oct. ii. At the session in October, the upper towns, upon Con necticut river, sent messengers to the assembly, acquaint ing them, that there were considerable bodies of Indians collected together in their vicinity ; and that they made proposals of peace. \ The messengers solicited the assem bly to send major Treat, the deputy governor, with a de tachment of forty men, to Northampton, to treat with them, or to defend those towns, as occasion might require. The assembly complied with, the request, and the deputy gov ernor proceeded immediately to Northampton, He was instructed, in the first place, to use his utmost endeavours for the redemption of thecaptives, with money, goods, or by any other means in his power. The terms of peace, which he was. authorized to propose, were life and liberty, upon the submission of the; Indians to the. English, in the * Prayer of the inhabitants to the general court of Connecticut, on file, representing the outrages ofthe Rhode-Islanders. X Case of Connecticut, with respect to Narraganset, stated, in which. these articles are lately insisted on. + It appears, by the report of the committee, appointed to view and n)ak,e report concerning the state of Narraganset, that the gentlemen mentioned abov^, maj or Atherton,,, and their.associaies, owned a tract of more than 5,000 acres, only on what was called Boston neck, and that large tracts were owned by other purchasers. Indeed the principal part of Narraganset was owned by them. Chap. XV. CONNECTICUT. 355 several places where they should be settled. He was di- Book I. rected to assure the Indians of protection and safety during ^-v-^ the treaty. It does not appear, that many ofthe northern 1677J Indians accepted the terms proposed, or ever returned to their former places of abode. Little more appears to have been effected by the treaty, than the redemption of some of the captives. The colonies, at this time, had many enemies, and the 1678- most injurious complaints and unfavorable representations were made of them in England. Edward Randolph, es pecially, whom the people of New-England represented as going about to destroy them, was indefatigable in his com plaints against them, and in aggravating whatever he im agined might serve to their disadvantage. He came over to Boston, in 1676, and annually, in person or by writing, made complaints against them. He generally returned to England in the fall, and in the spring or summer, came over fraught with new mischief. He busied himself, a- mong other affairs, in complaining of the colonies for their opposition to the acts of trade and navigation. Unhap pily for Great-Britain and the colonies, they were suffer ing under an arbitrary prince, inimical to the civil and re ligious rights of his subjects. His ear was open to com plaints against those, who did not cheerfully submit to his despotic impositions ; and he readily promoted those who made them. The colonies knew how affairs were con ducted in England, and were deeply apprehensive of the danger they were in, ofa total deprivation of their liber ties. The commissioners of the united colonies, in these views, recommended a general fast to the confederate colo nies to humble themselves for their offences, and to pray for the divine favor, in the continuation of their just rights and privileges. In consequence of this recommendation, the general as- Nov. 21. sembly of Connecticut appointed the third Tuesday in November a public fast, in union with their confederates, to humble themselves, and pray for the purpos.es recom mended. The general assembly, at their session in May; 1679, to May, prevent the people of Rhode-Island, and other intruders, 1679- from taking up lands in Narraganset, enacted, that none of the conquered lands should be taken up, or laid out into farms, without special and express order from them.* The Rhode-Islanders, in the time of danger, deserted the country and bore no part in the war. However, as * Records of Connecticut, 356 HISTORY OF Chap. XV. Book I. soon as the inhabitants, who bad settled under Connecti- r^^r^/ cut, began to return to their former settlements, to build 1679. upon their lands, and cultivate their farms, under the gov- ' eminent of this colony, the legislature of Rhode-Lsland began to usurp authority and praet jce their former Vexa tions. John Cranston, Esq. governor of Rhode-Island, held a court in Narraganset, in September, and made attempts to introduce the authority and officers of Rhode-Island, into that part of Connecticut. The general assembly there fore, in October, protested against his usurpation, and de clared his acts to be utterly void. They also prohibited all the inhabitants to receive any office from the legislature of Rhode-Island, or to yield obedience to its authority.* The acts of trade and navigation were exceedingly grievous to the colonies. They viewed them as utterly- inconsistent with their chartered rights. This made them extremely unwiljing to submit to them- Massachusetts never would fully submit ; but as it was matter of great and continual complaint against the colonies, and as his ma- May 13, jesty insisted on the respective governors taking the oath, 1680, respecting trade and navigation, it was judged expedient, took the* that governor Leet should take it, in the presence of the navigation assembly. It was accordingly administered to him, at the jrath. session in May, 1680. This assembly ordered, that a letter should be written to the general court of Massachusetts, desiring their con currence in mutually settling the line between that colony and Connecticut. It was requested, that the court would appoint a committee fully authorised for that purpose, to join with one from Connecticut vested with similar, powers. If the general court pf the Massachusetts should refuse to comply with this proposal, then the governor and his coun cil, with such as they should appoint to that service, were authorised to run the line without them. Answers The lords of trade and plantations having transmitted a to queries, number of queries to the governor and company, the gov- 16«). ' ernor and council were desired to answer them. By their answers, it appears, that there were twenty-six towns in the colony :f that the militia, including horse and foot, consisted, in 1679, qf 2,507 men: that the annual exports were about 9,0001. : that there were in the colony about twenty small merchants, trading to Boston, New- York, Newfoundland, and the West-Indies : and that its ship ping consisted of four ships, three pinks, eight sloops, and * Records of Connecticut. t Rye and Bedford appear to hsrvj been included in this number. $hap.XV. CONNECTICUT. 357 oth^f small vessels, amounting in the whole to twenty-sev- Book I. en,' the tonnage of which was only 1,050. The number of ^>~v~*..' inhabitants is not mentioned, but, from the number of the 1680. militia, it must have been nearly 12,000. To one of the enquiries, the following answer is given : " If so be Hart ford, New-London, New-Haven, and Fairfield, might be made free ports, for fifteen or twenty years, it would be a means to bring trade there, and much increase the naviga tion and wealth of this poor colony."* SirEd- About this time, Sir Edmund Andross, governor of New- ™und An" York, asserted his right of jurisdiction over Fisher's Isi- c{°^s and, as included in the duke of York's patent. fisher's Upon this claim, the legislature of the colony asserted, island. ^ that the said island was a part, and member of this colo- ^j.""^.!1"' ny of Connecticut, and under the government thereof ; and test a- that they have eyer exercised, and shall, and will exercise gainst his government there, as occasion shall require ; and dp here- claim- by declare, and protest against sir Edmund Andross, and all other persons, their claims, or exercise of any authority or government, on, or over the said island." At the election, in 1683, major Robert Treat was chos- Election, en governor, and James Bishop deputy-governor. The 168P- former magistrates were generally re-chosen ; but by rea son of several vacancies which had been made, captain Robert Chapman, captain James Fitch, Mr. Samuel Ma son, and Mr. Joseph Whiting, were elected magistrates. The change of governors was occasioned by the death of governor Leet, who, after faithfully serving the colonies, for many years, had now finished his pourse.J * Connecticut book of patents, letters, &c. J The governor, William Leet, Esq. was bred a lawyer in England, and Character was, for a considerable time, clerk ofa bishop's court. In this service he of gover- became acquainted with the conduct of the bishops towards the puritans, nor Leet. with the pleas, and serious conversation and conduct of the latter, when arraigned before them. He obseryed the great severity which the court exercised towards them, for going to hear good sermons in the neighbour ing parishes, when they had none' at home, and what light matters they made of wantonness, and other instances of gross sin, and how much bet ter persons guilty of such crimes jverp treated, than the puritans. This brought him to a serious consideration of the affair, and to acquaint him self more thoroughly' with the doctrines and discipline of the puritans. In consequence of this he became a puritan, left the bishop's court, and, ih 1638, came into New-England, with Mr. Whitfiejd and his company. He was one of the seven pillars of his church. In 1643, he was chosen magis trate for the colony of New-Haven, and was annually re-elected, until May, 1658. He was then chosen deputy-governor of that colony, in which office he continued until he was electe^ governor in 1661. He con tinued chief magistrate of tbat colony, until the union in 1665. He was (hen chosen one of the magistrates of Connecticut. In 1669, he was elect ed deputy-governor, and was annually re-elected, until 1676, when he was chosen governor of Connecticut. During the term of forty years, he was jjjaeistrate, deputy-governor, or governor of one or other of the colonies. 358 HISTORY OF- Cbap. XV. Book I. As there had been long disputes relative to the Narra- v^-N^"^ ganset country, and as the king, in consequence of the act 1683. of his commissioners, in 1665, claimed it as his province, commissioners were appointed to hear and determine alt titles and claims respecting that tract. On the 7th of Commis- April, 1683, his majesty king Charles II. granted a com- sion to Ed- mission to Edward Cranfield, Esq. lieutenant-governor of Cranfield New-Hampshire, William Stoughton, Joseph Dudley, Ed- &c. April ward Randolph, Samuel Shrimpton, John Fitz Winthrop, 7th, 1683. Edward Palms, Nathaniel- Saltonstall, and John Pynch eon, jun. Esquires, or any three of them, of whom Edward Cranfield, or Edward Randolph was to be of the quorum, " to examine and enquire into the respective claims and titles, as. well of his majesty, as of all persons and corpora tions whatsoever, to the immediate jurisdiction, govern ment, or propriety of the soil of a certain tract of land, within his majesty's dominion of New-England, called the king's province, or Narraganset country ; and to call be fore them any person, or persons, and to search records, as they shall find requisite, and the proceedings therein, with the opinions upon the matters that shall be examined by them, to state, and with all convenient speed, report thereof to make to his majesty." The commissioners convened on the 22d of August, 1683, at the house of Richard Smith, in "the Narraganset country. They summoned all persons and corporations, in whatever place, who were concerned in the title or gov ernment of that country, to appear before them, and to pro duce all charters, deeds, records, letters, and orders, from his majesty and council, or of any of his commissioners, to the respective cOlonies, governors, or governments, which might give information on the subject. At the time and place appointed, the. records represent, " that there was the greatest appearance of the most ancient English and Jndians, then living, to testify the truth of their knowl edge," respecting the matters, then to be determined. The commissioners, having fully heard every thing re specting the claims and title to that part of New-England, adjourned to Boston, and there made a report to his ma jesty, in an ample manner, declaring, that the government of it belonged to Connecticut. ' The report, so far as it re spects this colony, and can reflect light on the subject, is as followeth, Inboth colonies he presided in times of the greatest difficulty, yet always conducted himself with such integrity and wisdom, as to meet the public approbation. After he was chosen governor of Connecticut, he removed to Hartford, where he died full of years'and gotod woris. He left, a nume- rous offspring. One- of his sons; Andrew Leet, Esq. was some years one of the magistrates ofthe colony. Chap. XV. CONNECTICUT. 359 " In humble obedience to your majesty's commands, we, Book L your majesty's commissioners, have seriously considered v^-v-s-./ the several claims before us. We find, that your majesty, 1683. by your letters patent, dated at Westminster, the three and Report re- twentieth of April, in the fourteenth year of your majesty's if1"'';10 . ,r. ' , j J f r-i V the Narra- reign, granted to the governor and company ot Connecti- Kanset cut, and their successors, all that part of your dominions country, in New-England, bounded on the east by Narraganset bay, °ct- 20Ul> where the said river falls into the sea, and on the north by the line of the Massachusetts plantation, and on the south by the sea." " We have also had information, that, some time after your majesty's1 grant, and said patent was sent to your colony of Connecticut, the said country of the Narraganset was likewise, by patent, granted by your majesty to the governor and company of Rhode-Island plantation, and is, by charter, bounded by a river called Pawcatuck, which, by said charter, is for ever to be accounted and called the Narraganset river : And this latter grant of your majesty to Rhode-Island, seems to be founded upon advice submit ted to by John Winthrop, Esq. said to be agent for Con necticut colony, and Mr. John Clark, agent for Rhode- Island : to which Connecticut plead, that Mr. Winthrop's agency for them ceased, when he had obtained and sent the patent to them ; and that no submission, or act of his, could invalidate, or deprive them of any of the benefits graciously granted by your majesty's charter: and that, notwithstanding the seeming boundaries, set by said arti cles, signed by Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Clark, it is in the same articles provided, that the proprietors and inhabit ants of the Narraganset country should choose to which of the two governments to belong, and that they unanimously chose and subjected to the government of Connecticut." " With humble submission, we cannot see any cause to judge, that the said Pawcatuck river anciently was, 'or ought to be, called or accounted the Narraganset river." 1. " Because it lies some miles within the Pequot coun try, a nation, till extirpated by the English, often, or al ways, at war with the Narragansets, and to which territo ries the Narragansets never pretended." II. " Because Pawcatuck river falls into the sea many miles westward of any part of Narraganset bay, which is the river anciently called Narraganset river, both because it, on the eastward, washes and bounds the whole length of the Narraganset country ; and for that Plymouth colony, which hath now been planted near three score years, have ever since bounded themselves according to the sense and 360 HISTORY OF Chap. XV. Book I. meaning, or limitation of their patent, by the same bay, ^-v-v called Narraganset river, towards the south." 1683. " Thus, after most strict and impartial inquiry and ex amination, having stated, we most humbly lay before your majesty the several original claims and pretensions offered to us with respect to the propriety, -both of jurisdiction and soil, in your majesty's province, or Narraganset country; and, in further obedience to your said commission, have seriously weighed and considered all evidences, pleas, proofs, and allegations, &c. and with most humble sub- . mission and reservation of your majesty's right, offer our opinions, that by virtue of your said letters patent, grant ed to Connecticut, jurisdiction in, and through the said province, or Narraganset country, of right belongs to the colony of Connecticut ; and that propriety of soil, as de rived from Mr» Winthrop and 'major Atherton, is vested upon the heirs and assigns of said Mr. Winthrop, the heirs of Thomas Chiflinch, Esq* major Atherton, Mr- Richard Smith, Mr. Simon Lynde, Mr. Elisha Hutchinson, Mr. John Saffin, Mr. Richard Wharton, and partners." *" Finally, we hold it our duty humbly to inform your majesty, that so long as the pretensions of the Rhode- Islanders to the government of the said province continue, it will much discourage the settlement and improvement thereof; it being very improbable, that either the afore named claimers, or others of like reputation and condition, will remove their families, or expend their estates under so loose and weak a government." " Your majesty's most loyal and obedient subjects. " Edward Cranfield, " William StoughtOn, " Samuel Shrimpton, " John Pyncheon, jun. " Nathaniel SALTONSTALt." " Boston, Oct. 20th, 1683." Connecticut had no sooner gained their point against the claims of his majesty and Rhode-Island, than they Edward were obliged to answer to a new antagonist. Edward Randolph, Randolph, Esq. on the 30th of June, 1683, had received a Es-*-v-w necticut, with several opinions on the case. 1683. It may be proper to communicate the substance of these to the public. Mr. Saffin, in November, gave the following answer, in behalf of the proprietors. " The ends aimed at and propounded in the king's char- Mr. Saf- ter to the great council of Plymouth, was the propagation fin's an- of the gospel among the heathen, and the enlargement ofswer' his majesty's empire, by plantation ; and whatsoever grants were made by said council, were founded upon those con siderations ; which being not pursued, rendereth all grants of land void. Qui sentit commodum, incommodum sentire debet et onus* And it doth not appear, that his grace, (as other patentees,) did transport any person, or plant any colony, nor used any other means, either to instruct the natives, or purchase their right in the lands, or appoint ed any agent to take possession, in order to the improve ment ofthe same. But it is probable, that the duke, under standing a former patent was granted, by the council of Devon, to the lords Say and Brook, &c. in and about the year 1631, and purchased and improved by the colony of Connecticut, might divert him from any procedure therein. The copy of said patent, as we have been informed, when exhibited by John Winthrop, Esq. before the king in coun cil, the then lord chancellor, Hyde, declared, the lords Say and Brook's title to be good and unquestionable ; and upon that interest, we presume, it was, that Connecticut made application to his majesty, and that their charter was grant ed ; the lords Say and Brook, and partners, having expend ed nine thousand pounds in settlement of the lands claim ed by his grace ; and .had made considerable improve ments and fortifications upon the lands, in several places, divers years before the date of duke Hamilton's grant. " Our present gracious sovereign, &c, hath, by his royal letters, manifested his approbation of the purchase, pos session, and improvement of his loyal subjects, the propri etors here. The said proprietors have been necessarily engaged in a bloody war with the Indians, in their late re bellion. " We further humbly offer, that, in regard that the copy Of the duke's deed, presented by Mr. Randolph, in behalf of his grace, seems to haveno signification of any hand or seal affixed to it, nor mention/made of any witnesses, said * He who enjoys the benefit of a grant, ought 'to t>ear its disadvantage fl.ud burthen. V2 363 HISTORY OF Chap. XV. Answer of Connecti cut to duke Book I. to be tbe original instrument, (yet affirmed to be a true copy "^^-v-v^ thereof,) it may be presumed the said original deed was 1683, never completed according to law." The governor and council of Connecticut answered, December 13th, 1683, in the manner following. "As to the substance of the duke's claim, so far as it concerns us, it is preceded, some years, by a grant from the right honourable, Robert, earl of Warwick, to the lord Hamilton. Say, and other persons of honour and credit, March 19th, 1631, whereas his grace's deed was. made four years after, viz. on the 20th of April, 1635, " By virtue of his majesty's grant to lords Say, Brook, &.c. they, and their assigns, our predecessors, did, at their own proper charge, about the year 1634,. begin to enter upon the said lands, and so have continued ever since, in actual possession and improvement thereof, without chal lenge or claim from duke Hamilton : which improvement hath been with -great cost, hazard, and labour of his majes ty's subjects; yet. by the blessing of God, and his majes ty's grace, hath, in a good measure, answered the ends of those grants or patents; as the propagating ithe christian religion, and the increase and enlargement of his majesty's empire : of all which, his grace, duke Hamilton, hath, in theseparts, done nothing that we know of." " His present majesty, understanding the condition of his subjects in this colony, upon our humble address, April 23d, 1662, was graciously pleased to grant us a charter, for holding the lands therein granted firm, to us and our successors, for ever ; and in his letters, dated April 23d, 1664, sent to us by his majesty's honourable commission ers, he is pleased to call his grant a renewing of our char ter, which must relate to that grant made by the earl of Warwick, in the year 1631 ; for we had no other, before his majesty's grant and confirmation aforesaid. " Under these securities and encouragements, we laid out our estates, labors, &c. and suddenly after our first settling we were engaged in a bloody war, anno 37, with the Pequots, which was chargeable and expensive to us. Also, iu the year 1675, a great people, who inhabited lhe Narraganset country, rose up against his majesty's subjects, who were planted in these parts, slew many of them, burnt their houses, and destroyed their cattle, where by we were engaged in another bloody war, which was the cause of great expense of blood and treasure, (his grace duke Damilton being no partaker with us in any of those expenses, or helper of us therein,) and by the as sistance of Almighty God, and countenance of his majesty, Chap. XV. CONNECTICUT. 363 in both these forementioned wars, we overcame our ene- Book I. mies, that rose up against us, without which all our grants v-^-n^v^ wouldbave been of little benefit to us. 1683. " It is required by his majesty's good laws, as in the twenty-first of king James, 16th, that the duke, and all others, should have sued out his claims : The reason of which law, as it is very great, so it is pleadable on our ac count; for it being latent unto us, for near fifty years, would prove our ruin, if thereupon our property be altered. Had the duke's grace, or his predecessors timeously set his claim, in competition with Jord Say's patent, that we had purchased, the people had known how to have applied themselves ; but after half a century's settlement, as afore said, we hope his majesty will be pleased to secure the same to his good subjects here. " We desire, that we may have a more fit opportunity to make a more full answer, and to present our proofs. " Per order of the governor and council, " signed per me, - " John Allen, Secretary ." Some years after, several opinions, by gentlemen learn ed in the law, were given on th,e case, both as it respected the duke of Hamilton and the colony Of Rhode-Island. Sir Francis Pemberton, having largely stated the case between Connecticut and the duke of'Hamilton, says, " Marquis Hamilton, nor his heirs, or any deriving from him, have ever had possession or laid out any thing upon, the premises, nor made any claim, in said country, until the year 1683, which was about forty-eight years after said grant, the said heir by his attorney, claimed the said lands, at Boston, in New-England, which is above seventy miles from the premises, and in another country," " The heir of said marquis Hamilton, after threescore Sir Fran- and two years, demands the said premises, or a quit rent. £1S Pe™- I am ofthe opinion, that the heir of M. H. after such pur- ^^] chases and so long quiet enjoyment of them, &c. ought not to recover any of the lands or grounds or quit-rents out of them. " I am of opinion, that these purchasers, by virtue of their purchases, and so long and uninterrupted possession under them, have an undoubted right and title to these grounds and lands, and the buildings and improvement of them, and ought not now, after so'much money laid out upon them, and such enjoyment of them, to be disturbed in their possession of them. ' " Francis Pemberton," Mr. Trevor, having stated the case between Connecticut a 364 HISTORY OF Chap. XV. Book I. and Rhode-Island, gives his opinion to the lords of trade w~v-^ and plantations, in the words following. " 1 am humbly of 1683. opinion, that this grant to Rhode-Island is void in law, be- Opinionof cause the country of Narraganset bay was granted before Mr- Tre- to .Connecticut, and that therefore the government of Nar raganset bay doth, of right, belong to Connecticut, and not to Rhode-Island : all which is humbly submitted to your honor's great wisdom. " Thomas Trevor. "October 28, 1696." The aspects of Providence upon the colony, this year, were exceedingly gloomy. Besides the dangers which threatened them,"with respect to their civil and religious privileges, the people were visited with great sickness and mortality. The instances of death among the clergy were uncommonly numerous, and many churches were made to sit in widowhood. The fruits of the field were also dimin ished, and. the inhabitants in various ways impoverished and distressed. The general assembly, in October, considered the di vine dispensations so afflictive as to demand their deepest humiliation. A general fast was appointed, and the peo ple called upon to repent and humble themselves.* Commit- Colonel Dungan having lately arrived at New- York, tee to icon- fae assembly, in November, appointed major Nathan the duke's Could, captain John Allen, and Mr. William Pitkin, a governor, committee,1 to congratulate him upon his arrival at his seat and to a- of government ; and to agree with him upon a settlement bounda-" °f boundaries between the colonies. The committee were ries, -Nov. instructed not to exceed his demands of twenty miles east 1.4th. of Hudson's river : To examine his powers to treat, and if they were only, conditional, to treat with him upon the same terms. They were directed to insist upon this, that there was no mistake with respect to the rise of the line at Memoronock. If they should be obliged to give up juris diction at any place, they were instructed to preserve prop erty inviolably to the proprietors ; and to insist on the former line, unless it should, in any place, approach near- j * The proclamation is introduced in these word?, " Whereas it is evi dent to ail who observe the footsteps of Divine Providence, that the dis pensations of God, towards his poor wilderness people, have been very so-^ lemn, awful, and speaking, for many years past ; and particularly towards ourselves in this colony, this present year, by occasion of general sickness in most places, and more than ordinary mortality in some, as also exces sive rains and floods in several plantations, shortening us in our enjoy ments ; and considering also the holy hand of God, in bereaving so many churches and congregations of a settled ministry, whereby they are left, and have been, some Of them, a long time, as sheep without a shepherd, ¦as if the Lord intended, for our sins, to quench the light of our Israel." Chap. XV. CONNECTICUT. 365 er to Hudson's river than the distance of twenty miles. In Book I. fine, they were required to make his honor sensible, that s^-n^w the former line was leg&l and firm, and that the present 1683. settlement was solely for the purpose of promoting peace and a good correspondence between his majesty's colony of Connecticut and the duke's territories, and their succes sive governors. As the colony had been certified, by letters from his ma- Address jesty, of a conspiracy against himself and the duke of".nd Peth'T3 York, the assembly addressed him on the subject. They majesty, declared, in the strongest terms, their utmost abhorrence Charles II. of all plots against his royal person and government : That they prayed for kings and all men, and especially for his majesty, and all in authority under him-: That they feared God and honored the king. In such suppliant language as follows, they prayed for the continuance of their chartered rights. " Most dread sovereign, we humbly pray the continu ance of your grace and favor in the full enjoyment of those former privileges and liberties you have, out of your princely grace and bounty, bestowed upon us, in your roy al charter, granted this corporation, that our poor begin nings may prosper, under your shadow, to the glory of God, and the enlargement of your majesty's dominions."* The committee appointed to agree with colonel Dun- gan, with respect to the line of partition between Connec ticut and New- York, came to an agreement respecting it, November 28th, 1683. It was agreed, " That the line Agreement should begin at Byram river, where it falleth into the sound, relative to at a point called Lyon's point, to go as the said river run- d™^e" neth to the place where the common road, or wading place, between over the said river is ; and from the said road or wading Connecti- Elace, to go north northwest into the country, as far as will JJ^™ e eight English miles from the foresaid Lyon's point ; York, and that aline of twelve miles-, being measured from the Nov. 28, said Lyon's point, according to the line or general course 1683, ofthe sound eastward, where the said twelve miles end- eth, another line shall be run from the sound, eight miles into the country, north north-west, and also, that a fourth line be run, (that is to say,) from the northernmost end of the eight miles line, being the third mentioned line, which fourth line, with the first mentioned line, shall be the bounds where they shall fall to run ; and that from the eas ternmost end-of the fourth mentioned line, (which is to be twelve miles in length,) a line parallel to Hudson's river, * The number of persons giving in their lists, Oct. 1683, wus 2,735, and the grand list was £159,385. 366 HISTORY OF Chap. XV. Book I. in every place twenty miles distant from Hudson's river, v^~>^w shall be the bounds there, between the said territories or 1683. province of New- York, and the said colony of Connecti cut, so far as Connecticut colony doth extend northwards 5 that is to the south line of the Massachusetts colony : only it is provided, that in case the line from Byram brook's mouth, north north-west eight miles, and the line, that is then to run twelve miles to the end ofthe third foremen- tioned line of eight miles, do diminish or take away land within twenty miles of Hudson's river, that then so much as is in land diminished of twenty miles of Hudson's rivei? thereby, shall be added out of Connecticut bounds unto the line aforementioned, parallel to Hudson's river, and twen ty miles distant from it ; the addition to be made the whole length of the said parallel line, and in such breadth, as will make up quantity for quantity, what shall be diminished as aforesaid." 'fisS 8' ^e assembty> m &e session of May, 1684, approved of this agreement, and appointed major Nathan Gould, Mr. Jehu Burr, and Mr. Jonathan Selleck, to lay out the lines according to the stipulation. The lines accordingly were run, and on the 24th of February ? 1685, were ratified by governor Dungan and governor Treat. Law made Great complaints had been made, in England, against •at^Ju?" t'le eo'on'e6 f°r harbouring pirates ; and that no laws had 5, 1684. been made against them. A letter had been written to the governor and company, by Lyonel Jenkins, Esq. complain ing of this neglect, and demanding, in his majesty's name, that a law should forthwith be made against piracy. A special assembly was consequently called on the 5th of July, and a law enacted against it, and a copy of it for warded immediately to his majesty's secretary of state. May 14, At the election, 1685, Giles Hamlin was chosen into the 1685. magistracy, in the place of Mr- Topping, who seems now to have been dead, A letter to The legislature, at this session, addressed a letter of *xaS condolence to his majesty, king James II. on account of the demise of his brother, king Charles II. and congratu lating him on his peaceful accession to the throne of his ancestors. They presented him with the strongest assu rances of their loyalty and attachment to his royal person and government. At the same time, sensible of their dan ger, under a prince of his character, they most humbly be sought him to continue to them their civil and religious privileges, and that he would preserve to them the peaoe- able enjoyment of their property. Upon the petition of a number of the inhabitants, of Chap. XV. CONNECTICUT. 367 Farmington, presented to the assembly in 1675, a com- Book I. mittee was appointed to view Mattatock, and report to the v^-v^ assembly, whether a plantation might not be made in that 1686. tract. In May, 1674, the committee reported, that Matta tock was a place sufficient to accommodate thirty families. Upon this report, a committee was appointed to settle a plantation there. Some time after the settlement commen ced. The number of sharers was about twenty-eight. May 13th, 1686, they appear to have been vested with toWn privileges, by the name of Waterbury.* In the last years of the reign of king Charles the second, the rights of the nation were violated, and a great number of corporations in England and Wales were obliged to re sign their charters. Indeed, he, and his officers, seemed to sport with the liberty, property, and lives of his sub jects. King James the second began his reign in the most flagrant violation of the laws of his three kingdoms. His reign grew mo;e intolerable, from year to year, until he became the general abhorrence of the nation. He pro ceeded in the same lawless and cruel manner with the colo nies, vacating their charters, and governing them by the worst measures and the worst men. In July, 1685, a quo warranto was issued against the qu0 war- governor and company of Connecticut, requiring their ap- ranto, pearance before him, within eight days of St.- Martin's, to 3a]^ 1685, show by what warrant they exercised certain powers and privileges. The governor, having received intelligence of the meas- Special as- ures adopted against the colony, on the 6th of July, 1686 ,'e™b^' called a special assembly, to consult what might be done 1686. ' for the preservation of the just rights of the colon)'. The assembly, after most serious deliberation, addres- The as- sed a letter, in the most suppliant terms, to his majesty, sembly ad- beseeching him to pardon their faults in government, and ^festT continue them a distinct colony, in the full enjoyment of jujy 6th. * Several misfortunes attended the plantation, which very greatly im poverished it, and prevented its population. In February, 1691, the town was nearly ruined by an inundation. The rain fell in great abundance, and the frost came out of the ground very suddenly, which rendered it un commonly soft. At the same time, the river rose to an unusual height, overflowed the meadows, and ran with such rapidity and violence, that it tore away a great part of them. Other parts were covered with earth and stone, so as to be greatly damaged. Numhers of the inhabitants were so discouraged, that they left the town, and it did not recover its former state for some years. In 1712, on the 15th of October, began a great sickness in the town, which continued udtil the 12th of September, 1713, and was so general, that there were scarcely a sufficient number well to attend the sick, and bury the dead. Between twenty and thirty persons died of tbe sickness. Manuscripts of Mr. Southmayd. 368 HISTORY OF Chap. XV. Quo war- rantos ar rive, July 21st. Special as sembly,July 28th. Mr. Whi ting ap pointed agent. Anotherquo war ranto,Dec. 28th their civil* and religious privileges. Especially, they be sought him to recal the writ of quo warranto, which they heard had been issued against them, though it had not yet arrived. They pleaded the charter which they received of his royal brother, and his commendation of them, for their loyalty, in his gracious letters, and his assurances of the continuance of their civil and religious rights. They made the strongest professions of loyalty, and of their con stant supplications to the Supreme Ruler, that he would save and bless his majesty. On the 21st of July, 1686, two writs of quo warranto were delivered to governor Treat. They had been brought over by Edward Randolph, that indefatigable enemy of the colonies. The time of appearance before his majesty, was past before the writs arrived. Upon the reception of the writs, and a letter from Rich ard Normansel, one of the sheriffs of London, the governor immediately convoked another special assembly, which met on the 28th of July. The assembly appointed Mr. Whiting to be their agent, to present their petition to the king. He was instructed to acquaint his majesty with the time of the colony's receiving the quo warrantos, and of the impossibility of its making its appearance before his majesty, at the time appointed : fully to represent the great injury which the colonists would sustain, by" the suspend ing their charter rights ; and especially by a division of the colony. If Connecticut could not be continued a dis tinct government, he was instructed to supplicate his ma jesty to continue to them the enjoyment of their property, their houses and lands, and especially their religious privi leges. On the 28th of December, another'writ of quo warranto was served on the governor and company, bearing date October 23d, requiring their appearance before his majes ty within eight days of the purification of the blessed Vir gin. Though the writs gave no proper time for the ap pearance of the colony, and, consequently, no time at all ; yet they declared all its chartered rights vacated, upon its not appearing, at time and place. The design of the king and his corrupt court was to re-unite all the colonies to the crown. James the second was an obstinate, cruel tyrant, and a bigoted Roman catholic ; destitute of all the princi ples of true honour, faith, justice, or humanity. He wan tonly trampled on the constitution, laws, and liberties of the nation ; and, with his ministers and officers, in an un righteous and merciless manner, shed the blood of his sub jects, and wreaked his vengeance on all who made tho Chap. XV. CONNECTICUT. 369 least opposition to his lawless proceedings. The most Book I. humble petitions, arguments from reason, charters, the v^-n/-n^ most solemn compacts and royal promises, from justice, 1686. humanity, or any other consideration, which a subject could plead, had no weight or influence with him. Nearly fifty corporations in England had been deprived of their charters. The city of London, and the corporation of Ber mudas, had stood trial with his majesty, and their charters hadieen taken from them. The charter of Massachusetts had been vacated, and Rhode-Island had submitted to his majesty. A general government had been appointed over all New-England, except Connecticut. By the commis sion, instituting this general government, Connecticut was totally excluded from all jurisdiction in the Narraganset country, or king's province.* The governor and company of Connecticut, however, in these discouraging circumstances, 'spared no pains, nor omitted any probable means for the preservation of their chartered rights. A special assembly was called on the 26th of January, special as- 1687, after the reception of the third writ of quo warranto, sembly, to deliberate on the measures to be adopted, in the then Jan- 26th» present circumstances of the colony. Little more, how ever, was done,, than to desire the governor and council fo transact all business, which they should judge necessary and expedient, further to be done for the preservation of their privileges. The election in May proceeded regularly, but the as- May 12th. sembly did nothing important. Fear and hesitation ap pear to have attended the legislature. They knew not F.ear and what course to steer, with safety, either to themselves, or ^'stress of their constituents. They, with the colony in general, were in great fear and distress, lest, after all their expense, hard ships, and dangers, in settling and defending the country, and all their self-denial and sufferings for the sake of en joying the worship and ordinances of Christ, according to the gospel, they should not only be deprived of all their civil and religious liberties, but even of their houses and lands. There was no security for any thing under a prince like James the second. He had, indeed, in his letters, * This general commission was granted by king James II, in the first year of his Teigri, Oct. 8th, 1685. Joseph Dudley, Esq. . was appointed president of the commissioners. On the 28th of May, 1686, the president issued a proclamation, discharging all the inhabitants of Rhode-Island, and the Narraganset country, from all obedience either to Connecticut or Rhode Island ; and prohibiting all government of either in the king's pro vince. .At the same time, the president required tbe entire submission pf all the inhabitants to the commissioners, and the officers whom they should appoint. Proclamation on Hie. W2 37'0 HISTORY OF Chap. XV. Book I. promised them* the preservation of all their liberties ; yet, v^-v-s^ without any fault on their part, he was arbitrarily wresting 1687. them from their hands. It is difficult to conceive, and much more to express, the anxiety of our venerable ancestors in this terrible crisis of their affairs. - Mr. Whiting exerted himself in England, to procure all the influence, and make all the opposition he possibly could, against a general governor of the colonies, and especially to prevent the suspension of the government of Connecticut, according to charter ; but he found his utmost A°-ent exertions to be in vain. He wrote to the governor, Janu- Whiting ary 15th, 1687, that if the governor and council would de- writes to fen(j their- charter at law, they must send over one or more n0Cr5°Ver" froal among themselves. A special assembly was; called S e i 1 s- uPon the reception of the agent's letter, which convened *embly, on tlie 15th of June, to deliberate on the expediency of June 15th. sending another agent. The prospects appeared so unfa- Decline vourable, that it was determined not to send another. Mr. sending Whiting was thanked for his services, in favour of lhe colo-; ascent" ny» anc' desired to continue them. Mr. Dudley, while president of the commissioners, had written to the governor and company, advising them to re sign the charter into the hands of his majesty, and promi sing to use his influence in favour of the colony. Mr. Dud ley's commission was superseded by a commission to Sir Edmund Andross to be governor of New-England. He arrived at Boston, on the 19th of December, 1686. The next day his commission was published, and he took on him the administration of government. Soon after his ar rival, he wrote to the governor and company, that he had a commission, from his majesty, to receive their charter, if they would resign it ;, and he pressed them, in obedience to the king, and ds tbey would give him an opportunity to serve them, to resign it to his pleasure. At this session of the assembly, the governor received another letter from him, acquainting him, that he was assured, by the advice which he had received from England, that judgment was, by that time, entered upon the quo warranto against their charter, and that he soon expected to receive his majesty's commands respecting them. He urged them, as he repre- * In his letter to gpvernor Treait, June 26th, 1685, he says : " As we can- hot doubt of the ready and dutiful assurances and expressions of loyalty and obedience, from our good subjects under your government, since our accession to the crown, so shall we, at aU times, extend our royal care and ' protection ta them, in the preservation of their rights, and in the defence and security of their persons and estates ; which we think fit that you signi fy unto tlie inhabitants of that our colony." Letter of king Janus II. on Chap. XV. CONNECTICUT. 371 sented it, that he might not be wanting in serving their wel- Book I. fare, to accept his majesty's favour, so graciously offered ¦^-v^ them, ina present compliance and surrender. Colonel 1687, Dungan also used his influence to persuade them to resign, and put themselves under his government.* But the colo ny insisted on their charter rights, and on the promise of king James, as well as of his royal brother, to defend and secure them in the enjoyment of their privileges and estates; and would not surrender their charter to either. However, in their petition to the king, in which they prayed for the continuance of their chartered rights, they desired, if this could not be obtained, and it should be resolved to put them under another government, that it might be under Sir Ed mund's, as the Massachusetts had been the|r former corres pondents and confederates, and as they were acquainted -with their principles and manners. This was construed into a resignation, though nothing could be further from the design of the colony. The assembly met, as usual, in October, and the govern- Sir Ed- ment continued according to charter, until the last of the mund An" month. About this time, Sir Edmund, with his suit, and ^o^es to more than sixty regular troops, came to Hartford, when Hartford, the assembly w^re sitting, demanded the charter, and de- aa<* de clared the government under it to be dissolved. Theas-^"^rthe sembly were extremely reluctant and slow with respect to any resolve' to surrender the charter, or with respect to any motion to bring it forth. The tradition is, that governor a^veraor Treat strongly represented the great expense and hardships Treat re- of the colonists, . in planting the country 5 the blood and monstrates treasure, which they bad expended in defending it, both ^Sjer. against the savages and foreigners ; to what hardships and ing it. dangers he himself had been exposed for that purpose ; and that it was like giving UP his life, now to surrender the patent and privileges, so dearly bought, and so long enjoy ed. The important affair was debated and kept in sus- pence, until the evening, when the charter was brought and laid upon the table, where the assembly were sitting. .By this time, great numbers of people were assembled, and men sufficiently bold to enterprise whatever might be ne cessary or expedient. The lights were instantly extin guished, and one captain Wadsworth, of Hartford, in the jt js carri. most silent and secret manner, carried off the charter, and ed off by secreted it in a large hollow tree, fronting the house of the ^P*?1U Hon. Samuel Wyllys, then one of the magistrates of the w£.a>~. colony. The people appeared all peaceable and orderly. The candles were officiously re-lighted ; but the patent was * Letters of Dudley, Andross, and Dungan, on file. 372 HISTORY OF Chap. XV. Book I. gone, and no discovery could be made of it, or ofthe per- ¦fa^-v-^ son who had conveyed it away. . Sir Edmund assumed the 1687. government, and the records of the colony were closed in the following words. " At a general court at Hartford, October 31st, 1687, his excellency, Sir Edmund Andross, knight, and captain- general and governor of his majesty's territories and do minions in New-England, by order from his majesty, James the second, king of England, Scotland, France, and Ire land, the 31st of October, 1687, took into his hands the government of the colony of Connecticut, it being, by his majesty, annexed to Massachusetts, and other colonies un der his excellency's government." "FINIS." Sir Ed- Sir Edmund appointed officers civil and military, through mund as- the colony, according to his pleasure. He had a council, sumesthe at first, consisting of about forty persons, and afterwards, ment"1' of nearly fifty. Four of this number, governor Treat, John Fitz Winthrop, Wait Winthrop, and John Allen, Esquireis, were of Connecticut. Sir Edmund began his government with the most flatter ing professions of his regard to the public safety and hap piness. He instructed the judges to administer justice, as far as might be consistent with the new regulations, accord ing to the former laws and customs. It is, however, well observed, by governor Hutchinson, that " Nero concealed his tyrannical disposition more years, than Sir Edmund The op, and his creatures did months." He, soon laid a restraint pressive upon the liberty ofthe press ; and then, one far more griev- mentdf ous upon marriage. This was prohibited, unless bonds Sir Ed- were previously given, with sureties, to the governor. mund An- These were to be forfeited, in case it should afterwards dross. appear, that there was any lawful impediment to the mar riage. Magistrates only were allowed to join people in the bands of wedlock. The governor not only deprived the clergy of the perquisite from marriages, but soon suspended the laws for their support, and would not suffer any person to be obliged to pay any thing to his minister. Nay, he menaced the people, that, if they resisted his will, their meeting-houses should be taken from them, and that any person who should give two pence to a non-conformist minister, should be punished. The fees of all officers, under this new administration, were exorbitant. The common fee for the probate ofa will was fifty shillings. The widow and fatherless, how distant soever, were obliged to appear at Boston, to transact all business relative to the settlement of estates.* This * Hutchinson's Hist. Vol. I. p. 358, Cpap, XV. CONNECTICUT. 373 was a grievous oppression of the poor people ; especially, Book L of the fatherless and widow. \^-v->/ Sir Edmund, without an assembly, nay, without a ma- 1687. jority of his council, taxed the people at pleasure. He and Randolph, with four or five others of his creatures, who were sufficiently wicked to join with him, in all his oppressive designs, managed the affairs of government, as they pleased. But these were but the beginnings of op pression and sorrow. They were soon greatly increased and more extensively spread. In 1688, Sir Edmund was made governor of New-York, as well as of New-England, and the same kind of govern ment was exercised in that department.t. As the charters were now either vacated, surrendered, or the government under them suspended, it was declared, that.the titles of the colonists to their lands were of no value. Sir EdmuncL declared, that Indian deeds were no better thah " the scratch of a bear's paw." Not the fairest purchases and most ample conveyances from the natives, no dangers, dis bursements nor labors, in cultivating a wilderness, and turning it into orchards, gardens, and pleasant fields, no grants by charter, nor by legislatures constituted by them, no declarations of preceding kings, nor of his then present majesty, promising them the quiet enjoyment of their hous es and lands, nor fifty or sixty years undisturbed posses sion, were pleas of any validity or consideration with Sir Edmund and his minions. The purchasers and cultivators, after fifty and sixty years improvement, were obliged to take out patents for their estates. For these, in some in stances, a fee of fifty pounds was demanded. Writs of in trusion were issued against persons of principal character, who would not submit -to such impositions, and their lands were patented to others. Governor Hutchinson observes, ' with respect to Massachusetts, that " men's titles were not all questioned at once. Had this been the case, according to the computation then made, all the personal estate in the colony would not have paid the charge "of the new pa tents."! The governor, and a small number of his council, in the most arbitrary manner, fined and imprisoned numbers of the inhabitants of Massachusetts, and denied them the ben efit of the act of habeas corpus. All town meetings were prohibited except one in the month of May, for the elec- t The same, p. 371. It is strange, that Mr. Smith, in his history of New- York, takes no notice »f this, nor gives any account Of Sir Edmund's administration. X Hutchinson's Hist. vol.. I, p. 359, 374 HISTORY OF Chap. XV. Book I. tion of town officers, to prevent the people from consulting \^>rv measures for the redress of their grievances. No person 1688. indeed was suffered to go out of the country, without leave from the governor, lest complaints should be carried to England against his administration. At the same time, he so well knew the temper and views of his royal master, that "he feared little from him, even though- complaints should be carried over against him. Hence he and his de pendants oppressed the people, and enriched themselves without restraint. The most humble petitions were presented to his majes ty, from corporations of various descriptions, beseeching him, thatthe governor's council might consist of none but men of considerable property in lands ; that no act might be passed to bind the people, but by a majority ofthe coun cil; and that he would quiet his good subjects in the en joyment of all property in houses and lands.* But, in the reign of James the second, petitions so reasonable and just could not be heard. The prince, at home, and his officers abroad, like greedy harpies, preyed upon the peo ple without control. Randolph was not ashamed to make his boast, in his Letters, with respect to governor Andross and his council, " that they were as arbitrary as the great Turk." All New-England groaned under their oppres sion. The heaviest share of it, however, fell upon the in habitants of Massachusetts and New-Plymouth. Connec ticut had been less obnoxious to government, than Massa chusetts, and-as it was further removed from the seat of gov ernment, was less uiider the notice and influence of those oppressors. Governor Treat was a father to the people, and felt for them, in their distressed circumstances. The other gen tlemen, who were of the council, and had the principal management of affairs, in Connecticut, were men of prin ciple, lovers of justice and of their fellow subjects. They took advantage of Sir Edmund's first instructions, and as fer as they possibly could, consistently with the new regu lations, governed the colony according to the former laws and customs. The people were patient and peaceable, though in great fear and despondency. They were no strangers to what was transacted in the neighbouring colo nies, and expected soon fully to share with them, in all their miseries. It was generally believed, that Andross * Sir Edmund, with all his vigilance, could net prevent the carrying over of complaints against him. Mr. Increase Mather, got on board a ship, and sailed to England, for this very purpose, and delivered the complaints, which he carried over, into his majesty's hands. Chap. XVI. CONNECTICUT. 