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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

MEMOIRS

OF THE

AMERICAN REVOLUTION,
FROM ITS COMMENCEMENT TO THE YEAR 1^76, INCLUSIVE ;

AS RELATING TO

THE STATE OF SOUTH-CAHOLINA .
AND OCCASIONALLY REFEEING
TO THE STATES OF
NORTH-CAROLINA AND GEORGIA.
BY JOHN DRAYTON, L.L.D.
AUTHOR OF "a VIEW OF SODTH-CAEOLINa" AND A MEMBER OF THE ROYAL
SOCIETY OF SCIENCES OF GOTTINGEN.

¦ the Prince wlio intrigues with foreigners

against liis People, does it, at tlieperil of liis Crown. — Dalrymple's Memoira*

• revocate animos, moestumque timorem

Mittite : forsan et fatec olim merainisse juvaliit. ^¦n.1. 11.208,207.

IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL L
CHARLESTON:
PF.INTED BY a. E. MILLER, 120, BROAD-STRF.ET.
 ?
182L

2>isiiHct of Sovih-Carohnctj to toit:
•^jOOOO* be it remembered, that on the fifteenth day of May, Anno DonHni^
Q Q one thousand eight hundred and twenty-one, and in the forty-fifth year of
O SEAL' Q the Independence of the United States of America, the Honorable John Dray-
Q \j ton. District Judge of the United States of America for South-Carolina Dis-
«#'00C>0=#> trict, deposited in tliis office the title of a book, the right whereof he claims as
author and proprietor^ in the words following, to wit:
"Memoirs of the American Revolution, from its commencement to the year 1T76, incluSiTe;
as relating to the State of South-Carolina j and occasionally refering to the States of
Korth-Oarolina eind Georgia. By John Drayton, LX. P., Author of "A View of South-
Carolina," and a Member of the Royal Society of Sciences of Gottingen.  the Prince
who intrigues with foreigners against his people, does it, at the peril of his crown. — DtU'
rympleh Memoirs,  revocate animoSj moestumque timorem Mittite: forsan et haec
olim meminisse juvabit. Mn. 1. v. 206, 207. In two Volumes."
In conformity with the, act of Congress of the United States, entitled " An act for the
Encouragement of Learning, by securing the Copies of maps, charts, and books, to the
authors and proprietors of such copies, during tlie times therein mentioned," and also to the
act entitled "Au act suppleroentiiry to an act, entitled, 'An act for the encoui-agement of
learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to tl\e authors and proprietors of
such copies, during the times therein mentioned,' and extending the bedefits tJiereot to the
arts of desiffning, engraving and etching historical and other prints." JAMES JERVEY,
Clerk of the District of South-Carolina,

TO
THE HONORABLE, THE SENATE,

AND

THE HONORABLE THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

OF

SOUTH-CAROLINA:

Gentlemen,
WHEN a Legislature so respectable, as that, of which you
are the component parts, thought ft to encourage the publication of
the following pages, and to extend towards them your beneficent
patronage ; I did not farther weigh the cost, or the responsibility :
hut immediately determined on placing the same, into the hands of
the printer, with all possible dispatch- For, as they treat of matters
intimately connected, with the liberties we enjoy, and the interests
over which you preside: it became peculiarly obligatory on me, to
present them to your consideration, at as early a moment, as
opportunities would permit.

lY DEDICATION.
You will find therein, many revolutionary matters brought
into view, which occasioned much anxiety at the periods when they
happened; and, which a lapse of time had nearly obliterated from
the tablets of memory. The patriots of those days, with one or two
exceptions, have left the scenes of life, for happier destinies; but,
their actions have thrown a radiance behind them, which will serve
to direct the course of the Statesmen and the youth, who are ardent
to tread in the honorable and useful steps of their progenitors. To
many of you. Gentlemen, I would appeal, as to the truth of this
assertion ; in the exciting feelings you experience, when recollect'
ing the virtues of your fathers or relations — whose names, adorn
the pages of these Memoirs. And when you reflect, that when
they are no more, you are obeying the calls of your country, and
are urging your course in the same road to fame, along which
they have passed — your breasts will warm, to deeds of honour and
celebrity; and your actions will tend, towards your country's
glory. That you have already deserved the public approbation, your
actions at your last and former Sessions will prove; by the many
laws you have made, for the dissemination of knowledge — the
establishment of schools throughout the State — the support and
protection of your State College — the surveying the various dis
tricts of the State, and thence prodiccing a beautiful and authentic
map of the whole — the opening of internal navigation — tJie amelio
ration of the public roads, and the passes across the mountains —
-and the remunerations which you have given, to the war-worn
soldier — and to tlie widow — and to the orphan : where their hus-

DEDICATION. y
hand's, their father's, or their relation's services, were freely given,
and tJieir blood was shed, for the liberty which is now enjoyed.
To a Legislature, which has done, and will continue to per
form these exalted acts, I now beg leave, to present the product of
my labours — to its patronage, I respectfully offer the Memoirs,
which 1 have written. And, if having marked any periods in their
proper character — or, having brought forward men, or measures,
into public notice, tjtat otherwise might have passed away unob
served and forgotten, I have employed my time for the public good
— I shall flatter myself, it has been usefully employed, as I trust it
ever has been, in supporting the honour and the independence, of my
native country. With profound respect.
Gentlemen,
I subscribe myself,
Your most obliged,
And grateful
Fellow-Citizen,
JOHN DRAYTON.

PREFACE.

HEN my father, William Henry Drayton, died at Philadelphia in Septem
ber 1779, Ije left many valuable papers in manuscript ; some of them were
original, but most of them were copies from Congressional documents, which
during the year 1779 he had prepared, as necessary for a history of the Ameri
can Revolution, in which, he was about to engage The Gentleman (a mem
ber of Congress) who managed his affairs at Philadelphia after his decease, did
not think it proper these papers should fall into the hands of his family ; as
containing, many secrets of State : and they were consequently destroyed.
Some few, however, escaped this general ruin ; accompanied by a book, ia
which Mr. Drayton had written several passages on various subjects, to be
incorporated into his contemplated history, as they might apply ; and these,
came into my hands.
Beside these papers, when he departed from this State in March 1778, on his
delegation to Congress, he left a manuscript in two volumes, written by him
self; from the latter end of the year 1773, to near the close of that of 1776;
as well grounded on his own knowledge of passing events, as of that derived
from the many high and important official stations he filled, in a series of public
services — also, a variety of original letters, among which were some, from the
Earl of Dartmouth, one of the King of England's principal Secretaries of State,
to the provincial Governors of North-Carolina, South-Carolina, and Georgia —
and from Sir James Wright, Governor of Georgia, to General Gage, and Admi
ral Graves — Council of Safety's, and Secret Committee's papers — and other
documents, supporting the narration in his manuscript — all of which, have
remained in the possession of his family, unseen by any one.
As these books and papers contain matters relating to the early part of the
American Revolution in the Southern Colonies of the Union, which have not
been published in any histories hitherto written, I have been induced to submit
them to the public, under the form of Memoirs ; that being the only mode
which would permit me to use my father's mauuscripts and papers, with any

yjJJ PREFACE.
satisfaction to myself. For his manuscript volumes, being written hastily a!
events occurred ; were collections of facts, neither sufficiently digested for
history, nor distributed into that order, which, had he lived, would have been
done, before presentation to the public eye. They were besides, more calcu
lated for a general history of the American Revolution; and were not suffi
ciently connected, to have appeared as proceeding from his pen. For these
reasons, I determined they never should appear, but under my control, through
my hands, and in my own language, except some parts which are in my
father's words : being of opinion, that if I took on myself to give them publi
city, I alone should be answerable for any faulU of the composition. And I
hope this explanation will be received, as an apology to those of my friends,
who, placing a high value on original and authentic manuscripts, have wished
I should publish them without alteration or defalcation ; as thereby giving a
better insight of the feelings and transactions of the times, to which they relate,
than could be conveyed by any narration which was not contemporaneous.
As to publishing them without alteration or defalcation, I could not allow my
self to be the means of spreading before the public manuscripts written in
haste ; where many blanks occurred, which it was not in my power to supply,
with the matter intended. And as to the narration not being contemporaneous,
I was generally with my father, until the last year of his life ; when I was
placed at Princetown in the Jerseys, under the care of Dr. Witherspoon, then
President of the College, and a Member of the Continental Congress: and
although my youth cannot permit me to consider myself as contemporaneous —
yet, during that time, I knew many of the characters who are mentioned in
this work ; and often attending my father on public occasions, I remember
many things, which, otherwise, it could not be supposed, opportunities permit
ted me to know, or my youth to recollect : and I even entered into the public
feelings, as to some of them. This will enable me to connect or explain, some
parts of the narrative — to add to it, from the papers in my hands, which he
had not used — and, to present a work, which I hope will be a tolerable picture
t)f dangers, which have been overcome ; and of times, which are past. From
all these sources of information, I have entered on the arduous and delicate
task, of writing these Memoirs ; and in doing so, I consider my father's manu
scripts, as the basis on which they rest ; and the accompanying papers, as prov
ing and illustrating the accounts which are related.
As I began this work with a determination, of stating nothing, but what I
«ither knew, or believed, to be true ; and as in so doing, I was conscious my
relation would, in some cases, run counter to what had been published by
others ; I thought it adviseable to follow Sir John Dalrymple's mode of proving
and illustrating the chapters, by immediately connecting with each one, the
documents relating to the same : and I trust in being so engrafted into the
work, they will, not only form one of its most valuable recommendations —
but, will justify me in the views I have taken, of men and of measures. It has
been my practice, not to trust to printed books ; but to procure access to
authentic manuscripts, or to papers printed by authority : and this I have done,
where opportunities permitted— or, where individuals were willing to impart

PREFACE. ix
the information tihey possessed ; and I have generally quoted from the books
or papers in my possession. I have found myself under difficulties, in writing
the eighteenth chapter of these Memoirs ; as the manuscripts which had been
my guide, did not treat of the matters contained therein ; and, as the Journals
of the Privy Council for the year 1776, have not aided me ; although many and
particular inquiries have been made for the same, both at public offices, and of
the heirs of John Rutledge, and of Rawlins Lowndes, both of whom were at
the head of affairs during the early part of our revolution ; the first, with the
title of President and Commander in Chief— and the latter, with that of Gover
nor and Commander in Chief. I had, however, a few papers, which with other
assistances, enabled me to write the same. And among the latter, I cannot
forljear mentioning the name of John S Cogdell, late Comptroller-General of
this State ; to whose friendly and particular researches in the office of the Clerk
of the House of Representatives at Columbia, I am indebted, for the only
account I have been able to give, of the authority, by which, the Great Seal
of this State, was contrived and made.
1 am also indebted, to Col. Thomas Roper, for the votes of Assembly, printed
by the order of that House, respecting the transactions of our first American
Congress, which took place at New-York in October 1765; and for those
printed by its order, after the Stamp- Act had been passed by the Kirig and Par
liament of Great Britain.
To Col. Daniel Stevens, for the account which 1 have given of the proceed
ings of the people, after the stamped paper, had arrived in the port of Charles-
town. To John Champncys, for the manuscript Journals of the Commons-House
of Assembly of this then province, from the 2d day of August 1774, to the 15th
day of September 1775, inclusive.
To Thomas Winstanley, for the manuscript Journals of the Provincial Coun
cil, for the years 1774, and 1775.
To Elias Horry, Intendant of Charleston, for the Printed Extracts of the
Provincial Congress of South-Carolina, for the year 1776.
To Benjamin Elliott, for the Orderly Book of Barnard Elliott, while he was
Captain in the second regiment of Infantry, and Major in the regiment of
Artillery. To James Nicholson, for Captain Mason's Orderly Book, while he was in the'
second regiment of Infantry.
And to various other gentlemen, who were so polite as to aid me, with
information they possessed, or with papers, of public authority ; among whom,
the liberal assistance of Patrick Duncan entitles him to particular thanks.
b

^ PREFACE.
The portrait at the beginning of this book, is engraved from an engraving
done in France, of a picture drawn in India ink by Mons. De Simitiere at
Philadelphia, about the latter end of the year 1778, or the beginning of the year
3779; which, with many other likenesses by the same artist, of Members ot
Congress, and public officers, were sent to Europe to be engraved ; and alter
the peace of 1783, many of these engravipgs were exported to the United States
for sale.
The Sullivan's Island Map, and plan of the Fort thereon, was made, partly
from one drawn by Lieut. Col. James, of the Royal Regiment of Artillery ; who
was the British Engineer on board of the Thunder Bomb vessel, which dis
charged the shells against the fort on the 28th of June; and partly, with the
assistance of Captains Rishard Bohun. Baker, and Henry Gray, who were
Lieutenants in the second regiment of Infantry, and assisted in fighting the
cannon of the fort at Sullivan's Island, on the said 28th day of June.
The Map respecting Colonel Williamson's expedition against the Cfaerokees,
was made from a manuscript draft of the same, found among my father's
papers ; and which was corrected, by refering to the maps of Melish's Military
Atlas : and that part of it, which is within the bounds of South-Carolina, con
taining almost the whole of Pendleton District, and a small part of Greeneville
District, was drawn and corrected, by reference to the late boundary map
between South-Carolina and North-Carolina, in the Secretary's office ; and to
the map of Pendleton District, in the possession of Major Wilson, Engineer of
this State.
The Map respecting Ninety-Six Court-House and Gaol, and the encamp
ments connected therewith, was made from the District Maps of Abbeville and
Edgefield in the hands of Major Wilson; the Court-House, Gaol, Spring and
encampments, were located agreeably to the manuscript of William Henry
Drayton, aided by surveys caused to be made by Mr. James Nicholson for that
purpose. t have been told by some, that although the persons whose names are men
tioned in the following pages, be generally dead ; yet, every thmg said of them
therein, may not be agreeable to their descendants ; and therefore, as few
names as possible, should be brought into public view. In this, I am sensible I
tread on tender ground ; as every writer must do, who treats of parties, and of
revolutions; and, objections made on this ground, are the prices which we
must all pay, for the liberty we now enjoy. Yet, I trust I shall stand excused
to the public, and to the many descendants of honorable men, who now hold,
and enjoy the confidence of their fellow citizens, both in private and in public
life, when they consider, that if I have treated of their ancestors, I have also
done so of mine — and in both cases, I have given to the best of my power and
opportunities, a faithful relation of their translations, from British subjects, to
American citizens — so, as to introduce them to the knowledge of men, from
the first commencement of opposition, to that vigorous conduct, which, casting

PREFACE. Xi
a radiance around ihcra, rewarded them with the admiration of their fellow
citizens, and with high offices of honour and confidence. To have suppressed
their names, would have been to have suppressed a course of anxious and
arduous services, which entitled them to the thanks of a grateful people. Be
sides, I professed to treat of particulars ; and I could not give just ideas of the
public opinion, during the various stages of the American Revolution, or, of
oppositions arising in our public councils, unless the names of those leaders
who took part therein were mentioned. It is their names, as men of standing
in society, and in whom the people trusted, that stamp authenticity and value
on the accounts of those periods — it is for that purpose, they have been intro
duced ; and, I hope in having done so, it has been done respectfully. As to
those, who took active and prominent parts, in support of the British Adminis
tration in opposition to the American Revolution, their names have already
been given to the public, by public authority, and by writers, in terms suitable
to their conduct. And when their actions are treated of, I have done nothing
more, than the Memoirs required; and to which, they had subjected them
selves, by the parts which they took in favour of Royalty and taxation, against
Re|)ublicanism and liberty. Yet, in these cases, 1 hope I have done it dis
creetly ; and I trust it may be so received, among their descendants ; many of
whom, are now respectable members of the community, enjoying the public
confidence — and being ready with their lives and fortunes, to defend American
liberty, and our happy constitution.
It has been suggested to me by others, the work would be unnecessarily
increased, by speaking of local matters ; of themselves little important, as
tending to American independence. From persons, who are more ready to
object to the actions of others, than to bring forth any labours or merits of
their own, this might h.ive a discouraging effect; as supposing, it might be the
opinion of the community. But, I believe the public opinion to be too liberal,
to entertain ideas of this kind ; or, to wish, that authentic information should
be withholden, which the want of papers, and documents, has hitherto, kept
from publicity. Besides, occurrences, however trivial, are interesting to the
inhabitants of those parts of the State, where they happened ; they ai-e also,
connected with characters ; and in spreading them to public view, we pro
mote the best ends of history — the knowledge of men— and the knowledge
of measures.
Under such impressions, I have written these Memoirs; hoping thereby, to
arrest from oblivion matters connected with the American Revolution, and of
importance to this State ; which otherwise, would have been totally lost. And
if in doing so, I have met the public expectation; or, have in any manner an
swered the object of their wishes; I shall consider myself happy in having
undertaken the task: which, the protection of Providence, and the assistance
of my friends, have enabled me in such manner to perform. On the 14th of
August 1819, I commenced writing the Memoirs; but was frequently inter
rupted by the official duties I had to fulfil, and the various calls otherwise made
upon my time. Notwithstanding which, seventeen chapters were completed

Xii PREFACE.
in 1820; and the work was put to the press on the 5th of February 1821 : the
same being written and copied over in my own hand writing, during that time.
In presenting it thus hastily composed, I fear it is offered, labouring under
some errors, and many imperfections ; but J trust to the liberality of a generous
public, and an impartial criticism : which, while they notice faults with ten
derness, will duly appreciate the motive which led to the publication — that of
gleaning a few flowers, remaining after a rich harvest; which may assist in
embellishing the memories of our Statesmen — or, be added to that garland of
honour, which is already placed on the altar of American Liberty.
THE AUTHOR.
South- Carolina, Charkslon, July2\sl, 1821,

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

OF

WILLIAM HENR\^ DRAYTON.

fLLIAM HENRY DRAYTON was born in South-Caro-
lina, at Drayton-Hall on Ashley River, in September 1742, He
was the eldest son of John Drayton, whose father Thomas Drayton
¦was a descendant of the Drayton family of Northamptonshire in
England; and who came to South-Carolina, from the Island of
Barbadoes, in the year l67l, with Sir John Yeamans and others.
When William Henry Drayton had arrived at the age of eleven
years, his father sent ,him to England in the year 1753, under the
care of Charles Pinckney; who, having resigned the office of
Chief Justice of the Province, was then going to England with his
family: among whom were his two sons, Charles Cotesworth
Pinckney, and Thomas Pinckney. With the guidance and protec-
tioh of this very respectable gentleman, he prosecuted his educa
tion at Westminster School in London, until the autumn of 176I ;
when he was removed to the University of Oxford ; where, he
matriculated on the 10th day of October in Balliol College. He
there continued his studies, for near three years ; when the call
of a parent obliged him to leave his collegiate duties, and to return
to Carolina. He did not, however, discontinue the improvements
of his mind ; but entered upon a course of reading, with great
industry ; and thereby became well informed ia the English, an»

jj.Jy BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF
cient and modern histories, the Laws of Nations, and the rights
of his own country. His father being a gentleman of large estate,
and he the eldest son, he had not been brought up to any profes
sion; but his ardent mind, would not permit him to move in a
common sphere: and he therefore turned his attention to law and
politics. In the year 1764, he married Miss Golightly, a young
lady of independent estate; by whom he had two children; a
daughter, and John, the author of this biographical sketch, and
of the following Memoirs.
The proceedings in North America, flowing from British Acts of
Parliament, did not allow Mr. Drayton to continue in domestic
repose; for in the year 1769, under the signature of Freemnn, he
wrote against the mode of enforcing associations, which he deemed
encroachments on his private rights of freedom. This, involved
him in a political controversy ; in which, he and William Wragg,
were opposed by Christopher Gadsden and John M'Kinzie. After
this, he returned to Europe, when, he was introduced at the British
Court of George III ; and was noticed by Lord Sandwich and
others of the British nobility. Soon after, he received front
George III, King of Great Britain, on the 27th day of February
1771, an appointment of Privy Counsellor for the Province of
South-Carolina ; and on his return to Carolina, he took his seat as
a member-of that Council, in Charkstown, on the 3d day of April
1772. In performing the duties of that station, and in defence of his
country's claims, he frequently was in opposition to the Crowft
Officers and Judges, who were members of the Council ; and, by
protests which he entered on the Journals against their proceed
ings, was, with others, the cause of laws passing therein in behalf
of the province, which, otherwise, would have been negatived.
Hence, animosities arose against him at the Council-Board ; and
he was watched with a jealous eye, as weakening the pretensions
of the King, and the views of the British Administration. His
standing and abilities at the Board, were nevertheless such, that on
the decease of Judge Murray, he was appointed on the 25th day
of January 1774, by Lieutenant-Governor Bull, an Assistant-Judge
of the province, until his Majesty's pleasure should be known
thereon. In performing the duties of this office, with independ-

WILLIAM HENRY DRAYTON. ^y
ence and zeal, he incurred the ill-will of the Chief Justice and
some of the Assistant-Judges, who had been sent over from Eng
land. And the Continental Congress being about to sit at Phila
delphia in this year, he wrote and published a pamphlet under bis
signature ot Freeman, which he addressed To the Deputies of North
America, assembled in the High Court of Congress at Philadelphia.
" In this, he stated the grievances of America, and drew up a Bill
of American Rights. This, was well received. It substantially
chalked out the line of conduct adopted by Congress, then in ses
sion,"* It, however, brought upon him an attack from the Chief
Justice and one of the Assistant-Judges, in the Council;* by which
the Lieutenant-Governor was obliged to supercede Mr. Drayton
on the 9th day of December 1774. His public endeavours in be
half of his native country, were not checked by this act of power;
on the contrary, they increased so much, that the Council, some
months after, addressed the Lieutenant-Governor to suspend him
from being a member of his Majesty's Council ; and he conse
quently was suspended by his uncle, Lieutenant-Governor Bull, on
the 1st day of March 1775. The suspension instead of injuring
him, in the opinion of his fellow-citizens, drew towards him their .
aflfection and support : and from that time, he possessed their con
fidence in a great degree.
When the Council of Safety was originated in 1775, he was
elected one of its members ; and he continued being one of that
Board, while that Council existed. He was also appointed Chair
man of the Secret Committee of five members; in which capacity
he much promoted the seizure of the provincial arsenal and pow
der magazines; as well as the seizure of the mail, which had just
arrived in one of the King's Packets from England. He was
elected a member of the Provincial Congress of South-Carolina,
which sat in January 1775; and in the course of that year, was'
advanced to the Presidency thereof: continuing in that station,
while the Provincial Congress existed. And in this character, he
issued on the 9th of November 1775, the order from the Provincial
Congress to the garrison at Fort Johnson, to oppose the British
navy. He was, at different times, appointed on important com
missions and deputations to the neighboring colonies j and was
* Ramsay's History of South-Carolina, published in 1809, vol. 2d, p. 445.

Xvi BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF
also sent among the disaffected people of the interior, with high
trusts and powers : all of which, he executed with honour to him
self, and for the most part, with benefit to his country.
At length, on the formation of a temporary Constitution for
South-Carolina, in March 1776, Mr. Drayton was elected Chief
Justice of the colony; and immediately after, he was chosen one
of the Privy Council: thereby, being more than reinstated in
honour and station, to corresponding offices of State, with those
from which he had been superceded and suspended. The govern
ment being soon organized under this Constitution, the Courts
which had been closed for some time, were opened in a solemn
and impressive manner; when on the 23d day of April 1776, in
the presence of the Associate-Justices, he delivered in Court a
Charge to the Grand Jury, replete with patriotism, reasoning, and
learning. He therein expounded to them, the Constitution of the
country, as estabjished by the Provincial Congress on the 26th of
March 1776 — he laid before them, the causes of that important
change of our government — compared them, with those which
occasioned the English Revolution of l688 — stated the law result
ing from the injuries in each case — and spoke of the late revolution
in South-Carolina : and he declared, that " From such a result of
injuries, from such a conjuncture of circumstances — the law of the
land authorizes me to declare, and it is my duty boldly to declare
the law, that George 111, King of Great Britain, has abdicated the
government, and that the throne is thereby vacant: that is, he has
no autliority over us, and we owe no obedience to him. The British
Ministers, already have presented a Charge of mine to the notice
of the Lords and Commons in parliament; and I am nothing loath
that they take equal resentment against this Charge. For, sup
ported by the fundamental laws of the Constitution ; and engaged
as I am in the cause of virtue — I fear no consequences from their
machinations,"* While employed in public duties, he never ceased watching
passing affaiis; and whenever he supposed the public weal would
* See 5th page of the Charge, printed in a quarto pamphlet, in the year 1776,
in Chariestown, South-Carolina. Also the London Remembi-ancer for 177fi,
Part II. page 321—330,

WILLIAM HENRY DRAYTON. X^J}
¦be benefited by his writings, he never failed to come forward with
them in an able and decided manner. Under such impressions,
the Declaration of Lord and General Howe, published at New-
York on the 19th of September 1776, as Commissioners for restor
ing peace to his Majesty's Colonies and Plantations in North
America, &c. &c. could not escape his notice : and under the sig
nature of A Carolinian, he on the 22d October i776, answered
their Declaration, in a small pamphlet. In this, he pointed out
the mischiefs of their proposals, and detected the sophistry of
their reasonings. Your Excellencies " think fit to declare,'' (said
he,) that you are<lesirous "of restoring the public traiiquill-.v ' —
but, is the end you Excellencies aim at, our honour and adv.i t.ige?
Is it to give a free scope to our natural growth? No! It is to
cover us with infamy. It is, to chill the sap, and check the luxuri
ance of our imperial plant. It is, to deprive us of our natural
equality with the rest of mankind, by " establishing'' every State,
"as a part of the British Empire."- In short, your Excellencies
invite men of common sense, to exchange an independent station)
for a servile and dangerous dependence !
And so, your Excellencies, beside your military commands as
Admiral and General, are also, Commissioners for restoring peace.
Is there not some error in the title ? Ought we not instead of
'peace' to read tyranny? You seem armed at all points for the
purpose ; and your very language detects the latent design. But,
you are Commissioners; and for the important purpose of " re
storing peace," you are honoured with a power — "to confer :''
and you have condescended to be mere machines, through which,
as through speaking trumpets, words are to be sounded from
America to Britain ! How much lower is it possible for yout
Excellencies to degrade yourselves, in the eyes of the world/
" His country, pleased with his zeal and talents, heaped offices
upon

him."*

On the 15th of October 1776, Mr. Drayton as Chief Justice,
attended by the Associate-Justices, again addressed the Grand
Jury of Chariestown District, In this Charge, he treated of the
» Ramsay's Hist of So. Carolina, published in 1809, vol, 2d, pag« 456-
C

Xviii BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF
Rise of the American Empire; and of the conduct which the
Grand Jury ought to pursue, for aiding its establishment.*
From this time, Mr, Drayton continued to perform the duties of
the various public stations in which he was placed, until the 21st
day of October 1777; when, in the presence of the Associate-
Justices, he again delivered a lengthy Charge to the Grand Juiy,
for Chariestown District; part of which, was of a political nature.
In this C barge, he treated of the situation of affairs — of the short
enlistments, which paralized the operations of the American armyt
— of Washington, a name which needs no title to adorn it; as be
ing a freeman, above all praise — of his retreat before a superior
enemy, through the Jerseys; and his causing the Delaware to
bound the enemy's advance — of his summoning General Lee with
the corps under his command, to join him; his disobedience
thereto, and capture — of Washington's victory at Trenton — of the
campaigns of 1776, and 1777. He then turned his attention to
the situation of South-Carolina, where the public vigour, was not
what it had been; and endeavoured to rouse the public mind, to
prepare for the invasions they had a right to expect. We, were
the first, he said, in America, who publicly pronounced Lord
North's conciliatory motion inadmissible. We, raised the first
regular forces on the continent, and for a term of three years.
We, first declared the cause of taking up arms. We, originated
* This Charge is published at length in the London Remembrancer for 1777,
p. 327 — 343. It was also published in a pamphlet, in Chariestown, So.Ca. in
1766. t " When the Congress began to consider of a Continental army, they were
for leaving the army in Massachusetts, as belonging to that Colony, which they
were willing to pay — and besides, to raise a Continental one. But the N Dele
gates said, this army has stood the brunt — ^you are willing to pay them — why
deprive them of rank .'' Well, they were made continentals. The regulations
came on next; the British, were proposed. No, said they, they have signed
other articles ; and will you impose others upon them ? And, this was yielded.
The term, was next ; the six months the New-Englanders has enlisted for, was
thought too short: no, said they, the war will be over in that time — ^besides,
will you make these men serve longer, than they have agreed for .'' Well,
then, they were answered, rescind the resolve for making them continentals.
No. And thus it was, that the ruinous policy of short enlistments obtained. —
This from J. RutUdge." ID" Tliii note,is copied from Witlimn Hmry Drayton's
Manwcript Bool'.

WILLIAM HENRY DRAYTON. xix
the Councils of Safety. We, were among the first, who led the
way to independence, by establishing a Constitution of Govern
ment. We, were the first, who made a law authorizing the cap
ture of British vessels, without distinction. We, alone, have
defeated a British fleet. We, alone, have victoriously pierced
through and reduced, a powerful nation of Indians; who, urged
by Britain, had attacked the United States: but, such proceedings,
unless supported with propriety, would cover us with infamy. He
therefore urged his countrymen, not to trifle with unexampled
opportunities, not to be recalled. He said, how many of youth,
strength, activity, fortune, learning, sense, and other blessings, had
only shown their attachment to America by a momentary vigour, to
mark their inconstancy — scrutinizing the conduct of others — good
wishes, and inquiring the news of the day ? Such men, would be
sensible of a disgraceful inferiority, when they heard those Ameri
can names which the trump of fame now sounds through the
world ; a blast, that will reach the ears of the latest posterity.
To a rich planter he would say, if you will send 20, 30, Or 40
labourers to the public works, and for whom you shall be paid, you
will do an essential service, in a critical time. To another, if you
will diligently overlook and push on, the construction of such a
battery, or line, you will merit the thanks, of your fellow-citizens.
To a third, if instead of hunting, you will ride about your neigh
bourhood, or a little beyond, and endeavour to instruct those who
are ignorant of the importance of the public contest — reclaim the
deluded — animate the timid — rouse the languid — and raise a spirit
of emulation who shall exert himself most, in the cause of freedom
and America ; you will deserve the applause of the continent. It
was necessary, he said, to speak with boldness, and plainness. In
a time like this, language should be as thunder; not as music of
the spheres — and, that he should discourse to Grand Jurors of
other things, beside their mere duties in a Court of Justice. Hence,
on other occasions, he had reasoned on the propriety of our revo
lution in March 1776 — on the legal necessity of American inde
pendence — and now, on the situation of afiairs. " I do most
earnestly recommend, that you urge these topics, when you blend
yourselves again among your neighbours. In every station that I
have had the honour to fill, I have counselled the most decisive
measures ; nor, have I been sparing of my personal assistance, in
their execidion. The public service requires an unwearied appli-

XX BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF
cation, unabafing vigour, and a readiness to make the greatest
SR.rifices I firmly trust, that we shall act as men; and that pos
terity will have no just cause, to reproach our conduct,"
After this, the Vice-President of the State being absent from
Chariestown, and the President being about to leave it for a time,
he invested Mr. Drayton with the powers of President during his
and the Vice-President's absence from the town, by letters patent
under his hand and seal at arms, bearing date the 20th December
1777: thereby, conferring upon him a trust, which could only he
reposed in a tried, and confidential citizen. This power, was
vested in the President by the second ordinance passed by the
General .\ssembly of the State, at its first session in April 1776}
and the letters patent, were in the following words :
" The Hon. Wm. Henry Drayton, Esq. is hereby invested with
the powers of President of this State, during my and the Vice-
President's absence from Chariestown; pursuant to the authority
given to me, by an ordinance of the General Assembly, in such
case made and provided. Witness my hand and seal, at Charles»
town. So, Carolina, this 20th December 1777.
" J. RUTLEDGE. (l. s.)"
Early in 1778, Mr, Drayton was elected by the General Assem
bly of South-Carolina, a Delegate to the Continental Congress ; to
which he repaired at York-Town in Pennsylvania, in the latter
end of March, And he thereby had the honour of taking an
active part in the deliberations of that body, against the concilia«
tory bills of parliament, which had been sent across the Atlantic to
^Lord and General Howe ; and were forthwith transmitted to Con
gress at York-Town, When they were received. Congress was
uninformed of the treaty of alliance between France and Ameri
ca ;t but the history of that time declares, with what magnanimity
they acted, in repelling the professions contained in those bills;
and, in rousing all America, to prepare for resistance. These

* See the political part of this Charge, as published in a small octavo pam
phlet at Chariestown, So, Carolina, in October 1777,
t Ramsay's United States, vol, II, p. 246,

WILLIAM HENRY DRAYTON. XXl
conciliatory bills, having been passed into acts by the King and
Parliament of Great Britain, the Earl of Carlisle, William Eden,
and George Johnstone, Esquires, were appointed by the British
government, to open a negociation on the subject; and they re
paired to Philadelphia, then in the possession of the British troops,
fbr that purpose. They requested General Washington, who then
lay at Valley-Forge, on the western side of the River Schuylkill,
fifteen miles from Philadelphia, with the American army, to fur
nish a passport for their Secretary, Doctor Ferguson, with a letter
from them to Congress; but this was refused. They then for
warded in the usual channel of communication, a letter addressed
" To bis Excellency Henry Laurens, the President, and other the
Members of Congress ;" in which they communicated a copy of
their commission, and of the acts of parliament on which it was
founded : and they offered to concur in certain arrangements
therein contained. Congress gave a decided negative to all their
propositions; answering them to that effect, through their Presi
dent, Mr. Laurens.* Beside this official communication of the
Commissioners, Mr. Johnstone, one of them, wrote private letters
to Henry Laurens, Joseph Reed, and others ; thereby endeavour
ing to obtain by private correspondence, what had been publicly
refused. Congress could not, consistently with national honour,
enter into any discussion on these matters ; but " some individuals
of their body, ably proved the propriety of rejecting them.
Among these, Gouverneur Morris, and William Henry Drayton,
with great force of argument, and poignancy of wit, justified the
decisive measures adopted by their countrymen,"! After this,
the Continental Congress returned to Philadelphia; when Mr.
Drayton put forth, on the 4th September 1778, another publica
tion against the Commissioners, full of argument, ridicule, and
point,| " This is supposed to be the last ofiering made by his
pen, in favour of America, He was a statesman of great deci
sion and energy— and one of the ablest political writers, Carolina
has produced."^
* Ramsay's United States, vol. II. p, 248, 249.
t Ibid. p. 260. Also, the London Remembrancer for 1778, p. 306—310, in
which Mr. Drayton's address to the British Commissioners is published at length.
X See London Remembrancer for 1778, 1779, p. 55—64.
^ Ramsay's Hist, of So. Carolina, publislied in 1809, vol. U, p. 456,

XXii BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF
During this time, he was sent by Congress on important mis
sions as member of a Committee : one of these was, to General
Washington at Valley Forge— the other was, to meet the French
Minister, on his arrival in the Delaware River. The Committee
on this last occasion, was composed of Mr, Hancock, Mr. Drayton,
and Mr. Duer ; who were selected by Congress, for the especial
purpose of proceeding to Chester on the Delaware River, to re
ceive Monsieur Gerard, the first Minister Plenipotentiary, whom
Louis XVI. King of France sent over to the United States of
America, They accordingly proceeded to that town, on the 12th
July 1778; with empty carriages, and a miUtary escort: and
returned with his Excellency and suite that day, to Philadelphia;
greeted by the salutes of the military, and the applauses of the
people.* » « The Count D'Estaign with his fleet from Toulon, anchored in Delaware
Bay, on the 8th of July 1778 ; having that day driven on shore near Cape Hen-
lopen, the British frigate Mermaid of 28 guns : and finding the enemy had
quitted the bay, on the 9th, he sailed in pursuit of them to Sandy-Hook, having
taken pilots on board for that purpose. When the Count sailed from the Bay
of Delaware, La Chimere, a thirty gun frigate, 12-pounders, with Mons. Gerard
onboard, sailed up the river, and anchored off Chester; Mr Hancock, Mr,
Drayton, and Mr. Duer, as a committee of Congress, waited on him there, on
the 12th July. They were conveyed on board the frigate, in her barge ; the
crew being dressed in a scarlet uniform, with silver lace. In passing to the
frigate, she saluted them with fifteen guns ; and on coming alongside, with
three cheers ; the Ambassador, Captain, and other officers, standing at the head
of the gangway to receive the Committee, upon their coming on board. And
then passing along the quarter deck to the cabin, they were saluted by the
marines, who were drawn up on the occasion. The Ambassador and the
Committee then debarked, under the same salutes ; and sat off for Philadel
phia, in a coach and four, followed by two post chariots and four ; escorted by
a party of light-horse.t They arrived at the head-quarters in the city, about 2
o'clock; where apartments had been provided for the Ambfissador: and were
received by a battalion under arms, and a salute of fifteen cannon."
t Count Pulaski's,
03= The above note is taken from my father William Henry Drayton's
manuscript book, which he wrote at Philadelphia. The head-quarters, to
which he alludes, were those of General Ai-nold, on the right side of Market-
street, as one passes down to the Delaware River; he, was then military com
mandant, of Philadelphia. On this occasion , General Arnold gave the Ambas
sador and Committee of Congress, a public dinner; attended by a band of
military music. Having gone with my father and the Committee to Chester,

WILLIAM HENRY DRAYTON. xxiil
Major General Charles Lee's conduct at the battle of Mon
mouth on the 28th of June 1778, having caused him to be sus
pended from command, by the sentence of a General Court-Mar-
tial ; and that having been confirmed by the Continental Congress
after deliberations, in which Mr. Drayton took a decided part
against General Lee; General Lee's mind became much embit
tered against him : and he poured forth his resentments in offen
sive terms, to such members of Congress, as gave him a hearing.
Of these conversations, Gouverneur Morris, and Mr. Hutson, two
particular friends of Mr. Drayton, gave him notice. Upon which
Mr, Drayton wrote to General Lee, stating, that if in his Charge
to the Grand Jury at Chariestown, in 1777,* he had misrepre
sented General Lee's conduct immediately preceding his captivity
by the enemy, and he had injured General Lee's reputation, and
he could be satisfied he had done so — those principles of honour
which must make General Lee feel an injury, made him feel even
an idea of having done an injury — and impelled him to make
reparation, where it was due. This, brought on a correspondence
in February 1779, between these two gentlemen, which finally
ended in a challenge from General Lee, on the 23d March 1779,
through Colonel Oswald ; but which Mr. Drayton, through the
same conveyance, declined accepting : giving in writing as reasons
for so doing, that although custom had sanctioned duelling with
the military, it had not done so with the judiciary — and, that such
a conduct in a Chief Justice of South-Carolina, as he was, would, in
the eyes of the world, appear as a public outrage on government,
society, and common decency ; and therefore, he could not con
ceive, that he could with the least propriety accept General Lee's
"cordial" invitation, to meet him, "armed with pistols and sword."
and also returned with them, I partook of this dinner, I recollect the occur
rences perfectly, as stated In my father's manuscript; being then a boy, of
eleven years of age, ^^^ Author.
* That part of the Charge, which related to this matter, was in the following
words : " Washington caused the Delaware to bound the enemy's advance. He
summoned General Lee with the corps under his command to join him. That
veteran disobeying his repeated orders, for which, I presume, rigid inquisition
is yet to be made — loitering, when he should have bounded forwards — he
allowed himself to be surprized, and made prisoner (Dec. 13) at a distance from
his troops. Washington, in the abyss of his distress, seemed to be abandoned,
by his officer next in command,"

Xxiv BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF
That in the situation of life, in which he was then placed, he
should not sacrifice his public reputation, and outrage his public
character, merely to gratify General Lee, in the line of his (Gene
ral Lee's) profession. That he was charged by the State of South-
Carolina, with affairs of high concern ; and is sensible, it would
but ill accord with his duty to his own reputation, to his constitu
ents in particular, and to the public at large, to enter into a pri
vate duel with General Lee: even, if such a conduct by him,
would not have thrown disgrace upon Congress ; of which body,
he was a member. That being under no obligation to do so, he
yet assured him, that his first letter to him (General Lee) was
written with the most honorable intentions, respecting him ; which
he was concerned to find, have been entirely misconceived. That
he is under no apprehension his conduct, in the present case, would
be imputed to a dishonorable principle; because, upon every occa
sion, he would be found, to possess the manners of a gentleman.
After this, although Mr. Drayton had declined the duel, he did
not in the least shrink from any rencontre in the streets of Phila
delphia, with General Leej but walked regularly to Congress,
and about the city for many days ; armed with his small sword,
one of the weapons, which General Lee had designated. But the
General did not think proper to meet him in this way  although
in his challenge, he wrote Mr. Drayton the quarrel was " inexpi
able." This difference with General Lee is of too trivial a nature, to
have been brought into view on the present occasion, had it not
been supposed, that to have omitted it, would have been ascribed
to some principle, at variance with impartiality. But, as for that
reason, it is deemed proper not to omit it; for a better reason, the
Author ot these Memoirs avails himself of this opportunity to state
the above correspondence ; which he can always support, from
General Lee's own letters and notes to Mr. Drayton, in his posses
sion. And he also thinks it his duty to say, that General Lee's
letter of March 15th, 1779, to Mr, Drayton, and which is pub
lished in the Memoirs relating to General Lee; although pre
sented to Ml-. Drayton by one of General Lee's aids de camp, was
never opened or read by him; but was returned to the aid de
camp; who said, he did not know what it contained: so, that the

WILLIAM HENRY DRAYTON, xXV
scurrility thrown upon Mr. Drayton in that letter, and which the
editor of the said Memoirs has given to the world, was lost on that
occasion. But still, it is not the said editor's fault, if unfavorable
impressions against Mr. Drayton, may not have arisen on the pub
lication of this letter, in his Memoirs — while he ought to have
been ashamed, to have suppressed General Lee's challenge after
wards on the 23d March 1779, delivered by Colonel Oswald, and
Mr. Drayton's reply in writing of the same date, returned to Gen
eral Lee, by the same conveyance; which would have afforded a
very different inference, than what the editor of those Memoirs
has been pleased to draw on the occasion. One thing more, and
then both General Lee's affairs, and his admiring editor, shall be
left to the opinions which they respectively merit. A part only, of
the correspondence between Mr, Drayton and General Lee, has
been published in the said Memoirs ; the rest has been suppressed :
for reasons best known to those, who were concerned in such a
garbling transaction. And a very unwarrantable liberty has been
taken in this dispute between two individuals, to omit, alter, and
polish, parts of General Lee's letters to Mr, Drayton ; which,
otherwise, would not have shown him off in so remarkable a man
ner for "poignancy of reply," as the above editor thought "may
he worth preserving in these Memoirs."* »
* See the said Memoirs, p. 33— e? seq.
Jfote. A full statement respecting General Lee's disobedience of General
Washington's orders, to march to his assistance, and of his capture in the Jer*
seys at White's Tavern on Basking Ridge, two miles from his army; has never
been fully before the public, until General Wilkinson published his Memou's in
1816. These go to satisfy any reasonable mind, that General Lee's disobedi
ence of orders was complete ; as he had ordered General Sullivan to move
with the army towards Pluckamin, which was only twenty-one and a half miles
from Princetown, where, an inferior force of the British lay. This was off his
route to Alexandria on the Delaware, where, he had been ordered to cross;
and directly on that, towards Brunswick and Princetown. And from General
Wilkinson's seeing General Lee trace the road from Pluckamin on the map, the
morning he was taken prisoner, to Princetown, and other concurring infer
ences which he thence drew on the spot, General Wilkinson says, " I have
strong cause for belief, that the decisive moment had arrived ; and that if Lee
bad not been made a prisoner, he would have attacked the British post at
Princetown, the next morning," He farther says, "General Lee merited
severe punishment for his neglect of duty, and disobedience of orders : and, he
received it, from an unexpected hand. This oiFence, was well iwderstood by
d

XXVI

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF

After this, Mr, Drayton's attentions to his duties in Congress,
were arduous and constant; while his hours at home, were de
voted to writing, and copying congressional documents. This,
induced a sedentary fife; leading to the illness, which caused his
death. His manners, were elegant, and gentlemanly— his virtues,
many— his faults, few. He was a fond, and attentive father,
wrapt up in the education of his son— bringing him forward by
gradual advances, for a knowledge of public affairs; fondly hop
ing, that one day, he might be useful to his country. But these
hopes were cut short, by his early death ; and his son was left at
twelve years of age, to struggle through the difficulties and perils
of the American Revolution; and to open his way, for support,
and preferment, by the energies of his own mind, and the assist
ances which he drew from an education, much confined by the
operations of war.
Such, was Mr, Drayton's useful and honorable career, until
September 1779 : when, being still a member of Congress, and
Chief Justice of South-Carolina, he closed a life at Philadelphia

the army ; and his misfortune was unpitied by those, who reflected on the
cause of it." "I am persuaded, that in the moment of his capture, he medi
tated a stroke against the enemy ; which, in its consequences, would have
depressed General Washington, elevated himself, and immediately served the
cause of the United States,"
General Wilkinson, was then a Major in the army of the United States ; and
had been dispatched by General Gates to General Washington for orders ; and
on his way, he called at White's Tavern on Basking Ridge, where Genera! Lee
was. He was consequently there, when General Lee was surprized and cap
tured ; and by the British not searching the house, he was enabled to make his
escape. General Lee was without delay hurried off by the British party,
mounted on Major Wilkinson's horse, which, by chance, was ready at the
door; the General being bare-headed — in his slippers and blanket-coat — his
shirt collar open, &c.
So soon as Lieutenant-Colonel Harcourt, who commanded the British party,
retreated with his prize. Major Wilkinson repaired to the stable — mounted the
first horse he could find — and rode full speed to General Sullivan ; whom he
found, under march towards Pluckamin. By which, tlie disobedience of General
Lee, was completed. And, General Sullivan immediately countermarched, to
join General Washington beyond the Delaware,— See Wilkinson's Memoirs, vol,
f.p, 100— 111.

WILLIAM HENRY DRAYTON. jjyjj
on the third day of that month — which, had been aiitive in defend
ing the liberties of his country : and in which, he had, more than
once, personally risked his life, in her service — wanting at the
time of his death, a few days of being thirty-seven years of age.*
In an account given of him, in a Philadelphia paper of Sep
tember 31st, 1779, by one, who knew him well, the following
extracted therefrom, will tend to confirm the picture of his life,
which has been drawn. '« His family, was always among the
number of the most respectable and opulent, in South-Carolina.
He had taken an early and decisive part, in the present contest;
and been favoured from time to time, by his country, with the
most important and confidential offices. At the time of his death,
he was Chief Justice of that State; and one of its Delegates to
Congress. His literary attainments, acquired by good talents and
an excellent education, are well known here, and in Europe;
where, several of his political papers have been admired and read,
in different languages.
" To speak particularly of his character, would perhaps be im
proper in a newspaper ; which like the grave, generally places
the (lead on a level ; without respect to the wise man, or the fool —
the saint, or the sinner. Let this subject therefore be reserved
for the pen of some impartial historian ; who, when he shall in
form posterity, that William Henry Drayton was an honest, inde
pendent patriot — and, an upright, candid gentleman — will, at the
same time, communicate facts more than sufficient to establish and
support his title, to that character."

* His remains were interred in the Cemetery adjoining to Christ-Church,
Philadelphia.

MEMOIRS

AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

CHAP-TER l
A brief view of American affairs, from the year 1753 to
1 765. — During this time. Major Washington is sent
by the Ldeutenant- Governor of Virginia with remon
strances to the French Commandant ; which not being
attended to, troops are raised: and Washington
attacks a French detachment. — The education of
George the If I, King of Great Britain is brought into
view; also, the affections of his mind.

HEN the French government was promoting its
favourite scheme of colonial aggrandizement, and
with troops, settlements, and military stations, was
forming a belt along the British Provinces in North
America; misunderstandings took place, respecting
lands bordering on the river Ohio. On this subject,
an Express arrived at Chariestown in South-Caro
lina, on the twelfth day of June 1763, from Robert
1

2 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1753,
Dinwiddie, Lieutenant-Governor of Virginia, to James
Glen, Governor of South-Carolina. He brought dis
patches from Governor Dinwiddie to Governor Glen;
also copies of letters from Governor Clinton of New-
York, to Governor Hamilton of Pennsylvania; from
Governor Hamiltqji Jo Governor Dinwiddie; and
several other papers, inimediately connected with the
matter of correspondence.
By the letter from Governor. Dinwiddie Governor
Glen was informed, that in the year 1752 he sent
Commissioners to the Six United Nationsof Indians,
and to others^ in amity bordering on th<e west -of the
Virginia settlements; who were charged vvith presents
and a talk, from him as Governor of Virginia. The
Indians received -the Commissioners at Log-Town,*
on the river Ohio: when, after hearing the talk,t and
receiving the presents, the Sachems and Chiefs con
firmed and ratified the treaty which had been previ
ously made with them at Lancaster in Pennsylvania;
also, all former treaties then existing ^^ ith them. The
object of this embassy, was to obtain the assent of
these aborigines to the settlement of lands on the
Ohio; which the King of England had granted by
patent, to a company of gentlemen : some of whom
resided in England, and others in North America.
And so well were the Commissioners received, that
the Sachems and Chiefs acceded to iheir wishes; and
besides granted permission for erecting two forts on
the Ohio River, as a protection to those emigrants,
who might be induced to commence the settlement of
that remote wilderness. When tliis arrangement was .
made known, enterprising persons immediately di-
* Log-Town, was situated about eighteen miles below where Pittsburg now
is ; on the western side of the Ohio river.
1 Speeches made to Indians on public occasions, are called talks.

CHAPTER 1,-1753. 3
reeled their attention that way; and, when Governor
Dinwiddie's letter was written on the 23d of May
1753, one hundred and fifty families had already left
the settled part of Virginia, to proceed to these new
lands on the Ohio River.
Of this movement, the French in Canada were
early apprized; and an expedition was thereupon pro
jected by the Governor of Canada, consisting of reg
ular troops and Indians: whose object was, the de
struction of the settlements, and the possession of that
territory, for the purposes of France. These forces
had no sooner commenced their march, than the Six
Nations of Indians dispatched runners with advice of
the same to Governor Clinton ; who was then at Fort
George in the province of New-York. And the exi
gence was so pressing, that he barely had time to
transmit the papers accompanying the information,
with a short letter from himself, to Governor Hamilton
of Pennsylvania; from which source, they at length
reached Governor Glen, through the intervention of
Governor Dinwiddie.
The letter of this last Governor mentioned, that
conceiving the affair to be of great consequence to all
his Majesty's Colonies on this continent, he had con
sulted his Council ; who agreed with him, it was pro
per the Catawbas, Cherokees, and other friendly
Indians, should be advised of the same : and that each
Colony should raise a number of men, who might be
ready to act, should any emergency require. It like
wise mentioned that he had written to the Governor
of Pennsylvania, urging him to request Mr. Clinton,
Governor of New-York, to send an Express to the
Governor of Canada; requiring his reasons for this
invasion of his Majesty's territories, in times of pro
found peace between the two Crovvns : and, that so

4 MEMOIRS, &c.— irSS.
soon, as he could obtain a proper account of the
French transactions on the Ohio,' he should transmit
the same to the ministry at home.*
On the 21st of June 1753, Governor Glen replied
to this letter, stating that on receipt of the dispatches
be had convened his Council ; who considered them
with that attention, which was dQe to every thing
concerning his Majesty's service ; and so nearly effect
ing the peace of a neighbouring province. That as to
the raising a number of men, it would not be adviseable
to promise any great assistance from South-CaroKna;
more especially, as the information brought stated,
that a portion of the French force was destined for
the destruction of the Catawba nation; whose sole
dependance was upon the Government of this pro
vince. That if the French had succeeded in making
a settlement on the Ohio, he could not be of opinion
that it would be safe for him without special direction
from his Majesty, to take any steps to dislodge them.
And, therefore, with great deference to the Governor
and Council of Virginia, he offered it as his opinion,
that a full representation should be laid before his
Majesty, of the several steps which had been taken by
the Government of Virginia to settle that country;
accompanied with a particular detail of those mea
sures which the French had pursued in opposition
thereto: and, that it would be expedient to wait his
Majesty's pleasure, before any farther steps could war-
rantably be entered upon.f
On the receipt of this letter. Governor Dinwiddie
wrote to the Board of Trade in England, the situation
of provincial affairs ; and more especially, the march
ing of French regulars and Canadian Indians against
** See Appendix to this Chapter, No, I. t See Ibid, No, III,

CHAPTER 1.-1753. 5
the rising settlements on the Ohio : and, representa
tions from several of the provincial Governors on the
same subject, were also laid before his Majesty.
After they had been considered, his Majesty George
the Second caused instructions to be issued, to Gover
nor Dinwiddie and the other provincial governors,
pointing out the line of conduct to be observed on the
occasion ; and they were transmitted to the Governor of
Virginia by a sloop of war despatched for that purpose,
which was to wait his orders, for returning to England.
Upon her arrival in the Chesapeake, her despatches
were forwarded to Governor Dinwiddie: and another
Express was sent to Governor Glen, who arrived in
Chariestown on the 4th October 1753.
By this Express, letters were received from the
Lieutenant-Governor of Virginia;* also, a Circular
from the Earl of Holderness, then acting as Secretary
of State.J In this letter, dated at White-Hall, 23d of
August 1753, he informs Governor Glen, that his
Majesty having received information of the march of a
considerable number of Indians not in alliance with
him, supported by some regular European troops, in
tending as it was supposed, to commit some hostilities^
on parts of his Majesty's dominions in America; he
was directed, to use his utmost diligence to learn, how
far the same was well grounded : and that he should
be on his guard to resist any such hostile attempts, as
might be made within his government. He was far
ther directed in the King's name, that in case the sub
jects of any foreign prince or state, should presume to
make any encroachment on the limits of his Majesty's
dominions, or to erect forts on his Majesty's lands, or
commit any other act of hostility, he was immediately
to represent the injustice of such proceeding; and to
- See, Appendix, No. IV. * Ibid* No. V,

6 liiEMOIRS, &c.— 1753'
require them, forthwith to desist from any such unlavv-
ful undertaking. But, if, notwithstanding such requi
sition, they should still persist; he was then directed to
draw forth the armed force of his province ; and to use
his best endeavours, to repel force by force.
No encroachment being then madf" by the French,
on the back frontier of South-Carolina, Governor
Glen remained passive, under the dirertions of the
Circular: but Governor Dinwiddie found himself railed
into action by its requisitions, and prepared remon
strances against the encroachments on the Ohio.
When they were ready, he entrusted them to the care
of Major George Washington, then about twenty-one
years old ; who, early in November 1 753, proceeded
through the wilderness by the way of Log-town, for
the purpose of delivering them to the French Com
mandant, at whatever placa he should find him. Hav
ing performed his journey, and delivered his dispatches
to Monsieur Legardeur de St. Pierre, at a fort dh
French Creek on the head waters of the Alleghany
river, about fifteen miles from Presque-Isle on lake
Erie, he returned to Virginia in January 1754;*
bringing an unfavourable answer: and the misunder
standings which had commenced, now widened apace.
This state of things, was soon transmitted to England;
and complaints were directed on the subject to the
court at Versailles; but its behaviour evinced, no sat
isfaction would be given. On the contrary, prepara
tions were urged with greater activity, for strengthen
ing the French posts in North America; and depreda
tions and acts of hostility were committed by the
French and their Indians in the disputed territories.
Measures were therefore taken by the provinces im-
• Sec, Marshall's Life of Washington, vol. 2d, pp. 4 &. 5 ; also, Note I. at the
end of that volume.