373 was a papist ; that he had employed the Indians to ravage Book I. the frontiers, and supplied them with ammunition ; and that ^*-v>*r> he was making preparations to deliver the country into the 16^8. hands of the French. All the motives to great actions, to industry, economy, enterprise, wealth, and popula tion, were in a manner annihilated. A general inactivi ty and languishment pervaded the whole public body. Liberty, property, and every thing, which ought to be dear to men, every day, grew more and more insecure. The colonies were in a state of general despondency, with respect to the restoration of their privileges, and the troth of that divine maxim, " when the wicked beareth rule the people mourn," was, in a striking manner, every where exemplified. CHAPTER XVI. Revolution in New-England. Connecticut remme their gov ernment. Address to king William. Troops raised for the defence qf the eastern settlements in NewrHampshire and the province qf Maine. French and Indian war. Schenectady destroyed. Connecticut dispatch a reinforce ment to Albany. Expedition against Canada. The land army retreats, and the enterpriseproves unsuccessful. Leisler's abuse of major general Winthrop. The assem bly of Connecticut approve the general's conduct. Thanks are returned to Mr. Mather, agent Whiting, and Mr. Por ter, Opinions respecting the charter, and the legality of Connecticut's assuming their government. Windham set tled. The Mohawk castles are surprised and the country alarmed. Connecticut send troops to Albany. Colonel Fletcher, governor qf New-York, demands the command of the militia qf Connecticut. The colony petition king William on the subject. Colonel Fletcher comes to Hart ford, and, inperson, demands that the legislature submit the militia to his command ; -But they, refuse. Captain Wadsworth prevents the reading of his commission, and the colonel judges it expedient to leave the colony. The case of Connecticut relative to the militia stated. His majesty determines in favor of the colony. Committees are appointed to settle the boundary line between Connec ticut and Massachusetts. General Winthrop returns and receives public thanks. Congratulation of the earl of 376 History of chap. xvi. Book I. Bellemoht, appointed governor of New-York- and Massa- vi>S/-^/ chusetts. Dispute viith Rhode-Island continues. Com mittee to settle the boundaries. Expenses of the ¦war. Vexatious conduct of governor Fletcher. Peace, joy and ^thanksgiving. 1689. £1 CARCELY any thing could be more gloomy and dis- O tressful, than the state of public affairs, in New-Eng land, at the beginning of this year. But in the midst of darkness light arose. While the people had prayed in vain to an earthly' monarch, their petitions had been more successfully presented to a higher throne. Providence wrought gloriously for their and the nation's deliverance. On the 5th of November, 1688, the prince of Orange land- Revolution e(j at Torbay, in England. He immediately published a England, declaration of his design, in visiting the kingdom. A co py of this was received at Boston, by one Mr. Winslow, a gentleman from Virginia, in April, 1689. Governor An dross and his council were so alarmed with the news, that they ordered Mr. Winslow to be arrested and committed to gaol for bringing a false and traitorous libel into the coun try. They alfeo issued a proclamation commanding all the officers and people to be in readiness to prevent the land ing of any forces, which the prince of Orange might send into that part of America. But the people, who sighed un der their burthens, secretly wished and prayed for success to his glorious undertaking. The leaders in the country determined quietly to wait the event ; but the great body of the inhabitants had less patience. Stung With past in juries, and encouraged at the first intimations of relief, the fire of liberty re kindled, and the flame, which, for a long time, had been smothered in their bosoms, burst forth with irresistible violence. On the 18th of April, the inhabitants of Boston and the adjacent towns rose in arms, made themselves masters of the castle, seized Sir Edmund Andross and his council, and persuaded the old governor and council, at Boston, to resume the government. Govern- Qn far, $fa 0f fliay. j 689 governor R0bert Treat, deputy ment reas- T t:>- i ?.i r ¦ * ¦ sumed at governor James Bishop, and the former magistrates, at the. Co.necti- desire of the freemen, resumed the government of Connec- 9Ui639ay t'CUt* ^aJor §enera' J°hn Winthrop was, at the same ' ' time chosen into the magistracy, to complete the number appointed by charter. The freemen voted, that, for the present safety of that part of New-England called Connec ticut, the hecessityof its circumstances so requiring, "they would re-establish government, as it was before, and at Chap. XVI. CONNECTICUT. 377 the time, when Sir Edmund Andross took it, and so have it Book I. proceed, as it did before that time, according to charter ; ^~v~%^ engaging themselves to submit to it accordingly, until there 1689. should be a legal establishment among them." The assembly having formed, came to the following resolution : " That whereas this court hath been interrupt ed, in the management of the government in this colony of Connecticut, for nineteen months past, it is now enacted, ordered, and declared, that all the laws of this colony, made according to charter, and courts constituted for the administration of government, as they were before the late interruption, shall be of full force and virtue, for the future, and until this court shall see cause to make further and other alterations, according to charter." The assem bly then confirmed all military officers in their respective posts, and proceeded to appoint their civil officers, as had been customary, at the May session. It was expected, that it might soon be necessary to trans- Resolve of act matters of the highest importance, respecting the most *e depu- cssential rights of the colony. The deputies therefore re- ties" solved, that if occasion should require any thing to be act ed, respecting the charter, the governor should call the as sembly, and not leave the affair with the council. Upon the 26 th of May, a 'ship arrived at Boston with advice that William and Mary were proclaimed king and queen of England. The joyful news soon reached Con necticut. A special assembly was called, which convened on the 13th of June. On the same day, William and Ma ry, prince and princess of Orange, Were proclaimed with great ceremony and joy. Never was there greater or more general joy in New-England, than upon the accession of William and Mary to the throne of Great-Britain. The bands of oppression were now loosed, the fears of the peo ple dissipated", and joy brightened in every countenance. The legislature addressed his majesty, in the most loyal Address and dutiful manner. They represented, that the Lord, *° ^is^a~ who sitteth king upon, the floods, had separated his ene-J^jj[ia^5 mies from him, as he divided the waters of Jordan before his chosen people ; and that, by the great actions which he had performed, in rescuing the nation from popery and despotism, God had begun to magnify him, as he did Josh ua, in the sight of all Israel. In strong terms, they de clared, that it was because the Lord loved his people, that he had exalted him to be king over them, to execute jus tice and judgment. They most humbly presented their grateful acknowledgments to him, for his zeal for the wel fare of the nation, and for the protestant interest. At the X2 mt HISTORY OF Chap. XVR Book I. same time, they represented to his majesty the charter \^~y^^/ privileges, which they had obtained, and the manner in 1689. which Sir Edmund Andross had suppressed their govern ment by charter : That they had never surrendered'it, and that there had been no enrolment of any surrender of it, or act, in law, against it : And that, to avoid the inconven iences of having no government, and for their defence a- gainst their enemies, they had, at the desire ofthe freemen, resumed the government according to their ancient form. They humbly prayed for his majesty's directions, and his gracious confirmation of theil* charter rights.* The court ordered, that Mr. Whiting should present their address to his majesty. Jtevolu- Meanwhile a revolution had been made at New- York. New- ®ae eaPtaif Jacob Leisler had assumed the government of lork. that province, and kept the fort and city in behalf of king William. He had written to Connecticut and solicited as sistance in defending the province. The assembly ap pointed major Gould and captain James Fitch to proceed to New-Ydrk, and confer with Leisler and his council rela tive to the defence of the frontiers. The committee, with captain Leisler, were authorized to determine the number of men to be employed and the measures to be adopted for that purpose. In consequence of their determination, the governor and council dispatched captain Bull, with a com pany, to Albany, for the defence of that part of the coun try, and to assist in a treaty with the Five Nations, with a view to secure their friendship and attachment, as far as possible, to the English colonies. Connecticut also sent a detachment of men to assist captain Leister in the defence of the fort and city of New-York. While the French and Indians were threatening the north ern frontiers, the eastern Indians were carrying on their depredations in the eastern parts of New-England. In September, a special assembly was called on that account. Commissioners were appointed to consult with the commis sioners of the other colonies, relative to the war in those parts. As it was imagined the Indians there had been in jured, by governor Andross and his officers, the commis sioners were instructed to enquire into the grounds of the war with them ; and if it should appear that they had been injured, to use their utmost influence, that justice might be done them, and the country quieted in that way. But if they found the warto be just and necessary, they were au thorized to engage the colony's full proportion of men, un less it should amount to more than two hundred. Two * Appendix No. XXIII. Chap. XVL CONNECTICUT, -379 companies were afterwards appointed to that service, un- Book I, der the command of captains George Denison and E bene- v*~v->-/ zer. Johnson. 16&9. At the session in^October, it was resolved, that by rea-0ct- nL son of the great expense of the colony, in defending his ma jesty's subjects, in other parts, it was necessary to with draw the aid which they had sent to New- York. At this general court, the law respecting the choice of the governors and magistrates was enacted nearly in the words in which it now stands; but it instituted a mode of nomination .different from the present. This was to be made on the third Tuesday in March annually, and the votes were to be carried to Hartford by ihe constables of the county towns, and on the last Tuesday in the month were, by them, to be sorted and counted in the council chamber. The nomination was thpn transmitted to the several towns. While the revolution delivered the nation from vassalage and popery^ it involved it in an immediate war with France, and the colonies in a French and Indian war. A large number of troops and a considerable fleet were sent from France, in 1689,. with a special view to the reduction of New- York. The enterprise was frustrated by the dis-r tressed condition to which the ipcursions of the Mohawk* had reduced Canada? Count Frontenac, to raise the depressed spirits of the Canadians, sent out several parties of French and Indians against the settlements in New- York and New-England. A detachment of between two and three hundred French and Indians, under the command of D'Aillebout, De Man tel, and Le Moyn, were dispatched from Montreal against the frontiers of New- York. They were furnished with ev-: ery thing necessary for a winter's campaign, After a march of two and twenty days, in the dead of winter, they reached Schenectady, on Saturday, the 8th of February, 1690. They had been reduced to such straits that they had thoughts of surrendering themselves prisoners of war. ^ of °" But their scouts, who had been a day or two in the viUage, Schenec- entirely unsuspected, returned with such accounts of the tady, Feb,. security of the inhabitants, as determined them to make an 8' 169 attack upon them. They found the gates open and un guarded. They entered them about eleven o'clock, and that they might invest every house, at the same time, they divided into small parties of six or seven men. The in habitants were in a profound sleep, and unalarmed until the enemy had broken open their doors, and they were on lhe verge of destruction, - Never were a poor people more 3B6 HISTORY OF Chap. XVI. Book I. dreadfully surprised. Before they had time to rise from s^-v-v^ their beds, the enemy began the perpetration of the most "1800. inhuman barbarities, No tongue, says colonel Schuyler, in his letter to the colonies, can express the cruelties which were committed. The inhabitants were instantly slain, ^nd the whole village was in flames. Pregnant women were ripped open, and their infants cast into the flames or dashed against the posts of the doors. Sixty persons per ished in the massacre, and twenty were captivated. The rest of the inhabitants escaped in their shirts, in a most stormy and severe night, and through a deep snow, which fell at the same time. Twenty five of the fugitives lost their limbsj in the flight, through the sharpness of the frost. Captain Bull's lieutenant, one of his sergeants, and three Other men were killed, and five captivated. The enemy killed all the cattle and horses, which they could find, ex cept about fifty ofthe best horses, which they carried off, loaded with the plunder of the village. When the news of this destruction reached Albany, the next morning, an universal fear and consternation seized the inhabitants. The country became panick struck, and many entertained thoughts of destroying the town and aban doning that part of the country to the enemy. Indeed, the whole province of New- York was in deplorable- cir cumstances. Leisler, who had assumed the government, was a weak, imprudent pan, and there was a violent oppo sition both to him and his measures, especially at Albany. Government was nearly dissolved. The people would not suffer the officers, posted at Albany and Schenectady, to keep a regular watch, or to maintain any kind of military Order. Captain Bull had remonstrated against their con duct, and threatened to withdraw his troops, unless they would submit to order. The bad weather only had pre vented him from withdrawing the detachment from Sche nectady. The people had been warned of their danger, and that an expedition had been undertaken by the ene my against that part of the country ; but they imagined, that it was impracticable for any men to march hundreds of miles, with their arms and provisions, through the snow, in the depth of winter. This infatuation and disorder was the occasion of their destruction.* Pestruc- A second party of the enemy, which count Frontenac tion of had detached from the three rivers, under the command of Fai™0"1 the sieur Ha1el> an officer of distinguished character in March 18, Canada, on the 18th of March, fell upon Salmon Falls. ¥>90. This was a plantation on the river which divides New- * Colonel Schuyler's and captain Bull's letters 09 file. Chap. XVI. CONNECTICUT, 381 Hampshire from the province of Maine. This party con- Book I. sisted of about fifty men, nearly half Indians. They com- v^-v-^-' menced the attack at break of day, in three different places. 1690. Though the people were surprised, yet they flew to their arms, and defended themselves with a bravery which even their enemies applauded. But they were finally overpow ered by numbers, and the whole settlement was pillaged and burned. Six and thirty men were killed, and fifty- four, principally women and children, carried into cap tivity. These depredations -filled the country with fear and alarm. The most pressing letters were sent to Connecti cut for immediate assistance. A special assembly was Special as. Called on the 11th of April. Letters were laid before the sembly, assembly from Massachusetts, soliciting tliat soldiers might ^y nth- be sent from Connecticut, to guard the upper towns upon Connecticut river ; and that there might be a general meet ing of commissioners from the several colonies, at Rhode- Island, to consult the common defence. There were also letters from captain Leisler, at New- York, and from colo nel Schuyler, arfd other principal gentlemen at Albany, urging, that captain Bull and the soldiers there might be continued, and that reinforcements might be forwarded for the defence of that place and the adjacent country. It was also urged, that Connecticut would unite with the oth er colonies, in raising an army for the reduction of Canada. The assembly determined, that there was a necessity of Rein- their utmost exertions to prevent the settlement of the forcement French, at Albany. It was resolved, that two companies, ^ to Alr of a hundred men each, should be raised and sent forward for that purpose. The colony also gave assistance to the frontier towns of Massachusetts upon the river. For the defence of Connecticut, it was ordered, that a Provision constant watch should be kept in the several towns, and for the that all the males in the colony, except the aged and infirm, J?fetyi should keep watch in their turns. If the aged and infirm were more than fifty pounds in the list, they were obliged to procure a man, in their turns, to watch and guard in their stead. Though the colony had received no instructions from Court of kinjjf William, confirming their charter, or directing the fLecti°°1' mode of government, yet at the general election, the free- ay men proceeded, as had been usual, to the choice of their officers. Robert Treat, Esq, was re-chosen governor, and James Bishop, Esq. deputy-governor. Samuel Wyllys, Nathan Gould, William Jones, John Allen, Andrew Leet, James Fitch, Samuel Mason, Samuel Talcott, John Burrp 382 HISTORY OF Chap. XVI. Book I. William Pitkin, Nathaniel Stanley, and Daniel Witherell, v^-\^v^ Esquires, were chosen magistrates. 1 690. At this session of the assembly, that part of Weathers- Glasten- field which lay on the east side of Connecticut river, was a"dfst?ate made a distinct town, by the name of Glastonbury, town. * The proposed meeting of commissioners, was holden at New- York, instead of Rhode-Island, on the 1st of May, 1 690. The commissioners from Connecticut, were Nathan Gould and William Pitkin, Esquires. It appears, that, at this meeting, the commissioners conceived the plan of an expedition against Canada. They ordered, that eight hun dred and fifty men should be raised for that purpose. The quotas of the several colonies were fixed, and general rules adopted for the management of the army. A small vessel was sent express to England, the beginning of April, car rying a representation of the exposed state ofthe colonies, and of the necessity of the reduction of Canada. A prayer was also sent to his majesty, for a supply of arms, ammu nition, and. a number of frigates, to attack the enemy by water, while the colonial troops made an invasion by land. But the affairs of the nation were such, at that time, that no assistance could be given to the colonies, New- York and the New-England colonies, however, determined to prosecute their original plan of attacking Canada. It was proposed, with about eight or nine hundred Englishmen, and five or six hundred Indians, to make an attack upon Montreal ;* while a fleet and army, of eighteen hundred or two thousand men, were to proceed up the St. Lawrence, and, at the same time, make an attack upon Quebec. It was hoped, by this means, so to distract and divide the en emy, that the whole country might be reduced to his ma jesty's government. It was expected, that a powerful as sistance would be given by the five nations, who had, but a few years before, so exceedingly harassed and distressed the whole French colony. Jacob Milborn, son in law to Leisler, was commissary, and it was expected, that New- York would furnish provisions, and make preparations for the army to pass the waters to Montreal, General John Winthrop, Esq. was appointed major-general and ¦Winthrop commander in chief of the land army. He arrived, with with the l^e trooPs un(5er his command, near the falls at the head land army of Wood creek, early in the month of August. About the at Wood same time, the fleet sailed from Nantasket for Quebec. It creek. consisted of between thirty and forty vessels, great and small. The largest carried forty-four guns, and two hun- * Determination ofthe commissioners at New-York, and colonel Schuy ler's letter, on file. Chap. XV, CONNECTICUT. 383 dred men. Sir William Phipps, governor of Massachusetts, Book L had the chief command. The fleet had a long passage, n^-v-n^ and did not arrive before Quebec until the 5th of October. 1690). When the land army arrived at the place appointed for the rendezvous of the Indians from the five nations, instead of finding that powerful body, which they expected, and which the Indians had promised, there were no more than seventy warriors from the Mohawks and Oneidas. A mes senger was sent to the other nations, to know what they designed ; whether they would join the army and go for ward, or not. The messenger returned, and reported that they wished for some delay ; and they never came on to join the army. When the general had advanced about a hundred miles, he found that there were not canoes pro vided sufficient to transport one half of the English soldiers across the lake. Upon representing to the Indians, that the army could not pass into Canada, without a much great er number of canoes, they replied, that it was then tbo late in the season to make canoes, as the bark would not peel. In short, they artfully evaded every proposal which the council of war made for the service ; and, finally, told the general and his officers, that they looked too high, and ad vised them only to attack Chambly, and the out settle ments, on this side ofthe St. Lawrence.* There was an other insuperable difficulty arose. Milboro, commissary of the army, had not made a sufficient provision for the carrying on and supplying of provisions for the army, so that it was necessitated to retreat to Albany for subsist- A-rmyobli- ence. This was determined by a council of war. At the ged to re- same time, about a hundred and forty of the sprightliest treat- young men, English and Indians, were dispatched into Canada, to make all the diversion possible in favour of Means of the fleet. However, the retreat of the army, and the late defeating^ arrival of the armament before Quebec, defeated the ex- prise. pedition, • Count Frontenac, who had advanced with all his force to Montreal, to defend the country against the army ad vancing towards the lake, no sooner received intelligence; by his scouts, that it was retreating, than he returned, with all possible dispatch, to Quebec. Though but two or three days before Sir William Phipps arrived before the town, there were not more than two hundred Frenchmen in the city, and, according to their own historians, it would have surrendered upon the first summons, yet, afterwards, the count was able to employ his whole force in its defence. * Proposals made to the Indians and their answers, with colonel Schuy ler's, and the recorder of Albany's letter, on file. 384 HISTORY OF Chap. XV. Book I. On the 8th of October, the troops landed and advanced v-*~v-^ towards the town. The ships, the next day, Were drawn 1690, up before it, and cannonaded it with all their force ; but they were not able to do any great injury to the town, while they were considerably damaged by the enemy's fire from their batteries. On the 1 1 th, the troops were re- embarked. Though they had advanced and maintained their ground with spirit, yet they received such accounts of the strength of the enemy, as very much discouraged them. Soon after, tempestuous weather came on, the ships were driven from their anchors, and the whole fleet scat tered. Thus, for want of a sufficient preparation for the advancing of the land army, and in consequence of the too late sailing of the fleet, an otherwise well concerted plan was defeated. Though general Winthrop had acted in perfect confor mity to the agreement of the commissioners, at New- York, and to the instructions which had been given him, and though he had retreated and taken all his measures by the advice of his officers, in repeated councils of war, yet Leisler's Leisler, Milborn, ahd their party, were filled with the ut- madness most rage and madness at the retreat. It was ordained of general tiy the commissioners, that, in all matters of great impor- ¦Winthrop. tance, the general should be governed by a council of war, consisting of himself and his officers ; and Leisler was the first signer to the instructions and orders given. It was impossible to pass the lake without boats and canoes. It would have been madness to have crossed it, if there had been canoes, when they had found, that, by all the means and exertions in their power, they could not procure pro visions for the army on this side of the lake. Leisler, however, took the advantage of the general, after the ar my had crossed Hudson's river, and lay encamped on this side of it, to arrest and confine him, that he might try him by a court martial of his own appointment. He was some days under the arrest. But when he was brought upon trial, the Mohawks, who were in the camp, crossed the He lsbrcs~ river and brought him off, with great triumph, and to the theMif- universal joy of the army. Leisler, Milborn, and their hawks. party, were so enraged with some of the principal gentle men in Albany, who were of the general's council, that they were obliged to flee to Connecticut for safety. Mr. Livingston and others resided some time at Hartford. Leisler confined the commissary of the Connecticut troops, so that the army suffered for want of bis assistance. This was viewed, by Connecticut, as an entirely law less proceeding ; nQt only highly injurious to general Win- Chap. XVI. CONNECTICUT. 385 throp and the colony, but to all New-England. The gov- Book I. ernor and council remonstrated against his conduct, and v^-s?t-^/ demanded the release of general Winthrop and their com- 1690. missary. They certified him, that it belonged not to him Thegov- to judge of the general's conduct, but to the colonies jn ernor and general ; that it was inconsistent with the very instructions mon9trate" which he had subscribed with his own hand ; and that, if against he proceeded in his unprecedented and violent measures, Leisler's they would leave him and New- York to themselves, with- con uc out any further aid from Connecticut, let the consequences be what they might.* They observed, that he needed friends and assistance, but was pursuing measures not only to make the powerful friends of general Winthrop, but all New-England, his enemies ; and, that the character of the general was too good, and too well known, to be drawn into question or disrepute by his conduct towards him. At the general court, in October, a narrative of the con- 0ct- Ab duct of the general was exhibited, attested by the officers ofthe army, and by numbers of the principal gentlemen of Albany. Attested answers of the Indians to the seve ral councils of war, with such other evidence as the assem bly judged proper, to examine, were heard. Upon a full General examination of the affair, the assembly resolved : " That th^,3 the general's conduct, in the expedition, had been with conduct good fidelity to his majesty's interest, and that his confine- approved. ment, at Albany, on the account thereof, deserved a timely vindication, as being very injurious and dishonorable to himself, and the colonies of New-England, at whose in stance he undertook that difficult service." The court ap pointed two of the magistrates in their name, " To thank the general for his good service to their majesties, and to this cOlony, and assure him, that, on all seasonable occa sions, they would be ready to manifest their good senti ments of his fidelity, valor, and prudence."! The assem bly made him a grant of forty pounds, as a present, which they desired him to accept, as a further testimonial of their entire approbation of his services. Besides the troops employed in the expedition against Canada, Connecticut maintained a company upon the river, for the defence of the towns in the county of Hampshire. Upon an alarm in the winter, the governor and council dispatched a company to Deerfield, for the protection ot that and the neighboring towns. At the election, May, 1691, all the former officers wereMayl4th. ye-elected. y Appendix No. XXIV. t Records of the colony. Y 2 $8& HISTORY OF . Chap. XVL Book 1. On the account of the death of the deputy-governor, *-«^V^> James Bishop, Esq.* a special assembly was convened, 1691.. on the 9th of July, 1691 ; when William Jones, Esquire* Was chosen deputy-governor, and captain Caleb Stanley^ magistrate. The Rev. Increase Mather; of Boston, was a most faith ful friend to the liberties of his country ; and though he was agent for the Massachusetts, yet he was indefatigable in his labors, and, as opportunity presented, performed es sential services for the other colonies. At the accession of William and Mary he had prevented the bill for estab lishing the former governors of New-England. He had united all his influence with Mr. Whiting for the benefit of Connecticut. One Mr. James Porter, who was in London^ had been very serviceable to the colony. The assembly, therefore, ordered, that a letter of thanks should be ad dressed to those gentlemen, for the good services which they had rendered the colony. They were, also, desired to use their influence to obtain, from his majesty, a letter approving of their administration of government, accord ing to charter, as legal ; and expressing his determination to protect them in the enjoyment of their civil aud religious privileges. The violation ofthe charters, in England, had been de clared illegal and arbitrary. The charter of the city of London, and those of other corporations, in Great Britain, had been restored. The case of Connecticut, respecting their charter, had been stated, and the opinions of gentle men, learned in the law, had been given relative to the le« gality of the government assumed by the colony^ They are thus expressed. Ofjlnfons " Query, Whether the charter belonging to Connecticut, Relative to jrt New- England, is by means of their involuntary submis- of Connec- s'on to ^*r Edmund Andross's government, void in law, so ticut. as that the king may send a governor to them, contrary to their charter privileges, wh^n there has been no judgment entered against their charter, nor any surrender thereof upon record P' * James Bishop, Esq. died June 22d, 1691. He appears to have been a gentleman of good ability and distinguished morals. The time of his com ing over to America is uncertain. His first appearance upon the public. records, was about the year 1648. In 1661, he was chosen secretary of the colony of New-Haven ; in which office he continued until the union of the colonies of Connecticut and Neto-Haven. In May, 1668, he was cho sen one ofthe magistrates of Connecticut, in which office he continued until May 10th, 1683, when he was elected deputy-governor. To this office he •was/annually re-elected until his death. His family has continued respect able to the present time. Samuel Bishop, Esq. chief judge of the court of common pleas, for the county of New-Haven, and mayor of the city, is one of his descendant's.- Chap. XVL CONNECTICUT. -38? " I am of opinion, that such submission, as is put, in Book L this case, doth not invalidate the charter, or any of the v^-v-s^ powers therein, which were granted under the great seal; 1691. and that the charter not being surrendered under the com mon seal, and that surrender duly earolled of record, nor any judgment of record entered against it, the same re mains good and valid in law 4 and the said corporation may lawfully execute the powers and privileges thereby grant ed, notwithstanding such submission, and appointment of a governor as aforesaid. ¦" Edward Ward, " 2d August, 1690. w I am ofthe same opinion. J. Somers, " I am of the same opinion ; and as this matter is sta ted there is no ground of doubt. " Geo. Treby." The people at the eastward, in New-Hampshire and Distressed the province of Maine, had been extremely distressed .by circum" the war, and a very great proportion of them driven from*^g^t° their settlements. It had also been found exceedingly dif- people. licult to persuade men to keep garrison for the defence of that part ofthe country. The general court of Connecti cut, therefore, appointed a contribution, through the color Contribu- ny, for the encouragement of the soldiers, who should keep t'°a. for garrison there, and for the relief of poor families, which i;ef'r reT had kept their stations, or been driven from them by the ravages ofthe enemy. The clergy were directed to ex hort the people to liberal contributions^ for these charita ble purposes.^ At the election. May, 1692, William ^ones, Esq, was Court of chosen deputy governor by the freemen. Mr. Caleb Stan- *'ectioB3 ley and Mr. Moses Mansfield were chosen magistrates. ¦ Governor Wj^TapA and the other magistrates were the game they haabeen the year before. - The French, the last year, while the troops were employe The ed in the expedition against Canada, made a descent upon French Block-Island, plundered the honges, and captivated most of JJjj^1 * the inhabitants. This greatly alarmed the people of New- upon London, Stonington, and Saybrook. Detachments of the Block-lsU militia were sent to the seaport towns for their defence. *"(*• The assembly therefore, about this time ordered, that New- London should be fortified ; and that the fortifica tions at Saybrook should be repaired. The country had been alarmed with reports, that a large body of French and Indians were about to cross the lakes * The number of persons, this year, ratable in the colony was 3,109, ajad the grand list J6l83,l$9, 388 HISTORY OF Chap. XVI. Book L and come down upon the frontiers^ Consequently.it was v-*-v-^ ordered, that scours, from the several counties should range 1692, the country, and make discovery of the enemy as they made their approach. Officers were also appointed to command such parts of the militia as it might be necessa ry to detach, incase of an invasion. Settle- Upon the -29th of February, 1675, Joshua, sachem of ment of the Moheagans, son of Uncas, by his last will, gave unto itof6Wkid- taPtem J°^n Mason, James Fitch, and others, to the num- ham, May ber of fourteen, commonly called .Joshua's legatees, the 13,1692. tract containing the town of Windham. It was, the next year, surveyed and laid out into distinct lots. In May, 1692, it was vested with town privileges. By Joshua's will, the lands in the town of Mansfield, no less than those in Windham, were given, The settlements, at both pla ces, commenced about 1686, nearly at the same time, Canterbury originally belonged to the town of Windham,' though it was some years after made a distinct town. The township of Windham comprises a fine tract of land, near ly ten miles square. Its situation is pleasant, and it is now One of the principal towns in the state.* Enterprise Cpunt Frontenac, finding that he could not, with all his against toe artS) accomplish a peace with the five nations, determined castles! on ^e destruction of the Mohawks, who, of all the InT dians, had been by far the most destructive to the settle ments in Canada. He collected an army of six or seven hundred French and Indians, and, having supplied them with every thing necessary for a winter campaign, sent them against the Mohawk castles. They began their march from Montreal on the 15th of January, 1G93. Af ter suffering incredible hardships, they fell in with the first Mohawk castle, about the 6th of February. The Mo hawks were entirely secure, not having the least intima tion of their approach. The enemy took four or five men at this castle, and proceeded to- the second. At this they were equally successful. A great part of the inhabitants were at Shenectady, and the rest were perfectly secure. When they advanced to the third castle, they found about forty warriors, collected at a war dance, as they designed the next day to go upon an enterprise against their ene mies. A Conflict ensued, in which the French, after los^ ing about thirty men, were victorious, and the third castle * Mr. John Gates, one of the first planters, a gentleman from England, wbo died July 16th, 1697,' by bis, last will, give a generous legacy, in pjate, to, the church. He also gave two hundred acres of land for the use of a school, aid two hundred' more for the use of the poor ofthe town for ever. Windham was made a county' town in May, 1726. The grand list, jn 1768, was about £30,000, and the number of inhabitants 3,50fi. Chap.XVI. CONNECTICUT, 389 was taken. The French, in this descent, captivated near- Book I. ly three hundred of the allied Indians, principally women s^v^> and children. The brave colonel Schuyler, of Albany, at 1693» the heatj of a party of volunteers, of about two hundred English and Dutch, pursued them. On the 1 5th of Feb? ruarjr, he was joined with about three hundred Indians, and, with this force, he fell in with the enemy, whom he found in a fortified camp. They made three successive sallies upon the colonel, and were as often repulsed. He kept his ground, waiting for provisions and a reinforce ment from Albany. Meanwhile, the enemy, taking ad vantage of a severe snow storm, on the night of the 1 8th, marched off for Canada, . The next- day, Gaptain Sims, with eighty regular troops, arrived with provisions for the army, and the day following the colonel resumed the pur suit. The French, however, luckily finding a cake of ice across the north branch of Hudson's river, made their es cape. Nevertheless, they were so pressed, that they suf fered most of their captives to escape. They all, except nine or ten, returned. Colonel Schuyler lost eight of his party, four christians,. and four Indians. He had fourteen wounded. According to the report of the'captives, the en emy lost forty men, three of whom were French officers, and two were Indian leaders ; and they had thirty wound ed. The Indians found about thirty corpses of the ene my, whom they scalped, and afterwards roasted and ate them, as they were exceedingly pinched for want of pro visions.? While these affairs were transacting, dispatches were sent to Connecticut, acquainting governor Treat, that the French had invaded his majesty's territories, and taken the fortresses of his allies, A demand was made of two hundred men, complete in their arms, to march forthwith Jo Albany. A special assembly was called on the 21st of February, Special as- 1693, and it was Ordered, that one hundred and fifty men Feb. Ii'st. should be sent immediately to Albany, or any other place where the governor should judge to be most for his majes ty's interest. Fifty of the troops marched for Albany the next day, Scarcely had the assembly dispersed, before another ex press arrived, from Sir William Phipps, requiring a corps of a hundred English men, and fifty Indians, tq assist in the defence of the eastern settlements, in the province of Maine . and Massachusetts. On the 6th of March, another spe- sSly,^" (rial assembly was convened, and the legislature granted March 6, '* Governor Fletcher's letter, on file. 390 HISTORY OF Chap. XVI. Book I. a captain's company of sixty English men, and about forty v^^^w/ Indians, under the command of captain William Whiting. 1693. Major, general Fitz John Winthrop was chosen magis- Election, trafe at the election, which was the only alteration made May nth. among the magistrates this year. The general court ordered a letter to be addressed to the governor of Massachusetts, once more desiring him and that colony amicably to join with Connecticut in run ning the partition line between the two colonies. Will iam Pitkin, Esq. Mr. Samuel Chester, and captain William Whiting, were appointed a committee to run the line. They had instructions to begin, according to the express words of the patent of Massachusetts, three miles south of every part of Charles river, and thence to run to the wes* ternmost bounds of Symsbury. r Colonel Benjamin Fletcher, governor of New- York, who Fletcher ^a(^ arrived at the seat of his government, August 29th, challenges 1692, had received a commission entirely inconsistent the com- ^[fa fae charter rights and safety of the colonies. He was thenmilitia vested with plenary powers of commanding the whole mili tia of Connecticut and the neighboring provinces. He in sisted on the command ofthe militia of Connecticut. As this was expressly given to the colony, by charter, the leg- Theleris- islature would not submit to his requisition. They, how- lature re- ever, judged it expedient to refer it to the freemen, whether fuse to they would address a petition to his majesty, praying for submit the fa continuance of the militia in the power of the colony, militia to .. i • , , r 1 • i his com- according to their charter, and. for .the continuance and mand. preservation of all their chartered rights and privileges. There were 2,180 persons, or suffrages for addressing his majesty, and the freemen declared, that they would bear their proportionable charge with the rest of the colony, in prosecuting the affair to a final issue. Petition his At a special assembly, September 1st, 1693, the court miyesty, app0inted a petition to be drafted, to be presented to his poiotlin majesty, king William, on the subject. Major-general Fitz agont. John Winthrop was appointed agent to present the peti tion, and employ his best endeavours for the confirmation of all the chartered privileges of the colony. He was de sired, as soon as possible, to take his passage to England, and, upon his arrival there, to lay the business, as expedi tiously as might be, before his majesty, and prosecute the affair to an issue, with all convenient dispatch. Instruc- He was instructed to make a full representation of the Cons to great hardships, expense, and dangers of the inhabitants, the agent. jn planting and defending the colony ; and that these had been borne wholly by themselye§, without any assistance Chap. XVI. CONNECTICUT. 391 from the parent country : That it would endanger and ruin Book I. the colony, if the militia should be taken from it, and com- ^~^sr^ manded by strangers at the distance'of New- York and 1693,. Boston : That it would wholly incapacitate them to defend themselves, their wives, and children: That before they could obtain instructions, from such a distance, upon any sudden emergency, the colony might be depopulated and ruined : That a stranger, at a distance, might not agree with the governor and council in employing the militia for the defence of the property, lives, and liberties ofthe sub jects ; and that the life and support of the laws, and the very existence of their civil constitution depended on the militia. He was also instructed further to represent the state of the militia of Connecticut, with respect to its dif ference from that ofthe militia of England: That, from the scattered state and small number of the inhabitants, it had been necessary, that all males, from sixteen years of age, should belong to the militia, and be made soldiers, so that if the militia were taken from the colony, there would be none left but magistrates, ministers, physicians, aged and infirm people, to defend their extensive sea coasts and frontiers; and that giving the command of the militia to the governor of another colony, was, in effect, to put their persons, interests, and liberties entirely into his power. The agent was, also, directed to represent the entire satis faction of the colony with the present government, and the great advantages resulting from it : That giving the com mand of the militia to the governor of another province,. would exceedingly endanger, if not entirely destroy, that general contentment, and all the advantages thence arising to his majesty and his subjects : That out of three thou sand freemen in" the colony, two thousand and two hundred actually met, and gave their suffrages for the present ad dress ; and that the greatest part of the other eight hun dred were for it, but were, by their particular occasions, prevented from attending at the respective meetingSyTvhen the suffrages were taken: That the inhabitants were uni versally for the revolution ; and that, in the whole colony, there were not more than four or five malcontents. The agent was charged to assure his majesty, that the militia should be improved with the utmost prudence and faithful ness, for his majesty's service, in the defence of the fron tiers of Massachusetts and New- York;, and to lay before him what the colony had already done ; especially for the province of New- York, in their late distressed condition : That for its defence, and the securing of the five nations, in his majesty's interest, they had expended more than 392 " HISTORY OF (W. XVI. Book I. three thousand pounds, and lost a number of their men. v-*-v->^ Further, general Winthrop was directed, so far as might 1693. be judged expedient, to plead the rights granted in the charter, especially that of commanding the militia, and the common usage, ever since the grant of the charter, for a long course of years. Sir William Phipps, governor of Massachusetts, had, on his appointment to that office, received a commission of the same tenor of governor Fletcher's. As the colony had not folly complied with his requisitions, it was expected that the agent would be interrogated upon that head. He was instructed, in that case, to reply, that Sir William never came into the colony, nor acted upon his commission, any further, than to give a copy of it, and to inquire who were the officers ofthe militia : That the governor and company had a prior commission, by charter, and that they could by no means give it up, until the affair had been laid before his majesty. Assembly, The colony wished to serve his majesty's interest, and, Oct. 12th. as far as p0SSible, consistently with their chartered rights, to maintain a good understanding with governor Fletcher. William Pitkin, Esq. was, therefore, sent to New- York, to treat and make terms with him respecting the militia, until his majesty's pleasure should be further known. But no terms could be made with him short of an explicit submis sion of th6 militia to his command. Colonel On the 26th of October, he came to Hartford, while the Fletcher assemlrly were sitting, and, in his majesty's name, demand- Hartford ed their submission of the militia to his command, as they and de- would answer it to his majesty ; and that they would give! mands the jjim a speedy answer in one word, Yes, or No. He sub- of the mi- scribed himself his majesty's lieutenant, and commander in litia, Oct. chief of the militia, and of all the forces by sea or land, and 26th. 0f all the forts and places of strength in the colony of Con necticut.* He ordered the militia of Hartford under arms, that he might beat up for volunteers. It was judged expe dient to call the trainbands in Hartford together ; but the assembly insisted, that the command ofthe militia was ex pressly vested, by charter, in the governor and company ; and that they could, by no means, consistently with their just rights and the common safety, resign it into any other hands. They insinuated, that his demands were an inva sion of their essential privileges, and' subversive of their constitution. tion by col. 'Upon this, colonel Bayard, by his excellency's com- Bayard. mand, sent a letter into the assembly, declaring, that his * Governor Fletcher's letter, on file. Chap. XVI. CONNECTICUT, 393 excellency had no design upon the civil rights ofthe colo- Book I, ny ; but would leavo them, in all respects, as he found v^-v^/ them. In the name of his excellency, he tendered a com- 1693. mission to governor Treat, empowering him to command the militia of the colony. He declared, that his excellen cy insisted, that they should acknowledge it an essential right, inherent in his majesty, to command the militia ; and that he was determined not to set his foot out of the colo ny until the had seen his majesty's commission obeyed : That he would issue his proclamation, showing the means he had taken to give ease and satisfaction to his majes ty's subjects of Connecticut, and that he would distinguish the disloyal from the rest.* The assembly, nevertheless, Would not give up the cOm- The as- mand of the militia; nor would governor Treat receive a sembly de- Commission from colonel Fletcher. sfnhT'the. The trainbands Of Hartford assembled, and, as the tra- militia. dition is, while captain Wadsworth, the senior officer, was Militia of walking in front of the companies, and exercising the sol- H*rt{or tive to the fortifying of Albany. In compliance with his raajesty.'s requisition, the assembly granted 600 pounds, to be paid into the hands of colonel Fletcher, for the defence * Colonel Bayard's letter on file. Z2 39* HISTORY OF Chiap. XVL Book I. of Albany. A rate of one penny on the pound was levied •^-v^s*/ to raise the money.* 1.694. For the defence ofthe plantations in New- York, and the towns upon the river, in the county of Hampshire, the as sembly ordered, that the commissioned officers, who were the nearest to the places, which should, at any time, be at tacked, should dispatch immediate succours to them. Pro vision was also made that the several detachments of the: militia should be furnished with all articles necessary for their marching, in any emergency, upon the shortest notice. statement Major general Winthrop made a safe arrival in England, «Sf Connec- 3r^ P,resented the petition,, with which he had been entrust- •ticutres- ed, to his majesty. A statement of the case of Connecti- pectingthecut was drawn and laid before the king. In this,, besides of tte miK- the facts stated in the instructions of Mr. Winthrop, it tia/ , Was alledged, that in the charter,, granted by king Charles, the command of the militia was, in the most express and ample manner, given to the colony ; and that the governor had always commanded it for the common safety : That in the charter there was a clause for the most beneficial con struction of it for the corporation ; and another of non ob stante to all statutes repugnant to said grant. It was. stated, that whoever commanded the- persons in a colony would also command1 their purse, and be the governor of the colony : That there was such a connection between the civil authority and the command of the militia, that one. could not subsist Without the other ; That it was designed- to govern the colonies, in America, as nearly as might ber in conformity to the laws of England. And that the king. and his lieutenants could not draw out all the militia ofa county ; but a certain part only, in proportion to its num bers and wealth. It was therefore pleaded, that governor Fletcher's commission ought to be construed with the same restriction : That were not the command of the king and his lieutenants restricted, by acts of parliament, the sub jects could not be free ; and that, for the same reason, gov ernor Fletcher's command ought to be restrained, by the laws of Connecticut, so far as they were not repugnant to the laws of England. It was further stated, that it was im possible for governor Fletcher so well to judge of the dis positions and abilities of each town and division in Con necticut, or be so much master ofthe affections ofthe peo ple, in time of need, as those who dwelt among them and had been chosen to command them ; and therefore he could not be so well qualified for the local and ordinary command * The rateable polls in the colony were, at this time, about 2,347, ajui the' grand list £ 137,646.. Chap. XVI. CONNECTICUT, 390 of the militia ; nor serve the interests of his majesty, or the Book L colony, in that respect, so satisfactorily ,and effectually as ^#-v~%-_/ its own officers.* 1694,. His majesty's attorney and solicitor general, gave their opinion ih favor of Connecticut's commanding the militia ; and on the 19th of April, 1694, his majesty in council de termined according to the report whjch they had made.t The quota of Connecticut, during the war, was fixed at one hundred' and twenty men, to be at the command of governor Fletcher, and the rest of the militia to be com- .manded, as had been usual, by the governor of Connecti cut. Upon the solicitations of governor Fletcher ?tnd Sir Will- Agents iam Phipps, agents and a number of troOps were sent to ^twitti attend a treaty with the Five Nations. The expense of it the Five ¦ to the colony was about 400 pounds. Nations. A committee was appointed again, in the May session, to Commit- run the partition line between -Connecticut and Massachu- the line'1"* eetts. Massachusetts was invited to join with them, but between as the court refused, the committee of Connecticut, by the Connecti- direction ofthe assembly, ran the line without them. InjJassa- October, 1695, the general assembly renewed their appli- chusetts. cation to the general court of Massachusetts, intreating Apphca- them to unite amicably in running the boundary line, or to jj^jjj e agree to it, as it had been run by Connecticut. They ac- court of quainted them how it ran, what encroachments they had Massa- made upon the colony, and how they injured it, by declin- QC"sej^» ing a mutual and friendly settlement ofthe line. However 1695. ' they insisted upon the old line, run by Woodward and Saf- fery, and would take no measures to accommodate the dif ference. At the court of election, May, 1696, Eleazar Kimberly 169*. was chosen secretary. Upon the requisition of governor Fletcher, a company of sixty men were ordered to Alba ny, under the command of captain William Whiting. For ty dragoons were also forwarded to the county of Hamp shire, for the security ofthe inhabitants in that part of Massachusetts. About this time, the town of Danbury was incorporated. The whole number of families was twenty four. At the general court, May, 1697, colonel Hutchinson General and captain Byfield were sent from Boston, to solicit the court, raising of such a number of troops as should enable Massa- ^a^ 13« chusetts to attack the eastern enemy, at their head quarters. The legislature judged themselves unable to furnish such a number, as would b.e necessary for that purpose, in addi- *• Statement on $le. t Appendix No. XXIV. 396 HISTORY OF Chap. XVL Book I. tion fo the troops they must raise for the defence of their ^-v-w own frontiers, of New- York, and the county of Hampshire. 1698. The court agreed to furnish a party of about sixty Eng lishmen and forty Indians, to range the woods, near the walk of the enemy, and to defend the frontiers of the coun ty of Hampshire. January At a general assembly, January 22d, 1698, an alteration 22d, 16$8. was niade in the constitution of the county cOurt. Jt was enacted,, that it should consist of one chief judge and four justices of the quorum, in each county, appointed by the assembly. Major- Major-general Fitz John Winthrop, having returned general from }jjs successful agency at the court of Great-Britain, on his re-' wa? received with great joy, by the legislature and the peo- turn, re- pie in general. The assembly presented him with their ceives the thanjcs foi' the good services he had rendered to the gov- thek!' I _ernments and as a further testimonial of the high sense ture. ' which they entertained of his merit, fidelity, and labours for the public, fhey voted him a gratuity of three hundred pounds, Eajrlof On the 18th of June, 1697, Richard, earl of Bellomont, Bellomont received his commission to be governor of New- York and gor°rnoerof^assac'lus!3tts' anc* vvas' Rt this time, every day expected Massachu- at New- York. The general court of Connecticut were setts and desirous of honouring his majesty, by an exhibition of all To^k proper respect and complaisance to his governor ; and, at the same time, they wished to conciliate the good graces of so important a character. They, therefore, appointed genera}. Winthrop, major Jonathan Sillipk, and the Rev. Gurdbn Saltonstall, upon the first notice of his arrival at New-York, to wait upon him, and, in the name of the gene* r ral assembly of Connecticut, to congratulate his excellency upon his safe arrival at the seat of government, , The earl Congfatu* arrived at New- York the 2d of April, 1698. The commit- rfed bf- tee aPP°'ntec' t.0 wa't on him) were gentlemen of a. good ^onnec i- appear^nce an(J elegant manners ; and they presented their congratulations with such dignity and address, as not only did honour to themselves and the colony, but highly plea sed his excellency, Mr. Saltonstall was particularly no ticed by the earl, as appearing the most like a nobleman of any person he had ever seen before in America. Notwithstanding the determination of lieutenant-gover nor Cranfield, and his majesty's commissioners, and the report to his majesty concerning the right of Connecticut to the Narraganset country, the controversy between Con necticut and Rhode-Island still continued, lt was not the Ring's pleasure to confirm the judgment and report of hi^ war. Cpap. XVI. CONNECTICUT, 397 commissioners. The Rhode-Islanders, though they had Book I, violated every article of the agreement between Mr. AVin- \-^-v^-^/ throp and Mr. Clark, yet were ready to plead it against 1698. Connecticut, whenever it wOuld suit their turn. A letter from the lords of trade and plantations was laid before the assembly, advising Connecticut to a settlement of bounda ries with lhat colony. Upon this recommendation, the Commit- general court appointed major James Fitch, captain Daniel tee ap- Witherell, and the Rev. James Noyes, commissioners to f°t'^d t0 treat with Rhode-Island, and, by all means in their power, bounda- to attempt an amicable settlement. ries. The peace of Riswick, September 11th, 1697, once more Peace. delivered Great-Britain and her colonies from the calami ties of war. The Americans rejoiced at the return of peace. Connecticut had been happy in the preservation of her frontiers, in the loss of few men, and in the effectual aid whioh she had given to her sister colonies. Nevertheless, Expense the war had been very expensive, and exceedingly vexa- a.nd vexa- tious. The whole amount of taxes, during the war, was^°"softhe about twenty pence on the pound. By the close of the year 1695, the colony had expended 7,0001. in the defence of Albany, and the frontiers ofthe county of Hampshire, in Massachusetts ; exclusiye of the expedition against Cana da, under major-general Winthrop. This cost the colony more than 3,QQ0l. The expense of the troops sent to the eastward, to the defence of that part of New-England, is also excluded. It is probable that the remaining years of the war cost about 2,0001. The whole expense of the war probably considerably exceeded 12,0001.