CHAPTER I.— 1754-1763. J
mediately concerned, for raising and equipping troops;
and, Major George Washington, now promoted to the
rank of Lieutenant-Colonel in a Virginian regiment,
was sent forward with a part of the^same, to carry
into effect the instructions which the Governor of
Virginia, had so received.
In performing this duty, he soon crossed the cordon
of mountains which separate the waters flowing east-
wardly into the Atlantic Ocean, and westwardly into
the Mississippi River ; and meeting with a French force
a little westward of the Great Meadows, then advan
cing upon the British settlements, and commanded by
M. Jumonville, he attacked and took them prisoners.*
Various changes of fortune, soon took place; each
nation, charged the other with ambitious views; and
as war closely followed this transaction, the affair
between Lieutenant-Colonel Washington and Mon
sieur Jumonville may be considered as its commence
ment between England and France. It was carried
on with much ardour by the belligerent powers; and
with enormous expense : while the flame which ori
ginated in the wilds of America, spread to the East
and the West Indies, to Europe, and to other portions
of the globe. At length, peace came forward to the
relief of the combatants; by the various provisions
resulting from the treaty of Paris in 1763.
The war thus terminated, threw all its honours and
advantages into the scale of Great Britain. Her ar
mies had often triumphed, and her fleets had carried
victory with her flag. Her reputation, had taken a
new flight of greatness. And although her favoured
General was prostrated on the plains of Abraham,
yet her flag waved on the turrets of Quebec ; while
« Marshall's Life of Washington, vol. 2d, pages 6 fc 7.

8 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1763.
her enemies were driven not only from the lands oa
the Ohio, but from the Atlantic shores of her Ame
rican provinces. From the frozen shores of Labrador,
to the torrid climes of the Gulf of Mexico, her influ
ence was now acknowledged; and her sovereignty
extended from the Atlantic Ocean, to the waters of
the Mississippi River. Such, were the fruits of thia
war in North America; whereby, ample satisfaction
was obtained for French animosity, and Spanish inter
position. For, to the north, Canada was torn away
from France ; while, to the south, the Floridas were
lost to Spain, her ally. With this great extension of
dominion in America, prospects were opened of in
creasing commerce and manufactures ; and with them,
an increased income to Great Britain, was not over*
looked, by those who guided the helm of state.
This peace, however, so advantageously effected
agiainst the united power of the house of Bourbon; was
not concluded but at great expenditure of the public
money and great increase of the public debt. For, at
the close of the war in 1763, the public debt of Great
Britain was estimated at one hundred and forty-eight
millions; seventy-five of which had been contracted
during the war. Beside this, the circumstances of the
times, and the competition and jealousy of European
powers, required a more extensive peace establish
ment, than what Great Britain had theretofore main
tained. And in addition, her new and extensive
acquirements in North America, not a little increased
the calls upon her treasury, and embarrassed the plans
of her administration. — Under these difficulties was
conceived, the idea of raising revenue in the British
provinces, from taxes to be imposed on them, by the
parliament of England. And it was strongly urged
by the favourers of this plan, that as the late war was
originated for the protection of colonial territory; so,

CHAPTER I.— 1763. 9
it was but reasonable, they should contribute their
proportion, towards defraying the expenses it had oc
casioned: particularly, as it had terminated so favour
ably to their interests and safety. And for promoting
this measure Great Britain contended, that her parlia
ment clothed with supreme power, was fully vested
with authority to lay taxes on every part of her ex
tended empire. This doctrine, however plausible it
might appear, was not received in the American Colo
nies without some hesitation ; for they had been ac
customed to raise taxes, or to grant supplies, only by
their Assemblies: and they could not but view with
much jealousy, this parliamentary plan of enacting
pecuniary laws for them, when they had no represen
tation in thai parliament to take care of their inte
rests, or to make known their local claims and neces
sities. The more they considered this subject, and
reasoned on its principles; the more they believed, the
claim of taxation to be unjust: and that taxation and
representation were inseparable. Nor could they sup
pose, that a nation could be free or happy, when their
property might be taken from them by a power, over
which they had no control. — By reasonings similar to
these, the American mind began to expand ; and the
situation of the Colonies at the peace of 1763, was
contrasted with what it had been in former years:
when Spain inclosed them on one side, while France
stood ready to attack them on the other.
At that time, the Colonies had many localities
which separated them from each other: and it was
not the policy of Great Britain, to soften asperities
between them. Wars seldom occurred, in which any
great union was expected from them ; and the Gover
nors of the Colonies, acted independently of each
other. When particular pressures bore upon any
Colony, either from Indians or otherwise; regular
2

,0 ' MEMOIRS, &c,— :i7€3.
troops were dispatched, to meet the emergency: and
afterwards, they w ere w ithdrawn, leaving the Colony
to support her government by her own means, and to.
provide for the expenses which had been iucureed.
Hence, few ties of friendship or neighbourhood, were
among them; as each was engaged, in promoting her
own local interests : atid if the citizens of any of the
Colonies had the desire and ability of seeing foreiga
countries, it was not among the neighbouring Colo
nies they were apt to direct their steps; but to Eng
land and Europe, that they bent their coarse. Vir
ginia and some of the Provinces northward of her, had
colleges for the education of their youth: but the
Provinces southward of Virginia, had none. Hence,
men tjf fortune in the southern Provinces were obliged
to send their sons abroad for a liberal education; andi
they naturally sent them to Great Britain, as to a
motlrer country, embracing their affections and good
wishes: and for whose laws and customs they had not
only a respect, but even a fondness for the fashions and
manners of her inhabitants. Thus, acquaintances and
friendships slowly arose, between the community of the
different provinces; and for the same reasons, their
strength never approximated to a union, which gave
them respect in the eye of the British cabinet. One
case arose, where the colonial resources became an ob
ject of public attention ; when a meeting of the Gov
ernors of some of the Colonies was holden at Albany,
at the commencement of the war in 1754, respecting
the Ohio Lands. On that occasion, the efficiency of a
qualified union between the Colonies became so ap
parent, for the better security of the general safety, as
well against Indian sa\ages, as foreign aggressors;
that a supervising Council was proposed of members
from each Colony, who should, with a Governor-
General to be appointed by the Crown, be authorized

CHAPTER 1,-1763. H
to make general laws for the public service ; also, to
raise money for special occasions, and to direct the
colonial united "strength of force and means on great
j)ublic emergences. And so far was this idea con
sidered feasible; it was believed if this plan were
adopted, the Colonies could have well defended
themselves, not only against the neighbouring Indians ;
but against the French and Spaniards, who were
hanging upon each of their wings. The keen eye of
a British administration, however, soon perceived this
plan must not be permitted : as it would condense into
an empire regions, which a monopolizing policy and
the principle of divide and govern, taught them ever to
keep separate, and distinct. For tiiese reasons, the
plan was immediately negatived by the ministry ; and
one, more to serve a turn, than to meet the emergency,
¦<vas proposed ; of the Governors from time to time,
concerting measures with each other for the public
service, with powers to draw upon the British trea
sury in the first instance, for erecting fortifications and
maintaining troops; but the same to be ultimately
reimbursed, by a tax to be laid on the Colonies by act
of parliament.* This was, however, as much disliked
by the colonists, as the first plan had been by the
ministry ; and of course, both measures failed. But
the idea of consolidation once elicited, was never for
gotten: and nothing but a suitable occasion was Want
ing, to bring it into action.
In the mean time, the intercourse of the coloni.sts
with each other, and with the Governors of the Colo
nies, had in a great degree softened the lines of sepa
ration, which had been drawn betweeh them; and
* See, London Remembrancer, for 1776, Part I. pages 185, 186, to 191.
Also, Marshall's Life of Washington, vol. I. pages 379 to 382, and note No. VIII.
at the end of that volume. Also, Dr. Franklin's Examination, at the bar of the
British House of Commons, in 1766.

1,2 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1763.
they were more inclined to consider themselves as one
people. For they had, at times, asssisted each other;
as in the war which had preceded the treaty of
Aix la Chapelle, the northern Colonies had contended
with Canada, and the adjacent possessions of France;
while the southern Colonies had waged hostilities
against Florida and the adjacent dependencies of
Spain. So, in that which prpceded the treaty of Paris
in 1763, the Colonies had been accustomed to give
aids, both of troops and money, to large amounts; and
as well on the plains of Abraham, where victory gave
to George the Second the possession of Quebec; as at
Cuba, where the city of Havana fell under British
dominion, were Colonial troops associated with British
regular forces.* From this association it followed,
they became accustomed to the use of arms; and
what was of more importance, found they could
stand their shock, as well as the British troops. For
the most part, however, the eastern Colonies, denomi
nated New-England Governments, acted in concert
with the British forces: and were oftener called upon,
to watch and oppose the designs of the French from
Canada. Hence, the people of those Colonies were
in close union with each other; as their interests were
nearly the same : and by degrees they ascertained,
their physical strength was imposing. This, connected
with a spirit of independence, which their fathers had
brought with them from England, gave to the inhabit
ants of those Colonies a knowledge of arms, and a
spirit intolerant of opia-ession ; which was not so much
the case, of the southern Colonies, whose white
* Dr. Franklin, in his examination at the bar of the British House of Com
mons, says, " The Colonies raised, paid, and clothed, near twenty five thou
sand men, during the last war ; a number equal to those sent from Britain, and
far beyond their proportion ; they went deeply into debt in doing this ; and all
their taxes and estates are mortgaged, for many years to come, for discharging
that debt."

CHAPTER 1,-1763. 13
population was small: and were more removed,
from an ambitious enemy. But their inhabitants'
ideas of liberty and indeiiendence, were equally great:
and the removal of hostile neighbours, not a little in
creased an impatience among them, of being controlled
by a padiament, in which they were unrepresented;
and which was separated from them, by the vast At
lantic. Such, was the general situation of the British
Colonies, at the peace of 1763, — They were, never
theless, content under British dominion; because, at
that time, their liberties and properties were protected;
and their agriculture and trade were allowed to flou
rish : and in return, they willingly afforded such con
tributions by the votes of their assemblies, as were
required for public exigences. The increased power
of the British nation, however, could not be satisfied
with this: seventy-five millions of debt, had been in
curred in prosecuting the war commenced on the Ohio;
which, it was supposed, gave a right for proportional
reimbursements from the American Colonies; which
had incurred a debt by the war, of upwards of two mil
lions. This, with the necessity of devising ways and
means for reducing the great national debt, inclined
Great Britain to expect more abundant supplies from
her Colonies ; and to project measures for the readier
attainment of them. While the Colonies, more united in
strength and informed by greater experience, became
impatient of foreign interposition; and naturally re
pelled pretensions on their rights, which their increas
ing ideas of freedom taught them, were oppressive and
unjust. Thus stood Great Britain and her Colonies in
North America, at the close of the war of 1754; and
happy would it have been for George the Third, who
after the death of his grandfather, succeeded to
the throne, had he ascended it under more favourable

14 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1763,
auspices. But the differences which had taken
place between his grandfather, George the Second,
and his father Frederick, Prince of \yales, and
which were unreconciled, even at his father's
death;* originated and kept alive, parties and opposi-.
tions, which had a fatal tendency in directing the des
tinies of the nation, at that eventful period. Besides
which, his education was by no means such as was
expected or hoped for, by his parents: being much in-:
fluenced, by the views of party, and of tutors directed
by court favourites,! Under all these difficulties, it
was at least an even chance that he should be misled
by the arts of favouritism; which, although hidden
from public view, would be perceptible, in the mea
sures advised, as in those pursued. And, notwith
standing informations were forwarded by the Go
vernors of the Colonies, detailing the impatience
of the people, and their rising expectations ; yet we
find they were unattended to, when brought into
opposition with the opinions and prejudices of the
Earl of Bute, and others; who indulged and sup
ported views of power and prerogative, highly in
compatible with the genuine principles of a limited
monarchy, and natioual rights. These views now
came forth in avowing the right, the policy, and the
necessity, of taxing the Colonies. And for this pur
pose, and by way of feeling the pulse of the colonists,
Lord Grenville,! in a series of resolutions, advocated
* See an Account of the Funeral of Frederick, Prince of Wales, in Appen
dix to this Chapter, No- VI.
t See some Account of Geo. UI.'s education, in the Appendix to this Chap
ter. No. VU.
t This scheme, has been generally attibuted to Grenville ; but he, proba
bly, received insU-ucUons on the subject from the Eari of Bute ; and, as a finan
cier, completed a plan, which the favourite had previously concerted with
those courUei-s, who, while they were styled tlie friends of the King, did not
always act, as the friends of the people ; though, the true interests of both arc
undivided.— Coote's Hist, of England, vol. 9, page 306.

CHAPTER 1,-1764-1765, 15,
the »ecessity of imposing them. And the only indul
gence which America received at his hands, was a
year's postponement of passing them into a law; that
the expediency of the tax to be levied might be so
ascertained, as to prevent the right of imposing it
from being controverted. How far this inquiry was
pursued or abused, cannot be stated at length, in this
summary view of the question. It has, however,
been ascertained, that the King and his Council were
in full possession of the resolutions and proceedings,
which had taken place in the Colonies on that subject;
and to them we must look, for such representations to
parliament, as the rights of upwards of three millions
of people required at their hands.* But, we shall
look in vain for such representations; the Colonial
complaints were not heard; or, if heard, they were
unattended to. And Lord Grenville's resolutions,
eventuated in his long expected bill, for laying a Stamp
duty in America.
The Bill met with no opposition in the House of
Lords, after it had passed that of the Commons ; and,
* The following is an estimate of the people in the Colonies, taken by Con
gress in 1774, from the best calculations :
1. Massachusetts, .... 400,'000
3. New-Hampshire, ... - - 150,000
3. Rhode-Island, .... 59,678
4. Connecticut,  192,000
5. New-York, - - - - 250,000
6. New Jersey, ..... 130,000
7. Pennsylvania, including the lower Counties of Dela
ware, ..... 350,000
8. Maryland;  320,000
9. Virginia, ...,.- 650,000
10. North-Carolina, .... 300,000
11. South Carolina, ... - - 225,000

Total of the then twelve associated Colonies, 3,026,678

16 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1765.
on the twenty-second day of March 1765, it received
the Royal assent. On that day also, through the des
tinies of Almighty Providence, the secret foundations
were laid; upon which, the Empire of the United
States of America has since been erected. And, as if
the British measure of taxation, were eventually to be
covered with confusion, a manifestation of Providence
was evinced, on the person of George the Third; by
commencing about that time, those affections of his
mind* which have since driven him, into confirmed
madness : — closing only, with the termination of his
life.

* Coote's Hist, of England, vol. 9, page 310; also Annual Kegisterfor 17«%
page 38.

APPENDIX

CHAPTER I.

R HE following papers are copied from the Provin
cial Privy Council Journals of South-Carolina, for
the years 1752 and 1753— pages 475, 482, 499, 645,
644, and 647.

No. I.
Letter from Robert Dinwiddie, Lieutenant-Governor
of Virginia, to James Glen, Governor of South-
Carolina. Williamsburgh, Virginia, May 23, 1703.
SIR, By this Express, I enclose your excellency a
copy of several papers, sent me express from Philadel
phia; Mr. Hamilton, the Governor's letter to me, as
also a copy of Andrew Montour's declaration, on deli
vering a message from me to the Six United Nations
of Indians. As these papers contain affairs of great
3

18 APPENDIX .
importance to his Majesty's Colonies, on this conti
nent, I thought it necessary to give you as early intel
ligence thereof, as possible.
I njust observe to you, that last year, I sent commis
sioners to the Six Nations, and other Indian Nations,
in amity with us and them to the west of this domini
on, with an handsome present from his Majesty.
They accordingly met our commissioners at* Log-
Town, on the Ohio; where, after delivery of the pre
sents, the sachems and chiefs then present, confirmed
and ratified the treaty of Lancaster, and all our former
treaties with them. The intention of this treaty, was
to deliver the present ; and to obtain their assent, to
settle the lands on the Ohio ; w hich was granted, by
patent from his Majesty, to some gentlemen in Lon
don, and in this dominion; which, the Indian Chiefs
then present, immediately agreed to : and further gave
leave to build two forts on the Ohio River. Agreea
bly th^€to, there are one hundred and fifty families
gone out, to begin the settlement.
By the within papers, you will observe, that the
French from Canada, have marched a large force of
regular troops and Indians ; not only, to prevent our
settlement, but to take possession of these lands, and
to build forts on that river. A step, not precedented
in the time of confirmed peace with Britain and
France, to invade the British territories and lands, that
we have an undoubted right to: not only, as the back
of this dominion, but also by a concession of the native
inhabitants, Proprietors may I say, by a fair pur
chase; as the agreeing to our settlements, was in con
sequence of the present given to them.
This affair, I conceive, is of very great consequence
to all his Majesty's Colonitjs on this continent. 1

TO CHAPTER I. 19
immediately called a Council; they all agreed with
me, that it was absolutely necessary to send an Ex
press to you, with a copy of the papers; as also, to
send to the Catawbas, Cherokees, and other Indians
in friendship with us, to put them on their guard for
fear of surprize; which, lam preparing to do. We
are further of opinion, that each Colony should raise
a number of men; which, with the assistance of the
Indians in friendship with us, may be able to prevent
the French settling the lands on the Ohio: and if set
tled, to dispossess them. As this affair, will require
some time, we thought proper to intimate the same to
you and the other governments, to know your, and
their thoughts therein; and if you are of opinion whh
us, we shall be glad to know the number of men that
may be supplied, frotn your government. For, the
French, possessing the lands of the Ohio, which are so
near our back settlements, will in time affect all our
Colonies; and they are very disagreeable neighbours,
and no doubt in time, will multiply fast. We are also
of opinion, that it would be very agreeable if you pos
sibly could make peace between the Creeks and Che
rokees; for the assistance of the Indians, will be of
very essential service. You will further please observe,
that it is of the last consequence, tacitly to allow the
French settlements on the Ohio; as they will continual
ly harass our back settlements, and also enhance all the
Indian trade, to the great loss and prejudice of Great
Britain. It appears to me, to be an affair that requires
the serious consideration of all the British governments
on the continent. I have wrote to the Governor of
Pennsylvania, to desire Mr. Clinton, Governor of
New- York, to send an Express to the Governor of
Canada, to know his reason for this invasion on his
Majesty of Great Britain's territories, in the time of
profound peace, between the two Crowns: and, so

20 APPENDIX
soon as I can have a proper account of their transac
tions on the Ohio, I shall transmit the same to the
ministry at home : that if they see proper, they may
apply to the Crown of France; but at the same time,
we should do all in our power to prevent their settle
ment. Last week, I was informed that the Emperor
of the Cherokees, with some of his officers who were
here last fall, were intercepted in their return to their
own country, by some French Indians. They say,
that they scalped the Emperor, and carried the othejs
prisoners to Canada. This, wants confirmation ; but
Mr. Montour, who I had sent to the Six Nations, says
he heard the same at Onandago. I shall be very glad
by the return of this Express, that your excellency
will please to send me your opinion, on this emergent
occasion ; and what aid might be expected, from your
government: and if it should be thought proper next
fall to endeavour to dislodge the French from the Ohio,
if they should presume to settle. If you could not
engage some of the Creeks and other Indian nations
contiguous to you, to assist in this attempt to disap
point their designs ; for, I take it to be a great insult
on Great Britain, at this time, to make an invasion on
our lands. The number of the French forces, are
uncertain; some say 6,000; but I cannot think they
can exceed 1,000 or 1,200 regular forces, besides their
Indians. But^ 1 expect soon to have a more explicit
account of their numbers and intentions.
I have been told, that for many years they have
been tampering with many of the nations of Indians to
the westward of us. The Picts and Twightwees,,two
powerful nations near Lake Erie, last fall sent me a
message of their strong inclination to enter into a
strict friendship with Britain. I returned a suitable
answer ; and desired them to send me some of their
chiefs to Winchester, a back town in this dominioD>

TO CHAPTER I. 21
about 200 miles from this; where they should receive
a handsome present of small arms, ammunition, &c.
to confirm them of our great desire to cultivate a strict
friendship with them: which presents are now lying
there for them. But, I fear this attempt of the French,
will prevent their coming; as they must come by the
Log- Town on the Ohio. However, if they can pass
them, there is a commissioner with the presents, ready
to receive them.
I could not well abreviate this letter ; as I intended
to give you as clear a detail of the affair as possible.
Please give the messenger all necessary dispatch : with
sincere regard, I remain in great truth,
Your excellency's, &c.
ROBERT DINWIDDIE.

No. II.
Letter from James Hamilton, Governor of Pennsylva
nia, to Robert Dinwiddie, Lieutenant-Governor of
Virginia. Philadelphia, 6th May, 1753,
SIR, Happening to be from home when your letter of
the 3d of October came to hand, I could not return
you an answer by the Surveyor-General, as I certainly
would have done, had I had the pleasure of seeing
him. I concur with you in opinion, that the Indian
traders are a very licentious people, and may, have
been guilty of many bad practices; nor, is it to be
much wondered at : since, although we have laws in
this government, directing them to give bond, with
security for their good behaviour; yet, they constantly
neglect to do it. Nor, can the grand juries in those

22 APPENDIX
remote places be prevailed upon, to find bills of in
dictment against them, though the, facts be ever so
clearly proven.
As soon as I received your letter, I forthwith ap
plied myself to inquire after the persons concerned in
the facts mentioned in the affidavit therein enclosed?
but was informed, they were gone to Alleghany; par
ticularly Taff and Cullender: and I believe they are
not yet returned. But, as they may be soon expected,
I have sent copies of the affidavit to the Prothonotary
of Cumberland County, where they reside; with
directions to take their examinations, and send them
to me : and they shall be transmitted to you by first
conveyance, after I shall have received them. I
heartily offer you my assistance, to bring them and all
evil doers to justice.
Immediately after the receipt of the enclosed letter
from Governor Clinton, on the 4th instant, I dis
patched two messengers to Ohio, to trieike known to
our traders and Indian allies, the intelligence therein
contained. One of them, goes the lower way of
Juniata ; by which means the account will be sooner
and more generally spread : and I am in hopes, they
will arrive time enough, to give the traders an oppor-*
tunity of securing their persons and effects.
I presume, you must have received from Captain
Treul, an account that hostilities have already begun,
by some parties of the Ottaway Indians at Allegha
ny; and, that some of our traders have been takeai,
and murdered : and others, phmdered of their goods— ^
and that a large body of the French and their Indians
was expected at Ohio ; with intent, as it is said, to
take possession of the country, and effect the total
expulsion of the English. In which case, the Indians

TO CHAPTER I. 23
in our alliance, will be no longer able to maintain their
independency; but all must fall, into the hands of the
I'rench. Nor, ran the Governors of Virginia, Mary
land, and Pennsylvania, expect long to preserve peace,
in the parts bordering on these Indian countries. A
most unhappy situation this, both for our Indian allies,
and his Majesty's subjects; and a proceeding in direct
violation of treaties, subsisting between the Crowns of
England and France: by which, a mutual right, to a
free and open trade, is firmly and cleariy stipulated.
Our assembly being to sit on the 21st of this month,
will give me an opportunity of communicating this
intelligence to them; and of expressing my own senti
ments of the necessity of giving our allies some imme
diate assistance ; and I doubt not you will think some
thing of the same kind ought to be done on the part
of your Colony. In the mean time, I think it neces
sary, as soon as we are able to establish clear facts,
with regard to these proceedings, that the same being
duly proved and authenticated, should be transmitted
to his Majesty's ministers; in order to enable them to
form a true judgement of the conduct of the French,
and of its consequences to the independency of the
Six Nations, to the right of a free and open trade;
and to the safety of the lives and properties of his
Majesty's subjects, residing in North America. I
should be well pleased to know, whether it be in
tended by your Colony to erect any kind of fort on the
lands granted to the Ohio Company; and my reason
for desiring this information, is, that I have received
directions from the Proprietors of Pennsylvania, to
enter into any reasonable measures to assist you, in
any design of that sort: only, taking your acknow
ledgement that this settlement, shall' not prejudice
their right to that country. And further, that I may
assure the settlers, they shall enjoy the lands they

24 • APPENDIX
bona fide settle, on the common quit-rent. And, in
all things to endeavour to maintain a friendly and
open correspondence with you ; as being a gentleman
they have a great regard for. And I the more readily
obey their commands, in these several particulars, as
they are perfectly agreeable to my own sentiments,
and inclinations: being with all imaginable regard
Sir, yours, &c.
JAMES HAMILTON.

No. III.
Letter from James Glen, Governor of South-Caroline^
to Robert Dinwiddie, Lieutenant- Governor of Vir
ginia. South-Carolina, 21st Jiue, 1753,
SIR, On the 12th of this instant, your Express brought
me your letter dated the 23d of May last, enclosing the
copy of a letter from Governor Clinton, and of another
from Governor Hamilton, with several other copies of
papers referred. And as they contain matters of great
importance, 1 without loss of time communicated them
to the Council ; who considered them with that atten
tion, that is due to every thing, that so greatly con
cerns his Majesty's service, and the British interest:
that may so nearly effect the present peace of a neigh
bouring province, or by the consequences may disturb
the tranquillity of all the Colonies upon the continent
In short, that may involve us in trouble; or have, what
the French call, des suites facheuses.
The gentlemen of the Council were of opinion, that
it would not be adviseable for me to promise any

TO CHAPTER I. 25
great assistance from this province in its present situa
tion; more espeeially, as the very persons from whoni
you have the accounts of the number of the French
army, give you also information that a part of them is
designed for the utter destruction of the Catawbas:
and, as the sole dependance of that little nation is
upon this government, it is proper we should endea
vour to protect and defend them. Indeed, it is our
interest^ and absolutely necessary for us to do so.
For, if they form a part of our barrier, and if they are
cut off. a door will be left open to the French Indians
to harass our new .settlements, in these our out parts.
I am sensible, how greatly it concerns the peace of all
his Majesty's Colonies upon this continent, to keep
the French at a distance. It not only concerns the
peace, but the very being of the province. For, com
pared with Virginia and some other northern govern
ments, it is but thinly peopled. Our great security is
the friendship of the Indian nations; which, I there
fore study to cultivate with the greatest care. And,
as 1 find the French spare no pains in stirring up strife,
that by constant wars they may weaken one another;
I endeavour to heal and reconcile, all their differ
ences. I have for some time past, taken a good deal of
pains, to make a firm peace between the Creeks and
Cherokees; and a^n not without a prospect of success.
I am greatly desirous that there should be a peace,
between all our Indians, and the Six Nations; and I
sent proposals to the northward some time ago, to that
purpose. And 1 hope you and Governor Clinton will
strengthen my hands in this good work, if it could be
brought about. 1 could venture to promise a consid
erable number of Indians, to be employed in defeating
any designs of the French for the futiu'e; but in their
present attempt, they have either succeeded or failed.
4

26 APPENDIX
— If they have succeeded, aiid made a settlement, with
such an army as you have advice of; 1 cannot be of
opinion that it will be safe for me without special
direction from his Majesty, to take any steps to dis
lodge them ; or, in other words, to destroy them. And
therefore, with great deference to you and the Council
of Virginia, 1 offer it as my opinion, that a full repre
sentation should be laid before his Majesty, of the
several steps taken by you to settle that country; and
a particular detail of the measures the French are pur
suing to dispossess you of it, and to settle themselves.
And, that we should wait, till his Majesty's pleasure
be signified ; before we can warrantably proceed any
further. But, 1 think you very justly doubt, the in
formation you have received as to the number of
troops. Indians, never see, and seldom, speak of
thousands. And from a long, and pretty intimate
knowledge of them, I have learned to mistrust their
accounts, upon such subjects. Their fears often mag
nify appearances; and, they are not very scrupulous
or exact, in numbers.
I hope, all his Majesty's subjects upon the contir
nent, will make a common cause of it, when any part
of them is invaded; but, in the present case, this pro
vince is very nearly concerned, proximus ardet. For
which reason, and for the earnest desire thai 1 know
they have of expressing that zeal for his Majesty's
service; they will, according to their small ability,
exert themst^lves, like loyal and grateful subjects, in
executing his Majesty's commands.
1 am, Sir, yours, &c.
JAMES GLEN.

C?" On the 4th October 1753, another Express
arrived in Chariestown from Virginia, bringing two

TO CHAPTER I. 27
letters from Lieutenant-Governor Dinwiddie, and
one from the Right Honourable the Earl of Holder
ness.

No. IV.
Letter from Lieutenant-Governor Dinwiddie, to Gov
ernor Glen; and in his absence, to the Commander
in Chief, or to the President of the Council of South-
Carolina. Williamsburgh, September 25th, 1753.
SIR, I received your letter by my former Express. — 1
then, thought proper to write to the Board of Trade,
the situation of our affairs, and the marching of some
French regulars with a number of their Indians from
Canada; with intention to settle on his Majesty's
lands, on the Ohio. The representations from this
Continent from the several governors, were laid before
his Majesty. He therefore directed, a man of war
sloop to be immediately dispatched to me, with several
instructions how to conduct myself in the present situ
ation of our affairs, in regard to the designs of the
French, and their Indians, attempting to settle the
lands, belonging to the Crown of Great Britain. I
also, had letters to the several governors on this Conti
nent; with orders to dispatch them as directed;
which, is the occasion of this Express to you : and
must refer you to the contents of the enclosed letter.
I lately sent a Commissioner, to meet some of the
kings and warriors of several tribes of Indians, at the
town of Winchester; and there to deliver them a pre
sent of guns, powder, &c. from this government. They

28 APPENDIX
met accordingly, and there i)rofessed an inviolable
friendship for the King 'of Great Britain, and all his
Colonies, settled on this Contint>nt. 1 directed the
commissioners to ask them to meet me the full moon
next May: and, if they would agree, that some of the
southern Indians should meet at the same time. They
said, they would certainly meet there themselves; and,
would be glad, if the chiefs of the southern Indians
would meet them at the same time; and, that they
would then enter into a strict peace and alliance
among themselves, on this warlike invasion of their
lands, by the French. And, 1 am determined if I
have my health, to meet them in person, to deliver the
presents. Now sir, I should be glad if you could prevail witii
four of the Creek Nation to come to Winchester the
full moon of next May; I shall send a messenger to
the Catawbas and Cherokees, to the same purpose.
As 1 propose this general meeting for the national ser
vice of all his Majesty's Colonies on this continent;" I
hope, all particular attachments must subside: and
was willing by this, to acquaint you of my intentions.
The man of war slooj), is to wait my orders. And as
I think my dispatches will not be ready, till the return
of this Express, if you give him all possible dispatch;
in that case, if you have any commands for Great
Britain, 1 shall take the proper care of them. And
am, with great res])ect.
Your excellency's, &c.
ROBERT DINWIDDIE.

fi?" Governor Glen was in the back parts of South-
Carolina, when the above letter and papers were re
ceived by Edward Fenwicke, President of the Council
of South-Carolina. They were therefore submitted to

TO CHAPTER t 29
the Council; and by their direction, he acknowledged
the receipt of Lord Holderness' Circular ; and stated,
that some token of friendship and passi)ort, must be
sent to the Catawba and Creek Indians from the
northern Indians; before, they would send any of their
chiefs to the proposed meeting.

No. V.
Letter from the Earl of Holderness, to Governor James
Glen, South Carolina. White-Hall, 23d August 175a
SIR, His Majesty, having received information of the
march of a considerable number of Indians not in alli
ance with the King, supported by some regular Euro
pean troops; intending, (as it is apprehended) to com
mit some hostilities on parts of his Majesty's domini
ons in America; 1 have the King's commands to send
you this intelligence. And to direct you, to use your
utmost diligence to learn how far the same may be
well grounded; and to put you upon your guard, that
you may at all events be in a condition to resist any
hostile attempts, that may be made, upon any parts of
his Majesty's dominions within your government.
And, to direct you in the King's name, that in case the
subjects of any foreign Prince or State, should presume
to make any encroachment on the limits of his Majes
ty's dominions; or to erect forts on his Majesty's lands,
or commit any other act of hostility; you are insme-
diately to represent the injustice of such proceeding:
and to require them, forthwith to desist, from any
such unlawful undertaking.

30 APPENDIX
But, if notwithstanding your requisition, they should
still persist, you are then to draw forth, the armed
force of your province, and use )-our best endeavours
to repel force by force. But, as it is his Majesty's
determination not to be the aggressor, I have the
King's command most strictly to enjoin you, not to
make use of the armed force under your direction, ex
cepting within the undoubted limits of his Majesty's
dominions. And whereas, it may be greatly conducive to his
Majesty's service, that all his provinces in America
should be aiding and assisting each other, in case of
any invasion; 1 have it particularly in charge from his
Majesty to acquaint you, that it is his royal will and
pleasure, that you should keep an exact correspon
dence with all his Majesty's Governors on the Conti
nent. And, in case 3'ou shall be informed by any of
them, of any hostile attempt; you are immediately to
assemble the General Assembly, within your govern
ment; and lay before them the necessity, of a mutual
assistance; and engage them to grant such supplies, as
the exigency of affairs may require. I have wrote by
this conveyance to all his Majesty's Governors, to the
same purpose. I am your mostobedt. hum. servt.
HOLDERNESS.

No. VI.
Frederick, Prince of Wales, died on the 20th of
March 1751. The following extracts from the Diary
of George Bubb Dodington, Baron of Melcombe Regis,

rO CHAPTER I. 31
published in London in 1 785, afford information as to
the conduct of George II, on that occasion.
Baron Melcombe states, (page 106) " April 3d. At
Council, about the funeral. Ceremonial from the
Heralds read — their orders, were to form it on the
plan of the Duke of Gloucester's and Prince George's
of Denmark. But, they had different orders pri
vately, which, then, 1 did not know. I thought, there
was very little ceremony ; and therefore said that I
supposed, that they had complied with the orders,
which their Lordships gave abont the plans, on which
this funeral was to be formed. The Lords said, to be
sure ; and none seemed to have any doubts, or con
cerned themselves about it; so, I said no more;
though I am satisfied, it is far short, of any funeral of
any son of a king."
Pages 109, 110, 1 11, 112. " Lord Limerick con
sulted with me about walking at the funeral. By the
Earl Marshal's order, published in the common news
paper of the day, neither he, as an Irish peer, nor I, as
a Privy Counsellor, could walk. He expressed a
strong resolution to pay his last duty to his royal friend,
if practicable. 1 begged him to stay, till 1 could get the
ceremonial ; he did : and we there found in a note,
that we might walk. Which note, published seven or
eight hours before the attendance required, was all
the notice, that lords, their sons, and privy counsellors
had, (except those appointed to particular functions)
that they would be admitted to walk.
" At seven o'clock, (April 13) I went according to
the order, to the House of Lords. The many slights,
that the poor remains of a much loved master and
friend had met with, and who was now preparing the
last trouble he could give his enemies, sunk me so low,

S^ APPENOIX
that for the first hour, I was incapable of making any
observation. " The procession began ; and (except the Lords ap
pointed to hold the pall, and attend the chief mourner,
and those of his own domestics) when the attendants
¦*vere called in their ranks, there was not one English
Lord, not one Bishop; and only one Irish Lord, (Liflier-
ick) two sons of Dukes, (Eari of Drumlandrig and Lord
Robert Bertie) one Baron's son, (Mr. Edgecumbe) and
two Privy Counsellors, (Sir John Rushout, and myself,)
but of these great bodies, to make a show of duty to a
Prince, so great in rank and expectation. While we
were in the House of Lords, it rained very hard, as it
had done, all the season. When we came into Palace
Yard, the way to the Abbey was lined with soldiers;
but the managers had not afforded the smallest cover
ing over our heads; but, by good fortune, while we
were from undercover, it held up. We went in at the
S. E. door and ruriied short into Henry Vll's Chapel.
The service was performed, without either anthent
or organ.
" The corpse and bowels were removed last to the
Prince's lodgings at the House of Lords; the whole
Bed-Chaniber were ordered to attend them from ten in
the morning, till the enterrement. There was not the
attention, to order the Green Cloth to [uovide them a
bit of bread ; and these gentlemen of tlie first rank
and distinction, in discharge of their last sad duty to a
loved and a loving master, were forced to bespeak a
great cold dinner from a common tavern, in the neigh
bourhood. At three o'clock indeed, they vouchsafed
to think of a dinner, and ordered one — but the dis
grace was complete, the tavern dinner was paid for,
and given to the poor. The Duke of Somerset was

TO CHAPTER I, 3S
chief mourner, notwithstanding the flourishing state of
the Royal family. ''"'

No. VII.
The education of George III, was not sufficiently
attended to, by those, whose duty it was, to have
conducted it; hence, in conversations which his mo
ther, the Princess of Wales, had, with Dodington,
Baron of Melcombe Regis, in the years 1 752, 1 753,
and 1755, respecting the education and manners of her
son George; she said, " that he was very honest, but
she wished he was a little more forward, and less.
childish, at his age. That she really did not well
know, what his preceptors taught him : but, to speak
freely, she was afraid not much. That they were in
the country and followed their diversions, and not
much else, that she could discover; but hoped it
would be better, when he came to town." On Dod-
ington's suggesting to her, that what he wished the
most was, that his Royal Highness should begin. to learn
the usages and knowledge of the world— 'be informed
pf the general frame and nature of the English Govern
ment, and Constitution, and of the general course and
manner of business, — she said, " that she was of his
opinion; and that Stone (one of his preceptors) had
told her, that when he talked to the Prince on these
subjects, he seemed to give a proper attention, and
made proper remarks. As for Lord Harcourt, and
the good Bishop, (of Norwich;) she said, she thought
he could not learn much from the first; and the latter,
though a mighty learned man, did not seem very pro
per to convey knowledge to children : she did not very
well comprehend him herself; his thoughts, seemed to
be too manv, for his words." 5

34 , APPENDIX
"On December 5th, 1752, both of these preceptors
resigned; and on the 18th, Lord Waldegrave was de
clared governor, to the Prince, in Lord Harrourt's
room ; and the Bishop of Peterboroush on the 9th
January 1753, in the place of the Bishop of Noruich.
Upon thi.s the Princess told Dodington, that Lord
Harcourt had not only behaved very ill to her; but
always spoke to the children, of their father, and of
his actions, in so disrespectful a manner, as to send
them to her, almost ready to cry." — Upon another oc
casion, in the year 1755, she said, " that George was
not a wild, dissipated boy, but goodnatured and cheer
ful; with a serious cast, upon the whole, {He was
then about seventeen years old.) That he was not
quick; but with those he was acquainted, applicable
and intelligent. That his education, had given her
much pain; his book learnins she was no judge of;
though she supposed it small or useless; but she
hoped he might have been instructed in the general
understanding of things. That she did not know
Lord Waldegrave; and as to Mr. Stone, if she were to
live forty years in the house with him, she should
never be better acquainted with him than she was.
That she once desired him to inform the Prince, about
the Constitution ; but he declined it, to avoid giving
jealousy to the Bishop of Norwich ; and that she had
mentioned it again, but he still declined it, as not be
ing his province." Upon Dodington asking her what
was his [Stone^s) itrovince ? the Princess replied, "that
she did not know; unless it was to go before the
Prince up stairs — to walk with him sometimes — sel-
doraer to ride with him — and now and then, to dine
with him'. — And when they did walk together, the
Prince generally took that time to think of his own
affairs, and to say nothing." — See pages of the Diary,
171, 172, 188, 201, 219, 220, 356, 357.

CHAPTER 11.

Measures taken by Mas.sachusetts, respecting the Stamp-
Act — Lieutenant- Gavernor William Bull, his cha
racter and conduct — Resolutions of the Commons-
House of Assembly — They appoint a Committee to
join the approaching Congress at New- York — The
Congress meets, performs certain acts, and adjourns
The Committee from Congress, report their proceed
ings — Associations formed, not to import goods from
England — The Stamped papers arrive in a sloop of
war, in Charles- Town harbour — Proceedings of th6
citizens thereon — The Judges and Lawyers, hold a
meeting, respecting the Stamp- Act — Dougal Camp
bell, Clerk of the Court of Common Pleas, refuses
entering up judgments and issuing process — The
Assistant Judges request the Lieutenant- Governor to
suspend him; which he declines doing — The Com
mons-House of Assembly takes up the matter, and
sends a message to his Honour, requesting Dougal
Campbell's suspension ; ivhich the Lieutenant- Gov
ernor refuses to order — Upon which the House passes
Resolutions, and publishes them — A change of Adr
ministration takes place — Parliament takes up the
American grievances — Mr. Pittas conduct, as to the
Stamp- Act— ^Parliament repeals the same; but de
clares its right to make laws for the Colonies, in all
cases whatsoever — Joy of the people, on the repeal of
the Stamp- Act — A statue is erected, in honour of Mr.
Pitt; and addresses are transmitted to the Throne-—

36 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1765.
Acts of Parliament passed, respecting the Custom;
and imposing duties on certain articles, imported into
the American Colonies— American proceedings there
on — John Hancock^s sloop Liberty seized — British
troops are ordered from Halifax, to Boston — A non
importation Agreement, is entered into by the Colo
nies — Boston Town-Meeting, passes votes respecting
their charter, taxation, and for the meeting of a Pro
vincial Congress or Convention — Proceedings of
Parliament — Earl of Hillsborough appointed a Sec
retary of State, ivith a special reference to the Ame
rican Colonies — Colonel Henry Laurens publishes
against the Court of Admiralty — As William Henry
Drayton Jioes, against the mode of enforcing the
Association — The Commons- House of Assembly re
mit monies to England, for patriotic purposes; which
leads to a disagreement between that House and the
Provincial Council — Additional Instructions to the
Governor of South- Carolina, respecting the said dis
agreement — Proceedings of the Commons thereon —
Ijord Hillsborough signifies the Kingh approbation
of the CounciPs conduct — The Commons petition the
Throne, to withdraw the said Instructions.

HILE the Stamp-Act was under consideration in
parliament, the house of representatives of Massachu
setts, asserted their sole right to pass laws of taxation,
Wtien therefore the act had passed, they lost no time
in providing against its operations; and so early as the
6th of June 1765, they passed a resolution, which
gave rise to the first American Congress. They fixed
on New-York, as the place of meeting, and the month
of October, as the time for holding the same. They
also transmitted letters to the several Assemblies on the
North American Continent, requesting their concur
rence; and inviting them to send Committees, who

CHAPTER II.— 1765. 37
should meet theirs in congress at New- York; for the
purpose of consulting respecting the acts of parliament
laying duties or taxes, on the American Colonies.
After this, having obtained a copy of the Stamp-Act, it
was publicly burnt; and the vessels in Boston harbour
hung their colours half mast high, in deepest mourn
ing: while muffled church bells rang peals of distress,
from one township to the other. From the New- Eng
land Colonies, the tidings spread thrbugh all the towns
of the middle and southern Provinces; and similar
feelings insinuated themselves, into the hearts of the
people. At this, time, Lieutenant-Governor William Bull
presided over the Province of South-Carolina. He was
a native of the same, was son of the former Lieutenant-
Governor, and was descended from one of its most
ant'ient, and respectable families. Having been libe
rally educated in Great Britain, his mind was in
formed, respecting the rights of his fellow citizens; as
well as the claims of the Sovereign, whose commission
he held; and, while he felt the full force of the first,
his honour bound him to perform the duties of his
station to the last. These, he executed with such
kindness and forbearance, as secured to him the public
good will; although at the same time, he placed at
hazard, the loss of his office, and a separation from a
large and valuable estate which he possessed in South-
Carolina. His repeated administrations as Lieutenant-
Governor, at length closed in a manner, honourable to
himself; and, if he could not prevent the scenes which
took place, during the latter part of his administration,
he at least, was not the public officer, who unreasona
bly urged them forward. This, will be shown, in
various occurrences; wherein, his endeavours were
directed to keep affairs quiet between the government
and the people, so long, as he possibly could.

3S MEMOIRS, &c,— 17^5.
Having received the Stamp-Art, the Lieutenant-
Governor manifested a desire of complying with its
requisitions, in causing it to be executed:* but his
powers at that rime, were insu.fficient to effectuate the
same. Encouraged by this weakness, and by the pub
lic opinion which was hostile to the act; the members
of Assembly deliberated in what manner they might
most embarra.ss, and 'elude its.operations. And, as the
best mode they could devise, they addressed the Lieu
tenant-Governor on the of'casion ; requesting ho be
informed whether the Stamp-Act, said to have been
passed in parliament, had been transmitted to him;^
and if it had, through what channel it had been so
transmitted : and whether he had received it from a
Secretary of State, the Lords of Trade, or from any
other authentic source ? These were questions of a
singular nature — however, his Honour, from a desire
to soften as much as possible the fermentation which
existed, answered, he had received it from Thomas
Boone, the Governor of the province.f The Assem
bly replied, that while Mr. Boone was out of the
bounds of his government, they coiild not consider
him in any other light, than as a private gentleman^
and, the act being received through such a (channel,
was not sufficiently authentic, to place the Lieutenant-
Governor under the obligation of enforcing it. He
and his privy council, differed from them in this con
clusion ; as they said, the channel through which it
* By the LX section of the Stamp-Act, Governors and Commanders ia
Chief of the British Colonies, were to be sworn to the due execution of the
same ; for not taking which, or not discharging their duty, in causing the said
act to be executed, they were subjected to heavy penalties, forfeitures, and dis
abilities. I Governor Thomas Boone, embarked lllh Blay 1764, for Great Britain,
with the.King's permission ; as mentioned in Lieuten.mt-Governor Bull's Pro
clamaUon dated 12th May 1764. uhen he qu: lified as Lipiitciiant-Governot,'
and assumed the reins of government, -See Council Journal for May 1764.

CHAPTER II.— 1765. 39
had been received, was equally authentic with those,
by which, many acts of parliament had been received;
and to which, the Assembly had, on various occasions,
knowingly submitted. The Assembly, however, were
not disposed to admit this conclusion; and adhering to
the stand they had taken, they passed the following
Resolutions: which, being signed by their Speaker
Peter Manigault, were ordered to be printed.
" Resolved, that his Majesty's subjects in Carolina,
owe the same allegiance to the Crown of Great Bri
tain, that is due from his subjects born there. That
his Majesty's liege subjects of this province are enti
tled to all the inherent rights and liberties of his natural
born subjects, within the kingdom of Great Britain.
That the inhabitants of this province appear also to be
confirmed in all the rights aforementioned, not only by
their charter; but, by an act of parliament ISth George
II. That it is inseparably essential to the freedom of
a people, and the undoubted right of Englishmen, that
no taxes be imposed on them, but with their own
consent. That the people of this province are not,
and from their local circumstances cannot be, repre
sented in the House of Commons in Great Britain ;
and farther, that in the opinion of this House, the
several powers of legislation in America, were con
stituted in some measure, upon the apprehension of
this impracticability. That the only representatives
of the people of this province, are persons chosen
therein by themselves; and, that no taxes ever have
been, or can be, constitutionally imposed on them, but
by the legislature of this province. That all supplies
to the Crown, being free gifts of the people; it is un
reasonable and inconsistent, with the principles and
spirit of the British Constitution, for the people of
Great Britain to grant to his Majesty, the property of
the people of this province. That the act of pariia-

40 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1765.
ment enritled 'An act, for granting and applying cer
tain stamp-duties, and other duries, on the British
Colonies and Plantations in America,' &c. by imposing
taxes on the inhabitants of this province; and the said
act, and several other acts, by extending the jurisdiction
of the courts of Admiralty, beyond its ancient limits;
have, a manifest tendency to subvert the rights and
liberties of this province. That the duties imposed
by several late acts of parliament, on the people of
this province, will be extremely burdensome, and grie
vous; and, from the scarcity of gold and silver, the
payment of them, absolutely impracticable. That, as
the profits of the trade of the people of this province,
ultimately center in Great Britain, to pay for the ma
nufactures which they are obliged to take from thence;
they eventually contribute very largely, to all the sup
plies granted to the Crown: and besides, as every indi
vidual in this province, is as advantageous at lea,st as if
he were in Great Britain, as they pay their full pro
portion of taxes for the sui)port of his Majesty's gov
ernment here; (which taxes, are equal or more, in
proportion to our estates, than those paid by our fellow
subjects in Great Britain upon theirs;) it is unreason
able, for them to be called upon to pay any further
part of the charges of government there. That, the
Assemblies of this province, have from time to time,
whenever requisitions have been made to them by his
Majesty, for carrying on military operations, either for
the defence of themselves, or America in general, most
cheerfully and liberally contributed their full propor
tion of men, and money, for these services. That
though the representatives of the people of this pro
vince, had equal assurances and reasons, with those of
the other provinces, to exj)ect a proportional reim
bursement' of those immense charges they had been
at, for his Majesty's service in the late war, out of the
several parliamentary grants for the use of America;

CHAPTER n,— 1765. 41
yet, they have obtained only their proportion of the
first of those grants, and the small sum of £286 Ster
ling received since. That notwithstanding, whenever
his Majesty's service shall, for the future, require the
aids of the inhabitants of this province, and they shall
be called upon for this purpose in a constitutional way,
it shall be their indispensable dutj^ most cheerfully and
liberally, to grant to his Majesty their proportion,
according to their ability, of men and money; for the
defence, security, and other ])ublic services, of the Bri
tish American Colonies. That the restrictions on the
trade of the people of this province, together with the
late duties and taxes imposed on them by act of par
liament, must necessarily greatly lessen the consump
tion of British manufactures, amongst them. That
the increase, prosperity, and hay)piness of the people
of this province, depend on the full atid free enjoyment
of their rights aUd liberties; and, on an affectionate
intercour.se with Great Britain, That the readintiss of
the Colonies to comply with his Majesty's requisitions,
as well as their inability to bear any additional taxes
beyond what is laid on tiiem by their respective Legis
latures, is apparent from several grants of parliament
to reitnburse them, part of the heavy expenses they
were at, in the late war in America. That, it is the
right of the British subjects of this province, to petition
the King, oi" either House of Parliament. Ordered,
that these votes be printed, and made public; that a
just sense of the liberty, and the firm sentiments of
loyalty of the representatives of the peo|)le of this pro
vince, may be known to their constituents, and trans
mitted to posterity,"
Having thus expressed their sentiments, the Com
mons-House of Assembly appointed Thomas Lynch,
Christopher Gadsden, and John Rutledge, a Commit
tee, to meet the Committees, from the other provinces,
6

42 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1765.
at New-York in October following; for the purposes
meuti( ned in the report of a Committee as agreed to
bv that house, on Friday, the 26th day of July. The
Committee proceeded to New-York, where they arriv
ed on the 15th day of September; and on Monday,
the 7th day of October following, the Congress con
vened, and entered upon the business committed to
them ; the same being formed of the following Com
mittees, from the Provinces of
Massachusetts-Bay, Rhode-Island, and Providence Plantadons,
Connecticut,
New- York,
New-Jersey,Pennsylvania,
The Government of the Counties of Newcastle,
Kent, and Sussex, on Delaware,
Maryland, South-Carolina.
To this Congress, the Provinces of New-Hampshire
and Georgia sent no Deputies; but forwarded reasons
for such omission ; w hich were recorded on the Con
gressional Minutes, The Provinces of Virginia and
North-Carolina, neither sent Deputies, nor any rea
sons for not doing so.*
During this session, the Congress agreed to fourteen
declarations, of their Rights, Liberties, and Grievan
ces;! upon which delarations, they founded a petition
to the King,| a memorial to the House of Lords,5) and
* Ramsay, in his History of the American Revolution published in 1789,
vol, I. p 68, says, " The Assemblies of Virginia, Nortli-Carolina, and Georgia,
were prevented by their Governoi-s, from sending a Deputation to this Con
gress." t See Appendix to this Chapter, No. 1 t See Appendii, No. II.
§ See Appendix, No. UI.

CHAPTER 11,-1765. 43
a petition to the House of Commons.* The Congress
also recommended to the several Colonies, to appoint
especial Agents in London, for soliciting relief from
present grievances; and that the Assemblies whose
Committees were not impowered to sign the inerossed
petitions and memorial, would, with all possible dis
patch (if they aytproved of the applications) do what
was necessary therein, and transmit directions to their
respective Agents in Great Britain, to unite with the
other Agents in sui)port of the same. These things
being done, the Congress broke up: and the Commit
tees of each Province returned home; when on the
26th day of November 1765, Mr. Lynch, Mr. Gads
den, and Mr. Rutledge, made their report of the pro
ceedings of the Congress; which were published
afterwards, by Order of the Commons-House of
Assembly, April 9th, 1766:t and the same being agreed
to, Peter Manigault, the Speaker of the Assembly,
was directed to sign the petitions and memorial; and
the Committee of Correspondence was ordered to
transmit the same to the Provincial Agent then in
England ; directing him to use his utmost endeavours,
to obtain success on those applications.
While these matters were carrying on, the stamped
papers arrived in the various sea-ports of the Colonies;
and greatly excited the feefings of the people. At
this time, a sloop of war had arrived in Chariestown
harbour with a portion of them, casting anchor under
cover of the cannon of Fort Johnson : and a meeting
of ciuzens was effected, to devise means for preventing
the landing of the same. The garrison of Fort John
son, was known to consist only of a Commandant, a
* See Appendix to this Chapter, No, IV.
t See Votes of the Commons-House of Assembly of South-Carolina, pub
lished by Order of the 9th April 1766.

44 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1765.
gunner, and twelve or fourteen privates; and Lloyd,
the Commandant, mostly resided in Chariestown:'
hence, the command and care of the fort, frequently
devolved on the gunner. These things being consi
dered, the meeting thought proper to appoint a Com
mittee for farther purposes; and Daniel Cannon,
William Williamson, Edward Weyman and others,
were nominated members of the same; who, under
standing sufficiently the motives of their appointment,
and the wishes of the meeting, entered zealously on
their duties, respecting the matters they had in charge.
Whether the Government was informed of these
measures, is not ascertained; but the public ferment
was known to be so great, it was deemed adviseable
not to bring the stamped papers up to Chariestown;
but to land them at Fort Johnson. The Committee,
soon received information of this yjroceeding: and a
private meeting of confidential citizens being called,
it was resolved, the Committee be authorized to ob
tain the stamped paper, so deposited at the fort: and
to furnish the means of doing so, that a body of volun
teers should be selected and procured by them, with the
utmost promptness and secrecy. — Accordingly, about
one hundred and fifty volunteers were soon organized
and armed, for the purpose; and two nights after,
boats being provided at Lamboll's bridge, on the west
end of South-Bay, they formed and marched towards
that place, for embarkation. From thence, they pro
ceeded in boats across Ashley River; and landed after
twelve o'clock at night, on James' Island, between
Styles' plantation, and the fort. They then proceeded
towards the fort; and halting at a small distance from
it, a reconnoitering party was sent forward. This
party proceeded to the draw-bridge unnoticed, or chal
lenged by sentries; and finding it down, through the
omission of the garrison, they immediately returned

CHAPTER 11,-1765. 45
and reported the same. The whole body of volun
teers then advanced upon the fort; and arriving at the
bridge, they crossed it without opposition — pressed
throuKh the main gate, which was not secured — and,
immediately possessed themselves of the fort. Only
one soldier, was found awake; and before he could
give the alarm, the remainder of the garrison was
secured except Governor Lloyd ;* who had not slept
there that night. The garrison were then placed
under a guard — the bridge was drawn up — and a
search commenced, for the obnoxious stamped paper.
This, to the great joy of the volunteers, was at length
found in one of the rooms of the barracks; and a
guard was placed over it. Prei)arations were then
made for maintaining the fort against any attack, which
might be made upon it by the sloop of war, when day
light should arrive; and for this purpose, the cannon
on the platforms were loaded with ball and grape shot;
matches, were prepared; and a number of men were
stationed at each gun : and a flag showing a blue field
with three white crescents, which the volunteers had
brought with them for the purpose, was hoisted on the
flag staff of the fort. When day light appeared, the
crescent banner waved gaily on the wind; and soon
attracted the attention of the sloop of war. A boat
was then dispatched from her, to ascertain the cause of
so unusual a display, and persons were sent from the
fort, to meet the boat at the landing place; where, on
the landing of the British officer, he inquired the
meaning of the flag; on which he was invited into the
fort, and was told he would then be informed. At
first he ai)peared doubtful, whether he should proceed;
but on being assured protection, and that he would be
allowed to return to his boat, he accepted of the invi
tation. — On his arrival in the fort, he was taken along
" The Commander of Fort Johnson, had the title of Governor of the same.

46 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1765,
the platforms, where he found each gun manned and
loaded, and the fort prepared for action : he also was
shown the late garrison under a guard, as prisoners.
When the impression had been made upon him, which
was intended, he was toltl it was the fixed determination
of the volunteers, to proceed to burn all the stamped
paper which they had seized; unless the Commanding
Officer would pledge his honour immediately to re
ceive it on board, and forthwith depart with it. It
was farther intimated to him, that if the sloop should
fire upon the fort, they were resolved to repel force by
force : and to these matters an answer was requested
from the sloop of war as soon as possible : the officer
then took his leave, and returned in the boat. In two
hours he returned with the boats of the sloop, saying
his commander, would receive the stamped papers,
and forthwith depart; Avhen they were delivered to
him: and returning with them to the sloo(), she weigh
ed anchor in the afternoon, and proceeded to sea.—
The objt^ct of the expedition being so happily effected,
the garrison were released from confinement, and put
in possession of the fort; and the volunteers returned
with their colours to Chariestown, by the same way,
in which they had proceeded ; having fulfilled the
wishes and expectations of their fellow citizens, with
out injuring or hurting any person whatsoever.
When it w'as known in town, that the stamped paper
was carried aVvay, an universal joy prevailed; except
with those, who were friends to Government. The
Lieutenant-Governor was confounded at the boldness
of the proceeding; while the leaders of the measure,
thinking it best to follow up the blow, were not a little
encouraged to offer other obstructions to taxation, !iii
whatever shape it might be presented. Suspicion was
still afloat, that some of the stamped paper had been
landed in town; and was in the possession of some of

CHAPTER 11,-1765. 47
the citizens, as well as of the King's officers. Hence
a tumultuous body of citizens assembled in the even
ing, and proceeded through various streets, threatening
some public officers and disaffected persons, as they
went along. Their principal objects, were the houses
of George Saxeby, one of the King's officers, Colonel
Henry Laurens, and Chief Justice Shinner. Colonel
Laurens, was a gentleman and merchant of great
respectability; and well known, as a warm friend to
American rights: Mr. Shinner was the King's Chief
Justice of the Province. They first proceeded to Mr.
Saxeby's house in Tradd-street, where, they put him
in no small trepidation, by searching it, and questioning
him respecting stamped papers; but finding none,
they exacted a promise from him that he would not
assist in receiving or distributing the stamps; and
from thence, they proceeded upwards, towards Colo
nel Laurens', When they arrived at that gentleman's
house in Ansonborough, their suspicions were indig
nantly retfeived by him. He assured them, he would
not have been concerned, in so odious a measure as
secreting stamped papers; for, he was no friend to
the act of parliament on that head; that he had none
in his house, for which he pledged his word; and he
hoped that would satisfy them ; as he was not dis
posed to permit his house to be searched : but for his
out-buildings, they might search them if they pleased;
and if they wished any refreshment, there were the
keys of his cellars. — Ashamed of having suspected
him in the affair, they gave up the search of his house:
but proceeded to scrutinize the out-buildings without
success : and finally made a direct attack upon his cel
lar. In this, their conduct was very reprehensible; and
notwith.standing every endeavour of some respectable
citizens to the contrary, the mob could not be re
strained, from wasting much liquor, which they were
unable to enjoy. — From thence, they turned their

48 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1765.
course to the Chief Justice's in King-street; whom
they soon roused from his slumbers. Knowing as a
Crown officer he was suspected, he parried their at
tack by receiving them in the most favourable man
ner: assuring them, he had nothing to do with the
stamped paper, and that they were welcome to
search every part of his house for it; which they did,
but found nothing. In the mean time, he had large
bowls of punch provided ; and at the request of the
populace, he deemed it prudent to drink with them
their favourite toast; which was ^''Damnation to the
Stamp- Act;" after which, the procession moved away,
and fortunately subsided, without any farther interrup
tion, to peaceable individuals.*
The provisions of the Stamp-Act being highly
penal, as well upon the Judges as the Lawyers, and
all the officers of the Courts, in conducting every mat
ter of legal business; they found themselves reduced
to the necessity of having a meeting, for the purpose
of forming such rules, as might be necessary in carry
ing the provisions of the act into execution, and for
their own indemnity and regulatir i. For this pur
pose they convened, and made some ju'ogress in a
work of so novel and delicate a nature ; after which,
they adjourned to another day. In the mean time,
news arrived of the tumults and disturbances at Bos
ton, New-York, and other places at the northward, in
opposition to the stamped paper; which had such an
effect, upon the sensibilities of the Members of the
Bench and the Bar, as to postpone indefinitely.their
intended meering, on business so intisnately connected,
with the feelings and interests of the community.
" Colonel Daniel Stevens of Charieston, who was one of the volunteeSi
politely favoured the author with the above particulars.

CHAPTER II.— 1765. 49
At length the first of November arrived; after
which time, no business could be legally transacted,
unless the papers used in every case were stamped :
and as the stamped papers had been sent away, the
act could not be complied with— -to do business without
stamps, was declared to be null and void. This,
placed the colonists in a distressing situation; pre
vented the change of property- — and hazarded the
security of debts: although at the same time business
was done at the Custom- House without stamped pa
pers; and vessels were permitted to enter and depart
accordingly. In this emergency, creditors applied to
the Attornies at Law, to commence suits against their
debtors, and to prevent several of them from departing
the province without giving bail ; but the Attornies
were unable to comply with their wishes, as they
could neither purchase nor procure process of the
Court for that purpose; although, they had frequently
demanded it from Dougal Campbell, Clerk of the
same, tendering him at the time his legal fees. But
this Officer constantly refused, granting or issuing
such process; at one time, saying he had no stamps —
at another, that the Chief Justice had taken away the
Seal of the Court from his office — at a third time,
that he was, by office, named in the Stamp-Act, and
made liable to heavy penalties for disobeying its seve
ral provisions. At length, on the 13th day of Novem
ber, the Chief Justice* being alone in the Court of
Common Pleas, he declared that no stamped papers
could be procured, stopped the business of the Court,
and ordered it to be adjourned. After this, the four
Assistant Judgesf finding by a certificate of the Lieu
tenant-Governor, under his sign manual and seal at
arms, that no stamped papers were to be had, they
* Charles Shinner.
} Robert Pringle, Rawlins Lowndes, Benjamin Smith, and Robert D'Oyley.
7

jO MEMOIRS, &c.— 1765.
unanimously. ordered (the Chief Justice dissenring) a
Judgment to be entered, agreeably to morion; but
Dougal Campbell, the Clerk, refused to enter the
same, or to issue any process by order of the Const,
On this, the Assistant Judges addressed a letter to
Lieutenant-Governor Bull, stating the circumstances;
and requesting he would suspend Dougal Campbellj
Clerk of the Court of Common Pleas, for not obeying
the Order of the Court, as to entering the Judgment:
but, he declined doing so; and furnished them with
the reasons, w hich influenced his conduct on the oc
casion.* These not being satisfactory, the Lieutenant-
Governor's letter, was transferred to the Commons^
House of Assembly; by whom it was referred to their
Committee, which had been appointed to take into
consideration the petitionf of the merchants, traders,
freeholders, and other inhabitants of Chariestown,
and the other parts of the province, and to inquire into
the state of the Courts of Justice of the province, and
also to consider whether any, and what, answer should
be returned by the House, to the Lieutenant-Gover
nor's Message of the 22d of March last.
The Committee accordingly took the matter into
consideration, and reported an address to the Lieute
nant-Governor in the following words:
" May it please your Honour,
" It manifestly appearing to this House, that
Dougall Campbell, Esquire, Clerk of his Majesty^
Court of Common Pleas of this Province, hath obsti
nately, contumaciously, and repeatedly, refused to
enter or obey the Orders of the said Court, we have
fully considered his very extraordinary conduct in this
' See Appendix to this Chapter, No, V, ( Ibid. No, VI.

CHAPTER 11,-1766, 51
respect; and in order to vindicate and support the
honour and authority of the said Court, to maintain a
due subordination of inferior Officers, and to prevent
the ill-consequences which must inevitably ensue from
the suffering so dangerous a precedent, of contempt
and disobedience, in ministerial Officers, to go unpun
ished, we find ourselves under the strongest obligations
of duty to our Constituents, humbly to represent this
matter to your Honour; and to request, that your
Honour would be pleased immediately to suspend the
said Dougal Campbell from his office, and appoint
some proper person in his room, that will not take
upon himself to stop the course of Justice, or to judge
of, but obey, the orders of the Court, according to the
well known duty of such Officer" — which being
agreed to by the House, and signed by their Speaker,
was on the 24th of April presented to the Lieutenant-
Governor in the Council Chamber by the whole
House: after which. His Honour delivered an ad
dress to to the House on the 28th of April, to the fol
lowing effect:
" Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen,
" I have very maturely considered the subject of
your address, and my own power and duty on such
occasions. " By the King's instructions I am commanded, not
to displace officers without good and sufficient cause,
to be signified in the fullest and most distinct manner,
to the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners for
Trade and Plantadons ; in order to be laid before his
Majesty, by the first opportunity after such removal.
"As it is the first principle of Justice, not to con
demn any man unheard, Mr. Campbell has been heard

52 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1766.
in his defence, against the charge of disobedience to
the Orders of the Assistant Judges; whereby it ap
pears to me, that his said disobedience did not proceed
from any contumacy or want of respect to the autho
rity of the Assistant Judges, but from his regard to the
superior authority of an act of parliament.
" And therefore, as, in this case, I do not see good
and sufficient cause, to displace an officer, I shall not
suspend Mr. Campbell.
" I had the less reason to expect this application
from you. Gentlemen, as 1 had very lately before re
ceived one to the same purpose, from the Assistant
Judges, to whom I had already given my answer in
writing, with the reasons 1 have now mentioned,
that it was not in my power to comply with their re
quest.
" WILLIAM BULL."
In reply to this address of the Lieutenant-Governor,
the House of Assembly sent a Message to him on
Tuesday, 29th April, as follows :
" May it please your Honour,
" The great respect we have for your Honour, can
not but induce us to think, that some mistake must
have occasioned so very extraordinary and unexpected
an answer, as that we received yesterday from your
Honour, to the humble address of this House deliv
ered last Friday; relative to the obstinate and contu
macious behaviour of the Clerk of the Common Pleas
to that Court; especially, as we perceive your Honour
has in your answer made use of the terms ' Assistant
Judges,^ which do not carry altogether the same force
and meaning as the word ' Courf which this House

CHAPTER II.— 1766. 53
inserted in their address — and we are sure your Hon
our cannot but know, that the determination of the
majority of the Judges upon the bench, must be, and
is always, considered as the determination of the
Court, to all intents and purposes, and demands obedi
ence accordingly.
" We having been always of opinion, that the
Judges in his Majesty's Courts of Justice have, in
Court, alone the right to construe the laws, or judge
of the possibility or impossibility (according to circum
stances) of their being executed, do not understand
your Honour when saying ' That Mr. Campbell's dis
obedience did not proceed from any contumacy, or
want of respect to the authority of the Assistant-
Judges; but from his regard to the superior authority
of an act of parliament.'
" If an obstinate refusal to enter, or obey, the brders
of the Court, a fact that neither your address or Mr.
Campbell denies, (with regard to himself) is not good
and sufficient cause to suspend a ministerial officer of
such Court, we are totally at a loss to discover what
can be deemed so by your Honour; and we do not
know, of any act of parliament whatever, and are
very sure your Honour cannot point out a single one,
countenancing such a monstrous irregularity, so mani
festly subversive of the constitutional liberty of the
subject, and introductory of the greatest anarchy and
confusion. " Our Journals, from which alone your Honour can
have any parliamentary knowledge of our proceedings,
take no notice of any application to your Honour, from
the Assistant-Judges, relative to Mr. Campbell; and
therefore, we cannot see, why your Honour should
have had the less reason to have expected one from

54 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1766.
from this House: though, had they given your Honour
such information, we cannot but think, that would
have been a still greater reason for your Honour to
have expected an applicarion from us; as we are
called together to advise with you, about the weighty
and urgent affairs of the province— are the natural
guardians of the people's liberties and properties— ant"
could not have passed over such a glaring matter un-
noriced — without, a manifest violation of that duty, we
owe to our most gracious Sovereign, our Constituents,
ourselves, and posterity, in a point of the highest con
cern. " We once more humbly entreat your Honour, to
reconsider this matter; and not permit a precedent of
so dangerous a nature to be established, and pass un-
censured." On the 1st day of May, the Lieutenant-Governw
sent the following Message by the Master in Chance
ry, to the Commons-House of Assembly :
" Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen,
" That I may show a respectful attention to any
application you think proper to make to me, I have,
at your desire, very deliberately reconsidered the mat
ter in your late address, with your message relative to
my answer thereto.
" As you apprehend there is a distinction between
the terms Authonty of the Assistant-Judges made use
of by me, and the word Court in your address, I assure
you, I had no mental reservation in that expression, or
other meaning therein, than what is comprehended in
your word Court.

CHAPTER 11,-1766. 55
" Though it would haye been very agreeable to me,
to have complied with what so respectable a body as
the Assembly of this province, has with repeated ear
nestness requested ; I am to consider. Gentlemen, that
whenever my conduct in this, or any other matter,
shall be questioned by the King, I must stand or fall
by the propriety or impropriety of my own judgment.
It will be no excuse for me, to have implicitly followed
the opinion of the Assembly, if it shall be deemed
improper by his Majesty: I therefore acquaint you,
that as I cannot see cause to alter it, I still continue of
the same opinion I delivered to you last Monday, in
the Council Chamber.
" WILLIAM BULL."
The question was now brought to a point, by this
Message of Lieutenant-Governor Bull; in which he
plainly notified to the Assembly, in what manner only,
he could co-operate with them in this, or any other
matter, which might be questioned by the King. And
as a last resort, the Commons-House of Assembly
passed the following resolutions ; and together with a
particular account of all their proceedings on the sub
ject, published them on the 7th May 1766, in a pam
phlet, under the title of ''^ Votes of the Commons-House
of Assembly of South-Carolina."
" Resolved, that the Court of Common Pleas in this
province, has a right to determine all questions of law,
arising in causes depending before them ; and to make
orders for regulating, or concerning, the practice of the
said Court; and cannot be controlled, or obstructed,
in the making or executing such orders and Judg
ments, by their Clerk: but that from the nature of his
office, he is bound iniplicitly to obey, all their orders
and Judgments, in matters within their Jurisdiction,

56 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1766.
"Resolved, that Dougal Campbell, Clerk of the said
Court, by his refusal to enter or obey several of their
orders, hath been guilty of a high contempt of, and
offered the highest indignity to, the said Court.
" Resolved, that his Honour, the Lieutenant-Gov*
ernor, ought to have suspended the said Dougalt
Campbell from his office, for the said contempt, as
soon as a regular complaint thereof was made to him.
" Resolved, that the hearing Mr. Campbell's pre
tended vindication of his said disobedience, before his
Majesty's Council, and their taking upon them to ac
quit him thereof, though declared guilty by the proper
Judges, is highly illegal, and unjustifiable; and a pre
cedent of the most dangerous nature, as it tends to
destroy all subordination of ministerial officers, and
draw the determination of Causes, from the Common
Pleas, before the Council, in a summary, ex-parte, and
extra-judicial way.
"Resolved, that the said Dougal Campbell, and all
persons abetting, countenancing, or supporting him,
in his said insult, and contumacy, have therein pur
sued measures derogatory from his Majesty's authority,
delegated to the said Court — destructive to the rights
and liberties of the subject — subversive of the laws,
their best birth-right and inheritance — and highly inju
rious to the good people of this province — who, by an
illegal and unconstitutional obstruction of the course
of Justice, have been deprived of the protection of
law, and rendered incapable of pursuing those reme
dies which it affqrds, for recovery of their rights, or
redress of injuries to their persons and properties.
" Resolved, that it is the indispensable duty of all
pod subjects to our most gracious Sovereign George

CHAPTER TT,—1766. 57
III, and shall be the constant endeavour of this House,
to i)reserve public peace and good order, and a due
obedience to the laws. And if, by reason of the said
Dougal Campbell's behaviour, the impunity with
which it has passed, and the countenance it has re
ceived, any disturbance of the public tranquillity had
happened, the same would not have been imputable in
any degree, to this House; they having used repeated
applications, and their best, and well-meant endea
vours, to prevail on his Honour, the Lieutenant-Gov
ernor, to support and maintain the power of the said
Court, by removing a ministerial officer, who pre
sumes to dispute the legality, or disobey the Orders, of
Judicial Officers, his superiors. And that as this
House did, on this important point, discharge what
they conceive to be their duty to the best of Kings,
their Constituents, themselves and posterity — those
who have failed in such duty, would have been looked
upon, as the only occasions of, and answerable for,
any ill consequences, that might have ensued there
from." These proceedings and Resolutions, together with
petitions, papers, and publications, from the different
provinces, being forwarded to Great Britain, not a lit
tle (lerplexed the Throne and Parliament. The call,
was pressing — the crisis, was eventful ; — but the ad
ministration which had caused the obnoxious acts,
without providing a support to the Governors for
enforcing their execution, still existed. The trading
and manufacturing parts of the Kingdom, began to
feel the interruptions of trade and commerce — a call
was made by them upon the justice and forbearance of
parliament — and it was so weighty, as to effect a
change in the Ministry. This checked in some mea-
,sure, the influence of the Eari of Bute; and gave
8

53 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1766.
assurances of a more temperate considerarion of Ame
rican affairs.
A new Administrarion being now established, par
liament met eariy in 1766, under happier auspices:
all matters of grievance respecring the American pro
vinces were laid before them. In the course of the
discussions which took place thereon. Dr. Franklin
was examined at the bar of the House of Commons;
whose extensive communications on the state of Ame
rican affairs, not a little contributed to remove preju
dices, and spread informarion throughout that House.
It was on this occasion, that Mr. Pitt came forward,
as the advocate of American rights. He condemned
the proceedings of the late Ministers, respecring them;
and contended, the parliament had no authority for
taxing the colonists, except for commercial regulations:
and if they could be burthened at parliamentary dis
cretion they would be mere slaves. He admitted,
however, that for general government and legislatioUj
parliament had a supreme control over them ; but he
said it ought so to be administered, that fundamental
princi[>les, common to both the parent State and the
Colonies, should not be violated. As to returns from
America, for protection afforded ; he judged the profits
of the American trade as sufficiently adequate. And
deprecatin;; the prosecution of a system, which ulti
mately would be pernicious to both countries; he ad
vocated an immediate repeal, of the Stamp- Act.
Such were die opinions of this enlightened States
man ; and of many others, both in the House of Com
mons, and the House of Lords; who advocated the
principles, for which he so nobly contended. They,
however, did not change the fixtid intentions of the
Earl of Bute and his Royal Master; but on the con-
frary, the heart of George 111. became callous to all

CHAPTER 11,-1766. 59
the persuasions of eloquence; even when displaying
and contending for, the free born rights of his op
pressed subjects: — and his weight, and that of his
favourite, Bute, were thrown into the scale of opposi
tion, against repealing the Stamp- Act. It is true, that
weight did not prevail, and the obnoxious act was
repealed;* but they had sufficient influence to declare
by another act of parliament,! enritled " An Act for
the better securing the Dependency of his Majesty's
Dominions in America upon the Crown and Parlia
ment of Great Britain," the absolute and unlimited
supremacy of the King and parliament, to make laws
for binding the Colonies and people of America in all
cases whatsoever: — and also, "that all resolutions,
votes, orders, and proceedings, in any of the said Colo
nies or Plantations, whereby the power and authority
of the Parliament of Great Britain, to make laws and
statutes as aforesaid, is denied, or drawn into question,
are, and are hereby declared to be, utterly null and
void, to all intents and purposes whatsoever." The
act for this purpose, was called the Declaratory Act;
in principle, it was more hostile to American rights,
than the Stamp-Act. For, it was in direct opposition
to every resolution and act, which had passed in the
Colonies; by which, they had asserted their right of
exemption from all taxes, not imposed by their own
Representatives. When the news of this repeal arrived in the Colo
nies, a general joy spread over the land ; and the
Courts in South-Carolina resumed their duties, which
had been prevented by the Clerk not issuing process :t
'' In 1766, in the sixth year of George III.'s reign.
t In 1766, immediately after the above act.
t The news of the repeal of the Stamp-Act, arrived in Chariestown, South-
Carolina, May 6tli, 1766.

60 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1766.
while America, recovering her former tranquillity, took
no umbrage at the law for securing her dependence on
Great Britain: rightly conceiving, it could never be
enforced. For, as to cases of general and Sovereign
Government, she was willing it should be so; and so
far, as the act acknowledged these principles, so far,
she bowed obedient to its control. In other respects,
the Declaratory Act was viewed with regret, rather
than fear; and the joyful news was notified by bon
fires, illuminations, ringing of bells, and other demon
strations of joy. In these acts of festivity, Carolina
came in for her full share ; in addition to which, a
statue of Mr Pitt, in the attitude of haranguing an
audience, was procured from England, at the public
expense; which, for many years thereafter, adorned
the most public place in Chariestown, at the intersec
tion of Broad and Meeting-streets.* Addresses were
* The statue, remained at this place, throughout the whole Revolutionary
war, unhurt by einy thing, except by a British cannon ball ; which during the
seige of Chariestown in 17S0, was discharged from a British fort, on James'
Island: which ranging across Ashley River, and along Meeting-street, carried
off Mr. Pitt's right arm, extended as if in the act, of addressing an audience.—
After the peace, of 17S3, carriages for the conveyance of persons and goods,
had increased so much in the City of Chaileston, as to require the Statue to
be removed, from the intersection of the streets, at so public a thoroughfare;
and Jacob MiUigant with other pei-sons, were employed to effect the same.
This happened, not long after the commencement of the French Revolution,
The persons who were engaged in talcing down the Statue, were great sup
porters of French opinions ; and consequently, were the declared enemies of
Mr. Pitt's son ; whose great abilities then guided the energies of the British
nation, in the war iguinst France Through a misguided zeal, the,enmity they
avowed against the Son, was extended even to this representation of his Father,
They fixed their ropes around the neck of the Statue, (which was raised oa«
high pedestal) for the purpose, as they said, of obtaining a purchase, by which
they might erect the triangle, by whose assistance the Statue was to be raised
from the pedestal : and iifte]- having gaineil this purchase as they called it, and
ii\ed blocks and tackles to a post at some distance at the side of the street,
they commenced drawing the ropes with all their force. The event turned
out, as was expected; and of which they had been wai-ned, while in the act ot
1 This was the same Jacob Millig:an, who after the tjattle of the 28th Jubc, 1776, boarded the
Actfon frigate, while she was ou tire.— Sec Chapter XVI.

CHAPTER II.— 1766-1767. 61
also transmitted to the Throne, expressing the public
ha|)piness; and commercial intercourse again took
place between Great Britain and her American Colo
nies. This produced, however, but a deceitful calm;
as parliament soon after furnished America in general,
and Boston in parucular, with new causes for other
commotions. For now, (1767) an act of pariiament was passed,
enabling his Majesty to put the Customs, and other
duties in the Colonies, and the execution of the laws
there relating to trade, under the management of Com
missioners, to be a|)pointed for that purpose, and to be
resident therein: as was another act, for more effectu
ally preventing the clandestine running of goods in the
Colonies and Plantations, and for granting duties in
the Colonies, upon Glass, Red Lead, White Lead,
Painters' Colours, Paper, Paste-boards, Mill-boards,
Scale-boards, and Tea, imported into them.* These,
originated new discontents and commotions, through-
otit America; resolutions, petitions, memorials, and
addresses, against them, following in the train of pub
lic measures: and associations for suspending farther
importations of British manufactures, until these ob
noxious duties, and acts were removed, were again
entered into at Boston and other places.
applying the power. For, so soon as the triangle was raised a few degrees
high, its weight, and the opposing angle it made to the upright position of the
Statue, overcame its fixture ; and it was prostrated on the ground By this
fall, the head of the Statue was severed from its body ; or, was guillotined, as
they were pleased to term it ; and other parts of the body were mutilated :
after which, it was removed to the Orphan-House yard, in Charieston ;t where
it has since been erected, as well as its injuries would permit.
* By this act, duties were imposed upon sixty-three different kinds of paper ;
and writs of Assistants were authorised to be issued by the Courts in the Colo
nies to authorise the otficers of his Majesty's customs, to enter any house, he. to
search for, and seize prohibited goods.
} Since the peace of 1 783, the name of Cliarlestown, has Ijeen altered to that of CharhUtin.

62 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1767-1768,
At this rime, the heats at Boston might have sub
sided; had not the Crown Officers there, by endea
vouring to show their zeal under the new restrictions
on trade, been the instruments of keeping up the irri
tability which existed between them and the people.
This town, had arisen to wealth and importance in a
great degree, by carrying on trade to the West Indies,
and the Spanish Colonies on a part of South America;
and this trade, although forbidden by the strict letter
of the British Navigation Act, had nevertheless, under
a liberal construction, been permitted; as it was the
means of introducing specie and bullion, into the Ame
rican Colonies; enabling the colonists thereby ro make
remittances of money to England, in discharge of their
debts. But the new Commissioners of the Customs,
were not instructed to continue this permission; and
being anxious to evince the utility of their establish
ment, they kept vigilant eyes over the Boston trade;
and particularly over the vessels, which were owned
in that port. Under such influences, and a charge of
illicit trade, a seizure took place on the 10th of June
1768, of Mr. Hancock's sloop Liberty. The cause of
seizure was not of a nature requiring so harsh a mea
sure at that critical period ; and Mr. Hancock was one
of the most popular men in Boston: it therefore im
mediately tended to irritate the people. The mob
accordingly beat the Collector and the Comptroller of
the Customs; broke the windows of their houses; and
seizing the Collector's boat, they in triumph commit
ted it to the flames. Upon this, troops were ordered
from Halifax, to support the civil authority at Boston;
or in other words, to enforce the execurion of acts of
pariiament, which the people of America considered
unjust, and illegal. On this occasion, another non
importation agreement was entered into: and the
other Colonies afterwards adopted the measure. Soon
after this, the Boston Town-Meeting, on the Titli

CHAPTER II.— 1768-1769. 63
September 1768, voted, that the levying money within
that province by other authority than their General
Court of Assembly, was a violation of their Charter.
And, as the Governor would not call a General Court,
to redress their grievances; the town should choose a
certain number of persons; who as a Committee
should represent it, in a Congress or Convention, of
similar Committees, from the several townshii)s in that
province. And hence, we may deduce the origin of
Provincial Congresses, or Conventions; which after
wards came into use, throughout the American Colo
nies. In December 1768, the Lords came to certain reso
lutions, touching the proceedings at Boston ; which,
afterwards received the concurrence of the Commons:
and in February 1769, an address of both Houses was
presented to the King of England, desiring, that
within the Realm, trial might be had of offences done
and committed in Massachusetts-Bay, since the 30th
December 1767; in pursuance of the statute of 35th
Henry VIII. This address, was replied to, by the
General Court of Massachusetts, on the 8th July
1769; in which they declared, that all trials for any
crime whatever committed in that Colony, ought to be
had and conducted in the Courts of the same: and,
that the seizing any person residing in that Colony,
suspected of any crime whatsoever committed therein,
and sending him beyond sea to be tried, was highly
derogatory to the rights of British subjects. A deaf
ear was, however, turned to these just remonstrances;
and a law for that purpose, was passed by King and
Parliament. About this time, the increasing import
ance of American affairs, occasioned the nomination
of a third Secretary of State in Great Britain ; whose
department, had a special reference to the American
Colonies: and the Earl of Hillsborough, was ap-

64 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1768-1769.
pointed thereto. How he executed its functions, in
allaying the troubles which were excited; will, in
some degree, be shown in these Memoirs, from his
official correspondence.
Under the laws respecting Admiralty Jurisdiction,
Colonel Henry Laurens of South-Carolina, conceived
his rights to have been encroached on, by a decision of
the Court of Admiralty; in consequence of which, he
published a pamphlet respecting the same: which was
answered in another pamphlet, by Sir Egerton Leighj
then presiding as Judge. To this a reply was made
by the Colonel; who finally distributed copies of the
Correspondence, not only throughout the American
Colonies, but to England, and the West Indies. These
publications, were not calculated to promote the hon»
our of the Judge; or to sustain his increased Jurisdic
tion. He of course, lost ground on t e occasion; and
was soon after under the necessity of resigning his
Judgeship, or his Attorney-Generalship; for beheld
both of these offices: and in each of them, he had
been arraigned by Colonel Laiirens. In this dilemma,
between station and profit, he resigned his Judgeship;
and the controversy acting on the public mind, had no
little effect in aiding the public sentiment in Carohna,
as respected the rights of America. In the following
year, (1769) William Henry Drayton, by a series of
publications, drew the public attt-ntion to the mode of
enforcing the Association which had originated at Bos
ton, for suspending the importation of British manu
factures, and for other purposes; and which now, by
a notification in the public i)apers, the citizens were
called upon to subscribe, or be considered inimical to
American rights. During the course of his publica
tions, he stated several consritutional and legal objec
tions to the same; in which, he was supported by the
pen of William Wragg. On the opposite side of t^ie

CHAPTER II.— 1769-1770. 65
question, were ranged Christopher Gadsden, and John
Mackenzie. These publications being also connected
with the passing affairs, afforded subjects of investiga
tion, for inquiry, as to those rights — which were now
questioned, by all men of consideration.*
The Commons-House of Assembly of the Province,
at length came forward at the close of this year, (8th
December 1769,) in support of the Association against
the importation of British goods. And so warm were
they, in defending the principles by which they acted ;
that of their own authority, they passed an Order on
Jacob Motte, the Public Treasurer, for the sum of
£10,500, provincial currency, equal to £1,500 Ster
ling; to be remitted to Great Britain, " for assisting
in the support of the just and constitutional rights and
liberties of the people of Great Britain and America."t
This sum was acccwdingly remitted ; and was appro
priated, in the manner, for which, it was intended.
Such was, however, the crisis, at that period, that this
measure immediately led to a disagreement with his
Majesty's Provincial Council, acting as a branch of
the General Assembly; which greatly affected the
harmony previously existing between the two Houses :
and the disagreement was brought on, in the following
manner. In the month of March 1770, the House of Assem
bly sent to the Council, (then sitting as a branch of the

* They were republished at London in January 1771, in a small octavo vo
lume, under the title of " The Letters of Freeman," &c,
t See an anonymous pamphlet, supposed to be written by Sir Egerton Leigh,
who was a member of the Council of South-Carolina, entitled, " Considera
tions on certain Political Transactions of the Province of South-Carolina,"
published in London in 1774, pages 7 and 10, &c,
9

66 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1770.
General Assembly) the annual tax bill, to defray the
charges of the Government from the first day of Janii-
ary to the first day of December 1769, both days inclu-
sive; and for other services therein mentioned. And
on the second reading thereof, and also of the schedule
thereto annexed, the Council discovered the following
charge, viz: " To Jacob Motte, Esquire, advanced by
him to certain Members of the House, by a Resolution
of the House of the eighth December last, £10,500."
On which, the Council, by a Message to the Co^»i
mons-House of Assembly, dated the 5th day of April,
1770, declared, that the grant of the sum aforemen
tioned, "did not appear in any sense, honourable, ftf
or decent: not fit or honourable, as they conceived the
Assembly's jurisdiction was merely local, and for pro
vincial purposes: and not decent, as the grant by the
tax bill was expressly declared to be for his Majesty;
and yet contained a provision highly affrontive to his
Majesty's Government, which they declared to have
ever been, in their opinion, gracious, mild, and good,
to all his faithful people." — To this Message, the As
sembly sent an answer in two days after, " returning,
the Council's Message, /or their calm reconsideration:^^
which was immediately followed by another from the
Council, expressing " that the Assembly's proceedings
were neither parliamentary nor proper; and that they
were determined to adhere to their former senfi-
ments." — On this, a prorogation took place; and the
dispute between the two Houses, remained undecided.
In August following, the Legislature again met;
when Lieutenant-Governor Bull, communicated a
copy of his Majesty's additional Instruction, bearing
date the 14th day of April 1770, which he had lately
received. This Instruction recites. That the House of
Representatives, or Lower House of Assembly in
South-Carolina, had lately assumed to themselves a

CHAPTER II.— 1770. &tf
power of ordering, without the concurrence of the
Governor and Council, the Public Treasurer of the
said province, to issue and advance out of the public
treasury, such sums of money, and for such services,
as they thought fit; and in particular, that the said
Lower House of Assembly did, on the 8th day of De
cember last past, make an order on the said Public
Treasurer to advance the sum of £10,500 currency,
out of any money in the Treasury, to be jiaid into the
hands of Mr. Speaker, Mr. Gadsden, Mr. Rutledge,
Mr. Parsons, Mr, Furguson, Mr. Dart, and Mr. Lynch,
who were to remit the same to Great Britain for the
support of the just and constitutional rights and Liber
ties of the people of Great Britain and America. It
next states the necessity of putting a stop to such dan
gerous and unwarrantable practices, and for guarding
for the future against such unconstitutional application
of the King's treasurt!, cheerfully granted to his Majes
ty, for the public uses of the province, and for support
of the Government thereof; his Majesty was pleased
to direct the Governor, on pain of removal, not to
give his assent to any bill, that shall be passed by the
Lower House of Assembly, by which, any sum of mo
ney shall be appropriated to, or provision made for,
defraying any expense incurred for services or pur
poses, not immediately arising within, or incidental to,
the said province ; unless, upon the King's special re
quisition ; nor, to any bill or bills for granting any sum
to his Majesty, &;c. in which bill or bills it shall not be
provided, in express words, that the money so to be
granted, or any part thereof, shall not be issued or
applied to any other services, than those to which it is
by the said bill or bills appropriated; unless, by act,
or ordinance of the General Assembly of the said pro
vince.

68 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1770-1771.
The Instruction, next forbad the Governor to givg
his assent to any bill or bills that shall be passed by the
Lower House, by which, any sum or sums of money
shall be granted to his Majesty, &c. generally^ and
without appropriation; unless there be a clause in
serted, providing, that the said money so to be granted
shall remain in the Treasury, subject to such appro
priation as shall ti^ereafter be made by act, or ordi
nance, as aforesaid.
It contained also a provision, that in all future bills,
for raising and granting Public Monies, a clause be
inserted, subjeccing the Public Treasurer, &c. in case
he shall issue or pay any such money, otherwise than
by express order contained in some act or ordinance of
the General Assembly, to a penalty in treble the sum
so issued contrary thereto; and declared him or them
to be ipso facto, incapable of holding, his or their
office, or any other office, civil, or military, within the
said province.*
When this additional Instruction was known to the
Commons-House of Assembly, on the 30th August
1770, that body made another experiment, by sending
a like tax-bill and schedule to the Council, containbil
the same obnoxious item. This was of course,
promptly rejected: and the session ended like the pre
ceding one, by a prorogation, to the 16th January 1771.
On the 15th February 1771, Lieutenant-Governor/J
Bull communicated to the Council, the following par
agraph of a letter he had received the same day, from
the Right Honourable the Earl of Hillsborough: "I
must not omit to acquaint you, that the becoming man
ner in which the Council have exerted themselves in
¦¦•J
* See the pamphlet attributed to Sir Egerton Leigh, pages 11, 12, and 13.—
Abo Appendix to this Chapter, No. VII.

CHAPTER 11,-1771-1773. 69
support of his Majesty's measures, has not escaped the
King's observations. And, I am commanded to signify
to you, his Majesty's pleasure, that you should express
to them, his Majesty's approbation of their conduct."
Encouraged therefore by the Royal approbarion, as
well as precluded by the additioni^l Instrucrion, the
executive assent was withholden from money bills,
which were in any manner contrary thereto. And the
House of Assembly having their reasons, for not giv
ing way ; kept up a constant collision, between the
two authorities ; which proceeded to such a length,
that the Assembly even disputed the right of the
Council to sit as an Upper House of Assembly. The
consequence was, that the tax-bills since August 1770,
were rejected by the Council ; and not a public debt
was provided for, from the commencement of this
dispute on the 8th December 1769, until some years
afterwards ; as shall be farther shown.
In the mean time, the Provincial Agent, Charles
Garth, Esquire, was instructed by the Assembly, to
apply to the Crown; requesting his Majesty to recon
sider the said Instruction, and to withdraw the same.
He accordingly presented a petition for that purpose,
to the Throne ; but, the Instruction was neither recon
sidered, nor withdrawn. On the contrary, the Earl
of Dartmouth, in the month of June 1773, in a letter
to Lieutenant-Governor Bull, relative to the Council
having the March before, rejected again the tax-bill,
acquainted him ; " That, the said proceeding of the
Council was considered by the King, as a fresh mark
of their zeal and duty; and his Lordship, was further
commanded to desire, that his Honour would not fail
to signify to the Council, his Majesty's approbation of
their conduct."

70 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1773.
Such, was the situarion, of the two Houses ; each,
tenacious of what they deemed, their several rights:
the Council, supported by the Crown — and the As-
sembly, by the people. Their ancient Union, was
now broken — a coolness intervened — and each House,
gave a direction to its actions, as suited the purposes
it had in view — or, the events, which were closely fol,
lowing each other, in the destinies of the American
Colonies.

APPENDIX

, CHAPTER II.

No. I.
Declaration of Rights, ^c.
E, the Members of this Congress, sincerely de
voted, with the warmest sentiments of affection and
duty to his Majesty's person and Government, inviola
bly attached to the present happy establishment of the
Protestant Succession, and with minds deeply impres
sed by a sense of the present, and impending, misfor
tunes of the British Colonies on this Continent, hav
ing considered, as maturely as time will permit, the
circumstances of the said Colonies, esteem it our in
dispensable duty, to make the following declarations
of our opinion, respecting the most essential Rights
and Liberties of the colonists, and of the grievances
under which they do and must labour, by reason of
several late acts of parliament.

72 APPENDIX
1. That his Majesty's subjects in these Colonies^
owe the. same allegiance to the Crown of Great Bri
tain, that is owing from his subjects born within the
Realm, and all due subordinarion to that august body,
the Pariiament of Great Britain.
2. That his Majesty's liege subjects in these Colo
nies, are enritled to all the inherent Rights and Liber
ties, of his natural born subjects, within the kingdom
of Great Britain.
3. That it is inseparably essential to the freedom of
a people, and the undoubted right of Englishmen, that
no taxes be imposed on them, but by their own con
sent, given personally, or by their Representatives, j^
4. That the people of these Colonies are not, and,
from their local circumstances, cannot, be represented
in the House of Commons in Great Britain.
5. That the only Representatives of the people of
these Colonies are, persons chosen therein, by them
selves; and, that no taxes ever have been, or can be,
constitutionally imposed on them, but by their respect
ive Legislatures.
6. That all supplies to the Crown, being free gifts
of the people, it is unreasonable, and inconsistent with
the principles and spirit of the British Constitution,
for the people of Great Britain to grant to his Majesty,
the property of the colonists.
7. That trial by Jury, is the inherent right, of eveiy
British subject, in these Colonies.
8. That the late act of parliament, enritled "An
Act for granting and applying certain Stamp-Duties, in

TO CHAPTER II. 73
the British Colonies and Plantations in America," &c.
by imposing taxes on the inhabitants of these Colo
nies, and the said act, and several other acts, by ex
tending the jurisdicrion of the Courts" of Admiralty
beyond its ancient limits, have a manifest tendency to
subvert the Rights and Liberties of the Colonies.
9. That the duties imposed by several late acts of
parliament, from the peculiar circumstances of these
Colonies, will be extremely burthensome and grievous;
and, from the scarcity of specie, the payment of them
absolutely impracticable.
10. That as the profits of the trade of these Colo
nies, ultimately center in Great Britain, to pay for the
manufactures which they are obliged to take from
thence, they eventually contribute, very largely, to all
supplies granted then to the Crown.
11. That the restrictions imposed by several late
acts of parliament, on the trade of these Colonies, will
render them unable to purchase the manufactures of
Great Britain.
12. That the increase, prosperity, and happiness of
these Colonies, depend on the full and free enjoyment
of their Rights and Liberties, and an intercourse with
Great Britain, mutually affectionate and advantageous.
13. That it is the right of the British subjects, in
these Colonies, to petition the King, or either House
of Parliament.
Lastly. That it is the indispensalile duty of these
Colonies, to the best of Sovereigns, to the mother
country, and to themselves, to endeavour, by a loyal
and dutiful address to his Majesty, and humble appli-
10

74 APPENDIX
cation to both Houses of Pariiament, to procure the
repeal of the act, " for granting and applying certain
Stamp-Duties;" of all clauses of any other acts of par
liament, whereby the jurisdiction of the Admiralty is
extended as aforesaid ; and of the other late acts for
the restriction of American commerce.

No. II.
To the King^s most Excellent Majesty.
The Perition of the Freeholders and other Inhabitants
of the Massachusetts-Bay, Rhode-Island and Provi
dence Plantations, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, the
Government of the Counties of Newcastle, Kent,
and Sussex upon Delaware, provinces of Maryland,
and South-Carolina,*
Most humbly showeth.
That the inhabitants of these Colonies, unanimously
devoted, with the warmest sentiments of duty and
affection, to your Majesty's sacred person and govern
ment; inviolably attached to the present happy estab
lishment of the Protestant Succession, in your illus
trious house ; and deeply sensible of your royal atten
tion to their prosperity and happiness; humbly beg
leave to approach the Throne, by representing to your
Majesty :
* The other provinces represented at the Congress, not having authorizeil
their Committees to sign the petitions and memorial, which were to be sent to
England ; they were afterwards submitted to their several Assemblies, wei*
signed) and transmitted accordingly.

TO CHAPTER II. rs
That these Colonies were originally planted by sub
jects of the British Crown, who, animated with the
spirit of Liberty, encouraged by your Majesty's royal
predecessors, and confiding in the public faith for the
enjoyment of all the Rights and Liberties essential to
freedom, emigrated from their native country, to this
Continent, and by their successful perseverance, in the
midst of innumerable dangers and difficulties, together
with a profusion of their blood and treasure, have hap
pily added these vast, and valuable, dominions, to the
empire of Great Britain.
That, for the enjoyment pf these Rights and Liber
ties, several Governments were early formed, in the
said Colonies, with full powers of Legislation, agree
ably to the principles of the English Constitution.
That, under those Governments, these liberties thus
vested in their ancestors, and transmitted to their pos
terity, have been exercised and enjoyed; and, by the
inestimable blessings thereof, under the favour of
Almighty God, the inhospitable desarts of America
have been converted into flourishing countries; sci
ence, humanity, and the knowledge of Divine truths,
diffused through remote regions of ignorance, infidelity
and barbarism; the number of British subjects won
derfully increased ; and the wealth and power of Great
Britain proportionably augmented.
That, by means of these settlements, and the unpa
ralleled success of your Majesty's arms, a foundation
is now laid, for rendering the British empire the most
extensive and powerful of any recorded in history.
Our connection with this empire, we esteem our great
est happiness and security; and humbly conceive, it
may now be so established, by your Royal wisdom, as
to endure to the latest period of time. This, with

76 APPENDIX
most humble submission to your Majesty, we appre
hend, will be most effectually accomplished, by fixing
the pillars thereof on liberty and justice; and securing
the inherent rights and liberties of your subjects here,
upon the principles of the English Constitution.
To this constitution these two principles are essen
tial. The right of your faithful subjects freely to
grant, to your Majesty, such aids as are required for
the support of your Government over them, and other
public exigencies ; and trials by their peers. By the
one, they are secured from unreasonable impositions;
and by the other, from arbitrary decisions of the Exe
cutive power. The continuation of these liberties to
the inhabitants of America, we ardently implore,' as
absolutely necessary to unite the several parts of our
wide extended dominions, in that harmony so essential
to the preservation and happiness of the whole. Pro
tected in these fiberties, the emoluments Great Britain
receives from us, however great at present, are incon
siderable, compared with those she has the fairest pros
pect of acquiring: by this protection, she will, for
ever, secure to herself, the advantage of conveying to
all Europe, the Merchandize, which America fur
nishes, and of supplying through the same channel,
whatever is wanted from thence.
Here, opens a boundless source of wealth and naval
strength: yet these immense advantages, by the
abridgement of those invaluable rights and liberties,
by which our growth has been nourished, are in dan
ger of being for ever lost, and our subordinate Legisla^
latures, in effect, rendered useless, by the late acts.of
parliament, imposing duries and taxes on these Colo
nies, and extending the jurisdiction of the Courts of
Admiralty here, beyond its ancient limits; Statutes,
by which your Majesty's Commons in Great Britain

TO CHAPTER II. 77
undertake, absolutely, to dispose of the property of
their fellow subjects in America, without their con
sent, and for the enforcing whereof, they are subjected
to the determination of a single judge, in a Court
unrestrained by the wise rules of the Common Law,
the birth-right of Englishmen, and the safeguard of
their persons and properties.
The invaluable rights of taxing ourselves, and trial
by our peers, of which we implore your Majesty's pro
tection, are not, we most humbly conceive, unconsti
tutional ; but confirmed by the great charter of Eng
lish liberty.
On the first of these rights, the honourable the
House of Commons found their practice of originating
money bills: a Right, enjoyed by the Kingdom of Ire
land ; by the Clergy of England, until relinquished by
themselves: a Right, in fine, which all your Majesty's
English subjects, both within and without the realm,
have hitherto enjoyed.
With hearts, therefore, impressed with the most
indelible characters of gratitude to your Majesty, and
to the memory of the Kings of your illustrious house,
whose reigns have been signally distinguished, by their
auspicious influence on the prosperity of the British
dominions; and convinced, by the most affecting
proofs of your Majesty's paternal love to all your peo
ple, however distant, and your unceasing and benevo
lent desires to promote their happiness ; we most hum
bly beseech your Majesty, that you will be graciously
pleased to take into your Royal consideration, the
distresses of your faithful subjects on this Continent;
and to lay the same, before your Majesty's pariiament;
and to afford them such relief, as, in your Royal wis
dom, their unhappy circumstances shall be judged to

78 APPENDIX
require. And 3'our Peririoners, as in duty bound, will '
ever pray.

No. in.
To the Right Honourable, the Lords, Spirittial, and
Temporal, of Great Britain, in Parliament assem
bled :
The Memorial of the Freeholders and other Inhabit
ants of the Massachusetts-Bay, Rhode-Island and
Providence Plantations, New- Jersey", Pennsylvania,
the Government of the Counties of Nevvcasd^
Kent, and Sussex ui)on Delaware; provinces of
Maryland, and South-Carolina,
Most humbly showeth,
That his Majesty's liege subjects in his American,
Colonies, though they acknowledge a due subordina^,
tion to that august body the British Parliament, are
entitled, in the opinion of your memorialists, to all the
inherent rights and liberties of the natives of Grea^
Britain; and have, ever since the settlement of the said
Colonies, exercised those rights and liberties, as far as
their local circumstances would permit.
That your memorialists humbly conceive, one of the
most essential rights of these colonists, which they
have ever, till lately, uninterruptedly enjoyed, to be
trial by jury.
That your memorialists also humbly conceive, ano
ther of these essential .rights to be, the exemption from
all taxes but such as are imposed on the people by the

TO CHAPTER II. 79
several legislatures in these Colonies; which right
also, they have, rill of late, freely enjoyed.
But, your memorialists humbly beg leave to repre
sent, to your Lordships, that the act " for granting
certain Stamp-Duties in the British Colonies in Ame
rica," &c. fills his Majesty's American subjects with
the deepest concern, as it tends to deprive them of the
two fundamental and invaluable rights and liberties
above mentioned ; and that several other late acts of
parliament, which extend the jurisdiction and powers
of Courts of Admiralty in the plantations, beyond
their limits in Great Britain, thereby make an unne
cessary and unhappy distinction, as to the modes of
trial, between us and our fellow subjects there, by
whom we have never been excelled in duty, and loy
alty, to our Sovereign.
That, from the natural connection between Great
Britain and America, (the perpetual continuance of
which your memorialists most ardently desire,) they
conceive, that nothing can conduce more to the in
terest of both, than the colonists' free enjoyment of
their rights and liberties, and an affectionate intercourse
between Great Britain and them.
But, your memorialists (not waving their claim, to
these rights, of which, with the most becoming vene
ration and deference to the wisdom and justice of your
Lordships, they apprehend, they cannot reasonably be
deprived) humbly represent,
That, from the peculiar circumstances of the Colo
nies, the duties imposed by the aforesaid act, and seve
ral other late acts of parliament, are extremely griev
ous and burthensome ; and the payment of the said

80 APPENDIX
duties will, v.ery soon, for want of specie, become
absolutely impracticable. And,
That the restrictions on trade, by the said acts, will
not only greatly distress the Colonies, but must be ex
tremely detrimental to the trade and true interest of
Great Britain.
Your memorialists, therefore, impressed with a just
sense of the unfortunate circumstances of the Colo
nies; the impending destructive consequences which
must necessarily ensue, from the execution of these
acts; and animated with the warmest sentiments of
filial affection for their mother country; most earnestly
and humbly entreat, that your Lordships will be
pleased to hear their Counsel, in support of this me
morial, and take the premises into your most serious
consideration: and that your Lordships will also be,
thereupon, pleased to pursue such measures, for restor
ing the just rights and liberties of the Colonies, and
preserving them for ever inviolate, for redressing their
present, and preventing future grievances, thereby pro
moting the united interest of Great Britain and Ame
rica; as to your Lordships, in your great wisdom, shall
seem most conducive and effectual, to that important
end. And your memorialists, as in duty bound, will
ever pray.