* The expense of IVJr. Winthrop's agency, and the trouble respecting the militia, were very considerable. Governor Fletcher made the colony much unnecessary trouble and expense. Upon almost every rumour of dan ger, he would send on his expresses to Connecticut ; and the governor and council, and sometimes the assembly, were obliged to meet, and dispatch troops to one place and another. Often, by the time they had marched, orders Would come to recal them. By the time they were return ed, some new and groundless alarm would be made, and pressing orders sent On for them forthwith to march again. In this manner, be almost wore out the governor and coun cil with meetings, and beyond measure harassed the militia, and occasioned great trouble, and expense of time and money, both to the soldiers, and officers. The whole colo ny was so troubled with his vexatious management, that the * The accounts, to the close of the year '95, are particularly state^ j|fter tbat time, they ^o not appear to be ascertained.. 398 HISTORY OF Chap. X VIL Book I. governor wrote to Mr. Winthrop, while he was in England, v-^v-^ desiring him to represent his conduct to his majesty, and 1698. pray for relief. But the clouds were now dissipated. The successful agency of general Winthrop, his safe return to the arms of his country, the blessings of peace, and the appointment and arrival, of tbe earl of Bellomont to the government of the neighbouring provinces, united their influence to diffuse universal joy. The legislature appointed a day of public thanksgiving, and the people, with glad hearts and voices, celebrated the beneficence and glories of their csmmon. Benefactor. CHAPTER XVII. General Winthrop is elected governor. The assembly divide and form into two houses, Purchase and settlement of several towns. The boundary line between Connecticut and Nero-York surveyed and fixed. Attempts for running and establishing the line between Massachusetts and Con necticut. Owaneco and the Moheagans claim Colchester and other tracts in the colony. Attempts to cqmpose all differences with them. Grant to the volunteers. The as sembly enacts, that the session in October, shall, for the future, be in Mew-Haven. An act enlarging the bounda ries of New-London, and acts relative to towns and pat ents. Measures adopted for the defence qf the colony. Appointment of king's attorneys. Attempts to despoil Connecticut of its charter. Bill for re-uniting the char ier governments to the crown. Sir Henry Ashurst pe titions against, and prevents the passing ofthe bill. Gov ernor Dudley, Lord Cornbury, and other enemies conspire against the colony. They exhibit grievous complaints against it. Sir Henry Ashurst defends >4he colony, and defeats their attempts. Quakers petition. Moheagan case. Survey and bounds of the pretended Moheagan country. Dudley's court at Stonington. The colttny protest against it. Dudley's treatment of the colony. Judgment against it. Petition to her majesty on the subject. New commis sions are granted, y#c< in favour of the clergy. State of , the colony. Court of »/ elected governor. The former governor, Treat, who bad, 1698. for many years, presided, and who had grown old in the service of the colony, was elected deputy-governor ; Wil liam Jones, Esq. who, for a number of years, had been dep uty-governor, was left out of the council.* Mr. Joseph Curtis was chosen magistrate, to fill the vacancy made by the preferment of general Winthrop. Until the session in October, 1698, the assembly con-0ct 13th sistcd of but one house, and the magistrates and deputies 1698, the' appear to have acted together. But, at this time, it was assembly enacted, that the General Assembly should consist of two jJJ^e*"* houses : That the governor, or, in his absence, the deputy- governor and magistrates, should compose the first, which should be called the upper house : That the other should consist of the deputies, regularly returned from the sever al towns in the colony, which should be called the lower house. This house was authorised to choose a speaker to preside, and when formed, to make such officers and rules as they should judge- necessary for their own regulation. It was also enacted, that no act should be passed into a law of this colony, nor any law, already enacted, be repealed, nor any other act, proper to this General Assembly, be passed, except by the consent of both houses. At the general court, in October, an act passed, regulat ing the county court. It ordained, that it should consist of one chief judge, and two justices of the quorum. 'In 1699, the governor and deputy-governor were re-elec- May llth?, ted. Richard Christopher was chosen into the magistra- 1699< cy, and captain Joseph Whiting, treasurer. At this session, the lower house, for the first time, form ed separately, and chose Mr. John Chester speaker, and captain William Whiting clerk. This assembly passed * Deputy-governor Jones was son in lawto governor Eaton. He brought over a good estate from England, and made a settlement at New-Haven. He was, for the term of about six. and thirty years, either magistrate or deputy-governor of the colony of New-Haven or Connecticut. In 1662, he was chosen magistrate for tlie colony of New-Haven. Two years af ter, ho was elected deputy-governor. Upon the union, in 1665, he was chosen one of the magistrates of Connecticut, in which office he served un til July 9th, 1691, when the assembly elected him deputy-governor. In May, 1692, he was chosen to the same office by the freemen. He was an nually re-chosen, until May 12th, 1698. At that period he was about 74 years of age, and retired from public business. He died October 17th, 1706, aged 82 years. The General Assembly was sitting at New-Haven, at the time of his decease, and voted, " That in consideration of the many gsotj services, for many years done by that honored and religious gentle man, Mr. William Jones, then deceased, a sum should be paid out of tire treasury towa-rds defraying the charges of his funeral." 400 HISTORY OF Chap. XVIL Book I. an act exempting the clergy from taxation. Several acts ^-v-x^ Were also passed, relative to the settlement of new town- 1698. ships. Purchase In June, 1659, governor Winthrop obtained liberty of and settle- tjje assetnb]y t0 purchase a^ large tract at Quinibaug. ment of „ , •" , r- «¦ .n t- tt Plainfield. Soon after he made a purchase of AUups, alias Hyemps, and Mashaushawit, the native proprietors, of the lands comprised in the townships of Plainfield and Canterbury, lying on both sides of Quinibaug river. There were a small number of families on the lands, at the time of the purchase ; but the planters were few, until the year 1689, when a number of people, chiefly from Massachusetts, made a purchase of the heirs of governor Winthrop, and began settlements in the northern part of the tract. At their session, in May, 1699, the General Assembly vested lhe inhabitants with town privileges. The next year, it was named Plainfield. Grant and The legislature, in the October session, 1693, enacfed,- settiement that a new plantation should be made at Jeremy's farm. of Colches- It was determined, that it should be bounded southerly on ter- Lyme, Westerly on Middletown, and easterly on Norwich and Lebanon. This was most commonly termed the plan tation at twenty mile river. The settlement began about' 1701. In 1703, the assembly gave the planters" a patent, confirming to them the whole tract. Some of the princi pal planters, were the Rev. John Bulkley, Samuel Gilbert, Michael Tainter, Samuel Northam, John Adams, Joseph Pomeroy, and John Loomis. Corioe- At the same session, a plantation was granted, upon flie chaug, petition of the inhabitants of Guilford, at a place called Durham Cogingchaug, It was bounded northerly on Middletown^ ancTset- easterly on Haddam, westerly on Wallingford, and south- tfed. erly on Guilford. The petitioners were thirty-one, but few of them moved on to the lands. ' For this reason, the settlement went on very slowly. The two first planters, were Caleb Seward and David Robinson, from Guilford. Some others afterward removed from the same town, and made settlements there. May 1 f th, 1704, it was named Durham. But the whole number of inhabitants was very small. In 1707, the number of families was no more than fifteen. The inhabitants held meetings, and acted as a town, but were not incorporated with town privileges, un til May, 1708. After this time, the plantation increased rapidly. _ There was a great accession of inhabitants from Northampton, Stratford, Milford, and other towns. Committees were again appointed, at the session in Oc tober, to attempt a settlement of the boundaries between- Chap. XVII. CONNECTICUT. 401 Massachusetts and Connecticut, and between this colony Book I. and Rhode-Island. However, like all former ones, they v^-v-^/ were unsuccessful. 1700. _ March 28th, 1700J his majesty, king William, in coun- King Wii- cil, was pleased to confirm the agreement made between 'I30165*"13" Connecticut and New-York,'in 1683, respecting the boun- ^ement dary line between the two colonies. New- York neglect- in 1683. ed, however, to run the line. Connecticut, therefore, about twelve years after, applied to governor Hunter,'to appoint commissioners to complete the running of the line, and mark it with proper bounds. He laid the affair be fore the legislature of New- York : but, as they would adopt no measures for that purpose, and, as there was no appearance that they designed it, Connecticut presented a petition to his majesty king George the first, praying that he would issue his royal commands ,to his government of New- York, that they should forthwith appoint commission ers, in concert with Connecticut, to complete the running of the line, and the erecting of proper monuments. In consequence of this, the legislature of New-York, in 1719, passed an act empowering their governor to appoint commissioners to run the line parallel to Hudson's river, to re-survey the former lines, and to distinguish the bounda ry. In May, 1725, the commissioners and surveyors of the two colonies, met at Greenwich, and, having agreed The Hue upon the manner in which the work should be accomplish- £ftwee° ed, the survey was executed, in part, immediately, and a cut and report of what they had done, was made to the respective Ny-v-York- legislatures of Connecticut and New-York. On the 14th j!""]""1 of May, 1731, a complete settlement was made. By the partition line, finally established, Connecticut ceded to New-York a tract of 60,000 acres, as an equivalent for lands which New-York had surrendered to Connecticut, lying upon the sound. This tract, from its figure, has been called the Oblong. In 1700, the governor and council were all re-elected. Court of Many acts of violence, since the last session of the as- wectio£} Though Colchester held their lands from tbe colony, 1706. Which claimed by virtue of Uncas's deed in 1640, major Mason's purchase, in behalf of the colony, and surrender of the lands in the presence of the general assembly, and ¦by virtue of Joshua's will ; and though the inhabitants had ' deeds from Owaneco, and the Moheagan sachems, cover ing the whole tract, yet they met with great difficulties, in Uhe settlement ofthe town, from Owaneco and the Mohea gans, who were made uneasy, and stirred up to mischief, by designing men. The Masons, Daniel Clark, Nicholas Hallam, major Palms, major Fitch, and others, about this time, conceived the plan of obtaining a large tract of land, comprising Colchester, part of Lyme, and New-London, Plainfield, Canterbury, and Windham, for themselves. They imagined, that the surrender of major Mason, in the general assembly, was not legal, and that the circum stances of those early transactions were so far obliterated from the memory of the living, that they should be able to recover, in law, all the lands made over, by Uncas, to ma jor Mason, acting as agent ofthe colony in 1659. The legislature, though they viewed their title to the lands'in the colony legal and indubitable, yet judged it ex pedient, rather than! to have any difficulty with the In dians, to treat with them, and make them easy. The governor and council were appointed a committee for these purposes. They were instructed to obtain a quit claim of the Indians upon reasonable terms, and to advise the inhabitants, with respect to their setdements. Captain Samuel Mason, who was one of the magistrates, was par- , ticularly desired to use his influence with the Indians to promote the design, and quiet the planters. From the first settlement of the colony, it had been cus tomary to make grants of land to officers, soldiers, and oth ers, who' had been specially serviceable to the colony, Grants had been made to major Mason, to his officers and soldiers, in the PequOt war. This encouraged the volun teers, who had performed such signal feats in the Narra ganset war, to make application to theassembly, for the grant of a new township, as an acknowledgment Of their gOod services. Upon the petition of captain Thomas Lef fingwell, of Norwich, and Mr. John Frink, of Stonington, in behalf of themselves and other volunteers, the general Grant of assembly, in October, 1696, granted them a township ofvoluntown six miles square, to be taken up in the conquered lands. A Oct, lOtfe, * Records of Connecticut, acts and letters on file. 404 HISTORY OF Chap. XVII. Book I. committee having surveyed the lands and made their re- vj»-v- s^ port to the assembly, four years after, a township was 1701. confirmed to the petitioners, by the name of Voluntown. It was bounded by a due north line, from the pond at the head of Pawcatuck river, to Greenwich path, thence west to the bounds of Preston, thence bounded by Preston and Stonington to Pawcatuck river, and thence by the river to the pond, the first mentioned bounds. Nineteen years af ter, the assembly granted an addition of a considerable tract on the north part ofthe township. electioif *n J70L governor Winthrop and deputy governor Treat May 8th, were re-chosen. The magistrates were Andrew Leet, 1701. James Fitch, Samuel Mason, Daniel Witherel, Nathaniel Stanley, Moses Mansfield, John Hamlin, Nathan Gould, William Pitkin, Joseph Curtis, John Chester, and Josiah Rossiter, Esquires. Joseph Whiting, Esq. was re-elected treasurer, and Eleazar Kimberly, secretary. Ever since the union of the colonies, tho assembly had convened at Hartford, both in May and October ; but, at this session, an act passed, that the assembly, in October, should be holden, at the usual time, in New-Haven. It was also enacted, that the court of magistrates, which had been commonly holden at Hartford, in October, should, for the future, be holden at New-Haven, on the first Tuesday of the same month. A respectable committee was ap pointed again, this year, to make a settlement of the boun dary line with Rhode-Island, and committees were ap pointed, from year to year, for the same purpose, but all attempts, for a long time, were unsuccessful. May 14th, The election in 1702, made no alteration in the legisla- im ture. Madefie'd '^'ie '"^bitants of Windham having agreed upon a di- town, vision of that town, on the 30th of January, 170.0, the as sembly, at this session, confirmed the agreement, and en acted that Windham should be divided into two towns, and that the town at the north end should be called Mansfield. The next May, the assembly vested them with distinct town privileges. Patents were granted, at the same time, to both' townships, The Indian name of Mansfield, was Naw- besetuck. Settlements were made here. soon after they commenced at Windham. Danbury Danbury had been surveyed for a town in 1693, soon made a after a plantation was made upon the lands. Some ofthe principal planters were James Beebe, Thomas Taylor, Samuel and James Benedict, John Hoit, and Josiah Starr. The generali court at this session, gave them a patent, granting them a township extending eight miles in leqgthj Chap. XVII. CONNECTICUT. 405 north and south, and six miles in breadth, according to the Book I. original survey. v^-v^^/ In October, the general assembly was holden at New- 1702. Haven. Oct. 8th. The colony having received intelligence of the demise of king William, and a gracious letter from queen Anne, voted, that a letter should be addressed to her majesty, con gratulating her upon her happy accession to the throne of her ancestors, and expressing their thanks for the favorable notice she had taken ofthe colony. , The only alteration made, by the election, in May, 1703, Election, was the choice of Peter Burr, Esq. into the magistracy. . May 13th, At this assembly, an addition was made to the town of 1703, New-London of all that tract, lying north of the former bounds, included in a line drawn from the northeastern corner of Lyme, to the southwestern corner of Norwich, as it goes down to trading cove. A patent was, at the same time, given to the inhabitants, confirming this and all other parts of the town to them forever. At the same session, it was enacted, that all the town- Act rela- ghips in this colony, to which the assembly had given pa- tive *° *e tents, should remain a full and clear estate, with all the towns.6 privileges and immunities therein granted,, in fee simple to the proprietors, their heirs and assigns forever. It was also enacted, that all lands sequestered, and given to pub lic or private uses, should remain forever, for the ends for which they had bten.given. Queen Anne, the emperor of Germany, and the States General, in May, 1702, declared war against France and Spain, Consequently the American colonies were again involved in a.French and Indian war. The legislature, at the session in October, found it necessary to adopt mea- ^5** u&s sures for the safety of the country, A requisition was made, by governor Dudley, and the general court of Mas sachusetts, of a detachment of a hundred men, to assist them in the war against the eastern Indians. Soldiers were detached and sent forth for the defence of the west ern towns in Connecticut. A committee of war was ap pointed to send troops into the county of Hampshire, in Massachusetts, and to the frontier towns in this colony, as emergencies should require. At this assembly, it was enacted, that the town of Plain- field should be divided, and that the inhabitants on the west side of the river should be a distinct town, by the Canterbui. name of Canterbury. It seems, that the settlement of this ry made a tract commenced about the year 1690. The principal set- town- tiers, from Connecticut, were major James Fitch and Mr, 406 HISTORY OF Chap. XVII. Specialass'embly, March 15th, 1704. Orders for the com mon safe- ty- Election May 11th, 1704. Solomon Tracy, from Norwich, Mr. Tixhall Ellsworth and Mr. Samuel Ashley, from Hartford ; but much the great est humber wasv from Newtown, Woburn, Dorchester, Barnstable, and Medfield, in Massachusetts. Among these were John, Richard, and Joseph Woodward, William, Obadiah, and Joseph Johnson, Josiah and Samuel Cleave land, Elisha Paine, Paul Davenport, and Henry Adams. On the 15th of March, 1704, a special assembly was convened to provide for the common safety. To prevent mischief from the friendly Indians, and preserve them from feeing corrupted and drawn away by the enemy, bolh the civil and military officers, in tbe respective towns, were directed to take special care of them ; to keep them within their own limits, and not to suffer them, upon their peril, to remove from the places which should be assigned them, nor to hold any correspondence with the enemy, or any foreign Indians, nor by any means to harbor them, A pre mium of ten pounds was proposed, as an encouragement to every friendly Indian, who should bring in and deliver up one who was an enemy. Orders were given, requiring every particular town, in the colony, to convene and determine upon the manner of fortifying and defending themselves. In case of any sud den attack or invasion, the commissioned officers, in the several towns, were authorised to detach and send forth any number of soldiers, not exceeding half the militia, to repel and pursue the enemy. It was reserved, that a grand scout should be employed by the committee of war, upon the frontiers, for the discovery and annoyance of tbe ene my. Until this could be sent forth, it was determined, that small scouts, from the frontier towns, should be con stantly kept out, to discover and give notice of the motions of the enemy, lt was ordered, that the hundred, men, so licited by the Massachusetts, should be raised forthwith, to act against the eastern Indians, and that governor Dud ley should be requested to call them out immediately. A detachment of sixty men was ordered for the public service, principally with a view to the (defence of ' the county of Hampshire. These were to be under the command of the committee of war in Connecticut, and the commanding of-. ficer in that county. At the court of election, May, 1704, the former governors and magistrates were re-chosen. John Allen, Esq. was chosen magistrate, to fill the vacancy made by the death of Moses Mansfield, Esq, Committees were, appointed in the several counties to meet together, to contfujt and determine upon the he$\ measures for the general defence and safety. Chap. XVII. CONNECTICUT. 407 As the deserting or giving up of any place, would en- Book L courage the enemy, disserve her majesty's interests, and s>-^^>*? the welfare ofthe colony, it was enacted, that if any per- 1704. sons or families,, in any of the frontier towns, should desert their habitations or places of residence, without leave from the assembly, they should forfeit their freehold of lands and tenements in that place. It was further enacted, that if any male person, of the age of sixteen years, should so re move from any frontier town, he should pay a fine of , ten pounds, and that the fine should be applied to the defence of the town from which he had removed. Good policy required, that as great a number of the friendly Indians as possible, should be employed in the public service. Gentlemen were, therefore, appointed to enlist them as volunteers. "Good encouragements were given for this purpose. Indians were the best troops to scout and range the Woods ; and in proportion as they of fered themselves, Englishmen, whose labours were much more useful, were kept at home. Besides the hundred men dispatched to the eastward, four hundred were raised for the defence of this colony, and of the county of Hampshire. They were required to be always, ready. That they might be completely ready, both in summer and winter, to march immediately, lipon any emergency, it was ordered, that they should be fur nished withsnow shoes, that they might travel and run up on the snow. A number of men in every town were obli ged to prepare themselves in this manner.* For the maintenance of good morals, the suppression of Appoint- vicious and disorderly practices, and the preservation of 'a.ent of the common peace, the assembly ordered, that a sober, re- ^"^1^' ligious man, be appointed by the county court, in each of the counties, to be an attorney for her majesty, to prose cute all criminal offenders. The colony, at this time, was in the most critical situa- Critical tion. It was not only in danger, and put to great expense, state of by reason of the war, to defend itself, but to still greater, thecol,ony> to defend the neighbouring colonies of Massachusetts and New-York. It was continually harassed by the demands of Joseph Dudley, Esq. governor of Massachusetts, and of lord Cornbury, governor of New- York and the Jerseys, for men and money, as they pretended for the defence of their respective governments. At the same time, the colony had a number of powerfnl Arts of its enemies, who, by misrepresentation and every other arti- pudfeyi' lice in their power, were seeking to deprive them both ofandCora- * Records of the colony- bury' 408 HISTORY OF Chap. XVII. 1704, Book I, their lands and all their chartered rights and privileges. Governor Dudley, lord Cornbury, and their instruments, combined together to despoil the colony of its charter, and subject it entirely to their government. It appears, from the letters and acts on file, that Dudley wished to unite all New-England under his own government. At the same time, it seems, he flattered lord Cornbury,' that, if they could effect the re-union of all the charter governments to the crown, he should not only have the government of the southern colonies, but of Connecticut. Dudley was a man of great intrigue and duplicity, well versed in court affairs, and had powerful connections in England. He had been connected with Sir Edmund Andross in the government of New-England, and was an enemy to all the chartered rights ofthe colonies. While he was soliciting the govern ment of Massachusetts, he had a view to the government of all New-England. As he had conceived this plan as ear ly as the latter part of the reign of king William, he oppo sed whatever he suspected would operate against it, and prevent the suspension of all government by charter. When he found, therefore, that Sir Henry Ashurst was appointed agent for Connecticut, about the beginning of the present century, he opposed his Undertaking the agency with all his influence, because he knew his friendship to the colo nies, and that he was a powerful man. He united all his influence with the court party, and the enemies to the lib erties of the colonies, to vacate all the charters in America., He so far succeeded, that, in the latter part ofthe reign of king William, a bill was prepared for re-uniting all the charter governments to the crown. Early in the reign of queen Anne, it was brought into parliament. It imported,- that the charters given to the several colonies in New- England, to East and West New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Carolina, the Bahama and Lucay islands, were prejudicial and repugnant to the trade ofthe kingdom, and the welfare of his majesty's subjects in the other planta tions, and to his majesty's revenue arising from the cus toms. It also further alledged, that. irregularities, piracies, and unlawful trade, were countenanced and encouraged by the authority ip. the chartered colonies. It therefore enact ed, " That all and singular, the clauses, matters, and things, contained in any charters, or letters patents, granted by the great seal of England, by any of his royal predeces sors, by his present majesty, or the late queen, to any or the said plantations, or to any persons in them, should be utterly void, and of none effect. It further enacted, that all such power, authority, privileges, and jurisdictions, Attemptsto vacate the char ter. Bill for re uniting it to the Chap. XVII. CONNECTICUT. 409 should be, and Were re-united, annexed to, ahd vested in Book I. his majesty, his heirs and successors, in right of the crown v_*~v~s^ of England, to all intents and purposes, asthough no Such 1704. charters or letters patent had been had or made.* Sir Henry Ashurst, viewing the act as unjust, and sub- Petition iersive ofthe civil and religious rights ofthe colony, pre- again*4 the ferred a petition to the lords spiritual and temporal in par- liament assembled, representing that said bill would do great injustice to the inhabitants of Connecticut : That it Would make void the charter granted to the colony by king Charles the second : That the government was, by said charter, granted to them, and was so interWOven with their property, that it could not be taken away, without expo sing them to the utmost confusion, if not to utter ruin i That the inhabitants had never been accused of mal-ad- ministration, piratical or unlawful trade ; and that their case was different from his majesty's other plantations in America. He, therefore, humbly prayed to be heard, by his council, at the bar of the house, in their behalf.f lit consequence of this, it was granted, May 3d, 1701, that the petitioner should be heard against the bill. Sir Henry was a faithful man, had honourable connec tions, and his influence at court was very considerable. He raised all the opposition to the passing of the bill in his power. Representations were made, not only of the Reasons ample rights and privileges granted to Connecticut, by against ita charter, but that they were (granted for important conside- PassinS- rations, and particular services performed : That the in habitants, at great expense and danger, had purchased, subdued, and planted an extensive country ; had defended it against the Dutch, French, and other enemies of the na tion; had enlarged his majesty's dominions, and increased commerce: That the charter not Only gave the inhabitants powers of government, but secured the title of their land3 and tenements ; and that, in these views, the passing of the bill would be an act of great injustice ; would be ruin ous to the colony, and prejudicial to the general interest. It was insisted, that it Would be still more arbitrary and unjust, as the colony had not been even accused Of mal administration, piratical or illegal practices, or so much as heard on the subject. It was pleaded, that the colony had ever been loyal and obedient, and if any irregularities, or inadvertencies should finally be found in the government, it would, on the first notice of it, undoubtedly be reformed. At the same time, the taking away of so many charters, v Was, at once, calculated to destroy all confidence in the * Copy of the bill oh file. ' + Petition on file. B3 410 HISTORY OF Chap. XVIL It miscar ries. Enemies of the colony not dis courager]. They are powerful. Unite their influence against the colony. crown, in royal patents and promises ; to discourage all further enterprise, in settling and defending the country ¦ to create universal discontent and disaffection in the colo nies ; and to produce effects much more prejudicial to the nation, than any of those which were then matter of com plaint. It would, also, afford a precedent most alarming to all the chartered corporations in England. These vari ous considerations operated so powerfully against the bill, that it could not be carried through the houses. Governor Dudley and lord Cornbury, however, were not discouraged. They determined to make a more open and powerful opposition to the charter rights, of Connecti cut. And they determined, as much had been made of this argument, that Connecticut had never been accused of mal-administration, piracy, or any illegal trade, to re move it out of the way, by a 'direct impeachment of the colony of high misdemeanors. They were both powerful enemies. Governor Dudley was not only a man of great intrigue, but had a party at court, who were men of art and- influence. Lord Cornbury was nearly related to her majesty, queen Anne, and had many noble connections, whose weight with her royal person and the court, was not inconsiderable. Exclusive of these, the colony had ene mies among themselves. Nicholas Hallam, major Palms, captain Mason, Daniel Clark, and others, had either ap pealed to England against the colony, or were scheming to possess themselves of large tracts of land, and, for thaS purpose, were encouraging the Moheagan controversy. Hallam had appealed to England against the colony, and lost his case. The king, in council, had established the judgment given against him in the courts of Connecticut. Major Palms, who had married the- daughter of John Win throp, Esq* the first governor of Connecticut, under the charter, had imagined himself injured by the administrators on the governor's estate, and had brought an action against them. Losing his case before the courts in this colony, he had appealed to England. He was particularly irrita ted against the colony, and against his brother inlaw, Fitz John Winthrop, Esq. then governor ofthe colony. ' These malcontents all united their influence, by the grossest mis representations, and all other means in their power, to in jure the colony in its most essential interests. Lord Cornbury was poor, and not unwilling, by any means, to get money. He had made a demand of four hundred and fifty pounds upon the colony, for the defence of New- York. Connecticut judged, that it was not their duty to comply with his demand, as their expenses already were as great as the colony was able to bear. Chap. XVII. CONNECTICUT. 411 Dudley and Cornbury, therefore, proceeded to draw up Book I. articles of complaint against the colony. Dudley employ- v^-v^- ed one Bulkley to write against the government. He drew 1704. up a large foils book, which he termed the Doom or Mise ries of Connecticut. In this, he not only exceedingly misrepresented and criminated the colony, but expatiated on the advantages of a general governor of New-England, and highly recommended the government of Sir Edmund Andross.* Among other complaints, the principal articles particu- Com- larly charged, were, summarily, these : That the governor P1^3 did not observe the acts of trade and navigation, but en- ^f^l couraged illegal commerce and -piracy : That the colony was a receptacle of pirates, encouraged and harboured by the government : That the government harboured and pro tected soldiers, seamen, servants, and malefactors, who made their escape from other parts, and would not deliver them up, when demanded. It Was, also, charged against the colony, that it harboured great numbers of young men, from Massachusetts and New- York, where they were obli ged to pay taxes for the expenses of the war, and induced them to settle there, principally, because it imposed no taxes for that purpose : That the colony would not furnish their quota for the fortification of Albany and New- York, and the assistance of Massachusetts Bay, against the French and Indians : And that, if any of her majesty's subjects, of the other colonies, sued for debt, in any ofthe courts of the polony, no justice could be done them, if the debt were against any of its inhabitants. It was also charged, that Connecticut, under the colour of their charter, made capi tal laws ; tried murders, robberies, and other crimes, and punished with death and banishment ; and that their courts of judicature were arbitrary and unjust : That the legisla ture would not suffer the laws of England to be pleaded in their courts, unless it were to serve a turn for themselves : That they had refused to grant appeals to her majesty, in council, and had given great vexation to those. who had de-. manded them : That the government had refused to sub mit to her majesty, and to his royal highness's commission of vice admiralty, and for commanding its militia; and had defeated the powers which had1 been given to the gov ernors of her majesty',s neighbouring colonies, for that pur pose. Finally, it was charged, that the legislature had made a law, that christians, who were not of their com' munion, should not meet to worship God, without license from their assembly, which law extended even to. the * Letter of Sir Henry Ashurst, onjle,. ; 412 HISTORY OF Chap. XVII. Book I. church of England, as well as to christians of other deno- v^-v-v minations tolerated in England. 1704, While governor Dudley was thus attempting the ruin of the polony, in the court of England, he kept up the ap pearance of the njost entire friendship towards it, in this country ; and in a letter, of about the same date ,with his complaints, thanked the legislature for the great supplies which they had given him and the colony. Moheagan The general assembly had appointed the most respecta-; ^rair# ble committees, and taken great pains to compromise all difficulties with Owaneco and the Moheagans ; and though they had made repeated purchases and obtained ample deeds of their lands, yet, rather than have any uneasiness among the Indians, they offered Owaneco such a sum of money, to make him easy, as was entirely satisfactory to him ; but Mason and the other malcontents, who wished to possess the Indian lands, would not suffer him to accept it, and frustrated all attempts for an accommodation. While Mason and other enemies were practising their arts, in Connecticut, Hallam, assisted by Dudley and his party, with other malcontents, on both sides of the water, was making grievous complaints, in England, of the injus tice and cruelty of the colony towards Owaneco, in driv ing him from his lands, and depriving the Moheagans even of their planting grounds. It was pretended, that, in the late grant and patent to the town of New-London, the le gislature had conveyed away all his lands in that quarter, whereas particular care was taken, both in the grant and patent, to secure all the property and privileges of the Mo heagans, The assembly had taken the most faithful and tender care of them, from the first settlement ofthe colony to that time, According to their agreement with major Mason, then deputy governor of the colony, when he rer signed the Moheagan land to the assembly, they granted him a farm of five hundred acres, and it was laid out to him at a place called, by the Indians, Pomakuk. They , had also reserved a fine tract of land, of between four and five thousand acres, to the Moheagans to plant on, which Was much more than sufficient for that purpose. But the representations, which these evil minded men were con stantly making to Owaneco and his people, at some times, maqle them uneasy, and some of them probably imagined, that they were really injured. At the same time, the af fair was so represented in England, *as made impressions ti on the minds of many very unfavorable to the colony, iierma" " In this situation of affairs, Hallam, assisted by the mal- Jesty infy- contfnts in England ai}d America, preferred a complaint CpAp. ^VH. CONNECTICUT. 413 and petition to her majesty, queen Anne, representing, that Book I. the sachems of the Moheagan tribe of Indians were the v^t-n^-^- original and chief proprietors of all the lands in the colo- 1 704. ny : That they were a great people, and had received and vor of the treated the first planters in a peaceable and friendly man- ^°aea" ner : That, for an inconsiderable value, they had granted0 their lands to them, reserving to themselves a small parcel only for planting ground ; and that the general assembly of Connecticut had passed an act by which they had ta ken that from them, which, until that time, they had al ways enjoyed. For these reasons, it was prayed, that her majesty would appoint commissioners to examine into all these matters, and into all the other injuries and violences which had been done to the Moheagans, and fo determine respecting them according to equity. Her majesty, imposed upon and deceived by these rep- Her ma- resentations, and not waiting to give the colony an oppor-Jes.ty ap- tonity to be heard, on the 19th of July, 1704, granted a ^^9,is. commission to Joseph Dudley, Esq. the great enemy of the sioners to tolony, Thomas Povey, Esq. lieutenant governor of Mas- hear ihf sachusetts, major Edward Palms, and others, to the num- case* ber of twelve, authorizing them to hear and determine the whole affair, reserving liberty to either to appeal to her majesty in council. At the session in May, a respectable committee was ap pointed, with ample powers, to examine into all the com plaints of Owaneco and the Moheagan Indians, and to re port to the assembly in October. The committee appoint ed time and place, and attempted to accomplish the busi ness, for which they had been appointed ; but captain Ma son, whom Owaneco had chosen for his guardian, had art enough to frustrate the design. He made a journey to Boston, at the very time, and Owaneco would do nothing without him- In the mean time, the commission was grant ed by the queen, and the colony were unhappily drawn in to a long and expensive controversy. The Masons claimed the lands purchased by their an cestor, deputy goyernor John Mason, by virtue of a deed given to him by Uncas, in 1659, while he acted as agent pf the colpny, anf) denied the legality of the surrender which he had made of them, in the general assembly, the next year. They insisted, that it respected nothing more than the jurisdiction right, and that the title to the soil was Vested in their family? as guardians or overseers of the In dians, While they pretended great concern for the In dians, their sole object wajs to hold all those lands, included in said deed, for themselves and others, who had united fliti} them ip prosecution of the affair against the colony. 414 HISTORY OF Chap. XVII. Book I. Sir Henry Ashurst, wishing to preserve the important v-^-\^-^ privileges of the colony, had taken pains to postpone the 1705. hearing of the complaints against it, as far -as possible, that the governor and company might have intelligence concerning them, and send their answer ; but, on the 12th Hearing of of February, 1705, the hearing came on, before her ma- the com- jefsty in council. Governor Dudley and Lord Cornbury cahfst^" had spared no pains to carry their point before her majes- Connecti- ty. Dudley had been careful to procure and lay before cut before her an opinion of the attorney general, in king William's Jer™*Jes" reign, "that he might send a governor to Connecticut."" Further, to prepare the way for, the decision which he wish ed, he procured another opinion of the attorney and so licitor general, respecting the case of Connecticut, as it then appeared, " that if it were as governor Dudley had represented, there was a defect in the government : That the colony was not able to defend itself, and in imminent danger of being possessed by fhe queen's enemies : And that, in such case, the queen might send a governor, for civil and military government ; but not to alter the laws and customs," , Her majesty had directed Sir Henry to appear and show reasons, if any he had, why she should not appoint a gov ernor over the colony. He considered every thing dear to it at stake, and therefore made exertions in some measure proportionate to the magnitude ofthe cause. Lord Paget, aman of great influence, was his brother by marriage, and he was related to, or intimately connected with other prin cipal characters at court. He made all the interest, and obtained all the influence which he possibly could, either by himself or his connections, in favor of the colony. He obtained two of the best council in England ; both parlia ment men, possessing an estate of a thousand pounds a year. He stood firm against all the charges of Dudley, lord Cornbury, Congreve, and others, against the colony, and by his counsel, for an hour and an half, defended it a- gainst all the art and intrigue of its adversaries, and all the law learning and eloquence of the attorney and solicitor general.* Pleadings ^s Connecticut was entirely ignorant of the charges tionof'the" brought against it, and no information or evidence could colony. be thence obtained, Sir Henry and his council were neces sitated to employ such means as were in their power. They amply stated the rights and privileges granted by the royal charter, the territory it conveyed, and the powers with which it vested the governor and company. They * Letter of Sir Henry Ashurst, February 15th, 17Q5, on file. €hap. XVII. CONNECTICUT. 415 showed, that these patents were confirmed by a non oh- Book I. stante, and always to be construed in the most favorable v^-n^-v> light for the grantees. It was demonstrated, that the leg- 1705. islature were vested with ample powers to piake laws, criminal and capital, as well as civil ; to inflict banishment, death, and all other capital punishments, in all capital ca ses, no less than in others. It was also represented, that the governors, or commanders in chief, were, by charter, vested with plenary powers to assemble in martial array, and put in warlike posture the inhabitants of the colony,. for their defence, and to commission others, for the like purposes. It was also clearly shown, that, by charter, they had the same right to fish, trade, and do all other business,. and enjoy all other privileges, by land and sea, which a'ny other of her majesty's subjects had aright to do, or enjoy. It was, therefore, urged, that all those matters, charged against the colony, respecting their making capital laws, and inflicting capital punishments, whether death or ban ishment, were no crimes ; but things which the legislature not only had a right, but were bound in faithfulness to do, as circumstances might require. For the same reason, it was also insisted, that the colonies claiming a right to com mand their own militia, and defeating the designs- of the governors of the other colonies, who wished to command it, were no crimes. It was insisted, that doing them was no more than defending themselves in the enjoyment of their legal rights. With respect to the irregularity and injustice ofthe courts: in Connecticut, it was observed, that general charges de served no reply : That it did not appear, that what was charged was any thing more than mere hearsay and clam or. But it was pleaded, that, on the contrary, they had substantial evidence of the justice of the courts in Con necticut. That several appeals had been made, to her majesty, from the judgment of those courts : That these had been different cases, and in every instance, the judg ments given by the courts in Connecticut, had been ap proved by her majesty, and the lords committee of council. This, it was said, was a notable evidence of their justice ; and that, so far as appeared, there had been no injustice or irregularity in any one court in the colony. With respect to governor Dudley's complaint, that Con necticut did not furnish the men which he demanded, and that of lord Cornbury, that it did not comply with'his de-, mands for money, it was answered, that it did not appear, from the charter, that the colony was obliged to comply with those requisitions : That the governors of other colo- 41b* HISTORY OF Chap. XVII. Book I. nies had no right to command the legislature and people of v^-v-x^ Connecticut : and that they were under no Obligations to 1705. obey them, any further than it should be required by her majesty. It was further observed, With respect to lhe mo ney, that it appeared from his lotdship's letter, that the general assembly of Connecticut had taken the requisition into tbeir consideration, and had determined to know her majesty's pleasure, before they gave away their money. It was affirmed, that there was nothing disloyal in such a determination : That the colony had a right lo grant, or not to grant their money, as they judged it e±pedient or not : That they had a right to know the purpose for which they granted it ; and that their referring it to her majesty's pleasure, was an implication of their obedieike to it, when ever it should be known. With reference to Connecticut's harboring deserters, malefactors, pirates, and the like, it was observed, that it was a general charge Of little weight, and deserved.no an swer. It was affirmed to be a common thing, even in En gland, for soldiers and others to go from one country into another, and not to be found ; yet it might not be any crime or fault in the country Where they secreted themselves. As to captain Matthews finding two soldiers at Stamford, and sending for major Silleck to secure them, it did not ap pear that there was the least fault in the major. It was ev ident, from his lordship's letter, that he went to Stamford, that the soldiers were brought, and that, while the major and Matthews were conversing together, in a private room, they made their escape. It was said, it might be more the fault of Matthews than of Silleck ; for it did not appear that Matthews was kept there by any force or constraint, but was examining into the affair, or talking generally up on the subject. With relation to the complaint of lord Cornbury, in his letter of June, 1703, "that he laboted under great misfor tunes, in relation to the neighboring provinces: That the coast of Connecticut is opposite to two thirds of Long-Isl and ; by which means tbey filled all that part of the island with European goods, cheaper than their merchants could, because they paid duties, and those of Connecticut pstid none ; nor would they be subject to the acts of navigation ; by*which means there had been no trade between the city of New- York and the east end of Long-Island, from whence the greatest part of the whale oil came ; and that it was difficult to persuade those people that they belonged to that province," it was replied, that there appeared to be no fault in Connecticut in this respect. It was maintained, Chap. XVII. CONNECTICUT. 417 that the inhabitants had a right to trade where they pleas- Book I. ed, if it were not repugnant to the laws of England. It al- v^-v^>^ so Was pleaded, that, there was no evidence, that they had 1705. been guilty of any illegal trade or practices ; and that they were a poor people, and carried on little trade. In a letter ofthe Same date with the former, his lordship had observed, "that he was satisfied this vast continent, which might be made very useful to England, if right mea sures were taken, would never be so, till all the propriety and charter governments were brought Under the crown." To this it Was replied, that this might, or it might not be the case : that the same, as circumstances might be, might be said of all the charters in England* It was however in sisted, that the words sounded harsh, and had an ill relish* It was, however, much insisted on, that the attorney and solicitor general had reported, " that het- majesty might ap point a governor for Connecticut." To this, the council for the colony answered, that the report was hypothetical, founded on the supposition that the colony was not able to defend itself, and was in danger of falling into the hands of her majesty's enemies ; but that there Was no evidence of these facts. It did not appear, they said, that Connecticut was in a more defenceless state, or in greater danger of becoming a prey to her majesty's enemies, than any of the Other colonies. It was pleaded, that the attorney and so licitor general had not reported, that either of these was the case, and therefore their opinion could not be made a pleai for sending a governor to Connecticut. Further, it was strenuously maintained, that it was an essential right of every individual and corporation, to be heard before they were condemned ; and that the governor: and company of Connecticut ought to be heard upon the articles exhibited against them, before any judgment be formed respecting them* It was observed, that governors,. who, by enlarging their own territories, might increase* their honors and profits, were apt to complain: that they Were Under peculiar temptations-, especially at such a dis tance, where it was so difficult to make enquiry and obtain the truth : that there was more reason to suspect the gover nors complaining, than the governor of Connecticut, who acted with a council and an assembly. It was therefore af firmed, that there was every reason, that the colony should be heard in its own defence* If either the governor of New-England or NeW-York were impeached, and the game complaints made against them, said the counsel, which they have brought against Connecticut, her majesty would do nothing with respect to them, until they had bee'n heard* C 3 41* HISTORY OF Chap.XVIL Book I. It would be contrary to all law and reason ; much more vj^-\^-n^ so, to treat a whole colony in this manner, in a case in 1705. which their charter might be forfeited, and their fortunes ruined. It was observed, that governors appointed during pleasure, often committed barbarous acts to enrich them selves ; and that they had nothing to lose but their office ; Whereas the colony of Connecticut was of great substance, and- had every thing to lose : that even in ordinary cases, in which the character and property of one man only were concerned, nothing was determined, but upon sufficient ev idence, given upon oath,and that it could never be reason able to condemn a colony upon mere suggestions : that it might appear, upon a full examination, that the governor of. Connecticut was much better qualified to govern, than the governor of New- York- or Massachusetts. It was there fore pleaded, that the articles of complaint might be sent to the governor and company of Connecticut, and that they might have an opportunity to answer for themselves : that there could be no danger in this ; and if any irregularities should be found, in the management of their government, they would most certainly reform and obey her majesty's commands.* Hermajes- Upon this full hearing, it was determined, that the lords ty's deter- of trade should draw out the principal articles of complaint, mination an{] sen(] a COpy 0f them to the governor of Connecticut, res pec liii ir -ii i. ¦Connecti- ar)d to the two principal complainants, governor Dudley, cut, Feb. and lord Cornbury, and that Connecticut should send their 12, 1705. answer, with evidence respecting the several articles, legal ly taken, and sealed with the public seal of the colony. Governor Dudley and lord Cornbury were also directed to transmit their evidence of the articles charged, publicly and legally taken. Frustrates gy this means, Dudley, Cornbury, and their abettors of Dudley8 were caught in their own snare, their selfishness and dupli- and Corn- city were made to appear, in a strong point of light, and liury. their whole scheme at once totally ruined. They were totally unable to support the charges which they had brought against the colony. At the same time, the legis lature of Connecticut could produce the. most substantial evidence, that the very reverse of what had been pretend- Facts res- ed, was true. They had the last, and this year between colon>S the ^ve an(^ s'x ^un^re^ men i" actual service. Four hundred oony" of this number had been employed, .principally in the de fence of Massachusetts and New- York. The committee of war, consisting of the governor, most ofthe council, and * Ca*e of Connecticut stated, and pleadings before her majesty, Febru ary l2tlj, 1705, on file. Chap. XVIL CONNECTICUT, 419 other principal men in the colony, had met, with officers Book I. and commissioners from Massachusetts, and most harmoni- v^-n^w ously united with them in opinion, and measures for the 1705., common defence. The legislature were not only able to prove these facts from the records of the colony, and from the resolutions ofthe committee of war, but, what was still more confounding to governor Dudley, to produce a letter ©f his, under his own hand and signature, acknowledging their generous and prompt assistance in the war, and thank ing them for the aid which they had given him.