No. IV.
To the Honourable the Knights, Citizens, and Bur
gesses of Great Britain, in Parliament assembled. »
The Perition of his Majesty's dutiful and loyal sub
jects the Freeholders and other Inhabitants of the

TO CHAPTER II. 81
Colonies of the Massachusetts-Bay, Rhode-Island
and Providence Plantations, New-Jer.sey, Pennsyl
vania, the Government of the Counties of New
castle, Kent and Sussex upon Delaware, Provinces
of Maryland, South-Carolina,
Most humbly showeth.
That the several late acts of parliament, imposing
divers duties and taxes on the Colonies, and laying the
trade and commerce thereof under very burthensome
restrictions; but above all, the act "for granting and
ap|)lying certain Starnp-Duties, &c. in America," have
filled them with the deepest concern and surprise: and
they humbly conceive, the execution of them, will be
attended with consequences very injurious to the com
mercial interest of Great Britain, and her Colonies,
and must terminate in the eventual ruin of the latter.
Your petitioners therefore most ardently implore the
attention of the honourable House, to the united and
dutiful representations of their circumstances, and to
their earnest supplications for relief, from those regu
lations, which have already involved this Continent in
anxiety, confusion, and distress.
We most sincerely recognize our allegiance to the
Crown, and acknowledge all due submission to the
Parliament of Great Britain, and shall always retain
the most grateful sense of their assistance and protec
tion. It is from, and under, the English Constitution, we
derive all our civil and religious rights and liberties.
We glory in being subjects of the best of Kings, and
in having been born under the most perfect form of
government : but it is with most ineffable and humifia-
11

82 APPENDIX
ting sorrow, that we find ourselves of late, deprived of
the right of granting our own property for his Ma
jesty's service; to which our lives and fortunes are
entirely devoted, and to which, on his Royal requisi
tions, we have ever been ready to contribute, to the
utmost of our abilities.
We have also the misfortune to find, that all the
penalties and forfeitures mentioned in the Stamp-Act,
are, at the election of the informer, recoverable in any
Court of Admiralty in America; this, as the newly
erected Court of Admiralty has a general jurisdiction,
over all British America, renders his Majesty's sub
jects, in these Colonies, liable to be carried, at an
immense expense, from one end of the Continent to
the other.
It gives us also great pain, to see a manifest disdnc-
tion made therein, between the subjects of our mo
ther country, and those in the Colonies, in that, the
like penalties and forfeitures, recoverable there only in
his Majesty's Courts of record, are made cognizable
here by a Court of Admiralty. By this means we
seem to be, in effect, unhappily deprived of two privi
leges essential to freedom, and which all Englishmen
have ever considered as their best birth-rights; that of
being free from all taxes, but such as they have con
sented to in person, or by their representatives; and of
trial by their peers.
Your petitioners further show% that the remote situ
ation, and other circumstances of the Colonies, render
it impracticable, that they should be represented, but
in their rosiipctne subordinate Legislatures; and they
humbly conceive, that the parliament adhering strictly
to the principles of the Constitution, have never hith
erto taxed any, but those who were actually therein

TO CHAPTER II, 83
represented; for this reason, we humbly apprehend,
they never have taxed Ireland, or any other of the sub
jects without the Realm. But were it ever so clear,
that the Colonies might, in lavv, be reasonably deemed
to be represented in the honourable House of Com
mons, yet, we conceive, that very good reasons, from
inconvenience, from the principles of true policy, and
from the spirit of the British Constitution, may be
adduced, to show, that it would be for the real interest
of Great Britain, as well as her Colonies, that the
late regulations should be rescinded, and the several
acts of parliament imposing duties and taxes on the
Colonies, and extending the jurisdiction of the Courts
of Admiralty here, beyond their ancient limits, should
be repealed.
We shall not attempt a minute detail of all the rea
sons which the wisdom of the honourable House may
suggest on this occasion; but would humbly submit
the following particulars, to their consideration.
That money is already become very scarce to these
Colonies, and is still decreasing, by the necessary ex
portation of specie from the Continent, for the dis
charging of debts to British Merchants.
That an immensely heavy debt is yet due from the
Colonies, for British manufactures; and that they are
still heavily burthened with taxes, to discharge the
arrearages due, for aids granted by them in the late
war. That the balance of trade will ever be much against
the Colonies, and in favour of Great Britain, whilst
We consume her manufactures; the demand for which
must ever increase in proportion to the number of in
habitants settled here, with the means of purchasing

84 APPENDIX
them : we therefore humbly conceive it to be the intes-
rest of Great Britain, to increase, rather than diminish
these means; as the profits of all the trade of the
Colonies ultimately center there, to pay for her manu^
factures, as we are not allowed to purchase elsewhere;
and by the consumption of which, at the advance*
prices the British taxes oblige the makers and vendeli
to set on them, we eventually contribute, very largely,
to tke revenue of the Crown.
That from the nature of American business, thfe
multiplicity of suits, and papers used in matters of
sriiall value, in a country where freeholds are so mi
nutely divided, and property so frequently transferred^
a stamp-duty must ever be very burthensome and un
equal. That it is extremely improbable that the honourable
House of Commons should, at all tinies, be thoroughly;
acquainted with our condition, and all facts requisite
to a just and equal tax ition of the Colonies. It is
also humbly submitted, whether there be not a mate
rial distinction, in reason and sound policy, at least,
between the necessary exercise of parliamentary juris
diction in general acts for the amendment of the Com
mon Law, and the regulation of trade and commerce
through the whole empire, and the exercise of that
jurisdiction, by imposing taxes on the Colonies.
That the several subordinate provincial Legisla
tures, have been moulded into forms, as nearly resem*
bling that of the mother country, as by his Majesty's:;
Royal Predecessors was thought convenient: and
these Legislatures seem to have been wisely and gra
ciously established, that the subjects in the Colonies
might, under the due administration thereof, enjoy the
happy fruits of the British Government, which, ifi

TO CHAPTER II. 85
their present circumstances, they cannot be so fully
and clearly availed of any other way. Under these
forms of Government, we and our ancestors have been
born or settled, and have had our lives, liberties, and
properties protected. The people here, as every
where else, retain a great fondness for their old cus
toms and usages; and we trust, that his Majesty's ser
vice, and the interest of the nation, so far from being
t)bstructed, have been vastly promoted, by the provin
cial legislatures.
That we esteem our connection with, and depend
ance on. Great Britain, as one of our greatest bless*-
ing; and apprehend, the latter will appear to be suffi
ciently secured, when it is considered, that the inha
bitants of the Colonies have the most unbounded
affection for his Majesty's person, family, and govern
ment, as well as for the mother country; and that
their subordination to the parliament, is universally
acknowledged. We therefore most humbly entreat, that the honour
able House would be pleased to hear our Counsel, in
support of this petition, and take our distressed and
deplorable case into their serious consideration ; and
that the acts, and clauses of acts, so grievously re
straining our trade and commerce, imposing duties
and taxes ou our property, and extending the jurisdic
tion of the Court of Admiralty beyond its ancient
limits, may be repealed ; or, that the honourable House
^ould otherwise relieve your petitioners, as in youi:
great wisdom and goodness shall seem meet. And
your petitioners, as in duty bound, shall ever pray.*
* See Votes of the Commons-House of Assembly of Sonth-OaroIJna, pub
lished by Order of the 9th April 1766, in a folio pamphleC

86 APPENDIX

No. V.
April 8th, 1766,

Gentlemen,

Your application to me, to suspend Dougal Camp
bell, Esq. Clerk of the Court of Common Pleas, for
not obeying your order in Court, to enter Judgment on
the first instant, brings me into a very disagreeabfe
dilemma. I shall, on the one hand, either incur the
Royal displeasure, if I should, according to your de
sire, suspend Mr. Campbell, in case there should not
appear to his Majesty a sufficient cause of suspension-;
as I am forbid by the King's instruction, to suspend
without a sufficient cause, to be immediately trans
mitted and laid before the King: or, on the other
hand, if I should not suspend him, I may appear not
to pay that attention to support your authority, and
the obedience due to your orders as Judges of the
Court, which every motive of esteem for your private
characters, and respect for your public stations, would
prompt me to show.
In this difficult and delicate situation, it was not
prudent for me to rely upon my own judgment, to form
my determination thereupon: I therefore referred your
application to me, to the consideration of his Majesty's
Council, desiring their opinion, whether, in this case,
there is sufficient cause for a suspension, according to
the King's Instruction.
Before the Council entered upon the matter, the
Chief Justice delivered his reasons for his dissent from
your order in Court, mentioned in your representa-

TO CHAPTER II. 87
tion; which, (he said) were delivered in Court, and
then withdrew. And Mr. Campbell, by petition,
stated his particular circumstances, and prayed to be
heard before determination, which being agreeable to
equity, was granted : the purport of which declared,
that his refusal to enter your order proceeded solely
from his fear of the penalties of the act, which parti
cularly names his office; he therefore considered him
self, and not the Judges, as answerable for his acts
done therein. And he has made the strongest and
most dutiful professions of respect for your authority
and commands, to which no one can be more ready
to pay all due obedience ; and that nothing was more
remote from his thoughts, than the least appearance of
a contumacious disregard to your orders, which, from
his past good behaviour in that office, I am willing to
believe. His Majesty's Council having maturely weighed the
matter contained in your representation, and the rea
sons of the Chief Justice's dissent, and those given by
Mr. Campbell, relative thereto, are of opinion, that a
disobedience to the orders of the Court, in a general
sense, is most certainly a sufficient cause for suspen
sion; but, that the present case of Mr. Campbell's, is
attended with such circumstances, as do not subject
him to the charge of disobedience in the general
sense ; and therefore, in the present case, there is not
sufficient cause to suspend Mr. Campbell from his
office: especially, as my compliance with your desire,
under such circumstances, must subject me, not only
to the King's displeasure in general, but to the more
severe penalties and disabilities of an act of parlia
ment, as yet of force in this province, which 1 might,
thereby, be considered as acting repugnant to.

as APPENDIX
I am sorry, therefore. Gentlemen, that I am to ac
quaint you, that I cannot comply with your request in
this case, tho',
I am, with great truth and regard,
Gentlemen, Your most obt. humble servt.
WILLIAM BULL
To theHon.KoBERT Pringle, Rawiins Lowndes,
Benjamin Smith, Daniel DOyley, Esqrs. As-
sistant- Judges, ^c. of South-Carolina,

No. VI.
To the Honourable Peter Manigault, Esquire, Speaker,
and the rest of the Members of the Honourable the
Commons-House of Assembly :
The humble Petition of the subscribers. Merchants,
Traders, Freeholders, and other Inhabitants of
Charles-town, and the other parts of this province.

Showeth,

/'¦

That since the first day of November last, many of
your petitioners and numbers of others, have applied
to several Attornies of the Court of Common Pleas in
this province, to purchase writs to commence actions,
and carry on suits therein as usual; and that such At
tornies have been, and are ready and willing to comply
with such requests, but cannot; being unable to pu^
chase or procure the process pf that Court, though
they have frequently demanded it from the Clerk of
the Pleas, as well as from the Chief Justice : and were

TO CHAPTER II. 89
ready to pay and tender all legal and necessary fees
that could be due or demanded, for such process.
That, by reason of the premises, no business has
been transacted in the said Court, since the said first
day of November; to the great loss and detriment of
your petitioners and others.
That, the pretence for this refusal of justice, is the
want of stamped pai)ers, which it is not the business
or duty of suitors to provide ; and which cannot be
had in this province, as appears by his Honour the
Lieutenant-Governor's certificate, under his hand and
seal at arms, lodged in the Secretary's office.
That the late resolutions of your honourable House,
with regard to the Stamp- Act, and the undoubted
rights and liberties of the people of this province, (for
which we beg leave to express our gratitude, and re
turn our public thanks) are entirely to the satisfaction,
and coincide with the sentiments of your petitioners,
for which reason, they think it unnecessary at present,
to offer any observations on those points; but they
humbly apprehend, it is contrary to the principles of
the British Constitution, and the express words of the
Great Charter, so often confirmed, and expressly of
force in this province, that justice or right should be
deferred or denied ; and that your petitioners therefore,
cannot, under any pretence, be legally deprived of
those remedies, which they are entitied to, for reco
very of their rights, and redress of injuries.
That, besides the many other grievances, occasioned
by this refusal of justice, these irreparable ones in
particular are certain and notorious; that many transi
tory persons in debt here, have departed the province
against the will, and without paying their creditors ;
12

90

APPENDIX

Others, who want to go, and have debts due to them,
are grievously delayed and detained, being unable to
enforce payment; and numbers, who had, and others,
who have, legal and' just demands, will be for ever
barred of recovering the same, by the act of limita*
tions. That, the same reasons hold for conducting business
in the Courts, as justify the doing of it at the Custom-
House, without stamped papers; nor, can- they see
any cause, why the inhabitants of this province, should
be unhappily distinguished in this respect from their
fellow subjects in the other provinces, where stamped
papers are not to be had.
Your Petitioners, therefore, humbly, and earnestly,
intreat your honourable House, as the guardians^ of
the liberties and privileges of the inhabitants of this
province, to take the premises into your serious con
sideration, and grant, or i)rocure them, such relief
therein, as you shall think just and necessary.

Elias Vanderhorst
John Ward
Brewton & Smith
John Paul Grimke
William Logan
Thomas Smith
Thomas Hartley
John Neufville
Davies h Wayne
Brian Cape
James Poyas
John Scott
Tunes Tebout
Godfrey &. Gadsden
Andrew Marr
Donald Bruce
Dawson Si Dudley
Edward Jones & Co.
Laurens, Motte k Co,

James Sharp
John Chapman
Woridrop h Cathcart
Price. Hest, &. Head
Stocker &.,lackson
William Boone
Willianviyford Croft &. Dart
Thomas Boone
Edward Lightwood
Benfield &. Jones
Dawnes, Jones &. Co.
John Ash
Atkins &. Weston
John k Wm. Baker
James Carsan
Sheed k White
Wm. Bampfield
Inglis, Lloyd k Co,

Simon Tufts
Daniel Cannon
John Frne
John M'CalI,jun,
Francis Kinloch
Melchior Warley
William TrusUer
Cato Ash
Mark Morris
Braund k Kalteisen
Charles You
Charles Odingsell
Livingston k Champne^
Frederick Grimke i
William Blake
John Harvey
John Bedon
Samuel Prioleau, jum
Peter Bonnetheau

TO CHAPTER II.

91

/ofan Wagner
Joseph Creighton
William Hopton
John Fackron
Thomas Mill
Simon Berwick
Kichard Richardson
Robert Harvey
Jeremiah Theus
John Wish
Peter Bocquet,jun.
Christopher Holson
JohnDodd
Daniel Legare
Timothy Crosby
William Banbury
William Savage
ViUepontoux k Waring
Nowell k Lord

Guerin k WiUiamson
Pliilip Andebert
Thomas Elliott
Charles Capers
Alexander Learmouth
Thomas Robinson
Joseph Dill
Joseph Atkinson
Patrick Hinds
Alexander Horn
Thomas Pike
Thomas Farr
Perdriau k Fabre
Paul Townsend
Philip Tidyraan
Rutledge k Lesesne
John Marley
Edward Martin
Elfe k Hutchinson

William HaU
Thomas You
Peter Butler
William Holiday
Arthur Downes
Darby Pendergrass
Jonathan Sarrnzin
William Gibbes
Joseph Hutchins
Benjamin Roberts
James Hogan
Solomon Legare
James Legare
Christopher Fitzsimons
Edmund Matthews .
Robert M'Gillivray
John Bothwell
Nathaniel Scott
Robert Rutherford

0[?* The two preceding numbers, V ^ VI, are taken,
from a folio pamphlet, published by order of the Com
mons-House of As.iembly of South- Carolina, on the
1th May 1766, entitled, " Votes of the Commons-
House of Assembly of South-Carolina."

No. VII.
IN THE COUNCIL CHAMBER.
Wednesday, \bth day of August, 1770.
PRESENT,
His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor,
The Hon. Othniel Beale, Egerton Leigh, John
Burn, Thomas Skottowe, John Stuart, Esqrs.

His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor, communi
cated to the Board, the following Additional Instruc-

92 APPENDIX
tion from his Majesty; which had been transmitted to
him by the last Packet, from the Right Honourable the
Eari of Hillsborough, one of his Majesty's Principal
Secretaries of State:
GEORGE R.
(l. S.) «j
Additional Instructions to our Tpus^
and well beloved Charles Greville Montagu, Esquire,
commonly called Lord Charies Greville Montague;
our Captain General and Governor in Chief of our
Province of South-Carolina in America; or, in bis
absence, to the Lieutenant-Governor, or Commander
in Chief, of our said Province, for the rime being»
Given, at our Court of St. James', the 14th day of
April 1770, in the tenth year of our reign.
Whereas, it hath been represented to us, that our
House of Representatives, or Lower House of As
sembly of our Province of South-Carolina in America,
have lately assumed to themselves, a po'.ver of order
ing, without the concurrence of our Governor and
Council, the Public Treasurer of our said Province to
issue and advance out of the public Treasury, such
sums of money, and for such services, as they have
thought fit; and in particular, that the said Lower-
House of Assembly did, on the 8th day of December
last past, make an order on the said public Treasurer,
to advaiice the sum of ten thousand five hundred
pounds currency, out of any money in the Treasury,
to be paid into the hands of Mr. Speaker, Mr. Gads
den, Mr. Rutledge, Mr. Parsons, Mr. Furguson, Mr.
Dart, and Mr. Lynch, who were to remit "the same to
Great Britain, for the support of the just and constitu
tional Rights and Liberries of the people of Great;
Britain and America: And whereas, it is highly ne
cessary that the most effectual measures be pursued,

TO CHAPTER II. 93
for putting a stop to such dangerous and unwarranta
ble practices ; and for guarding for the future, against
such unconstitutional application of our Treasury,
cheerfully granted to us, by our subjects in our said
Province, and for support of tihe Government thereof:
It is therefore our will and pleasure, and you are
hereby directed and required, upon pain of our highest
displeasure, and of being forthwith removed from your
Government, not to give your assent to any bill or
bills that shall be passed by our Lower House of As
sembly, by which bill or bills, any sum or sums of mo
ney whatsoever shall be appropriated to, or provision
made for, defraying any expense incurred for services
or purposes, not immediately arising within, or inci
dental to, our said province of South-Carolina ; un
less, upon special requisition from us, our heirs and
successors; nor, to any bill or bills for granting any
sum or sums of montey to us, our heirs and successors,
in which bill or bills it shall not be provided, in express
words, that tlie money so to be granted, or any part
thereof, shall not be issued or applied to any other
services, than those to which it is by the said bill or
bills appropriated; unless, by act, or ordinance of the
General Assembly of the said province. And, it is
our further will and pleasure, and you are hereby
directed and required, upon pain of our highest dis
pleasure, not to give your assent to any bill or bills that
shall be passed by our Lower House of Assembly as
aforesaid, by which, any sum or sums of money what
soever, shall be granted to us, our heirs and succes
sors, generally, and without appropriation; unless
there be a clause or clauses inserted in the said bill
or bills, declaring and providing, that the said money
so to be granted, shall remain in the Treasury, sub
ject to such appropriation as shall thereafter be made
by act, or ordiuance of the General Assembly, and not
otherwise.

94 APPENDIX, &c.
And it is our further will and pleasure, that you take
especial care, that in all and every bill or bills so to be
passed by you aforesaid, for raising and granting pub
lic monies, a clause or clauses be inserted therein, sub
jecting the Public Treasu-rer, or any other person or per
sons, to whose custody, public money may be committed,
in case he or they shall issue or pay any such money,
otherwise than by express order contained in some act
or ordinance of the General Assembly, to a penalty in
treble the sum so issued contrary thereto; and declar
ing him or them to be ipso facto, incapable of hold
ing the office of Treasurer, or any other office, civil, or
military, within our said province. And. it is our fur
ther will and pleasure, that this our Additional Instruc
tion to you, be communicated to our Council, and
Lower-House of Assembly of our said province of
South-Carolina, and entered upon our Council Books.
G. R.
BJ^ See Council Journal of South-Carolina, for August 1770,

CHAPTER III.

The King relaxes in his measures — Duties repealed,
except on Tea — Drawback allowed by Parliament,
of duties on the exportation of tea to the American
Colonies — And to enable the East- India Company to
export Tea, duty free — The Bostonians throw the
Tea into the River — Proceedings in South- Carolina,
respecting importations of Tea — Cmnmittees first
called into use — Governor BulVs conduct, respecting
the landing of Tea — Prorogues the General Assem
bly — Meeting of Citizens respecting the Tea, ad
journed — General Assembly meets — Governor'' sCom-
munications — Reply of the Commons — Commons
receive advices from their Agent in London, respect
ing the Complaint they had forwarded to the King,
against the Council — Resolutions of the Council
thereon — Commons pass a Bill for granting money
and raising troops to defend the frontiers, ivhich is
rejected by the Council — Commons liquidate the
Public Debts — And send a Message to the Governor
— Commons issue Certificates of the liquidated debt,
which pass as money — General Gage arrives at Bos
ton as Governor and Commander in Chief — The
Boston Port- Bill — Petition of Americans in London
— Vote of the Boston Town-Meeting — Proceedings
of the House of Burgesses, in Virginia — Citizens of

96 MEMOIRS, &C.—1773.
Chariestown hold a Meeting— And summon a Gene
ral Meeting from the Inhabitants of the Colony-^
Subscriptions opened to relieve the poor of Boston-^
Additional Acts of Parliament arrive.

The non-importation agreement, and commofions
in the American Colonies, induced the King to relax
his measures; and on the 12th April 1770, the duties
which had been imposed upon Glass, Red-Lead, and
other articles, were repealed ; excepting, that which
had been laid, on the importation of Tea. This re-
m-dined as a test, by which the Colonies might be
tried; as well as a precedent, by which, future taxa
tion might be introduced : and Administration sUc-
eieeded in their design of dissolving the non-importa
tion agreement. FoV, although the terms of that
agreement specified, it should continue until the duties
Complained of, were all repealed; yet, so much is
interest engrafted in the heart of man, that gain pre
vailed over public agreements; and the Colonies one
after the other, broke through their resolutions of non
importation: while the duty of three-pence the pound
on tea, remained to cause other, and more violent con
vulsions, in America.
In process of time, the article of tea was again
brought into view; and on the 10th of May 1773 an
act of parliament received the Royal sanction, allow
ing a drawback of duties on the exportation of tea, to
any of the Colonies in America; and to enable the
East-India Company to exi)ort tea, duty free;-^in
consequence of which, the Company prepared to send
large consignments of the same to the Colonies.
Three ships richly laden with tea, accordingly arrived
in Boston harbour; but they were not suffered to be
unladen. And, as the proper clearances and passes,

CHAPTER III,— 1773. 97
could not be procured from the Collector of that port
and the Governor, for the ships to return to England
with their cargoes, they were boarded by citizens from
the town ; and three hundred and forty chests of tea
were emptied of their contents; the tea being dis
charged over the sides of the ships, upon the surround
ing waves.
*Not long after this event. Captain Curling, in the
ship London, arrived in the port of Chariestown, on
the 1st December 1773; having on board two hun
dred and fifty-seven chests of tea, shipped by the East-
India Company ; and consigned to certain merchants,
for sale upon commission. — The people, were much
alarmed at this measure; because in their opinions it
tended to impose upon them the duty of that article,
which had not been repealed ; and which they con
ceived to be in violation of American rights. A gene
ral meeting of the Inhabitants of and near Charles-
town, was consequently projected; and it accordingly
took place, two days after the arrival of the tea.
Here, the matter underwent some inquiry; and it ap
peared to be determined, that teas made subject to a
duty by act of parliament, should not be imported. —
Some persons, however, having alleged that what had
been taken as the determination of the Meeting, was
actually against the sense of the majority then present;
the people again convened on the 1 7th December, for
the purpose of ascertaining, what was the real public
opinion, on a matter of such consequence. After
much debate, it was carried, " That the tea ought not
to be landed, received, or vended, in this Colony; and
that no teas ought to be imported by any person what
soever, while the act imposing the unconstitutional
* The manuscript of William Henry Drayton, forms a basis for these Me
moirs, from the above arrival of Captain Curling,
13

^a MEMOIRS, &c.—l7fs.
duty, remained unrepealed :" and a Compiittee wgs
sent to norify this resolution to the Consignees.
When this notification was received, the Consignee?
^aw the propriety of abiding by the sense of the com:
munity thus formally expressed : they agreed, therft
fore, not to acce|)t of the consignment; and farther
that they would not interfere in any shape, yvith thp
tea. The affair being so adjusted, a farther day wa§i
appointed for another meeting; that the sense of the
community might be the better collected, as to the
refusal in receiving the tea; and if the same should be
persisted in, that suitable resolutions miglit be formed
on the subject.— On the point of landing the tea, peo
ple were somewhat divided in opinion. Many friends
to liberty and opposers to the views of Administration,
considered the East-India Company in the light of sj
private merchant ; and therefore, were of opinion, th^J
no exception ought to be taken to the landing of theij
tea; since, none had been taken to landing consignr
ments of that article, from private merchants in Lpfl;
don. They said, such teas had always been l^uided,
and had paid the duties here; and that on thf very
day, when the first meeting of the people had tA&a,
place on the subject, parcels of tea were landed a?
well from Captain Curling's ship, as from two othej;
vessels, which were the property of private impprters;
that the duties had been paid on them,-7-and they haj
even passed by the meeting of the people, in theiB
conveyance to the respt^ctive owners. AH this, evinced
a desire of not entering hastily into measures; as ths
people wished to act in union on the subject, with thft
other Colonies. And they consequentiy delayed taking
a more decisive step; as they hoped by gaining a little
time, they would receive accounts from the northern
Colonies on the subject; where, oppressive measures

CHAPTER III.— 1773. 99
Were urging the people, to successive acts of opposi
tion. — In the mean time, anonymous letters were sent
to Captain Curling, threatening to fire his ship, the
London; unless, she were moved from the wharf.
Others, were sent to the ovt^ners of the wharflat which
the London ky; thretitenirig to fire it, unless the ship
ivere obliged to c(uit the wharf: and others were sent
to masters of vessels lying near; warning them of their
danger, in lying contiguous to a ship, containing so
6dious a cargo. These letters, excited much alarm to
those concerned ; and they were forthwith laid before
the Lieutenant-Governor. The Collector also, applied
to him for protection in the execution of his duty;
stating, that in a few days, he should be obliged to
Seize the teas; unless, before that time, the duties
dhould be paid.
This, was a trying occasion to Lieutenant-Gover-
Iior Biill. Oh the one hand, his duty imperiously
Called on him to support the Collector,* in carrying
into execution the act of parliament respecting the
duties on tea; while on the other hand, he well knew^
the hostile opinion of the peojile,' on the subject, and
that Administration had furnished him with no means
of supporting his authority, but through their interven
tion. The only thing then which he could do, in this
dilemma, was, to convene his'Council on the 31st De
cember 1773.t They soon ascertained, nothing could
be done efficiently by the Lieutenant-Governor, in aid
of the Collector: and the only mode they could devise
of assisting him in the performance of his duties, was,
that the Sheriff and peace officers, should be notified
to be in readiness, to preserve the peace; when the
Collector should proceed to seize the tea, and attempt
" Robert Dalway Haliday,
1 See Appendix to this CJiapter, No. 1.

IQO MEMOIRS, &c.^l774.
to land it, in pursuance pf the provisions of the Reve
nue laws. The notification, was accordingly issued;
and the Collector at an early hour some days aftet-
wards, seized, and landed the tea, without any opposi
tion; and stored the same, in the vaults under the
Exchange, scarce any persons, being present — as it
was not supposed, the seizure and landing, would
have taken place before noon.
The meeting of the people, respecring the tea, had
been adjourned to the 7th day of January 1774; at
which time, some of the principal opposers to landing
the same, attended. The public mind, however, ap
peared somewhat cooled ; and very few persons, were
at this meeting. It was therefore adjourned, for a
fortnight; in the hope, that the approaching Session- of
the General Assembly, might bring many persons to
Chariestown, who could afford aid on the occasion.
The Lieutenant-Governor, however, thought proper
to prorogue the Assembly, to the first of March; and
the people keeping their eyes steady upon Executive
measures, adjourned their meeting likewise to the
third day of the same month.
At length, the General Assembly was allowed, to
meet, on the 1st of March 1774; and the Lieutenant-
Governor opened the Session with a speech, laying
the Indian disturbances in Georgia, and his own con
duct in the premises, before the Council and the Com
mons: he also recommended to them, that such aid
should be given in the case, as the condition and safety
of the province could spare. To which, the Commons
replied, that nothing on their part, should be wanfing
to promote his Majesty's service, or, the safety, honour
and interest, of this Colony.

CHAPTER III.— 1774. 101
Before the Commons had decided, however, on suit
able measures, respecting the speech which had been
delivered, the packet from England brought them dis
patches, from their Agent, Charles Garth, relative to
the complaint they had sent forward in 1773, against
the Council ; for their imprisonment of Thomas Pow
ell, the Printer of the South-Carolina Gazette. — This
imprisonment was inflicted upon him, by an Order
from Sir Egerton Leigh, Baronet, by order of the
Council acting as a branch of the Legislature; for
publishing without permission, a protest entered on the
Journals of the Council, by John Drayton and William
Henry Drayton, members of the same; vt'hich, by its
tendency reflected upon the proceedings of the Coun
cil. And under the Habeas Corpus act of Charles II,
Powell had been discharged from his confinement by
Rawlins Lowndes, Speaker, and George Gabriel
Powell, member, of the Commons-House of Assem
bly; pursuant to an act of Assembly, passed the 12th
December 1712; empowering two Justices {Quorum
Unus) to put in force the Habeas Corpus act to all
intents, and purposes, as fully, as the same can be
put in execution, in his Majesty's Kingdom of Eng
land. — This was immediately resented by the Coun
cil, who considered the privileges of the Council^
which they called an Upper-House, as thereby in
fringed: and especially, as the said Justices, had judi
cially declared the Council to be no Upper-House of
Assembly,* The Council, farther applied to the Com
mons-House of Assembly, for redress against Mr.
Lowndes and Mr. Powell, their members, for the dis
charge they had given; but the House of Assembly,
instead of complying with their requisition, entered
into some pointed resolutions; avowed the doctrines,
which the Justices had promulgated — returned the
* See the opinion of the Justices, in the Appendix, at the end of this Chap-
fer. No, II.

102 MEMOTRS, &c.— im.
thanks of the House to them, for the same— requestej
the Governor to suspend the Members of the Council,
who had voted the Commitment— and finally, addres*
sed his Majesty for their removal. — Upon thi«, the
Council finding their Legislative authority and pnvi-:
leges so openly, and directly attacked, lost no tiirie ill
forwarding an address to the Throne on the subject;
and the Assembly nothing backward, also forwarded
their complaints to the King, to be presented to hii
Majesty, by their Agent, Mr. Garth. To this mattef
then, Mr. Garth's letter referred, which we have
shown had been received : and it bore date the 27tli
December 1773. In this letter, the Agent informed
the Assembly, that having notice the Council had sent
an address to the King, touching the discharge of the
Printer; he had waited upon Lord Dartmouth, to ac
quaint him with the Orders he had received ; and th
desire, that the Council's address might not be pre
sented, until he could prepare a petition to the Kin|
on the part of the Commons, in pursuance of his in
structions from them : so, that the whole affair, might
be uiuler consideration, at the same time. That Lord
Dartmouth had intimated to him, that if the petition
would be formed upon the principle, that the Council
was not an Upper-House, and a Branch of the Legis-'
lature, no proceedings would be had upon it; as, his
Majesty's Council could not admit, that the estab-"
Kshed Constitution of the Colony, should be brought
into question. — That he had applied to Mr. Dunning,
as Counsel; who thought, it would be difficult to
maintain, the Council was not an Upper-House; yet,
it did not follow, the privilege claimed by them, of
committing for contempt, was incidental : and, that he
thought the exercise of the [lower in question, waS
unwarranted. — The' Agent in his letter farther stated,
that he had presented a petition to Lord Dartmouth,
(of which, he enclosed a copy) to be by him presented'

CHAPTER III.-1774. 1«3
to the King. That, as the petition referred to the
Council Journals, and they were not then arrived; he
had informed Lord Dartmouth, he was ready to pro
ceed, on the discussion of the subject, if he should be
allowed to use as evidence, the Journals of the Coun
cil, as printed by authority in the South-Carolina Ga
zette of the 30th of August 1773; in which, was a
protest signed by John Drayton and William Henry
Drayton, two of the Council: and that proceedings!
¦Vvere stayed, until Administration had given an an-i
swer to this point. — By the same Packet. Lord Dart
mouth advised the Lieutenant-Governor, that th^
King's final determination, on the subject, would be
sent over in the February Packet. But, the matter
was overlooked by the minister, amidst the hurry of
providing measures to operate against transactions,
T^hich were daily arising in America, of far greater
importance. — Mr. Garth's advices, being laid before
the Council ; they appointed a Committee to consider
the same. And a report being made thereon, the
Council Resolved, that the petition to the King from
the Commons-House of Assembly, was absurd, false,
unparliamentary, and unconstitutional; and that it
Vas a scandalous libel, upon the Upper-House of As
sembly ; tending to destroy the ancient Constitution
of this Government — and in the strongest terms, ano
ther Resolution censured Mr. Garth's conduct; in
presenting the petition of the Commons to the King.
Not discouraged by these measures of the Council,
the Cominons sent for its consideration a bill, granting
to the King £30,000 provincial currency; and for rais
ing two hundred and ten privates, with their proper offi
cers, for the defence of the frontiers during six months.
But, the Council knowing the Governor could not
pass any money bills contrary to the provisions of the
additipnal. Instruction ; and deeming it useless, to pass

104 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1774.
a bill which would not receive his assent; rejected the
same, on the 22d day of March.
This conduct, afforded new matter for widening the
breach between the two Houses; and the Commons
were highly irritated at the same. They foimd, it was
in vain to think of sending the Council a tax-bill; as
for the same cause, it would assuredly meet with the
same fate. They therefore continued steady in their
opposition, to the Addirional Instrucrion, attempting
to prescribe to them the mode, in which they should
be allowed to frame money bills. However, they did
not lose sight of the public exigences, because the
Council were throwing impediments in the way; for
they went seriously to business, and liquidated the
public debts, from the year 1769, to 1772 both inclu
sive. And this they did, with a view of furnishing
some relief to the public creditors; who had during all
that time, been unpaid. They also on the 24th March
came to resolutions, allowing interest upon those debts,
to the first of January 1773.
By these resolutions, the Clerk of the Commons-
House of Assembly was required to issue to such of
the public creditors as should demand the same, certi
ficates for any sums within the amounts of their re
spective liquidated accounts. In which certificates,
was to be stated the sum allowed ; and that public
provision, would be made for the payment of it: and
they were to be countersigned by at least five of a
number of their members, appointed for that purposi
The resolutions also held forth indemnification by the
House, to the Members and Clerk ; for every thing,
which they should do, in pursuance of the same.
An act of justice like this to public creditors, who
had for years waited a setUement of their claims, to

CHAPTER HI.— 1774. 105
unsuspecting individuals would have presented to view
nothing more, than an honest, and necessary use, of
legislative power. But the fact was, the Commons
had now a farther object in view; as they really aimed
at an emission of about £200,000, as a circulating
currency. The necessities of the times, much favoured
this fiscal operation ; as there was no prospect when
the public debts would be discharged by a regular tax-
bill; and the Treasury on calling in the public duties,
had well nigh drawn in all the circulating money:
while the sums still remaining in circulation, with the
utmost difficulty kept the commercial wheel in motion.
All these causes combining, placed the Commons in a
situation ; that if they could offer the public any thing,
which only bore the appearance of paper money ; it
was scarcely possible they could miss their aim of
showing to the Crown, of how little importance the
Additional Instruction was become ; and that too, by
a measure the more alarming to the Crown: as
thereby, the Commons of their own authority, created
and issued, what served all the purposes of money.
Having so planned and adjusted, this very important
measure; the Commons by a Message to the Lieuten
ant-Governor the next day, stated their having finally
arranged the public accounts: and they complained in
severe terms of the Council, for having so long ob
structed the passing of tax-bills in the usual way;
also, for their late rejection of the bill for raising the
Rangers: which, left the people on the frontiers ex
posed to the murders, cruelties, and ravages of barba
rous Savages. They informed him, that by such re
cent conduct of the Council, they were of opinion, it
was unnecessary to prepare a tax-bill. That should
his Honour be pleased to consider, by what number
and kind of men, a stop had been put to public busi
ness for many years in the Colony ; they, being per-
14

106 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1774.
sons, most of whom were exclusively supported by the
offices, which they held, and that even, at the will of
the ministry; unconnected also with the Colony,
euher by birth, or property: his Bonour would have
great reason to admire the loyalty of the people, which
even gross insults, added to the most malignant inju
ries, had not been able to shake. That to prevent so
much as they were able, the absolute ruin of many
public creditors, they had ordered certificates of their
liquidated claims, to be issued to each person requiring
them: and they concluded, that as at present, they
could not do any other act, conducing to the public
good; they desired leave, to adjourn to the August en
suing. The Council, taking up the affair of the Cer
tificates, were fully aware of the consequences, to
which they might lead; but all they could do, waste
pass a Resolution, censuring that measure, as being
unprecedented and unparliamentary; as depending
only, on the faith of one branch of the Legislature.
Matters thus stood, until the 26th day of March;
when Lieutenant-Governor Bull, returned an answer
to the Message from the Commons. He was silent as
to their complaint against the Council, and the mea
sure of issuing certificates; but, he expressed his con
cern, that the endeavours of the Commons for the
protection of the frontiers, had proved abortive; and
that the payment of debts due to public creditors, had
not been carried into complete execution. He also
complied with their wish of adjournment; but, as the
situation of affairs did not render a long recess advisa
ble ; he only allowed them to adjourn, to the third day
of May: to which time, the Council also adjourned
themselves. And now, the Commons in private laboured to bring
to maturity, that measure ; to which, their public cba-

CHAPTER III,~1774. 107
racters had given birth. They were aware, its suc
cess in a ereat degree depended upon the mercantile
members of the community; and ttiey consequently
made application to the Chamber of Commerce; who
desired time to consider a propostion of such import
ance. Meanwhile the public surprize was excited ; as
the measure was sudden, and unlocked for: — being
the work of but three, or four days. Its immediate
utility, alone caught the eyes and senses, of the mass
of the people; but, to those who had studied the rise
and fall of nations, and who even now, carried their
views farther, than a ntiere fiscal operation; it ap
peared to have an immediate tendency, to diminish the
powers and respectability of the Council; while in
the same degree it increased that of the Commons —
and democratized the public opinion. And they could
not but observe, how nearly the measure aiiproached
that of the Long- Parliament in the year 1642; when
of their own authority, orders were passed for bringing
in money and plate, whose value should be rei)laced
with 8 percent, interest; and for which, they engaged
the public faith. — The measure in effect, created and
issued money, without the consent of the Crown;
than which, nothing was more irreconcileable, to the
principles of the British Constitution, or injurious to
the Regal prerogative.
Whatever men thought, of the certificates, the ne
cessity of the times was so urgent, that the Chamber of
Commerce agreed to receive them in payment; and,
they immediately went into general circulation. At
first indeed, they were received under apprehensions,
which rendered each person unwilling to keep them
by him; and caused him to pass them away, as soon
as possible: but afterwards, they settled down in the
public opinion, and became a medium of general con
venience. ' No public creditor refused to receive them

108 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1774.
from the Clerk, but Lieutenant-Governor Bull ; who
thought he owed so much self-denial, to his public sta
tion. In all other respects, the most happy effects
were produced ; and the community was greatly ac
commodated, by the seasonable relief they afforded.
While the conveniency and policy of issuing the
certificates, were daily becoming more visible to the
citizens; accounts arrived from England, that on the
7th day of March 1774, Lord North delivered to the
House of Commons a Message from the King; ac
companied vt'ith several papers, relative to the late
disturbances of Boston — That he had brought in a
bill, to remove the Customs from thence — and, to dis
continue the landing and discharging, lading or ship
ping any goods at that port or harbour. The accounts-
also advised, that the act was to be enforced by a
squadron of men of war, and a body of troops.
Scarce was this news spread abroad, when letters
arrived from the popular Committee at Philadelphia
advising that General Gage had landed at Castie Wil
liam, in the Colony of Massachusetts, as Governor;
and holding the Chief Command of the British troops
in America. A copy of the Boston Port-Bill, which
had received the Royal Assent, on the 31st of March,
also accompanied the same. While this bill was in
the House of Lords, the few Americans who were
then in London, (some of them young gentlemen, who
had just finished their education, and A^ere about to
return to their native country,) by the hands of Lord
Shelburne presented a petition to that House; pray
ing, that the bill might not pass into a law; and one
was also presented, to the King on the same subject.—
And as the bill alluded to, was among the last of the
series of those acts of parliament, which produced a
¦crisis ; and the petitions, among the last of the rcmon-

CHAPTER 111.-1774. 109
strances against them ; it may riot be improper, to in
troduce one of them on the present occasion.
" To the King's most excellent Majesty.
" The Petition of several natives of America, most
humbly showeth :
" That your petitioners, being your Majesty's most
faithful subjects, are obliged to implore, your gracious
interposition, to protect them in the enjoyment of
those privileges, which are the right of all your people.
" Your Majesty's petitioners have already seen with
unspeakable grief, their earnest prayers rejected, and
heavy penalties inflicted, even on the innocent among
their countrymen: to the subversion of every principle
of justice, without their being heard. By this alarming
procedure, all property was rendered insecure; and
they now see in two bills, (for altering the Government
of Massachusetts-Bay, and the impartial administra
tion of justice there) the intended subversion of the
two other grand objects of civil society and constitu
tional protection, to wit. Liberties, and L/jfe.
" Your petitioners most humbly represent to your
Majesty, that to destroy or assume their chartered
rights, without a full and fair hearing, with legal proof
of forfeiture; and the abrogating of their most valua
ble laws, which had duly received the solemn confir
mation of your Majesty's Royal predecessors, and
were thence deemed unchangeable without the con
sent of the people ; is such a proceeding, as renders
the enjoyment of every privilege they possess, uncer
tain, and precarious. That an exemption of the Sol
diery from being tried in the Massachusetts-Bay for
murder, or other felony, committed upon your Majes-

110 MEMOIRS, &c.— 17^4.
ty's subjects there, is such an encouragement for
licentiousness, and incentive to outrage, as must sub
ject your Majesty's liege people, to conrinued danger,
" Your petitioners and their Countrymen, have been
ever most zealously attached to your Majesty's person
and family. It is therefore, with inexpre.s.sible afflic
tion, that they see an attempt, in these proceedings
against them, to change the principle of obedience to
the government, from the love of the subject towards
their Sovereign ; founded on the opinion of his wis
dom, justice, and benevolence, into the dread of abso
lute power and laws of extreme rigour, insupportable
to a free people.
" Should the bills above mentioned, receive your
Royal sanction, your Majesty's faithful subjects will
be overwhelmed with grief, and despair.
" It is therefore our earnest prayer, that your Ma
jesty will be graciously pleased to suspend your Royal
Assent, to the said bills."
The petition was signed, by the following thirty
Americans; fifteen of whom, were of South-Carolina,
Stephen Sayre, William Lee, Arthur Lee, Edmond
Jennings, Joshua Johnson, Daniel Bovvley, Benjamin
Franklin, Thomas Busten, Edward Bancroft, Thomas
Bromfield, John Boylston, John Ellis, John Williams,
John Allyne, Ralph Izard, William H. Gibbes, William
Blake, Isaac Motte, Henry Laurence, Thomas Pinck
ney, Jacob Read, John F. Grimke, Philip Neyle, Ed
ward Fenwicke, Edward Fenwicke, jun. John Peron-
neau, WtUiam Middleton, William Middleton, jun.
Ralph Izard, jun. and William Heyward.*
'' Those marked in Italits, vpere from South-Caroliaa.

CHAPTER III.— 1774. Ill
The letter from Philadeliihia, also enclosed letters
from the Committees of other Colonies; animating
the Carolinians to adopt the vote of the Town-Meeting
at. Boston, on the 1 3th of May. This celebrated Vote,
ought ever to be holden in remembrance by the Sons
of America; as from thence proceeded those mea
sures, which made the Colonies united, happy, and
free. It was made at Faneuil Hall, in Boston; and
was conceived in the following t,erms.
" That it is the opinion of this Town, that if the
other Colonies come into a joint resolution to stop all
importation from Great Britain, and all exportation to
Great Britain and every part of the West Indies, un-
till the act for blocking up this harbour be repealed;
the same will prove the salvation of North America,
and her liberties. On the other hand, if they continue
the exports and imports, there is high reason to fear, '
that fraud, power, and the most odious oppression will
rise triumphant over right, justice, social happiness,
and freedom. And moreover, that this Vote be forth
with transmitted by the Moderator to all our Sister
Colonies, in the name and in behalf of this Town."
On the consideration of this Vote, the Committee
of this Colony, conceiving the attack upon Boston, was
on all America, answered the Northern Committees,
by saying, that it was very sensible of the critical situ
ation of all the provinces; and that in defence of con
stitutional rights, this Colony would, to the utmost of
her abilities, adopt any measure they might enter into
for that purpose. — For Boston, was not considered as
obnoxious to administration, merely as destroying the
tea, and ill-treating Custom-House officers. — For ten
years past, the people of that town, had vigilantly tra
versed all the schemes of Administration; and, their
conduct had been a constant source of vexation to the

112 MEMOIRS, &;c.— 1774.
Ministry, intent upon the taxation of America.—
Hence, the British vengeance against Boston — the
Port-Bill — and the American Resolution of making a
Common Cause with Boston,
The 7th of June now approached, to which tirae^
the Lieutenant-Governor had farther prorogued the
General Assembly ; and the Representatives were de
termined to act with a proper spirit on their meeting,
They were however, not allowed to convene ; and the
General Assembly was farther prorogued, to the second
day of August. This Executive measure, had scarce
taken effect, when letters arrived from Virginia, giving
an account of the conduct of their House of Burgesses^
on the Boston Port-Bill; the dissolution of their Gen
eral Assembly in consequence of that conduct; and an
association into which, the late Burgesses had entered
after their dissolution.- — Great, were the commenda
tions of the Virginian proceedings; and they gave in
stant life and motion to the Colonial policy.
A meeting of the Inhabitants of Chariestown, ac
cordingly took place, at a Tavern situated at the north
eastern corner of Broad and Church-streets; a Chair
man was chosen, and the advices were laid before
them. They however appeared to be of too serious a
nature, to be acted on, by so hasty a meeting; and on
the 13th of June, they issued summonses, for a general
meeting ot the Inhabitants of the Colony, to be holden
in Chariestown, on the 6th day of JulJ^ These sum
monses expressed, that the meeting was "to consider
of the papers, letters, and resolutions, transmitted to
the Committee, from the Northern Colonies; and
also, of such steps as are necessary to be pursued, in
union with all the Inhabitants of all our Sister Colo- •
nies, on this Continent; in order to avert the dangers
impending, over American liberties in general, by the

CHAPTER HI,— 1774. 113
late hostile act of parliament against Boston, and other
arbitrary measures of the British Ministry." In this
manner, did the Colony first express her sentiments on
the Boston Port-Bill. The minds of the people now
fermenting, some were for putting all at hazard : while
others, were for adopting the Boston Vote at least, and
for shutting the Courts of law.
In the mean time, circular letters were dispatched,
to the more distant parts of the Province ; addressed to
such men, as were of principal influence. These let
ters, stated the subject of the Blockade of Boston;
animated an opposition to that measure; and recom
mended a meeting of the land holders in the different
parishes, to elect deputies to represent those parishes,
to deliver their sentiments, and to act for them, in the
approaching Provincial General Meeting. This was
the first attempt, to collect a meeting of the people, on
so constitutional a principle: — and, as all new attempts
are imperfect, so was this. For the people were at
liberty to elect, as many deputies, as they pleased:
and in some places ten deputies were chosen; in
others, different numbers ; while St. Andrew's parish
elected none, its white inhabitants being few; and
most of them being desirous, of attending the meeting
personally. During this time also, subscriptions were
opened to relieve the poor of Boston ; who had been
usually employed in the trade of that town; and on
the 29th day of June, 204 barrels of rice were trans
ported over the bar for their support; while the sub
scription was still promoted, as a source of future
supplies. In this state of things, copies of two other acts
which had received the Royal Assent on the 20th of
May, arrived from the Northward. One of them,
entitled An act for the better regulating the Govern-
15

114 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1774.
ment of the Province of Massachusetts-Bay, in a
manner totally changed the Consritution of that Go
vernment; which, by the Colony Charter, was ex.
tremely favourable to the people. The other, entitled
An act for the impartial administration of Justice, in
the cases of persons quesrioned for any acts done by
them in the execution of the law; or, for the suppres
sion of Riots and Tumults, in the province of Massa
chusetts-Bay. — If we annalize these two acts, we shall
find them to be plainly this, — That whereas by the
Charter Constitution of Massachusetts- Bay, the
Crown had but little power, and the people much: the
one act, took all power out of the hands of the people,
and transferred it the Crown, — The other act, held
out safety to those, who aided and assisted in the sup
port of Revenue laws; and in quelling tumults and
commotions, which might arise in defending American
rights, from British aggression; it also authorized
sending the person indicted to another Colony, or to
Great Britain for trial. In this manner the British
Administration acted ; when they had made up their
minds to enforce by the sword, measures which were
untenable by any principle of law, or of Justice. The
acts answered no other purpose, than to increase the
public indignation — to rouse the public opposition—
and to draw the Colonies closer, in the bonds of fnend-
ship and assistance — with the suffering, and much
abused town, and Inhabitants, of Boston.

APPENDIX

CHAPTER III.