* They produced substantial evidence, that when they had scarce ly two thousand pounds, in circulating medium, in the ¦whole colony, they had, in three years, expended more than that sum, in the defence of her majesty's provinces of Massachusetts and New-York. They were able to evince, that they had shewn the utmost loyalty and attach ment lothe queen ; been punctual in their observance of the acts of trade and navigation; had not been pirates themselves, nOr at any time harboured pirates, deserters, servants, or criminals among them. With respect to appeals to her majesty, the legislature affirmed, that they had not refused to admit them, only in cases in which proper security, or sufficient bondsmen had not been offered. In the appeals of major Palms, which seem to have been the only instances of which complaint had been made, the court judged, that the security offered was insufficient. The men, who offered themselves to be bound, appeared to have little or no property. As to the vexations complained of, these respected the obtaining of copies of the judgments of the courts in his case. It seems he applied to the assembly for them, but the assembly de clined giving them, insisting, that it was not their province to give copies of the doings of other courts. He was there fore referred to the courts in which the judgments had been given. In the appeals of major Palms, and in all other instanc es, the judgments of the courts in Connecticut were finally established. Upon a full examination of the complaints, they appeared not only groundless, but invidious. The loyalty, justice, and honor of the colony appeared more conspicuous than they had done before : but it was some time before the evidence of the true state' of the case could be collected and transmitted to England. Meanwhile Dudley and Cornbury never lost sight of * They were ahle to produce letters of thanks, from the commanding of-, peers, ministers, and principal gentlemen-in the county of Hampshire, fo^ $e assistance which they had given them. Those letters aye now oh ftg, 420 HISTORY OF Chap. XVIL Book I. their object, but vigorously prosecuted the design of sub- s^v->v verting the government. There had been, nearly fifty 1705. years before, a law enacted against the quakers, but it doesnot appear, that it had ever been acted upon, in Con necticut, and was, at, that time, become obsolete. It ap pears, by a letter ofthe governor's, to Sir Henry Ashurst, that he did not know of one person, then in the colony, who was acknowledged to be a quaker. But governor Dudley, by some means, obtained a copy ofthe law, and procured a publication of it in Boston. Tbe knowledge of it was communicated to the quakers in England, and they were spirited up to petition for a repeal of the law of Connecti- Quakers cut against the quakers. A petition, about the beginning ber'ma1-*" of April, was preferred to her majesty, on the subject, re- jepty. citing said law, and representing, that it was calculated to extirpate their friends from that part of her majesty's do minion, and praying that she would disallow the said law. Sir Henry Ashurst, presented a petition to the lords of trade and plantation, to whom the petition of the quakers: had been referred, praying them to advise. her majesty to come to no determination on the subject, until the colony should have notice of the petition, and have time to send their answer. He represented, that the law was made a- gainst Adamites and Ranters : That it was become obso lete, and quakers lived as peaceably in Connecticut, as in any of her majesty's plantations. He represented to their lordships, that there had been more complaints exhibited- against this poor colony, in three or four years, without any crime proved, than had been before from the time of its first settlement, which made him, believe, that there were disaffected pecsons, who were attempting, by all means, to make them weary of their charter government : That be fore the appointment of a certain governor for New-Eng- Jand, the colony had enjoyed uninterrupted: peace, for ma ny years, and would have done to that time, had it not been for his misrepresentations. He assured them, that he had been informed, that governor Dudley had, about two years before, ordered the act against the quakers .to be {printed, in Boston, on purpose, that the quakers, in Eng- and, might join with his other instruments in clamors a- gainst Connecticut,, to deprive it of its charter privileges,* She re- Her majesty, upon the advice of the lords of trade and- l°^lsti>e plantations, declared the act against the quakers null and! themf void, without giving the colony a hearing. Sir Henry Ashurst, writing to the colony soon after, says, " You see how ypu are every way attacked." f Petition (jn file. Chap. XVII. CONNECTICUT. 421 The enemies of the colony in, Connecticut and New- Book I. England were no less active than those on the other side of ^*-v~**> the water. As they had obtained a commission for the tri- 1705. al of the case between Connecticut and the Moheagans, they spared no pains to carry their point. On the 5th ofSu of July, 1 705, .captain John Chandler, in behalf of Owaneco, the Mo- captain Samuel Mason, Hallam, and others, who interested heagan themselves in recovering the lands from the colony, began couatrJr- the survey of the Moheagan country, and having accom plished the work, drew a map of it, with a view to the trial, before Dudley's court, which was approaching. The governor sent an officer and prohibited his entering upon the survey ; but the party gave large bonds to indemnify him, and he proceeded notwithstanding. The boundaries, as surveyed and reported by Chandler, captain John Parke, Edward Culver, and Samuel Sterry, who assisted him, were, on the south from a large rock, in Connecticut river, Bounda- near eight mile island in the bounds of Lyme, eastward, rie9, through Lyme, New-London, and Groton, to Ah-yo-sup- suck, a pond in the northeastern part of Stonington ; on the east, from this pond northward, to Mah-man-suek, another pond, thence to Egunk-sank-a^poug, whetstone hills ; from thence to Man-hum-squeeg, the whetstone country. From this boundary, the line ran southwest, a few miles, to Ac- quiunk, the upper falls in Quinibaug river. Thence the line ran, a little north of west, through Pomfret, Ashford, Willington, and Tolland, to Mo-she-nup-suck, the notch of the mountain, now known to be the notch in Bolton moun tain. From thence the line ran southerly, through Bolton, Hebron, and East-Haddam, to the first mentioned bounds. This, it appears, was the Pequot country, to the whole of which the Moheagans laid claim, after the conquest of the Pequot nation, except some part of New-London, Groton, and Stonington, which had been the chief seat of that war like tribe. The Moheagans claimed this tract as their he reditary country, and the Wabbequasset territory, which lay north of it, they claimed by virtue of conquest. On the 33d of August, 1 705, the court of commission- Dudley's crs, appointed by her majesty, to examine into-the affair of court> Au" the Moheagan lands, convened at Stonington. Writs had |!Jq5 ' been previously issued, summoning the governor and com pany, with the claimers of lands in controversy, and all parties concerned, to attend at time and place. The court consisted of Joseph Dudley, Esq. president, Edward Palms, Giles Sylvester, Jahleel Brenton, Nathaniel By- field, Thomas Hooker, James Avery, John Avery, John Morgan, and Thomas Leffingwell,, ter to the court, 422 HISTORY OF Chap. XVII. Book I. It seems that the governor and general assembly of Con- •^~v-*^ necticut had not been served with a copy of the commis- 1705. sion, by which the court was instituted, and viewed it as a court of enquiry only, to examine and make report to her majesty, and not to try and determine the title of the lands in dispute. The committee, appointed by the assembly, Jnstruc- to appear before the court, were conditionally instructed. tions to the provided the court was instituted for enquiry only, they Commit- were t0 answer and show the unreasonableness of the Mo- tee, heagan claims, and the false light in which the affair had been represented ; but if the design was to determine with respect to ihe title of the colony, they were directed to en ter their protest against the court, and withdraw. All in habitants of the colony, personally interested in any of the lands in controversy, were forbidden to plead or make any answer before the court.. Governor Winthrop addressed the following letter to the president, - Governor ^New-London, August 21st, 1705. Win- " Sllf, throp'slet- " I understand, by your excellency's letter of July 30th, your intentions to be at Stonington, on the 23d inst. to hear the complaints of Owaneco against this govern ment. I have, therefore, in obedience to her majesty's commands, directed and empowered William Pitkin, John Chester, Eleazar Kimberly, Esquires, major William Whi ting, Mr. John Elliot, and Mr. Richard Lord, to wait on your excellency, and show the unreasonableness of those complaints, and the unpardonable affront put upon her ma jesty, by that false representation, and the great trouble to yourself thereby ; and I conclude, in a short hearing, your excellency will be able to represent to her majesty, that those complaints are altogether groundless. The gentlemen shall assist your excellency's enquiry, in sum moning such persons as you shall please to desire, and all things else, reserving the honor and privileges of the gov ernment." When the committee came before the court, they per ceived that they determined to try the title of the colony to the lands, and judicially to decide the whole controver sy. They resolved, therefore, not to make any answer or plea before them, but to protest against their proceedings. The protest is entered as followeth s • ,, " To his Excellency, Joseph Dudley, Esquire, captain- general and governor in chief of her majesty's colony of Massachusetts Bay, &c. " We, the commissioners of her majesty's colony oi €hap.;XVII. CONNECTICUT. 423 Connecticut, are obliged, by our instructions from this Book I. government, to certify your excellency, that, in obedience v-*^^s*/ to her majesty's commands to this colony, we are ready to 1705. Show the injustice of those complaints against the govern- Protest ment, made by Owaneco, to her majesty, in council, if your aSa'n9t the excellency sees good that the complaints be produced, j^of the (provided the commissioners, mentioned in her majesty's court. commission, with your excellency, be qualified to act as members of the court of inquiry constituted thereby,) that so your excellency and commissioners may, upon inquiry, be enabled to make such a true and just report of the mat ters of fact, mentioned in said complaints to her majesty, as you shall see meet. But if your excellency, (as appears' to-us,) does construe any expressions in the said commis sion, so as to empower the said commissioners, by them selves, t6 inquire and judicially determine concerning the matter in controversy, mentioned in the said complaint, concerning the title of land or trespass, and do resolve to proceed accordingly, as we cannot but judge it to be con trary to her majesty's most just and legal intentions, in said commission ; so we must declare against and prohibit all such proceedings, as contrary to law and to the letters patent under the great seal of England, granted to this her majesty's colony, and contrary to her majesty's order to this government, concerning the said commission and com plaint, as well as to the known rights of her majesty's sub jects, throughout all her dominions, and such as we cannot allow of. We only add, that it seems strange to us, that your excellency should proceed in such a manner, without first communicating your commission to[the general assem bly of this her majesty's colon/. " William Pitkin, &c. "August 24th, 1705." The inhabitants who had deeds of the lands in contro versy, made default, as well as the colony ; but the court proceeded to an ex parte hearing. Owaneco, Mason, Hal- - lam, and their council, produced such papers and evidence, and made such representations as they pleased, without any person to confront them. After such a partial hear- Judgment ing, of one day only, the court determined against the colo- and pro- ny, and adjudged to Owaneco and the Moheagans a tract ^tourt^ of land called Massapeag, lying in the town of New-Lon don ; and another tract, of about eleven hundred acres, in the northern *part of the town, which the assembly had granted as an addition Jo that township, in 1703. The court, also, adjudged to them a tract in the town of Lyme, two miles in breadth, and nine miles in length, with the 424 HISTORY OF Chap. XVII. Book I. whole tract contained in the town of Colchester. The v«*~v->^ court ordered Connecticut immediately to restore all those 1 705. lands to Owaneco, and filed a bill of cost against the colony of 5731. 12s. 8d.* Thus a cause of such magnitude, in which the essential interests of a whole colony, and the fortunes of hundreds of individuals, were concerned, was carried wholly by intrigue and the grossest misrepresenta-1 tions. The commission was granted by her majesty, whol ly upon an ex parte hearing, upon the representation of the enemies ofthe colony; and the men whcf carried on the in trigue, were appointed judges in their own case. Without hearing the case, contrary to all reasfin and justice, they gave judgment against the colony, and hundreds of indi- viduals. They gave away lands holden by conquest, pur chase, ancient deeds from the original proprietors, well executed and recorded, by charter, acts, and patents from the assembly, and by fong possession. The chief judge had been using all his art and influence to ruin the colony, and was now supposed to be scheming for a portion of its ' lands, as well as for the government. Major Palms had been a long time in controversy with the colony, was ex ceedingly embittered against it, and against the governor, his brother in law. Others of the commissioners were supposed to be confederate with Mason and Clarke, and interested in the lands in controversy. Hallam, Clarke, and several of the commissioners were witnesses in the case. They were witnesses and judges in their own cause, heard themselves, and no others. Owaneco was placed, in state, on the right hand of the president, and the colony were treated worse than criminals,, with dishonour and contempt.t After the court had given judgment against the colony, on the 24th of August, they spent three days in hearing such complaints as Owaneco, Mason, and other persons interested in the lands, or inimical to the colony, were pleased to make. When they had heard all the complaints and misrepresentations which they had to make, they re presented to her majesty, that Owaneco complained he. was disseised of a tract of land,' containing about seven thousand acres, called Mamaquaog, lying northward of Windham ; of another tract called Plainfield, and consider able skirts and'parcels of land, encroached upon and taken in, by the towns of Lebanon, Windham, and Canterbury. The court prohibited all her majesty's subjects from enter ing upon, or improving any of those lands, until a further * Moheagan case, in print. •t Petition to her majesty, printed in Moheagan trial. Chap, XVII; CONNECTICUT. 425 hearing and determination of the $ase. Further, in the Book I. plenitude of their power, they appointed captain John Ma- •^-v->' son to be trustee, or guardian, to Owaneco and his people, 1705. and to manage all their affairs. They represented, from the eVidence of major James Fitch and captain John Ma son, that the colony had left the Indians no land to plant on, and that they consisted of a'hundred and fifty warriors, one hundred of whom had been in the actual service ofthe country thatyery year.* These Indians Were enlisted and sent out by fie colony of Connecticut, and went as cheerfully into service this year, as they had done at, any time before; This gave .demonstrative evidence, that there was no general uneasi ness among the Moheagans. Had there been, two thirds of their warriors would not have enlisted into the service of the government; Indeed, Owaneco himself was not un easy only at turns, when the Masons, Clarke, Fitch, Hal lam, and others, made him so ; who Were scheming to de prive h.im and the Moheagans of their lands. So far was it from being true, that Connecticut had injured them,, or taken their lands from them, they had treated them with great kindness, defended them by their arms, and at their own expense, and prevented their being swallowed up by their enemies. They had left them a .fine tract of land, of between four and five thousand acres, between New-London and Norwich ; and both in the grant and patent to New-London, there waS*an express reserva tion of all the rights and property of the Indians. t The colony had not only reserved lands for the Moheagans, but for all other Indians in it, to plant upon. They suffered them to hunt, fish, and fowl, in all parts of it, and even to build their wigwams, and cut such wood and timber as they needed, in any Of their uninclosed lands. Dudley's court, having, finished such business as was agreeable to its wishes, adjourned until the next May ; but it never met again* Before that time, the intrigue and duplicity of governor Dudley and the malcontents, be came^ so-eVident, that all their designs were frustrated. The assembly, at their session in October, appointed a The as- committee to examine into all matters respecting the In- s^lyap- dians, and the complaints which had been made against Committee the colony, and, as soon as possible, to transmit a particu- to repre- lar and full answer to their agent. They were instructed £?**eaf* fully to acquaint him with a true statement of the Mohea- t^erir° * Proceedings and judgment ofthe court in print, Moheagan case, p. 26 ,° to 67. . t Records ofthe colony, and Moheagan case, in print. D 3 436 HISTORY OF Chap. XVIL Book I. g£n case, and ofthe wfcole management of Dudley and hi* «^-v-^ court. They were to represent, that Dudley, Palms, and 1 705. others of the commissioners, were interested, and parties in the cause, and to insist, that the manner in which the commission was procured, to governor Dudley, major Palms, and others, was matter of intrigue, and the whole process arbitrary and illegal. Sir Henry Sir Henry Ashurst, on receiving the papers relative to Ashurst the case, ^presented a petition to her majesty, representing' petitions fae fa\e fft ^ cofony to all the lands in controversy, by Ber majes- conquestj purchase,, royal charter, long possession and im provement: That Uncas, when the English became first acquainted with him, was a revolted Pequot, expelled his country, and had not a sufficient number of men to make a hunt ; and that the lands reserved to him, were not reserved to him in consequence of any right of his, but was a matter of mere permissions That Joseph Dudley, Esq.- Hallam, Palms, the Averys, Morgan, and Leffingwell, had grants of several parts of the costroverted lands, and, in their own names, or in the name of John Mason, were attempt ing to set up their titles to them : That Dudley and Hal lam, by misrepresentation, had obtained a commission from her majesty, by surprise, under the great seal of England, direoted to the said DudPey, Palms, the two Averys, Mor gan, Leffingwell, and others, most of whom were of Dud ley's and Hallain's denomination, and under his influence ; and that in the coi/ft, thus instituted, they were the accu sers, parties, and judges : That they had assumed to them selves jurisdiction, in a summary way, to try her majesty's petitioners* titles to their lands, and to evict and disseise them of their freeholds, properties, and ancient posses sions, without any legal process, or so much as the form of a trial. This, it was represented, tended to the destruction ©fall the- rights ofthe colony, and was directly contrary to divers acts of parliament, made and provided in such ca ses. The agent, therefore, in behalf of the colony, appeal ed from the judgment of said' court to her majesty, in coun cil, and prayed that the case might be heard before her.* Connecti- In consequence of this petition, her majesty, some time cut always after, appointed a commission of review. The affair was gets her j{ept jn -j-gitation nearly seventy years. It was always, upon a legal hearing, determined in favour of the colony. The final decision was by king George the third, in council. A^judica- The commissioners of review, in 1743, not only deter- «ion ofthe mined the title of the lands to be in the colony of Connecti- vi>ewt0f re" cut' but " That the g°vernor and company had treated the 1743.' * Petition in print, Moheagancase,, p. 153—157. Chap. XVIL 'CONNECTICUT. 427 said Indians with much humanity, at all .times; and had, Book L at all times, provided them with a sufficiency, at least, of s-»>-v~«*/- lands to plant on ; and that no act, or thing, appeared, 1 705. either before the judgment of Joseph Dudley, Esq. or since, by which they, the said governor and company, had taken from the Indians, -or from their sachem, any tracts of land, to whieh the Indians or their sachem had any right, by reservation, or otherwise, either in -law or equity."* The proceedings of the several courts of review, and the pleadings before them and his majesty, in council, will most properly be noticed in the time of them, and will not be anticipated in this volume. The agent of the colony petitioned her majesty, in its behalf, to hear the oomplaints exhibited by governor Dud ley and his accomplices, that it might have an opportunity of demonstrating how false and groundless they were. He also prayed, that as Dudley had surprised her, to grant a commission of high powers to the subversion of the rights of her loyal subjects, and contrary to ber gracious inten tions towards them, and had abused her name and authori ty to serve his own dark designs, that her majesty would, in some exemplary manner, discountenance the said Dud ley and his abettors. However, it does not appear, that Dudley, or lord Corn bury, were ever obliged to bring forward any evidence in support of the charges which, they had exhibited, or that her majesty, by any public act, discountenanced their in trigue and falsehood. They had such powerful friends at court, tbat they seem to have palliated, and kept the affair, as far as possible, out of public view ; and it seems to have been passed by without any further examination. There was no alteration made in the legislature, at the May, election in 1706. 1706' The assembly adopted the same measures, for the de fence of Connecticut and the neighbouring colonies, which they had done the year preceding. The same officers were appointed, and the same number of men sent into the field. The colony had assurances from their agent, Sir Henry Ashurst, that they had a clear right to command their own militia ; that the governors of the neighbouring colonies had no right to command their men, or money ; and that this was the opinion ofthe best council in the nation. He assured them, that they were under no obligations to them, to do any thing more, than to furnish such quotas as feer majesty should require. * (Judgment, in print, Moheagan case, p, 140. 428 HISTORY OF Chap. XVII. Book I. Connecticut had done much more than this, both in the <^~v>r' reign of king William and queen Anne. Nevertheless, 1 706. notwithstanding the abusive treatment of governor Dudley, lord Cornbury, and their associates in mischief, and the great expense which had been brought upon them, not on ly by the war, but in consequence of the defence which their agent had been obliged to make for theni) in England, such was their zeal for her majesty's service, and their concern and good will for their sister colonies, that they exerted themselves no less for theirv defence, than if they had been under the command of their respective govern ors. It was declared to her majesty, that had this been the case they could have done no more. Act for At the session in October, the assembly passed the'fol- cburage- 'ow'ng act 'n favor ofthe clergy, " That all the ministers taentof ofthe gospel that now are, or hereafter shall be settled in the clergy, ;this colony, during the continuance of their public service Oct. J706. jn fae gospel ministry, shall have their estates, lying in the same town where they dwell, and all the polls belonging to their several familes exempted, and they are hereby ex empted find freed from being entered in the public lists and payment of rates." By virtue of this act, for the en couragement of the clergy of this colony, they have al ways, from that to the present time, been exempted from taxation.^ The colony, at this perioH, was in very low circumstan ces. Its whole circulating cash amounted only to about two thousand pounds. Such had been its expense in the war, and in defending itself against the attempts of its en emies, in England and America, that the legislature had been obliged to levy a tax, in about three years, of more Jhan two shillings on the pound, on the whole list ofthe colony. The taxes were laid and collected in grain, pork, beef, and other articles of country produce.'. These com modities were transported to Boston and the West-Indies, and by this means money and bills of exchange were ob tained, to pay the bills drawn upon the colony, in Eng land, and to discharge its debts at hOme. These low cir cumstances, these misrepresentations, abuse, and dangers, from their enemies; our venerable ancestors endured with an exemplary patience and magnanimity. Under the pressure of all this expense and danger, they cheerfully supported the gospel ministiy and ordinances, in their res pective towns and parishes. They contemplated their dangers and deliverances with wonder and thanksgiving, * The legislature had hefore released their persons from taxation, but mot their families apd estates. I > Chap. XVIII. CONNECTICUT. 429 rejoiced in the enjoyment of their privileges, and in the Book I. divine care and beneficence. v^~v-x^ 1707, CHAPTER XVIII. The country is alarmed. Means of defence. The assembly decline the affording qf any assistance in the expedition a- gainst Port Royal. Grant assistance to the frontier towns. New townships granted and settled. The Rev. Gurdon Saltonstall chosen governor. Act empowering the free men to choose the governor from among themselves at large. Acts relative to the settlement of the boundary line with Massachusetts. Garrisons erected in the towns on the frontiers. Expedition against Canada. First emission of paper money. Address to her majesty. Loss qf the colony at Wood Creek. Expedition against Port Royal. Expedition against Canada under the command of admiral Walker and general Nicholson, Fleet cast away and the enterprise defeated. The colony petition her majesty, and send the only pilot from Connecticut, to England, to represent to her majesty the loss of the fleet truly as it was.' Acts respecting' the superior court. Set tlement qf the boundary line between Massachusetts and Connecticut. Reasons-why^ the colony consented to such a settlement. Return of peace. The colony happy in the preservation of their frontiers. Towns settled under Massachusetts. State of the colony. Observations. SUCH reports of the preparations of the French and In- Reports of dians, to make a descent upon some part of New- an expedi- England, were spread abroad, about the beginning of the *!,onfr°m year 1 707, as gave a general alarm to the country. On ]arm t^e the 6th of February, 1707, a council of war, consisting of country. the governor, most of the council, and a considerable humber of the chief military officers in the colony, con vened at Hartford. A letter was received from deputy governor Treat, and another from major Schuyler at Al bany, giving intelligence, that the French, and Indians in their interest, were about to make a descent upon New- England. Information was also communicated, that sus picions were entertained, that the Pohtatuck and Owian- tuck Indians designed to join the French and Indians from JDanada, ' ' 430 HISTORY OF Chap. XVIIL Book L 1707. Measuresadoptedfor the ¦common safety. Special as sembly, April 2d. The as sembly will not join in the expedition to li'Acadia. Court of election, May 8, 1707. Hebronmade a town. The committee resolved, that the western frontier towns, Simsbury, Waterbury, Woodbury, and Danbury, should be fortified with all possible dispatch. As Waterbury had sustained great losses, by foundations, it was resolved, for their encouragement, to fortify their houses well, that the governor and council would use their influence with the assembly, that their country rates should be abated. It was resolved, that each of these four towns should keep a scout of two faithful men, to be sent out every day, to dis cover the designs of the enemy, and give intelligence should they make their appearance near the frontier towns. To prevent damages from the Pohlatuck and Owiantuck Indians, captain John Minor and Mr. John Sherman were appointed to remove them to Stratford and Fairfield. If by reason of sickness or any other cause they could not be removed, it was ordered, that a number of their chief men should be carried down to those towns, and kept as host ages to secure the fidelity of the rest. On the second of April, a special assembly was conven ed in consequence of letters from governor Dudley. He had proposed to send an army of a thousand men against L' Acadia, and requested Connecticut to join with Massa chusetts in the expedition. After the affair had been maturely considered, the as sembly determined not to comply with the proposal. The reasons given were, that they had not been consulted, nor had opportunity to consent to the expedition : That they did not understand that the neighbouring colonies, who were equally interested in the expedition, with themselves, were called upon, or had consented to do any thing ; and, that the vast expense of defending the county of Hampshire and their own frontiers, incapacitated them to join in the enterprise. At the general election this year, the governor and coun cil were all re-elected. Upon the petition of John Pratt, Robert Chapman, John Clark, and Stephen Post, appointed a committee in behalf of the legatees of Joshua Uncas,* the assembly granted a township which they named Hebron. The settlement of the town began in June, 1704. The first people who made settlements in the town were William Shipman, Timothy Phelps, Samuel Filer, Caleb Jones, Stephen * By the last will of said Uncas, all the lands in Hebron were bequeath ed to Thomas Buckingham, Esq. William Shipman and others, called the Saybrook legatees, except about 2,600 acres at the northeast corner, and about 4,000 acres at the south end ofthe towri. There were also about 700 within the parish of Marlborough, These lands were claimed by Mason. Chap. XVIII. CONNECTICUT. 43* Post, Jacob Root, Samuel Curtis, Edward Sawyer, Jo- Book I. seph Youngs, and Benoni Trumbull. They were from -^-v^r- Windsor, Saybrook, Long-Island, and Northampton. The 1 707. settlement, at first, went on but slowly ; partly, by reason of opposition made by Mason and the Moheagans, and partly, by reason of the extensive tracts claimed by pro prietors, who made no settlements. Several acts ofthe assembly were made, and committees appointed to encou rage and assist the planters. By these means they so in creased in numbers and wealth that in about six or seven years tjiey were enabled to erect a meeting-house and set tle a minister among them. At the session in October, the assembly granted a town- 0ct. gtfe. ship to Nathan Gould, Peter Burr, captain John Wake man, Jonathan Sturges, and other inhabitants of the town of Fairfield, bounded southerly on Danbury, easterly on New-Milford, and westerly upon the colony line. It ex tended fourteen miles northw9rd from Danbury. It was afterwards named New-Fairfield. The war, for several years, prevented all attempts for the settlement of this tract. As the frontier towns had exhibited much zeal in fortify- v ing themselves agreeably to the directions ofthe governor and council, the assembly made them a liberal compensa tion. About this time the colony sustained a great loss in the Special ar- death of the honorable Fitz John Winthrop, Esq.t and a pmblf~tlt special assembly was convoked on the 1 7th of December, 1707. ' by deputy governor Treat, at New-Haven, for the pur pose of electing another governor. The assembly order ed, that the votes of both houses should be mixed before they were sorted and counted, and that the majority of votes should determine the choice. Upon counting the ton'staa" votes, the Reverend Gurdon Saltonstall was declared to chosen be chosen governor. governor. Four of the magistrates, the speaker of the house, with three of the other deputies, were appointed a committee to acquaint him with the choice, and solicit his acceptance of t He was the son of the honorable John Winthrop, Esq. the first gov ernor of Connecticut, under tbe charter. His birth was at Ipswich, in Massachusetts, 1638. Upon the assumption of the charter, May, 1689, he was chosen into, the magistracy. In 1690, he was appointed major general of the land army designed against Canada. On the dispute rela tive to the command of the militia, lie was sent agent, for the colony, to the British court, 1694. After his return, May, 1698, he was chosen governi or, and was annually re-cbosen during his life. He died November 27th, 1707, in the 69th year of his age. He appears to have been a popular gentleman, and to have sustained a character without blemish. t 432 HISTORY OF Chap. XVIIL Book I. the important trust to which he had been chosen. A letter sj*-v-x-> was addressed to him by the assembly, desiring him to ac- 1707. cept of the choice which they had made, and, with the committee appointed to wait on him, to answer the letters of their agent, and transact whatever the exigencies of the government might require. A letter was also addressed to his church and congregation at New-London, acquainting them with the call, which the assembly imagined Mr. Sal tonstall had to leave the ministry,- and to dispose them to submit to Such a dispensation. The magistrates, upon Mr. Saltonstall's acceptance of the trust to which he had been chosen, were directed to administer to him the oath of the governor,- and the oath respecting trade and navigation. librae 0n the first,of January, 1708, governor Saltonstall ac- ' ' cepted of his office, and took the oaths appointed by law. This assembly repealed the law which required, that the governor should always be chosen from among the magis trates in nomination, and gave liberty for the freemen to elect him from among themselves at large. Election, At the election, May 13th, 1708, governor Saltonstall l708.13th' w.as ch°sen governor by the freemen. Nathan Gould, Esq. was elected deputy-governor.* The former magis trates were re-chosen, and Mr. John Haynes, for the first time, was elected one of the council. The former treasur er and secretary were re-chosen; A township was granted, in the Course Of this session, at Pohtatuck, afterwards named Newtown. Act for Connecticut, for a long course of years, had been at thiTitiifab- Sreat trouble and expense, in attempting the settlement of itants of the boundary line betweeen this colony and Massachu- Windsor setts. The iiihabitants of Windsor and Simsbury had been fi"idSufd °ften exceedingly injured, in their persons and property, fixing the by the people of Suffield and Enfield, especially by the line be- former. They had not only encroached upon their lands tween ancj cut rj0wn their timber, but often seized upon their tar Massachu- ' *The honorable Robert Treat, Esq. being, at this period, eighty-sis years of age, retired from the scene of public action. He had been three years a magistrate, and thirty-two years governor, or deputy-governor of the colony. He was elected magistrate, May, 1673, deputy-governor, 1676, and governor, in 1683. To this office he was annually elected, fifteen years, until 1698: lie was then chosen depnty-governor until the year 1708. He died about two years after, July 12th, 1710, in the 85th year of his age. Few men have sustained a fairer character, or rendered tlie public more important services. He was an excellent military officer ; a man of singular courage and resolution, tempered with caution and prudence. His administration of government was with wisdom, firmness and integrity. He was esteemed courageous, wise, and pious. He was exceedingly beloved and venerated by the people in general, and especially by his neighbours, at Milford, where he resided. Chap. XVIII, CONNECTICUT. 433, and turpentine, and eyen upon their persons, and forcibly Boo$ I, carried them off to Suffield. In consequence of these out- v~v>^ rages, great animosities had arisen between the inhabit-" 1708. ants of those towns, and many lawsuits had been commenc- setts and ed. The assembly, as far as possible, tq prevent and ter- CotnDMCtI" Hiinate these evils, enacted, that commissioners should be 5:3th, 1708> appointed, with full powers to run the line, with such com- fltiissioners as Massachusetts should appoint for that pur pose. They were directed to fake care that the line Should be run by skilful artists, with good instruments ; aijid to take their station three miles south of every part of Charles river, whence Mr. James f aylor and the commis sioners of this colony ran the line in 1702. They were instructed to run a due west line from that station, and to make and set up fair marks and monuments in the line be tween the colonies. And to prevent all further content tion, it was enacted, that the inhabitants of Windsor, Simsr }iury, Suffield, and Enfield, should not make afty improve ment on the contested lands,, until the line should be run and settled. It was also enacted, that all suits should con tinue and rest, until the county court at Hartford, in Octo ber, and then to cease. It was provided, nevertheless, that the court of Massachusetts should give the same or ders to the people of that province, who chimed upon the line, and should immediately unite tyitb Connecticut in set tling the boundary between the colonies, Otherwise, it was determined, that ali causes, bonds, and the like should he, and remain as though this act never had been passed. Further, it was enacted, that, upon running the line, all |he most ancient grants, -made to the proprietors, by either government, should give title, and property to the settler? on either side ofthe line. It was determined, that unless the court of Massachusetts would agree to the running of the line in this- manner, a petition should be addressed tp her majesty, praying her to give orders, that the diyjsjonr al tine might he run. The assembly, &t this session, ordered that a township Killingly should be laid out. east of Woodstock, eight miles in length, made a $pd six in brepdt^,- .-'The inhabitants were vested, with own* the privileges of a distinct town, by the name of Killingly.* The affairs of the war were conducted this year in th« same manner as they had been the preceding. Colonel William Whiting commanded a body of horse and infantry ¦ * At tl)U?es^on, »/ at the same time. The colonies made great exertions for 1709. the public service. Besjdes their quotas, independent companies were raised and sent on to the army, More than a hundred batteaux, and an equal number of birch ca noes, were constructed for crossing the lake. Three forts, several block houses, and stores for provisions were erect ed. But the armament expected from England did ^iot ar rive. The defeat of the Portuguese, and the straits to which the allies were reduced, occasioned the sailing of the fleet, designed for .America, to Portugal, and. the expe dition was defeated. No intelligence arriving from Eng- land, and a great mortality prevailing among the troops, general Nicholson, early in the fall, returned to Albany. This fruitless undertaking was a capital loss and expense to the colonies. One quarter or more of the troops died. Connecticut only sustained the loss of ninety men. This expedition occasioned the first emission of paper money in Connecticut. At a special assembly, on the 8th of June, it was enact- First emis. ed, " That to assist in the expedition, for want of money Sl°n °^ills otherwise to carry it on, there be forthwith imprinted a cer- june 1709. tain number of bills of credit on the colony, in suitable sums, from two shillings to five pounds, which, in the whole, shall amount to the sum of 80001, and no more." It was enacted, that the bills should be issued from the treasury as money, but should be received in payments at one shil ling on the pound better than money. One half only was to be signed and issued at first, and the other was to re main unsigned, until it should be found necessary to put it into circulation. Taxes were imposed for the calling in of one half of it within the term of one year, and the other $t the expiration of two years. , The expectations ofthe people, in the spring, had been Expecta- wrOught up to a high, degree of assurance, lhat Canada p1™^'^. would be reduced before the close of the campaign. Joy appointed- brightened in every countenance, with the pleasing pros pect, that a period would immediately be put to all the en croachments and ravages of a merciless enemy. Every heart was gladdened at the prospect of the enlargement of the British empire, and the augmentation of the national commerce. When, therefore, from such harmonious and general exertion, and such uncommon expense, they expe rienced nothing but loss and disappointment, the chagrin j^nd depression were proportionably great. However, the importance of driving the French frqip 43& HISTORY 01? Chap. XVIII. Book I. Canada, and the necessity of immediate exertions to pre- v>-v"^ serve the friendship and keep up the spirit of the five na- 1709, tions, without which, the frontiers would become a field of blOod, induced the colonies to keep the object still in view. Conven- & congress of governors was appointed and met at Reho- erTors. botli» the beginning of October, to deliberate on the sub ject. General Nicholson, colonel Vetch, and others, met with them. An address was agreed upon to her majesty,- repfcsenting the great harmony arid exertions of the colo nies in her majesty's service ; the importance of reducing the French in North-America to her majesty's obedience ; praying her majesty to grant the colonies an armament,. with their assistance, adequate to the design. Assembly, When the general assembly convened in October, gov- Oct. 13th, ernOr Saltonstall communicated the transactions ofthe gov* emors of the several colonies, and the address, which Ihey had prepared, to her majesty. The assembly approved the address, and determined on a similar one themselves. Governo!- Saitorisfall Was appointed agent to make a voy age to England, and present it in person to her majesty. Provision Was also made for the expense of his agency. Notwithstanding the war, the colony made progress In settlement. In 1708, John Belden, Samuel Keeler, Mat- the\v Seymour, Matthias St. John, ahd other inhabitants of NOVWalk, to the number of twenty-fiVe, purchased a large tract, between that town and Danbury, bounded west on the partition line between Connecticut and New-York. Ridgefield The purchase Was made of Catoonah, the chief sachem, purcha- an(} other Indians, who Were the proprietors of that part of made a^ the country. The deed beats date September 30th, 1 703. town. At this session, it was ordained that it should be a distinct township, by the name of Ridgefield. Election, The only alteration made, by the election, in 1710, was May nth, the choice of Matthew Allen, Esq. in the place of Daniel Wlfc Witherell, Esq; New- York-, as well as Connecticut and the other New- England colonies, had aiade great exertion's, the last cam paign, for the reduction of Canada. New- York, by means ofthe great influence of colonel Schuyler, had been able to bring six hundred of the Indians ofthe five nations into the Measures field-. The colonel Was extremely discontented at the late adopted to disappointment. No man had mOre extensive Vie ws of the aroameTt importance of Spelling the French from this northern con' fromEng- tirieht, attd more zeal ih the cause thah he. So powerful tefld. Was the influence which the affair had trjforihis mind, th£t he determined to make a voyage to Ehglatid, at his ciwn private ^ehse, and to catfy With hita five sacfiems of th$ Chap, XVIlI; CONNECTICUT. 435 five nations, that by their representations, the more sen- Book I. Sible impressions might be made upon her majesty and the v^-v-w British court. The assembly of New-York had determined 171Q. to address her majesty on the subject 5 and no sooner was the house apprised of his design, than they unanimously resolved, that he should present their address to her sacred tnajesty. Accordingly, colonel Schuyler went to England, and presented the address. The Indian sachems were, also, introduced to the queen. They represented their Address of long war, in conjunction with her children, against her ene- th.e Indian fnies, the French: That they had been a strong wall of de- J*™^ to fence to her colonies, to the loss of their best warriors • Anne. and that they mightily rejoiced, Whettv they heard their ' great queen had resolved to send an army to Canada. They said, th<>t, in token of their friendship, they had, with ©ne consent, hung up the kettle, and taken up the hatchet, and assisted general Nicholson ; but when they found, that their great queen, by some important affairs, had been di verted from her design of subduing the French, it made them sorrowful, lest the enemy, who hitherto had dreaded them, should now imagine they were unable to make war upon them. They represented, that the reduction of Can ada was of great weight to them, that they might hunt free ly. They insisted, that if their great queen should be un mindful of them, they, and their families, must forsake their country, and seek other habitations, or they must stand neuter ; neither of which suited their inclinations. In hope of their great queen's favour, they referred the affair to her gracious consideration. General Nicholson went to England, in the fall of 1709, on the same business,^ to solicit a force . against Canada. Governor Saltonstall, for some reason, did not accept of the agency lo which he had been appointed. The address of Connecticut, it seems, was sent to be presented by an other hand. In consequence- of these united applications, great encouragements were given, that an expedition would be again undertaken against Canada, In July, advice ar rived in New- England, that lord Shannon, with a fleet des tined for that service, Was under sailihg Orders. Nicholson, who Sailed with several ships- of force, and some trans ports, from England, in the spring, came over with that expectation. However, it finally proved, that the reduc tion of Port Royal and Nova-Scotia was the only object. Iii consequence of a letter from her majesty, requiring Special as- fhe assistance 'of her subjects in this Colony, ih the expe- s^hl^m dition, a special assembly was convoked on the 1 4th of ug' August. Beside the logs of lives the last year,, many of 438 HISTORY OF Chap. XVIII. Expedi tion against PortRoyal. It surren ders, Oct. 22d. .Iune 8th, 1711. the soldiers then in service, remained in a sickly and weak condition. The enemy insulted the frontier towns, and the colony was obliged to keep a large number of men in pay for their defence. Nevertheless, such was the obedience of the legislature to her majesty's commands, and their zeal for her service, that they cheerfully voted three hun dred men for the expedition. Vessels and sailors were procured, and all necessary provision was made for the transportation and support of the troops. In about a month, they were raised and transported to Boston. On the 18th of September, a fleet of thirty-six ships of war and transports, sailed from Nantasket for Port Royal, There were fourteen transports in the pay of Massachu setts, five in the pay of Connecticut, two of New-Hamp shire, and three of Rhode-Island. The chief command was given to general Nicholson. On the 24th, the fleet and army arrived at Port Royal. Tho troops landed with out opposition, and made an easy conquest. On the 21st of October, the engineers opened three batteries, of |two mortars and twenty-four cohorns in the whole, At the same time, a bomb ship, called the Star bomb, plied the enemy with her shells. The next day Monsieur Subercase capitulated, surrendering the fort and country to the crown of Great-Britain. General Nicholson left a sufficient garrison, under the command of colonel Vetch, his adjutant general, who had been appointed to the government of the country. In this expedition, the Mary galley, commanded by captain Taye, a transport in the service of Connecticut, ran aground, and was lost. Twenty-six men were drowned.* Fourteen or fifteen were lost in the expedition, while the troops were investing and besieging the fort. This was the whole loss sustained in the enterprise. From this time the name was changed, and the port was named Annapolis Royal.. General Nicholson, animated with his late success, in the fall made a second voyage to England, to solicit a- nother expedition against Canada. The country in general had no expectations, that he would succeed in his design. They could not imagine, that queen Anne's tory ministry would attempt any thing of this nature for New-England. Contrary, however, to all expectation, the affair was resumed. In June, general Nicholson arrived, at Boston, with the news, that a fleet might soon be expected from England, and with her ma jesty's orders that the several governments of New-Eng- * This transport was hired of one Mr. Vrylingfof Boston, and the colony. paid hitii about 1,0001. for the loss of his vessel. Chap. XVIII. CONNECTICUT. 439 land, New- York, New-Jersey, and Pennsylvania should Book I. have their respective quotas in immediate readiness for the ^-v-**s expedition. 1711. Consequently a general meeting of the governors of the June 24th, several colonies was immediately appointed at New-Lon- fl.eet ar" don. Sixteen days' after the arrival bf general Nicholson, the fleet arrived at Boston. But it was very extraordina ry that the fleet had neither pilots nor provisions. Ten ¦weeks provisions were demanded for the army. ' It had suspicion* been suspected before this, that the reduction of Canada of the ¦was not really designed by the ministry. These circum- country- stances increased the suspicion. It was much doubted, ¦whether, in the then state ofthe country, it were possible, in so short a time, as was necessary, to procure such a quantity of provisions, as had been demanded. There was, at the same time, a strong suspicion, that if the expe dition should miscarry, it was designed to throw the whole blame upon New"England. Whether these suspicions were well grounded or not, it is certain, that they had great influence, together^with the zeal which the colonies had for the service, to draw forth their utmost exertions. , When the fleet arrived at Boston, the governors were met in convention, at New-London, concerting measures for prosecuting the expedition with the utmost harmony and dispatch. The general courts of Massachusetts and Connecticut were in actual session. The general assem- the" assem bly of Connecticut convened on the 1 9th of June. A let- bly res- ter was communicated from her majesty and another from pecting the general Nicholson respecting the expedition. The as- tJnVune sembly resolved, that three hundred and sixty men should ig, nil. be raised forthwith, as the quota of this colony in the ex pedition. It was also resolved, that four months provis ions should be immediately procured, and that a suitable vessel should'be provided to transport them to Albany, and to accommodate the sick and convey them back to Con necticut. The assembly also addressed a letter to her majesty, re turning her their most humble and dutiful acknowledg ments, for that great expression of her royal' care for her colonies and their peace and welfare, which she had mani fested in the appointment ofthe present expedition against the common enemy. They particularly thanked her ma jesty for her royal bounty towards the colony, in furnish ing the troops with clothing, arms, and ammunition, by Which they were better enabled to bear the annual ex penses of the war. They represented to her majesty, in a strong point of light, the horrible manner in which the en- 440 HISTORY OF Chap, XVIIL Book I. emy gamed on the war ; lying in ambush, killing and v-r-v^' scalping single persons, upon the frontiers, surprising and 1711. cutting off families, stealing captives, torturing and enslav ing them. They promised a hearty concurrence with lhe royal requisitions, and a zealous performance of whatever might contribute to the success ofthe expedition. To animate the general, and ingratiate themselves with him, the legislature appointed a committee to return him their thanks, for the good services he had rendered to her majesty's plantations, in North America ; and especially to Connecticut, in his former good conduct ofthe troops un der his command. They thanked him, not only for his im portant, services in the reduction of Port Royal and Noya- Scotia, but for the great pains he had taken since, in mak ing a voyage to England, and representing to her majesty the true state and interest of the colonies, and by -thai: means obtaining her orders for the then present expedi- tion. Universal a punctual compliance with her majesty's orders was andexer- universally recommended by the governors in convention tion. and by the several legislatures. Not only the several colo nies but individuals exerted themselves beyond what had been known upon any other occasion* , The arma- . In a little more than a month, from the arrival of the ment sails fleetj fae ^ew ]evies aru] provisions, for that and the army, ton^-July" were ready. Upon the 30th of July, the whole armament Soth. ' sailed from Boston for Canada. It consisted of fifteen men of war, twelve directly from England, and three which had before been stationed in America ; forty transports, six store ships, and a fine train of artillery, with all kinds of warlike stores. The land army on board consisted of five regiments from England and Flanders, and two regi ments raised in Massachusetts, Rhode-Island, and New- Hampshire ; amounting in the whole to neafly seven thou sand men. The fleet was commanded by Sir Hovendea Walker ; and the army by brigadier Hill, brother to Mrs, Masham, then the queen'p favorite. The. land force was about equal to that which, under general Wolfe, after wards reduced Quebec, though, at that time, it was not half so strong, as when it was reduced by that famous general. Upon the same day on which the fleet sailed from Bos ton, general Nicholson began his journey for Albany,, where, a few days after, he appeared ,at the bead of four thousand men, from the colonies qf Connecticut, New- York, and New- Jersey. The troops from Connecticut were commanded by colonel William Whiting, who was an Chap. XVIII. CONNECTICUT. 441 experienced officer, and had commanded them the last Book I. year, at Port Royal.' : The New- York and New-Jersey ^-»-v~w troops were commanded by colonels Schuyler and-Irigolds- 1711. by. Connecticut, besides victualling its own troops, fur^ rtished New- York with two hundred fat cattle and six hun dred sheep.. Thus, in about five weeks, the colonies had raised two considerable armies and furnished them, with provisions. More thah this could not have been expect ed. Admiral Walker arrived in the mouth of the St. Law rence, on the 14th of August.- That he might not lose the company of the transports, as was pretended, he put into the bay of-Gaspe, on the 18th, where he continued until the 20th of the month. On the 22d, two days after he sail ed from the bay, the fleet appeared to be in the most haz ardous circumstances. It Was without soundings, without sight of land ; the sky was darkened with a thick fog, and the wind high at east south-east. In this situation the ship's brought to, with their heads to the southward. This was done with an expectation that the wind would drive them into the midst of the channel. But instead of this, about midnight, the seamen discovered that they were driven upon the' north shore among rocks and islands, upon the verge of a total shipwreck. Eight or nine of the British transports were cast away, on board of which were about seventeen hundred officers and soldiers. Nearly a thou- Ship- sand men were lost. The admiral and general were in wrecfc> the most imminent danger, and saved themselves by an- ug' ' choring. Such was the violence of the storm that they lost several anchors. Upon this disaster, the admiral bore a- way for Spanish river bay ; but the wind shifting to the east it was eight days before all the transports arrived. In the same time, as the wind was, they might have easily ar rived at Quebec. It was there determined, by a council Of land and naval officers, that as they had but ten weeks provision, and could not expect a supply from New-Eng land, to make no further attempt. The admiral sailed di rectly for England, and arrived at Portsmouth on the 9th of October. Here the fleet suffered another surprising ca lamity. The Edgar, a 70 gun ship, blew up, having" on board four hundred men, besides many persons who' were just come on board to visit their friends. As the cause of this event was wholly unknown, jealous minds were not ¦without suggestions, that even "this, as well as the other dis aster, was the effect of horrid design.