No, I.
At a Council held at his Honour the Lieutenant- Gov
ernor's House, Friday the Slst day of December,
1773— PRESENT,
His Honour Lieutenant-Governor William Bull.
The Hon. Sir Egerton Leigh, Baronet, John
Drayton, Thomas Knox Gordon, Esqrs.
His Honour, the Lieutenant-Governor, informed
the Board, that he had desired to meet them this after
noon, to take their advice upon two letters, which had
been laid before him, by Captain Curling, the master
of the ship which had brought over the tea belonging
to the East-India Company; one of which, was ad
dressed to Captain Curling. And the purport of both.

llG APPENDIX
of them was, to advise Captain Curiing to bawl his
ship into the stream; as it was intimated there was a
design to do some mischief to her, for bringing over
the tea. Captain Curling, and Mr. Lord, the owner
of the ship attended; when Captain Curling was
asked, if he was apprehensive of any violence being
offered ; to which he answered, that he was not under
apprehensions of personal violence; but, he did not
know what might be the consequence, in respect to
the ship, if the tea was to be landed : and Mr. Hali
day, the Collector, attending, was called in ; and asked
what he proposed to do, in respect to the tea, in case
the duties vvere not paid, by the persons to whom it
was consigned, and whom it was reported had re
fused to have any thing to do with it.'' To which he
replied, that if the duty was not paid wjthin twenty-
one days, after the arrival of the tea, he was required
by his Instructions to seize it; and lodge it, in the
King's ware house : to secure the payment of the du
ties. He was then asked, if from appearances he was
apprehensive of obstruction in doing his duty, in case
the tea was to be seized, and attempted to be landed,
to secure the duties .-^ To which, he answered, that
although he did not apprehend any danger to his per
son ; from appearances, and the best intelligence he
could procure, some disturbances were likely to ensue;
in case he was to offer to land the tea. And, he there
fore requested, that his Honour, the Lieutenant-Gov
ernor, and the Board, would give him such support,
as would be necessary to enable him to do his duty.
He was thereupon informed, that the Sheriff should
receive directions, to assist him with his officers; and
to attend to keep the peace, if any tumult should be
made, when the tea was to be landed. And his Hon
our, the Lieutenant-Governor, directed the Clerk, to
call on the SheritT, and to inform him, it was his direc
tions to attend with his officers, upon any information

TO CHAPTER III. I17
made to him by Mr. Haliday, that he was obstructed
in the execution of his office, in attempting to land
and store the said tea; and to use every endeavour in
in his power, to preserve the public peace on the occa
sion. Mr. Bull,* one of the Magistrates for Chariestown
also attending, was called in, and examined, as to his
opinion on the present occasion ; whether any disturb
ance was probably to be expected, when the tea should
belauded.^ To which, Mr. Bull answered, that he
was apprehensive from the present appearances, there
would be disturbances; and that he wished, that mis
chief might not ensue.
.The several persons attending being withdrawn, his
Honour desired the gentlemen to advise him if they"
thought any other measures, necessary to be taken on
the present occasion.^ To which they unanimously
replied. That they did not apprehend his Honour
could, more effectually, endeavour to aid the Collector
in the discharge of his duty: but, they were in hopes,
the measures already directed, would be effectual on
the present occasion.
0= See Council Journal of South-Carolina, for 1773; pages 8,9.
* Fenwicke Bull.

118 APPENDIX

No. II.
Opinion pronounced by the Hon. Rawlins Lowndes,
Speaker of the House of Assembly of South- Caroli
na; when acting as a Magistrate, in the Case of
Powell, the Printer.
It appears by the Sheriff's Return, of the Habeas
Corpus, that the Prisoner, Thomas Powell, stands
committed by virtue of a warrant, dated August 31st
1773, from Sir Egerton Leigh, President of the Cotm*
oil, said to be by Order of the Upper-House of As
sembly. For, he had acknowledged himself to be the
printer and publisher, of a newspaper called the South-
Carolina Gazette, No. 1966, dated Chariestown,
Monday the 30th day of August 1773; in which paper
is printed, part of the proceedings of that House on
Thursday the 26th day of August last; which, the
House hath resolved, to be a high breach of privilege
and a contempt of the House; and ordering, that the
said Thomas Powell should be therefore committed
to the common gaol of Chariestown, during the plea
sure of the House.
I am sorry that this matter hath come before me,
and that I am obliged to decide upon the legalit^of
the Commitment. It involves in it, a question of con
sequence. If, on the one hand, the Commitment
should be deemed illegal ; the Council will so far be
deprived of a power of Commitment, for Breach of
Privilege. If, on the other hand, the Commitment
should be deemed legal; the prisoner will be re
strained of his liberty; which, is one of the greatest
punishments, next to corporal, that can be inflicted on

TO CHAPTER HI. ' 119
the subject. I should be extremely sorry, to err either
way. I would gladly have declined the task, and I
wish from my heart, some able Magistrate had been
applied to.
From the rank and station I am in, and from my
connection with the Commons- House of Assembly, I
may be presumed to be under some bias and prepos
session, in favour of that House in its inivileges. I
confess, 1 am so ; — but, I trust it is no undue bias or
prepossession — no propensity, to exclude from any
other body of men, or any other part of the commu
nity, any rights, i)rivileges, or immunities, whatever,
which they may, on a fair inquiry, be found to be enti
tled to. It was insisted however, that I should grant
the Habeas Corpus — that, it was a right: — and, it
would very ill have become one, to have been disobe
dient to so good and salutary a law, although it had not
been enforced with such penal sanctions, as it has to
secure its execution.
The law of the land provides for the safety of every
man's person, his liberty, and his estate. By the great
Charter, it is provided, that no freeman shall be taken
or imprisoned, but by the lawful judgment of his
equals, or, by the law of the land. And many subse
quent statutes expressly direct, that no man shall be
taken or imprisoned by suggestion or petition to the
King, or his Council, unless it be by legal indictment,
or the process of the Common Law. By the petition
of rights it is enacted, that no freeman shall be impri
soned, or detained, without cause shown; to which, he
may answer according to law. And, by the Habeas
Corpus Act, of the 31st of Charles II. the methods of
obtaining that writ, are pointed out, and enforced. All
which statutes, for the security of the liberty of the
subject, are expressly of force here ; particularly, the

120 APPENDIX
Habeas Corpus Act; which, by an act of Assembly
of this province, passed in 1712, is now particularly
accommodated to our local circumstances, and some
difficulties are removed, which might otherwise have
obstructed the execution of that wholesome law. It
is in virtue of this provincial law, that we were em
powered to issue a writ o." Habeas Corpus; which,
we did in this case: and by which, we are empowered
to take cognizance of the present matter.
It appears then, that no freeman shall be taken or
imprisoned, but by the judgment of his peers, or by
the law of the land. No judgment of his peers,
has been given in the present case against Mr, Pow^l ;
for judgment by his peers, means a legal cause of trial
by jury. It remains then to be inquired into, whether ^
the law of the land, warrants his commitment, and
consequent imprisonment. And whether the cause
shown, is sufficient to authorize his detention. Or,
whether if his Commitment be legal, he is bailable, or
not bailable.
Either House of Parliament, have, from time im
memorial, exercised a power of Commitment and im
prisonment: and it seems to be a settled point, con
firmed by late adjudications, that the Courts of Law,
or Judges, will not interfere or intermeddle in any
casej so as to discharge a prisoner committed by either
House, during the sitring of Pariiament — that the
Houses are only competent judges of their own ptivi-
leges; and their determinations, are not to be reviewed
or examined by inferior jurisdictions.
The law of Pariiament therefore, being a part of
the law of the land; commitments in consequence.
thereof, by either House, are not prohibited by Magna
Charta. And, the Judges do now invariably, so far

TO CHAPTER III. 121
as has fallen within my knowledge, remand the priso
ner back to the place of his confinement, without
affording him any relief, either by bail, or otherwise.
The law of the land not giving the Council the least
colour of right to commit for breach of privilege, or,
what they call, contempt of their House; they must
found their claim upon the usage, and practice, of the
House of Lords in England. It will be necessary
therefore, to inquire what affinity or resemblance there
is between them, to entitle the Council to a derivative
right to the high privilege exercised by the Lords.
The Lords, are a permanent body; inheriting the
right of Legislation, independent of the Crown. They
^re the Hereditary Counsellors to the King, and
Guardians to the State. The power of judication
resides in them, in the dernier resort. They try their
own members, on litb and death, without being under
the obligation of an oath. And all these, and many
other high privileges, they inherit from the best of
titles; prescription, and usage for time immemorial.
Indeed, they are the essence of the Constitution.
Compare the Constitution of the Council, with that
of the Lords; and where shall we find cause to infer,
that they possess, or ought to possess, the powers of
the latter.
The Council, are appointed during the pleasure of
the Crown; removable at pleasure: and, may be sus
pended, by the Governor. They hold their offices,
and all the appendages to them at will ; and, therefore
want that most essential requisite of independency, to
constitute them a Branch of the Legislature; or in any
respect, to assimilate them to the Lords. Unhappy
for thp people, it is so; much to be wished, it were
16

122 APPENDIX
not so : and that while they claim the power of the
House of Lords, over the person of the subject, the
subject had the same degree of security for the due
exercise of that power, which he has in the House of
Lords. The people, have nothing to fear from the
Lords. They, are their Guardians, and a bulwark of
defence, against oppression and tyranny. They, are
numerous, as well as independent. No private pique,
or personal resentment, can influence them. Here,
the most important concerns of the province, are often,
very often, determined at a meeting of three of the
Council: very seldom do they exceed four; — and, the
object of their case, is more particularly the preroga
tive. •
It is true, the Council do in this, as well as some
other provinces, concur in the passing of Provincial
laws. This, is in consequence of instructions from
the Crown, restraining the Governor from giving^his
assent to any law, that has not that sanction. And,
from this single circumstance it is 1 apprehend, that
the Council have createdjhemselves an Upper-House;
and, have assumed that appellation in their intercouse
with the Commons-House: although, they are invari
ably styled by the King's Instructions, and in their
Appointment, The Council. From this important
circumstance also, it is, that they would derive to
themselves other powers; incident and indeed indis
pensably necessary, to the House of Lords; but dan
gerous and unnecessary to be exercised by the Coun
cil. As if a right to advise the Governor to pass or
reject a bill, involved in it of consequence, all other
privileges belonging to the Upper-House of Parlia
ment. The freedom and liberty of an English subject, are
of so high estimation in the eye of the law; that, to

TO CHAPTER III. 123
deprive him of them, it is incumbent on those that
would do it, to show their right clearly, and incontest-
ably. Loose and vague reasoning, fallacious conclu
sions, specious inferences, or bold assertions, will not
do; the judgment of his peers, or the clear voice of
the law of the land, must justify: and nothing else can
justify, the commitment or imprisonment, of any free
subject whatever.
Upon the most mature consideration, as far as my
slender abilities will enable me to judge, I am of opi
nion, that there is no foundation in law, to warrant
the commitment, now under consideration; that it ,
would be dangerous, to countenance such a usurpation!
of power in the Council; would render the liberty of
the subject precarious; and introduce novelty and in
novation ; destructive of sound law, and every princi
ple of justice.
The Commitment therefore, in my opinion, is to be
considered merely as a Commitment pf the Privy
Council. And in that case, it has no otlidr authority,
than if done by a private magistrate. The subject, has
his remedy by Habeas Corpus, in either case; and we
are to consider, whether the matter charged is an
offence at law : — and if an offence, whether it is baila
ble or not.
And 1 am of opinion, that it is no offence, at law —
that the paper referred to in the Commitment, being a
protest from two members of Council, against the
proceedings of that Board, in a certain matter depend
ing before the Council; and required by one of the
members to be printed by the prisoner; might law
fully, legally, and warrantably be printed by the prison
er, acting only in the way of his profession. The
more especially, as it was unaccompanied with any

124 APPENDIX, &c.
remarks, observations, or additions of his own; but
simply and literally as it was received by the prisoner,
from one of the members of the Council. And it is
not clear to me, that even the House of Lords would
include such a paper, under the general idea, of pro
ceedings of their House, for which, they would punish
a Printer, who published it. I am therefore, for
ordering the prisoner to be released.

CHAPTER IV.

Deputies from Parts of the Colony arrive in Charles-
town — hold a meeting in the Exchange — pass certain
Resolutions — elect five Deputies to a General Con
gress — A Committee of 99 persons appointed, to act
as a General Committee, until the next General
Meeting — Its powers — Meeting of Deputies dissolv
ed — General Committee meets, respecting an impor
tation of Tea — Parliament passes an Act for quar
tering troops in the Colonies — Also, one extending
the limits of the Government of Quebec, and respect
ing its Government and the Roman Catholic Reli
gion — The Commons- House of Assembly meets;
when Col. Powell reports to them, the proceedings of
the late General Meeting, holden at the Exchange —
Resolutions thereon — Message to the Lieutenant-
Governor — Assembly prorogued — Rev. Mr. Bullman
preaches a sermon, which gives offence — He is dis
missed from his office by the Vestry— Mr. Bullman
departs for England — Deputies from twelve Colo
nies assemble at Philadelphia — proceed to business
in support of American Rights — Dissolution of Con
gress — William Henry Drayton, one of the Assistant
Judges, publishes a political pamphlet under the sig
nature of "Freeman," in favour of American Rights.
Upon which, the Chief Justice and one of the Assist
ant Judges, petition the Lieutenant- Governor to dis
miss him from office— -Mr. Drayton is superseded —

126 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1774.
Consequences of that measure — Chests of tea, arrive
in the ports of Chariestown and Georgetown; ivhich
are thrown from the vessels into the rivers — The De
puties return from Congress, and are honourably
received — The General Committee pass Resolutions,*
for a General Meeting of the Inhabitants of the Co
lony, by Representation.
JL HE sixth day of July now arrived ; and Charles-
town was filled with people from the Country. One
hundred and four Deputies represented all parts of the
Colony, except Grenville County, St. John's Colleton
County, and Christ Church Parish. These districts
sent no deputies; and in behalf of Chariestown, the
General Committee joined the Deputies, from the
Country. The Meeting was held under the Ex
change, on the 6th of July 1774; and a crowded
Meeting it was. At nine o'clock in the morning, Col.
George Gabriel Powell took the Chair; and it was
carried the votes should be given by each person pre
sent, and not by parishes. It was also farther deter
mined, that whoever came there, might give his vote.
The business of the day then opened, with reading
the communications from the Northern Colonies.
They then proceeded to consider certain Resolutions,
touching American Rights and grievances. These
being agreed to, declared. That his Majesty's subjects
in North America owe the same allegiance to the
Crown of Great Britain, as is due from his subjects
born within that Kingdom. That the King's subjects'
in America, are entitled to all the inherent rights and
liberties, enjoyed by natural born subjects within the
Kingdom of Great Britain. That taxes should not be
imposed on the people, but by their own consent, given
personally; or by their Representatives. That all
trials, for any crime whatever, committed and done in
the Colony, ought to be had and conducted within the

CHAPTER IV,— 1774, 127
Colony, according to the fixed and known course of
proceeding. That the statute of 35th Henry VIll,
chap. 2d, entitied " An act for the trial of Treasons
committed out of the King's Dominions," does not,
and cannot, extend to any crimes, committed in any of
^is Majesty's American Colonies. That the three
late acts of parliament, relative to Boston, are of the
most alarming nature to all his Majesty's subjects in
America; and although levelled at the people of Bos
ton, they glaringly show, if the Inhabitants of that
town are intimidated into a mean submission to those
acts, the like are designed for all the Colonies; when,
not even the shadow of liberty to his person, or of
security to his property, will be left, to any of his
Majesty's subjects, residing on the American Conti
nent. Wherefore, every justifiable means ought to be
tried, to procure a repeal of those acts, immediately
relative to Boston; and also, of all others affecting
the Constitutional Rights and Liberties of America in
general. To effect these great points, two measures were
proposed; to adopt the Boston vote, of the 13th of
May — and to send Deputies, to a General Congress.
Upon these subjects, there was great dissimilarity of
opinion. All parties agreed on the proposition, of
sending Deputies; bur the Boston Vote, did not meet
so universal a support. This last measure, was there
fore first taken up, and considered.
In favour of the Boston Vote, it was urged, that
American lives and property were exposed to be
taken, at the mandate of a British Minister. That
the men, would be exposed to slavery; their wives
and daughters, to the outrages of a soldiery. To
avert these dangers, something vigorous was to be
done ; something, that might shake even Majesty itself.

128 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1774.
That, a measure of non-exportation, and non-impoi'-
tation, seemed above all others best calculated to
force a repeal of the late acts. It was a constitutional
measure. For, what power had a right to compel the*
people to grow, export, and sell commodities of any*
kind ; or, to purchase or import, commodities from any
state .'' That such a measure taking place in America]^
would ruin the British trade to those dominions; and
thereby shake the firmness of Parliament. That
should the measure be not adopted, the Colonies by
their importations would preserve to the British manu
facturers that support, which they had been accus
tomed to receive from the American trade; whereby,
they would be supine, and not join the American de
mand for a repeal. In addition to this, the remit
tances from the Colonies, would enable the people of
England, to employ those means to assist them in
enslaving the Colonies: whereas, being withholden,
the national credit of Great Britain would be shaken,
and the measures of Administration, be infinitely em
barrassed. To these arguments it was answered, that such a
measure ought not to take place, until all others had
failed of success; for its operation would be violent,
both among ourselves, and the people of England.
That, thousands in this Colony, would be ruined by it.
That the people of the interior, vvere averse to so
harsh a measure: neither was it certain, whether .
united America would approve and support it. That*
nothing less than unanimity among all the Colonies, in
executing one general plan of conduct, could affect
measures in Great Britain: and as the general opi
nion, seemed to point to a General Congress; so only,
in that Congress, could such a plan of conduct, be
formed and agreed upon.

CHAPTER IV,— 1774. 129
By similar arguments, the matter was warmly con
tested; when, without forming any determination, the
subject was dropped: and the meeting turned their
attention to consider the proposal of sending Deputies
to the intended Congress. Here, another cause of
warm debate arose; as to the number of Deputies,
who should be appointed; and the powers, with
which they should be invested. And without coming
to any conclusion on these points, the meeting ad
journed to an hour, in the afternoon.
In the afternoon, the meeting again convened; to
determine on the points they were considering: and
by a majority of eleven it was carried, that there
should be five Deputies; and that they should have
unlimited power; but, that these points should still be
subject to the vote of the meeting.
On the 7th of July, the meeting was again holden;
and the measures of non-exportation, and non-impor
tation were again warmly debated. And it was urged,
that before the measure should be adopted, the Gene
ral Congress ought to send a Deputation with a Peti
tion and Remonstrance to the Throne: and if after
that, America remained unredressed; it would be time
enough, to break off all commerce with Great Britain.
The vote was now taken on the subject, and the pro
position of non-exportation, and non-importation was
rejected. It was then Resolved, that five Deputies
should, by ballot, be elected, on the part and behalf of
this Colony; to meet the Deputies of the other Colo
nies of North America in General Congress, the first
Monday in September next, at Philadelphia; or at any
other time or place, that may be generally agreed on ;
with full power and authority in behalf of them, and
their constituents, to concert, agree to, and effectually
prosecute, such legal measures; as in the opinion of
those Deputies, and of the Deputies of the other Colo-
17

130 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1774.
nies, should be most likely to obtain a repeal of the late
acts of parliament, and a redress of American griev

ances.*

A poll, was now opened, to all persons: and at mid
night it appeared, that Henry Middleton, John Rut
ledge, Thomas Lynch, Christopher Gadsden, and
Edward Rutledge, were chosen Deputies, to represei^
this Colony in General Congress.
During the debate this day, touching the powers of
the Deputies; it was strongly contended, their powers
should be limited. To this purpose, among other
arguments,- it was urged by Mr. Rawlins Lowndes,
who was then Speaker of the Commons-House of
A sembly, that it was well known, the Northern Colo
nies in general, totally denied the superintending power
of Parliament; a doctrine, which no one here admit
ted. And, unless the Deputies from this Colony, ap
peared in Congress with limited powers; being out
numbered by the Northern Deputies, they, and conse
quentiy their constituents, would be bound by votes
upon points, which they at present absolutely denied.
But, to obviate this danger, the Resolution vesting the
Deputies with power, was so worded ; that no vote in
Congress could bind this Colony, but such as was
agreeable to the opinion of our Deputies. This senti
ment from Mr. Lowndes is here brought into view, as
being from a gentleman of prudence and considera-,
tion; and who at that time, declared the prevailing
opinion of the Colony. It also will serve as a point
in public opinion, for tracing the rapidity, with which,
the Colony in a few months after, adopted the con
trary idea.
* See Journals of the Commons-House of Assembly of South Carolina,
from 2d day of Angust 1774, to the 15th day of September 1775 inclusive—
page 1.

CHAPTER IV,— 1774. 131
Antecedent to the meeting of the people, the Cham
ber of Com iierce had resolved, not to accede to any
measure of non-exportation or noh-importation; they
therefore dreaded nothing so much, as that such a
tneasure should take place in Congress. Hence, they
aimed, that such men should be elected Deputies, as
vvere against the adoption of that measure. They
tvished, that Mr. Middleton, Mr. Lowndes, Colonel
Charles Pinckney, Mr. Brewton, and Mr. John Rut
ledge, might be chosen. To contribute their endea
vours to this end, the merchants assembled; and in a
body went to the poll : they also sent for their clerks,
to come and vote. The zeal of the merchants in this
transaction, blinded their prudence: as they did not
observe, that by their appearing in a body, the oppo
site party would take the alarm: and that bv voting for
Deputies, they would be bound by the conduct of such,
as might be chosen. The meeting accordingly, took
the alarm ; and many of them ran to all parts of the
town, to collect people, and bring them to the poll; ia
consequence of which, the merchants were defeated ;
and except two gentlemen, other Deputies than those
they supported, were chosen.
On the 8th day of July, the meeting again assem
bled. They now Resolved, that a Committee of
ninety-nine persons be appointed to act as a General
Committee; and who should continue in authority
until the next General Meeting. This Committee
had power to correspond with the Committees of the
other Colonies; and to do all other matters and things,
necessary for carrying the Resolutions of the General
Meeting into execution. A form of words, which vir
tually vested the Committee with unfimited powers,
during their existence. The General Meeting, now
proceeded to nominate the members, of the General
Committee. They named fifteen Merchants and fif
teen Mechanics, to represent Chariestown ; and sixty-

132 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1774.
nine Planters, to represent the other parts of the pro
vince. This proceeding, was rather unconstitutional;
as the different districts and parishes, did not choose
the sixty-nine planters who were to represent them.
They however, acquiesced in the nomination; being'
sensible it proceeded from the best intenrions, and the
urgency of the occasion. And now, the General
Meering having sat for three days, and brought those
matters to a conclusion, for which they had been con
vened; Colonel Powell prepared minutes of the pro
ceedings, against a future occasion ; and agreeably to
the Wishes of the General Meeting, dissolved the same,
A calm appearance, now took place in Charles-
town ; but it was not long, that it remained, in this
placid state. The Collector of the Customs found his
duties would compel him to seize three chests of tea,
which had been reported at the Custom-House, and
had not been landed from on board of the vessel im
porting it; of which, he acquainted the parties con
cerned. The General Committee having received
information of this intended step of the Collector,
immediately assembled. In the midst of their consul
tations, news was brought them, that the teas had
been seized, and stored. In this conjunction, the
Committee would not violate the King's authority by
forcibly taking from his officer, what he had already
received into his possession, on the part of the King;
but, they resolved to proceed in this affair, against the
master of the vessel, which had imported the tea.
It was soon ascertained, that Captain Maidand's
vessel had imported the tea in question. He had been
examined by the late Committee touching the point of
his presuming to import that commodity; when he
knew, such a conduct was contrary to the sense of this
Colony in particular, and of America in general. And
be then assured the Committee that he did not know

CHAPTER IV.— 1774. 133
any tea was on board his ship, until being at sea he
had leisure to look over his cocketts; and he hoped
the Committee would rest satisfied with his declara
tion. To this it was replied, that as he had imported
the tea, knowing the resolution of the Colony on that
point, it was expected he would so conduct himself,
that the same should not be landed, or the duty upon
it paid in this Colony. On which, he assured the
Committee, that the tea in question, should neither be
landed, nor should any duties be paid on it here: and
farther, if he could not get rid of the tea any other
way, he would himself throw it into the river, at his
own cost.
The General Comrnittee now determined, that Cap-
lain Maitland should be holden to his assurances ; and
for that purpose, he was ordered to attend them. , He
did so — and the Chairman by order of the Committee
informed him, it was expected he would fulfil the
promises he had made, to the late Committee, by de
stroying the tea: to obtain which for that purpose,
he himself should pay the duties thereon. This, he
accordingly promised to perform ; and that he would
burn the tea on the wharf, the next day.
To fulfil this engagement. Captain Maitland applied
to the Collector; and tendered the duty in money, for
the possession of the tea : but the Collector refused to
deliver the same to any other person, than the propri
etor, or to his order. While this demand and refusal
took place, between Maitland and the Collector; the
General Committee had assembled, according to ad
journment, to witness Maitland's destroying the tea.
But, some members now attending who had not been
present the day before, they endeaved to state the im
propriety of the vote which had been passed; and
laboured to rescind it, as touching the tea. It was
now asked, why the property in this article should be

134 MEMOIRS, &c.— 177'4i
lost to the individual ; when the public never dreamefl
of annihilating the proiierty of the East- India Com*-
pany, in their teas.? That this last measure wai
thought wise and prudent; and therefore why not
upon an occasion of equal merit, pursue a similar con
duct.? That, as the tea in quesrion was obnoxious,
only upon the same principle, with those belonging to
the Company, and was already in the same situation
and custody; common sense dictated, that a similar
fate ought to hang over both. And above all, it should
be remembered, that the tea could not now be ob
tained, but by violence; which, had hitherto been
avoided ; or, by paying a duty; to prevent which being
paid, the General Committee had been expressly con
vened on the present occasion. This repsesentation
of the case, brought home to the reflection of the Gen
eral Committee, the delicate situation in which they
•were then placed; and at once they perceived, the
impropriety of the measure; to see which executed,
they were then assembled. They accordingly voted,
that the tea should remain under the same circum
stances as those belonging to the East-India Com
pany; and they adjourned the meeting — mutually
expressing their satisfaction, that the measure which
had been determined on the day before, of having the
tea destroyed ; had been so prudently prevented, from
being carried into execution.
Thus satisfied with their conduct, their minds never
theless recurred to the person who had placed them in
the dilemma, they had so happily avoided: and the
General Committee considered Maitland, as a man,
who having grossly deceived them, had insulted the
people. They accordingly denounced him, as being
concerned in shipping, employed in the commerce of
the port of Chariestown; and a Committee was ap
pointed to desire the merchants not to ship or receive
any goods in any bottom, wherein Captain Maitlant!

CHAPTER TV.-1774. 135
was, or should be concerned. This desire, was ac
cordingly signified by a Commhtee to the merchants;
who received it as an order, and complied with its
requisitions. When these transactions became known, the people
were much incensed ; and in the evening, some hun
dreds of them proceeded to the w'harf. at which Cap
tain Maitiand's ship lay. They intended, to have laid
hands upon him ; and it was impossible to tell, what
might have been the consequence, had they found him.
Maitland however, having received notice of the in
tention of the populace, and not being very desirous of
receiving the visit, had placed a watch, to apprize him
of their approach ; and when the mob came to the end
of the wharf, and were about entering his ship, he
slipped over the opposite side of his vessel into his
boat, which he had kept ready there for the occasion;
and covered by the obscurity of the night, he pro
ceeded to a British vessel of war, then at anchor in
the Roads. He there applied for protection to his
person, and vessel ; on which, the Commanding offi
cer dispatched two armed barges to her assistance;
and about two o'clot;k in the morning, the crews of
the same, removed the vessel from the wharf, and
anchored her at a distance in the stream.
About this time, accounts arrived that a fourth act
relating to America, had received the Royal Assent,
on the third of June. This act, was for the better
providing quarters for officers and soldiers in his Ma
jesty's service in North America. Such troops, were
in fact, to be billeted upon the American freeholders,
without their consent : and was one of the causes ap
plicable to the people of England, which induced the
Petition of Rights, in the reign of Charles I. It was
also, evidently preparatory, for the arbitrary measures,
which British Ministers had then in store, for his Ma-

136 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1774.
jesty's loyal subjects, in America. Scarcely was this
news promulgated, when other advices informed, that
on the 22d day of June 1774, an act of pariiament
had passed, extending the limits of the Government of
Quebec ; also enabling the Crown by the means of
a Provincial Governor, and Legislative Council, called
into existence not by election, but by writs of manda
mus under the Sovereign's sign manual, to make laws
for the province; and establishing therein the Roman'
Catholic Religion, and the French Canadian law in
all civil, and the English Criminal law in all criminal
cases ; subject nevertheless, to alterations and amend
ments, by the sovereign legislature of Great Britain.
These acts, sunk deep into the minds of the people;
as they saw the Crown now made despotic, and the
Romish Church established in a part of America.
Men openly said, George 111, had broken his corona
tion oath ; as well as the solemn contract, under which,
he received his title to the Crown. They said, the
Revolution of 1688, was effected, upon a principle of
rescuing the English Dominions from the errors, and
tyranny, of the Romish Church. That for this effect,
William, Prince of Orange, had been placed on the
British throne; and after him, the Ancestor, from
whom George 111. derived his Royal tities: and that
he was bound by the same conditions. Under these
reflections, the meeting of the General Assembly now
approached; and the Representatives with impatience
wished for an opportunity of declaring in a legisladve
manner, their sentiments respecting the late obnoxious
acts of parliament.
This opportunity however, was one which they
more hoped for, than expected to find; as, the Lieute
nant-Governor had repeatedly prorogued them since
March last; and they feared he would continue such
proceeding : lest, being allowed to convene, the Com-

CHAPTER IV.— 1774. 137
mons might enter into Resolutions of opposition, to
the late conduct of parliament. However, they pri
vately agreed to convene early in the morning of the
day, to which they stood prorogued ; should they find
themselves in a capacity of doing so. For, of late, the
Lieutenant-Governor had been accustomed personally
to prorogue the General Assembly; instead of doing
so by proclamation, as had been usual. They now
wished, and thought there was a chance he might con
tinue the same line of conduct; although, from his
prudence, experience, and knowledge of the temper of
the people, they scarcely had reason to believe, their
hopes would be realized.
J At length, Tuesday the 2d day of August 1774,
arrived ; and the Representatives to their great joy and
surprize found themselves able to convene, in General
Assembly, agreeably to the Lieutenant-Governor's
prorogation. In pursuance of their private agreement
therefore, they met in the Chamber of the Commons,
so early, as at 8 o'clock in the morning; and Messrs.
Heyward and Cattell, were ordered to " wait on the
Lieutenant-Governor, and acquaint his Honour, that
the House has met." — " The said gentlemen being
returned, Mr. Heyward reported to the House, that
Mr. Cattell and himself had waited on the Lieutenant-
Governor with the Message they had in charge ; and
that his Honour was pleased to say, he would be in
the Council Chamber immediately, when he would
send a Message to this House."*
Having sent the above message, the Commons-
House of Assembly, now availed themselves of the
opportunity which offered, previous to the Lieutenant-
Governor's arrival, and which they had ardently hoped
for; and Colonel Powell, Chairman of the late Gene-
* See Journals of the Cotnmons-House of Assembly for 1774, page 1.
18

138 MEMOIRS,'&c.— 1774.
ral Meeting, requested the attention of the House, to
matters of importance with which he was charged.
The House, being prepared on the occasion, immedi
ately gave leave, in preference to all other business;
and the Colonel acquainted the House — " That during
the recess of this House, namely on the 6th, 7th, and
8th days of July last, at a General Meeting of the
Inhabitants of this Colony, they, having under consid
eration the acts of parliament lately passed with regard
to the port of Boston, and Colony of Massachusetts-
Bay, as well as other American grievances, had nomi
nated and appointed the honourable Henry Middleton,
John Rutledge, Thomas Lynch, Christopher Gadsden,
and Edward Rutledge, Esquires, Deputies on the part
and behalf of this Colony; to meet the Deputies. of
the other Colonies, of North America, in General
Congress, the first Monday in September next, at
Philadelphia; or, at any other time or place, that may
be generally agreed on : there, to consider the acts
lately passed, and bills depending, in parliament with
regard to the port of Boston and Colony of Massa
chusetts-Bay; which acts and bills, in the precedent
and consequences, affect the whole Continent of Ame
rica: — also, the grievances under which, America
labours, by reason of the several acts of parliament,
that impose taxes, or duties, for raising a Revenue,
and lay unnecessary restraints and burthens on trade:
and, of the Statutes, Parliamentary Acts, and Royal
Instructions, which make an invidious distinction be
tween his Majesty's subjects in Great Britain, and
America: — with full power and authority to concert,
agree to, and effectually prosecute such legal measures,
as in the opinion of tlie said Deputies, and of the
Deputies so to be assembled, shall be most likely to
obtain a repeal of the said acts, and a redress of those
grievances. And thereupon moved, that this House
do resolve to recognize, ratify, and confirm the said
appointment of the Deputies for the puposes aforesaid:

CHAPTER IV.— 1774. 139
and, that this House, do also resolve, to provide a
sum, not exceeding one thousand five hundred pounds
Sterling, to defray the expense, which the said Depu
ties will be at, on the said service.
"Resolved, {nemine contradicente) That this House
do recognize, ratify, and confirm, the appointment of
the said Deputies, for the purposes mentioned in the
said motion.
" Resolved,' {nem. con.) That this House will make
provision to pay to any person or persons, who will
advance to the said Henry Middleton, John Rutledge,
Thomas Lynch, Christopher Gadsden, and Edward
Rutledge, Esquires, the sum of one thousand five hun
dred pounds Sterling, (for the purposes aforesaid;)
together with full interest, from the day the said one
thousand five hundred pounds Sterling shall be ad
vanced ; until it be repaid to the person or persons,
advancing the same."
The House also sent the following Message to the
Lieutenant-Governor, by Mr. Bee, and Captain Scott:
" May it please your Honour,
" This House, considering the precarious situation
of this Colony in regard to Indian affairs, and the
necessity there may be for the Inhabitants, of the back
parts, to arm themselves for their protection and de
fence, against that cruel people, in case of a rupture
with them; and being informed, that many of the poor
settlers are unprovided with arms, and ammunition:
do desire your Honour, will be pleased to order, a
proper quantity of arms and ammunition, to be distri
buted to such persons as may be thought to stand most
in need of such assistance; such arms and ammuni
tion to be purchased by the Commissary General:

140 MEMOIRS, &c.~l774.
and that this House will make provision, td pay the
expense of the same.
" By order of the Honse,
" RAWLINS LOWNDES, Speaker."
These matters were scarcely performed,- and they
were all the business which was done by the House id
the short time in which they acted that morning;
when at half past eight o'clock, a Message was re
ceived from Lieutenant-Governor William Bull, by
the Master in Chancery; notifying, that the Lieuten
ant-Governor was in the Council Chamber, where, he
required the immediate attendance of the House.
" And accordingly, Mr. Speaker, with the House,
went to attend the Lieutenant-Governor, in the Cotttti
cil-Chamber; where, his Honour was pleased to pro'
rogue the General Assembly, to Tuesday the 6th day
of September next."*
The convening of the Commons-House of Assem
bly at so early an hour, was a great surprize upon the
Lieutenant- Governor ; as he had no intention, the
Representatives should have had time in that House,
to have entered upon any business. Ten, or eleven
o'clock, were the usual hours, at which the members
assembled upon a meeting after a prorogation; and
the Governor intended, when he should have heard a
few of them, had assembled, to have personally pro
rogued them, before they could have formed a House.
Indeed, he had given orders to persons to observe and
inform him, when the Representatives should begin to
assemble. They accordingly, did so; but the infoT'
mation was received by him, at so unexpected an hour;
that before his Honour could put on his clothes, repair
* See Journals of the Commons Honse of Assembly of South-Carolina, from
the 2d day of August 1774, to the 15th day of September 1775, pages 1, 2.

CHAPTER IV.-^1774. 141
to the Council Chamber, and haVe the attendance of
the Master in Chancery to carry his Message to the
Representatives; they had done the business, for
which, they had purposely assembledi And so very
short a summons, had the Counsellors for so early an
attendance; that only one was present at the proroga
tion; and another had barely arrived, when the Lieu
tenant-Governor was departing from the State-House.
Many persons, thought the Lieutenant-Governor
connived, at this conduct of the Representatives; but,
he certainly was above such an artifice — to his too
great attention to a friend, was he indebted, for having
been drawn into such a dilemma. He had often pro
rogued the General Assembly by Proclamation, as all
his predecessors had done ; of late years, it had been
the most usual mode : and it was also, a parliamentary
proceeding. Yet Lieutenant-Governor Bull, allowed
Mr. Wragg to pursuade him, that a personal proroga
tion, was a preferable mode: as, being at once, more
regular, and more constitutional. Thus, wtthout the
least necessity for such extreme caution, on a point
which had never been disputed ; and without reflect
ing, that the present, was not a juncture to be scrupu
lous in the exercise of prorogation, which had never
been murmured at; the Lieutenant-Governor ran the
risk, that the Representatives should enter upon mea
sures, contrary to his inclination, and the views of Ad
ministration. For, as Lord William Campbell was
expected shortly to arrive, as Governor and Com
mander in Chief; Lieutenant-Governor Bull, gene
rously endeavoured to keep affairs as quiet as possible;
•that his Lordship might enter upon a new administra
tion with every advantage; and without its being
burthened by a quarrel with the Representatives,
which would have arisen, had they been permitted to
have sat and deliberated, upon the late proceedings of
parliament.

142 MEMOIRS, &€,— 1774.
About this time, the people in this Colony, and par
ticularly in Chariestown, began to assume a 'tone
highly impatient of British arbitrary and unconstitu
tional measures; and the minds of many were become
so irritable, that they were liable by the smallest spark
to be kindled into a blaze of civil fury. When there
fore, on Sunday the 14th of August 1774, the Rev.
John Bullman, Assistant of St. Michael's Church in
Chariestown, preached a sermon, in which was an
illustration of a pragmatical character; it was sup
posed to be meant for some persons, who had lately
taken a lead against the measures of Government;*
With this idea, the greatest part of the congregation*
took fire ; scarcely continuing quiet, during the service.
And, as soon as it was over, a report ran through the
town, that the preacher had inculcated passive obedi
ence; and had censured the popular proceedings."
Against this conduct, exclamations were made in the
severest terms; and on the next day, an assemblage of
the Vestry took place, who cited Mr. Bullman to pro
duce his late sermon. Upon his entering the Vestry
room, he with warmth told the Vestry, that, as he
found they desired to see his sermon, he would show
them there was nothing offensive in it. But, at the
same time he informed them, that he was not to be
taught by them, in what manner to compose sermons.
Hence, warm words arose on either side: and Mr.
Bullman finally left his sermon with them, and de
parted. Upon examination of the obnoxious passage, the"
Vestry did not find any thing so exceptionable, as thef
afterwards declared, but what might have been passed
over; had the Assistant demeaned himself, more re
spectfully towards them. But, feeling themselves hurt
" See an Extract of the obnoxious part of Uie sermon, in Dalcho's Chvrdi
History, pages 201, 202, 203.

CHAPTER IV.— 1774, 143
on this point, they now inveighed, against his intem
perate language ; as totally unbecoming the gravity,
meekness, and charity of the sacerdotal character: a
conduct, not to be passed over in silence. Acctird-
ingly, they summoned the parishioners to assemble, on
business of importance. In the course of the week,
the meeting took place at St. Michael's Church; and
the Vestry put the question, whether or not they " ap
proved Mr. Bullman' s conduct?" In vain was it
alledged, that the question was not a proper one; for,
no person would answer in the affirmative; since all
would join in regretting, that the sermon, which had
given rise to this uneasiness, had been preached at the
present juncture. And while no man could approve
of this particular conduct, in the Assistant; all men,
could give testimony in approbation of his general
character, as a moral man, and an edifying preacher.
Sharp altercation now ensued; which caused several
mild men, in favour of Mr. Bullman, to quit the meet
ing. The question, was now again put; with a cry,
" Now we will see, who are enemies to their country :"
and upon the votes being taken it was found, that
thirty-three had voted in favour of Mr. Bullman, and
forty-two against him. The victory so obtained,
was now received as a matter of triumph on the
side of the people in favour of the American cause;
and it was announced by a shout, in the House of
God.* And the Vestry having thus taken, what they
deemed the sense of the parish ; on the following day,
sent Mr. Bullman a written paper, as a dismission
from his office of Assistant. This measure, created
much uneasiness in Chariestown; and a respectable
party, espoused the cause of the Assistant: for, it v^as
their opinion, he had been treated with unreasonable
* What then was thought an indecency, has, in the process of time, become
common, at public meetings in Churclies and places of public worship ; as is
evinced every fourth of July, Ihrouj^hout the United States— and occasion
ally, on matters of public consideration.

144 MEMOIRS, .&c— 1774.
severity, and that the Vestry were not warranted by
law, in the conduct which they had pursued.
• ¦''),
Upon these grounds, Mr. Bullman's friejids evinced
a desire of replacing him; as not having been dis^
missed, with the approbation of the parish. A repre
sentation therefore, to take the sense of the parish on
the measure, was signed by a large majority of the
parishioners, and laid before the Vestry ; but, they took
BO notice of it. Upon this, a memorial was preseated
to Lieutenant-Governor Bull ; praying, that a board ©f
Church Commissioners might be called, to examine
into, and decide upon the case. Men's minds, now
fbecame variously and violently agitated ; each party,
espousing their side with peculiar warmth. One,
declared the Assistant, should be replaced ; the other,
that if he were, he should be dragged out of the pul
pit ; and the affair grew so serious, that if prosecuted,
it was feared blows would ensue.
In the meai^ time, the Commissioners assembled to
the number often; being all who were then in the
province : the other two Commissioners, being DepB>-
ties at the General Congress. By law, the surviring
original Commissioners were empowered to fill up the
vacancies at the Board ; and only two of such Com
missioners were alive, and present. The whole Board
however, joined in supplying the vacancies; and noti
fications were sent to the new members. The neA
<lay. Colonel Charles Pinckney, a new member,
attended; but declined taking his seat, because the
nomination, in his opinion, was not warranted bylaw:
the same having been made by ten Commissionesrs,
when the law required twelve at the least. The
Lieutenant-Governor, although by no means convinced
of the solidity of this objection, yet, submitted to his
opinion; and without calling in the Counsel, who had
been employed to draw the memorial and support the

CHAPTER IV,— 1774, l45
same, his Honour dismissed the Board ; as having no
power to proceed to business, until the return of the
two Commissioners then at Congress. The great dis
tinction, lost sight of in this procedure was this; to fill
up the Board, the survivors of the original Commis
sioners, were fully sufficient: but, no other kind of
business could be transacted, unless twelve Commis
sioners were present.
By one pretext or other, the matter was repeatedly
postponed. However, after various meetings and de-
fiberations, the Board of Commissioners were induced
to drop the affair; until the defects of their organiza
tion should be remedied by an act, which one of the
Commissioners promised he would bring into the
General Assembly, at its next meeting. In this man
ner the affair rested, until the 16th day of February
1775; when leave was given in the Commons-House
of Assembly to bring in a bill for amending the act
respecting the nominating, and from time to time
keeping up, the number of Commissioners, therein
mentioned. On the 21st day of February, the bill
was accordingly presented by Mr. Lynch ; was read
the first time, and was ordered for a second reading.
On the 22d, the House proceeded to the second read
ing of the same ; but, the amendments and provisions
of the bill were so unsatisfactory, and gave rise to so
much debate ; that on motion, the farther reading of
the bill was postponed for six months.* On which,
Mr. Bullman took his passage for England; and soon
after departed.f
In the meantime, the Deputies from twelve of the
Colonies assembled at Philadelphia; chosen and ap-
* See Journals of the Copimons-House of Assembly of South-Carolina for
1775, pages 30, 35, 38.
t See Dalcho's Church History, page 204.
19

146 MEMOIRS, &e.—\774.
pointed from New-Hampshire to South-Carolina in
clusive, to take into consideration the actual situation
of North America; and the differences subsisting be
tween the Colonies therein, and Great Britain : and the
General Congress was accordingly holden at Carpen
ter's Hall, in the city of Philadelphia, on the 5th day
of September 1771-.* Peyton Randolph, late Speaker
of the House of Burgesses in Virginia, was unani
mously elected President of the Congress; and Charleg
Thomson unanimously chosen Secretary.
On the 6th of September, Congress adopted rules in
debating and determining questions. According to
these, each Cohmy or Province had one vote. No
person could speak more than twice on the same point,
without leave. No question could be determined the
day on which it was agitated and debated, if any
one of the Colonies desired the determination to be
postponed to another day. The door was to be kept
shut, during the time of business; and the members
to consider themselves under the strongest obligatioiM
of honour, to keep the proceedings secret, until the
majority should direct them to be made public. At
the same time, a Committee was ajjpointed, to state
the rights of the Colonies in general ; the several in
stances in which those rights had been violated ot
infringed; and, the means most proper to be jiursued,
for obtaining a restoration of them. A C onmiittee
was also appointed to examine and report, the several
statutes, which affected the trad;- and manufactures'of
the Colonies. The Congress was opened by prayer?
a reverential formality that was subsequently observed?
and, by an order of the Directors of the Library Com
pany of Philadelphia, of the 31st of August preceding,
the Delegates were allowed the use of such books of
that institution as they might have occasion for, during
» See Laws of United States, new ediUon, vol, I, chap, I, page 1.

CHAPTER IV.— 1774. 147
their sitting. On the 14th of September, Delegates
from North-Carolina took their seats. On the 19th
of Septeji.ber, it was unanimously resolvi^d, that the
Congress n-quest the merchants and others in the
several Colonies, not to send to Great Britain any
orders for goods; and, to diiect the execution of all
orders already sent, to be delayed or suspended, until
the sense of the Con:;ress, on the means to be taken
for the preservation of the liberties of America, should
be made i)ublic. On the 24th of Se[)tember, Congress
resolved, that the Delegates would confine themselves
to the consideration of such rights, as had been in
fringed by acts of the British parliament, after the
year 1763; postponing the farther consideration of the
general state of American rights to a future day. On
the 27th of September, the Congress unanimously
resolved, that from and after the 1st of December
1774, there should be no importation into British
America, from Great Britain or Ireland, of any goods,
wares, or merchandize, exported therefrom ; and, that
they should not be used or purchased, if imported after
that day. On the 30th of September, it was farther
resolved, that from and after the 10th of September
1775, the exportation of all merchandize, and every
commodity whatsoever, to Great Britain, Ireland, and
the West Indies, ought to cease; unless, the griev
ances of America, should be redressed before that
time. On the 6th of October, it was resolved, to ex
clude from importation, after the 1st of December
following, molasses, coffee, or pimento, from the
British plantations, or from Dominica; wines from
Madeira, and the Western Islands, and foreign indigo.
In consequence of a letter received from the Commit
tee of Correspondence, at Boston, on the 6th of Octo
ber, Congress on the 7th, resolved to appoint a Com
mittee to prejiare a letter to General Gage; represent
ing, that the town of Boston, and province of Massa-
ehusetts-Bay, were considered by all America as.

148 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1774.
suffering in the common cause, for their noble and
spirited opposition to oppressive acts of pariiament;
calculated, to deprive the American people of theif
most sacred rights and privileges, &c. On the 8th of
October, it was resolved, that the Congress approve
the opposition of the inhabitants of the Massachas^tSj
Bay, to the execution of the obnoxious acts of pariia^
ment; and if the same should be attempted to be
carried into execution by force, in such case, all
America ought to support them in their opposition;
and, on the 11th of October, the letter of remohstraBef
to General Gage, ordered on the 7th, was brought ia
and signed by the President. On the 11th likewise,
a memorial to the people of British America, stating
the necessity of adhering to the measures of CongresSjf
and an address to the people of Great Britain, were
unanimously resolved on. On the 14th of October^
Congress made a declaration, and framed resolves,
relative to the rights and grievances of the Colo
nies. On the 20th of October, the non-importatioi$
non-consumption, and non-exportation agreement,
was adopted, and signed by the Congress. This
agreement, contained a clause, to discontinue the
slave trade; and a provision, not to import East
India tea, from any part of the world. In the
article, respecting non-exportations, the sending rice
to Europe, was excepted. In general, the Associa
tion expressed a determination to suppress luxury,
encourage frugality, and promote domestic manufac
tures: the agreement was dated the 24th of October.
On the 21st, the address to the people of Great Bri
tain was approved ; as was the memorial to the inlia*
bitants of the British Colonies, on the same day.
Both these state papers, contain a representatioa of
the grievances, and a justification of the conduct, of
the Colonies. It was also determined, that an address
should be prepared, to the people of Quebec, in like
manner; and letters be sent to the Colonies of St.

CHAPTER IV,— 1774. 149
John's, Nova Scotia, Georgia, and East and West
Florida. On the 22d of October, Peyton Randolph
being unable to attend, on account of indisposition;
Henry Middleton (of South-Carolina) was chosen to
supply his place, as President of Congress. On the
same day, a letter to the Colonies of St. John's, &c.
was reported, approved, and signed: it recommended,
an imtnediate adoption, of the measures pursued by the
Congress. On the 25th of October, a petition to the
King was adopted, and was ordered to be enclosed in
a letter to the several Colony Agents, in order,
that the same might be, by them presented to his
Majesty; which letter, was approved, and signed, by
the President on the day following. This petition
recited the grievances of the Colonies, and asked for a
Sfedress of them. On the 26th October, the address to
the Inhabitants of Quebec, was adopted and signed.
It set forth, the rights of the British colonists,
breathed a spirit of sympathy in suffering, and invited
a spirit of union in resistance. The Congress, was
then dissolved ; having on the 22d of October, passed
a resolution, recommending Delegates to meet at Phi
ladelphia, on the 10th of May 1775.* Such, were
the gradual approaches, which the United States, when
Colonies, made to Independence ; and this, is a sum
mary of the principal measures, taken for that effect,
by the first General Congress.
While the Congress was so conducting, the various
matters of consequence it had in charge; William
Henry Drayton, had written and published in South-
Carolina, a political tract, stating the American griev
ances; and presenting a bill of American rights. The
publication, was signed Freeman; and was addressed
to the American Congress at Philadelphia. The act
of parliament commanding Judges to issue writs of
* See Laws of the United States, new edition, vol, J. chap, I, pp. 1, 2,

150 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1774.
assistance to the Customs, ha,"! ever been viewed by the
public with abhorrence; and, while the Bench was
filled with Assistant-Judges of independence and pro
perty in the Colony, serving the public without fee or
reward, although such writs had been applied for by
the Attorney-General, these Judges upon some pretext
or other, evaded giving any determination respect
ing them. But, when, upon the establishment of
Circuit Courts in 1769, salaries were given to the
Assistant-Judges; Administration at once caught hold
of the opportunity — dismissed the Colony Judges—
and sent over from England, men destitute of sup»
port in their own country. These Judges, now granted
the writs of assistance to the Customs. In showing
in this instance, the consequence of having Judges of
independence and property, and others who had no
support but Royal favour; Freeman gave mortal
offence to the Judges upon the latter establishment.
This was resented by the King's Judges, who fancied
themselves pointed at: and Thomas Knox Gordon,
the Chief Justice, and Charles Mathews Cosslett, one
of the Assistant-Judges, presented a remonstrance to
the Lieutenant-Governor, on the 21st September
1774;* complaining of Freeman's publication, and
charging it to Mr. Drayton ; thence submitting to his
Honour, whether Mr. Drayton, who then held the
appointment of one of the King's Assistant-Judges,!
was a fit person, to be continued in the said office.
Lieutenant-Governor Bull, being uncle to Mr.
Drayton, from motives of delicacy, would not give any
determination thereon; but laid the remonstrance;
before his Privy Council; declaring at the same time,
he would proceed only by their advice. This dispute^
* See the Council Journal for 1774, page 183.
t See Appendix to this Chapter, No. II.

CHAPTER IV.— 1774. I5i
was carried on before the Lieutenant-Governor by
various pleadings and replications; in which Mr.
Drayton defended his own conduct, and brought into
question the legal abilities of his accusers, as evinced
in their conduct and charges in open court, and in
ca.ses which he specially stated ; and in doing so, he
said, that Mr. Lowndes and himself were the only
Judges who had ventured, and with success, to charge
Juries, in contradiction to the rest of the Court: and
that both against Mr. Lowndes and himself, had
judicial vengeance been pointed — that the complaint
against Mr. Lowndes in the year 1771i had been dis
missed by the late Governor, with the unanimous con
sent of the Council: and he trusted, the remonstrance
now against him, would meet a similar fate — he then
declared the Lieutenant-Governor had no jurisdit^tion
in the case, to hear, judge, and finally determine, that
he was the Author of the publication; and that it was
a libel upon the Judges — as these points, were cogni
zable only by Juries.* To this, the Judges replied,
after stating new matter of complaint, that the pam
phlet published by Freeman, was a libel — that Mr.
Drayton wrote it — and that these were points, upon
which his Honour could give judgment.! At this
stage of the dispute, the November Circuits began;
and Mr. Drayton sat out u])on that duty; taking the
Northern Circuit to Georgetown, Cheraws and Cam
den. Mr. Drayton had scarcely left Chariestown,
when Mr. Gregory arrived from England to supercede
him as Judge; and to supply the place of the late
Judge Murray; to whose vacancy, Mr. Drayton had
been commissioned by the Lieutenant-Governor, with
the approbation of his Privy Council.l Upon Mr.
* See Council Journal for 1774, page 208.
} Ibid, page 229.
% See Appendix, No. II.

152 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1774.
Drayton's return from the Circuit, he applied to the
Lieutenant-Governor, requesting the dispute might be
heard and decided on. A Council was accordingly
summoned ; but a member was indisposed— and there
fore no Council could be formed. The next day was
appointed ; but now, the Chief Justice was that morn
ing suddenly taken ill with the gout. It was thencs
determined, that the dispute could not now be heard;
as the hearing would be ex-parte. As therefore, the
Chief Justice's recovery was uncertain ; it was deemed
proper no longer to delay issuing a supersedeas, Xo
Mr. Drayton's commission as Assistant-Justice; since
the King's commission to that office, must have its full
effect. To this determination of the Council, the
Lieutenant-Governor conformed; and the writ of
supersedeas to Mr. Drayton, was immediately (Decem
ber 9th) signed, and sealed with the seal of the pro
vince: it being however understood, it was to be
without prejudice to the dispute; the merits of it being
still to be heard, on some day convenient to both par
ties.* After this, inquiries respecting the Chief Justice's
health availed nothing ; for, no person saw him, but
one or two of his particular friends. At length, the
duties of his station called him abroad, on the 3d day
of January 1775; when, he appeared in perfect health.
On the next day, Mr. Drayton presented a memorial
to the Lieutenant Governor ;t stating the late pro-
eeedings between the Judges and himself — that they
were still pending — -that, they were to have been
heard on the 9th December last; but," by reason of the
sudden illness of the Chief Justice, the hearing had
been postponed until the Chief Justice should be re
covered — that the Chief Justice was now well, and
* See Council Journal for 1774, 1775.
1 See Appendix to this Chapter, No. I.

CHAPTER IV.— 1774. 153
he thel-efore prayed a day might be appointed for a
hearing of the merits of the case. Accordingly, a
Council was summoned, for the 6th of January; and
the memorial was laid before them. Mr. Drayton,
now pressed for a hearing; but the Chief Justice de
clined it ; alledging, that as Mr. Drayton was no lon
ger a Judge, it would be im[)roper and nugatory to
deliberate thereon. Upon which, the Council com
posed of Crown officers, determined, " that there
should be no farther consideration upon the transac
tion had, by this Board upon the said remonstrance;
and that the same should be dismissed, without any
censure upon any of the parties."* Thus, ended this
contest; which was both of a political, and per.sonal
nature. But effects followed, which Chief Justice
Gordon, and his Assistants, could not relish. For, in
a short time afterwards, as shall be shown, the King's
Judges were obliged to give way, to others who pos
sessed the confidence of the people. And William
Henry Drayton, who had been superseded as a King's
Judge, was elevated to the seat of Chief Jusrice; not
of a King's province — but of South-Carolina, one of
the United States of America.
The tea which had hitherto arrived, had been depo
sited in the Collector's stores; but from that time to
this, many changes had taken place in the public opi
nion ; and they were more [irepared to advocate and
su()port vigorous measures. Seven chests of tea, now
arrived in the port of Chariestown, on account of the
merchants; and on the 3d day of November 1774, the
proprietors by themselves and agents, in the presence
of the Committee of Insiiection, stove the chests; and
from the vessel then riding in the stream of Cooper
River, threw all their contents into the same, amidst
the acclamations of the people, who crowded the
f " See Appendix to this Chftpter, N«. I.
20

154 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1774.
wharves on the occasion. The same conduct, on a
similar occasion, was also observed at Georgetown in
this Colony.
On the 6th of November, our Delegates arrived
from the Continental Congress; and, were respectfully
received. And two days after, the General Commit
tee in a body waited on them at the State-House;
where, the Delegates acquainted them, with part of
the Congressional proceedings. And on the next day,
the General Committee honoured the Delegates, with
an elegant entertainment.
This had a good effect, in supporting patriotic mea
sures; and in putting down domesric opposition from
Crown officers, and other ill-disposed persons. While
the Lieutenant-Governor, was obliged to be a silent
spectator of measures, which he was unable to pre
vent: but which, evinced in terms too glaring to be
misunderstood, how weakened were his powers; and
how strong those of the people, vested in the General
Committee, had become. It was now indeed, that
body began to feel and know, they in a great degree
held the reins of Government. And with a bold and
steady hand, they rendered nugatory Gubernatorial
writs of election; while in their place, they introduced
Resolutions calculated for that purpose.
At this time, the British determinations became
more developed ; and preventive measures, demanded
encreased energy. The General Committee therefore
were of opinion, the public union would be strength
ened, by having a settled representation from every
part of the state; by which, the sentiments of the
people would be better known, and established. For
this piirpose, on the 9th of November, the General
Committee issued Resolutions for a General Meeting
of the Inhabitants of the Colopy, by representation;

CHAPTER IV.— 1774, 155
in which, the districts and parishes, were described ;
the rime of election, was appointed; and the number
of Representatives for each district or parish, was
ascertained. The number of Representatives, was
then first assumed, not as relating to numbers or pro
perty; but as to convenience, and what might be sup
posed assisting, in disseminating political information
among the people. For this purpose, the number
thirty, which had been before allowed for Chariestown
in nominating members of the General Committee,
was now allowed Chariestown, for representatives;
ten representatives, were allowed to each of the four
large districts, of Ninety-Six — between Broad and
Saluda Rivers — ^between Broad and Catawba Rivers —
and for the Eastward of Watteree River: — and six
representatives were allowed, for each of the parishes.
From hence, arose the Representatives of the jieople;
and by this mode, the representation was encreased,
from forty-eight, which composed the Commons-House
of Assembly,* to one hundred and eighty-four mem
bers. The Resolutions required the representatives
elected, to assemble in Chariestown on the eleventh
day of January 1775; they also, expressed the causes
of meeting. These were, to receive an account
of the proceedings of the late Continental Congress —
to elect Delegates for another Congress, to be holden
in May ensuing^to elect a new General Committee —
and, to establish such regulations, as the urgency of
the times might render necessary.
It was at this time, that the popular constitutional
line of electing Representatives, was first drawn in
South-Carolina; that the minds of the people became
better informed, as to the principles of representation;
and, the obligations existing, between constituents and
representatives. From hence, we may date, the
* See Appendix to this Chapter, No, IIL

156 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1774,
strengthening of the popular branch of our Goverflr
ment: which, advised by able leaders, and supported
by its own intrinsic strength, bore down obstacles
which were opposed to American rights; and eventu
ally frustrated the views, of a badly advised Monarql))
and an arbitrary Administration.

APPENDIX

CHAPTER IV.

No. I.
IN THE COUNCIL CHAMBER,
Friday, the 6th day of January 1775.
PRESENT,
His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor.
The Honourable Tho.'mas Skottowe, John Stuart,
Thomas Knox Gordon, William Henry Dray
ton, Thomas Irving, Esquires.
His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor, laid before
the Board the following Memorial, from William
Henry Drayton, Esquire.

158 APPENDIX
To the Honourable William Bull, Esquire, Lieuten
ant-Governor and Commander in Chief, in and over
his Majesty's Colony of South- Carolina.
The Memorial of William Henry Drayton, Esquire,
humbly represents :
That Thomas Knox Gordon, Esq. and Charles
Mathews Cosslett, Esq: two of his Majesty's Judges
in this Colony, did present unto your Honour a remon
strance, containing charges of a very criminal nature,
against your memorialist: that your memorialist
formed an answer to the said remonstrance, and, that
those Judges made a reply to the said answer: all
which proceedings, are yet pending before your
Honour. That on the ninth of December last; a hearing was
intended to have been had, upon the said proceedings;
but that by reason of the then sudden indisposition of
the said Thomas Knox Gordon, your Honour did in
Council determine, that a hearing could not then be
had; and that a hearing on the said proceedings should
be postponed, until the said Thomas Knox Gordon,
should be able to attend the hearing on such day to be
appointed, as might be convenient to both parties.
That the said Thomas Knox Gordon, is now so
well recovered, from his late indisposition, that he did
yesterday attend the duty of his oflice, in his Majesty's"
Court of Common Pleas. ''
Your memorialist therefore most humbly prays your
Honour, that some day may be now appointed for a
hearing upon the said remonstrance, answer, and re
ply: and your memorialist will ever pray, &c.
WILLIAM HENRY DRAYTON. '
January 4,th, 1775.

TO CHAPTER IV. 159
Which memorial was read, and Mr. Drayton in his
place prayed, that he might either now be heard in
farther support of the matter urged in his answer, to
the remonstrance of the Chief Justice and Mr. Cos
slett ; or, that a future day might be appointed for that
purpose. Mr. Chief Justice, thereupon observed, that he con
ceived any farther deliberation on that matter would
be not only improper, but nugatory; as his Majesty
by his mandamus had directed Mr. Gregory to be
appointed a Judge in the room of the late Mr. Justice
Murray; inconsequence of which Mr. Drayton had
already been superseded from his office of Assistant-
Judge: and, that the propriety of his remaining as
such, was the sole matter proposed to be submitted to
the consideration of his Honour and the Board, by
him and Mr. Cosslett in their remonstrance.
And Mr. Chief Justice, and Mr. Drayton, thereupon
withdrew. His Honour, then desired the opinion of the Board,
what was proper to be farther done upon the said
remonstrance, the answer, and reply thereto.
Who seriatim delivered their unanimous opinion;
that as the sole matter submitted by his Honour for
their advice was the propriety of Mr. Drayton's being
permitted to hold his seat as an Assistant-Judge, if he
was the Author of the pamphlet complained of: and,
as by his Majesty's appointment of Mr. Gregory, it
had become necessary to supersede Mr. Drayton ; it
would be unnecessary for to investigate whether Mr.
Drayton was, or was not, the Author of the pamphlet
in question: or, to give it any farther consideration,
or any opinion to his Honour thereupon. But, that
there should be no farther consideration had by this

160 APPENDIX
Board, upon the said remonstrance; and, that the
same should be dismissed without any censure upon
any of the parties. And the same is hereby dismissed
accordingly. A true copy.
J. SIMPSON.* ,

No. II.
The full intention of parliament respecting America,
became known in South-Carolina by the arrival of
the acts, at the same time, when accounts were re
ceived that Administration had nominated an Assist
ant-Judge, regularly bred to the bar, in the room of
Mr. Justice Murray deceased ; and, a change of con
duct taking place in Mr. Drayton at this crisis, some
imputed it to disgust, rather than to principle. He
was aware of such a construction ; but, he was inca
pable of being intimidated from a system he thought
right. The following extract will show, that the ap
pointment of a Judge from England was expected;
and therefore, it could have no influence on Mr.
Drayton's conduta on the occasion.
" On Tuesday last, a commission passed the great
seal of this province,! appointing the Honourable
William Henry Drayton, Esquire, to the office of
Assistant-Judge, in the room of John Murray, Esquire,
deceased. We hear, that when his Honour the Lieu
tenant-Governor, and his Majesty's Council were in
deliberation to nominate a gentleman of a proper rank
* James Simpson was Clerk of the Council,
1 See South-Carolina Council Journal, for 1774, page 12.

TO CHAPTER IV. I6l
and character to the office of Assistant-Judge,. it was
allowed, that no such person at the bar would, for
such a consideration, be induced to quit his practice;
and, that as no such person of rank and character,
would choose to run the risk of being superseded by
the appointment of a barrister from England; so, it
it would be highly indelicate, to offer the post to any
such. The case seemed difficult, yet of necessity a
Judge must be appointed. After some time spent, in
agitating the subject, Mr. Drayton (being one of the
Council) offered his service in that station, until a
barrister should be appointed by the King; which pub
lic spirited behaviour was very readily and unani
mously, approved, by the Lieutenant-Governor and
Council." — See General Gazette, No. 801, January
28, 1774.

No, HI.
Members of the Commons- House of Assembly, sum
moned to meet for the first time, February 23d,
1773; and which was dissolved, in September 1775.
Honourable Rawlins Lowndes, Esq. member for
the Parish of St. Bartholomew, Speaker.
For the Parish of St. Philip, Chariestown. Chris
topher Gadsden, Charles Pinckney, Roger Smith.
St. Michael, Chariestown. Miles Brewton, John
Edwards, David Deas.
Christ- Church. John Rutiedge, Arnoldus Vander
horst. St. John, Berkley-County. James Cordes, jun.
John Huger, James Ravenell. 21

162 APPENDIX
St. Andrew. William Scott, Thomas Bee, William
Cattel. St. George, Dorchester. David Olyphant, Benja
min Waring.
St. James, Goose-Creek. John Parker, John Izard,
Benjamin Smith.
St. Thomas and St. Denys. James Akin, Isaac
Harlesfon, John Wigfall.
St. Paul. Thomas Elliott, Benjamin Elliott,
George Haig.
St. Bartholomew. Rawlins Lowndes, James Par
sons, William Skirving, Thomas Osborne.
St. Helena. Thomas Heyward, jun. Jacob Motte,
William Sanders.
St. James, Santee. Paul Douxsaint, Thomas
Horry. Prince George, Winyaw. Thomas Lynch, Elias
Horry. Prince Frederick. Benjamin Farrar, Theodore
Gaillard, St. John, Colleton County. William Gibbes, Charles
Cotesworth Pinckney, Thomas Evance.
St. Peter, Purrysburg. Gideon Dupont, jun.
Prince William. Isaac Motte, John Ward.
St. Stephen. John Gaillard.
St. Mark. Joseph Kershaw.
St. Matthew. Tacitus Gaillard.
St. David. George Gabriel Powell.
Esquires.
Clerk, Thomas Skottowe.
Clerk- Assistant, Thomas Farr, jun.
Messengers, Edward Weyman, John Calvert.

TO CHAPTER IV.

163

No. IV.
Members of his Majesty's Council.

The Honourable
The Lieutenant-Governor, John Stuart,
Sir Egerton Leigh, Bart. Thomas Knox Gordon,

John Drayton,
Daniel Blake,
John Burn,
Thomas Skottowe,

William Henry Drayton,
Barnard Elliott,
Thomas living.
Esquires.

Clerk, James Simpson.
Messenger, John Mills.
Door-Keeper, Benjamin Lord.
State- House- Keeper, Mary Pratt.

CHAPTER V.
The British Parliament dissolved, and a new one sum
moned — Orders of the King in Council — Resolu
tions of the General Committee — Representatives
meet at the Exchange, in Chariestown, and choose a
President and Secretary — Adjourn to the State-
Honse — Assume the style of Provincial Congressrr
They consider the proceedings of the Continental
Congress — Privileges granted to the Committees—
who are to decide respecting law suits, bail, ^. — A
temporary sytem of Government established — Pro
vincial Congress, its continuance; how to be con
vened on emergencies, after it has been adjourned—
General Committee, its Duties — District, and Paro
chial Committees — Committees of Inspection, their
duties — Compensation to be made by Rice Planters,
for liberty of exporting their Rice — The five Dele
gates to Congress re-chosen — The Provincial Con
gress wait on the Lieutenant-Governor, and present
an address — His reply — Provincial Congress pass
Resolutions, respecting the use of Arms ; and recom
mend a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer-
Adjourns — General Committee meet — Georgia Pro
ceedings — Resolution of General Committee thereon.
Association supported in South- Carolina — Debates
in General Committee — The conduct of some per
sons, begins to attract the attention of the Committee
of Inspection.
JL HESE things were scarcely done, when accounts
arrived from England, that the King had suddenly dis-

CHAPTER v.— 1774. l65
solved the pariiament, on the 30th of September 1774;
and had summoned a new parliament to meet on the
29th of November. General Gage's Express, who
sailed in a frigate from Boston on the 6th of Septem
ber, had landed in England on the 28th of that month :
hence, the sudden dissolution of parliament. Upbn
the arrival of this frigate, no intelligence was allowed
to he received from, or private communication to be
had with, any person on board: and a strict guard
was kept, to prevent the one and the other. On the
24th of October, the frigate was dispatched back to
General Gage, with advices, that she should be speed
ily followed by cx)nsiderable reinforcements. An
order of the King in Council of the 14th of October,
for preventing during six months the exportation of
any arms and ammunition, demonstrated, that admi
nistration considered America as almost on the eve of
hostilities; and it was intendf;d if possible, to prevent
her from being in a situation of prosecuting them.
The news of such vigorous measures, on the other
side of the Atlantic, gave new energy to the proceed
ings of this Colony : and people began to regret, the
late Congress had not acted with more vigour; and
that General Gage had not been attacked and over
come in Boston, before the reinforcements could
arrive. A proposition had indeed been made by one
of our Deputies in Congress, Mr. Gadsden, for that
purpose; bur it was soon overruled. Not because the
people of Massachusetts were not willing, as well as
able, to undertake the attack ; but because. Congress
were of opinion, such a measure woul(^ be premature.
The loyal Americans, being unwilling to draw the
sword against the King; while any other means of
obtaining redress remained: — they waited for the last
necessity, before they would recur to the appeal of
arms.

166 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1774-1775.
It was so obvious now, that America had no time
to lose, in preparing for defence, that although in- the
resolutions of the ninth day of November last, for the
election of Representatives, it was mentioned the
Representatives elect, were to choose a new General
Committee; yet on the 8th of December, the General
Committee issued another resolution, by which, the
Representatives to be elected should " be considered
as a General Provincial Committee, so as to act im
mediately, after the dissolution of the present General
Committee;" which, would naturally be dissolved by
holding a General Meeting. At the same time, the
General Committee issued a resolution of privilege
from arrests and civil process; which extended to the
people who should be engaged in the election of the
Representatives; the Representatives themselves; and
the several parochial Committees, to be appointed
according to the advice of the late Congress. And
on the V2th of December, another resolution was
issued, which recited, " that whereas by the late pro
hibition of exporting arms and ammunition from Eng
land, it too clearly appears a design of disarming the
people of America, in order the more speedily to
dragoon and enslave them ;" it was therefore recom
mended, to all persons, to provide themselves imme
diately, with at least twelve and a half rounds of
powder, with a proportionate quantity of bullets. And
these things being done, the year 1774' came to a
close; leaving the people of the Colony impafiently
expecting the coming of the eleventh day of January;
at which time, the meeting of Representatives from -
all parts, of the province,, was to take effect.
This wished for day at length arrived, and the Rep
resentative's appeared with great punctuality at the
Exchange in Chariestown, agreeably to the resolution
of election: eleven only, of the Representatives being
absent, owing to double returns, sickness, or accidents-

CHAPTER v.— 1775. 167
They immediately organized themselves; choosing
Colonel Charles Pinckney to be their President, and
Peter Timothy (one of the Representatives) their Sec
retary. And, they then adjourned, to the Chamber of
the Commons- House of Assembly, in the west end of
the State-House.
The proceedings of the Continental Congress were
now laid before this Assembly; and, as during this
session they resolved themselves into a Provincial
Congress; we shall hence forward speak of them
under this new title.
Our Delegates from Congress being present, the
proceedings of that body at Philadelphia were taken
into consideration ; and many questions were proposed
to ttiem relative to various parts of the proceedings;
to which, answers and explanations were given by
them. One of the most important of these was, why,
at a time when a number of gentlemen were sent to
Congress, from all parts of America, for the exjiress
purpose of considering and stating the American griev
ances; and for devising the proper means, of redress
ing them ; why, did they limit their reseaches to the
year 1763; and not trace back, as could easily have
been done, the many aggressions which had been
committed by Great Britain upon her infant Colonies;
in the jealousies, monopolies, and prohibitions, with
which she was so prodigal towards them; for the
express purpose, of depressing their population — con
fining their trade — and crijjpling their attempts, at
even the most domestic and necessary manufactures.^*
To this it was answered, that our Delegates were
willing to have stated all the grievances, as were the

* See, An Appeal from the Judgments of Great Britain, respecting the
United States of America, by Robert IValsh, jun. published at Philadelphia
1819. — Vol. I. Part I, respecting Political and Mercantile Jealousy.

168 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
greater part of the other Delegates ; but the people of
Virginia would not retrospect farther back, than 1763,
being limited in their powers. And, although they did
not avow the reason; yet, it was privately declared, it
had been agreed upon at home, not to go beyond that
year: as thereby, the greater odium would he thrown
upon the reign of George HI. — which was so fatal to
the peace of America. The Delegates farther an
swered, it was then pressed in Congress, that the
other Colonies should, in this measure, act indepen
dently of Virginia; but Maryland and North-Carolina
represented, that as their exports were similar to those
of Virginia, so, they could not with any advantage to
the common cause act independentiy of her; for, their
own commodities would be carried to the Virginian
ports; which, would run away with all their trade.
And, that in this manner, was the measure of stating
all the grievances, defeated.
The articles of association determined upon by
Congress, and recommended to the Provincial Con
ventions and Congresses to be carried into execution,
now came on to be considered : and the four last
words of the fourth article of that instrument, ("ca:cep<
rice to Europe,") gave room for a long and a violent
debate. This exception, had created an alarniing
disunion, throughout the whole Colony; in conse
quence of which, the Representatives had met, with
jealous feelings on the subject; as by that article of
the Association, it was contracted, that after the 10th
day of September 1775, America " will not directly or
indirectly export any merchandize or commodity what
soever, to Great Britain, Ireland, or the West Indies,
except rice to Europe." This exception had given so
general a disgust, that the whole interior of the pro
vince, considered their interests as sacrificed to the
emolument of the rice planters; and, accordingly, a
motion was made and seconded " that the Delegates

CHAPTER v.— 1775. l69
to be elected, use their utmost endeavours at the ensu
ing Congress at Philadelphia, to cause those words to
be expunged."
Mr. Gadsden, then rose, and explained to the Con
gress, what had taken place in the Continental (Con
gress, during the passage of the obnoxious exception.
He said, he thought it was his duty to declare, he had
not any hand, in causing those words to stand in the
instrument of association, — that, they had well nigh
occasioned a division in Congress. And, so ill was a
pro[)osition of that nature received, that it had occa
sioned a cessation from business for several days; in
order to give our deputies time, to recollect themselves.
That when the association was completing, and the
members of Congress were signing that instrument,
rill our Deputies, but himself, withdrew. That he
would have been glad of the honour, of signing his
name alone; and for doing so, would have trusted to
the generosity of his constituents. That, he had
offered to do so; and, that Carolina was on the point
of being excluded tiie association, when our Deputies
being again summoned by the Secretary, they returned
into Congress, yielding up the article of indigo: and,
that Congress only for the sake of prt'serving the
union of Anierica, allowed the article rice to be added
to the association. That this however, was illy re
ceived by the other Colonies: v. iio had thence, be
come jealous of the rice Colonies: and tlieiefore, it
was his opinion, that for the common .^cod, as u ell as
our own honour, we ought to remove this as soon as
possible; by having the words " except rice to Europe"
struck out, of the fourth article of the association.
Mr. John Rutledge now undertook his own defence,
and that of his three associates. He said, that at an
early period, he and the other Delegates from this Co
lony had warmly pressed an immediate noii-imj)orta-

170 MEMOIRS, &c  1775.
tion, and total non-exportation. That, as a non-ex
portation to Great Britain and Ireland, was to with
hold from thence, the advantages their people might
acquire from a receipt of American commodities; so,
the end would be more surely effected, by retaining
those commodities altogether in America. Such
measures however, could not be effected; the North
ern Colonies resolving to remit to England, as usual,
to pay their debts by the circuitous mode of their flour
and fish trade to the rest of Europe. In short, the
commodities they usually sent to the motiier country
were but trifling; and their real trade, would be but
little affected by the association. For instance, Phila
delphia carried on a trade of export, to the amount of
£700,000 Sterling; whereas, scarce £50,000 value of
it, went to the market of the mother country. That,
as it was evident, those Colonies were less intent to
annoy the mother country in the article of trade, than
to preserve their own trade: so, he thought it was but
justice to his constituents, to preserve to them* their
trade, as entire as possible. That, as the Northern
trade would be but little affected by the association, he
saw no reason why ours should be almost ruined; for,
nearly all our indigo, and two thirds of our rice, went
to the ports of the mother country. That, if we must
bear burdens in the cause of America, they ought to
be as equally laid as possible. Upon the whole, he said
the affair seemed rather like a commercial scheme,
among the flour Colonies, to find a better vent for
their flour through the British Channel; by preventing,
if possible, any rice from being sent to those markets:
and, that for his part, he could never consent to our
becoming dupes to the peojde of the north ; or, in the
least, to yield to their unreasonable expectadons.-
That, as by the association, the rice |)lanters preserved
their property; so, it 'had been the idea of the Dele
gates at the Congress, tl.at they should make compen-i
sation to the indigo planters, who could not send their

CHAPTER V,— 1775. 171
crops to the mother country. Such a plan, was just,
and practicable; and it ought to be the subject of our
debate — rather than expunging the means, of export
ing a great part of our annual crop; and therewith,
supplying ourselves, with those necessaries we might
require. The subject, thus increased, by this new matter of
compensation brought into view, the debate became
more general ; and several members, took parts in the
same. Among the principal of these were, John Rut
ledge, Thomas Lynch, William Henry Drayton, Ed
ward Rutledge, and Mr. Lynch, jun. on one side: on
the other, the principal speakers were, Christopher
Gadsden, Rawlins Lowndes, and the Reverend Mr.
Ten nent.
By these latter gentlemen, it was contended, the
compensation scheme was impracticable. That if it
were to operate in favour of the indigo planter, it
should afford injustice also relief to the hemp-grower,
the lumber cutter, the corn planter, the makers of
pork and butter, &c. ; for, why should this benefit be
confined to the indigo maker, in exclusion of other
classes of citizens, whose commodities were their
means of support, and would equally, nay more, be
unsaleable by tke association ? That, as we were all
one i)eople; we should all suffer alike; and then, all
would struggle through difficulties, which might arise.
That union among ourselves, was a sine qua non; and
this odious distinction had cruelly convulsed the Colo
ny. Besides which, our Northern brethren beheld us
with a jealous eye; and, we ought to induce them to
look upon us more favourably. For, if blood were to
be spilt, in the American cause, theirs would be first
shed: while ours, would be running only, in the usual
channels.

172 MEMOTRS, &c,— 1775.
In reply it was contended by the Delegates, and tiie
first named gentlemen, that a compensation was very
practicable, and therefore ought to be proceeded in:
and particularly so, as it would render any opposition
to the as,sociation unnecessary. That we ought not by
any measure, to express a |)ublic dislike, of any thing
the late Congress had done; as, such conduct would
be bad policy: on the contrary, we ought to evince
the utmost confidence, in their determination, as con
tributing to the general api)ar=nt union; — and at this
time, such an appearance alone, was of the utmost
importance. In this manner, the whole day was expended;
when, al sunset, a Committee was appointed, to form
a plan of compensation ; and to report it, on the next
morning. The Committee met in an hour, and sat until twelve
o'clock at night; and the next morning at eleven
o'clock they brought in their report; the Provincial
Congress, having impatiently waited, two hours for
them. The first part of the report contained the famous
resolve, relating to debt ; by which, the Committees,
of the several parishes and districts, became Judses
and juries; and u])on ai)idication were to give permis
sion for the bringing, or proceeding on, suits, where
the debtors refused to renew their obligations,' or to
give reasonable security; or where they were justly '
suspected of intentions to leave the province, or to
deiVaud their creditors; or where there should appear
to the majority of such Committee, any other reasona
ble cause, for granting such permission. That the
Congress would indemnify the Committees, in so
doing; and that no summons should be issued by any
magistrate, in small and mean causes, without the like
consent. This part of the report, was immediately
agreed to; but all the other parts, were so intricate.

CHAPTER V,— 1775. I73
and so little satisfactory, that they were rejected; and
the Congress resumed the debate, on the four words.
This debate, was now carried on without any ces
sation, until dark. Great heats prevailed — and the
members vvere on the point of falling into downright
uproar and confusion. At length, all parties being
wearied out, the question was put by candle-light;
and by mere accident at the desire of one among
the indigo party, it was put in a manner that lost
jt. For, instead of voting as usual by acclamation;
to save time and mistakes in counting, each man's
name, was called; and he declared himself yea,
or nay, which was minuted down. By this mode,
some were overawed, either by their diffidence, cir
cumstances, or connexions; and to the surprise of tiie
nays, they themselves carried the point by a majority
of 12 voices— 87 to 75.
The next day, being Sunday, the Congress was
opened with the celebration of divine service, by the
Rev. Mr, Turquand: after which, a Committee was
api)ointed to adjust some mode of compensation.
For, as rice was to be exported, the indigo |)lanters
chose to have some mode of compensation, however
little satisfactory the same might be; and the other
party, sensible the same would never be executed, as,
either there would not be any occasion for it; or, the
hostile situation of affairs would render the compensa
tion a dead letter, very readily agreed to indulge them
in the most feasible manner. Upon this, resolutions
were passed on the subject; rice being assumed as the
basis of valuation, at fifty-five shillings currency the
hundred: and as that rose or fell in price, so the other
commodities were to rise or fall likewise. Indigo,
was valued at 3.0s. the pound. Hemp, at £8 the
hundred weight. Corn, at 12s. 6d. the bushel. Flour,

174 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
of the best sort, at £4 10s, ; and of the second sort, at
£4, the hundred weight. Lumber, inch pine boards,
per 1000 feet, at £20, in Chariestown; and £16, in
Beaufort and Georgetown; and other plank and
scanthng in proportion. Pork, at £13, the barrel.
Butter, at 3s. the pound. Resolutions also were
passed confirming powers, and appointing Committees
to effect the different exchanges of the above commo
dities, as the conveniences of parties should require;
either in kind, or in money.
It was then resolved, that after the first day of
March next, no lambs or sheep be killed foii^sale.
Also, that the present representation of this Colony,
shall conrinue until the next general meeting of the
inhabitants, under the title of the Provincial Congress^.
That it be adjourned from time to time, by the Presi
dent. That, it be summoned to convene for dispaich
of business, upon any emergency, by a vote of the
Chariestown General Committee; at which Commit
tee, every member of the Congress who may happen
to be in town, shall attend, and be considered as a
member. That any forty-nine members of the Pro
vincial Congress, be a sufficient number to proceed on
business — and, that any twenty-one members of the
Chariestown Committee assembled, be a sufficient
number, to proceed on business.
The whole proceedings, of the late Congress, were
now approved; and according to order, public thanks
were given by the President to the late Delegates from
this Colony ; and a vote of thanks was passed to the
members of the late Congress.
They now proceeded to establish a system of
government, and its subordinate authorities, for the'
Colony. What had been called at first the General
Meeting, now assumed the style of Provincial Con-

CHAPTER V,— 1775. 175
gress, as a Legislature. As such, it was to continue,
until there should be a new General Meeting of the
people; and in the mean time, it was to be convened
when necessary, by a vote of the Chariestown Com
mittee; of which, each member of the Congress being
in town, should attend as a member. This body,
styled the General Committee, explained the public
regulations as Judges; and, caused them to be exe
cuted. The immediate representatives of Charles-
town, had the cognizance of debts; and out of this
body, a Committee of Inspection was formed, to take
cognizance of the arrival of vessels and their cargoes;
as also, respecting the conduct of people; and to
report thereon as occasion might require, to the Gene
ral Committee, whose directions, they were to obey.
The representatives of the parishes and districts
respectively, composed their local Committees; and
they were also assisted, by Committees of Inspection.
The Provincial Congress, made all these appointments
in the first instance; and even filled up the double
returns of representatives: in order, that no time
should be lost in giving a complete appearance to the
body politic, and the greatest energy to their opera
tions: but all future vacancies, were to be filled up by
the respective districts and parishes, in which tfiey
should occur. And by these arrangements, an inde
pendent authority virtually arose; while the Royal
Government retained httle else, than public officers
without power; and a show of government, without
the means of supporting it.
By the arrangement which had taken place, respect
ing the compensation rice planters were to make, one
third of the crop of rice, or money arising from it, was
to^be exchanged, for one third of the crop of indigo,
hemp, corn, flour, lumber, pork, and butter respect
ively. Thus, each rice planter was to deliver one
third of his crop to particular Committees; and to

176 , MEMOTRS, &c.— 1775.
receive for it an equal value in any of the other com
modities, in turn; as they sliould have been deposited
for such a ))urpose. Intricate as such a course of
exchange would be, the mode was adopted ; and no
one reflected, that a third of the crop of rice, waS
scarcely equal to a tliird of the crop of indigo alone;
and that of consequence, the various other articles
would not have any fund for exchange, or compensa
tion. One point of considerable consequence at that
crisis, was however gained by the measure; in quiet
ing the minds of the menibers and restoring them td
harmony and good will with each other: having, as
they thought, applied the greatest possible relief, to the
mischiefs which had presented themselves. This was
a consummation, of the last necessity; when prompt
ness of action, and union of sentiment, were abso
lutely necessary, for the public service.
With one mind therefore, they now proceeded to
the election of Delegates to the ensuing Congress at
Philadelphia; and the five late Delegates were re-
chosen. They were elected, without any opposition:
for, as their late proceedings, had been confirmed in
the whole; it was deemed a service to the common
cause, that a confidence should be evinced in their
abilities, and future |)roceedings. But, had the late
warmly contested question, respecting the exception
of rice, been carried the other way; there was no
doubt, but that no more than three of them at mbst,
would have been re-elected. The Delegates now
re-elected, were authorized " to represent this Colony
on the 10th of May next, or sooner if necessary, at the
American Congress, to be held at Philadelphia or '
elsewhere ; with full power to concert, agree upon,
direct and order, such farther measures, as in the
opinion of the said De|)uties, and the Delegates of the
other American Colonies to be assembled, shall appear
to be necessai'y, for the recovery and establishment of

CHAPTER v.— 1775. 177
American rights and liberties; and for restoring har
mony, between Great Britain and her Colonies."
The Congress farther resolved, that it " will pay the
expenses of the said Deputies, in going to, attending
at, and returning from the said American Congress."
Many other prudent resolves were passed, to pre
serve good order, and to place the Colony in some
state of defence. And these things being so far dis
patched, a Committee was appointed to prepare a
suitable address to the Lieutenant-Governor; and of
whose purport, he was previously informed ; so as to
enable him to prepare the answer, he should deem
most t)roper. On the 17th January 1775, the Provin
cial Congress waited on his Honour, at his residence
in Broad-street; when, the following address was
presented. " To the Honourable William Bull, Esquire, Lieuten
ant-Governor and Commander in Chief, in, and
over, his Majesty's Colony of South-Carofina.
" May it please your Honour.
"We, his Majesty's faithful and loyal subjects, the
Representatives of all the good people in this Colony,
now met in Provincial Congress; think ourselves
obliged to address your Honour for redress of a griev
ance, which threatens destruction to the Constitution,
and ruin to the inhabitants of this Country : we mean,
the long, and still continued disuse of General Assem
blies; contrary, not only to every principle of free
government, but, directiy against a lav^ of this pro
vince. " To enumerate all the unhappy consequences,
which must follow a denial of the right of the people,
to appear frequently by their Representatives in Gene-
23

178 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
ral Assembly, must be unnecessary. Your Honour,
who has, as a private person, enjoyed the blessings of
freedom and good government amongst us, can want
no information on that head.
" Taxes continuing to be raised and paid, and laws
to be executed, against the sense of the people, are but
a part of our grievances.
" Mortifying as these considerations are, the causes
are more so; being, according to our best informatioDi
no other than a refusal of the House of Assembly to
obey ministerial mandates, contrary to their con
sciences, and subversive of the rights of their constitu
ents; and his Majesty's Council, composed chiefly of
placemen, paying an implicit and servile obedience to
unconstitutional instructions. Such acts, tend imme
diately, to a total abolition of Assemblies; for if free
dom of debate, and a constitutional independence be
denied to them, they cannot possibly be useful, proba
bly, they will become dangerous.
" We forbear to trouble your Honour with reasons,
in the support of the request which we now, as of
right, make, in behalf of all the good subjects of his
Majesty in this Colony; that, the holding and sitting
of the General Assembly be no longer delayed; but,
that it be permitted to sit, for the dispatch of public
business, as formerly.
" We pray your Honour to be assured, that by this,
our humble address, we do not intend to question his
Majesty's prerogative, of calling, proroguing, and dis
solving the General Assembly; but only to request,
that this power be exercised /or the good of the peoph
" By order of the Provincial Congress.
" CHARLES PINCKNEY, President.
" In Provincial Congress, ),
Chariestown, Jan. 17th, 1775." )

CHAPTER v.— 1775. 179
To this address, the Lieutenant-Governor replied,
in the following terms.
*' Gentlemen,
" I know no legal Representatives of the good
people of this province, but the Commons-House of
Assembly, chosen according to the Election Act, and
met in General Assembly. As gentlemen of respecta
ble characters and property in this province, I acquaint
you, that the General Assembly stands prorogued to
to the 24th instant. I have always endeavoured to
make the law of the land my rule of government, in
the administration of public affairs; and, I shall not
omit observing it, in meeting the General Assembly,
according to the prorogation. With whom, I shall,
under the guidance of my duty to the King, and zeal
for the service of the province, do every thing in my
power, that can contribute to the public welfare.
" WILLIAM BULL.
" Chariestown, Jan. 17th, 1775."
When the Provincial Congress returned to their
Chamber, they passed resolutions, recommending,
that all the inhabitants of the Colony, be attentive in
learning the use of arms — and, that their officers train
and exercise them, at least once a fortnight. That
Friday, 17th of February next, be set apart, as a day
of fasting, humiliation, and prayer, before Almighty
God; devoutly to petition him to inspire the King
with true wisdom, to defend the people of North
America, in tiieir just title to freedom; and, to avert
from them the impending calamities of civil war.
The Congress, then returned thanks, to their Presi
dent, and Secretary: after which, the Provincial

180 MEMOIRS, Ac- 1775.
Congress was adjourned, until it should be convened
by the Chariestown General Committee.*
On the 18th January 1775, the Chariestown Gene
ral Committee met, under the regulations of the late
Provincial Congress; and took certain steps for their
organization as a body, and for the better carrying into
effect, the purposes of their institution. A Congress
of Georgia, had been summoned to meet in Savannah
about this time, and the result of their deliberationa^
was imf)atiently expected. At length their proceed
ings, and a letter from their Chairman, were laid
before the General Committee on the 8th February. It
thence appeared, that instead of fully acceding to the
general association; the meeting at Savannah, had
entered into such resolutions, as were more calculated
to elude the penalty, and to contravene the American
plan ; than to co-operate with it. The General Com*
mittee therefore resolved, " that we will have no trade,
commerce, dealings, or intercourse with the said
Colony of Georgia; but will hold them as unworthy of
the rights of freemen, and as inimical to the liberties of
their country.^ Provided, that this resolution, shall
not be construed to extend to persons inhabiting this
Colony, now having plantations in Georgia; so, as to
prevent them from bringing their Crops into this
Colony; or, to such persons residing in this Colony,
as now have debts due to them; so as to prevent them
from receiving payments of such debts there, in money,
or in the commodiries of that Colony; and having
such commodities exported from thence, to Europe*"
To the General Meeting of deputies in Savannah,
to which we have just referred, the people of St.
* See Exti-acts from the Journals of the Provincial Congress of South-Car«'
lina, printed in 8vo. fr^m page 5, to page 45.
t See 14th article of the Association, in the Appendix, No, I.

CHAPTER v.— 1775. 181
John's Parish, in Georgia, in riches at that time, equal
to about one third of the whole province, had also sent
de|)Uties; but, finding the majority of the deputies,
not approbating the continental association in the
manner they wished, they did not join them; but re
turned back to their constituents. And soon after, on
the 9th February 1775, they assembled in their own
parish; and sent Joseph Wood, Daniel Roberts, and
Samuel Stevens, as deputies to the General Commit
tee at Chariestown ; praying, to be admitted into our
alliance.* On the 24th of February, their deputies
had an audience of the General Committee; on which
occasion, they were questioned as to various particu
lars, touching their province. They now declared,
there were scarce two thousand fighting men in the
whole Colony; of which number, five hundred were
in Savannah. After this, the General Committee
gave the request of the inhabitants of St. John's parish
a full consideration; and it was thence determined,
that their case fell under the fourteenth article of the
association: and therefore, from us they could not
receive the relief they wished. But it was thought, a
remedy might be applied by Congress ; and they were
therefore advised, to transmit a state of their case to
the ensuing General Congress. Accordingly, mea
sures were taken by the inhabitants of that parish, for
that purpose; and in May 1775, Dr. Lyman Hall, as
a Delegate from the parish of St. John in Georgia,
was allowed to take his seat in Congress; subject
however, to such regulations, as that body should
thereafter determine, relative to his rights of voting.
In South-Carolina, the association was punctually
com[)lied with ; no goods from England, being allowed
to be landed; nor, were any other importations, con
trary to the provisions of that instrument, permitted.
f See Appendix to this Chapter, No, II.

182 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
About this time, the ship Charming Sally had arrived
from Bristol in England, with 3844 bushels of salt,
35 chaldron of coals, and 40,.500 tiles: all of which
were (25th February 1775) thrown into Hog-Islaad
Creek, by the proprietors or their agents; rather than
they would be at the charge and trouble of sending
them back to England, in pursuance of the tenth arti
cle of the association. So also, a cargo of near three
hundred slaves, was sent out of the Colony by the
consignee; as being interdicted by the second article
of the association. In short, the public regulations
were duly, and patriotically observed. A case how
ever arose, which called forth the spirit of the people;
and evinced their determination, to support and enforce
the association, in all its various provisions.
A respectable family had been residing in England
for some time, and were returning home; in which
removal, it was expected, the household furniture, and
horses, which had been in use, would also be brought
over. Some attempts had^ therefore been made, to
declare the importation of household furniture and
horses, that had been in use, and might be imported
from England, not to be within the meaning of the
tenth article of the association, as relating to goods or
merchandize; but, they had been unsuccessful. At
length, the horses and furniture arriving from thence;
application was made on the 15th day of March, for
their being landed : and after a long contest in a thin
General Committee, of only thirty-three members, the
motion was carried by the voice of the Chairman.—
This permission, occasioned a ferment among the
citizens; and they almost generally exclaimed " The
Association was broken;" and that the horses at least,
should not be landed. Some hundreds, of the inha
bitants assembled; and many active and influential
members of the Committee, endeavoured to satisfy
them respecting the vote of permission which had

CHAPTER V.-1775. 183
passed ; but in vain. On the contrary, they continued
in their opposition; and supported it, with a represen
tation signed by a considerable number of persons;
and which was presented to the Chairman of the
General Committee, desiring the Committee would
re-consider their late vote. In pursuance of this
request, the General Committee was convened, on the
17th day of March 1775; and the room of meeting
was crowded with people. Edward Rutledge, who
had been one of the most active in the affair, now
commenced censuring the people, in thus questioning
the vote which had been given ; but, he was received
with a clamour. The General Committee, now be
gan to think their authority insulted. Some members,
accordingly departed in anger — others, became vocife
rous in rage — and, for a few minutes, all was in con
fusion. At length, tranquillity prevailed; the con
sideration of the subject was postponed, until a more
full Committee could be procured ; and the third day
after was appointed, for a final decision. To procure
the presence of all the members of the Committee,
within reach, was now an object of importance; and
great exertions for that purpose, were made by both
parties. AVhen the appointed time arrived, the General
Committee convened ; and great was the press of
people who attended. For, the town, was in universal
commotion ; and application had even been privately
made, to the incorporated armed companies, to cover
the landing of the horses. Some individuals of the
companies, agreed, to do so; but the majority of them
refused: and the people declared, if the horses were
landed, they would put them to death. Under these
unpleasant aspects, the debates began; when Mr.
Gadsden moved to reverse the former determination,
relative to landing the horses. He urged, the vote
had been carried in a thin Committee ; that it was

184 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
contrary to the association — that it would alarm the
Northern Colonies, in a most lively manner — and, that
our people were highly dissatisfied with it. And he
contended, this last of itself, was a cogent reason to
reverse such a determination. The Rev. Mr. Ten-
nent next addressed the Committee, to the same pur
pose; as did Mr. Rugely: who, in addition urged,
that as the horses paid a duty, they ought not to be
landed. These gentiemen in speaking, spoke imme
diately after each other. On the other side, Edward
Rutledge, Rawlins Lowndes, Thomas Bee, and
Thomas Lynch contended, that the vote of the General
Committee ought not to be reversed, but on the con
trary, ought to be maintained: otherwise, the Com»
mittee would fall into contempt. That the opinions
of the General Committee now sitting, ought not to be
influenced by the petition; as, the spirit, and not the
letter of the association ought to be attended to. That
temporising, did not become honest men, and stateS'
men; who, ought to declare their opinions, according
to their consciences. That if we adhered to the letter
of the association, no arms or ammunititm could be
received from England: and, when the letter of the
law bore hard against an individual. Lord Chief
Justice Hale allowed him to escape by any subterfuge;
and, that it was never the idea of Congress to exclude
such articles.
William Henry Drayton, was the only person, who
rose in reply. He contended, that because an error
had been committed, it was no reason it should be
continued — that the people thought an error had been
committed; and it was our duty, to satisfy our consti
tuents: as we were only servants of the public. That,
such conduct was evinced by every day's practice in
pariiament— therefore, it could not be disgraceful to
reverse the vote of the Committee, as on such occa
sions, parliament had often done so. That our present

CHAPTER v.— 1775. 185
application to the King, was for such a purpose — and,
if we defended ourselves on the princii)le of falling
into contempt; might it not be as reasonable, for the
King to retort the same argument upon us.? That it
was always safer, to follow the letter, than to explore
the spirit of a law. That, in the case of the St.
John's people of Georgia, we preferred the letter to
the spirit of the association ; as was evident, by our
refusal and advice — then, why not adhere to the letter
of that instrument now.'' That temporizing ever was
practised in public affairs, by the most honest men;
witness Cato of Utica, in Caesar's election to the Con
sulship; and by the best statesmen, witness Cicero's
letter to Atticus, relating to a good pilot's shifting his
helm, if he could not reach his port by a direct course:
witness, the conduct of the Long Parfiament — and all
history in general. That, to discharge a statesman's
conscience, was to aim at the public good; and not be
pertinacious, of his own opinion. That, even if there
had been an article in the association, that we should
not receive arms and ammunition from England ; the
public necessity would cause it to be a dead letter: as
self-preservation, was the first obligation — and fas est,
ab hoste doceri. He farther contended, that Lord!
Hale's principle was just, when applied to an indivi
dual, in the event of whose case, the public could not
be interested; but, it never could be applicable, to
such a case as the present, where, the conveniency of
the individual, and the national interests of the public,
were in direct opposition; and, that he could not hold
the understanding of the late General Congress in so
trivial a light, as to entertain a thought of looking for
the sense, in direct opposition to the words of one of
the principal articles of the association.
He farther said, the present case stood divided into
two points; the spirit of the regulations, and the union
of the people: and, that the latter was infinitely of the
24

186 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1773-
greater consequence. That the letter of the associa
tion, was clearly in support of the motion ; and, in the
present situation of affairs, the spirit of that instru
ment, was equally in favour of it. That union was
the rock, upon which, the American political edifice
was founded ; and, whatever hazards its existence, is
to militate against the ground work of the association..
Hence, it w'as evident, landing the horses, hazarded
our union: for, the people were in commotion against
it. Upon all public and general questions, the people
ever are in the right: so said Lord Mansfield, in the
House of Commons; and the people now think, the
late vote was wrong. Can it be prudent, to oppose
our constituents.? In civil commotions, the common
peoi)le ever struck those blows, which were of any
effect. If you retract, there can be no just cause, of
fearing contempt; as it is not reasonable, those should
contemn you, who have ever honoured you; and
whose opinions would be in favour of your retracfion.
The Roman Senate, were a wise body; they often
yielded to the people; but, nobody supposed, their
concessions brought them into contemjit: and, they
continued illustrious during the existence of the com
monwealth. Let us imitate on this occosion, so great,
so successful an example; and endeavour by the same
means, to call forth the affections of our fellow citi
zens; and to bind them to us, by the same ties.
John Rutledge now arose, and endeavoured to take
off the force of the arguments, which had been urged;
but failing in his endeavours, he only added to the
many instances he had previously given, of his ability
as a good speaker. The debate, was then closed;
and the question being put, was carried in the affirma
tive. It is worthy of remark, that this is the first
instance of a point of importance and controversy,
being carried against those ; by whose opinions, the
people had been long governed. And, such was the.

CHAPTER V,— 1775. 187
powerful effect of habit; that this important question
was carried, only by a majority of one voice: 35
against 34.
By this determination, the Continental Association
shone out, in all its brilliancy; to tiie great encou
ragement of patriotic measures, and the confusion of
interested persons: who, anxious about the continu
ance of trade, allowed private emolument to be more
in view, than the jiublic good. Some persons how
ever, could not resist temptation; and from this period,
they began to attract the attention of the Committee
of Inspection. After this, broad hints of the public
opinion, were given; by exposing in the streets, effi
gies of non-conformists to the general will: and in
process of time, reprehensions and punishments of
novel natures, were introduced against those, who
censured the popular measures; or who contravened
regulations, formed for the public safety. Notwith
standing however all these measures of efficiency, and
precaution; still a hope was indulged, that this asso
ciation, like the two former ones, would induce a
repeal of the obnoxious acts ; and afford quiet, to a
disturbed people. But that hope, was fallacious; as
the sequel will show. And with the rapid march of
revolutionary events, Carolina had to make other pro
visions, and her citizens to breast other trials — before,
the object of her wishes could be obtained; or, her
citizens be restored to safety, and repose.

APPENDIX

TO

CHAPTER V.

No. L
The Association.
W E, his Majesty's most loyal subjects, the delegates
of the several Colonies of New-Hampshire, Massa
chusetts-Bay, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, New-York,
New- Jersey, Pennsylvania, the three Lower Counties
of Newcastie Kent and Sussex on Delaware, Mary
land, Virginia, North-Carolina, and South-Carolina,
deputed to represent them in a Continental Congress,
held in the city of Philadelphia on the fifth day or
September 1774, avowing our allegiance to his Ma
jesty; our affection and regard for our fellow subjects
in Great Britain and elsewhere; affected with the
deepest anxiety, and most alarming apprehensions at
those grievances and distresses, with which, his
Majesty's American subjects are oppressed; and hav~

TO CHAPTER V. 189
ing taken under our most serious deliberation the state
of the whole Continent, find, that the present unhappy
situation of our affairs is occasioned by a ruinous sys
tem of Colony-Administration, adopted by the British
Ministry about the year 1763; evidently calculated,
for enslaving these colonies, and with them, the British
Empire. In prosecution of which system, various acts of
parliament have been passed, for raising a revenue in
America; for depriving the American subjects, ia
many instances, of the constitutional trial by jury;
exposing their lives to danger, by directing a new and
illegal trial beyond the seas, for crimes alledged to
have been committed in America; and, in prosecution
of the same system, several late, cruel, and oppressive
acts, have been [lassed, respecting the town of Boston,
and the Massachusetts-Bay; and also an act, for
extending the province of Quebec, so as to border on
the western frontiers of these Colonies, establishing
an arbitrary government therein, and discouraging the
settlement of British subjects in that wide extended
country. Thus, by the influence of evil principles,
and ancient prejudices, to dispose the inhabitants to
act with hostility against the free Protestant Colonies,
whenever a wicked Ministry shall choose so to direct
them. To obtain redress of these grievances, which
threaten destruction to the lives, liberty, and property
of his Majesty's subjects in North America, we are of
opinion, that a non-importation, non-consumption, and
non-exportation agreement, faithfully adhered to, will
prove the most speedy, effectual, and peaceable mea
sure; and therefore we do, for ourselves and the inha
bitants of the several Colonies, whom we represent,
firmly agree and associate, under the sacred ties of
virtue, honour, and love of our coimtry, as follows :

190 APPENDIX
First. That, from and after the first day of Decem
ber next, we will not import into British America, from
Great Britain or Ireland, any goods, wares, or mer
chandize whatsoever, or from any other place, any
such goods, wares, or merchandize, as shall have been
exported from Great Britain or Ireland : nor will we,
after that day, import any East-India tea from any
part of the world ; nor, any molasses, sirups, paneles,
coffee or pimento, from the British plantations, or from
Dominica; nor wines from Madeira, or the Western
Islands ; nor foreign indigo.
Second. We will neither import, nor purchase, any
slave imported after the first day of December next;
after which time, we will wholly discontinue the slave
trade; and will neither be concerned in it ourselves,
nor will we hire our vessels, nor sell our commodities
or manufactures, to those, who are concerned in it.
Third. As a non-consumption agreement, strictly
adhered to, will be an effectual security for the obser
vation of the non-importation; we as above, solemnly
agree and associate, that, from this day, we will not
purchase, or use, any tea, imported on account of the
East-India Company, or any on which a duty hath
been or shall be paid : and, from and after the first day
of March next, we will not purchase or use, any East-
India tea whatever: nor will we, nor shall any person
for or under us, purchase or use any of those goods,
wares, or merchandize, we have agreed not to import,
which we shall know, or have cause to suspect, were
imported after the first day of December, except, such
as come under the rules and regulations, of the tenth
airticle hereafter mentioned.
Fourth. The earnest desire we have, not to injure
our fellow subjects in Great Britain, Ireland, or the
West Indies, induces us to suspend a non-exportation,

TO CHAPTER V. 191
until the tenth day of September 1775; at which
time, if the said acts and parts of acts of the British
Parliament hereinafter mentioned, are not repealedj
we will not directly or indirectly, export any merchan
dize or commodity whatsoever to Great Britain,
Ireland, or the West Indies, except rice to Europe.
Fifth. Such as are merchants, and use the British
and Irish trade, will give orders, as soon as possible,
to their factors, agents, and correspondents, in Great
Britain and Ireland, not to ship any goods to them, on
any pretence whatsoever; as, they cannot be received
in America; and, if any merchant residing in Great
Britain or Ireland, shall directly or indirectly ship any
goods, wares, or merchandize, for America, in order
to break the said non-importation agreement, or in
any manner contravene the same, on such unworthy
conduct being well attested, it ought to be made
public ; and, on the same being so done, we will not
from thenceforth, have any commercial connexion
with such merchant.
Sixth. That such as are owners of vessels, will
give positive orders to their captains, or masters, not
to receive on hoard their vessels any goods prohibited
by the said non-importation agreement; on pain, of
immediate dismission from their service.
Seventh. We will use our utmost endeavours to
improve the breed of sheep, and increase their number
to the greatest extent; and to that end, we will kill
them as sparingly as may be, especially those of the
most profitable kind. Nor, will we export any to the
West Indies, or elsewhere; and those of us, who are,
or may be overstocked with, or can convenientiy
spare any sheep, will dispose of them to our neigh
bours, especially to the poorer sort, on moderate terms.