- The admiral and English officers, to exculpate them selves, laid the blame wholly upon the. colonies, that tbey F3 4M HISTORY OF Chap.XVIIL fjoojt I. were delayed so long for provision and the raising of the vrv^w provincials, and that they had such unskilful pilots. The 171L admiral declared, that it was the advice ofthe pilots that The Blame the fleet should come tcf in the planner it didr bu€ the pi- th^colo1-*0 lot?' ^rom New-England, declared, upon oath, that they aies.00" gave no such advice;- If a;ny such was given it must have been by the French pilots on board, either through mis take or upon design. Charlevoix represents, that the French pilots warned the admiral of his danger, but that he did not sufficiently regard them. ThewhigSjjin England!, generally censured the minis try for their conduct respecting the expedition. Lord Harley' represented the whole affair as a contrivance of Bolingbroke,. More, and the Lord Chancellor, Harcourt, to cheat the public out of twenty thousand pounds. Lord Harcourt was pleased to say, " No government was worth serving, that would not admit of such jobs." Another English writer observes, " That if the ministry were sin cere in the prosecution ofthe war, they were certainly the most consummate blunderers that ever undertook the gov ernment of a state."* General Nicholson had not advanced far before he re ceived intelligence of the loss sustained by the fleet, and the army soon after returned- The Marquis De Vaudreuil, governor of Canada, receiv ed intelligence of the arrival of the fleet from England, and of the preparations making in the colonies for the invasion of Canada, and had omitted nothing in his power to put it into a state of defence. No sooner was he apprised of „so many ships wrecked and so many bodies with red coats driven on shore,- and that the river was clear of ships, than he ordered' the whoje strength of Canada towards Montreal and lake Champlain, At ChamWy he formed a camp of three thousand men to oppose general Nicholson, Had the general crossed the lake, it might have been difficult for him to have returned in safety. , Very providential k was^ that all the provincial trans ports, except a small victualler, were preserved. The crew of tbe victualler were saved, and not a provincial lost. The loss and disappointment, nevertheless, were exceedingly grievous to the colonies. Many pious peo ple, after so many attempts had been blasted, gave up all expectations ofthe conquest of Canada. They imagined it was not th.e design of providence, that this northern con tinent should ever wholly belong to any one nation, t * Rider's Hist, of England, vol. xxxii.. p. 189, 1-90. t Hutchinson, vol. ii. p, 193—196. Smith's Hist, of New- York, e. ©0, 131. ! f Chap. XVIII. CONNECTICUT. 443 Upon the return of general Nicholson's army, and the Book L. report of Vaudreuil's force, the country were not only v-^-v-w chagrined with disappointment, but alarmed with fear. 1711. They were apprehensive, that the enemy, in different par ties, by different routes, would, with redoubled fury, ha rass and desolate the country. To return to the affairs of Connecticut, the history of .which has been in some measure interrupted with the gene ral account of the war, it should be observed, that Joseph Talcott was this , year chosen into the magistracy in the stead of Josiah Rossiter, Esq. An important alteration was also made, at the session in May, respecting the supe- E tt m i • • -iii 11, - .superior nor court, u n .til- this time, it had been holden at two COurt places only, Hartford and New-Haven, and at two terms made cir annually. This was found to be an affair of expense and^Jlar' inconvenience. It was therefore resolved, that the supe- 171^' rior court should sit twice annually, in each ofthe counties, and that all actions should be tried in the county in which they originated. » " When the assembly met in October, an address was pre- "0et- llt!t pared to be presented fo h^r. majesty representing the ex ertions of the colony in her service, condoling her on the disappointment with respect to the expedition, and pray ing for the continuance of her favor to the colony. At the session in May, 1708, the assembly made a grant .Newtown of a township at a place called Pohtatuck, from a river of J.^"^0' that name upon which part of it lies. At this session it was incorporated and named Newtown. A township had been given, several years before this Cm-entry time, by Joshua, sachem of the Moheagans, lying north of j1^™^ Lebanon ahd west of Mansfield, to certain honorable lega- rat°d. tees in Hartford. The donation was approved by the as- , sembly. The legatees conveyed their right to William Pit kin, Joseph Talcott, William Whiting, and Richard Lord, to be a committee to lay out said township and'make set tlements on the lands. On the 9th of May, 1 706, the gene ral assembly authorized those gentlemen to act as a com mittee for those purposes. October 11 |h, 1711, this com mittee was re-appointed, with one Nathaniel Rust, who had already setded upon the lands, more effectually to carry into execution the design of their former appointment. The township, at the same session, was named Coventry. Nathaniel Rust and some others settled in the town about the year 1700 ; but the settlement of it has generally been dated from 1709. In the spring of this year, a number of good householders, from Northampton and other places, moved into the town, sjnd the inhabitants were so in^reas* 444 HISTORY OF Chap. XVIII. Book I. ed, in fibout two years, that they were incorporated with w-n^n^ the privileges of other towns. The planters were from a 1711. great variety of places, but principally from Northampton and Hartford. Special ]n consequence of letters from governor Dudley, of Bos- Nov™3dy' ton> and from general Nicholson, relative to the unsuccess- 1711. ' fulness of the late expedition, a special assembly was call ed, November 3d-, 1711. The design of it was to con-. suit the best means of acquainting her majesty truly how the affair was ; what exertions the colonies had made, and that it was not through any fault of theirs that the enter prise was frustrated. .It was judged best, that the colonies should make a joint representation, and that the pilots should be sent to England, to be examined and declare be fore .her majesty what they knew concerning the ship wreck. The assembly determined, that the affair was of great importance to the colonies ; and that John Mayhew, of New-London, who was the only pilot from Connecticut, should, forthwith, proceed to Great-Britain, with the pi lots from Massachusetts. It was also resolved jointly, with the other colonies, to petition her majesty for another armament, in the spring, to assist them jn the reduction of Canada. In the petition from Connecticut, the lesisla- ture lamented the miscarriage of the expedition, and the fatal consequences of it to these colonies. They repre sented it would put them to great expense to employ such a number of men as were necessary to defend such exten sive frontiers as theirs were ; and that, after all their exer tions, one family and town after another would be swept away by the enemy. They expressed their apprehen sions,- that unless another expedition should be underta ken against the enemy, they would, in the spring, send out a greater number of scalping and plundering parties, than they had done in the preceding years ofthe war ; and that her majesty's subjects would be greatly distressed. It ¦was also suggested, that there was danger that the enemy ¦would draw off many of the Indians who dwelt among them, as well as the Indians, of the Five Nations, and engage them against the colonies. It was also urged, that the colonies ¦were of great importance to her majesty's interest, and that it would be impolitic to suffer the enemy to possess so large a proportion of her majesty's dominions in North America, as they actually inhabited ahd claimed. It was insisted, that, by the smiles of providence on her majesty's arms, the settlements in Canada might be easily reduced to her majesty's obedience. They prayed her to revive the expedition, and promised a cheerful obedience to her com- Chap. XVIII. CONNECTICUT. 445 mands, in contributing their proportion to the common ser- Book I. vice>t v^-v-w The petitions were sent over seasonably, and the pilots 1712. were a considerable time in London, waiting to be exami ned, and give information, relative to the loss of the trans ports, and the miscarriage of the expedition. However, no examination was ever made concerning the failure of the enterprise. It did not appear that much had been ex pected from it in England, nor that people were discontent-, ed at the issue, or interested themselves very greatly in the affair. The court shewed no disposition to make any fur ther attempt upon Canada. The election in 1712, made little or no alteration with Election, respect to public officers. Nothing very material appears May 8th, to^ave been transacted this year. The legislature made 1712' the usual provision for the defence of this colony and the county of Hampshire. Nathan Gould, Esq. the deputy governor, was appoint- Regulation ed chief judge ofthe superior court. William Pitkin, Rich- °[*£er Sl1" ard Christopher, Peter Burr, and Samuel Eells, Esquires, C0Urt, were appointed assistant judges. In the absence of th.e May, deputy governor, William Pitkin was appointed chief judge; 1712- and in case either ofthe other judges were absent, anyone of the magistrates was authorized to sit in his stead. Un til this time, the judges of the superior court had been al lowed nothing more than the fees of it. An act was, there fore, passed at the October sessibn, that the judges, for the time being, upon laying their accounts before the assem bly, should be allowed an honourable compensation for their expenses and services. About this time, the inhabitants, of New-Milford were New-Mil- jncorporated and vested with town privileges.* ford "\cor" At the election in May, 1713, Mr. John Sherman, whooct?9th. had been some time speaker of the lower house, was chosen into the magistracy. In October, 1687, a grant of lands, commonly called the pomfret Mashamoquet purchase, was made by the general assem- incorpora- bly, to major James Fitch, lieutenant William Ruggles, Mr. VLd,'3Mayj John Gore, Mr. John Pierpont, Mr. John Chandler, Mr. Benjamin §abin, Mr. Samuel Craft, Mr. John Grosvenor, Mr. Joseph Griffin, Mr. Samuel and John Ruggles, and Mr. Nathan Wilson. The most of these planters- were from Roxbury, in Massachusetts. Some of them moved t Petition on file. * About this time, William Patridge, Esq. of Newbury, , and Jonathan Belcher, of Boston, opened a copper mine at Simsbury ; and for their en couragement, the assembly exempted the miners, opersrtors, and labourers, from military duties, for the'terjn of four years. 446 HISTORY OF Chap. XVIII. Book I. on -to the lands in 1688, before the grant was made. At v^-v-x_;the session in May, 1713, the inhabitants were incorpora- 1713. ted and vested with town privileges. The name was chan ged from Mashamoquet to Pomfret. Settle- In 1708, the assembly of Connecticut determined, that, ment ofthe un]ess fae province of Massachusetts would accept of the Massa- te»-ms which they had proposed, relative to the line between chusetts. them, they would make application to her majesty, desi ring, that orders might be given, that Massachusetts forth with should mutually join with Connecticut in running and settling the boundary line between the colonies. Massa chusetts, at that time, would not consent to run the line as it had been proposed. They would not grant that there had been any mistake in running it ; but if there had been, they insisted, that, as it was run so long before the charter was granted to Connecticut, and they had been in posses sion of the lands in controversy for sixty-six years, and several towns and plantations had been settled upon them, it was not then reasonable to draw it into question. The assembly of Connecticut, therefore, in 1709, approved a letter, addressed to the lords of trade, giving reasons why t^ie line run by Woodward and Saffery ought not to be es tablished 5 and it seems to have been the determination of the legislature to have appealed to her majesty with re spect to the partition line ; but several circumstances final- Reasons of ly prevented. Governor Dudley, who was a man of un- wi'th'oi^an cotntnon intrigue and duplicity, had many friends and great appeal to influence at court. Connecticut had no such friends, or her majes- influence, with the court party. Sir Henry Ashurst, their *?• agent for many years, appears now to have been no more ; and they had not yet sufficient time to fix upon and have proof of the fidelity and ability of another in his place. The colony was poor, and had been put to great expense, in defending itself against the complaints of governor Dud ley, lord Cornbury, and other enemies, and against the claims of Mason and his party. The ministry were high lories, and inimical to all charter governments. The le gislature, were apprehensive that their enemies were again concerting measures to deprive them of all the privileges which they had so dearly bought. Massachusetts also, in some gOod measure, agreed to part of the terms proposed in 1 708. It was, therefore, in Ml view of these circum stances, judged most expedient to make the best settler ment which could be obtained, without an appeal to her majesty. Upon the 13th of July, 171,3, cOmmis'sioriers, fully em powered from each of the colonies, came to an agreement, Chap.XVIH. CONNECTICUT. 447 which was adopted by each court. They were both care- Book I. fill to secure the property to the persons to whom they had <^»--v-* made grants of lands, and to maintain the jurisdiction over 1713.. the towns which they had respectively settled. It was, Settle- therefore, expressly stipulated, as a preliminary, that the ™ent ,of. towns should' remain to the governments, by which they with Mas- had been settled; and that the property of as many acres sachusetts. as should appear to be gained by one colony from the oth er, should be conveyed out of other unimproved land, as a satisfaction or equivalent. Wilh respect to about two miles, claimed by Windsor upon the town of Suffield, con cerning the. validity of which there had been a long con test, it was agreed, that, if the tract fell within the line, it should belong to Connecticut. On running the line, it was found, at Connecticut river, to run ninety rods north ofthe north-east bounds of Suf field; and it appeared that Massachusetts had encroached upon Connecticut 107,793 Sicres, running a due west line from Woodward's and Saffery's station. Massachusetts made a grant of such a quantity of land to Connecticut, and it was accepted as equivalent. The whole was sold, in sixteen shares, in 1716, for the sum of 6831. New-England currency.* The money was applied to the use of the col' lege. ¦ Notwithstanding the long and expensive controversy of settfe- Connecticut with the colony of Rhode-Island, relative tomentwitls the Narraganset country, and notwithstanding the king's J1.110!6" commissioners, and attornies of the greatest fame, deter- " an mined, that the title was, undoubtedly, in the governor and company of this Colony, yet it was judged expedient to give up the claim. Lands Were of so little value, and con troversies before king and council so expensive, and the event so uncertain, that the legislature determined rather to comply with governor Winthrop'fs and Clark's agree ment, than to prolong tbe controversy. The court party, both in king William's and queen Anne's reign, appeared reluctant to establish the charter limits of Connecticut at Narraganset river and bay; otherwise they would have advised to establish the judgment ofthe king's commission ers ; and the king, or queen, would have adopted the same opinion, and established the boundary according to the charter. The court, probably, were influenced by politi cal principles. The establishment ofthe eastern boundary * This was a little more than a farthing per acre, and shows of what Small value land was esteemed at that day. It affords, also, a striking demonstration, that, considering, the expense of purchasing them of the natives, and of 'defending them., they cost our ancestors five, if not ten times their value. 448 HISTORY OF Chap, XVIII. Book I. of Connecticut at; Narraganset river and bay, would have ^^V->-^ ruined Rhode-Island, by reducing them to limits too small 1713. for a colony. Connecticut was, doubtless, fully sensible of these dispositions of the sovereigns and court of Great- Britain, and it, probably, operated as a strong motive to induce them to give up their claim. ' In October, 1702, a committee was appointed to make a complete settlement of the boundary line between the colonies, reserving to all persons concerned, their entire property in lands and buildings, according to the agree ment of governor Winthrop and Mr. Clark. On the 12th of May, 1703, the committees from the two colonies agreed, " That the middle channel of Pawcatuck river, alias Nar raganset river, as it extends from the salt water upwards, till it comes to the mouth of Ashaway river, where it falls into the said Pawcatuck river, and from thence to run a straight line till it meet with the south-west bounds or cor ner of Warwick grand purchase, which extends twenty miles due west from a certain rock, lying at the outmost point of Warwick neck, which is the south-easterly bounds of said purchase ; and from the said s^outh-west bounds, or corner of said purchase, to run upon a due north line, till it meet with the south line of the province of Massachusetts Bay, in, New-England : This to be, and for ever remain to be the fixed and stated, line between the said colonies of Connecticut and Rhode-Island. Always provided, and it is hereby intended, that nothing in the aforementioned agreement, or any clause thereof, shall be taken or deem ed to be the breach or making void of the fourth article in the agreement made between the agents of the said colo nies of Connecticut and Rhode-Island, viz. John Win throp, Esq. and Mr. Daniel Clark, for maintaining proper ty, dated April 7th, 1663, but that the same shall be kept and justly performed, according to the true intent and meaning thereof ; and that all former grants and purchases, granted by, or made within either of the colonies, and all other ancient grants confirmed by the authority of Con necticut colony within the township of Westerly,, in the colony of Rhode-Island, shall be duly preserved and main tained, as fully and amply, to all intents and purposes, as if- they were -lying or continued within the bounds of the colony, by the authority of which it was granted or purcha sed."* Notwithstanding this agreement, Rhode-Island, about this time, disowned its authenticity, pretending that their * Agreement on file, signed witlMhe hands, of the commissioners, and sealed with nine seals. Chap. XVIII. CONNECTICUT. 449 commissioners were not empowered to conclude fully and Book I. finally upon such settlement. The cause Was heard by v^-v^*-/ the king in council, some years after, and decided accord- 1713. ing-to the agreement ofthe commissioners as stated above. September 27th, 1728, the line was finally ascertained and distinguished by proper monuments and boundaries. Roger Wolcott, James Wadsworth, and Daniel Palmer, on the part of Connecticut, and William Wanton, Benjamin Ellery, and William Jenks, in behalf of Rhode-Island, were the. committees for the running and final fixing ofthe line. No colony, perhaps, had ever a better right to the lands Connecti- comprised in its original patent than Connecticut, yet none £ut unf^-n^ manuscript. The assembly had now desired the govern- 1713. or and council to procure a printer to settle in the colony. It was determined soon to revise and print the laws which made the assembly more urgent in the affair at that time. The council obtained Mr. Timothy Green, a descendant 1 of Mr. Samuel Green of Cambridge in Massachusetts, the first printer in North- America. The assembly for his en couragement agreed that he should be printer to the gov ernor and company and that he should have fifty pounds, the salary ofthe deputy governor, annually. He was obli ged to print the election sermons, the proclamations for fasts and thanksgivings, and laNvs which were enacted at the several sessions of the assembly. In 1714, he came into Connecticut, and fixed his residence at New-London. He and his descendants were, for a great number of years, printers to the governor and company of Connecticut.* At the period to which the history is brought down, almost all that part of the colony on the east side of Connecticut was settled. Ashford, Tolland, Stafford, Bolton, and two or three other towns have been settled in that part of the colony, and the greatest part of the county of Litchfield since. The settlement of these has been attended with lit tle difficulty in comparison with what was experienced in ¦the planting and defending of the former. Who can contemplate the hardships, labors, and dan gers of our ancestors, their self-denial, magnanimity, firm ness, and perseverance, in defending their just rights, and the great expense, though they were poor, at which they maintained and transmitted the fairest inheritance to us, and ¦ not highly esteem and venerate their characters ? If they had some imperfections, yet had they not more excellen cies, and did they not effect greater things, for themselves and posterity, than men have generally done ? Is it possi ble to review the sufferings, dangers, expense of blood and treasure, with which our invaluable hberties, civil and re ligious, have been transmitted to us, and not to esteem them precious ? Not most vigilantly and vigorously defend them ? Shall we not at all hazards, maintain and perpetuate them ? Can we contemplate the sobriety,- wisdom, integri ty, industry, economy, public spirit, peaceableness, good order, and other virtues, by which this republic hath arisen from the smallest beginnings, to its present strength, opu lence, beauty and respectability, and not admire those vir tues I Not be convinced of their high importance to soci- * The first printer in this colony was Thomas Short. He was recom mended to the colony by Mr. Green. He came to New-London about the year 1709. In 1710, he printed Saybrqpk Platform, aud soon after died. Chap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 455 ety ? Shall we not make them our ov.n ? And by the con- Book I. stant practice of them, hand down our distinguished liber- v^-v*«w ties, dignity, and happiness, to the latest ages 1 CHAPTER XIX. ' View of the churches of Connecticut, from 1665 to 17l4, continued from Chapter XIII. The general assembly ap point a synod to determine points qf religious controversy. The ministers decline meeting under the name of a synod. The assembly alter the name, and require them to meet as a general assembly of the ministers and churches of Con necticut. Seventeen questions were proposed lo the assem bly to be discussed and anszoered. The assembly of min isters and churches meet and discuss the questions. The legislature declare that they had not been decided, and give intimations that they did not desire that the ministers and churches of Connecticut should report their opinion upon them. They express their desires of a larger coun cil from Massachusetts and New- Plymouth. The Rev. j Mr. Davenport remotes to Boston. Dissension at Windr sor. Mr. Bulkley and Mr. Fitch are appointed by the as sembly to devise some way in which the churches might walk together, notwithstanding their different opinions relative to the subjects of baptism, church communion, and the mode of church discipline. Tlie church at Hartford divides, and Mr. Whiting and his adherents are allowed to practise upon congregational . principles. The church at Stratford allowed to divide, and hold distinct meetings. Mr. Walker and his hearers, upon advice, remove and settle the town of Woodbury. Deaths and characters of the Rev. Messrs. John Davenport and John Warham. General attempts for a reformation of manners. Religious state of the colony in 1680. Attempts for the instruction and christianizing of the Indians in Connecticut. Act of the legislature respecting Windsor. The people there re quired peaceably to settle and support Mr. Mather. Own ing or subscribing the covenant introduced at Hartford. College founded, and trustees incorporated. Worship ac cording io the mode of the church of England performed, in this colony, first at Stratford. Episcopal church gathr ered there. Act of assembly requiring the ministers and churches of Connecticut to meet and form a religious con- 456 HISTORY OF Chap. XIX- Book I. stitutiom They meet and compile the Saybrook Platform. "*^-v^w Articles of discipline. Act qfthe legislature adopting the 1666. Platform, Associations; consociations. General asso ciation. Its recommendations relative to the examination of candidates for the ministry, and of pastors elect previ ous to their ordination. Ministers, churches, and ecclesi astical societies in Connecticut, in 1713. Degree of in struction. The whole number of ministers in the colony, from its first settlement to that period. ALTHOUGH the legislature of Connecticut, during the controversy respecting the union of the colonies, judged it expedient to transact nothing relative to the re ligious controversies then in the Country, yet, as soon as the union was well established, they entered seriously Up- Oct Iith on measures to bring them to a final issue. For this pur- 1666. ' pose, they passed the following act. " This court doth conclude, to consider of some way or Ac.* *P~ means to bring those ecclesiastical matters, that are in dif- synod?S a ference "in the several plantations, to an issue, by stating some suitable accommodation and expedient thereunto. And do therefore order, that a synod be called to consider and debate those matters ; and that the questions present ed to the elders and ministers that are called to this synod, shall be publicly disputed to an issue. And this court doth confer power to this synod, being met and constituted, to order and methodize the disputation, so as may most conduce, in their apprehension, to attain a regular issue of their debates." The court ordered, that all the preaching elders, or min isters, who were or should be settled in this colony, at the time appointed for the meeting of the synod, should be sent to, to attend as members of it. It was also ordered by the legislature, that Mr. Mitchell, Mr. Brown, Mr. Sherman, and Mr. Glover, of Massachusetts, should be invited to as sist as members of the synod. It was also ordered, that, upon the meeting of a majority of the preaching elders in the colony, they should proceed as a synod. Further, it was enacted, that the questions proposed by this assembly, should be the questions to be disputed by the synod. The meeting of the synod was appointed on the third Wednes day in May, 1667. The secretary was directed to trans mit to all the ministers in this colony, and those invited from the Massachusetts, a copy of this act of assembly, and of the questions to be disputed. It seems, that the ministers had objections to meeting as a synod, and to the order of the assembly vesting them Chap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 457 .*• with synodical powers. Numbers of the ministers and Book I. churches appear to have been too jealous for their liberties v^-v-w' to admit of the authority of synods appointed by the assem- 1667. bly._ The legislature, to ease this difficulty, in their May Name of session, judged it expedient to alter the name of the coun- tl?e co"ncil cii, and to callit an assembly of the ministers of Connecti- May^h cut, called together by the general court, for the ^discussing 1667. ofthe questions stated, according to their former order. The assembly of ministers convened at the time appoint- The as- fed, and having conversed on the questions, and voted not sembly of to dispiute them publicly, adjourned until the fall, deter- ">inister.s mining then to meet again, and make their report, should meet' it be the desire of the legislature. The questions were the same which had been exhibited ten years before.* The same points of controversy still subsisted. The churches continued in their former strict method of admitting mem bers to their communion, and maintained their right to choose their ministers, without any controul from the towns or parishes of which they were a part. It does not appear, that one church in the colony had yet consented to the baptism of children, upon their parents owning the covenant, as it was then called. It was insisted, as neces sary to the baptism of children, that one ofthe parents, at least, should be a member in full communion wifh the church, and in regular standing. It seems, that the assembly's particularly inviting the Design oF gentlemen from the Massachusetts, in their name, to attend inviting the general assembly of ministers and churches, was to en- JvonTth'e lighten and soften the minds of the ministers of Connecti- Massachu«, cut in those points, and to obtain a majority in the assem- setts. bly for a less; rigid mode of proceeding. Mr. Mitchell was the most powerful disputant of his day, in New-England, in favour of the baptism of children, upon their#parents owning the covenant, though they neglected to obey and honour Christ, in attending the sacrament of the Lord's Supper. It appeared, however, that this party were not able to carry any point in the assembly, and that the ques tions were not likely to be determined according to the wishes ofthe majority ofthe legislature. Measures were, therefore, adopted to 'prevent the meeting and result of the assembly, at their adjournment in the fall. In September, the commissioners of the united colonies Resolu- met at Hartford, and they interposed in the affair. They tion of tWfe- resolyed, " That when questions of public concernment, ^""f'v #bout matters of faith and order, do arise in any colony, gepti ¦?§§£ that the decision thereof should be referred to a synod, or * See chapter xiii. Tt.JSsWfSVl, H 453 HISTORY OF Chap. XIX. Book I. council of messengers Of churches, indifferently called ouf >-*-v-v^,of the united colonies, by an orderly agreement of all the 1667. general courts ; and that the place of meeting be at, or near Boston." This vote was, doubtless, obtained by the art of fhose gentlemen, among the civilians and ministers,, who wished' to prevent the meeting of the assembly of min isters, and their resulting upon the, questions. Applica- The reverend elders Warham, Hooker, and Whiting, in tiosof a writing under their hands, represented to the assembly, Messrs, at fae[T sess[an \a October, that' it was- the desire of the Honker"1' assembly of ministers, that there might be a more general and Wh'i- meeting of ministers from Massachusetts, lo assist in the tmS- consideration and decision of the questions proposed. It Was also represented to the assembly, that though they and others were for disputing the^ questions publicly, and offer ed to do it, yet the major part of the' assembly refused the offer. Represent- The Rev. Mr. Bulkley and Mr. Haynes, on the other ations of ^nd, in a letter addressed by them to the assembly, repre- Bulkfey sented, that the assembly had authorized a major part of and the ministers to methodize the proceedings of the assem- Kaynes. bly, and that a majority were against a public disputation of tbe questions : That it was viewed as what would dis honour God', disserve the peace and edification of the churches, and the general interests of religion ; and it was judged most expedient to deliberate upon and decide the questions among themselves, as was usual in councils, with out a public disputation. They therefore observed, that whatever fair offers were made them to, dispute the ques tions publicly, they could not consistently do it, as it was contrary to a major vote of the assembly of the ministers, and, in their opinion, would disserve the interest of the churches. With respect to the present application, made by Messrs* Warham, Hooker, and Whiting, they observed, that it appeared strange to them, as a considerable number of the ministers vyere positively against it, and others were neuter, and not in the vote for a more general council ; and that it was the, vote of the assembly of ministers, to meet again on the third Wednesday in October. They assured the legislature, that they were ready and determined to obey all their lawful commands ; and they desired infor mation from them, whether the assembly of ministers should meet again^ according to adjournment, or not ? The general assembly 'voted, that the questions had not been decided, *and desired the several churches and plantations in the colony, to send their teaching elders, at their own expense, to sit, in council, with such ofthe elders of Mas.-* «hap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 453 sachusetts and Plymouth as should be appointed., to con-. Book L sider and determine the points in controversy. The as- v^-rv^y the minority. The town continued in an unhappy state -pf division, for about sixteen years from this time, Chap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. J61 The legislature, having given over all further attempts Book I. to compose the divisions in the colony, by public disputa- ^r~-^-^^> tion and the decisions of general councils, determined to 1668. pursue a different course. They conceived the design of Attempt uniting the churches in some general plan of church com-fora.platt munion and discipline, by which they might walk, not with- am"ongthe standing their different Sentiments, in points of less impor- churches, tance. With this view, an act passed authorizing the Rev. Messrs. James Fitch, Gershom Bulkley, Joseph Elliot, and Samuel Wakeman, to meet at Saybrook, and devise a way in which this desirable purpose might be effected. This appears to have been the first step towards forming a reli gious constitution. From this time it became more and more a general object of desire and pursuit, though many years elapsed before the work could be accomplished. Notwithstanding the divisions in the church at Hartford, Church of. some years since, had been so far composed and healed, di^ejr that it had been 'kept together until this time, yet there jnt0 two were really different sentiments among the brethren and be- churfches, tween the ministers, relative to the qualifications of church members, the subjects of baptism, and the mode of disci pline. Mr. Whiting and part ofthe church were zealous for the strictly congregational way, as it has been called, practised by the ministers and churches, at their first com ing into New-England. Mr. Haynes and a majority of the congregation were not less engaged against it. The dif ference became so great, that it was judged expedient, both by an ecclesiastical councjl and the assembly, lhat the church and town should be divided. An ecclesiastical council having first advised , to a division, the general as sembly, in October, 1669, passed the following act. " Upon the petition presented by Joseph. Whiting, &c. Actofas- to this court, for a distinct walking in congregational sembly re- church order, as hath been settled according to the council spectjngl ' Ofthe elders, the court doth commend it to the church at Hartford to take some effectual course, that Mr, Whiting, &c. may practise the congregational way, without distur bance, either from preaching or practice, diversely to their just offence; or else to grant their loving consent to their brethren to walk distinct, according to such their congre gational principles ; which this court allows liberty in Hart ford to be dOne. But if both these be refused and neglect ed by the church, then these brethren may, in any regular way, relieve themselves without offence to this court."* * Parties ran high at this time in the colony ; four assistants and four teen deputies disseBted, and desired their dis^ezit and names to be recorrl? 462 HISTORY OF . Chap. XIX- Book I. The next February, Mr. Whiting and. his adherents re- «_^-s/-^/ solved and covenanted in the manner following, and form- 1670. ed the second church in Hartford, Declara- " Having had the consent and countenance of the gene- tion of the raj COurt, and the advice of an ecclesiastical council to en- fonning1 courage us in embodying as a church by ourselves, accord- the -second ingly upon the day of completing our distinct state, (viz, church. February 12th, 16691) this paper was read before the messengers ofthe churches and consented toby ourselves. Viz. " The holy providence of the Most High so disposing, that public opposition and disturbance hath, of late years, been given, both by preaching and practice, to the congre gational way of church order, by all manner of orderly es tablishments settled, and for a long time unanimously ap* proved and peaceably practised in this place, all endeav ours also {both among ourselves and from abroad) with due patience therein, proving fruitless and unsuccessful to the removing of that disturbance ; We, whose names are after mentioned, being advised, by a council of the neigh bouring churches, and allowed also by the honorable gene ral court, to dispose ourselves into a capacity of distinct , walking, in order to a peaceable and edifying enjoyment of all God's holy ordinances, Po declare, that according to the light we have hitherto received, the forementioned con gregational way (for the substance of it) as formerly set tled, professed and practised, under the guidance ofthe first leaders of this church of Hartford, is the way of Christ ; and that as such we are bound in duty carefully to observe and attend it, until such further light, (about any particular points of it) shall appear to us from the scripture, as may lead us, with joint or general satisfaction, to be otherwise persuaded. Some main heads or principles of which con gregational way of church order are those that follow. Vi?. 1. " That visible saints are the only fit matter, and con federation the only form of a visible church. 2. " That a competent number of visible saints, (with their seed) embodied by a particular covenant, are a true, distinct, and entire church of Christ. 3. " That such a particular church, being organized, or having furnished itself with those officers which Christ hath appointed, hath all power and privileges of a church be longing to it. " In special, 1 . " To admit or receive members. s ?. " To deal with, and if need be, reject offenders, + Thi?, according to the present mode of dating, was February, 167Q. Chap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 463 3. " To administer and enjoy all other ecclesiastical or- Book I. dinances within itself. v^-n^-^/ 4. "That the power of guidance, or leading, belongs 1&70. only to the eldership, ahd the power of judgment, consent, or privilege, belongs to the fraternity, or brethren in full communion. 5. " That communion is carefully to be maintained be^ tvveen the churches of Christ according to his. order, - 6. " That counsel, in cases of difficulty, is to be sought ' and submitted to according to God." Having made this declaration, the brethren proceeded to covenant in the following manner : " Since it hath pleased God, in his infinite mercy, to manifest himself willing to take unworthy sinners near un to himself, even into covenant relation to and interest in him, to. become a God to them, and avouch them to be' his people, and accordingly to command and encourage them to give up themselves and their children also to him ; " We do, therefore, this day, in the presence of God, his holy angels, and this assembly, avouch the Lord Jeho vah, the true and living God, even Goo the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, to be our God, and give up ourselves and ours also unto him, to be his subjects, and servants ; promising through grace and strength in Christ? (without whom we can do nothing) to walk in professed subjection to him as our Lord and Lawgiver, yielding universal obedience to his blessed will, according to whaf discoveries he hath made, or shall hereafter make, of the same to us ; in special, that we will seek him in all his ho ly ordinances, according to the rules of the gospel, submit ting to his government in this particular church, and walking together therein, with all brotherly love and mu tual watchfulness, to the buildiag up of one another in faith and love unto his praise. All which we promise to perform, the Lord helping us, through his grace in Jesus Christ." Nearly at the same time, when the contentions commen- ControveV- eed in the church at Hartford, the people at Stratford fell s7 rad. di" into the same unhappy state of controversy and division, the church .During the administrations of Mr. Blackman, their first at strat- , pastor, the church and town enjoyed great peace, and con- for one God in three persons, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost ; and that we are by nature children of wrath, and that our hope of mercy with God, is only through the righteousness of Jesus Christ, apprehended by faith ;.and we do freely give up ourselves to the Lord, to walk in communion with him, in the ordinances appointed in his holy word, and to yield obedience to all his commandments, and submit to his government. And whereas, to the great dishonor of God, scandal of religion, and hazard ofthe damnation of many souls, drunkenness and uncleanness are prevailing amongst us, we do solemnly engage before God, this day, through his grace, faithfully and conscien tiously to strive against these evils and the temptations leading thereunto." Sixty nine persons, male and female, subscribed this in February ; on the 8th of March, one fortnight after, eighty three more subscribed. In about a month, the number of subscribers amounted to one hundred and ninety two ; * Records of the colony. t Records ofthe colony. 472 HISTORY OF Chap. XIX. Book I. which appears to have been nearly the whole body of v^-v-v^ young people in that congregation. 1696. The like practice was, about the same time, or not ma ny years after, introduced -into the other church, and the practice of owning the covenant by people, and offering their children to baptism, was gradually introduced into other churches. The practice of the ministers and churches at Hartford, in some respects, was different from that in other church es. The ministers, Mr. Woodbridge and Mr. Buckings ham, with their deacOns, went round among the young peo ple and warned them, once every year, to come and pub licly subscribe, or own the covenant. When such per sons as had owned or subscribed it came into family state, they presented their children to baptism, though they made no other profession of religion, and neglected the sacra ment of the Lord's supper and other duties peculiar to members in full communionj In other churches, the cove nant was owned by persons, sometimes before marriage, but more generally not until they became parents, and wished to have baptism administered to their children. The practice of making a relation of christian experi ences, and of admitting none to full communion, but such as appeared to be christians indeed, yet prevailed ; and the number of church members, in full communion, was generally small. In those churches where the owning of the covenant was not practised, great numbers of children were unbaptized. Design of While the inhabitants and churches, in Connecticut, college fn* were constantbr increasing, and the calls for a learned min- Connecti- istry, to supply the churches, became more and more ur- cut, 1698. gent, a number of the ministers conceived the purpose of founding a college in Connecticut. By this means, they for it. might educate young men, from among themselves, for the sacred ministry, and for various departments in civil life, and diffuse literature and piety more generally among the people. The clergy, and people in general, by long ex perience, found the great inconvenience of educating their sons at so great a distance as Cambridge, and in carrying so much money out of the colony, which otherwise might be a considerable emolument to this commonwealth. A well founded college might not only serve the interests of the churches in this government, but in the neighbouring colonies, where there were no colleges erected ; might not only prevent a large sum of money annually from being carried abroad, but bring something considerable into it, from the extensive country around them. Colleges had Chap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 473 been anciently considered as the schools of the chprch ; Book L and not only the prophets had been encouragers and heads v^-v-^ of them ; but the apOstles and their immediate successors 1698. had taken great care to establish schools, wherever the gos- gel had been preached, for the propagation of the truth, and to transmit the religion of the Redeemer to all suc ceeding ages. The ministers therefore conceived it to be entirely in character, and as happily corresponding with the great design ofthe first settlement of New-England and Connecticut, for them to be the planners and founders ofa colle'ge. The design was first concerted, in 1698, by the Rev. Messieurs Pierpont of New-Haven, Andrew of Milford, and Russell of Branford. These were the most forward and a'c-» tive, in carrying the affair into immediate execution. The design was mentioned to principal gentlemen and ministers in private conversation, at occasional meetings ofthe cler gy, and in councils. In this way the affair was so far ripen ed, that ten ofthe principal ministers in the colony were nominated and agreed upon to stand as trustees, to found, erect, and govern a college. The gentlemen thus agreed upon were the Reverend Mtessieurs James Noyes of Ston- t6^-.. ington, Israel Chauncey of Stratford, Thomas Bucking- DOminated ham of Saybrook, Abraham Pierson of Killingworth, Sam- fortrus- uel Mather of Windsor, Samuel Andrew of Milford, Timo-tees- thy Woodbridge of Hartford, James Pierpont of New- Ha ven, Noadiah Russell of Middletown, and Joseph Webb of Fairfield. In 1700, these gentlemen convened at New-Haven, and College, formed themselves into a body or society, to consist of founded, eleven ministers including a rector, and determined to found a college in the colony of Connecticut. They had another meeting, the same year, at Branford, and then founded the university of Yale college. The transaction was in this manner. Each gentleman gave a number of books, and laying them upon a table, pronounced words to this effect, " I give these books for the founding of a col lege in this colony." About forty volumes in folio were thus given. The trustees took possession of them, and ap pointed Mr. Russell of Branford, to be keeper of their li brary. . Various other donations, both of books and money, were soon after made, by which a good foundation was laid for a public seminary. But doubts arising whether the trus tees were vested with a legal capacity for the holding of lands, and whether private donations and contributions would be sufficient to effect the great design which, they K3 474 HISTORY OF Chap. XIX. Book I. had in view, it was, upon the best advice and mature de- ^^v-w liberation, determined to make application to the legisla- 1700. ture for a charter of incorporation. The draught was made by. the honorable judge Sewall and Mr. secretary Addington of Boston. This was presented to the general assembly with a petition signed by a large number of min isters and other principal characters in the colony praying for a charter. The petition represented, " Tbat from a sincere regard toy and zeal for, upholding the Protestant re ligion, by a succession of learned and orthodox, men, they had proposed that a collegiate school should be erected in this colony, wherein youth should be instructed in all parts of learning, to qualify them for public employments in church and civil state ; and that they had nominated ten ministers to be trustees, partners or undertakers for the founding, endowing and ordering the said school." The gentlemen were particularly named, and it was desired^ that full liberty and privilege might be granted to them for that end. To facilitate the design, the honorable James Fitch, Esq. of Norwich, one of the council, before the petition was heard, made a formal donation under his hand, predicated on " the great pains and charge the ministers had been at in setting up a collegiate school; and therefore to encour age a wpi"k so pleasing to God, and beneficial to posteri ty ^ he gave a tract of land, in Killingly, of about 600 a- cres ; and all the glass and nails which should be necessa ry td build a college house and hall." The foun- The general assembly, at their session in October, 1 701 , de.r,9 of • incorporated the trustees nominated, granting them a char- corpora-" ter, and vesting then} with all powers and privileges ne- tedbyact cessary for the government of a college, the holding of b[aSoT 'an^s' and the employment of all money'and estates which no'l. C might be given for the benefit of the college. The char ter ordained that the corporation should consist of minis ters only, and that none should be chosen trustees under the age qf forty years. Their number was not, at any time, to exceed eleven nor be less than seven. The as sembly made them an annual grant of one hundred and ' twenty pounds, equal. to about sixty pounds sterling. Nov. lltly The trustees, animated with their charter privileges and. ?ne oftfie" l^e countenance of the legislature, met the next November, corpora- at Saybrook, and chose the Rev. Abraham Pierson of tion. Killingworth, rector of the college, and the Rev. Samuel Rector R.Ussell. was chosen a trustee to complete the number ofthe corporation. They also made rules for the general gov ernment and instruction of the collegiate school. Chap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 475 It was ordered, " That the rector take, special care, as Book I. ofthe moral behaviour of the students at all times, so, with v-«^v-^/ industry, toinstruct and ground, them well in theoretical 1701. divinity ; and to that end, shall neither by himself, nor by Orders any other person whomsoever, allow them to be instructed ™sPect_ino in any other system or synopsis of divinity, than such as the iege. trustees do Order and appoint: But shall take effectual care, that said students be weekly (at such seasons as he shall see cause to appoint) caused inemoriter to recite the assembly's catechism in Latin, and Dr. Ames's Theologi cal Theses, of which, as also Ames's Cases of Conscience, he shall make, or cause to be made, from time to time, such explanations as may, through the blessing of God, be most conducive to their establishment in the principles of the Christian Protestant religion." " The rector shall also cause the Scriptures daily, ex cept on the sabbath, morning and evening, to be read by the students at the times of prayer in the school, according to the laudable order and usage of Harvard college, making expositions upon the same : And upon the sabbath, shall expound practical theology, or cause the non graduated students to repeat sermons : And in all other ways, ac cording to the best of his discretion, shall, at all times, studiously endeavour, in the education of the students, to promote the power and purity of religion, and the best edification of these NeW-England churches." At this meeting, it was debated where to fix the college. College Though the trustees were not fully satisfied or agreed on ^ be'at6 the most convenient place, yet they fixed upon Saybrook, Saybroek, until, upon further consideration, they should have suffi-butthe cient reason to alter their opinion. They desired the rec- ™trl- °eS tor to remove himself and family to Saybrook. Until thatm0ve, could be efffected, they ordered, that the scholars should be instructed, at or near the rector's house, in Killing- worth, The corporation made various attempts to re move the rector to. Saybrook, but bis people were entire ly opposed to it, and such other impediments were in the way that it was not effected. The students continued at Eillingworth during his life. The library, for that reason, ¦was removed from Branford, to the rector's house. The ministers had been several years in effecting their plan, and a number of young men had been preparing for college, under the instructions of one and another of lhe trustees. As soon as the college became furnished with a rector and tutor, eight of them were admitted and put into different classes, according to the proficiency which they had respectively made. Some, iii a year or two, became qualified for a degree. 476 HISTORY OF Chap. XIX. mence ment in Connecti CHtt Book I. The first commencement was at Saybrook, September s^-v-^ 13th, 1702. The following gentlemen appear, at this 1702. time, to have received the degree of master of arts, Stc- Firsteom- phen Buckingham, Salmon Treat, Joseph Coit, Joseph Moss, Nathaniel Chauncey, and Joseph Morgan. Four of them had been previously graduated at Cambridge. They all became ministers of the' gospel, and three of them, Mr. Buckingham, Mr. Moss, and Mr. Chauncey, were af terwards fellows of the college. To avoid charge and other inconveniences, for some years at first, the commencements were private. Mr. Na thaniel Lynde of Saybrook, was pleased generously to give a house and land for the use ofthe college, so long as it should be continued in that town. For the further en couragement and accommodation, in 1703, there w.as a general contribution through the colony, to build a col lege house at Saybrook, or any other place wherever it should finally be judged most convenient to fix the col lege.* * This year, that venerable man, the Reverend James Fitch, pastor of the church in Norwich, finished his course, at Lebanon, in the 80th year of his age. His history andcharacter are given in the inscription upon his monumental stone. In hoc Sepulchro depositee sunt Reliquiae Viri vere Reverendi D. Jaco bi Fitch ; riatus fujt apud Bokmg, in Comitatu Essexias, in Anglia, Anno Domini 1622, Decern. 24. Qui, postquam Linguis literatis optime instruc- tus fuisset, in Nov-Angliamvenit, JEtate 16 ; et deinde Vitam degit, Hart- fordiae, per Septennium, sub Instruction^ Virorum celeberrimorum D. Hooker & D. Stone. Postea Munere pastorali functus est apud Say- Brook per Annos 14. Mine cum Ecclesiae majori Parte Norvicum migra- vit ; et ibi cseteros Vitae Annos transegit in Opere Evangelico, In Senec- tute, vero, prae Corporis iufirmitate necessarie cessabit ab Opere publico ; tandemque recessit Liberis, apud Lebanon ; ubi Semianno fere exacto ob- dorrnivit in Jesu, Anno J 702, Novembris 18, Mtai. 80. Vir Ingenii Acfimine, Pondere Judicii, Prudentia, Charitate, Sanctis La- boribus, et omni raoda Vitae sanctitate, Perjtia quoque et Vi concionandi nulli secundus, In English to this effect. In this grave are deposited the remains of that truly reverend man, Mr. James Fitch . He was bprn at Bqking, in the county of Essex, in England, the 24th of December, in the year of our Lord, 1622. Who, after he had been most excellently taught the learned languages, came into New-Eng land, at* the age of sixteen ; and then spent seven years under the instruc tion of those very famous men, Mr. Hooker and Mr. Stone. Afterwards, he discharged the pastoral office, fourteen years, at Saybrook. Thence he. removed, \vith the major part of his church, to Norwich ; where he spent the other years of h> life in the work ofthe gospel. In his old age, indeed, he was obliged to cease from his public labors, by reason of hodily indis position; and at length retired to his children, at Lebanon ; where, after spending nearly half a year, he slept in Jesus, in the year 1702, on the 18tl\ of November, in the 80th year of his age. He was a man, as to the smartness of his genius, the solidity of his judgment, his charity, holy labors, and Virery kind of purity of life, anti ajsq as tfl his skill and energy of preaching, inferior to none. Chap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 477 During the term of about seventy years from the settle- Book I. ment of Connecticut, the congregational had been the on-v^-^->^ ly mode of worship in the colony. But the sgriety for 1706. propagating the gospel in foreign parts, in 1704, fixed thelntroduc- Rey. Mr. 'Muirson as a missionary at Rye. Some of th^ ^on of the people at Stratford had been educated in the church of En- Engird gland mode of worship and administering of the ordinan- into Con- ces, and others were'not pleased with the rigid doctrines necticut- and discipline of the New-England churches, and they made an earnest application to Mr. Muirson to make a vis it at Stratford, and preach and baptize among them. A- bout the year 1 706, upon their invitation, he came to Strat- fqrd, accompanied with colonel Heathcote, a gentleman zealously engaged in promoting the episcopal church. The ministers arid people, in that and the adjacent towns, it seems, were alarmed at his coming, and took pains to prevent their neighbors and families from hearing him. However, the novelty of the affair, and other circumstan ces, brought together a considerable assembly ; and Mr. Muirson baptized five and twenty persons, principally adults. This was the first step towards introducing the church worship into this colony. In April, 1707, he made another visit to Stratford. Colonel Heathcote was pleas ed to honor him with his company, as he had done before. He preached, at this time, at Fairfield as well as Strat ford ; and in both towns baptized a number of children and adult persons. Both the magistrates and ministers opposed the introduction of episcopacy, and advised the people not to attend the preaching of the church mission aries ; but the opposition only increased the zeal of the church people. Mr. Muirson, after this, made several journies to Connecticut, and itinerated among the people. But there was no missionary, from the societ)r, fixed in Connecticut, until the year 1.722, when Mr. Pigot was ap pointed missionary at Stratfordi The churchmen at first, in that town, consisted of about fifteen families, among whom were a few husbandmen, but much the greatest num ber were tradesmen, who had been born in England, and came and settled there. Some of their neighbors joined them,) so that Mr. Pigot had twenty communicants, and about a hundred and fifty hearers. In 1 723, Christ Church in Stratford was founded, and the Rev. Mr. Johnson, af terwards Dr.- Johnson, was appointed fo succeed Mr. Pi got.* The first plan of the college was very formal and mi- Original * Manuscripts from Stratford, and Dr. Humphreys' History of the In- college. cqiporated Society's Missionaries. 478 HISTORY OF Chap. XIX. Book I. nute, drawn in imitation of th'e ancient protestant colleges >^-v-w and universities in France. It was proposed, that it should 1706. be erected by a general synod of the consociated churches of Connecticut. It was designed, that it should be under the government of a president and tert trustees, seven of whom were to be a quorum : That the synod should have the nomination of the first president find trustees, and have a kindof general influehce in all future elections, that the governors might be preserved in orthodox sentiments. It was designed also, that the synod should agree upon a con fession of faith, to which the president, trustees, and tutors should, upon their appointment to office, be required to give their consent ; and that the college should be called the school of the church. Indeed, it was proposed, that the churches should contribute to its support. Though this plan was not formally pursued, yet at a Proposal meeting of the trustees, at Guilford, March 17th, 1703, rai synod' l'ley wrote a circular letter to the ministers, proposing i"03. ' " to have a general synod of all the churches in the colo ny of Connecticut, to give their joint consent to the confes sion of faith, after the example of the synod in Boston, in 1680." As this proposal was universally acceptable, the churches afid ministers ofthe several counties met in a con sociated council, and gave their assent to the Westminster and Savoy confessions of faith. It seems, that they also drew up certain rules of ecclesiastical union in discipline, as preparatory to a general Syrtod, which they had still in contemplation. Custom The Cambridge platform, which, for about sixty years, meetings of had been the general plan of discipline and church fellow- ministers, ship in NeW-England, made no provision for the general meeting of ministers, or for their union in associations or in consociations, yet, at an early period, they had a gene ral meeting, both in Connecticut and Massachusetts, and began to form into associations. Their annual meetings were at the times of the general election at Boston and Hartford. At this time, they had handsome entertainments made for them at the public expense,* In these gerieral meetings, they v^ent into consultatiotis respecting the gen eral welfare of the churches', the supplying them with min isters, providing for their stated enjoyment of divine ordi nances, and the preservation of their peace and order. The general interests of literature were consulted, and ad vice given in cases in which it was requisite, Sometimes * The legislature have continued this generosity to the present time. A genteel entertainment is made riot only lor the fciergy of Connecticut, tiut of the neighboring colonies, who are present on the occasion. Chap. XIX, CONNECTICUT. 479 measures were adopted to assist the poor and afflicted, in Book I. particular instances of distress, The affair of civilizing v^-v-^ and christianizing the Indians, came under, their serious 1703. deliberations. Sometimes they consulted measures, and gave general directions respecting Candidates for the min istry, and the orderly manner of introducing them into the churches. The ministers of particular neighborhoods, in various parts of the country, held frequent meetings, for their mu tual assistance, and to instruct and advise the churches and people, as circumstances required. This particularly was the practice in Connecticut. The venerable Mr. Hooker was a great friend to the M[- Hook- meeting and consociation of ministers and churches, as a duct°and grand mean of promoting purity, union, and brotherly af- opinion. fection, among the ministers and churches. During his Mfe, the ministers in the vicinity of Hartford, had frequent meetings at his house. About a week, before his death, he observed, with great earnestness, " We must agree upon constant meetings of ministers, and settle the consociation of churches, or else we are undone." Soon after his de cease, ministers in various parts of New-England, and es pecially in Connecticut, began to establish constant meet ings, or associations, in particular vicinities, and agreedion the business to be done, and the manner in which they would proceed, They did not, however, all adopt the same mode. Some of the meetings, or associations, fasted and prayed, and discussed questions of importance for mutual instruction and edification. A moderator was chosen to conduct the business of the meetings with order and decency, to re ceive aU communications which might be made from the churches, or other similar meetings, and to call the as sociated brethren together on particular emergencies. These meetings were always opened aijd concluded with prayer. Some ofthe associations were very formal and particu lar in covenanting together, and in fixing the business which should be transacted by them. They covenanted to sub mit to. the counsels, reproofs, and censures ofthe associat ed brotherhood ; and that they would not forsake the asso ciation, nor neglect the appointed meetings, without suffi cient reasons. They engaged, that in the meetings they ¦would, debate questions immediately respecting themselves and their conduct : That they would hear and consider all cases proposed to them, from, neighboring churches or indi viduals ; answer letters directed to them from particular 480 HISTORY OF Chap. Xl£ Book I. churches.or persons ; and discuss any question, which had ***~*~^s been proposed at a preceding meeting. In some of these 1703. associations, it Was agreed to meet statedly once in six weeks or two months.* As the design was for their own mutual improvement and the advancement of Christianity in general, the associations attended a lecture in the par ishes in which they convened for the instruction and edifi cation of the people. In Connecticut, after the resolution ofthe assembly, in 1680, the ministers had county meet ings every week. But these associations and meetings were merely volun tary, countenanced by no ecclesiastical, constitution, at tended only by such ministers, in one place ahd another, as were witling to associate, and could bind none but them selves. The churches might advise with them if they chose it, or neglect it at pleasure. There was no regular way of introducing candidates to the improvement of the churches, by the general consent either of themselves or the elders. When they had finished their collegiate" stud ies, if they imagined themselves qualified, and could find s6me friendly gentleman in the ministry to introduce them, they began to preach, without an examination or recom mendation from any body of ministers or churches, lf they studied a time with any particular minister or ministers, af ter they had received the honors of college, that minister, or those ministers introduced them into the pulpit at plea sure,, without the general consent and approbation of their brethren. Many judged this to be too loose a practice, in a matter of such immense importance to the divine honor, the reputation ofthe ministry, and the. peace and edifica tion of the churches. Degrees at college were esteemed no sufficient evidence of men's piety, knowledge of theolo gy, or ministerial gifts and qualifications. Besides, it was generally conceded, that the state ofthe churches was lamentable, with respect to their general or der, government, and discipline. That for the want of a more general and energetic government, many churches ran into confusion ; that councils were not sufficient to re lieve the aggrieved and restore peace. As there was no general rule for the calling of councils, council was called against council, and opposite results were given upon the same cases, to the reproach of councils and the wounding of religion. Aggrieved churches and brethren were dis couraged, as in this way their case seemed to be without remedy. There was no such thing, in this way, as bring ing their difficulties to a final issue. 1" * Magnalia, B. V. p. 58. t Wise's vindication, p. 165, Boston edition, 1772. Chap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 481 For the relieving of these inconveniences, there Were Book I. many, in the New-England churches, not only among the s-^-v-n^ clergy,, but other gentlemen of principal character, who 1708. earnestly wished for a nearer union among the churches. A great majority of the legislature and clergy in Connecti cut, were for the: association of ministers, and the consoci ation of churches. The synod, in 1662, had given their opinion fully in favor of the consociation of churches. Tho heads of agreement drawn up and assented to, by the unit ed ministers, in England, called presbyterian and congre gational, in 1692, had made their appearance on this side of the Atlantic ; and, in general, were highly approved. The VII. article of agreement, under the head of the minis try, makes express provision for the regular introduction of candidates for the ministry. The united brethren say, " It is expedient, that they who enter on the work of preach ing the gospel, be not only qualified for the communion of saints ; but also, that, except in cases extraordinary, they give proof of their gifts and fitness for the said work, unto the pastors of the churches of known abilities, to discern and judge of their qualifications ; that they may be sent forth with solemn approbation and prayer ; which we judge needful, that no doubt may remain concerning their being called unto the work ; and for preventing, as much as in us lieth, ignorant and rash intruders." In these articles, it is also agreed, " that in so great and weighty a matter, as the calling and choosing a pastor, we judge it ordinari ly requisite, that eveFy such church consult and advise with the pastors ofthe neighboring congregations." In this state of the churches, the legislature passed an act, at their session in May, 1708, requiring the ministers and churches to meet and form an ecclesiastical constitu tion. The apprehensions and wishesof the assembly will, in the best manner, be discovered by their own act, which is in the words following : " This assembly, from their own observation, arid the Act aP- complaint of many others, being made sensible ofthe de- ^)01"t(jns a fectsof the discipline of the churches of this government, May 13th, arising from the want of a more explicit asserting of the 1708. rules" given for that end in the holy scriptures ; from which would arise a permanent establishment among ourselves, a good and regular issue in cases subject to ecclesiastical discipline, glory to Christ, our head, and edification to his members ; hath seen fit to ordain and require, and it is by the authority of the same ordained and required, that the ministers of the several counties in this government shall meefr together, at their respective county towns, with such L 3 482 HISTORY OF Chap. XIX. Book I. messengers, as the churches to which they.belong shall v-^-v-^ see cause to, send with them, on the last Monday in June 1708.. next ; there to consider and agree upon those methods and rules for the management of ecclesiastical discipline, which by them shall be judged. agreeable and conformable to the word of God, and shall, at the same meeting, appoint two or more of their number to be their delegates, who shall all meet together at Saybrook, at the next commencement to be held there ; where they shall compare the results ofthe ministers of the several counties, and out of and from them, to draw a form of ecclesiastical discipline, which, by two or more persons delegated by them, shall be offered to this court, at their session at New-Haven, in October next, to be considered of and confirmed by them: And the expense of the above mentioned meetings shall be defrayed out of the public treasury of this eolony." " A true copy of the record. "Test. ELEAZER KIMBERLY, Secretary." According to the act of the assembly, the ministers and churches of the several counties convened, at the time ap pointed, and made their respective drafts fordiscipline, and chose their delegates for the general meeting at Saybrook, in September. The ministers and messengers chosen for this council and its result, will appear from their minutes. " At a meeting of delegates from the councils of the se veral counties of Connecticut colony, in New-England, in America, at Saybrook, Sept. 9th, 1708, PRESENT, Names of From the council of Hartford county : — The Rev. Timo- *he synod, thy Woodbridge, Noadiah Russell, and Stephen Mix. Mes- Sept. 9th, senger, John Haynes, Esq. From . the council in Fairfield county: — The Rev. Charles Chauncey and John Davenport. Messenger, dea con Samuel Hoyt. • From the council in New-London county : — The Rev. James Noyes, Thomas Buckingham, Moses Noyes, and John Woodward. Messengers, Robert Chapman, deacon William Parker. ¦ Fromithe council of New-Haven county: — The Rev. Samuel Andrew, James Pierpont, and Samuel Russell. " The Rev. James Noyes and Thomas Buckingham be ing chosen moderators. The Rev. Stephen Mix and John Woodward befog chosen scribes. "In compliance withan order of the general assembly. May 13th, 1708, after humble addresses to the throne of grace for the divine presence, assistance, and blessing up- Chap. XlX. CONNECTICUT. 483 on us, having our eyes upon the word of God and the con- Book L stitution of our churches, We agree that the confession of^-*^v-^-^ faith owned and assented unto by the elders and messen- 1708. gers assembled, at Boston, in New-England, May 12th, 1680, being the second session of that synod, be recom mended to the honourable general assembly of this colony, ut the next session, for their public testimony thereunto, as the faith of the churches of this colony."* " We agree also, that the heads of agreement assented to by the united ministers, formerly called presbyterian 17Q8^ having presented to this* assembly a Con- brook fession of Faith, and Heads of Agreement, and regula- platform, tions in. the administration of church discipline, as nnani- Oct. 1708. mousiy agreed and consented to by the elders and churches in this government ; this assembly doth declare their great approbation of such an happy agreement, and do ordain, that all the churches within this government, that are, or shall be, thus united in doctrine, worship, and discipline, be, and for the future shall be owned and acknowledged established by law ; provided always, that nothing herein Chap. -XIX. CONNECTICUT. 487 shall be intended or construed to hinder or prevent any so- Boor L ciety or church, that is or shall be allowed by the laws ofv^-v-w this government, who soberly differ or dissent from the u- 1708. rjted churches hereby established, from exercising wor ship and discipline, in their own way, according to their Consciences. " A true copy, Test, " Eleazer Kimberly, Secretary." Though the council were unanimous in passing the plat form of discipline, yet they were not all of one opinion. Some were for high consociational government, and in their Sentiments nearly presbyterians ; others were much more moderate and rather verging on independency ; but 'ex ceedingly desirous of keeping the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace, they exercised great christian condescen-, sion and amicableness towards each other. As it was stipulated, that the heads of agreement should be observed through the colony, this was an important mean of reconciling numbers to the constitution, as these did not carry points so far as the articles of discipline. These did not make the judgments of councils decisive, in all cases, but only maintained, that particular churches ought to have a reverential regard to their judgment, and not to dissent from it without apparent grounds from the word of God. Neither did these give the elders a nega tive in councils over the churches ; and in some other in stances they gave more latitude than the articles of disci pline. These therefore served to reconcile such elders and churches, as 'were not for a rigid consociational gov ernment, and to gain their consent. Somewhat different constructions were put upon the constitution. Those who were for a high consociational government, construed it rigidly according to the articles of discipline, and others by the heads of agreement ; or, at least, they were for softening down the more rigid articles, by construing" them agreeably to those heads of union. * Notwithstanding the Savoy confession was adopted, as I the faith of the Connecticut churches,' yet, by adopting the ' heads of agreement, it was agreed, that with respect to soundness of judgment in matters of faith, it was sufficient, " That a church 'acknowledge the scriptures to be the word. of God, the perfect and only rule of faith and practice, and own either the doctrinal part of those ^commonly -called the articles ofthe church of England, or the confession or cate- ctHsmsJ s'horterr"or longer,"~compiled by the assembly at Westminster, or the confession agreed on at the Savoy, fo be agreeable to the said rule." 'il '•'-'¦ 488 HISTORY OF Chap. XIX. Feb. 1st, 1709. Associa tions and consociations for med. Ceneralassociation. Death and character ¦rt" Presi dent Pier son. The Saybrook platform, thus unanimously recommended by the -elders and messengers of the churches, and adopted by the legislature, "as the religious constitution of the colo ny, met with a general reception, though some of the churches were extremely opposed to it.* The elders and messengers of the county of Hartford met in council, at Hartford, the next February, and form ed into two distinct consociations and associations for the purposes expressed in the constitution. The ministers and churches of the other three counties afterwards formed themselves into consociations and associations. There were therefore, soon after, five consociations and the same number of associations in the colony. The associations met annually, by a delegation of two elders from each asso ciation, .jji-a general association. This has a general ad visory superiHeti9gRcy"overaIl the ministers and church es in the colony. Its advice has generally been accepta ble to the ministers and churches, and cheerfully carried into execution. The meeting ofthe general association was anciently, in September; but the time of meeting, -after some years, was altered, and for more than sixty years has been on the third Tuesday in June. The corporation of college having now obtained a con fession of faith, adopted by the churches and legislature of the colony, adopted it for college, and the trustees and of ficers ofthe college, upon their introduction to office, were inquired to give their assent to it, and to the Westminster confession and catechisms. But before this could be effected, Mr. Pierson, the presi dent, was no more. He died on the 5th of March, 1707, to the unspeakable loss and affliction both of the college and the people of his charge. He had his education at Harvard college, where he was graduated, 1668. He ap pears first to have settled in the ministry at Newark in New- Jersey.- Thence he came to Killingworth, and was in stalled in 1694. He had the character of a hard student, good scholar, and great divine. In his whole conduct, he was wise, steady, and amiable. He was greatly respected as a pastor, and he instructed and governed the college with general approbation. Upon the death of rector Pierson, the Rev.- Mr. Andrew * Though Messrs. Andrew, Pierpont, and Russell, were influential char- Mcters, yet it is observable, that the churches,' in that county, sent no mes sengers to the synod ; and the tradition is that the church and people of Norwich were so offended with their minister, Mr. John Woodward, for consenting to it, that they never would forgive him and be reconciled ; but made such opposition to his ministry, that, by the advice of council he resigned it and left the town. Chap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 489 was chosen rector pro tempore. The senior class were Book I. removed to Milford, to be under his immediate instruction, ^~*-w~+s until the commencement. The other students were re- 1709. moved to Saybrook, and put under the care and instruc- Students" tions of two tutors. Mr. Andrew moderated at the com-rei"OTed mencements and gave general directions to the tutors. Mr. brook" Buckingham also, who was one ofthe trustees, and resided at Saybrook, during his life, had a kind of direction and in spection over the college. In this state it continued, without any material alteration, until about the year 1715. . The ministers of Connecticut were exceedingly atten tive to the morals and qualifications of those, whom they recommended to the improvement of the churches, or or dained to the pastoral office. The general association, in Sept. 12, 1712, at a meeting of theirs, at Fairfield, agreed upon the tin. following rules, and recommended them to the considera tion, of the several associations for their approbation and concurrence. , " Rules agreed upon for the examination of candidates for the ministrv. " Agreed upon, that the person to be examined concern^ Directions ing his-qualifications for the evangelical ministry, shall be respecting dealt with, in his examinations, with all candor and gentle- ja"eg"for ness. / . the minis-; " 1. That he be able to give satisfaction, to the associ- try. ation examining him, of his skill in the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin tongues. " 2. That he be able to give satisfaction, to the associ ation examining him, of his skill in Logic and Philoso phy. ¦, " 3. He shall be examined what authors, in divinity, he hath read ; and also concerning the main grounds or prin ciples of the christian religion ; and shall therein offer just matter of satisfaction to the association examining him ; . arid shall give his assent to the confession of faith publicly owned and declared to be the confession ofthe faith of the united churches of this colony. " 4. That if the life and conversation of the person to be examined be not well known to the association examining him, then said person shall offer sufficient evidence to said association of his sober and religious conversation. " 5. That the person to be examined shall publicly pray, and also preach, in the presence of the association exam ining him, from some text of scripture which shall be given him by said association, and at such time and place as they shall appoint, in order to prove his gifts for the min isterial work. 1 M3 4m HISTORY OF Chap. XIX. B OOK I. 1-712. Respecting minis ters to be ordained. Donations made to the col lege. , " Rutes relating to the ordination of a person to the 1 work of the ministry.. "Agreed, 1. In case of ordination, those who are to or dain ought to be satisfied, that the person to be ordained is apt to teach, and of his inclination to the work of the min istry. " 2. That they shall be satisfied with his prudence and fitness for the management of so great a trust, as that ofthe work ofthe ministry. " 3* The persons to ordain shall be satisfied, that hi* preaching and conversation be acceptable to the people over whom he is to be ordained. " 4. That he shall be able to explain such texts of scrip ture as shall be proposed to him. " 5. That he shall be able to resolve such practical cas es of conscience as shall be proposed to him.. "6. That he shall shew, to the satisfaction ofthe pas-. tors to ordain him, his competent ability to refute danger ous errors, and defend the truth against gainsayers. " 7. That he shall give his consent to the church disci pline of this colony as es6a 1691 Feb. 1709 Died, or removed. Sept. 27, June, .1725 1781 Dismissed, 174° Died Feb. 1, 1756 D. June 26, 1727 Removed, Di. Ap. 22, Di. Nov. 22, June 7, Jan. 24, Removed, Removed, May 24, June 1, March, Removed, June 25, 1668 165616741714 1656 1683173816501659169417281732 1665 1731 Jan. 16, . April 15, Oct. 7, 1717 1752 1754 Removed, 1666 Died, 1683 Rem. Jan. 1707 Died, April, 1753 years in the town ; but during this time no church was formed ; and he left the town, and was afterwards ordained to the pastoral/office in a church at Salem, in Massa chusetts. * After the removal of Mr. Davenport, Mr. Street continued the only instructor of the church until his d«ath;, and after his decease the church and people were eleven years without a pastor. A great variety of preachers were invited into the town, but hone could unite them until Mr. Pierpont was called. Under his ministry they enjoy ed great peace, and were edified. X The committee of New-Haven for settling the town of Wallingford, for the safety of the church, obliged the undertakers, and all the successive planters, to subscribe the following engagement, viz. " He or they shall not by any means disturb the church, when settled there, in their choice of minister or ministers, or other church officers ; or in any of their other church rights, liberties or administrations ; nor shall withdraw due maintenance from such ministry." This shows how strongly the churches in this part of the colony were, at that time, opposed to towns and parishes having any thing to do in the choice of a minister, or in any church affairs. t There seems to have been no church formed in New-London until the ordination of Mr. Bradstreet, and it is probable t,hat neither Mr.- Blynman nor Mr. Bulkley were installed or ordained in the town, 494 HISTORY OF Chap. XIX. Minister's Names. James Fitch Thomas Buckingham James NoyesJ James Fitch John Woodward John Woodbridge Abraham Pierson Jared Elliott Ephraim Woodbridge Moses Noyes Samuel Pierpontl} Salmon Treat Joseph Parsons Samuel Wells Names of Towns, Saybrook Stonington NorwichKillingworth Groton Lyme Preston Lebanon When ordained, or installed. Sept. 10, Dec. 6, Inst. Oct. 26, Nov. 8, Dec. 10, Nov. 16, Nov. 27, Dec. 5, 1674f 1660 16991666 . 169417091714 1698f 1724 J698 17001711 Died, or removed COUNTY OF FAIRFIELD. Mr. Jouesf Samuel Wakeman Joseph Webb Adam Blackman Israel Chauncey Timothy Cutler Zachariah Walker Richard Denton|| John Bishop John Davenport Thomas Hanford Stephen Buckingham Joseph Morgati Seth Shove Zachariah Walker John BowersH Fairfield Stratford 2d church Stamford NorwalkGreenwichDanbury WoodburyRye Sept. 30, 1665 Aug. 15, 1694 Jan. 11, 16 1665 1709 1641 16441694 1654 Nov. 17, 1697 D. Dec. 30, 17191702 Dis. Sept.13, 1716 Rem. to W. 1679 Died May 5, 1707 April 22, 1763 1724 March, 1725 Res. Mar.14, 1744 Dismissed 17081722 March 8, 1692 Sept. 19, 1732 Died, 1665 March 14, 1722 fR.toY. C. 1719 R. to Woodbury Removed, 1644 Died, 1694 D. Feb. 5, 1731 Res. Feb. 24, 1727 Oct. 13, May 3,' 1697f1670 Oct. S, 1735 Ministers within the boundaries of Connecticut, but under thejurisdiclion of Massachu setts, in 1713. Nathaniel Collins** Benjamin Ruggles Josiah Dwight Enfield 1697f I Res. died, 1757 Suffield M>y, 1698f Sept. 5, 1708 Woodstock , j Within the boundaries ofthe colony, including those under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, there were forty-six churches, which had been illuminated with about ninety ministers. The churches enjoyed peace, and increased in num bers, knowledge and beauty. X The Rev. Mr. Noyes preached at Stonington more than ten years before his ordi nation. It appears by the church records, that he preached in the. town 55 years and 6 months. } Mr. Pierpont, returning from a visit which he had made his friends, at New-Hav en, was drowned in Connecticut river, March, 1725. He-attempted to cross the river in a canoe, but an unexpected gust of wind arose, by which it was overset. His body wafted to Fisher's Island, where it was taken up and buried. tMr. Jones was episcopally ordained in England, and came into this country at an early period, but as the first records of Fairfield were burnt, no particular account can be given of his installation, or the time of his death. || Mr. Denton died at Hampstead, upon Long-Island, about the year 1663, where he left posterity. T Mr. Bowers removed from Derby, and settled at Rye, about the year 1688. Mr. Webb then preached at Derby about twelve years, but was not ordained. **Mr. Collins, after laboring more than twenty years at Enfield, resigned his minis try in that place, but preached to other congregations, and continued in it until bis death,. APPENDIX. ORIGINAL PAPERS ILLUSTRATING THE PRECEDING HISTORY. NUMBER I. The old patent qf Connecticut, 1631. To all people, unto whom this present writing shall come, Robert, Earl of Warwick, sendeth greeting, in our Lord God everlastings KNOW ye, that the said Robert, Earl of Warwick, for divers good causes and considerations him thereunto moving, hath given, granted, bargained, sold, enfeoffed, alien-, ed, and confirmed, and by these presents doth'give,, grant, bar gain, sell, enfeoff, aliene, and confirm, unto the right honorable William, Viscount Say and Seal, the right honorable Robert, Lord Brook, the right honorable Lord Rich, and the honora ble Charles Fiennes, Esq. Sir Nathaniel Rich, Knt. Sir Rich ard Saltonstall, Knt. Richard Knightly, Esq. John Pym, Esq* John Hampden, John Humphrey, Esq. and Herbert Pelham, Esq. their heirs and assigns, and their associates forever, all that part of New-England, in America, which lies and extends itself from a river there called Narraganset river, the space of forty leagues upon a straight line near the sea shore towards the southwest, west and by south, or west, as the coast lieth to wards Virginia, accounting three English miles to the league; and also all and singular the lands and hereditaments whatso ever, lying and being within the lands aforesaid, north and south in latitude and breadth, and in length and longitude of and within, all the breadth aforesaid, throughout the main kinds there, from the western ocean to the south sea, and alt lands and grounds, place and places, soil, wood, and woods, grounds, havens, ports, creeks and rivers, waters, fishings, and , hereditaments whatsoever, lying within the said space, and 496 APPENDIX. every part and parcel thereof. And also all islands lying in AmeHca aforesaid, in the said seas, or either of them, on the western or eastern coasts, or parts of the said tracts of lands, by these presents mentioned to be given, granted, bargained, sold, enfeoffed, aliened, and confirmed, and also all mines and minerals, as well, royal mines of gold and silver, as other mines and minerals whatsoever, in the said land and premis es, or any part thereof, and also the several rivers within the said limits, by what name or names soever called or known, and all jurisdictions, rights, and royalties, liberties, freedoms, immunities, powers, privileges, franchises, preeminencies, and commodities whatsoever, which the said Robert, Earl of War wick, now hath or had, or might use, exercise, or enjoy, in or within any part or parcel thereof, excepting and reserving to his majesty, his heirs, and successors the fifth part of all gold and silver ore, that shall be found within the said premises, or any part or parcel thereof: To have and to hold the said part of New-England in America, which lies and extends and is a- butted as aforesaid. And the said several rivers and every part and parcel thereof, and all the said islands, rivers, ports, havens, waters, fishings, mines, minerals, jurisdictions, pow ers, franchises, royalties, liberties, privileges, commodities, hereditaments and premises, whatsoever with the appurtenan ces, unto the said William, Viscount Say and Seal, Robert, Lord Brook, Robert, Lord Rich, Charles Fiennes, Sir Nathan iel Rich, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Richard Knightly, John Pym, John Hampden, John Humphrey and Herbert Pelham, their heirs and assigns and their associates, to the only proper and absolute use and behoof of them the said William, Vis count Say and Seal, Robert, Lord Brook, Robert, Lord Rich, Charles Fiennes, Sir Nathaniel Rich, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Richard Knightly, John Pym, John Hampden, John Hum phrey, and Herbert Pelham, their heirs and assigns, and their associates for ever more. In witness whereof the said Robert, Earl of Warwick, hath hereunto set his hand and seal, the nineteenth day of March, in the seventh year of the reign of our sovereign Lord Charles, by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. Annoq. Domini, 1631. Signed, sedled, and delivered, in the presence of Walter Williams. Thomas Howson'. Robert Warwick. A Seal. APPENDIX. 497 NUMBER II. Mr. Winthrop's commission to erect a fort at the mouth of Conr necticut river, with articles of agreement between him and their lordships Say and Seal, Brook, Sfc, 1635. > KNOW all men, by these presents, that we, Arthur Hassel- ring, Baronet, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Knt. Henry Lawrence, Henry Darley, and George Fenwick, Esquires, in our own names, and in the name of the right honorable Viscount Say and Seal, Robert, Lord Brook, and the rest of our company, . do ordain and constitute John Winthrop, Esq. the younger, governor of the river Connecticut, with the places adjoining thereunto, for, and during the space of one whole year, after his arrival there, giving him, from'and under us, full power and authority, to do and execute any such lawful act and thing, both in respect of the place and people, as also of the affairs we have, or shall have there, as to the dignity or office of a governor doth, or may appertain. In witness whereof We have hereunto put our hands and seals, this 18th day of July, 165(5. Richard Saltonstall* Arthur Hasselring, Henry Lawrence, George Fenwick, Henry Darley. Five seals appendant, impressed in one large piece of wax. ^Articles made between the right honorable the lord Viscount Say and Seal, Sir Arthur Hasselring, Baronet, Sir Richard Sal tonstall, Knight, Henry Lawrence, Henry Darley, and George Fenwick, Esquires, on the one part, and John Winthrop, Esq. the younger, of ihe other, the 1th July, 1635. First, That we, in our names, and the rest of the company, do by these presents appoint John Winthrop, the^ younger, governor of the rivef Connecticut, in New-England, and ofthe harbour and places adjoining, for the space of one year, from his arrival there. And the said John Winthrop doth under take and covenant for his part, that he will, with all conven ient speed, repair to those places, and there abide as afore said for the best advancement of. the company's service. Secondly, That so soon as he conies to the bay, he shall en deavour to provide able men to the number of fifty, at the leasts for making of fortifications, and building of houses at the river Connecticut, and the harbour adjoining, first for theirs- own present accommodations-, and then such houses as may receive men of quality, which latter houses we would have to be build ed within the fort. N3 498 APPENDIX. Thirdly, That he^shall employ those men, according to his best ability, for the advancement of the company's service, es pecially in the particulars abovementioned, during the time of his government ; and shall also give a true and just account of all the monies and goods committed to his managing. Fourthly, That for such as shall plant there now, in the be ginning, he shall take care that they plant themselves either at the harbour, or near the mouth of the river, that these places may be the better strengthened for their own safety, and to that end, that they also set down in such bodies together, as they may be most capable of an entrenchment ; provided that there be reserved unto the fort, for tha maintenance of it, one, thousand or fifteen hundred acres, at least, of good ground, as near adjoining thereunto as may be. Fifthly, That forasmuch as the service will take him off from his own employment, the company do engage themselves, to give him a just and due consideration for the same. In wit ness whereof we have interchangeably hereunto subscribed our names. W. Say and Seal, George Fenwick, Henry Lawrence, Arthur Hasselring, Richard Saltonstall, Henry Darley. NUMBER III. The original constitution of Connecticut, formed by voluntary compact, 1639. FORASMUCH as it hath pleased the Almighty God, by the wise disposition of his divine providence, so to order and dis pose of things, that we the inhabitants and residents of -Wind sor, Hartford, and Weathersfield, are now cohabiting, and dwelling in and upon the river Connecticut, and the lands thereunto adjoining; and well knowing where a people are gath ered together, the word of Goo requireth that, to maintain the peace and union of such a people, there should be an orderly and decent government established according to God, to order and dispose of the affairs of the people at all seasons, as occa sion should require; do therefore associate and conjoin our selves to be as one public State or Commonwealth ; and Ao, for ourselves and our. successors, and such as shall be adjoin ed to us" at any time hereafter, enter into combination and con federation together, to maintain and preserve the liberty and purity of the gospel of our Lord Jesus, which we now pro fess, as also the discipline of the churches, which, according to the truth of said gospel, is now practised amongst us ; as also m our civil affairs to be guided and governed.according to such APPENDIX. 499 laws, rules, orders, and decrees, as shall be made, ordered, and decreed, as followeth : I. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that there shall be yearly two general assemblies or courts, the one on the second Thursday of April, the other the second Thursday of Septem ber following : The first shall be called the Court of Elec tion, wherein shall be yearly chosen, from time to time, so many magistrates and other public officers, as shall be found requisite, whereof one to be chosen governor for the year en suing, and until another be chosen, and no other magistrate to be chosen for more than one year ; provided always, there be six chosen besides the governor, which being chosen and sworn according to an oath recorded for that purpose, shall have f tower to administer justice according to the laws here estab- ished, and for want thereof according to the rule of the word pf God ; which choice shall be made by all that are admitted freemen, and have taken the oath of fidelity, and do cohabit within this jurisdiction, having been admitted inhabitants by the major part of the town where they live, or the major part of such as shall be then present. II., lt is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that the election of the aforesaid magistrates shall be in this manner ; every person present and qualified for choice, shall bring in (to the persons deputed to receive them) one single paper, with the name of him written on it whom he desires to have governor, and he that hath the greatest number of papers shall be gover nor for that year : And the rest of the magistrates or public officers to be chosen in this manner ; the secretary for the time being, shall first read the names of all that are to be put to choice, and then shall severally nominate them distinctly, and every one that would have the person nominated to be chosen shall bring in one single paper written upon, and he that would not have him chosen shall bring in a blank, and every one that has more written papers than blanks, shall be a magistrate for that year, which papers shall be received and told by one' or more that shall be then chosen, by the court, and sworn to be faithful therein-, but in case there should not be six persons as aforesaid, besides the governor, out of those which are nomi nated, then he or they which have the most written papers, shall be a magistrate or magistrates for the ensuing year, to make up the aforesaid number. III. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that the secreta ry shall not nominate any person new, nor shall any person be chosen newly into the magistracy, which was not propound ed in some general court before, to be nominated the next elec tion : And to that end it shall be lawful for each of the towns aforesaid, -by their deputies, to nominate any two whom they £00 APPENDIX. conceive fit to be put to election, and the court may add so ma ny more as they judge requisite^ IV, It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that no person be chosen governor above once in two years, and that the gover nor be always a member of some approved congregation, and formerly of the magistracy within this jurisdiction, and all the magistrates freemen, of this commonwealth; and that no mag istrate or other public officer, shall execute any part of his or their office before they are severally sworn, which shall be done in the face of the court if they be present, and in case of absence, by some deputed for that purpose. • V. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that to the afore said court of election, the several towns shall send their depu ties, and when the elections are ended they may proceed in any public service, as at other courts ; also/ the other general court in September, shall be for making of Jaws, and any other public occasion which concerns the good of the common wealth. VI. It is ordered,, sentenced, and decreed, that the gover nor shall, either by himself or by the secretary, send out sum? mons to the constables of every town, for the calling pf those two. standing courts, one month at least, hefore their several times ; and also, if the governor and the greatest part of the magistrates see cause, upon any special occasion, to call a general court, they may give order ta the secretary so to do, within fourteen deiys warning ; and if urgent necessity so reT quire, upon a shorter notice, giving sufficient grounds for it to the deputies when they meet, or else be questioned for the same. And if the governor, or major part of the magistrates,, shall either neglect or refuse to call the two general standing courts, or either of them, as also at other times when the oc casions of the commonwealth require, the freemen thereof, or the major part of them, shall petition to them so to do ; if then it be either denied or neglected, the said freemen, or the ma jor part of them, shall have power to give order to the constat bles of the several towns lo do the same, and so may meet to gether and choose to themselves a moderator, and may pro ceed to do any -act pf power which 'any othei; general courts piay. VII, It js ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that after there are warrants given out for any ofthe said general' courts, the constable or constables of each town, i^all forthwith give no-. tice distinctly tp tfye inhabitants of the same, in some publip assombly, or by going or sending from house to house, that at a place and time by him or them limited and set, they meet and assemble themselves together, to elegt and chopse certain, tjeputjes to he eit the general court then following, to agitate APPENDIX. , jm the affairs of the commonwealth, which said deputies shall be chosen by all that are admitted inhabitants in the several towns, and have taken the oath of fidelity ; provided, that none be chosen a deputy for any general court which is not a freeman of this commonwealth : The aforesaid deputy shall be chosen in manner following ; every person that is present and.qualifi- ed, as before expressed, shall bring the names of such, written pn several papers, as they desire to have chosen, for that em ployment ; and those three or four, more or less, being the number agreed on to be chosen, for that time", that have the greatest number of papers written for them, shall be deputies for that court ; whose names shall be indorsed on the back side ofthe warrant, and returned into the court with the con stable or constables hand unto the same". VIII. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that Windsor, Hartford, and Weathersfield, shall have power, each town, to send four of their freemen as their deputies, to every general court; and whatsoever other towns shall be hereafter added to this jurisdiction, they shall send so many deputies as the court shall judge meet ; a reasonable proportion to the number of freemen that are in said towns, being to be attended therein ; which deputies shall have the power of the whole town to give their votes, and allowance to all such laws and orders, as may be for the public good, and unto which the said towns are to be bound. IX. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that the deputies thus chosen, shall have power' and liberty to appoint a time and a place of meeting together, before any general court, to advise and consult of all such things as may concern the good of the public ; as also to examine their own elections, whether according to the order ; and if they or the greatest part of them find any election to be illegal, they may seclude such for the present from their meeting, and return the same and their rea sons to the court ; and if it prove true, the court may fine the party or parties so intruding upon the town, if they see cause, and give out a warrant to go to a hew election in a legal way, either in part or in whole ; also the said deputies shall bave power to fine any that shall be disorderly at their meeting, or for not. coming in due time or place, according to appointment ; and they may return said fine into the court* if it be refused to be paid, and the treasurer to take notice of it, and to estreat or levy the same as he doth other fines. X. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that every gene ral court (except such as, through neglect of the governor and the greatest part of the magistrates, the freemen themselves do .pall,) shall consist of the governor, or some one chosen to modeffite tjie court, and four other magistrates at least, with the S02 APPENDIX. major part of the deputies of the several towns legally chosen ; and in case the freemen, or the major part of them, through neglect or refusal of the governor and major part of the magis trates, shall call a court, fhat shall consist of the major part of the freemen that are present, or their deputies, with a modera tor chosen, by them ; in which said general court shall consist the Supreme Power ofthe Commonwealth, and they only shall have power to make laws or repeal thetii, to grant levies, to admit freemen, lo dispose of lands undisposed of to several towns or persons* and also shall bave power to call other courts, or magistrate, or any other person whatsoever, into question for any misdemeanor ; and may for just causes displace ordeal otherwise, according to the nature of the offence ; and also may deal in any other matter that concerns the good of this com monwealth, except election of magistrates, which shall be done by the whole body of freemen ; in which court the governor or moderator shall have power to order the court, lo give liber ty of speech, and silence unreasonable and disorderly speak ing, to put all things to vote, and in case the vote be equal to have a casting voice; but none of these courts shall be ad journed or dissolved without the consent of the major part of the court. XI. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that when any general court, upon the occasions ofthe commonwealth, have agreed upon any sum or sums of money to be levied upon the several towns Within this jurisdiction, that a commiltee becho- sen to set out and appoint what shall be the proportion of eve ry town to pay, of the said levy, provided the committee be made up of ao equal number out pf each town. 1 4th January, 1638.* NUMBER IV. The fundamental articles, or original constitution qf the colony pf New-Haven, June 4th, 1639. THE 4th day of the 4th month, called June? 1639, all the free planters' assembled together in a general meeting, to con sult about settling civil government, according to God, and the nomination of persons that might be found, by consent of all, fittest in all respects for the foundation work -of a church, which •was intended to be gathered in Quinipiack. After solemn in vocation of the name of God, in prayer for the presence and help of his spirit and grace, in those weighty businesses, they were reminded of the business whereabout they taeta (viz.) for the establishment of such civil order as might be most pleas- * This as We now date was 1639. APPENDIX. SOS ing unto God, and for the choosing, the fittest men for the foundation work of a church, to be gathered. For the better enabling them to discern the mind of God, and to agree ac cordingly concerning the establishment, of civil order, Mr. John Davenport propounded divers queries to them publicly, praying them to consider seriously in the presence and fear of God, the weight of the business they met about, and not to be. rash or slight in giving their votes to things they .understood not; but to digest 'fully and thoroughly what should be pro pounded to them, and without respect to men, as they should be satisfied and persuaded in their own minds, to give their an swers in such sort as they would be willing should stand upon record for posterity. This being earnestly pressed by Mr. Dayenport, Mr. Ro bert Newman was intreated to write, in characters, and to read distinctly and audibly, in the hearing of all the people, what was propounded and accorded on, that it might appear, that all consented to matters propounded, according to words written by him. Query I. Whether the scriptures clo hold forth a perfect rule for the direction and government of all men in all duties which they are to perform to God and men, as well in families and commonwealth, as in matters ofthe church ? This was assent ed unto by all, no man dissenting, as was expressed by hold ing up ofthe hands. Afterwards it was read over to them, that they might see in what words their vote was expressed. They again expressed their consent by holding up . their hands, no man dissenting. Query II. Whereas, there was a covenant solemnly made by the whole assembly of free planters of this plantation, the first day of extraordinary humiliation, which we had after we came together, that as in matters that concern the gathering and ordering ofa church, so likewise in all public officers which, concern civil order, as choice of magistrates and officers, mak ing and repealing laws, dividing allotments of inheritance, and all things of like nature, we would all of us be ordered by those rules which the scripture holds forth to us ; this Cove nant was called a plantation covenant, to distinguish it from a churh covenant,, which could not at that time be made, a church not being then gathered, but was deferred till a church might be gathered, according to God : It was demanded whether all the free planters do hold themselves bound by that covenant, in all businesses of that nature which are expressed in the covenant, to submit themselves to be ordered hy the rules held forth in the scripture ? This also was assented unto by all, and no man gainsayed it; and they did testify the same by holding up their hands, 564 APPENDIX. both when it was first propounded, and confirmed the same by holding up their hands when it was read unto them in public. John Clark being absent, when the covenant was made, doth now manifest his consent to it. Also, Richard Beach, Andrew Law, Goodman Banister, Arthur Halbridge, John Potter, Ro bert Hill, John Brocket, and John Johnson, these persons, be ing not admitted planters when the covenant was made, do now express their consent to it. Query III. Those who have desired to be received as free planters, and are settled in the plantation, with a purpose, resolution and desire, that they may be admitted into church fellowship, according to Christ, as soon as God shall fit them thereunto, were desired to express it by holding up hands. Accordingly all did express this to be their desire and purpose by holding up their hands twice, (viz.) at the proposal of it, and after when these written words were read unto them* Query IV. All the free planters were called upon to express, whether they held themselves bound to establish such civil or der as might best conduce to the securing of the purity and peace of the- ordinance to themselves and their posterity ac cording to God ? In answer hereunto they expressed by hold ing up their hands twice as before, that they held themselves bound to establish such civil order as might best conduce to the ends aforesaid. Then Mr. Davenport declared unto them, by the scripture, what kind-of persons might best be trusted with matters of gov ernment ; and by sundry arguments from scripture proved that such men as were described in Exod. xviii. 2, Deut. i. 13, with Deut. xvii. 15, and 1 Cor. vi. 1, 6, 7, ought to be intrust ed by them, seeing they were free to cast themselves into that mould and form of commonwealth which appeared best for them in reference to the securing the peace and peaceable im provement of all Christ his ordinances in the church according to God, whereunto they have bound themselves, as hath been acknowledged. Having thus said he sat down, praying the company freely to consider, whether they would have it voted at this time or not. After some space of silence, Mr. Theophilus Eaton answered, it might be voted, and some others also spake to the same purpose, none at all opposing it. Then it was propounded to vote. Query V. Whether free burgesses shall be chosen out of the church members, they that are in the foundation work of the church being actually free burgesses, and to choose to themselves outofthe like estate of church fellowship, and the power of choosing magistrates and officers from among them selves, and the power of making and repealing laws, ac- APPENDIX. 505 cording to the word, and the dividing of inheritances, and de ciding of differences that may arise, and all the businesses of like nature are to be transacted by those free burgesses ? This was put to vote and agreed unto by lifting up of hands twice, as in the former it was done. Then one man stood up and ex pressed his dissenting from the rest in part; yet granting, 1. That magistrates should be men fearing God. 2. That the church is the company where, ordinarily, such men may be expected. 