192 APPENDIX
Eighth. We will in our several stations, encourage
frugality, economy, and industry; and promote agri-
culture, arts, and the manufactures of this country,
especially that of wool; and, will discountenance and
discourage every species of extravagance and dis.sipa-
tiou; especially all horse-racing, and all kinds of
gaming, cock-fighting, exhibitions of shows, plays, and
ether expensive diversions and entertainments. And,
on the death of any relatitm or friend, none of us, or
any of our families, will go into any further mourning-
dress, than a black crape or riband on the arm or hat
for gentlemen ; and a black riband and necklace for
ladies; and, we will discontinue the giving of gloves
and scarfs at funerals.
Ninth. Such as are venders of goods or merchan
dize will not take advantage of the scarcity of goods
that may be occasioned by this association; but will
sell the same at the rates we have been respecfively
accustomed to do, for twelve months past. And if
any vender of goods or merchandize, shall sell any
such goods on higher terms; or, shall in any manner,
or by any device whatsoever, violate or depart from
this agreement, no person ought, nor will any of us
deal with any such person, or his or her factor or
agent, at any time thereafter, for any commodity
whatever. Tenth. In case any merchant, trader, or other
person, shall import any goods or merchandize, after
the first day of December, and before the first day of
February next, the same ought forthwitl«f at the
election of the owner, to be either re-shipped, or
delivered up to the Committee of the country, or town,
wherein they shall be imported; to be stored at the
risk of the importer, tmtil the non-importation agree
ment shall cease, or be sold under the direction of the
Committee aforesaid. And in the last mentioned

TO CHAPTER V. 193
case, the owner or owners of such goods, shall be
reimbursed (out of the sales) the first cost and charges;
the profit, if any, to be applied towards relieving and
employing such poor inhabitants of the town of
Boston, as are immediate sufferers by the Boston
Port-Bill; and, a particular account of all goods so
returned, stored, or sold, to be inserted in the public
papers; and, if any goods or merchandizes shall be
imported after the said first day of February, the same
ought forthwith to be sent back again, without break
ing any of the packages thereof.
Eleventh. That a Committee be chosen in every
county, city, or town, by those who are qualified to
vote for representatives in the Legislature; whose
business it shall be, attentively to observe the conduct
of all persons touching this association: and, when it
shall be made to appear, to the satisfaction of a ma
jority of any such Committee, that any person within
the limits of their ap|)ointment has violated this asso
ciation, that such majority do forthwith cause the
truth of the case to be published in the gazette; to the
end, that all such foes to the rights of British America,
may be publicly known, and universally contemned as
the enemies of American liberty; and thenceforth,
we respectively break off, all dealings, with him or
her. Twelfth. That the Committee of Correspondence,
in the respective Colonies, do frequently inspect the
entries of their Custom- Houses; and inform each
other from time to time, of the true state thereof, and
of every other material circumstance, that may occur,
relative to this association.
Tfiirteenth. That all manufactures of this country,
be sold at reasonable prices; so, that no undue advan
tage be taken of a future scarcity of goods.
25

I9i APPENDIX
FourteeiTth. And we do further agree, and resolve,
that we will have no trade, commerce, dealings, or
intercourse whatsoever, with any colony or province
in North America, which shall not accede to, or
which shall hereafter violate this association; but, will
hold them as unworthy of the rights of freemen, and
inimical to the liberties of their country.
And, we do solemnly bind ourselves, and constitu
ents, under the ties aforesaid, to adhere to this asso
ciation, until such parts of the several acts of parha-
ment passed since the close of the last war, as impose
or continue duties on tea, wine, molasses, sirups,
paneles, coffee, sugar, pimento, indigo, foreign paper,
glass, and painter's colours, imported into America,
and extend the powersof Admiralty Courts beyond their
ancient limits, deprive the American subject of trial
by jury, authorize the Judge's certificate to indemnify
the prosecutor from damages, that he might otherwise
be liable to from a trial by his peers, require oppressive
security from a claimant of ships or goods seized,
before he shall be allowed to defend his property, are
repealed. And, until that part of the act of the 12th
George III. ch. 24, entitled " An act for the better
securing his Majesty's Dock- Yards, Magazines, Ships,
Ammunition and Stores," by which, any persons,
charged with committing any of the offences therein
described in America, may be tried in any shire or
county within the realm, is repealed. And, until the
four acts passed in the last session of parliament, viz.
that for stopping the port, and blocking up the har
bour of Boston — that, for altering the chatter and
government of the Massachusetts-Bay — ahS that
which is entitled " An act, for the better administra
tion of Justice," &c. — and that, for extending the
limits of Quebec, &c. are repealed. And we recom
mend it to the Provincial Conventions, and to the
Committees in the respective Colonies, to establish

TO CHAPTER V. 195
such farther regulations, as they may think proper, for
carrying into execution this association.
The foregoing association, being determined upon
by the Congress; was ordered to be subscribed by the
several members thereof: and thereupon we have
hereunto set our respective names accordingly.
In Congress, Philadelphia, October 24th, 1774.
PEYTON RANDOLPH, President.
New- Hampshire. John Sullivan, Nathaniel Folsom.
Massachusetts-Bay. Thomas Gushing, Samuel
Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine.
Rhode-Island. Stephen Hopkins, Samuel Ward.
Connecticut. Eliphalet Dyer, Roger Sherman, Silas
Deane. New-York. Isaac Low, John Alsop, John Jay,
James Duane, William Floyd, Henry Weisner, S.
Boerum, Philip Livingston.
New-Jersey. James Kinsey, William Livingston,
Stephen Crane, Richard Smith, John De Hart.
Pennsylvania. Joseph Galloway, John Dickinson,
Charles Humphreys, Thomas Mifflin, Edward Biddle,
John Morton, George Ross.
Newcastle, ^c. Caesar Rodney, Thomas M'Kean,
George Read.
Maryland. Matthew Tilghman, Thomas Johnson,
William Paca, Samuel Chase.
Virginia. Richard Henry Lee, George Washington,
P. Henry, jun. Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison,
Edmond Pendleton.
North-Carolina. William Hooper, Joseph Hewes,
R. Caswell.
South-Carolina. Henry Middleton, Thomas Lynch,
Christopher Gadsden, John Rutledge, Edward Ru*^
ledge.

196 APPENDIX

No. II.

On Thursday evening arrived in town, Joseph
Wood, Esq. Mr. Daniel Roberts, and Mr. Samuel
Stevens, three members of the Committee for the
parish of St. John in Georgia; deputed to wait on the
General Committee here, with the following letter,
and account of the proceedings of the ()atriotic inha
bitants of the said parish, in the present critical situa
tion of American affairs, viz.
At a Meeting held in the Parish of St. John, and
Province of Georgia, on the 9th of February 1775; a
Letter from this Committee to the Committee of
Correspondence in Chariestown, South-Carolina, was
agreed on, and written.
It was then moved and agreed, that some person or
persons of this Committee, do wait on the Committee
in ChSrlestown, with the said Letter.
Accordingly, Messrs. Daniel Roberts and Samuel
Stevens, and Joseph Wood, Esq. were appointed and
authorized to present the same; and transact such
matters relative thereto, as shall seem prudent and
necessary. Taken from the Minutes, by Order of the Chair
man; and certified by
BENJAMIN BAKER, Clerk.
Gentlemen, We, the Committee of the Parish of St. John,
take the earliest opportunity to lay before you, the

TO CHAPTER V. 197
several steps taken by this Parish, to conform, as near
as possible, to the resolutions entered into by the other
Provinces, and the measures now adopted, for carrying
into execution the Continental Association. As it was
particularly recommended to us, we readily embraced
those measures, by subscribing an agreement to accede
to the general association, on condition " that trade
and commerce might be continued to us with the
other Provinces," and we should immediately have
sent it to you for your approbation, but Were delayed
by a summons to, attend a Provincial Congress at
Savannah, the 18th January last, for the purpose, as
we understood, of a general association with the other
Provinces, and for choosing Delegates to attend at the
next Continental Congress, to be held at Philadelphia
in May next. We met, at that time and place, and
acquainted the Committees of the other parishes then
assembled, that the inhabitants of this parish had
acceded to the general association on the above men
tioned conditions, and earnestly recommended the
same to them They did enter into an association, (a
copy of which, we transmit to you) but so different in
our opinions from the Continental As.sociation, that it
appears to be a contravention of it, and exposes them
to the censure of the fourteenth clause of the general
association. First. They have extended the time limited for
exportations, beyond what is allowed by the Conti
nental Congress; and thereby indulged a liberty of
exportations, to the prejudice of the other provinces.
Secondly. For that, in their limited time of importa
tions, they have, contrary to the Continental Associa^
tion, extended it in general, to the 15th of March next,
for goods to be shipped in England; and for the
Indian trade, to a still greater latitude — under the
cloak of which, we have reason to believe, may be

198 APPENDIX
introduced a large importation equally adapted to the
Whites, as to the Indians; and, on the whole, such as
we could not, consistent with our own association,
possibly join in.
Had they acceded fully to the general association,
even at so late a time as our Provincial Congress, we
should have had no occasion to trouble you, with this
address: but, as they did not, we now apply to you,
to admit us, the subscribers of this parish, to an alli
ance with you ; requesting, that you will allow trade
and commerce to be continued to us, exclusive (if you
think proper) of this Province in general; the same to
be continued and conducted under such regulations and
restrictions, as shall be consistent with the Continental
Association ; and which, on our parts, we engage, with
all possible care, to keep inviolate.
Our being a parish of a non-associated Province,
cannot, we presume, prevent our joining the other
Provinces; as the restriction mentioned in the four
teenth clause of the general association, must, as we
apprehend, be considered as a general rule only, and
respects this Province, considered in a mixed or pro
miscuous sense: but, as we of this parish, are a body
detached from the rest, by our resolutions and associa
tion,* and sufficiently distinct by local situation, large
enough for particular notice, and have been treated as
such by a particular address from the late Continental
Congress, adjoining a sea-port, and in that respect,
capable of conforming to the general association, (if
connected with you,) with the same fidelity as a dis
tant parish of your own Province, therefore we must
be considered, as comprehended within the spirit and
• The number that subscribed the said association, amount to 175 subslan-
ijal inhabitants, mostly removed from this Colony, with their slaves, to settle
more fertile lands there.

TO CHAPTER V. 199
equitable meaning of the Continental Association. —
And we are assured, you will not condemn the inno
cent with the guilty, especially when a due separation
is made between them. We now wait your answer;
and, shall be glad of your advice.
Signed by order of the Committee.
LYMAN HALL, Chairman.
Midway, February 9th, 1775.
To the Committee of Correspondence
in Chariestown, South-Carolina.

Extracts, from the Minutes of the Proceedings of the
Committee of the Parish of St. John, met at Savan
nah, the ISth day of January 1775.
Wednesday, January I8th, 1775.
The Committee met, and Doctor Lyman Hall took
the Chair.
The following Message was sent to the Committees
of the several Parishes in Congress sitting:
Gentlemen, The Committee of the Parish of St. John, pre
sent the Committees of the other Parishes with a
copy of the Letter received by them, from the late
Continental Congress; and, agreeably to the advice
therein contained, the inhabitants of the Parish of St.

300 APPENDIX
John have acceded to the general association entered
into, and recommended by the said Continental Con^
gress. They hope, you will adopt the same measures.
Thursday, January 19th, 1775.
The Committee sat until six o'clock in the afternoon,
in expectation that the Committee of the several
Parishes, in Congress sitting, would return an answer
to the Message delivered to them yesterday; which,
not being received, the Committee adjourned.

Friday, January 20th, 1775.
Another Message was sent to the Committees of
the several Parishes in Congress met, in the following
terms :
Gentlemen, On the first day of your meeting, we presented you
with a Message, acquainting you, that the inhabitants
of the Parish of St. John had acceded to the general
association entered into, and jiarticularly recommended
to them, by the late Continental Congress. We, have
patiently waited your answer; and wish to impute
your silence, rather to inattention, than design. We
now assure you, that if you think proper to enter fully
into the measures of the late Continental Congress,
we will heartily join you, in every thing, that may
tend to inform them.
The Committees of the several Parishes, met n*
Congress, sent the following answer thereto.

TO CHAPTER V. 201
Gentlemen, In answer to your Message of this morning, we
beg leave to inform you of three determinations, from
which, this Congress, we hope, will never recede.
First. That Ave shall be glad to have the Province
upon this occasion, as fully represented as possible;
and will therefore cheerfully receive the delegates of
St. John's Parish, as a part of us.
Secondly. That we apprehend every delegate here,
is accountable to his constituents and his own con
science, for the opinion he gives at this time; and
therefore, ought not to let any other man, or set of
men, judge for him.
Thirdly. That we trust no member amongst us,
has any other object in view, than the public good.

Saturday, January 21 si, 1775.
The Committee met, and came to the following
resolutions :
Resolved, That the Committees of the several
Parishes in Congress now sitting, are not, or cannot
be, called a Provincial Congress; as, the greater num
ber of the Parishes in this Province, are not repre
sented therein. They therefore are not bound by the
proceedings of the said Committees, although they
may arrogate to themselves such a power.
Resolved, That as the Committees of the several
Parishes in Congress now sitting, have not fully ap
proved of, and adopted the measures entered into, and
recommended by the late Continental Congress; this
26

202 APPENDIX, &c.
Committee cannot join them, without violating the
general association, which they have already acceded
to ; and betraying the trust reposed in them, by their
constituents. And then, the Committee adjourned sine die.
The. above Extracts, taken from the original Min
utes by JOSEPH WOOD, Secretary.
(C See The South-Carolina Gazette, No. 2032, printed by Peter Timothy,
Printer to the Hon. the Commons-House of Assembly, Chariestown, I
February 27th, 1775 ; in which, all the above is published at length.

CHAPTER VL
Lieutenant-Governor Bull, commences a series of pro
rogations of the General Assembly — xnhich, at length
meets ; and receives a Speech from the Lieutenant-
Governor — Reply of the Commons — Mr. Lynch pre
sents a copy of the Journals of the Continental
Congress, to the House of Assembly — who consider
the same, and vote thanks to the Congress — The
Speaker, gives the thanks of the House, to our Dele
gates from Congress — and the House, confirms their
re-election — The Commons, send to the Council, a
bill to prevent counterfeiting the paper money of the
Colonies — Council hesitate thereon — William Henry
Drayton, one of the Council, protests against such
conduct — The Bill passed, being the first Act passed
by the Council, in five years — The Chief Justice
charges Mr. Drayton with publishing against the
King; and frequenting Popular Assemblies — and
moves an Address in Council to the Lieutenant- Gov
ernor for his suspension, as a Counsellor — Mr. Dray
ton is suspended from the office of Counsellor — The
Commons, go in procession to Church — They send a
Bill to the Council reviving and continuing varidus
Acts; which is passed by the I'ouncil — And both
Acts, being ratified by the Lieutenant- Governor, be
come laws — House of Commons, adjourns — Situa
tion of the public mind — Ministers, lay before Par
liament, papers respecting America — Proceedings of
Parliament thereon — Lord North, moves an Address

204 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
to the Throne — Speakers in Parliament, in opposi
tion—Parliament votes an augmentation of troops-
Determination of the People— A British Packet,
arrives — Conduct, and projects of Lord North—
. Conduct of the people in Chariestown — Measures
taken, for seizing the Military Stores — A Secret
Committee, is appointed — who cause the public Arms,
and Powder to be seized — The Lieutenant-Governor
issues a Proclamation thereon ; and sends a Message
to the Commons — Conduct of the Commons— A
Committee of Intelligence appointed — their duties-
Effigies, exposed to public vieiv, and burnt— The
Delegates to Congress, propose a question to the
Commons- House of Assembly, sitting as a Committee
of the ivhole — and obtain their sentiments thereon—
The Commons bring in a Bill, to levy taxes — The
Lieutenant-Governor informs them, a new Governor
is expected to arrive shortly — and, adjourns them, to
the 1st day of June — The Delegates, sail for Phila
delphia — News, received from England — A Com
mittee appointed, respecting the Public Security —
Civil war, commences in Massachusetts.
Jl HE General Assembly having been prorogued to
the 6th day of Sei)teraber 1774, Lieutenant-Governor
Bull, commenced a series of prorogations; which, not
a little incommoded himself; and unnecessarily drew
from their homes, the members of the same. Taught
by the surprise he had received from the Commons-
House of Assembly on the second day of August; his
arrangements for preventing a sudden meeting of that
House were better made; and he was more on tlis
alert, as to his personal movements. For, no sooner
was he now informed by his spies, that Mr. Lowndes,
the Speaker, and four of the members, had met in the
room of the House of Assembly; than he immediately
repaired to the Council Chamber; required their
attendance; and forthwith prorogued the General

CHAPTER VI,— 1775. 203
Assembly, to the 18th day of October. When that
day arrived, so soon as the S[)eaker, and six members
had convened, they were prorogued in like manner, to
the 22d day of November: and when the 22d day of
November came, and the Speaker and five members
had convened; they were again treated with this
royal mode, of sporting with the rights of the people.
At length, the 24th day of January 1775, arrived;
to which day, the General Assembly had been ad
journed, from the 22d day of November. And the
Lieutenant-Governor being pleased, to permit the
meeting of the General Assembly ; he received them
in the Council Chamber on that day. To the morti
fication of the Commons, he now informed them, he
had nothing in command from the King, to lay before
them. That, this was the usual season of the year,
for dispatching the public business in General Assem
bly: and, he therefore recommended the reviving and
continuing of such acts, as were expired, or about
expiring; which had been found necessary and bene
ficial, in preserving the good order, and tranquillity,
and promoting the prosperity of the Province. He
also stated, that the public faith of the Province, was
so fundamentally engaged, to maintain several
branches of our establishments, which were supported
out of the produce of the general duty-law; that he
could not admit of the least doubt, of the earliest and
strictest attention being paid ; to prevent a risk, of any
failure therein. And, that he should order the joint
Public Treasurers, to lay before them, accounts of the
public debts incurred during the last year; for which
he hoped they would make effectual provision.
In reply to this speech, the Commons (most part of
whom were members of the Provincial Congress) by
their address to his Honour, stated, that they were
unable to express their surprise and concern, at being

206 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1775.
informed, he had nothing in command from the King
to lay before them — especially, as their Agent had
long ago acquainted their Speaker, that the Additional
Instruction, which had so often been complained of,
had been withheld, in the Instrnctions made out, to
the new appointed Governor. That this cruel neglect,
as well of his Honour, as of this Colony, they could
not but consider, as an aggravation of the many op
pressive acts of the present Ministry: leaving little
hopes, that their deliberations would be of much
advantage to the Colony; as, all the former obstruc
tions to public business, seemed to remain in full force.
They however assured his Honour, that they were met,
with the most sincere and hearty disposition to pro
mote the public good : and consequently, they would
take into immediate consideration, what laws ought to
be revived and continued; as also, what provision was
necessary for discharging the debts, and supporting the
pubhc credit. And, that they would adopt such mea
sures, for those purposes, as a|)peared to them most
effectual and consistent, with the interests of the
Colony. Mr. Lynch, one of the Delegates of the Colony to
the Continental Congress, now informed the House,
that he had a copy of the Journal of the proceedings
of that body, ready to be laid before the Comrnons.*
And, upon the same being laid on the table, Fnday
the third of February then iitwt ensuing, was ap
pointed for considering them. It was then resolved
by the House, that it entertains, " tiie most grateful
sense of the obligation which all America are under to
the several members, of the Continental Congress,
which was held at Philadelphia in September last;
for the great services which they have done, by the
* See a summary of the business done in the Continental Congress, to which
these Journals related— «»<e, chap. IV, page 146 to 149,

CHAPTER VI,— 1775. 207
wise measures concerted and pursued for the relief of
the inhabitants of this Continent, from the oppressive
plan carried on against them, by the Ministers. And,
do return them the thanks of this House, as a testi
mony of the great respect of the same; and their
entire approbation of the proceedings of the said Con
gress." It w^as also resolved, at the same time, that the
Sfieaker (Rawlins Lowndes) do give the thanks of the
House, to such of the members of the House, as were
appointed in behalf of this Colony, to the late Con
gress, as they attend in their places; and that to the
others, who were not members, the thanks might be
conveyed. Accordingly, Thomas Lynch, Christopher
Gadsden, and John Rutledge being in their places, the
Speaker delivered them the public thanks in the fol
lowing words:
" Gentiemen, " The House, reflecting on the signal and very
eminent services, which you have rendered to your
country in particular, as well as all America in general,
in conjunction with the Delegates of the other Colo
nies met in General Congress, at Philadelphia, in
September last, by the wise, judicious, and seasonal
ble plan concerted and adopted, for the defence and
maintenance of American rights and liberties; have
resolved, to give you the thanks of the House for the
same. This testimony of their approbation of your
services, is the more honourable to you, as it is founded
on the universal sense of the people; whose warmest
acknowledgments resound from every quarter of the
Colony. You, stood high in the esteem of your
country before; and possessed a large share of her
confidence; the reward of repeated services. The
present instance of your zeal, attachment, and love

208 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
for her; the sacrifice you made of your ease, your
convenience, and your private concerns, when the
public voice called you to attend her interest in a dis
tant country; have srill endeared you more to her:
and established your reputation, upon the firmest foun
dation. You, have given a sure pledge, that, when
ever any future occasion, requires your assistance; no
obstacles or difficulties, will make you shrink from the
charge. You have the particular happiness, gentle
men, of standing foremost in the rank of patriots;
posterity will pay a just tribute to your memones;
and, will revere the names of the members of the
Continental Congress. And, while they enjoy the
rich inheritance and birthrights of English subjects,
which your labours and exertions have preserved to
them ; will look with joy, gratitude and admiration,
on the glorious struggle and contest of the present
time, from whence, these blessings are derived.
" Permit me, gentlemen, as I am also deeply inte
rested in the issue of these things, to declare to you
what warm impulse of gratitude I feel in my heart,
for the share I have in those great benefits you have
endeavoured to procure and preserve to us: and to
assure you, with what pleasure I obey the commands
of the House, in giving you the thanks of the House,
as I now do; for the very singular, eminent, and
important services you have rendered to your country,
and all America, in conjunction with the Delegates of
the other Colonies in General Congress; and, for
your diligent attendance on, and faithful discharge of,
the great trust, reposed in you by your country."*
After this, the House nominated and appointed the
Honourable Henry Middleton, Esquire, Thomas
* See Journals of the Commons-House of Assembly of South-Cai-olina,
from 2d Aug. 1774, to 15th Sept. 1775, from page 2, to page 12, inclusive.

CHAPTER VI.— 1775, 209
Lynch, Christopher Gadsden, John Rutledge, and
Edward Rutledge, Esquires, in behalf of this Colony,
to meet the Deputies of the other Colonies in General
Congress, at Philadelphia or elsewhere; with full
power and authority, to concert, agree to, and effectu
ally prosecute, such measures, as in the opinion of the
said Deputies, and of the Deputies so to be assembled,
shall be most likely to obtain a redress of the Ameri
can grievances. It was also farther resolved by the
House, that it would provide one thousand five hun
dred pounds Sterling, to pay the expense of the said
Deputies, in going to, attending upon, and returning
from the said Congress.*
In the mean time, the Commons sent to the Council,
on the 2d day of February, an act which had passed
the House, entitled " An Act to prevent counterfeiting
the Paper Money of the other Colonies;" and this they
did, as well with a view of completing the law, as to
see if the Council still persevered in their plan, of
preventing the passage of any bill to the Governor,
until the Commons should have submitted to the
Additional Instruction ; or, have sent a bill to secure
the continuance of the general duty-act; which, unless
continued by a new law, would expire at the end of a
session. This experiment, had been made in the year 1773;
and the proceedings in Council upon it, drew on the
before mentioned commitment of the Printer Powell;
under the accusation, by the Council, of a contempt
against them. The bill then, was postponed, sine
die; on which a protest was entered, in the Council
Journals by John Drayton, and William Henry Dray-
* See Journals of the Commons-House of Assembly of South-Carolina, from
2d August 1774, to Sept. 1775, from page 2, to page 12, inclusive.
27

210 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1775.
ton, two of the Counsellors.* However, an exact
copy of the same bill being now sent to the Council,
they were in a dilemma, whether they should perse
vere in their old plan, or adopt a new one — and, by
passing the bill, exi)ose themselves to no more diffi
culties; but throw them upon the Lieutenant-Gover
nor, and hazard the continuance of the general duty-
law. The situation, was a delicate one; and the
Council, endeavoured to proceed warily on the occa
sion. Hence, when the bill was prepared fbr being
read the third and last time in the Council, not yet
determined how to act, they postponed the reading to
a certain day; under pretence that a member was
absent. This member, was John Stuart, the Super-
intendant of Indian Affairs; but they took no notice
at other times, of the absence of members, who were
not Crown officers. When the appointed day (Feb.
8th) came, two Crown officers were absent, under
pretence of indisposition ; one really was so, but the
other dined abroad, that very day. However, a
motion on the ground of two members being absent
was made, to postpone the bill, to a farther day;
which, after a warm debate was carried in favour of
the postponement. Upon this, William Henry
Drayton, then a member of the Council, entered his
protest ;t that it was unreasonable to postpone the
third reading of the bill for the indisposition and ab
sence of two members; who, although Crown officers,
were not expressly required to be present on the occa
sion; as there was a quorum sufficient for doing busi
ness, without them: and the number of members
present, had often transacted business of a similar
nature, in the absence of those gentiemen. That, the
last delay, so far from remedying an impropriety,
* See CouncU Journals for the early part of 1773
t See Appendix to this Chapter, No. I.

CHAPTER VI,— 1775. 211
occasioned the absence of two members; perhaps, a
perseverance in the measure, would produce the same
effect, or one of greater mischief; as three members
might be absent; or, the Chief Justice might be sud
denly seized with the gout — a complaint with which
he had been often very critically seized: and no busi
ness of a public nature could be proceeded in.
Here, the matter rested in the Council; but the
protest being published in Timothy's paper of the 13th
February 1775, brought the matter to a point. The
Chief Justice, now felt himself much discomposed by
it; and the Superintendant was not insensible of its
effects, as he had been the original cause of the pro
test. The appointed day however, again arrived in
the Council, for the third reading of the bill; and one
member, was still absent. The matter, was notwith
standing progressed in; and the bill was passed in
sullen silence: the Chief Justice, of the old members
against it, only saying, he had changed his opinion
relative to the bill. And thus, in a space of more
than five years, this was the first bill, the Council
permitted to be presented to the Lieutenant-Governor.
Upon the conclusion of this transaction, the Chief
Justice immediately brought forward a new subject of
heat, and controversy. In his place at the Council
Board, he made a violent invective against William
Henry Drayton then present; charging him, with
having made publications against the King. That,
even while a Judge, he had delivered charges, stirring
up the people to sedition. That, he frequented popu
lar assemblies; where, he loudly inveighed against
Government— for all which, he ought to be removed
from the Council. And he concluded, by moving an
address to the Lieutenant-Governor, for his suspen
sion as a Counsellor; which motion was immediately
seconded, by one of the Crown officers. Mr. Drayton

212 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
in his place at the board, now replied to what the
Chief Jlistice had said ; urging, that to be obnoxious
to those in Council to whom he found he was, evinced
his attachment to his country; since those very men
who were so against him, were also obnoxious to the
whole people. That he held it as an honour, those
should desire his suspension, against whom, the Pro
vince had publicly complained;* not only to the Lieu
tenant-Governor, but to the King; desiring, their
removal from the Council. And, that if he could have
suspected the Commons-House of Assembly, would
so far have countenanced the Council in their claim to
be a branch of the Legislature, as to join them in a
complaint to the Lieutenant-Governor, he would long
ago have impeached the Chief Justice for ignorance,
and incapacity in his office. Here, Mr. Drayton was
clamorously interrupted — the question was put — and
an address for his suspension was voted. After having
carried this point, the Chief Justice now presented the
draft of an address, which he had brought with him;
and it so immediately passed, without the alteration of
a single word, that no time was afforded, for drawing
up, and entering a protest.f However, two days
after, when the address was to be signed by order of
the House, Mr. Drayton made a protest, not only,
against its being signed by the Superintendant as hav
ing no precedency in the Council ; but also against the
whole matter of the address. J
The address for suspension, which so attacked the
rights of a Counsellor, and a fellow citizen; was
resolved upon in Council, by three placemen: the
whole board at that time being composed '^f only four
* See ante, pages 101, 105, 106,
t See Appendix, No. II.
X See Appendix, No, III.

CHAPTER VI.— 1775, 213
members; Mr. Drayton making the fourth. On* the
13th February 1775, it was presented to the Lieuten
ant-Governor; who, on the same day informed the
addressers, that before be took any step in consequence
of their address, he desired them to lay before him
some of the facts, upon which their complaint was
founded: and upon due examination of the same, and
of Mr. Drayton's answer, he should take such mea
sures, as were agreeable to justice, and for the service
of his Majesty. A Report was now brought forward
in Council, charging Mr. Drayton with particular
facts, as grounds of suspicion; which, as customary,
was carried by a majority of Crown officers, and
placemen; to which, however, the only three mem
bers of the Council, who were not placemen, and
were natives of the Colony, entered a protest, in the
proceedings of the Council.* The Report, was then
transmitted to the Lieutenant-Governor; and Mr.
Drayton answered it, by representing, that if in point
of law the Council formed an Upper House of As
sembly, he ought not to answer for his conduct
charged as in Assembly; and as to other matters, he
trusted his conduct would support him in the public
opinion ; and that the measures which he had been so
forced to take, would contribute in some degree, to
compose the minds of the people. Upon this, he was
formally suspended from the station of Counsellor on
the 1st March 1775, by Lieutenant-Governor Bull;
who informed him by the same letters of suspension,
he should take the earliest opportunity of transmitting
to the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Planta
tions, the Address, and papers relative thereto; in
order, that they might be laid before his Majesty, for
his Royal consideration.f
" John Dra3:ton, William Henry Drayton, Barnard Elliott; see Appendix,
No. IV.
1 See Journals nf the Commons-House of Assembly of South-Carolina, from
2d Aug. to 15th Sept. 1775, pp. 65, to 66, inclusive. Also, Appendix, No. V.

214 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
Thus released, from any farther connexion with the
Council, Mr. Drayton spread all these matters before
the people; and entered into an examination, whether
or not the Council did form an Upper House of
Assembly; or whether they were only a mere Privy
Council. And in doing so, a new light was cast on
this important subject, at a critical time; which had
considerable effects, on the minds of the people, as on
the consequences which followed, as well to the
King's Council, as to the people in general. The
affair did not end here. Mr. Drayton transmitted the
whole of the proceedings accompanied by a letter from
himself, to Lord Dartmouth : which, left the matter
in such a manner with his Lordship, that he might
either consider the letter as a justification of Mr.
Drayton's conduct; or, as a resignation of his Coun-
sellorship. He went farther; and preferred a memo
rial on the subject to the Commons-House of Assem
bly; which was immediately read: and together with
the papers connected with it, were referred to a large
Committee of grievances; and are upon record, in the
Journals of that House.*
While this unpleasant controversy, was going on,
the 17th day of February arrived; which had been set
apart by the Provincial Congress, as a day of fasting,
humiliation, and prayer. And on this occasion, the
Commons-House of Assembly with their mace before
them, went in procession to St. Philip's Church;
where, a pious and excellent sermon was delivered by
the Rev. Robert Stnith.f And, thence returning to
the affairs of the Colony, as the Council had passed
one bill, and had thereby yielded the long contest; the
Assembly sent them, on the 28th February 1775, a
* See Journals of the Commons-House of Assembly of Soulh-Cai'olina, from
2d Aug. 1774, to Sept 1775— from page 55 to 68, inclusive.
t See Dalcho's Church History, p. 219, note.

CHAPTER VI,— 1775. 215
Reviving Bill; by which, among other laws which
were revived and continued, the general duty-act was
continued for one year only. This law, was also
passed by the Council; and on the 3d day of March,
they returned it to the Commons- House of Assembly.
And, on the 4th day of March, both acts, the one,
entitled " An Act to prevent the Counterfeiting the
Paper Money of the other Colonies," the other, enti
tled " An Act to revive and continue for the terms
therein limited, several Acts and clauses of Acts of the
General Assembly of this Colony," were ratified by
the Lieutenant-Governor in the Council Chamber;*
and, by so doing, the staff of Government was vir
tually transferred. For, at the expiration of one year
from thence, unless Government gave satisfaction to
the people, there would be no fund for the payment of
the civil establishment; and, the episcopal Clergy,
and all the Crown officers, would be destitute of pro
vision. It was now clearly apparent, that the Council
alone had, for so long a space of time, as from the first
day of January 1769,t to the 4th day of March 1775,
obstructed the passing of any law for the public ser
vice: thereby demonstrating, of how dangerous a
nature, such an establishment was, to the rights, and
liberties of the people. Leave was now given by the
House of Assembly, to bring in a bill of a private
nature; after which, permission being obtained from
the Lieutenant-Governor, the session was closed in a
more pleasant manner, than it had been done for some
years; and the House was adjourned to Thursday,
the 20th day of April.
During these transactious men grew anxious to
receive advices from England ; and some flattering
ones arrived : intimating, that the King had said the
' See Journals of the Commons-House of Assembly for 1775, pages 68, 69.
t See Ibid, from 2d Aug, 1774, to loth Sept, 1776, p. 80.

216 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
petition from the Congress ""was a decent one;" and
that he would lay it before the pariiament. It was
also stated, that the merchants of London and the
trading towns of England, were preparing petitions to
parliament in favour of America; and that Lord
North began to speak in a milder tone, and to exon
erate himself from blame, should the late parliamen
tary measures have induced unsuccessful consequences.
The mass of citizens, and men of prudence and
moderation, therefore ardently hoped for a reconcilia
tion, with the mother country; and awaited with the
fondest hopes, and with a well-intentioned allegiance^
manifestations of good intentions from the throne on
that head. At the same time, they were not unmind
ful of their own affairs. For in pursuance of the late
recommendation of the Provincial Congress, they were
diligentiy learning the use of arms ; and were forming
themselves into volunteer companies; being trained,
and exercised, by their respective officers. A martial
spirit, had gone forth among the people; and Charles-
town began to assume military appearances. Such,
was the public situation; when, on the 14th of April,
their prospects were clouded over, by advices; which,
put an end to every hope of accommodation.
For now^ news arrived, that on the meeting of
pariiament the Ministers had laid before the two
Houses, Extracts of American Correspondence:
among which, were the proceedings of the Continental
and other Provincial Congresses, American papers,
and William Henry Drayton's Charge as one of the
King's Judges to the Grand Jury of Camden, with
their presentments, at the November Session in 1774,
of the Circuit Court, held at that town. All of these
papers, were considered, in a Committee of the whole
House of Commons; but the addresses and petitions
of the merchants of Great Britain in favour of Ame
rica, although pressed by the minority to be considered

CHAPTER VI.— 1775. 2l7
in the same Committee, were referred to another
Committee; sarcastically called the Coventry Com
mittee. The petition from the Continental Congress
to the King, had been laid before parliament; but the
Colonial Agents were refused a hearing by the Com
mons, in proof of the allegations contained therein.
On the contrary. Administration had exerted them
selves, to procure counter petitions, from the trading
towns. And in some degree they succeeded in ob
taining petitions, from Birmingham, Leeds, Halifax
and some other places, praying, that the laws respect
ing America might be enforced. It was also stated,
that on the 2d February, Lord North had brought the
subject to issue; in which, he minutely discussed the
same: describing the characters, and state of each
Province; and, pointing out such, as he declared were
in rebellion. He said that Great Britain containing
eight millions of inhabitants, payed a revenue of ten
millions, beside the expense of collecting, which was
25 shillings per head ; while America containing three
millions, only paid £75,000 Sterling; and which, was
not six-pence per head. He stated the supremacy of
parliament over America, and the American measures
of resistance. And, concluded with moving, that " an
address be presented to his Majesty, to thank him for
the information laid before the House; and, that he
would be pleased to take such measures, as might be
suitable to bis wisdom, for enforcing the laws against
America; and promising him to support him in a full
and vigorous execution thereof, at the hazard of their
lives, and fortunes."* These measures, amounting to
a declaration of war, were vigorously opposed in par
liament, by a virtuous, and an enlightened minority;
during which, some excellent speeches were made by
* See a Resolve of Parliament on this subject, and a letter from Lord
Dartmouth, to Sir James Wright, Governor of Georgia, respecting it, in Appen
ds to Chap. Vlll. No. UI.
28

218 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1775.
Lord Chatham, Lord Camden, the Duke of Rich
mond, the Lord Mavor, Mr. Burke, Col. Barre, and
Mr, Fox: and Administrafinn smarted under all the
pains, which language could inflict. But, all was of
no avail, in favour of the just remonstrances of
America. A fatal influence, hung over the King; and
by [Message to the Commons, he desired an augmen
tation of his forces. This, was accordingly granted.
And regiments of foot and horse, and ships of war, the
first ever ordered upon such service, were dispatched
across the bosom of the Atlantic Ocean: to scatter the
miseries with which they were charged, among a
loyal, but highly injured people.
These accounts, announced to America, that her
disputes with Great Britain were to be decided by
arms. In this light, the people considered it: and
with fortitude, indignation, and concern, they appeared
to accept the challenge. The prudent and cautious,
now admitted our complaints were unattendt^d to;
they warmed, with the ardor of their fellow citizens;
thought, impelled thought; and action, excited to
action; until, wrapped together in one bond of union,
their strength was consolidated, and their measures
became decided. It was now, the crisis was arriving,
which was destined to try men's souls: when nerve,
intelligence, and prudence, vvere nece.ssary for those,
whose destinies entrusted them with public affairs. It
was now, that the poor looked for consolation to the
rich ; and the few, animated the efforts of the many.
While, in a steady reliance on Divine Providence, they
all moved forvtard, in a firm and determined opposi
tion, to arbitrary sway.
To take measures therefore, for the public defence,
the General Committee had met on the I9th April
1775; and, they had scarcely assembled, when they

CHAPTER VI,— 1775. 219
were informed the British Packet had arrived; and
was come to an anchor. Th:-. Committee theielbre
adjourned, until the next day; that in the mean time,
the intelligence received by her, might be known, and
digested. On the next day, the General Committee met
according to adjournment; when the following intelli
gence was re[)orted by the Secretary. That on the
17th day of February, at a numerous meeting of mer
chants at, the London I'avern, a subscri|)tion had bren
opened, for the relief of the Americans; and, in less
than lialf an hour, £15,000 Sterling, was subscribed;
and, that other subscri|)tions were also opened, for the
same i)urpose. That on the 18th February, Lord
North had introduced a bill, to prohibit during the
continuance of the combinations and disorders jn those
provinces, the four New-England Governments, from
fishing on the banks of Newfoundland ; or, to export
to any part of the world, other than to Great Britain,
or some of the British Islands, in the West Indies.
And, that no sort of wines, salt, or any goods or com
modities whatsoever, except horses, victuals, and linen
cloth, the produce and manufacture of Ireland, and
goods for the victualling his Majesty's ships, and for
his Majesty's forci^s and garrisons, or the produce of
the British Islands in the West Indies, should be im
ported into them upon, any pretence whatsoever;
unless, such goods be shipped in Great Britain, and be
carried directly from thence. That on the 20th, Lord
North stated, that the passage in thp late address
which had promised the House was ready to consider
and embrace any proposals, if any should be made, to
reconcile the unhappy differences with America, was.
of too general a nature — that, it would be proper to
give them some explanation — and, that he had some
propositions to make, which would amount to a precise

220 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1775.
definition of them.* That, the exercise of the right of
taxing every part of the British dominions must by no
•means be given up. That, he thought it best at the out
set, to let them (the Colonies) know, what was expect
ed ; and to learn, whether they meant to dispute the
whole of the British authority, or not. That, the Con
gress of the Colonies, was an illegal assembly; for, they
were separate states, independent of each other; having
no connection, but, in their relation to Great Britain.
Information was also given, that on the 9th of Marcff,
Lord North, had given notice, he would move for leave
to bring in a bill, in pursuance of his conciliatory plan.
However, notwithstanding this humane intention of
his lordship ; the troops which had been ordered, had
not been countermanded, to wait the issue of his con
ciliatory plan ; but, were on the point of embarking for
Boston. As to Lord North's conciliatory plan, it required no
deep penetration to find out, it was equally wide from
the American idea, of taxation ; as, of the power
actually exercised by parliament. The Americans
claimed the right of giving aids upon requisitions, in
such manner as was best suited to their local situa
tions; and for the current public service. If therefore,
parliament laid taxes on them, incompatible with
these rights, it was nothing more or less, than lying at
the mercy of parliament, as before. Besides this, it
also appeared, the opinion of Administration relating
to the claims of the Provincial Council as an Upper
House, was now utterly irreconcileable with the inte
rests, or the -politics of the Colony. These things,
were too obvious, not to be seen at first sight. The
General Committee therefore, did not enter into any
* See a Resolve of parliament in pursuance of these propositions, and a
letter from Lord Dai-tmouth, pressing them, on Sir James Wright, Governor of
Georgia; in Appendix to Chapter VllI, No. HI.

CHAPTER VI.— 1775. 221
public deliberation, as to these measures, or the con
ciliatory plan : choosing, to demonstrate their senti
ments thereon, by acts, rather than by votes. And,
without forming any resolution ; it was understood in
the General Committee, that the public military stores
should be immediately seized into the hands of the
people. To effect this. Colonel Charles Pinckney, the Pre
sident of the Provincial Congress, in pursuance of a
resolution of that Congress of the 16th of January,
authorizing him thereto; on the spot appointed a
Secret Committee. He first nominated, William
Henry Drayton; and asked him, whom he could think
of as associates. Upon which, he desired, and the
President appointed Arthur Middleton, and Charles
Cotesworth Pinckney: and adding, that William
Gibbes and Edward Weyman would be proper to be of
the Committee, the one having many schooners and
stores which might be depended on upon occasion, and
the other, being active in confidential services; they
also, were appointed. The resolution of the Provin
cial Congress, which authorized this extraordinary
measure, ran in the words following: " Resolved, that
a Secret Committee of five proper persons be ap
pointed, by the President of this Congress, to procure
and distribute such articles, as the present insecure
state of the interior parts of this Colony renders
necessary, for the better defence and security of the
good people of those parts, and other necessary pur
poses. Resolved, that this Congress will indemnify
and support the said Committee, in all their doings,
touching the premises." By this authority, the Com
mittee became possessed, of the most important
powers; nothing more or less, than an unlimited
power, in placing the Colony in a posture of defence.
For in those days, terms were used in public reso-

222 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
luiions ; calculated to bear ample constructions, for the
public service.
No sooner was the Secret Committee organized,
than without loss of time, they determined, the jiublic
gun-powder, and the small arms in the State- House
Armoury, should be seized the night after, (Friday,
A|)ril 21 ;) and they issued directions accordingly.
One party, seized the public powder at the Hobcaw
Magazine; and another party, possessed themselves of
the powder in the Magazine at Cochran's, on the
Neck between Ashley and Cooper Rivers; while a
third party, assembled at the State- House in Charles-
town at eleven o'clock at night, posting armed senti
nels in proper places. On this last occasion, many
respectable gentlemen attended ; among whom were
Colonel Charles Pinckney, President of the Provin
cial Congress — Col. Henry Laurens, Chairman of the
General Committee — Thomas Lynch, one of the
Delegates to the Continental Congress — Benjamin
Huger, William Bull, and William Flenry Drayton,
the two last, nephews of the Lieutenant-Governor.
The Secret Committee attended, antl directed; and
Christopher Gadsden attended at the wharf, to receive
the powder when it was landed there from the Hob
caw Magazine.
The door of the Armoury in tiie upper part of the
State-House, was now brokt^n open; and, in less than
three hours, eight hundred stands of arms, two hun
dred cutlasses, beside cartouches, flints, and matches,
were removed from thence. Of these, the heavy arti
cles were deposited and secreted in the brick cellars of
the two brick bildings, at the North- West corner of the
State-House; then owned by Mr. Gibbes: and the
lighter articles, were carried to the houses of trusty
individuals; that at any rate, the Lieutenant-Governor,
might not recover the whole of the armament, which

CHAPTER VI,— 1775. 223
had been so taken away. In this affair, the greatest
order was ob.served. No disguises, were used ; but
the night was chosen for the transaction; as there was
no rea.son for insulting the authority of the Lieutenant-
Governor, who was much res|)ected and beloved, by
performing it in open day; when the public advan
tage could be equally promoted, b^ avoiding such a
conduct. This disappearance of the powder and arms, so
immediately following the late advices, which had
been received from London; plainly indicated the
authority which had taken them, by the daringness
and secrecy of the manner, in which it had been con
ducted. Mrs. Pratt, the keeper of the State- House,
was examined as to the matter, by the Lieutenant-
Governor; but, although she saw the arms taken
away, and the persons who took them, she would not
give any information tending to a discovery; even,
although threatened with the loss of her place, which,
was mostly her supi)ort. The Commander of the
Town-Watch, who mounted guard every night at the
opposite corner of the street, although he saw several
persons about the State-House, and knew them, was
equally silent. In this perplexity, Lieutenant-Gov
ernor Bull convened his Council; and after much
consideration respecting what had been done, and
what consequences were likely to ensue, both, as to
the authority of himself and the Council, and the
strengthening of patriotic measures; prudence forbad
their doing any thing farther, than to advise the Gov
ernor to send a mild message to the Commons-House
of Assembly, then sitting, informing them of the
event: and which was accordingly sent to them, on
the 25th of April 1775, in the following words.

224 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
" Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen,
"Mr. Poaug, the Ordnance Store-Keeper, informed,
me last Saturday morning, that upon examining the
public arms and stores in the armoury, about eight
hundl-ed stands of arms, two hundred cutlasses, all
the cartouch boxes, with some bundles of matches, and
some flints, belonging to the public, had been taken
out of the State-House the preceding night: and Mr.
Cochran, Deputy Powder Receiver, who has the.
charge of the public Magazine on the town Neck,
about four miles from town, informed me, that on his
visiting the Magazine last Saturday morning, he found
the doors broken open ; and that all the gun-powder,
about five hundred pounds weight, was carried away,
the preceding night, by persons unknown. I have
published a proclamation, offering a reward for dis
covering the persons concerned in such daring acts of
violence, against the property, of the public, of this
Province. " I have also been informed, by Mr. Prince, who
has charge of the public Magazine at Hobcaw; that
it was broken open the beginning of this month, and
seventy-five pounds weight of gun-powder then taken
out: and, that it was again broken oi)en on the 21st
instant, and one thousand and twenty-five pounds of
gun-powder, being all that was in the Magazine, was
carried away.
"Upon so very extraordinary, and alarming an
occasion; it becomes my indispensable duty, to ac
quaint you therewith, without loss of time; and
earnestly to recommend this important matter to your
investigation, and most serious consideration.
" WILLIAM BULL
"April 24th, 1775."

CHAPTER VI,— 1775. 223
The Assembly, laughed at this act of Government.
However, to carry on the farce, it was referred to the
Committee who had been appointed to examine the
public arms: and Mr. Bee, Dr. Olyphant, Mr. Izard,
and Col. Gaillard vvere added to the Committee. On
the 27th of April, Mr. Bee brought in a report to the
House on the subjeet, which being agreed to, was in
the following words: "That with all the inquiry your
Committee have made, they are not able to obtain any
certain intelligence relative to the removal of the
public arms, and gun-powder, as mentioned in his
Honour's Message; but, think there is reason to sup
pose, that some of the inhabitants of this Colony, may
have been induced to take so extraordinary and un
common a step, in consequence of the late alarming
accounts from Great Britain:" and, a copy of the
same, was sent by the House to the Lieutenant-Gov
ernor, with the following Message:
" May it please your Honour,
" Your Message dated the 24th instant, which
you sent to this House the next day, was referred to a
Committee: and their report, as agreed to, by the
House, we herewith .send you.
" By order of the House.
" RAWLINS LOWNDES, Speaker.*
"April 27th, 1775."
After this first efficient act, of the Secret Commit
tee; by which, in hazarding their persons in a treason
able affair, they had proved themselves deserving of the
high confidence which had been placed, in their
ability, firmness, and patriotism; they privately went
* See Journals of the Commons-House of Assembly of South-Carolina, from
2d August 1774, to loth Sept, 1775, pages 70, 76,
29

226 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
about, borrowing money for the public service. And
so successful were they on this occasion, that on the
first day of their progress, they procured one thousand
guineas : so ready were the citizens, to meet the call of
their country. ;
During this time, a report had been made in the
General Committee, on the 26th day of April, that
since the 8th day of March, there had been collected
for the relief of the poor in Boston,
From St. Philip's Parish, £1,400 in cash, and 66
barrels Rice.
St. Michael's do. 700 in cash, and 14
; barrels Rice.
. ' St. Stephen's do. 600
St. Paul's do. 600

£3,300

All of which, was remitted to Boston. And, on the
same day, a Committee was raised and appointed by
the General Committee, denominated " The Commit
tee of Intelligence :" which was particularly charged,
with obtaining and receiving information, both public
and private; and forthwith communicating the same
to the Secret Committee, or the General Committee;
as might be most proper, and advantageous, for the
public service.
With all these occurrences, men's minds had be
come agitated; and it was deemed proper to bring
forth something, calculated t(^ arrest the public atten
tion; to throw odium on the. British Administration;
to put down the Crown officers in the Province; and
to invigorate the ardor of the people. And nothing
was deemed more likely to effect the same, than some
public exhibition, which might speak to the sight aiid

CHAPTER VI.— 1775. 227
senses, of the multitude. For this purpose, effigies
were brought forward; supposed to be by the autho
rity or connivance, of the Secret Committee. They
were executed under the direction of Mr. Poyas, in
the Masonic Lodge room, in Lodge-alley; and repre
sented the Pope, Lord Grenville, Lord North, and the
Devil. They were placed on the top 'of a frame,
capable of containing one or two persons within it:
and the frame was covered over with thick canvass, so
that those within, could not be distinguished. In the
front of the frame on the top, the Pope was seated in
a chair of state, in his pontifical dress; and at a dis
tance immediately behind him, the Devil was placed
in a standing position, holding a barbed dart in his
right hand ; between the Pope and the Devil on each
side. Lords Grenville and North were stationed.
Thus finished, the frame and effigies were fixed on
four wheels; and early in the morning, this uncom
mon spectacle, was stationed between the Market*
and St. Michael's Church in Broad-street, to the
gaze of the citizens. Many were the surmises res
pecting it; but at length by its evolutions, it soon
began to explain the purposes, for which it was con
structed. For no sooner, did any of the Crown offi
cers, Placemen, Counsellors, or persons known to be
disaffected to the common cause pass by, than the
Pope immediately bowed with proportioned respect to
them; and the Devil at the same moment, striking his
dart at the head of the Pope, convulsed the populace,
with bursts of laughter. While on the other hand, the
immoveable effigies of Lords Grenville and North,
appearing like attendants on the Pope, or Criminals;
moved the people with sentiments of disgust, and con
tempt against them and the whole British Administra
tion : for the many oppressive acts, which they had
* The Beef Market was then, where the elegant building of the City-Hall
is at present.