3» That they that choose them ought to be men fearing God : only at this he stuck, that free planters ought not to give this power out of their hands. Another stood upand answered, that nothing was done, but with their consent. The former answered, that all the free planters ought to re sume this power into their own hands again, if things were not orderly carried. Mr. Theophilus Eaton answered, that in all places they choose committees in like manner. The compa nies in London choose the liveries by whom the public magis trates are chosen. In this the rest are not wronged, because they expect, in time, to be oftheliVery themselves, and to have the same power. Some others intreated the former to -j!;ive his arguments and reasons whereupon he dissented. He refused to do it, and said, they might not rationally demand it, seeing he let the vote pass on freely and did not speak till after it was past, because he would not hinder what they agreed upon. Then Mr. Davenport, after a short relation of some former passages between them two about this question, prayed the company that nothing might be concluded by them on this weighty question, but what themselves were persuaded to be agreeing with the mind of God,1 and they had heard what had been said since the-voting ; he intreated them again to con sider of it, and put it again to vote as before. Again all of them, by holding up their hands, did show their consent as be fore. And some of them confessed that, whereas they did wa ver before they Came to the assembly, they were now fully convinced, that it is the mind of God. One of them said that in the morning before he came, reading Deut. xvii. 15, he was convinced at home. Another said, that he came doubting to the assembly, but he blessed God, by what had been said, he was now fully satisfied, that the choice of burgesses out of church members, and to instruct those with' the power before spoken of, is according to the mind of God revealed in the scrip tures. All having spoken their apprehensions, it was agreed upon, and Mr. Robert Newman was desired to write it as an order whereunto every one that hereafter should be admitted here as planters, should submit, and testify the same by sub scribing their names to the order : Namely, that church mem bers only shall be free burgesses, and that they only shall O 3 506- APPENDIX., choose magistrates and officers among themselves, to hav» power of transacting all the public civil affairs of this plantation • of making and repealing laws, dividing of inheritances, decid ing of differences that may arise, and doing all things and bu sinesses of like nature* This being, thus settled, as a fundamental agreement con cerning civil government, Mr. Dayenport proceeded to pro pound something- to consideration about the gathering of a church-, and to prevent the blemishing of the firet beginnings- of the-church work, Mr. Davenport advised, that the names of such as were to be admitted might be publicly propounded, to the end that they who were most approved might be chosen ; for the town being cast into several private meetings, wherein they that lived nearest together gave their accounts one to an other of God's gracious work upon them, and prayed together and conferred to their mutual edification,, sundry of them had knowledge one of another -r and in. every meeting. some one was more approved of all than any ether; for this reason, and to prevent scandals, the whole company was intreated' to consider whom they found fittest to-nominate for this Work... Query VI. Whether are you all willing and do agree inthis^ that twelve men be chosen, that their fitness for the foundation work may be tried ; however, there may be more named, yet it may be in their power who are chosen, to reduce them to twelve^ and that it be in the power of those twelve to choose out of themselves seven, that shall be most.approved of by thelnajor part, to begin the church ?. This was agreed upon, by consent of ally as was expressed by holding up of hands,; and that so many as should be thought fit for the foundation work of the church, shall be propounded by the plantation, and written down and pass without excep tion, unless they had given public scandal or offence. Yet so as in case of public scandal or offence, every one should have liberty to propound their exception, at that time, pubiicly against any man, that should be nominated, when all theii- names should be writ down. But if the offence were private; that men's names might be tendered, so many as were offend-: ed were intreated to deal with the offender privately, and if he gave not satisfaction, to bring the matter to the twelve, thai they might consider of it impartially and in the fear of God«r APPENDIX. 50,7 NUMBER V, The first agreement with George Fenwick, Esq. 1644. Articles of agreement made and concluded betwixt . George Fenwick, Esq. of Saybrook fort, on the one part, and Ed ward Hopkins, John Haynes, John Mason, John Steele, and James Boosy, for and on the behalf of the jurisdiction of Connecticut river, on the other part, the 5th of December, 1644. THE said George Fenwick, Esq. doth, by these presents, convey and. make over to the use and for the behoof of the ju risdiction of Connecticut river aforesaid, the fort at Saybrook, with the appurtenances hereafter mentioned, to be enjoyed by them forever. Two demiculvering cast pieces, with all the shot thereunto appertaining, except fifty, which are reserved for his own use ; two longjaker cast pieces, with all the shot thereunto belonging; onemurcTerer, with two ^chambers and two hammered pieces ; twoTDarrels of gun powder, forty mus kets, with bandoleers and rests, as also four carabines, swords, and such irons as are there fdra draw bridge ; otiesbw of lead, and -irons for the carriages of ordnance, and all the housing within the palisado. It is also provided and agreed, betwixt the said parties, that all the land upon the river of Connecticut shall belong to the said jurisdiction of Connecticut, and such lands as are yet un disposed of shall be ordered and given out by a committee of five, whereof George Fenwick, Esq. aforesaid is always to be one. It is further provided and agreed, that the town of Saybrook shall be carried on according to such agreements, and in that way which is already followed there, and attended betwixt Mr. Fenwick and the inhabitants there. It is also provided and agreed, betwixt the said parties, that. George Fenwick, Esq. shall have liberty to dwell in, or make use of, any or all tbe housing, belonging to the said fort, for the space of ten years; he keeping those which he makes use of in sufficient repair, (extraordinary casualties excepted ;) and in case he remove his dwelling to any other place, that he should give half a year's warning thereof, that provision may be made accordingly; only it is agreed, that there shall be some convenient part of the housing reserved for a gunner, and his family to live in, if the jurisdiction see fit to settle one there. It is further provided and agreed, betwixt the said' parties, that George Fenwick, Esq. shall enjoy to his own proper usej these particulars following : 508 APPENDIX. 1st. The house near adjoining to the wharf, with the wharf and an acre of ground thereunto belonging ; provided, that the said acre of ground take not up above eight rods in breadth by the water side. 2d. The point of land, and the marsh lying under the barn already built by the said George Fenwick. 3d. The island commonly called six mile island, w'th the meadow thereunto adjoining, ofi the east side the river. 4th. The ground adjoining to the town field, which is alrea dy taken off and inclosed with three rails, by the said George Fenwick ; only there is liberty granted to the said jurisdic tion, if they see fit, to build a fort upon the western point, whereunto there shall be allowed an acre of ground for a house lot. 5th. It is also provided and agreed, that the said George Fenwick, Esq. shall have free warren in his own land, and liberty for a floater for his own occasions ; as also the like Jiberty is reserved for any others of the adventurers, that may come unto these parts, w;ith a double house lot in such place, where they make choice to settle their abode. All the forementioned grants (except before excepted) the said George Fenwick, Esq. doth engage Himself to makegood tp the jurisdiction aforesaid, ' against all claims that may be made, by any other to the premises by reason of any disburse ments made upon, the place. The said George Fenwick doth also promise, that all the lands from Narraganset river to the fort of Saybrook, mention ed in a patent granted by the earl of Warwick to certain no bles and gentlemen, shall fall in under the jurisdiction of Con necticut, if it come into his power. For, and in regard of the premises, and other good considerations, the said Edward Hopkins, John Haynes, John Masonj John Steele, and James Boosy,' authorized thereunto, by the general court for the ju risdiction of Connecticut, do, in behalf ofthe said jurisdiction, promise and agree, ' to and with the said George Fenwick, Esquire, that for and during the space of ten full and complete years, to begin from the first of March next ensuing the date of these presents, there shall be allowed and paid to the said George Fenwick, or his assigns, the particular sums hereafter following. 1st. Each bushel of corn, of all sorts, or meal, that shall pass out ofthe river? s mouth, shall pay twopence per bushel. 2d. Every hundred of biscuit that shall in like manner pass out of the river's mouth, shall pay six pence. 3d. Each milk cow, and mare, of three years or upwards, within any of the towns or farms upon the river, shall pay twelve pence per annum during the foresaid term. : ¦ -'¦ APPENDIX. 5Q9 4th. Each hog or sow, that is billed by any particular per son, withjn the limits of the river, and the jurisdiction afore said, to be improved either for his own particular use, or to make market of, shall in like manner pay twelve pence per annum. 5th. Each hogshead of beaver, traded out of this jurisdic tion, and passed by water down the river, shall pay twenty shillings. 6th. Each pound of beaver, traded within the limits ofthe Fiver, shall pay two pence. Only it is provided, that in case the general trade with the Indians, now in agitation, proceed, iS APPENDIX. dergo the difficulties wc have since met with, in this wilder ness, yet fresh in our remembrance; being the only ends wc, still pursue, having hitherto found by experience so much of the presence of God with us, and of his goodness and compas sion towards us in so doing, for these many years. Yet, con sidering how unanswerable our returns have been to God, bow unfruitful, unthankful, and, unholy, under so much means of grace, and such liberties, we cannot but lament the same, judge ourselves, and justify God, should he now at last (after so long patience towards us') bring desolating judgments upon us, and make us drink ofthe dregs of that cup of indignation, he hath put into the hands of his people in other parts of the world, or suffer such contentions (in just displeasure) to arise among us, as may hasten our calamity, and increase our wo ;¦ which we pray the Lord in mercy to prevent. And whereas, in the pursuance of the said ends, and upon other religious and civil considerations, as the security of the interest of each col ony, wkhin kselfinways of righteousness and peace, and all and every of the said colonies from the Indians and other ene mies, they did judge it to be their bounded duty, for mutual strength and helpfulness, for the future, in all their said con cernments to -enter into a consociation among themselves, thereupon fully agreed and concluded by and between the parties or jurisdictions, in divers and sundry articles, and at last ratified as a perpelfial confederation by their several sub scriptions : Whereunto we conceived ourselves bound to ad here, until with satisfaction to our judgments and consciences, we see our duty, with the unanimous consent of the confede rates, orderly to recede, leaving the issue unto the most wise and righteous God* As for the patent, upon your petition, granted to you by his majesty, as Connecticut colony, so far, and in that sense we object not against it, much less against his majesty's act in so doing, the same being'a real encouragement to other of his subjects to obtain the like favor, upon their hum ble petition to his royal highness, in the protection of their per sons and purchased rights and interests, is also a ground of hope to us. But if the line of your patent doth circumscribe this colony by your contrivement, without our cognizance, of consent, or regard to the said confederation on your parts, we have, and must still testify against it, as not consistent (in our judgment) with brotherly love, righteousness and peace : And that this colony (for so long time a confederate jurisdiction, distinct from yours and the other colonies) is taken in under the administration of the said patent, in your hands, and so its former being dissolved, and distinction ceasing, there being no one line or letter in the patent, expressing his majesty's plea-; sure that way. Although it is your sense of it, yet we cani^t APPENDIX. &% 30 apprehend ; of which we having already given1 our grounds at large in writing, we shall not need to say much more ; nop l^ave we met with any argumentative or rational convictions- from you, nor do we yet see cause to be of another mind. As for your proceedings upon pretence of the patent towards1 us, or rather against us, in taking in sundry of the inhabitants of this colony under your protection and government, who, as you say, offered themselves, from which a .good conscience, and tbe obligation under which most of them stood to this colo ny, should have restrained theffl, without the consent of the body of this colony first had, and in concurrence with them, upon mature deliberation and conviction' of duty yet wanting,. we cannot but again testify against as disorderly in them, and which admission, on your parts, we conceive, your christian" prudence might have easily suspended, for prevention of that greatoffenee to the consciences of your confederate brethren,. and those sad cousequences which' have followed, disturbing the peace of our towns, destroying our comforts, hazard of onr lives and liberties, by their frequent threats and unsuffer- able provocations, hath been, and is, with us, matter of com plaint, both- to- God and man-; especially when we consider, that thus you admitted them and put power into their, hands, before you had made any overture to us, or had any treaty1 with us, about so weighty a business, as if you were in haste to make us miserable,-as indeed, in these things, we are at. this day. And seeing upon the answer returned to your propositions made by you afterwards, of- joining with you in your govern ment, finding ourselves- already so dismembered, and the weighiy grounds and reasons we then presented to you, we could not prevail so far with you, as fo procure a respite of your further proceedings, until Mr. Winthrop's return from England, or the grant of any time that way, which, was thought but reasonable by some of yourselves, and the like seldom de nied in war to very enemies, we saw it then high time and ne cessary (fearing these beginnings) to appeal unto his majesty, and so we did, concluding according to the law of appeals, in all cases and among all nations, that the same, upon your alle giance to his majesty, would have obliged you to forbear all further process in this business; for our own parts resolving (notwithstanding all that we bad formerly suffered) to sit down patient under the same,, waiting upon God for the issue of our said appeal. But seeing that, notwithstanding all that we had presented to you by word, and writing — nstwithstanding our appeal to his majesty — notwithstanding all that we have suf fered, (by means of that power you have set up, viz. a consta ble, at Stamford,) of which informations have been given you^, 320 APPENDIX. yet you have gone further,-to place a constable at Guilford, in Ijke manner, over a party there, to the further, disturbance of our peace and quiet, a narrative whereof, and ofthe provoca tions and wrongs we have met with at Stamford, we have re ceived, attested to us by divers witnesses, honest men. We cannot but, on behalf of our appeal to his majesty, whose hon our is highly concerned therein, and of our just rights, but (as men exceedingly afflicted and grieved) testify in the sight of God, angels, and men, against these things. Our end therein being not to provoke or further any offence, but rather as a discharge of duty, on our parts, .as brethren and christian con federates, to call upon you, to take some effectual course to ease and right us, in a due redress ofthe grievances you have caused by these proceedings ; and that after you had compli mented us with large offers of patent privileges, with desire of a treaty with us for union of our colonies ; and you know, as your good words were -kindly accepted, so your motion was fairly answered by our committee. That in regard we were under an appeal to his majesty, that being limited by our free men, not to conclude any thing for altering our distinct colony state and government, without their consent, and without the approbation of the other confederate colonies, they were not in present capacity so to treat; but did little suspect such a design on foot against us, the effect whereof quickly appeared at Guilford, before mentioned. But we shall say no more at this time, only tell you, what ever we suffer by your means, we pray the Lord would help us to choose it, rather than to sin against our consciences, ho ping the righteous God will, in due time, look upon our afflic tion, and incline his majesty's heart to favour our righteous cause. Subscribed in the name, and by order of the general court of New-Haven colony. Per James Bishop, Secretary. New- Haven, May 6th, 1663. NUMBER XII. Governor WinthropJs letter to Connecticut, March 3d, 1663. G'entlemen, I AM informed by some gentlemen, (who are authorized to seek remedy here,) that since you had the late patent, there hath been injury done to the government of New-Haven, and, in particular, at Guilford and Stamford, in admitting of several of the inhabitants there unto freedom with you, and appointing officers, which hath caused divisions in the said towns, which APPENDIX 521 may prove of dangerous consequence, if not timely prevented ; though I do hope the rise of it is from misunderstanding, and not in design of prejudice to that colony, for whom I gave as surance to their friends that their rights and interests should not be disquieted, or prejudiced by the patent, but if both gov ernments wodld, with unanimous agreement, unite in one, theitf friends judged it for advantage to both : And further I must let you know, that testimony here doth affirm, that I gaye assu rance before authority here, that it was not intended to meddle with any town or plantation that was settled under any other government ; had it been any otherwise intended, or declared, it had been injurious, in taking out the patent, not to have in serted a proportionable number of their names in it. Now, upon the whole, having had serious conference with their friends, authorized by them, and with others who are friends to both, to prevent a tedious and chargeable trial, and uncer tain event here, I promised them, to give you speedily this re presentation, how far you are engaged. If any injury have been done, by admitting of freemen, or appointing officers, or other unjust intermeddling with New-Haven colony, in one kind or other, without the approbation of the government, that it be forthwith recalled, and that, for the future, there will be no imposing in any .kind upon them, nor admitting of any members without mutual consent ; but that all things be acted as loving neighbouring colonies, as before such patent grant ed, and , unto this I judge you are obliged, .1 having engaged to their agent here, that this will be by you performed, and they have thereupon forborne to give you or me any trouble; but they dp not doubt, but upon future consideration, there may be such a right understanding between both governments, that an union and friendly joining may be established, to the satis faction of all ; which, at my arrival, I shall also endeavour (God willing) to promote. Not having more at present, in ' this case, I rest, Your humble servant, i John Winthrop. London, March 3d, 1662.* * This, according to % present way of dating, was March 3d, 1563, 522- APPENDIX. NUMBER XIII. His majesty^ commission to Colonel Nichols, Sir Robert Carr, knight, and others, for the settlement of boundaries, fyc.AprU 2SiA, 1664. CHARLES K. Charles the second, by the grace of God, king of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, defender of the faithr&c.' To all to whom these presents shall come; Greeting. WHEREAS We have received several addresses from our subjects' of several colonies of New-England, all full of duty and affection, and expressions of loyalty and allegiance to us, with their humble desires to us, that we would renew their several charters-, and receive them into our favourable opinion and protection :'¦ And several of our colonies there, and other our loving subjects, have, likewise complained of differences and disputes arisen upon the limits and bounds of theirseveral charters and jurisdictions, whereby unneighbourly and un- brotherly contentions have and may arise, to the damage and discredit of the English interest ; and that all our good sub jects residing theref and feeing planters within the several colo nies, do not enjoy the liberties and privileges granted unto them by our several charters, upon confidence and assurance of which they transported themselves and their estates into those parts : And We having received some addresses from the great men and natives of those countries; in which they com plain of breach of faith, and actsof violence and injustice, which they have been forced to-- undergo from our subjects, whereby not only our government is traduced, but the reputa tion and credit of the christian- religion brought into prejudice and reproach, with the Gentiles and inhabitants of those coun tries, who know not God, the reduction of whom to the true knowledge and fear of God, is the most worthy and glorious end of these plantations. Upon all which, motives, and as. an evidence and manifestation of our fatherly affection towards all our subject's in thbse several" colonies of New-England, (that is to say,) of the Massachusetts, Connecticut, New-Ply mouth, Rhode-Island, and Providence plantations, and all oth er plantations which are in that, tract of land known under the appellation of New-England ; and to the end' lhat we may be truly informed of the state and condition of our good Subjects there, that so we may the better knowfrqW.io contribute-tto the further improvement of their happiness 'and prosperity : Know ye, therefore,.'- Jhat we, reposing^ especial trust and confidence in the fidelity, wisdom, and circumspection of our APPENDIX. 5?3 trusty and well beloved colonel Richard Nichols, Sir Robert Carr, knight, George -Cartwright, Esq. and Samuel Maverick, Esq. of our especial grace, certain knowledge, and mere mo tion, have made, ordained, constituted, and appointed, and do by these presents make, ordain, constitute, and appoint the said colonel Richard Nichols, Sir Robert Carr, knight, George Cartwright, and Samuel Maverick, Esquires, pur commission ers-; and do hereby give and grant unto them, or any three or two of them, or of the survivors of «tfi.emf (of whom we will the said colonel Richard Nichols, during, his life, sball be always one, and upon equal division of opinions, lo have the casting and decisive voice,) in our name, to visit-all ands every the se veral colonies aforesaid, and also full power to hear and re ceive, and to examine and determine all complaints and ap peals, in . all causes and matters, as well military as criminal and civil, and proceed in all things for the providing- for and settling the peace and security of the said country, according to their good jand' sound discretions, and to such instructions as they or the survivors of them have, or shall, from time to time, receive from us in that behalf, and from time to time, as they shall find expedient, to certify us or our privy council, of their actings or proceedings tbuctiing the premises; and for the doing thereof, or any other matter or thing relating there unto, these presents, or the enrolment thereof, shajl be unto lhem, and every of them, a sufficient warrant and discharge in that behalf, In witness whereof, we have caused these our letters to be made patent. Given at the court at Whitehall, the 26th day of April, 1664, and in the sixteenth year of our ¦reign,, . Parker, NUMBER XIV. His majesty's gracious letter to the governor and company qf Connecticut, accompanying the commission, April 23rf, 1664. CHARLES R. TRUSTV and well beloved, we greet you well, liaving, ac cording to the resolution we declared to Mr. John Winthrop, at the time when w;e-re1iejwedyo;ij|^f^.rter, now sent these per sons, of. known abilities and aff%§piis to us, that is to say, colonel Richard Nichols, Sir Robert. Carr, knight, George Cartwright, Esq. and Samuel Maverick, .Esq. our commission ers, to visit those our several colonies and plantations in New- England, to the end that we may be the better informed ofthe state and welfare of our good subjects, whose prosperity is very dear to us ; we can make tip question but that they shall fmd that reception from you wHieJt/may testify your respect ta $24 APPENDIX. us, frota whom they are sfcnt for your good. We need not tell you how careful We are of your liberties and privileges, wheth er ecclesiastical or civil, which we will not suffer to be vio lated in the least degree ; and that they may not be is the prin cipal business of our said commissioners, as likewise to take care that, the bourids and jurisdictions of our several colonies there may be clearly agreed upon ;, that every one may enjoy what of right belongeth unto them, without strife or conten tion; and especially thatthe natives of that country, who are grilling to live peaceably and neighbourly with our English subjects, may receive such justice and civil treatment from them, as may make them the more in, love with their religion and manners ; so hot doubting of your full compliance and submission to our desire, we bid you farewell. Given at our court at Whitehall, the 23d day of April, 1'664, in the sixteenth year of our reign. By hia majesty's command, Henry Bej^nit. NUMBER XV. The Duke and Duchess of Hamilton 's- petition to King Charles second, and his rhajesty's reference of the case to his commis sioners, May &th, 1664; To the King's most excellent majesty. The humble petition of William, Duke of Hamilton, and Anne, ' Duchess of Hamilton ; Sheweth, THAT whereas in the eleventh year of the reign of your royal father, of ever blessed memory, the council established at Plymouth in the county of Devon, for planting, ordering and governing of New-England in America (according to the power given them in the eighteenth year of the reign of the late king James, by his letters patent, bearing date the third day of November) did for a competent sum of money and othei* valuable considerations, bargain and sell unto the petitioners' father, by the name of James, Marquis Hamilton^ his heirs and assigns, all that part and portitoiof the main lands in New- England, lying and beginning, at the middle part of the mouth ofthe riveP Connecticut* to proceed along the sea coast to be accounted about sixty miles,and so up to the westward arm of the river into the land northwestward till sixty miles be finish ed, and so to cross sonthwestward till sixty miles, all which part and portion of lands were to be called by the name of the eotinty of New-Cambridge, with several other lands and privi leges as by the said deed of feoffment doth more fully appear, fi copy whereof is hereunto annexed. Since which time and APPENDIX. 525 by reason of the late unhappy war several persons haye pos sessed themselves of the best and most considerable' parts of the sajd lands, without any acknowledgment of your petition ers' right. Your petitioners therefore most humbly pray, that your majesty, will be graciously pleased to recommend the jpremises to your majesty's commissioners for New-England, and that care may be takfen that your petitioners may be restor ed to their just right* and that nothing be done to their preju dice. At the court at Whitehall, the 6th May, 1664. His majesty is graciously pleased to refer this petition to the commissioners now employed by his majesty to settle the affairs pf New-England, who are to examine the allegations thereof, and upon due consideration had, to preserve and re store to the petitioners their just right and interest, or other wise to report their opinions thereupon to his majesty, who will then declare his further pleasure, for ;he honorable petitioners' just satisfaction.* Henry Bennit. NUMBER XVI. The determination of his majesty's commissioners, relative to the boundaries of his royal highness the Duke of York's patent and qf the patent of Connecticut, November 30th, 1 664. BY virtue pf his majesty's commission, we have heard the differences about the bounds ofthe patents granted to bis royal highness the Duke of York, and his majesty's colony of Con- necticut^and having deliberately considered all the reasons alledged by Mr. Alkn, senior, Mr, Gould, Mr. Richards, and captain Winthrop, appointed by the assembly held at Hart ford, the 13th day of October, 1664, to accompany John Win throp, Esq. the governor of his majesty's colony pf Connecticut, to New-York, and byMr.Howell and captain Young, of Long- Island, why the said Long-Island should be under the govern ment of Connecticut ; which are too long here to be recited : "JVe do declare and order, that the southern bounds of his ma jesty's colony of Connecticut, is the sea ; and that Long-Isl and is to be under the government of his royal highness the Duke of York ; as is expressed by plain words in the said pa tents respectively. And also, by virtue of his majesty's com mission and by the consent of both the governor and the gen tlemen above named, we also order and declare, that the creek dr river called Momoronock, which is reputed to be about twelve miles to the east of West-Chester, and a line drawn '"' * pid Book of Letters, &c. pi 138., 926 APPENDIX. from the east point or side, where the fresh water falls into the salt, at highwater mark, north-northwest to the line of the Massachusetts, be the western bounds of the said colony of Connecticut, and the plantations lying westward of that creek, and line so drawn, to be under his royal highness's govern ment; and all. plantations lying eastward of that creek, and line to be under the government of Connecticut. Given un der our bands at Fort James, in New- York, on Manhattans Island, this 30th day of Nov. J 664. Richap-d Nichols, George Cartwright, Samuel Maverick. . We undepwitten, on behalf of the colony of Connecticut, have assented unto this determination of his majesty's commis sioners, in relation to the bounds and limits of his royal high ness the duke's patent, and the patent of Connecticut.* John Winthrop, Matthew Allen, Nathan Gould, James Richards, . John Winthrop, November 30, J664- NUMBER XVII. .Letter 6f New-Haven to Connecticut, December 14, 1664. * i Honored Gentlemen, WE have been silent hitherto, as to the making of any griev? ance known unto the king's commissioners, notwithstanding what may be with us of such nature, from the several transac tions tbat have been amongus, and are desirous so to continue the managing of these affairs, in ways consistent with the an cient confederation of the united colonies, choosing rather to suffer, than to begin any motion hazardful to New-England set tlements ; in pursuance whereof (according to our promise lo your gentlemen, sent lately to demand our submission, though in a divided if not dividing way, . within our towns, severally seeking to bring us under the government of yourselves alrea dy settled, wherein we have, had no hand to settle the same, and before we had cleared to our conviction, the certain limits of your charter, which may justly increase the scruple of too much haste in that and former actings upon us) the generality of our undivided people haye orderly met (his 13th of the tenth month (64) and by the vote endorsed, have prepared for this answer to be given of our submission, winch being dpi>e by * Old Book, &c. p. 2. APPENDIX. 527 as, .then for the accommodation of matters betwixt iis in an am icable way, by a committee impowered to issue with you on their behalf,: and in the behalf of all concerned, according to instructions given to the said committee. We never did, nor even do intend to damnify your moral rights or just privileged, consistent with bbr like honest enjoyments, and we would hope that'. you have no further step towards iis, not to violate our government interest, but to accommodate us with that we shall desire, and the patent bear, as hath been often said you would do ¦ "find ''Surely you have the more reason to be full with us herein*, seeing'that your success for patent bounds with those gentlemen now obtained', seems to be debtor unto our silence before them, when as yon thus by single application and audience issued that matter : you thus performing to satis faction, we may still rest silent, and according to profession, by a studious and cordial endeavour with us to advance the in terest of Christ in this wilderness, and by the Lord's blessing thereupon,, love and union between us may be greatly.confirm- ed, and all our comforts enlarged, which is the earnest prayer of, gentlemen, your loving friends and neighbours, the commit tee, appointed by the freemen, and inhabitants of New-Havera colony, now assembled. James Bishop, Secretary. New- Haven, Dec. 14, 1664. NUMBER XVIII. , Letter of Connecticut to1 New-Haven, in answer to the preceding letter, December 21st, 1664. Hartford, Dec. Hist, 1664. Honored Gentlemen, WE have received yours, dated the 14th of this instant, signed by James Bishop, &c. wherein you are pleased to men tion your silence hitherto, as to the making any grievance known to. his majesty's commissioners, notwithstanding what may be with you, &c. we can say the same, though we had fair opportunities to present any thing of that nature; as for your desire to manage affairs consistent with the confederation, the present motion will, we hope, upon a candid review, not ap pear any ways dissonant therefrom ; for besides the provision made in one of the articles of confederation for two colonies uniting in one, there was special provision, as you well know, made at the last session of the commissioners to that purpose, conjoined with pathetical advice and counsel, to an amicable union. Our too much forwardness, with New-Haven, &c. is aot so clear, seeing those plantations you inhabit are much a~ 526 APPENDIX. bout the center of our patent, which our charter limits, as also the inclosed determination of his majesty's honorable com missioners, will, to. .your conviction, be apparent ; that our success for patent bounds with the king's commissioners is debtor to your .silence, seems to us strange, when your non compliance was so abundantly knowtffa those gentlemen, yea, the neWsof your motions, when Mr. Joseph Allen was last with you, was at New- York, before our governor's departure thence; notwithstanding your silence, and yet so good an is sue obtained, we desire such reflections may be buried in per petual silence, which only yourselves necessitating thereunto, shall revive them, being willing to pursue truth and peace as much as may be with all men, especially with our dear breth ren in the fellowship of the gospel, and fellow-members of the same civil corporation, accommodated with so many choice privileges, which we are willing, after all is prepared to your hands, to confer upon you equal with ourselves, which we wish may at last produce the long desired effect of your free and cordial closure with us, not attributing any necessity imposed by us, further than the situation of those plantations in the heart of our colony, and therein the peace of posterity in these parts of the country is necessarily included, and that af ter so long liberty to present your plea when you have seen meet. Gentlemen, we desire a full answer as speedily as may be, whether those lately empowered, accept to govern accord ing to their commission, if not, other meet persons to govern may by us be empowered in their room ; thus desiring the Lord to unite pur hearts and spirits in ways well pleasing ih his sight, which is the prayer of your very loving friends, the council ofthe colony of Connecticut. Signed by their order, by me, John Allen, Secretary. NUMBER XIX. The final reply of New-Haven lo Connecticut. New-Haven, Jan. 5, 166-1-5. Honored Gentlemen, -* WHEREAS by yours, dated December 21st, 1664, you please to say, that you did the same as we, not making any grievances known to the commissioners, &c. unto that may be returned, that you had not the same cause so to do from any pretence of injury, by our intermeddling with your colony or government interest, unto which we refer, that passage for our expressing desires to manage all our matters in confederacy with the confederation, we hope you will not blame us. How APPENDIX. 529 dissonant or consonant your actings with us have been, we leave'to the confederation to judge, as their records may show - — that article, which allows two colonies to join, doth also, with others, assertthe justness of each colony's distinct rights, until joined to mutual satisfaction, and the provision made in such case the last session, we gainsay not, when the union is so completed, and a new settlement of the confederation, by the respective general courts, accomplished. Their pathetical advice for an amicable union, we wish may be so attended — in order thereunto, we gaVe you notice ofa committee prepared to treat with you, for such an accommodation, unto which you gave us no answer, but instead thereof, sent forth your edict from authority upon us, before our conviction for submission was declared to you. The argument from our intermixt situa tion, is the same now as it was before our confederating and ever since, and affords no more ground now to disannul the government than before. We might marvel at your -strange, •why we should think your success should be debtor to our si1 lence, and that because the news of our non-compliance was with the commissioners, as if the mere news of such a thing contained the strength of all we had to say or plead. Gentle men, we intreat you to consider, that there is more in it than so, yea, that still we have to alledge things of weight, and know where and how, if we chose not rather to abate and suffer, than by striving to hazard the hurting yourselves or the common cause. We scope not at reflections, but conviction and con science satisfaction, that so brethren in the fellowship of the gospel might come to a cordial and regular closure, and so to walk together in love and peace, to advance Christ his interest among them, which is all our design : But how those high and holy ends are like so to be promoved between us, without a treaty for accommodation we have cause to doubt ; yet that we may not fail in the least to perform whatever we have said, we now signify, that having seen the copy of his majesty's commis sioners' determination (deciding the bounds betwixt his high ness the Duke of York, and Connecticut charter) we do de clare submission thereunto according to the true intent of our vote, unto which we refer you. As to that part of yours con cerning our magistrates and officers acceptance, their answer is, that they having been chosen by the people hereto such trust and sworn thereunto, for the year ensuing, and until new be orderly chosen, and being again desirMto continue that trust, they shall goon in due observance thereof according to the declaration left with us by Mr. John Allen and Mr. Samuel Sherman, bearing date November 19th, 1664; in hopes to find that in a loving treaty for accommodating matters to the ends professed by you ; unto which our committee stands ready to. s3o appendix: attend, upon notice from you ; that so truth and peace may be maintained. So shall we not give you further trouble, but remain, gentlemen, your very loving friends and neighbours, the committee appointed by the freemen and inhabitants oi New-Haven colony. Signed per their order, per me, James Bishop, Secretary. NUMBER XX. The answer of Connecticut to the claim and' petition of (he Dukfy qyd Duchess of Hamilton, March 25thr 166$. THE king's commissioners had written, to the colony, re questing, ." That they might have something in writing to re turn to the king, concerning the grant of sixty pules square on the eastern side of Connecticut river, to Jamps, Marquis of Hamilton, from the council- of Plymouth in Dpvon, 1631, and to know in what particulars it was desired, that they should be solicitors to his majesty fop the advantage ofthe colony," which they declared they would" cordially endeavour. Inconsequence of which the following answer was given. . To the Honorably Si]- Robert Carr, knight, George Cart wright, Esq. and Samuel Maverick, Esq. his majesty's- hon orable cominissioners... IN answer to D^ke Hamilton's petition, respecting a grant pf land of si*ty miles square, on the east side "the river Con- yerticu. 1. We are wholly ignorant of any river within the extent of our charter, that is known under such an appellation, and therefore canqot conceive thatany part or tract of land,. under this government; is concerned in this demand. 2. Yet upon supposition that it may be conceived to intpnd Connecticut river, we humbly conceive that the original patent grant, from royal authprjty tp the Lord Say and other nobles and gentlemen, which we purchased at a dear rate, is lately ratified and confirmed by our gracious sovereign, under tlie tirp^d seal of EhglancJ (the most absolute and unquestionable security ofthe English subjects)in which grants the lands fore- mentioned are comprised. The grant to Connecticut was pre cedent to that of Duke Hamilton's several years, which, gives as to conclude, that priority of title will be settled by priority pf grant. i ' 3. A considerable tr^ct of this land which .the duke's peti tion refers to (if as before supposed, it be determined Connec ticut) was possessed'by a people most malignantly spirited a- gamst his majesty's English subjects, and at our first settling APPENDIX. M "'tiere, when we were weak and few, they grew very insolent against us, making invasion upon us, murdering many of our •people, thereby necessitating iis to a hazardous undertaking, to cast ourselves into the arms of Gbd's providence, in endeav ouring to suppress those bloody heathen ; and through divine benediction we found a good success ; and though that wilder ness land would not afford any considerable recompence for the loss of lives and great eXpehs'es, yet oiir peace attained by that conquest did greatly rejoice us. 4. We have had peaceable possession this thirty years, free from the least claim of any other, that we heard of, to this day ; Which persuades us that if , the duke's highness had ever rea- so'n, by virtue of his grant, to make claim, yetifh'at right pre tended is extinct in law hiany y£ars since. His majesty, our gracious sovereign, was pleased of his a- ¦burfdant favor and grace, to his subjects of this colony, so far to declare his free reception of the reasons forementioned, of our purchase made, and conquest recovered, and likewise of Our improVettient ahdlabot bestowed upon those .lands, as to •insert them as motives *o that late reiiewal of our chairter. We humbly crave, that as it hath been his majesty's royal ¦pleasure to manifest his tender affection to, and care of his sub jects' welfare in,these.his colonies of New-England, in sending Over his honorahle cbminissioners-tb compoSearid issue those things that might be of ill consequence between the several colonies, so likewise that it be well pleasing to his majesty, that this his colony of Connecticut might be freed from further trouble or inconvenience by this claina, that we understand ,bath been presented by the Marquis Hamilton. Ami w'hefeas, ybiir honors are pleased sO far to exercise your thoughts about the prohiotiou pf fttfe welfare of his iria- jesty's subjects in this his colony, as to vouchsafe us so favora- . ble a tended to be solicitors in our behalf to his majesty ou* gracious sovereign, in any particulars wherein we' may be ad- itr^rtiArr'nA- \*tr, #>rnira Tr/Vl'ra. hr,Kir»l»c' acc^tdlipp »c fnl I'-nTH-Wri i silence 4he claim of Ditlte Hamilton, if any be by him pretended or presented, to any tract of land lying or being within the pre- cihcts pf our cha'rter (renewed and established to us by bur royal sovereign) and possessed and improved by several poor people, whose progress in their labors and endeavours for their subsistence (a;t the best very mea'n) will be impeded and obsfructed through fe'$v of the event of such claims. 2. Whereas, the colony is at a very low ebb in respect of traffick, and although, out of a respect to bur relation to the English nation, and tbat we might be accounted a people un- 'de? the sovereignty apd protection pf his majesty the ting of 535 APPENDIX, England, we presumed to put the name or appellation of New- London upon one of our towns, which nature hath furnished with a safe and commodious harbour, though but a poor peo ple, and discapacitated in several respects to promote traf fick ; we humbly crave of our gracious sovereign, that he would be pleased out of his princely bounty, to grant it be a place of free trade for seven, ten, or twelve years, as his royal heart shall incline to confer as a boon upon his poor, yet loyal subjects. 3. We request of your honors, 1. That you will please to represent unto his majesty our allegiance, with our ready ac knowledgment of his princely grace in the late renewal of our charter, 2. His more abundant grace in re-ratifying our privi leges both civil and ecclesiastic, in his late gracious letter sent to us by your honors. 3. Our ready compliance with his ma jesty's royal will and pleasure therein expressed. 4. Our christian moderation to men ofdifferent persuasions. 5. We humbly implore the continuance ofthe shines of his royal fa vor upon our mean beginnings, that so we may flourish under the benign aspect of our lord the king.* NUMBER XXI, Tlie Reverend Mr. John I)avenport's resignation qf Governor Hopkins's donation to the general court of New-Haven, May 4th, 1660. Quod felix faustumque sit ! On the 4th day of the fourth month, 1660, John Davenport, pastor of the church of Christ at New-Haven, presented to the honorable general court at New-Haven, as followeth ; Memorandum, I. That, sundry years past, it was concluded by the said general court, that a small college, such as the day of smal j things will permit, should be settled in New-Haven, for the education of youth in good literature, to fit them for public ser vices, in church and commonwealthj as it will appear in the public records. II. Thereupon, the §aid John Davenport, wrote unto our honored friend, Edward Hopkins, Esq. then living in London, the result of those consultations. In answer whereunto, the said Edward Hopkins wrote unto the said John Davenport, a letter, dated die 30th ofthe second month, called April, 1656,, "beginning with these words, Most Dear Sir, The long'continued respects I bave received from you, but # This js ap attested copy, in the old letter book, p. 128, 129, 130. APPENDIX. 533 ©specially, the speakings of the Lord to my heart, by you, bave put me under deep obligations to love and a return of thanks beyond what I have or can express, &g. Then after other passages (which being secrets hinder me from shewing his letters) he added a declaration of his purpose in reference to the college about which I wrote unto him, That which the Lord hath given me in those parts, I ever designed, the great est part of it, for the furtherance of. the work of Christ in those ends ofthe earth, and if I understand that a college is begun and like to be carried on, at New-Haven, for the good df pos-, terity, I shall give some encouragement thereunto. These are the very words of his letter. But,. III. Before Mr. Hopkins could return an answer to my next letter it pleased God to finish his days in this world : There fore, by his last will and testament (as the copy thereof trans cribed and attested, by Mr. Thomas Yale, doth shew) he com mitted the whole trust of disposing his estate in these coun tries (after some personal legacies were paid out) unto the public uses mentioned, and bequeathed it to our late honored governor, Theophilus Eaton, Esq. his father in law, and to the aforesaid John Davenport, and joined with them, in the same trust, captain John Cullick, and Mr. William Goodwin. IV. It having pleased the most high to afflict this colony greatly by taking from it to himself, our former ever honored governor, Mr. Eaton, the surviving trustees and legatees met together, to consider what course they should take for the dis charge of their trust, and agreed that each of them should have an inventory of the aforesaid testator's estate in New-England, in houses and goods and lands, (which were prized by some in Hartford intrusted by captain Cullick and Mr. Goodwin) and in debts, for the gathering in whereof some attorneys were constituted, empowered and employed by the three surviving trustees, as the writing in the magistrates' hand will shew. V. Afterwards, at another meeting of the said trustees, they considering that by the will of the dead, they are joined to gether, in one common trust, agreed to act together, with mu tual consent, in performance thereof; and considering, that by the will of lhe testator, two of New-Haven were joined with two of Hartford, and that Mr. Hopkins had declared his purpose to further the college intended at New-Haven, they agreed that one half of that estate which should be gathered inj. should be paid unto Mr. Davenport for New-Haven, the other half to captain Cullick and Mr. Goodwin, to be improv ed for the uses and ends fore noted where they should have power to perform their trust, which, because they wouldnot ex pect to have. at Hartford, they concluded it would be best done by them in that new plantation unto which sundry of Hartford 534 APPENDIX. were to remote, add were how gone : yet they agreed lhat orat ofthe whole 1001. should be given to the college at Cam bridge, in the bay ; the estate being 10001. as captain Cullick -believed it Would be, which we now see cause to doubt, by rea son of the sequestrations laid upon that estate, and still con tinued by th'e genehvi cbort at Hartford, whereupon some re fuse to pay their debts, and others forsake the pui-chases they "lad made, to their great hindrance of performing the will ofthe deceased, according to the trust coi&mitted to theni, ind .to the great endamagement of the estate. VI. The said John Davenport acquainted the other two trustees with his purpose, to interest the honored magistrates and elders of this colony in the disposal of that part bf thfe es tate, that was by their agreement to be piaid thereunto, for the promoving thfe college work hi a gradual way, for the education of yo^th in good literature, so far as he might, With preserving in himself, the power committed to him for the discharge bf his trust: they consented thereunto. Accordingly, on the elec tion day, it being the 30th day of the third month, fie delivered up unto the hands of the honored governor and magistrates fh'e writings that concern this business : (viz-, the copy of Mr. Hopkins his last will and testament, and theinventbry of his estate in New-England, and the appraisemeht of his goods, and the writings signed by the surviving trustees ftiv their attornies, and some letters between' the other trustee^ and himself,) ad ding also his desire of some particular? for the well perforrhirig the trust as followeth : I . He desireth of NeW- Haven town, First, That the rent bf the Oyster shell fields, formerly sepa rated and reserved fdrf the ilfee ahd benefit of a college, be paid frbjtti this time forward, towards the miking of some; stock for disbursements of necessary charges towards tbe college till it be set up, and afterWardk fo co'htfhu'e for a yearly rent as be longing to it, under thfe rtame and title of cbllfegfe land. Secondly, That if no place can be' fouhd there convenient, Mrs. Eldred's lot be giv'eh for the u^e bf th'e College, and of the colony grahimai' school, if it be ih this fowh- else oiily for tbe ebllege. Thirdly, That patents will keep sicfe' of their soitfs constantly to learning in thfe schools, whom thfey intend to train- up for public serviceableness, arid that all their Sons friay feariiy M least, to write and cast up accounts cbnijjetently, and may tfiake some entrance into th'e latin tongue. Fourthly, That if the colony settle 4'0r. per annum, for a common school, and shall add iOOl. to be pbid towards the building or buying ofa school house and library iii this tovim? seeing thereby this town'v^ill be'fi^dd' from' the charges whici| APPENDIX- 53* they have been at hitherto to maintain a town school, they would consider what papt of their former salary may be still continued for futurp supplies toward^ a sU" k for necessary ex penses about the college or school. 2. He humbly desireth the honored general court of the col ony of New-IJaven, First, That the 401. per apnum formerly agreed upon, to bg paid by the several plantation?, for a commofi grammar school, pe now settled in one ofthe plantations which they shall judge fittest, §nd that a school master may forthwith be provided tp teach the' three languages, L^tjn, Greek, and Hebrew, so far as shall bp necessary to prepare thein for the cpllege, and that if it can be accomplished, that such a school lister be settled by the end pf this summer, or the beginning of \yinter. The- payinents from the several plantations may begin frqm thi$ time. Secondly, That if the common school be settled in this town, the honore^ governor, magistrates, elders,, anf} deputies, would solemnly and together visit the grammar school once pvery year, at the court for elections, to examine tlie scholars' profi ciency in learning. Thirdly, That fpr the payments to be made by the planta tions, for the school, or out of Mr. Hopkins' estate, towards the cojlege, one be chosen by themselves, under the name anc| title of steward, or receiver, for the school and college, to whptii such payments may bp made, with full power given liim by the court to dernand what is dqp, and to prosecute in case ot neglect, and to give acquittances in case of due payments re ceived? and to give his accqunt yearly to the court, aqd to dis pose of what he receiveth in such provisions as cannot be wel£ kept, in the best way for the aforesaid uses according to ad vice. f? Fourthly, That unto that end a committee of church mem bers be chosen to meet together and consult and advise, int emergent difficult cases, that may concern the schppl or col lege, and, which cannot.be well-delayed till the meeting of the general court, the governor being always the chipf of that com mittee* - '.'-¦ . Fifthly, The said 'John Davsnport desireth, that while it may please God to continue his life, and abode in this place, (to the end that hem^y the better perform his trust) in Refer ence to the college, tfyat he be always . consulted in difficult eases, and have the power of a 'negative vote, to hinder any thing from being acted which hi* shall prove by good reason to be prejudicial to the true intendment ofthe testator, and to the true end of this w.orfc. Sixthly. That certain ordera be speedily made for ,th$ 536 APPENDIX. school, and when the college shall proceed, for it also ; that the education of youth may be carried on suitably to Christ's ends, by the counsel of the teaching elders in this colony; and that what they shall conclude with consent, being approved by the honored magistrates, be ratified by the general court. Seventhly, Because it is requisite that the writings which concern Mr. Hopkins his estate be safely kept ; ih order there unto, the said John Davenport desireth that a convenient chest be made, with two locks and two keys, and be placed in the house Of the governor, or of the steward, in some safe room, till a more public place (as a library or the like) may be pre pared ; and that one key be in the hands pf the governor, the other in the steward's hands. That in this chest all the writ ings now delivered by him to the magistrates may be kept ; and all other bills, bonds, acquittances, orders, or whatsoever writings that may concern this business be put and kept there ; and that some place may be agreed on where the steward or re ceiver may lay up such provisions as may be paid in, till they may be disposed of for the gOod of the school or college. Eighthly, Because our sight is narrow and weak, in viewing and discerning the compass of things that are before us, much more in foreseeing future contingencies, he further craveth lib erty for himself and other elders of this colony, to propound to the honored governor and magistrates what hereafter may be found to be conducible to the well carrying on of this trust, ac cording to the ends proposed, and that such proposals may be added unto these, under the name and title of useful addi- tionals ; and confirmed by the general court. Lastly, He hopeth he shall not need to add, what he ex pressed by word of mouth, that the honored general court will not suffer this gift to be lost from the colony, but as it becom eth fathers of the commonwealth, will use all good endeavours to get it into their hands, and to'assert their right in it for the common good ; that posterity may reap the good fruit of their labors, and wisdom, and faithfulness ; and that Jesus Christ may have the service and honor of such provision made for his people ; in whom I rest. John Davenport. NUMBER XXII. Letter qfhis majesty king Charles. II. to Connecticut, April IQth 1666. CHARLES R. TRUSTY and well beloved, we greet you well, having re ceived go full and satisfactory an account from our commis- APPENDIX. 537 sionerS, both of the good, reception you have given them, and also of your dutifulriess and obedience to us, we cannot but let ybu know how much \Ve are pleased therewith, judging that respect of yours towards our officers to be the true and natural fruit which demonstrates what fidelity and affection towards us is rooted in your hearts ; and although your carriage doth of itself most justly deserve our praise and approbation, yet it seems to be set off with the more lustre by the contrary de portment of the colony of the Massachusetts, as if by their .re fractoriness they had designed to recommend and heighten the merit of your compliance with our directions, for the peacea ble and good government of our subjects in those parts: you may therefore assure yourselves that we shall never be un mindful of this yourfoyal and dutiful behaviour, but shall, upon all occasions, take notice of it to your advantage, promising. you our constant protection and royal favor, in all things that may concern your safety, peace and welfare ; and so we bid you farewell. Given at our court, at Whitehall, the 10th day of April, 1666, in the eighteenth year.of our reign. By his ma jesty's command, William Morrice* Superscribed to our trusty and well beloved, the governor and council of the colony of Connecticut, in New-England. NUMBER XXIII. An address to king William, June 13th, 1689. To the king's most excellent majesty. The humble address of your majesty's dutiful and loyal sub jects, the goverhor and company of your majesty's colony of Connecticut, in New-England. Great Sovereign, GREAT was that day, when the Lord, who sitteth upon the floods, and sitteth king forever, did divide his and your ad versaries from one another, like the waters of Jordan forced to stand upon an heap, and did begin to magnify you like Josh ua, in the sight of all Israel, by those great actions that were so much for the honor of God, and the deliverance of the Eng lish dominions from popery and slavery, and all this separated from those sorrows that usually attend the introducing of a peaceable settlement in any troubled state ; all which doth af fect us with the sense of our duty to return the highest praise .unto the King of Kings, and Lord of Hosts, and bless Him, who hath delighted in you, to sit you on the throne of his Is rael and to say because the Lord loved Israel forever, there? S3 538 APPENDIX, fore hath he made you king to do justice and' judgment, &c. also humble and hearty acknowledgment for that great zeal, that by your majesty hath been expressed in those hazards. you' have put your royal person to, and in the expense of so- great treasure in the defence of the protestant interest; In the consideration of ali; which, we, your majesty's dutiful and loy al subjects of your said colony, are encouraged humbly to inti mate that we, with much favor, obtained a charter of king Charles the II. of happy memory, bearing date April 23d, 1662, in the 14th year of his reign-, granted to the governor and company of his majesty's colony of Connecticut, the ad vantages and privileges whereof made us indeed a very happy people, and by the blessing of God upori our endeavours, we have made a considerable improvement «of your dominions here ; which, with the defence of ourselves from the force of both foreign and intestiae enemies, iias cost us much expense of treasure and blood ; yet. in the second year of the reign of his late majesty king James the Ik we had a qua-wafranto serv ed upon us by Edward Randolph,, requiring our appearance before his majesty's court, in England ;. and although- the time of our appearance was elapsed before the serving the said quo- warranto, yet we humbly petitioned his majesty for bi* favor, and the continuance of our charter, with:- the privileges there of; but we received no other favor but a second- quo-warranto, and we well observing that the charter of London, and other considerable cities- in- England were condemned, and that the charter of the Massachusetts had undergone the like fate, plain ly saw what we might expect, yet we not judging it good or lawful to be active in surrendering what had cost us so dear, nor to be altogether silent, we empowered- an attorney to ap pear on our behalf, and to prefer our humble address to his majesty, to entreat his favor quickly upon it ; but as Sir Ed mond Andross informed us he was impowered by his majesty to regain the surrender of our charter, if we saw. meet so to do, and to take ourselves under his government ; also colonel Thonias-Dungan, his majesty's governor of New- York, labor ed to gain us over to his government : we withstood: all these motions, and in, our reiterated addresses, we; petitioned his majesty to continue us in the full andfree enjoyment of our liberties and property, civit and sacred, according, to our char ter. We also petitioned, that if his majesty should not see meet to continue us as we were, but was resolved to annex us to some other government, we then desiredj that (in as much as Boston had' beea our old correspondents, and. people whose principles aud manners we had been acquainted with) we might be annexed rather, to Sir Edmund Andross bis govern ment, than to colonel Dungan's, which choice of ours was APPENDIX. 539 taken for a resignation bf our government, though that was never intended by us for isuch, nor had it the formalities inlaw •to make it a resignation, as we humbly conceive, yet Sir Ed mund Andross was commissioned, by his majesty, to take us under his government ; parsuant to which about the end of Oc tober, 1687, he with a company of gentlemen and grenadiers, to the number of sixty or upwards came to Hartford (the chief seat of this government) caused his commission to be read and declared our government to be dissolved, and put into com mission, both civil and military officers .through .our colony, as he pleased, where he passed through the principal parts there of. The good people ofthe colony, though they were under a great sense of the injuries they sustained hereby, yet chose rather to be silent and patient than to oppose, being indeed ^surprised into an involuntary submission to an arbitary power, "but when the government we were thus put under, seemed to us, to be determined, and we being in daily fear and hazard of those many inconveniences, that will arise from a people in want of government, being also in continual danger of our lives by reason of the natives being at war with us, with whom we had just fears of our neighbouring French to join, not receiving any order or direction what method to take for our security, we were necessitated to put ourselves into some form of govern ment, and there being none so familiar to uS as that of our charter, nor what we could make so effectual for the gaining Ahe universal compliance of the people, and having never re ceived any intimation of an enrolment of that, which was in terpreted a resignation of our charter, we have presumed, by =the consent of the major part of the freemen, assembled for that end, May 9th, 1689, to resume our government, according to tlie rules of our charter, and this to continue till further or der, yet as we have thus presumed to dispose ourselves, not waiting orders from your majesty, we humbly submit ourselves herein, intreating your majesty's most gracious pardon, and that what our urgent necessity hath put upon us, may noways interrupt your majesty's grace and favor towards us, your most humble and dutiful subjects, but that in your clemency you would be pleased to grant us such directions as to your princely wisdom may seem meet, with such ratifications and confirmations of our charter, in the full and free enjoyment of all our properties, privileges, and liberties both civil and sa cred, as therein granted to us, by your royal predecessor, king Charles the II. which may yet further insure it an inheritance to us and our posterities after us, with what farther grace and favor your royal and enlarged heart may be moved to confer aponus; which, we trust, we shall not forget nor be unprofita- $$e under $ but as we have this day with the greatest express 540 APPENDIX. "sions of joy, proclaimed your majesty and royal consort king and queen of England, France, and Ireland, with the dominions thereto belonging, so we shall ever pray, that God would grant your majesties long to live, and prosperously to reign over all your dominions, and that great and happy work you have be? gun may be prospered here and • graciously rewarded with a crown of glory hereafter. Robert Treat, Governor. Per order of the -general court of Connecticut, .signed, John Allen, Secretary. NUMBER XXIV. Letter to governor Leisler, requiring the release of major-gene ral Winthrop, ire. September 1st, 1690. Hartford, Sept. 1st, 169Q. Honorable Sir, BY an express from our captains, at Albany, of the 27th August last, we are certified, that major-general Winthrop is made a prisoner, and that on our officers? request to the com mander of the fort for his liberty to officiate in the army, your self bejng present at Albany, their answer was, that if they would speak with the genera], they might go to York ; also that our commissary is under restraint ; these are very unexpected and surprising as well as grievous tidings to us, and put us upon signifying to you, that it was upon a certain knowledge of ma jor Winthrop's fidelity, prudence, and valor, that we did solicit him to undertake this service, and used our interest in the Mas sachusetts gentlemen to prevail with him therein, who having the same confidence in his virtues did so, and we thereon re commended him to you, who gave us to understand as great a value of him, and therefore desired his acceptance, which his honor accepting, though he were worthy ofa tenfold greater command, he waited on yoti and his country ; sir, these things are so radicated in all New-England, that your thus dealing cannot raise a jealousy in us of any thing unworthy so gener ous a soul, as is this gentleman, and though in honor to you, in your present capacity, we will suspend any censures which we might make on your unadvisedness in this action, yet we must in justice remember you of that article concluded by the commissioners at York, Tfhereof.yoii were one, namely, what was referred to the commander in chief and his council- of war, which you in particular are not to overrule ; if the return from Wood Creek, done by a council of war;1 be the matter which offends you, as it is generally said to be, consider how far that gvticle, and the reason it is grounded pp, lead to it ; also,* that APPENDIX. 541 the army being confederate, if you be concerned so are we, and the rest, and that you alone' should judge upon the gene ral's and council of war's actions, will infringe our liberty ; but that which is woi-st in event is, that such actions will ren der Oiir friendly correspondence too weak, to join in future at- • tempts, which we may have but too much occasion for ; for if our sending our best friends to join with you, prove a pitfall to them, it will necessitate our future forbearance, whatever the consequence be. And sir, you necessitate us to tell you, that a prison is not a catholicon for all state maladies, though so much used by you, nor are you incapable of need of, nor aid from their majesty's subjects in New-England ; nor could you in any one action have more disobliged all New-England, and if you shall pro- peed in this way, you will certainly put all that gentleman's friends on his1 vindication, be the matter controverted what it will, he is of such estate and repute, as could not shun a just trial, and if your adherence to Mr. Milborn (whose spirit we have sufficient testimony of,) and other emulators of the ma jor's honor,. be greater than to ourselves and the gentlemen of the bay, you may boast of the exchange, by what profit you find. Sif, you cannot expect but we shall be warm with these matters, unless you prevent us by a timely and honorable re lease of the major, which is the thing we advise unto, and de sire to hear from you with all speed, what our expectations may be on this account. We are giving account of this matter to the governor and council of Massachusetts, it i§. justly ex pected that your declaration to us all of the grounds of this your action, should have been as forward as the thing itself. We also move you to set our commissary at liberty, since he is pf such use to our soldiers as he cannot be spared. NUMBER XXV. The determination ofthe king, in council,, relative to the militia of Connecticut, April 19th, 1694. A PETITION having been presented to his majesty, by ma jor-general Fitz John Winthrop, agent for the English colony of Connecticut, in New-England, in America, in behalf of thfe said colony, by the name of the governor and company of the English colony of Connecticut, in New-England, in America, setting forth, that the petitioners by letters patents, under the great seal of England, in the fourteenth year of the reign ofthe late king Charles the second, were incorporated by the name of the governor and company ofthe English colony of Connec ticut, in America3 with powers as well for the civil adminislra;- 342 APPENDIX. tion of affairs, as the lieutenancy for the ordering, arraying, modelling, and conducting the militia, for the special defence of the colony ; that from the date ofthe said grant, until the month of October last, they have enjoyed the said liberties, and privileges, without forfeiture or molestation, except some inter ruption they received in the reign of king James the second ; that colonel Fletcher, governor of New- York, in October last, by color of his majesty's commission, whereby for the uniting the forces ofthe said province and colony, fee was created com mander in chief of the militia ofthe said colony, did demand of the petitioners not only to submit to him, as lieutenant general and commander in chief over the full quota of the militia of that colony, in conjunction with those of New- York and the adjacent governments, but likewise the particular lieutenancy ofthe said colony and the power of assessing, modelling, and establishing the militia thereof, the petitioners therefore hum bly praying the said commission may receive such explana tion and restriction, as to his majesty in his royal justice and wisdom shall seem meet; and his majesty having been pleased to refer the said petition to the right honorable the lords of the committee of trade and plantations to consider the matter of the said petition, and to report what they conceive, fit for his majesty to do therein ; and the lords of the committee having received the report of their majesty's attorney general and so licitor general upon the matter of the said petition, together with the address of the colony of Rhode-Island* and touching the uniting the strength of those colonies against the French, which report is in the wOrds following, May it please your lordships, In obedience to your lordship's commands fignified to us by Mr. Blathwait, the 2d of January and the 3d of February last-, by which we were to consider the several charters of Connec ticut and Rhode-Island, and the grants of east and west New- Jersey, and to report our opinion upon the whole matter what may be done for the uniting the strength of those colonies and New- York under a chief commander, to be commissioned by their majesties, for the defence of their majesty's subjects in those parts against the French, and also }io consider the an nexed copy of the petition ofthe governor and company of Connecticut, and to report our opinion thereupon, we have considered the matter to us referred, and do find that king Charles the II. by his charter, dated the 23d of April, in the 14th year of his reign, did incorporate John Winthrop, and several other persons therein named and all others who then were or after should be admitted and made free of the compa ny, to be a corporation by the name of the governor and com pany ofthe English colony, of Connecticut in New-England in APPENDIX. Mi America, Vrith such powers, privileges and capacities, as are usually granted to corporations of like nature, and to have con tinuance and succession forever, and therein the bounds of the colony are described and a grant thereby made to the cor poration of all land, soil, ground, havens, ports, jurisdictions, royalties, privileges, franchises and hereditaments, within the same or thereunto belonging, to be holden to the corporation and their successors in trust for the benefit of themselves and their associates, freemen of tbat colony, their heirs and assigns of the kings of England, as ofthe manor of East-jGreenwich, Dy the 5 th part ofthe ore of gold and silver there found, with pow er to the corporation to make laws, elect governors, deputy governors and assistants, erect judicatures and courts, and choose officers for the civil government, and thereby also pow er is granted to the chief commanders, governors and officers of the company and others inhabiting there, by their leave or direction for their special defence and safety, to assemble, mar tially' array and put in warlike posture the inhabitants ofthe colony, and to commission such persons as they should think fit to lead and conduct the inhabitants, and to encounter, resist, kill and slay all that should attempt or interpose the invasion or annoyance ofthe inhabitants or plantations, and to exercise martial laws' and take and surprise the invaders or attemptors ofthe plantation or hurt of the company and inhabitants, and, on just occasion, to invade and destroy the natives or other enemies of the colony. We also find that king Charles the II. in the 15th year of his reign did incorporate divers persons by name, and such others as then were, or after should be admitted and free of the com pany by the name of the governor and company of the English colony of Rhode-Island and Providence plantation, in New- England in America, and granted them in effect the like pow ers and authorities both civil and military, as are before men tioned to be granted to Connecticut. We find that the civil government, in those plantations or ciolonies, executed the military powers conferred by the char ters ; but that their majesties, in the third year of their reign, by their commission, constituted Sir William Phipps, lieuten ant and commander in chief of the militia and of the forces by- sea and land within the colonies of Connecticut, Rhode-Island and Providence plantation, king's province and province of New-Hampshire, and all forts and placfes of strength in the same with several powers and authorities, and that their majes ties by their commission under the great seal, dated the 10th of June, 1.693, revoked so much of Sir William Phipps his commission and powers, as related to the colony of Connecti cut, and bv the same commission constituted Benjamin Fletch- 544 APPENDIX. er, Esq. their majesty's captain general and commander in chief of New- York, Pennsylvania, New-Castle,. and the terri tories and tracts of land depending thereupon, to be the com mander in chief of the militia and Of all the forces by sea and land within the colony of Connecticut aind of all forts and pla ces of strength Within the same; with power to levy, arm, mus ter, command, or employ the militia ofthe said colony, and upon any necessary arid urgent occasion, during this war, to transfer to the province of New- York, and frontiers of the same, for resisting and Withstanding enemies, pirates and re bels, both at land and sea, and defence of that province and colony, of which commission and the large power's therein con tained as to Connecticut, the colony of Connecticut by their annexed petition do oomplain and pray redress against the exercise of it* in such manner over the Whole militia, and therein shew their reasons against iu We have heard colonel Winthrop and his council, on the behalf of the colony of Con necticut, and Mr. Almey and his council, on the behalf of Rhode-Island and Providence plantation, and Dr. Cox ap peared on the behalf of east and west New-Jersey, and pro duced some writings, shewing how the same were granted out from the crown to the' duke of York, and by the duke of York to others, but the Dr. not claiming any title to himself it doth not appear to us in whom the estate in law of those places or ofthe government thereof; civil or military, doth now reside, nor how the same is exercised. But having read the annexed estimate from Mr. Blathwait, we communicated the same to the agents for Connecticut, Rhode-Island and Providence planta tion, who declared their readiness daring times of danger to provide their respective quotas therein contained, and in case of increase of danger, or other necessary occasions, during the continuance thereof, their respective quotas to be proportion- ably increased with other colonies ; but as to the remaining militia beyond the quotas (which it seems in those countries consists of all males between sixteen and sixty years of age) they humbly desire that it may remain under the ordinary and usual government and command of the colonies according to iheir charters, and not to be commanded out, unless in times of actual invasion or imminent danger, for the necessary pre servation of some of the colonics, and at such times only when such of the colonies whereout the forces shall be drawn, are not in danger,- and that at all limes a sufficient power of the militia may be always kept in each colony under the power ofthe government of it, for the safety and necessary preserva tion thereof. We are humbly of opinion that the charters and grants of thos? colonies do give the ordinary power ofthe militia to the ' APP"END1X. 545 respective governments thereof; but do also conceive that their majesties may constitute a chief commander, who may have authority, at all times, to command or order such propor tion of the forces of such colony or plantation, as their majes ties shall think fit; and farther, in times of invasion and ap proach of the enemy, with the advice and assistance of the governors of the, colonies, to conduct ahd command the rest of the forces for the preservation and defence of such of those colonies as shall most stand in need thereof, not leaving the rest unpr'bvided of a competent force for their defence and safety ; but in time of peace, and when the danger is over, the militia within each of the said provinces ought, as we humbly conceive, to be under the government' and dispositions ofthe respective governors of the said colonies, according to their charters. All which," nevertheless,1 is most humbly submitted to your lordships' great wisdom. Edward Ward, Thomas Treves. 2d April, 1694. And the lords ofthe committee naving presented to hi? ma jesty's council the report of Mr. attorney and Mr. solicitor general upon the matters above mentioned, his majesty,*' in council, is pleased to approve the said report, and to signify, his pleasure, that the quota, not exceeding one hundred and twenty men, be the measure of the assistance to be given by the colony of Connecticut, and all times during war to be commanded by the governor of New- York ; and the right hon orable Sir John Trenchard, his majesty's principal secretary of state, is to prepare letters for. his majesty's royal signature, for the signification of his majesty's pleasure herein to the governor of New- York and Connecticut accordingly. William Bridgeman. T3 NUMBER XXVL THE GREAT PATENT OF NEW-ENGLAND. JAMES, by the grace qf God, King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, fyc TO all to whom these presents shall come, greeting : — Whereas, upon the humble petition of divers of our well disposed subjects, that intended to make several plantations in the parts of America, between the degrees of thirty -JpHrand forty^fivg, We, according to our princely inclination, favouring mucETtheir worthy disposition, in hope thereby to advance the enlargement of the christian religion, to the glory of God Al mighty, as also by that means to stretch out the bounds of our dominions, and td replenish those deserts with people, govern ed by laws and magistrates, for the more peaceable commerce of all that in time to come shall have occasion to traffic into those territories, granted unto Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Summers,, knights, Thomas HamOfy and Raleigh Gilbert, Esquires, and others their associates, for the more speedy ac complishment thereof, by our letters patents, bearing date the 10th day of April, in the fourth year of our reign of England, France, and Ireland, antToFScetlahd the fortieth, free liberty to divide themselves into two several colonies ; the one called the first colony, to be undertaken and advanced by certain knights, gentlemen, and merchants, in and about our city of London ; the other, called the second colony, to be underta ken and' advanced by certain knights, gentlemen, merchants, and their associates, in or about our cities of Bristol, Exon, and our town of Plymouth, and other places, as in and by our said letters patents, amongst olher things more at large, it doth and may appear. And whereas, since that time, upon the humble petition of the said adventurers and planters- of the said first colony, we have been graciously pleased to make them one distinct and entire body by themselves, giving unto them their distinct lim its and bounds : And have, upon their like humble request, granted unto them divers liberties, privileges, enlargements, and immuni- APPENDIX. 547 lies, as in and by our several letters patents, it doth and may more at large appear. Now forasmuch as we have been, in like manner, humbly petitioned unto by our trgsty and well beloved servant, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, knight, captain of pur fort and island, by Plymouth, and by certain the principal knights and gentlemen adventurers of the said second colony, and by divers other persons of quality, who now intend to be their associates, di vers of which have been at great and extraordinary. charges, and sustained many losses, in seeking and discovering a place fit and convenient to lay the foundation of a hopeful planta* tion, and have, divers years past, by God's assistance, and their own endeavours, taken actual possession of the continent hereafter mentioned, in our name, and to our use, as sovereign lord thereof, and have settled already some of our people in places agreeable to their desires in those parts, and in confi dence of prosperous success therein, by the continuance of God's divine blessing, and our royal permission, have resolved, in a more plentiful and effectual manner, to prosecute the same ; and to that purpose and intent, have desired of us, for their better encouragement and satisfaction therein, and that they may avoid all confusion, questions, or differences between themselves and those of the said first colony, that we would likewise be graciously pleased to make certain adventurers, intending to erect and establish fishery, trade, and plantation, within the territories, precincts, and limits of the said second colony, and their successors, one several djstinct and entire body, and to grant unto them such estate, liberties, privileges, enlargements, and immunities there, as are in those, our letters patents, hereafter particularly expressed and declared. And forasmuch as we have been certainly given to under stand, by divers of our good subjects, that have, for these many years past, frequented those coasts and territories between the degrees of forty and forty-eight, that there is no other the sub jects of any christian king or state, by any authority from their sovereign lords or princes, actually in possession of any the said lands or precincts, whereby any right, claim; interest, or title, may, might, or ought, by that means accrue, belong, or appertain unto them, or any of them. And also, for that we have been further given certainly ,to know, that within these late years, there hath, by God's visit ation, reigned a wonderful plague, together with many horrible slaughters and murders, committed amongst the savages and British people there heretofore inhabiting, in a manner to die utter destruction, devastation, and depopulation of that whole territory, so as there is not left, for many leagues together, in a manner, any that do claim or challenge any kind pf interest £48 APPENDIX. therein, nor any other superior lord or sovereign, to make claim thereunto, whereby we, in our judgment, are persuaded and satisfied, that the appointed time is come in which Almigh ty God, in his great goodness and bounty towards us, and our people, hath thought fit and determined, that those large and goodly territories, deserted as it were by their natural inhabit ants, should be possessed and enjoyed by such bf our subjects and people, as heretofore have, and hereafter shall, by his mercy and favour, and by his powerful arm, be directed and Conducted thither ; in the contemplation and serious considera tion whereof, we have thought it fit, according to our kingly duty, so much as in us lieth, to second and follow God's sa cred Will, rendering reverend thanks to his Divine Majesty, for his gracious favour in laying open and revealing the same unto us, before any other christian prince or state; by which means, without offence, and, as we trust, to his giory, we may with boldness go on to thesettling of so hopeful a work, which tendeth to the reducing and conversion of such savages ,as remain wandering in desolation and distress, to civil society and christian religion, to the enlargement of our own dominions, and the advancement ofthe fortunes of such of our good subjects as shall willingly interest themselves in the said employment, to whom we cannot but give singular commendations for their so worthy intention and enterprize. We, therefore, of our special grace, mere motion, and cer tain knowledge, by the advice of the lords and others of our privy council, have, for us, our heirs, and successors, granted, ordained, and established, and, in and by these presents, do, for us, our heirs, and successors, grant, ordain, and establish; that all that circuit, continent, precincts, and limits, in Ameri ca, lying and being in breadth from forty degrees of northerly latitude from the equinoctial line, to forty-eight degrees of the said northerly latitude, arid in length by all the breadth afore said, throughout the main land, from sea' to sea, with all the seas, rivers, islands, creeks, inlets, ports, and havens, within the degrees, precincts, and limits of the said latitude and longi tude, shall be the limits, and bounds, and -precincts of the said second colony; And to the end that the said territories may for ever here after be more particularly and certainly known and distin guished, our will and pleasure is, that the same shall, from henceforth, be nominated, termed, and called by the name of New-England, in America, and by that name of New-England, in America, the said Circuit, precinct, limit, continent, islands!, and places in America aforesaid, we do, by these presents, for us, our heirs, and successors, name, call, erect, found, and Establish, and by that name to have continuance for ever. APPENDIX, 549 And for the better plantation, ruling, and governing of the aforesaid New-England, in America, we will, ordain, consti tute, assign, limit, and appoint, and for us, our heirs, and suc cessors, we, by the advice ofthe lords, and others ofthe said privy council, do, by these presents, ordain, constitute, limit, and appoint, that'from henceforth there shall be for ever here after, in our town of Plymonth, -in the county of Devon, one j body politic and corporate, which shall have perpetual succes sion ; which shall consist of the number of forty persons, and ! no more; which shall be, and shall be called and known by the name ofthe council established at Plymocith, in the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing of New-England, in America, and for that purpose, we have, at and by tbe nomination and request of the said petitioners, granted, ordained, established, and confirmed, and, by these presents, for us, our heirs, and successors, do grant, ordain, establish, and confirm our right trusty and right well beloved cousins and counsellors, Lodowick, duke bf Lenox, lord stew ard of our household ; George, lord Marquis Buckingham, our high admiral of England; James, marquis Hamihton ; William, earl of Pembroke, lord chamberlain of our household;, Thom as, earl-pf Arundel ; and our right trusty and right well belov ed cousin, William, earl of Bath ; and our right trusty and right well beloved cousin and counsellor, Henry, earl of South ampton ; and our right trusty and right well beloved cousins, William, earl qf Salisbury, and Robert, earl of Warwick ; and our right trusty and right well beloved John, viscount Had dington ; and our right trusty and well beloved counsellor, Edward, lord Zouch, . lord warden of our cinque ports ; and our trusty and well beloved Edmond, lord Sheffield, Edward, lord Gorges.; and our well beloved Sir Edward Seymor, knight and baronet ; Sir Robert Mansel ; Sir Edward Zouch, our knight marshal'; Sir Dudley Diggs, Sir Thomas Roe, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Sir Francis Popham, Sir John Brooks, Sir Thomas Gates, Sir Richard Hawkins, Sir Richard Edgecomb, Sir Allen Apsley, Sir Warwick Heale, Sir Richard Catchmay, Sir John Bourgchier, Sir Nathaniel Rich, Sir Edward Giles, Sir Giles Mompesson, Sir Thomas. Worth, knights; and our well beloved Matthew Sutcliff, dean of Exeter ; Robert Heath, Esq. recorder of bur city of London ; Henry Bourgchier, John Drake, Raleigh Gilbert, George Chudley, Thomas Hamon, and John Argall, Esquires, to be, and in ahd by these pre sents, we do appoint them to be, the. first modern and present council, established at Plymouth, in the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing of New-England, in America ; and that they, and the survivors of them, and such as the survivors and survivor of them shall, fram time t$ AO APPENDIX. time, elect and choose to make up the foresaid number of forty persons, when and as often as any of them, or any of their successors, shall happen to decease, or to be removed from being of the said council, shall be, in and by these pre sents, incorporated, to have a perpetual succession for ever, in deed, fact, and name, and shall be one body corporate and politic; and that those, and such said persons, and their suc cessors, and such as shall be elected and chosen to succeed them, as aforesaid, shall be, and, by these presents, are and be incorporated, named, and called by the name of the council established at Plymouth, in the county of Devon, for the plant ing, ruling, and governing of New-England, in America ; and them, the said duke of Lenox, marquis Buckingham, marquis Hamilton, earl of Pembroke, earl of Arundel, earl of Bath, earl of Southampton, earl of Salisbury, earl of Warwick, viscount Haddington, lord Zouch, lord Sheffield, lord Gorges, Sir Ed ward Seymor, Sir Robert Mansel, Sir Edward Zouch, Sir Dudley Diggs, Sir Thomas Roe, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Sir Francis Popham, Sir John Brooks, Sir Thomas Gates, Sir Richard Hawkins, Sir Richard Edgecomb, Sir Allen Apsley, Sir Warwick Heale, Sir Richard Catchmay, Sir John Bourg chier, Sir Nathaniel Rich, Sir Edward Giles, Sir Giles Mom» pesson, Sir Thomas Worth, knights ; Matthew Sutcliff, Robert Heath, Henry Bourgchier, John Drake, Raleigh Gilbert, George Chudjey, Thomas Hamon, and John Argall, Esquires, and their successors, one body corporate and politic, in deed and in name, by the name of the council established at Ply? mouth, in the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling, and governing of New-England, in America. We do, by these presents, for us, our heirs, tind successors, really and fully incorporate, erect, ordain, name, constitute, and establish, and that, by the same name of the said council, they, and their successors, for ever hereafter be incorporated, named, and called, and shall, by the same name, have per petual succession. And further, we do hereby, for us, our heirs, and successors, grant unto the said council established at Plymouth, that tbey, and their successors, by the same name, be, and shall be, and shall continue persons able and capable in the law, from time to time, and shall, by that name of council aforesaid, have full power and authority, and lawful capacity and ability, as well to purchase, take, hold, receive, enjoy, and to have to them and their successors, for ever, any manors, lands, tenements, rents, royalties, privileges, immunities, reversions, annuities, hereditaments, goods, and chattels whatsoever, of, or from us, our heirs, and successors, and of, or from any other person or persons whatsoever, as well in and within this our realp ai; APPENDIX. 551 England, as in and within any other place or places whatso ever or wheresoever; and the same manors, lands, tenements, and hereditaments, goods, or chattels, or any of them, by the. same name, to alien and sell, or to do, execute, or ordain and perform all other matters and things whatsoever, to the said incorporation and plantation concerning and belonging. And further, our will and pleasure is, that the said council, for the time being, and their successors, shall have foil power* and lawful authority, by the name aforesaid, to sue and to be sued, implead and to be impleaded, answer and to be answer ed unto, in all manner of courts and places that now are, or hereafter shall be, within this our realm, and elsewhere, as well temporal as spiritual, in all manner of suits and matters what soever, and of what nature or kind soever such suits or actions be or shall be. And our will and pleasure is, that the said forty persons, or the greater number of them, shall, and may, from time to time, and at any time hereafter, at their own will and pleasure, ac cording to the laws, ordinances, and orders of, or by them, or by the greater part of them hereafter, in manner and form in these presents mentioned to be agreed , upon, to elect and choose, amongst themselves, one of the said forty persons, for the time being, to be president of the said council, which pre sident,' so elected and chosen, we will shall continue and be president of the said council, for so long time as by the orders of the said council, from time to time to be made, as hereafter is mentioned, shall be thought fit, and no longer; unto which president, or, in his absence, to any such person as, by the or ders of the said council, shall be thereunto appointed, we do give authority to give order for the warning of the said coun cil, and summoning the company to their meetings. And our will and pleasure is, that, from time to time, when, and so often as any of the said council shall happen to decease, or to be removed from being of the said council, that then, and so often, the survivors of them of the said council, and no other, or the greater number of them, who then shall be, from time to time, left and remaining, and who shall, or the greater num ber of which that shall be assembled at a public court, or meet ing, to be held for the said company, shall elect and choose one or more other person or persons, lo be ofthe said council, and which, from time to time, shall be of the said council, so that the number of forty persons of the said council may, from time to time, be supplied. Provided always, that as well the persons herein named to be of the said council, as every other counsellor hereafter to be elected, shall be presented to the lord chancellor of Eng land, or to the lord high treasurer of England, or to the lord 552 APPENDIX. chamberlain of the household, of ii*,--our heirs, and successors, for the time being, to take his and their oath and oaths, of a counsellor and counsellors, to tis, our heirs, and successors-, for the said company and colony in New"England. And further, we will and grant, by these presents, for "us, our heirs, and successors, unto the said council, and their succes- sorSj that they, and their successors, shall have and enjoy for ever, a common seal, to be engraven according to their discre tions. And that it shall be lawful for them to appoint what other seal, or seals, they shall think most meet and necessary, either for their use, as they are one united body, incorporate here, or for the public use of their government and ministers in New- England aforesaid, whereby the said incorporation may or shall seal any manner of instrument, touching the same corpo ration, and the manors, lands, tenements, rents, reversions, annuities,' hereditaments, goods, chattels, affairs, and any other things, belonging unto, or in any wise appertaining, touching or concerning thei said council, and their successors, or con cerning the said corporation and plantation, in and by these our letters patents, as aforesaid, founded, erected, and estab lished. And we do further, by these presents, for us, our heirs, and successors, grant unto the said council, and their successors, that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said council, and their successors, for the time being,- in their discretions, from time to time, to admit such and so many person and persons to be made free, and enabled to trade and traffic unto, within, and in New-England, aforesaid, and unto every part and par cel thereof, or to have, possess, and enjoy any lands or here ditaments in New-England aforesaid, as they shall think fit, according to the laws, orders, constitutions, and ordinances, by the said council and their successors, from time to time, to be made and established, by virtue of, and according to the true intent of these presents, and under such conditions, reser vations, and agreements, as the said council shall set down, order, and direct, and not otherwise. And further, of our especial grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, for us, our heirs, and successors, we do, by these presents, give and grant full power and authority to the said council, and their successors, that the said council, for the time being, or the greater part of them, shall and may, from time to time, nominate, make, constitute, ordain, and confirm, by such name or names, style or styles, as to them shall seem good, and, likewise, to revoke and discharge, change and alter, as well all and singular, governors, officers, and ministers, which hereafter shall be by them thought fit and nefedful to be made APPENDIX. 353 or used, as well to attend the business of the said company here, as for the government of the said colony and plantation. And also, to make, ordain, and establish all manner of orders, laws, direction's, instructions, forms, and ceremonies of govern ment and magistracy, fit and necessary for and concerning the government of the said colony and plantation, so always as the same be not contrary to the laws and statutes of this our realm of England, and the same at all times hereafter, to abro gate, revoke, or change, not only within the precincts of the said colony, but also upon .the seas, in going and coming to and from the said colony, as they, in their good discretion, shall think to be fittest for the good of the adventurers and in habitants there. • And we do further, of our special grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, grant, declare, and ordain, that such princi pal governor as, from time to time, shall be authorized and ap pointed,, in manner and form in these presents heretofore ex pressed, shall have full power and authority to use and exer cise martial laws, in cases of rebellion, insurrection, and mu tiny, in as large and ample manner, as our lieutenants in our counties within our realm of England, have, or ought to have, by force of their commission of lieutenancy. And forasmuch as it shall be necessary for all such our lov ing subjects as shall inhabit within the said precincts of New- England aforesaid, to determine to live together, in the fear and true worship of Almighty God, christian peace, and civil quietness, each with other, whereby every one may, with more safety* pleasure, and profit, enjoy that, whereunto they shall attain with great pain and peril. We, for us, our heirs, and successors, are likewise pleased and contented, and, by these presents, do give and grant unto the said council, and their successors, and to such governors, officers, and ministers, as shall be, by the said council, con stituted and appointed according to the natures and limits of their offices and places respectively, that they shall and may, from time to time, for ever hereafter, within the said precincts of New-England, or in the way by the seas thither and from thence, have full and absolute power and authority to correct, punish, pardon, govern, and rule all such the subjects of us, our heirs, and successors, as shall, from time to time, adven ture themselves in any voyage thither, or that shall, at any time hereafter, inhabit in the precincts and territories of the said colony as aforesaid, according to such laws, orders, ordi nances, directions, and instructions, as by the said council aforesaid, shall be established ; and, in defect thereof, in cases of necessity, according to the good discretions of the said gov ernors and officers respectively, as well in cases capital and V3 554 APPENDIX. criminal as civil, both marine and others ; so always as the said statutes, ordinances, and proceedings, as near as conven iently may be agreeable to the laws, statutes, government, and policy of this our realm of England. And furthermore, if any person, or persons, adventurers, or planters, of the said colony, or any other, at any time or times hereafter, shall transport any monies, goods, or merchandizes, out of any our kingdoms, with a pretence and purpose to land, set, or otherwise to dispose the same, within the limits and bounds of the said colony, and yet, nevertheless, being at sea, or after he hath landed within any part of the said colony, shall carry the same into any other foreign country, with a purpose there to set and dispose thereof, that then all the goods and chattels of the said person, or persons, so offending, and transported, together with the ship or vessel wherein such transportation was made, shall be forfeited to us, our heirs, and successors. And we do further, of our special grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, for us, our heirs, and successors, for, and in respect of the considerations aforesaid, and for divers other good causes and considerations, us thereunto especially mov ing, and by the advice of the lords and others of our said privy council, have absolutely given, granted, and confirmed, and, by these presents, do absolutely give, grant, and confirm, unto the said council, called the council established at Plymouth, in the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling, and governing of New-England, in America, and unto their successors, for ever, all the aforesaid lands and grounds, continent, precincts, place, places, and territories, (viz.) the aforesaid part of Ame rica, lying and being in breadth from forty degrees of norther ly latitude from the equinoctial line, to forty-eight degrees of the said northerly latitude inclusively, and in length of, and within all the breadth aforesaid, throughout the main land, from sea to sea, together also with all the firm land, soils, grounds, havens, ports, rivers, waters, fishings, mines, and minerals, as well royal mines of gold and silver, as other mines and minerals, precious stones, quarries, and all and singular other commodities, jurisdictions, royalties, privileges, franchi ses, and pre-eminences, both within the said tract of land, upon the main, and also within the said island and seas adjoining. Provided always, that the said islands, or any the premises herein before mentioned, and, by these presents, intended and meant to be granted, be not actually possessed, or inhabited by any other christian prince or state, nor be within the bounds, limits, or territories of that southern colony, heretofore, by us, granted to be planted by divers of our loving subjects in the south parts. APPENDIX. 551 To have and to hold, possess, and enjoy all and singular the aforesaid continent, lands, territories, islands, hereditaments, and precincts, sea waters, fishings, with all and all manner their commodities, royalties, liberties, pre-eminences, and profits, that shall arise from thence, with all and singular their appurtenances, and every part and parcel thereof, and of thenj to, and unto the said council, and their successors, and assigns, for ever, to the sole, only and proper use, benefit, and behoof of them, the said council, and their successors, and assigns, for ever, to be holden of us, our heirs, and successors, as of our manor of East-Greenwich, in our-county of Kent, in free and common socage, and not in capite, nor by knights'- ser- vices. Yielding and paying, therefore, to us, our heirs, and succes sors, the fifth part of the ores of gold and silver which, from time to time, and at all times hereafter, shall happen to be found, gotten and obtained in, at, or within any the said lands, limits, territories, and precincts, or in, or within any part, or parcels thereof, for, or in respect of all and all manner of du ties, demands, and services whatsoever, to be done, made, or paid tous, our heirs, and successors, And we do further, of our especial grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, for us, our heirs, and successors, give and grant to the said council, and their successors, for ever, by these presents, that it shall be lawful and free for them, and iheir'assigns, at all and every time and times hereafter, out of any our realms or dominions whatsoever, to take, lead, carry, and transport, in and intp their voyages, and for and towards the said plantation in New-England, all such and so many of our loving subjects, or any other strangers that will become our loving subjects, and live under our allegiance, or shall willingly accompany them in the said voyages and plantation, with shipping, armour, weapons, ordnances, munition powder, shot, victuals, and all manner of clothing, implements, furni ture,' beasts, cattle, horses, mares, and all other things neces sary for the said plantation, and for their use and defence, anb^ for trade with the people there, and in passing and returning Jo and fro, without paying or yielding any custom or subsidy, either inwards or outwards, to us, our heirs, pr successors, for thejsame, for the space of seven years frpm the day of the date of these presents. Provided, that none ofthe said persons he such as shall be hereafter, by special name, restrained by us, our heirs, or suc cessors. And, for itheir further encouragement, of our special grace and favour, we do, by the§e presents, for us, our heirs, and .successors,. yield and grant to, and- with the said council, and 55G APPENDIX. :; their successers, and every of them, their factors and assigns, that they, and every of them, shall be free and quiet from all subsidies and customs, in New-England, for the space of seven years, and from all taxes and impositions for' the space of twenty and one years, upon all goods or merchandize, at any time or times hereafter, either upon importation thither, or ex portation from thence, into our realm of England, or into any other our dominions, by the said council, and their successors, their depiities, factors, and assigns, or any of them, except only the five pounds per cent, due for custom upon all such goods and merchandizes as shall be brought or imported into our realm of England, or any other of our dominions, accordr ing to the ancient trade of merchants ; which five pounds per centum only being paid, it shall be thenceforth lawful and free for the said adventurers, the same goods and merchandize, to export apd carry out of our said dominions into foreign parts, without any custom, tax, or other duty, to be paid to us, our heirs, or successors, or to any other officers or ministers of us, our heirs, and successors. Provided, that the said goods and merchandizes be' shipped out within thirteen months afteu their first landing, within any part of those dominions. And further, our will and pleasure is, and we do, by these presents, charge, command, warrant, and authorize the said council, and their successors, or the major part of them, which shall be present and assembled for that purpose, shall, from time to time, under their common seal, distribute, convey, as-. sign,and set over such particular portions of lands, tenements, and hereditaments, as are, by these presents, formerly granted unto each our loving subjects, naturally born, or denizens, or others; as well adventurers as planters, as, by the said com pany, upon a commission of survey and distribution, executed and returned for that purpose, shall be named, appointed, and allowed, wherein our will and pleasure is, that respect be had, as well to the proportion of the adventurers, as to the special service, hazard, exploit, or merit, pf any person so to be re compensed, advanced, or rewarded." • And we do also, for us, our heirs, and successors, grant to the said council, and their successors, and to all arid every such governors, pr pther officers, or ministers, as, by the said council, shall be appointed, to have power and authority of government and command, in or over the said colony and plan tation, that they, and every of them, shall, and lawfully may, from tune tq time, and at all times hereafter, for. ever, for their several defence and safety, encounter, expulse, repel, and re sist, by force of arms, as weH by sea as by land, and all ways and means whatsoever, all such person and persons as, with out the special license of the s^id council, and their successors. APPENDIX. 557 Or the greater part of them, shall'attempt to inhabit within the said several precincts and limits of the said colony and plantar titan. . And also, all and every such person and persons whatsoever, as shall enterprise or attempt, at any time hereafter, destruc tion, invasion, detriment, or annoyance to the said colony and plantation. And singular admirals, vice admirals, gene rals, commanders, captains, justices of peace, mayors, sheriffs, bailiffs, constables, customers, comptrollers, waiters, search ers, and all the officers of us, our heirs, and successors whatso ever, to be, from time to time, and at all times hereafter, in all things aiding, helping, and assisting unto the said council, and their successors, and unto every of them, upon request and re quests, by them to be made, in all matters and things, for the furtherance and accomplishment of all or any the matters and things by us, in, and by these our letters patents, given, grant ed, and provided, or by us meant or intended to be given, granted, and provided, a§they, our said officer, and the officers of us, our heirs, and successors, do lender our pleasure, and wil! avoid the contrary, at their perils. 3 9002 00512 8203