228 MEMOIRS, frc— J773.
been instrumental in procuring to be passed, througb
both Houses of Parliament. In this ma mer, the ma^
chine was exposed; after which it was paraded through
the town the whole day, by the mob: and in theeven-«
ing they carried it beyond the town ; where, surround
ing it with tar barrels, the whole was committed to the
flames. Nor did the idea or influence of the things
end here — for, boys forsook their customary sports, to.
make models like it: with which, having amused
themselves, and roused their youthful si)irits into a
detestation of oppression; they also committed them
to the flames. And many of those very boys, sup
ported with their services and blood; the rights, and
liberties, of their country.
On this occasion, Edward Weyman, a member of
the Secret Committee of five, was oue of the persons'
within the machine, who directed the operation of" the
machinery. And to his knowledge of the men and
characters he had to deal with, the public were in
debted no doubt, for the significant bows of respect^
which the Pope so appropriately paid to all those;
who, preferred taxation and royalty, to liberty and
social happiness. Mr. Weyman being so engaged in
the plot, naturally associates the Secret Committee
with him in the scheme: as it has been already stated,
that when that Committee was originated, Mr. Wey^
man was expressly nominated as one of them, on
account of the active and confidential services he could
render. At this period, most parts of the Continent had
raised men; but in this measure, a langour seemed to
prevail throughout this Colony. And, as the Dele
gates were about departing, to meet the Continental
Congress at Philadelphia, and the Commons-House of
Assembly was fortunately in session ; they wished to
bring a few particulars before that body, before they

CHAPTER Vf.-1773. 229
should embark for their destined port. For this pur
pose, on Friday the 28th day of Ar)ril 1775, Mr.
Lynch, one of the Delegates, moved the House, that
it resolve itself into a Committee of the whole, to take
into consideration the present state of this Colony:
which being agreed to. Col. Parsons took the Chair.
This they did, in order that the business which they
might do in Committee, should not appear upon the
Journals of the House: and the doors being shut,
this important question was propounded by Mr.
Lynch. " If the Delegates from this Colony, should in
General Congress, think it expedient to engage a
sum of money, as an aid from this Province to the
American association; would the Assembly ratify and
raise that quota, which ihey should engage, for the.
contribution of this country,'"'
A conversation, now endued ; some fears and dis
trusts appearing a nong the members. Mr. Lowndes
ip particular, hoped the Delegates would be cautious;
as it was yet too early to proceed to extremities; and
he thought we had best trust a little to the plans of
non-importation, and non-exportation. He said, he
did not think the parliament had any right to take
money out of the pockets of the colonists; but ex
cepting that particular, he thought parliament hat! a
right to legislate for them, in all national and com
mercial cases. He however, withdrew his opposition;
and, without a question being put, it appeared to be
the unanimous agreement of the Committee, that they
would fulfil all the engagements the Delegates should.
make, on the part of this Colony; for promoting the
public welfare. After this sentiment of the public
will had been obtained; the Speaker resumed the
Chair: and Col. Parsons acquainted the House he
was directed by the Committee to move, that they

230 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1775.
may have leave to sit again. But it does not appear
any leave was granted ; for the matter they had in
hand, was already performed. And consequently, no
farther mention was made in the Journals of the
House, of this important transaction.*
The Assembly now (29th April 1775) ordered, that
Col. Pinckney, Mr. Bee, Mr. Charles Cotesworth
Pinckney, and Mr. Gibbes do prepare and bring in a
bill for raising and granting to his Majesty a sum
sufficient to defray the charges of this Government,
for the last six years past: and on the first day of
May, Mr. Charies Cotesworth Pinckney presented to
the House for that purpose, a Bill for raising and
granting to his Majesty the sum of £  , and apply
ing the sum of £  , being the balance of several
funds in the public Treasury, making together the
sum of £  -; to defray the Charges of this Govern
ment, from the first day of January 1769, to the thirty-
first day of December 1774, both days inclusive; and
for other services therein mentioned :t and it was
resolved, that the said bill be read immediately. But,
while the Clerk was reading the bill, the House was
required by the Deputy Secretary, to attend bis
Honour the Lieutenant-Governor, in the Council
Chamber. Where, to avoid the disagreeable neces
sity of rejecting it, as he had received no instruction
from Government to pass it in the usual manner; his
Honour informed the General Assembly, that by the
last advice, he had reason to expect within a fortnight
or three weeks, the arrival of his Excellency the
Right Honourable Lord William Campbell; and he
therefore thought it unnecessary they should continue
* See Journals of the Commons-House of Assembly for April 1775, page 78.
1 See Journals of the Commons-Hoqse of Assembly of South-Carolina, from
2d Aug. to 16th Sept. 1776, pages 79, 80, 81.

CHAPTER VI,— 1775. 231
sitting longer at that time. And as he wished, the
time' which had been employed in preparing the public
business, might not be lost, he therefore adjourned the
General Assembly to the first day of June, then next
ensuing.* On the 3d day of May 1775, the Delegates sailed
for Philadelphia; leaving the public impatiently wait
ing the determinations of the approaching Continental
Congress. And they had scarcely done so, when a
private letter arrived from Arthur Lee in London; in
timating, that a plan was laid before Administration,
for instigating the slaves to insurrection. This, was
the more alarming; because, it was already known,
they entertained ideas, that the present contest was for
obliging us to give them their liberty. To meet there
fore, whatever events might arise, the General Com
mittee on the 5th day of May 1775, appointed William
Henry Drayton, Barnard Elliott, George Gabriel
Powell, William Tennent, Arthur Middleton, Charles
Cotesworth Pinckney, William Gibbes, John Huger,
Edward Weyman, Thomas Lynch, jun. and Thomas
Bee, a Special Committee, to form such plans, as
they should think immediately necessary to be carried
into execution " for the security of the good people of
this Colony;" and, to report to them such things, as
should be for the public security. This step was
scarcely taken, when on the eighth of May, a vessel
arrived from Salem ; which place, she had quitted on
the 25th day of April. By her, information was
brought, that civil war was commenced in Massachu
setts-Bay, in a conflict of arms, and a shedding of
blood, by British troops at Lexington; on the 19th
day of Aiiril 1775. It is necessary, here, to pause;
as, an era of so great importance, to the future desti-
* See Journals of the Commons-House of Assembly of South-Carolina, from
2d Aug. 1774, to 15th Sept, 1776-pages 79, 80, 81.

232 MEMOTRS, &c.— 1775.
flies of America, demands our reflection: for it will
ever stand enrolled, in the brightest pages of our
revolutionary history.*

* See the London Remembrancer for 1775, from page 69, to page 84 ; giving
accounts of the battle of Lexington, with sundry affidavits, respecting the
same.

APPENDIX

TO

CHAPTER VL

No. I.
Chariestown, February \3th, 1775.
Wednesday the 8th instant, on motion in the
Upper-House of Assembly, to discharge a resolution
for the then reading a third time, a bill to prevent
counterfeiting the paper money of other Colonies, and
to appoint Saturday for the reading of the bill; the
following Protest was made;
Dissentient.
Because, the reason assigned for postponing the
reading of the bill, to wit, the sudden indisposition
and absence of two members of Council (vv; o are
Crown officers) is by no means, in my opinion, so
substantial as to make the measure prudeijt; espe-
30

234 APPENDIX
cially when we reflect, that by an express resolution
on the Journal, the bill was appointed to be read on
this day. For, although these members are Crown
officers, yet their presence is by no means so neces
sary, as that by reason of their absence we should
violate an express resolution ; or even postpone read
ing any bill lying before his Majesty's Council: the
number of members present on this occasion, having
often transacted business of a similar nature, in the
absence of these gentlemen. Indeed, the experience
which we have just had, of the consequence of a delay
to proceed in the public business; ought to instruct
us, to avoid a new delay upon the same principle.
On Friday last, the bill was to have been read; but,
because of the absence of one Crown officer, such
others as are of his Majesty's Council, caused the
reading of the bill to be postponed to this day; a
delay, which instead of adding to our number, has
diminished it: for, now two Crown officers are ab
sent. In short, so far am 1 from being of opinion,
that the postponing the public business to Saturday;
will be of any utility; that on the contrary, to me the
measure seems pregnant with mischief. For, if those
gentlemen should not be able to attend in Council;
and, the Chief Justice should be suddenly indisposed
with the gout — a complaint, with which he has been
often very critically seized ; there would not be any
probability of our doing any public business whatever. .
And even if those gentlemen should recover, yet the
Chief Justice might be critically indisposed. And, as
the bill has already been postiioned, because of the
absence of one Crown oflicer; so, upon the same
principle would it be expected, to be again postponed
— and probably, continued to be so, de die in diem.
A procrastination, which in the eye of the public, might
appear to be a wanton sporting with their interests— to
betray the trust reposed in us by the King — to be detri-

TO CHAPTER VI. 235
mental to the public service: and contemptuous to the
Representatives of the people.
WILLIAM HENRY DRAYTON.
(tT' Last Saturday, a bill " to prevent counterfeit
ing the Paper Money of other Colonies," passed his
Majesty's Council. It is thought, that its passage was
facilitated by a certain Protest, relative to it, on
Wednesday last. In the year 1773, a similar bill was
delayed in the Council ; so, as to be lost by a proroga
tion. And the circumstances relative to the bill, being
exactly the same now, as they were then ; its passage
demonstrates, that the proceedings of the Council, are
not always uniform: or, the effects of judicious delib
eration. [See No. 2030, The South-Carolina Gazette, for Monday, February 13th,
1775 ; printed by Peter Timothy, Printer to the Honourable the Commons-
House of Assembly.]

No. II.
Monday, February 13th.
This day, his Majesty's Council, consisting of three
Placemen, presented the following Address to his
Honour, the Lieutenant-Governor.
South- Carolina :
To the Honourable William Bull, Esq. Lieutenant-
Governor and Commander in Chief, in and over,
his Majesty's said Province.
May it please your Honour,
His Majesty's dutiful and faithful subjects, The
Council of this Province met in General Assembly,

236 APPENDIX
with reluctance approach your Honour on a subject
of so disagreeable a nature, as a complaint against one
of their members, the Honourable William Henry
Drayton, Esq.
Although the general tenor of Mr. Drayton's con
duct for a considerable time past, would not only have
justified, but, seemed to call for, a representation from
this House, to your Honour; yet, anxious to avoid
every measure, which might appear to have a ten
dency to infringe upon the rights of an individual, or
the privileges of a member, we have hitherto delayed,
to lay before your Honour, our just causes of com
plaint; and have submitted to many insults and indig
nities offered to individual members; as well as, out
rageous breaches of privilege committed against this
House. But, as we are now thoroughly convinced, that Mr.
Drayton's conduct has been, and still continues, to he
influenced by a determined purpose, as far as in him
lies, not only to destroy all confidence of the people in
this House, and to bring it into contempt, but to sub
vert the Constitution, and unhinge Government; to be
longer silent would be highly criminal. And, we
conceive ourselves bound both by principles of duty
and affection, to his Majesty, and justice to ourselves,
humbly to request your Honour will be pleased to
suspend the Honourable William Henry Drayton, Esq.
from being a member of his Majesty's Council in this
Province. By order of the House.
JOHN STUART.

In the Upper-House of Assembly,
11th February 1775.

TO CHAPTER VI. 3S7
Before signing the above Address, Mr. Drayton
claimed leave to enter his Protest against it, which is
as follows : No. III.
Dissentient.
Because, the Hon. John Stuart, Esq. Superintendant
of Indian Affairs, being a Counsellor, not vested with
the powers of the ancient twelve, ought not to have
any precedence among Counsellors, upon that estab
lishment, vested with superior powers; and therefore,
ought not, as eldest Counsellor present, to sign any
paper in Council: an act, manifesting the pos.sessioa
of superior rank, Mr. Stuart, is incapable as eldest
Counsellor, of taking rank as President and Com
mander in Chief of the Colony; and, in my opinion,
this incapability and the appointment to the Council
in each Colony in which he is Superintendant, obvi
ously demonstrate, that the appointment was calcu
lated to enable him the better to execute the duties of
his office; and not intended to authorize him con
stantly to interfere, in the merely domestic legislative
affairs of any such Colony, in which, the nature of
his office, or pleasures, should at any time make his
presence necessary, or convenient.
Because, I am of opinion, the Address having a direct
" tendency to infringe upon the rights of an indivi
dual," and " the privileges of a member," is therefore,
arbitrary, unpariiamentary, destructive of freedom of
speech, derogatory to the ancient dignity of the
Council, and a contemptuous insult, to the people of
this Colony.
Because, I have just grounds to be assured, the
measure will not only " destroy all confidence of the

238 APPENDIX
people in this house, and bring it into contempt;" (to
effect which, the Address declares I aim with "¦ a deter
mined purpose ;" and, to prevent which, I even here give
evidence that I aim; although the House have been
losing that confidence, and have been falling into con
tempt, in proportion to the increase of Placemen in it,
and display, of their dependance and abilities) but,
that it will otherwise be detrimental to his Majesty's
real service: inasmuch, as the natives of this Colony
will be greatly discouraged from serving his Majesty
and the public in a Council; from which, they would
run the hazard of being suspended, even by the machi
nations of three members who are Placemen. Indeed,
already are natives almost discouraged from sitting in
Council. And, this is manifest, when we reflect;
that there are only eight Couusellors, in the Province;
of which number, five are not only Crown officers, but
strangers. Because, the complaint being only of a general
nature, it is to be presumed, nothing in particular
could be stated; and therefore, in my opinion, the
Address must be considered as of a frivolous nature.
Because, the Address bearing a position inconsistent
with matter of fact; it will reflect the utmost infamy
upon the Chief Justice who introduced it: a load,
which I could wish him to avoid; possessed as 1 am,
with a zealous inclination to promote his Majesty's
real service; too liable to be impeded by public odium
against an officer acting under a total loss of reputa
tion. The Address asserts, that " the general tenor of
Mr. Drayton's conduct for a considerable time past;'"
shows that he " has been, and still continues to be,
influenced, by a determined purpose, as far as in him
lies," " to subvert the Constitution " and unhinge the
Government:" hence, by not having limited the retro-
. spect, 'the assertion most strongly insinuates, that my

To CHAPTER VI. 239
conduct, has been of such a dangerous tenor, even
during several years. But this is an assertion, which
not only wantonly, but disrespectfully mihtates against
the truth, evidenced, by his Majesty's Royal Sign
Manual and Privy Seal, on the 27th day of February
1771 ; when the King was graciously pleased to de
clare himself " well satisfied, with the loyalty, integrity
and ability, of our trusty and loell beloved William
Henry Drayton, Esquire ;" meaning myself: and also,
by Royal Letters Patent, under the Great Seal of this
Province, so late, as the 25th day of January 1774;
declaring, my loyalty, integrity and ability, and con
stituting me to be one of the Assistant-Judges of this
Colony: an office, which 1 possessed, until the ninth
day of December last; when, to make room for a
gentleman .sent from England, and regularly called to
the bar, I was superceded, without the least censure;
notwithstanding, a most violent complaint by the
Chief Justice to his Honour, the Lieutenant-Governor,
against me, touching an anonymous publication,
addressed to the late Congress. Which complaint,
notwithstanding my most pressing instances, that it
should be brought to issue, was, on the 6th day of Jan
uary last, by unanimous advice of a Council composed
entirely of Crown officers, ^' dismissed, without any
censure, upon any of the parties."
Because, the Address is improper even in its main
purpose. For, as it charges me with " a determined
purpose, to subvert the Constitution and unhinge
Government;" if I am guilty, a suspension is a pun
ishment, by no means adequate to the offence. In my
opinion, as the Chief Justice knew the man possessed
of " a determined purpose," so criminal and so danger
ous, for him to allow that man, to continue uninter
rupted by the due course of law, was to betray the
trust reposed in him by the King. For, the Chief
Justice, would have demonstrated his duty to the King,

240 APPENDIX
and his own knowledge and abilities as a Judge, had
he, ex officio, ordered a prosecution to bring me to
condign punishment; rather than, by having planned
an Address, to move the extraordinary powers of Gov
ernment to inflict a slight punishment. The rule.
Nee Deus inter sit, nisi dinnus vindice nodus, is as
applicable to the political, as it is to the poetical,
drama. Upon the whole, but for the reasons assigned,
I should have been extremely well pleased whh the
Address; because, in my opinion, it bears honorable
testimony of me. The Placemen in Council declare,
that I have " a determined purpose to subvert the
Constitution:" hence, I am confident, the people
will be assured, that I am really defending it with
vigour.
WILLIAM HENRY DRAYTON.*

The Council sitting as a Branch nf the Legislature,
being moved to agree with the report of the Commit
tee, respecting the charges which they had made out
against William Henry Drayton, a member of the
Council; and it being Resolved, that this House do
agree to the same; three members of the Council,
being natives of South-Carolina, entered the following
Protest : No. IV.
Dissentient.
Because, without particularizing the many objec
tions to which the report in our opinion is justly liable
* See Timothy's South-Carolina Gazette for 1775, No, 2030.

TO CHAPTER VI, 241
(it being unparliamentary in almost every line :) con
fining ourselves, to state only two objections; we
deem these to be of such a nature, as even with them
alone, to justify our disagreeing with the report.
In the fourth section there is a culpableness, stated
to be in the assertion " that this House is no Branch
of the Legislature," because " his Majesty hath not
hitherto been pleased to give any answer to the address
of this House, dated eleventh of September 1773."
Now as we know this address did most respectfully
and earnestly complain to his Majesty, of what this
House deemed, a most dangerous adjudication. That
this House was no Upper-House of Assembly and
Branch of the Legislature ; and a most dangerous vio
lation of their privilege by the discharge of a person
committed by their warrant for a contempt ; so, we
cannot see any impropriety in the assertion, grounded
upon such a reason. For, we naturally conclude his
Majesty's silence, is out of tenderness to this House;
unwilling to refuse totidem verbis what he does not
think proper to grant: thereby, telling us Le Roy
S'avisera. The mild mode, in which a British Sove
reign refuses those parliamentary applications, which,
in his royal wisdom he deems improper; for had his
Majesty, counselled by the learned Judges, thought this
House an Upper-House of Assembly, and a branch of
the Legislature, we assure ourselves, a Sovereign as
he is, of a " resolution to withstand every attempt to
weaken the supreme authority of the Legislature,"
meaning of Great Britain, (a sentiment expressed in
the King's late speech in parliament,) would in the
course of sixteen months not only have displayed his
design, " to withstand every attempt to weaken" the
legal " authority of this Legislature," equally the
object of his royal care ; but could have taken such
constitutional measures, as might have tended to pre
serve to this House, their just rights; and to secure
31

242 APPENDIX
them from being exposed, to a repetition of that
breach of their privilege, of which, they did most
humbly complain ; and, against which, they did most
earnestly desire his Majesty's support.
Because, we are so far from thinking the Author of
the " Letter from Freeman of South-Carolina, to the
Deputies of North America," ought to be deemed
unworthy of being continued a member of this House;
that, on the contrary, we are most firmly of opinion,
his dismission must be considered, as a most arbhrary
proceeding — a violation of the constitutional rights of
the people. And, that a seat in this House, upon a
tenure of so arbitrary a nature; cannot be worthy the
attention of an independent American.
JOHN DRAYTON,
WILLIAM HENRY DRAYTON,
BARNARD ELLIOTT.
1J3= See Journals of the Commons-House of Assembly, of South -Carolina,
from 2d Aug. 1774 to 15th Sept. 1775, pages 60, 61 —The above protest was
signed by all the Carolinians, who then acted as Counsellors in this Colony,
The other part of the Council, consisted of Thomas Skottowe, Secretary of the
Province — Thomas Knox Gordon, Chief Justice — William Gregoiy, one of Ike
Sssistant Judges — Thomas Irving, Receiver General — John Stuart, Superintend
ant of Indian .Sffairs — John Bwn — and Sir Egerton Leigh, Baronet, Mmnen-
General.

TO CHAPTER VI. 243
No. V.
On his Majesty's Service.
To the Honorable William Henry Drayton, Esq.
Charleston, March 1st, 1775.
Sir, By virtue of the power, with which his Majesty
has been pleased to efltrust me, 1 do hereby suspend
you from being a member of his Majesty's Council
for this Province; until, his Majesty's pleasure shall
be known thereupon. And 1 shall take the earliest
opportunity of transmitting to the Lords Commis
sioners for Trade and Plantations, the Address and
papers relative thereto; in order that they may be laid
before his Majesty, for his royal consideration.
I am. Sir,
Your most obt. humb. servt.
WILLIAM BULL.*
* See .Toumals of the Commons-House of Assembly of South-Carolina, for
1775, page 66.

CHAPTER VII.
Battle' of Lexington — The General Committee summon
the Provincial Congress to meet — Barnard Elliott
resigns the appointment of Counsellor — The Speciai
Committee prepare a plan for the defence of Charks
town — Proceedings of the General Committee — The
Special Committee reports to the General Committee,
an association of defence, to be signed by the Inha-.
bitants generally — which, is postponed — An Express
arrives, with advices of the Skirmish at Lexington —
The route taken, by the Express — Provincial Con
gress meets — General Committee, reports a plan of
measures — The Commons-House of Assembly meets,
and proceeds to business — passes some resolutions —
and brings in an Ordinance — but, is adjourned by
the Lieut^enant- Governor— Provincial Congress con
venes in the Representatives' Chamber — Col. Charles
Pinckney President of the same resigns — Col. Henry
Ijxurens appointed President, in his room — Causes
of the Meeting set forth — A Committee of Ways and
Means, appointed — The Association recommended
by the General Committee, is considered by the Pro
vincial Congress; and, after much opposition, is
agreed to, and signed — Provincial Congress, resolve
to raise troops — A million of money voted, and Com-
inissioners of a Treasury concluded on — A Council
of Safety originated; its members, elected — Their
extensive Poivers — N^on- Subscribers to the Associa
tion, made amenable — General Election ordered, for

CHAPTER VII,— 1775. 245
a new Provincial Congress — Lord William Camp
bell, arrives, as Governor of the Province — The
manner of his reception — Anecdote, respecting the
Governor — Provincial Congress, sends an Address
to his Excellency — To which, he replies — His per
turbation — Officers elected for three Regiments —
Provincial Congress adjourns — Leaving the Govern
ment in the hands of the Council of Safety, and
General Committee — The Council of Safety meets,
and elects Henry Laurens, President, and Peter
Timothy, Secretary — It proceeds to issue military
Commissions — gives directions for stamping, and
issuing, money bills — and issues Orders, for recruit
ing Troops — John Stuart, Superintendant of Indian
Affairs, flies from Chariestown to Savannah in
Georgia — His proceedings there — Advices arrive,
that a vessel with Gun-powder is expected from Eng
land, at Savannah, in Georgia — The Secret Com
mittee take measures, for seizing the same — Upon
ivhich, Superintendant Stuart leaves Savannah, and
goes on board a British armed schooner — Friends, to
the American cause, encouraged at Savannah —
Georgia Measures-r-and assisting the Carolinians in
seizing the Powder — Mr. Drayton, and Mr. Middle-
ton of the Secret Committee, encourage Captains
Barnwell and Joyner, to fit out a schooner, to drive
away the British armed schooner, lying off Tybee —
Arrangements made with the Georgians respecting
the schooner — The British schooner flies, and carries
John Stuart to St. Augustine — News, of the Battle
of Bunker's- Hill — The Powder taken, and divided
between Carolina and Georgia — An Express vessel
arrives in Carolina, for Powder — William Henry
Drayton and Miles Brewton sent to Georgia, to
effect a loan of Powder — They obtain bOOO pounds
of Powder — wluch is sent by the Express Vessel to
the Carolina Delegates, at Philadelphia — First in
stance of tarring and feathering in Carolina — A

246 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
General day, of fasting and praying, observed
througlwut the United Colonies.

1 HE intelligence of the battie of Lexington, was
laid before the General Committee, on the 8th May
1775; and a vote then passed, to summon the Pro
vincial Congress to meet on the first day of June: as
the 20th day of June to which it stood summoned to
convene, was deemed too distant a period. For now,
that hostilities were actually commenced; immediate
and decisive measures were deemed most eligible, for
promoting the public welfare. This, naturally led to
the taking of sides; and to the forming, of political
opinions: men, could act under cover no longer; and
the office of King's Counsellor for the Province, be
came incompatible, with the duties of a patriot.
Under this last influence, Barnard Elliott, now (May
10th) resigned the Royal Mandamus, by which, he
had been appointed a Privy Counsellor; and he im
mediately associated himself with the members of the
Special Committee; among whom, he had been lately
nominated. In the mean time, this Committee had taken into
consideration, what things were necessary for the
public security; and a plan was ready to be reported,
of such measures, as they deemed expedient, for the
defence of Chariestown and its harbour. But fearing,
if they laid such decisive measures before the General
Committee, some timid members, might influence a
delay in the execution of them, and thereby the
scheme being divulged, might be frustrated; they only
reported to the General Committee, that they had an
important report to make: but, before they laid it
before them, they deemed it necessary, to exact an
oath of secrecy, from the members present.

CHAPTER VII,-1775. 247
The solemnity of this introduction, was like a
stroke of thunder, to several members. They thought
that nothing less, than an immediate revolution, was
to be ushered in; and, however dangerous it might be
to the public safety, procrastination was the line of
conduct, which they wished to pursue. For this pur
pose, these men made a handle of the oath, to prevent
their taking it. They did not think they could swear
in the dark — they were afraid, this oath would militate
against others, which they had taken — and then, they
•would be guilty of perjury. In vain, were they
assured of the contrary; and, that there was nothing
more treasonable, in the report to be made; than
what, they had already jierpetrated. And upon this,
the Committee withdrew their report.
On the 10th day of May, the Committee, made
another Report to the General Committee: being an
association of defence, to be signed by the inhabitants
generally. This, was postponed to the next day. On
the 11th, the association underwent a long debate of
seven hours. At first, the form was objected to; it
was couched, in tqo unlimited terms. And, they did
not know, how far they might be extended. At
length, they agreed to the form ; but insisted, that to
sign it immediately would be a premature step. In
vain, was it alleged ; that an immediate subscription,
would be of infinitely good effect : it would be a test,
and the means of common defence, against any dan
ger. They still contended, it ought not to be sub
scribed before the meeting of the Provincial Congress;
before, and to whom, it ought to be referred: and
whose resolutions thereon, would be binding. Not
being able to obtain better terms, the Special Commit
tee were under the necessity of postponing the object
of their wishes; and, after this mode, was the matter
in contention compromised. It however demonstrated,
that nearly one half of the General Committee were

248 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1775.
SO timid, as almost to cause others to despair of the
public safety. For, upon the question being put, to
recommit the association; it was lost, 25 to 23. —
William Henry Drayton, and Rawlins Lowndes, being
Tellers. It also afforded the unpleasant evidence;
that if a regiment of the King's soldiers should arrive
before the sitting of the Provincial Congress; a fatal
blow would probably be given, to the popular measures
of this Colony.
On this same day (May 11th) an Express arrived
from Connecticut, with advices of the battle on the
19th of April last. The expedition with which it was
brought, proved the practicability and advantage, of
forwarding dispatches, through the intervention of
Committees. And, as at the time of writing these
memoirs, the time, distance, and route used on the
occasion, may be desirable to be known ; especially,
as the original papers from Committee to Committee,
from Connecticut to Chariestown, are in the posses
sion of the writer; it is thought proper to be some
what particular, in relating the same.
The letter of intelligence, which was transmitted
from Committee to Committee, was dated at Walling-
ford in the Colony of Connecticut, on the 24th day of
April 1775; and was written by James Lock wood.
The same day, it was received by the Committee at,

day.

do.

New-Haven,

April 24 p

Fairfield,

do. > 1

Nawalk,

do,)

Greenwich,

25"

New- York,

- do.

Elizabeth-Town,

do, y 1
- do.

Weodbridge,

New- Brunswick,

do.

CHAPTER Vn,— J775.

249

Princetown,
Trentown, Philadelphia,Chester,
New-Castle, Christeen Bridge,
Head of Elk,
Baltimore,
Annapolis,Alexandria, The route was not regularly
but the Express came to,
Dumfries,Fredericksburg,King William, -
Surry County,
Willianisburgh, Smithfield, Nancimond, - . .
Chowan, ...
Edenton, ...
Beaufort County,
Bath,
New Bern,
Onslow, ...
New River,
Wilmington, ...
Brunswick,
Carolina Boundary at Little River,
Waccamaw River, ¦ -
Georgetown, Chariestown, "

April 26 7
do.
. do. do,
- do. do,^
- 27?
do, S
28 >
do, ^
kept here : 29

1 day.

1 do,
Ido,
1 do.

17 days.

The Time, in which the route was performed was
17 days; and, as Wallingford is about 100 miles east
of New-York, and the route of the Express was by no
means direct; the distance travelled over, could not
have been less, than one thousand miles.*

" See Copies of the letter of Advice, and of the different Communications
from Committee to Committee, in the Appendix at the end of this Chap. No. !•
32

250 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
As the rime for the meering of the Provincial Con
gress approached, various measures vvere formed and
digested, by the Special Committee; to meet the
approaching crisis. They comprehended plans, for
blocking up some channels of Chariestown Bar — the
equipping some armed vessels, to defend Chariestown
harbour — the prohibiting the exportation of corn and
rice, for a limited time — the raising and paying, a
body of troops — the forming, a general association
throughout the Colony. All these important matters,
¦were obstructed by some members of the General
Committee; who, were against taking any decisive
step. It being however necessary to lay before the
Provincial Congress, the causes of their iieing con
vened; they were accordingly prepared and digested,
by the Special Committee ; and the day before the
meeting of the Congress, they were agreed to by the
General Committee: who ordered them to be laid
before the Provincial Congress, by their Chairman.
The Commons-House of Assembly had been ad
journed by the Lieutenant-Governor, to the first day
of June; and it now met, pursuant to such adjourn
ment. Knowing on how slighf a tenure they held
their sittings at this time; without even sending a
Message to his Honour informing him the House had
met, and was ready to receive communications from
him; they proceeded to dispatch the public business.
For this purpose, some money accounts were agreed
to, and ordered to be inserted in the schedule to the
tax bill. The Journals of the House on the 23d day
of March 1774 were then read; upon which the
House came to the following Resolutions:
" Whereas the schedule of the public debts for the
year 1774, and for other services therein mentioned
have been brought in ; twice read, and a^jiproved by
the House; therefore,

CHAPTER VII,— 1773. 251
" Resolved, {nem. con.) That the Clerk of this
House, do forthwith grant certificates to the several
persons named in the said schedule; who may apply
to him for the same: for any sum or sums not exceed
ing the aaiount of their demands; setting forth, that
by accounts audited and allowed by the Commons-
House of Assembly, the said sum or sums appear to
be due to such person, or persons, and that the same
will be provided for by this House.
" Ordered, that before such certificates are delivered
to such persons, the Clerk do fill up, number, and sign
them; and, that they be countersigned by the follow
ing members of this House, or any five of them, viz:
Mr. Speaker, C'ol. Pinckney, Mr. Brewton, Mr.
Heyward, Mr. Cattell, Mr. Bee, Mr. Dupont, Mr.
Deas, Mr. Isaac Motte, Mr.' Theodore Gaillard, Mr.
Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Mr. Elias Horry, Mr.
Gibbes, and Mr. Thomas Horry.
" Ordered, that the said members do keep a book;
and that the Clerk do keep another; wherein, shall be
respectively entered, an exact account of the number
of certificates which shall be issued; and the sums
and persons names therein inserted.
" Resolved, that this House, will indemnify the said
members and Clerk, for every thing which they shall
do, in pursuance of the foregoing Resolution and
Orders." The House was then " moved, for leave to bring in
an Ordinance to prohibit the exportation of rice and
Indian corn, for a limited time," and leave being
given, Mr. Bee presented an Ordinance forthwith for
that purpose; "and for supplying the inhabitants of
this Colony who are in want thereof, at the price and
for the rime therein limited;" and the same was

252 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
received and read the first time. It was then resolved,
" that the said Ordnance be read a second time imme
diately." And during the time of reading the Ordi
nance a siecond time, the House was summoned to the
Council Chantber by the call of the Lieutenant-
Governor. Upon which, the House attended as sum
moned: and was immediately adjourned, to the 19th
day of June.
Votes of consequence however had been passed even
in the small portion of a day which the Commons had
employed; and the members did not much lament the
adjournment: as they gave place very opportunely for
the Provincial Congress to convene in their Chamber,
on that very day. And as the members of the House
of Commons were mostly of the Provincial Congress,
it was very easy playing from one hand into another;
and thereby progressing with the public business of the
Colony. This was the last official intercouse, which
Lieutenant-Governor Bull had, with the Commons-
House of Assembly.*
The Provincial Congress having met on the 1st of
June 1775, agreeably to the summonses, which had
been issued ; Colonel Charies Pinckney, their Presi
dent, resigned that office; and Colonel Henry Laurens
the late Chairman of the General Committee, was
chosen in his room. The reasons of their convention.
were now laid before them by the President, in the
following manner:
" I- Because the British Troops in the Province
of Massachusetts, did on the 19th of April last, com
mence a civil war, in America, with force and arms;
seizing and destroying, the property of the people of
'' See Journals of the Commons-House of Assembly of South-Carolina for
1775, pages 81, 82, 83.

CHAPTER VII.— 1775. 253
that Colony, and making hostile assaults on their per
sons : whereby, many of them fell in battle, in defence
of the property and liberty of America. A conduct,
in the British troops, amounting in effect, to a direct
and hostile attack, upon the whole people of this
Continent; threatening them, with all the calamities
of slavery.
" II. Because, this Colony cannot discharge her
duty in defence of American freedom; unless, we are
put into a state of security against any immediate
attacks by the British arms. This Colony, being in a
manner so totally defenceless; that if only a small
British military force should arrive ; they might easily
take post in Chariestown; where, the continuance of
the Provincial Congress and General Committee,
would thereby become not only dangerous, but im
practicable. And, there not being any body of men
to enforce the execution of the American Association;
there is every probability that in such a situation of
affairs, it would be immediately violated. A circum
stance, that might be of the most fatal consequence to
America. " III. Because, there are just grounds, to appre
hend an insurrection of the slaves, and hostilities
from the Indians; instigated, by the tools of a wicked
Administration. " IV. Because, the formidable military and naval
forces, lately sent from Great Britain, to reinforce the
army in Boston, manifest the accursed design of the
British Ministry, to endeavour to quell the American
troubles, by the law of arms; and not to quiet them,
by the laws of reason and justice. Hfnce, despairing
of a redress of grievances, by dutiful and peaceable
appHcations, long unavailingly presented to his Bri
tannic Majesty; we see no alternadve, but, that we

254 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
submit to abject slavery, or appeal to the Lord of
Hosts in defence of the common and unalienable
rights, peculiar to Engfishmen."
The above reasons appeared so weighty, that no
person offered any thing against them; and the Con
gress proceeded to consider the several objects, recom
mended by the General Committee. But, before they
proceeded to consider them specially, they appointed a
Committee of Ways and Means, for placing the
Colony in a pro[)er state of defence; and, it was
ordered to sit forthwith.
Among the objects recommended by the General
Committee, was an association to be entered into by
the inhabitants of the Colony; which, having been
prepared for the occasion, among the recommendafions
of the General Committee, was ready to be submitted
to the consideration of the Congress. It vvas accord
ingly brought before the Provincial Congress, at an
early hour; and notwithstanding the urgency of the
occasion, much opposition was made to its passage:
and, it was even contended, by Mr. Heyward and
others, that there was no occasion for an Association.
However, its expediency was powerful, and it pre
vailed: and on the 4th of June 1775, after Divine
Service had been performed before the Congress,
Henry LaurenS, their President, signed the same;
after which, the members present, respectively affixed
their names to that instrument; " under every tie of
religion and honour, and associate as a band in her
defence, against every foe." " Solemnly en^a^ing,
that whenever our Continental or Provincial Councils
shall deem it necessary, we will go forth, and be ready
to sacrifice our lives and fortunes, to secure her free
dom and safety." " And we will hold all those per
sons inimical to the liberties of the Colonies, who

CHAPTER Vn,— 1775. 255
shall refuse to subscribe this Association."* A pro
hibition was also passed, against the exportation of
rice and corn for three months; except the Secret
Committee should have occasion to export rice, for
procuring arms and ammunition.
On the fourth day of the Session, the Provincial
Congress resolved to raise fifteen hundred Infantry,
rank and file, in two regiments; and four hundred and
fifty Horse Rangers, constituting another regiment.
Proper pay, clothing, and provisions were assigned
them; and the troops so to be raised, were to be sub
jected to military discipline, and the articles of war, in
like manner as the British troops were governed. On
the 14th of June 1775, one million of money was
voted; Commissioners of a Treasury were concluded
on ; and a Council of Safety was elected. The
Council of Safety so called into existence, was com
posed of the following gentlemen. Henry Laurens,
Charles Pinckney, Rawlins Lowndes, Thomas Fer
guson, Miles Brewton, Arthur Middleton, Thomas
Heyward, jun. Thomas Bee, John Huger, James .
Parsons, William Henry Drayton, Benjamin Elliott,
and William Williamson. As a Council, they were
vested with supreme power over the army, the militia,
and all military affairs; in fact, they were the Execu
tive Power of the Colony. And to them was dele
gated the authority, of granting commissions, suspend
ing officers, ordering courts-martial, directing, regu
lating, maintaining and ordering the army, and all
military establishments; and, of drawing on the Trea
sury, for all purposes of public service.
Matters of important nature, were transacted during
this session of the Provincial Congress. Among
* See Appendix to this Chapter, No. II.

256 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1775.
others, the non-subscribers to the Association,* were
made amenable to the General Committee, and by
them punishable, according to sound policy. Those,
who violated or refused obedience to the authority of
the Congress, were made amenable, before the
parochial and district Committees; and, upon their
being found guilty, and being contumacious, they were
to be declared inimical to the liberties of America,
and objects for the public resentment. It was also,
resolved that all absentees holding estates in this
Colony, except those who were abroad on account of
their health, and those above 60 years of age, and
under 21, ought forthwith to return: and, that no
persons holding estates in this Colony, ought to with
draw from its service ; without giving good and suffi
cient reasons for their so doing, to the Provincial
Congress: or, during its recess, to the General Com
mittee. A new general election of members of the
Provincial Congress, was then appointed to take
place in the country, on the 7th and 8th days of
August; and in Chariestown on the 28th and 29th
days of the same month : and the Provincial Congress
then sitting, was declared to be expired, on the 6th
day of August: but, the Council of Safety, and all
Committees, were declared to be continued, and to
act, until the meeting of the new Provincial Congress.
The Congress also prepared, an Address and Decla
ration to Lieutenant-Governor Bull, laying before
him their proceedings and true motives; with the
intention of presenting it to him, just before they broke
up. In the interval, intelligence was received on the
17th June, that the Scorpion, man of war, having on
board his Excellency, Lord William Campbell, ap
peared on the coast. To avoid any intercourse with
this new Governor, the Address was dispatched by
• See the Provincial Association, in the Appendix to this Chapter, No. II.

CHAPTER VII,— 1775. 257
two members to the Lieutenant-Governor, who was
at his country seat at Accabee, a few miles from
Chariestown. The deputation, however, did not
arrive at his residence, until he was informed by the
firing of canon, that the Governor had arrived. The
Lieutenant-Governor therefore declined receiving the
Address, under the plea; that as the Governor was
now in the Colony, he could no longer exercise the
functions of Administration : although, those functions
did not cease if he chose to use them, until the Gov
ernor's commission had been read and proclaimed. It
is believed, however, that his real motive, for not
receiving the Address, was, that he could not with
decency, or propriety receive an Address, which
announced to him, he was despoiled of the powers
and reins of Government; and that the King's Gov
ernor was a mere cypher. Upon this, the Address
was re-arranged ; for the purpose of presenting it to
his Excellency, after he should land.
On the 18th day of June 1775, his Excellency
Lord William Campbell, Governor of the Province,
landed in Chariestown, from the Scorpion man of
war. On this occasion, with the tacit permission of
the Provincial Congress, the militia companies were
drawn up to receive him. They made ao feu dejoie,
as had ever been usual in such a case ; neither was
there the loud and hearty acclamation of citizens,
when his commission as Governor was publicly read
before him, from the portico of the Exchange.
Whatever acclamation was made, was trivial; as the
citizens, for the most part, preserved a sullen silence.
No gentlemen as was customary, awaited his Excel
lency's landing; or attended his parade, along the
streets — save only, three Placemen Counsellors, in
cluding the Chief Justice, Gordon, and Assistant
Judge Gregory; three other Assistant Judges, Savage,
Tewtrell, and Cosslett; the Colonel of the Mifitia— •
33

258 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
the Collector, Robert Dalway Haliday — the Clerks of
the Council, James Simpson, and Common Pleas,
James Trail; and some officers of the Scorpion: the
whole of which escort, did not exceed fifteen persons.
And, to show farther, with how little pleasure or
respect the public received him; the following anec
dote, needs only to be related.
At this time, and for some weeks preceding, under
the anprehension of an intended insurrection of slaves,
as well as to train and accustom the militia of the
town to military duty, and subordination to the new
authorities; they were required to perform military
duty day and night, by companies in rotation. It so
happened, that on the day of the Governor's landing,
the Artillery Company in course of. duty mounted
guard; and their field pieces as usual, were placed on
the eastern pavement before the State-House in Meet
ing-street. Just about dusk, his E.xcellency and his
Secretary privately proceeding on foot, wished to take
the accommodation of the pavement as they went
along; and in doing so, the Governor proposed logo
between the guns and the wall But in commencing
this passage, he was hailed by the sentinel on duty;
who told him he had orders (as usual in such cases) to
suffer no person to pass that way. The Secretary,
astonished at such a reception, said — it is the Gover
nor. The sentinel replied, 1 am not to know the
Governor. His Excellency then found himself
obliged, to quit the pavement: and in doing so, and
asking the sentinel his name, he replied, " Harvey, at
your service.""^
The Provincial Congress, now drawing to a con
clusion, a copy of the Address intended to be presented
* This anecdote, is recited in the manuscript of William Henry Drayton;
but without specifying the name of the sentinel. 1 have since ascertained, that
Eis name was, Thomas Hai'vey.

CHAPTER VII.~1775. 259
to the Governor, was on the 20th of June sent to his
Excellency; with a desire to know, when he would
be waited on by the Congress to deliver it in form.
He replied, he would acquaint them, the next day.
Jn this interval, his resolution vibrated between a
consent, or refusal. However, the next day he sent
word, he was ready to rt^ceive the Address, either
from the Congress, or a Deputation. Upon this an
swer being reported to the Congress, the following
gentlemen were nominated as a Deputation to present
the Address: The Hon. William Henry Drayton, the
Hon, Captain Barnard Elliott, Col. Charles Pincknej^,
Col. James Parsons, Col. Isaac Motte, Col. Stephen
Bidl, Col. William Moultrie, Major Owtm Roberts,
Captain Thomas Savage, Captain John Huger, and
Miles Brewton, Thomas Ferguson, and Gabriel
Capers, Esquires. And, on the 21st day of June,
they waited on his Excellency with the Congressional
Address; when it was presented to him by Mr.
Drayton, in the following words:

" South- Carolina:
" To his Excellency the Right Honourable Lord
William Campbell, Governor and Commander in
Chief, over the Province aforesaid.
" The humble Address and Declaration of the
Provincial Congress:
" May it please your Excellency,
" We, his Majesty's loyal subjects, the Representa
tives of the people of this Colony, in Congress assem
bled, beg leave to disclose to your Excellency, the
true causes of our present proceedings, not only, that
upon your arrival among us, you may receive no

260 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1775.
unfavourable impression of our conduct, but that we
may stand justified to the world.
" When the ordinary modes of application for
redress of grievances, and the usual means of defence
against arbitrary impositions have failed, mankind
generally have had recourse to those that are extraorf
dinary. Hence, the origin of the Continental Con*-
gress; and hence, the present representation of the
people in this Colony. It is unnecessary to enume
rate the grievances of America — they have been so
often represented, that your Excellency cannot be a
stranger to them. Let it, therefore, suffice to say,
that the hands of his Majesty's Ministers, having long
lain heavy — now press us with intolerable weight.
We declare, that no love of innovation — no desire of
altering the Constitution of Government — no hist of
indei)endence, has had the least influence upon our
counsels: but alarmed and roused by a long succession
of arbitrary proceedings, by wicked Administrations-!-
impressed with the greatest apprehension of instigated
insurrections — and deeply affected by the commence
ment of hostilities by the British troops against this
Continent — solely for the preservation and in defence
of our lives, liberties, and properties, we have been
impelled to associate, and to take up arms.
" We, sincerely deplore those slanderous informa
tions, and wicked counsels, by which his Majesty has
been led into measures; which, if persisted in, must
inevitably involve America in all the calamities of
civil war, and rend the British Empire. We only
desire the secure enjoyment of our invaluable rights;
and we wish for nothing more ardently, than a speedy
reconciliation with our mother country, upon constitu
tional principles.

CHAPTER VII.— 1775. 261
"Conscious of the justice of our cause, and the
integrity of our views; we readily profess our loyal
attachment to our Sovereign, his Crown, and dignity;
and trusting the event to Providence, we prefer death
to slavery.
" These things, we have thought it our duty to
declare; that your Excellency, and, through you, our
August Sovereign, our fellow subjects, and the whole
world, may clearly understand; that our taking up
arms, is the result of a dire necessity, and in compli
ance with the first law of nature.
" We, entreat and trust, that your Excellency will
make such a representation of the state of this Colony,
and of our true motives, as to assure his Majesty, that
in the midst of all our complicated distresses, he has
no subjects in his wide extended dominions, who more
sincerely desire to testify their loyalty and affection;
or who would be more willing to devote their lives and
fortunes in his real service.
By order of the Provincial Congress,
at Chariestown, June 20th, 1775.
" HENRY LAURENS, President."
. To this Address, his Excellency Lord William
Campbell, made the following answer:
" Gentlemen,
" I know of no representatives of the people of this
province, except those constitutionally convened in th6
General Assembly; and, am incompetent to judge of
the disputes which at present unhappily subsist, be
tween Great Britain, and the American Colonies.

262 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
" It is impossible, during the short interval since my
arrival, that I should have acquired such a knowledge
of the state of the province, as to be at present able to
make any representation thereupon to his Majesty.
But, you may be assured, no representarion shall ever
be made by me, but what shall be strictly consistent
with truth ; and with an earnest endeavour to promote
the real happiness and prosperity of the province.
" WILLIAM CAMPBELL."*
Although his Excellency had had twenty-four hours
to weigh the contents of the Address before he re
ceived it; yet, in a few hours after, he began to repent
he had admitted it. For, the words " and to take up
arms," and " our taking up arms," filled him with
serious apprehensions. Indeed, he was so much dis
turbed by them, that he not only discoursed long that
evening on the subject with Mr. Brewton, at whose
residence in King-street he stayed, until his own
should be ready to receive him ; but spurred by his
reflections on the occasion, he actually called Mr.
Brewton up in the night; to communicate to him his
uneasy apprehensions, that those words would cause
troops to be immediately sent to this Colony. He
thereupon, earnestly entreated Mr. Brewton, to use
his best endeavours to cause those obnoxious words, to
be erased from the proceedings of the Provincial Con
gress, and from the address which had been delivered to
him; and to substitute some less exceptionable expres
sions, in their place: saying, that to the secrecy of
such transaction, he was willing to be solemnly sworn.
Impressed by the Governor's application, and also by
his own apprehensions, Mr. Brewton complied with
his Excellency's request; and proposed the erasement
to three or four members of the Congress: but, it
appearing that opposition would arise against such a
* See Remembrancer, for 1775, published in London, pages 236, 237.

CHAPTER VII.— 1775. 263
measure, and thereby the project would become public,
he desisted from proceeding farther in a matter, of
such tender negociation.
It has been shown, that the Provincial Congress
resolved to raise three regiments of troops; two of
w hich were to be infantry, and one of them to be of
the nature of mounted infantry or cavalry. And no
sooner was this determination known, than a great
number of candidates, among whom were many of the
first families and fortunes in the Colony, applied for
commissions; so great was the military ardor, which
the late proceedings had excited. A ballot for officers
accordingly took place, soon after the resolution for
raising the regiments had passed: when Christopher
Gadsden, was elected Colonel — Isaac Huger, Lieu
tenant-Colonel — and Owen Roberts, Major, of the
first regiment; William Moultrie, Colonel — Isaac
Motte, Lieutenant-Colonel — and Alexander MTntosh,
Major, of the second regiment; and William Thomson,
Lieutenant-Colonel — and James Mayson, Major, of
the third regiment. At the same time, the Captains
and Subalterns of these regiments were also ap
pointed.* This, took place anterior to the appointment
of th^ Deputation, wha presented the Address to
Governor Campbell ; and is the reason, why so many
of that deputation, are named under military titles.
This measure, now withdrew from the public Coun
cils many men of respectability, in whom the public
confidence was placed; who, by their appointments
were called to the active duties of a military life.
But, it did not deprive them of their seats in the public
Councils: and whenever circumstances permitted,
they availed themselves of the privileges of their civil
appointments, to sup|)ort all such public measures, as
the American cause required.
* See Appendix to this Chapter, No. III.

264 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
Although the Congress undertook to raise' this body
of troops, and to provide for their pay, clothingv and
maintenance, and for other contingent charges, to the
amount of one million for one year; yet, they pru
dently avoided laying any tax, or forming any particu
lar fund, for sinking the currency to be issued by their
authority. It was much pressed by some, to lay a
tax, and sink a certain proportion of the paper curr
rency, which was to be so issued; but such a proposi
tion was refused. And in justification of the measure,
it was urged that the Association, by which, the whole
property of the Colony was bound to make good the
contracts of the Provincial Congress, was, a sufficient
security, that the public would make effectual provision
for the public expenses under the authority of the
Congress — that a tax ought not to be laid : for, how
could the planter procure money, when he could not
sell the produce of his estate, because, it could not he
exported.? Besides, if a tax should be laid, and from
the confusion of the times it was not collected, the
paper currency would not only be greatly depreciatedi;
but people, observing the tax for sinking gradually the
emission could not be levied, would in all probability
be so much alarmed, as that the circulation of the
money would be entirely destroyed. It was therefore
holden to be the best policy, in the then situation of
affairs, that no tax ou:;ht to be laid on the people for
sinking the paper currency, during the civil convul
sions; and, that so much paper money should be
annually emitted, as the public service might requirei
As to this matter, the Congress contented themselves
with passing a resolution, ^jled&ing the public faith to
make full provision for calling in, and discharging
those emissions of money ; which were known under
the denomination, of certificates of public debt: and
whichhad been legislated on by the Commons-House
of Assembly, so far as the reading of the schedule
respecting the same the second rime in that House, ou

CHAPTER VII.— 1775. 265
the 1st day of June 1775. These things being done,
the Provincial Congress adjourned itself on the 22d
day of June: having previously delegated much of
their authority to the Council of Safety, and the Gen
eral Committee. And it was particularly recom
mended to the General Committee, to take effectual
methods, to have the Association signed throughout
the Colony: and to require from the non-subscribers,
the reasons of their refusal.
The call of public affairs was so pressing, that be
fore the Provincial Congress had adjourned, the
Council of Safety held its first sitting on the 16th of
June; when, Henry Laurens was chosen President,
and Peter Timothy, Secretary of the same; the latter
with a salary of one thousand pounds currency a year.
They then proceeded to issue commissions for the
army: upon which occasion,' some of the members
wished to have proper ones issued, under seal. But,
by a great majority, the Council would not then hear
of any thing looking so independent; for which rea
son, they only issued certificates, expressing that " In
pursuance of the Resolutions of the Provincial Con
gress, A. B. is Colonel, ^c. of such a Regiment," ^c.
And such certificate was signed, by the members of
the Council of Safety then present.* And in this
manner, they commissioned all those officers, who had
been appointed. Directions were also given by them,
for the stamping and issuing of the money bills, which
had been voted; and, on the 21st of June they issued
orders, to the Colonels of foot, to recruit men, not-
exceeding fifty in a company; and to the Colonel of
horse, not exceeding thirty.f
' See Appendix to this Chapter, No, IV.
t So zealous were the field officers, (hat recruits were obtained, before the
above prders were issued for recruiting — as, by Captain Mason's orderly book,
for the second regiment, it appears, that on the 20th of June 177.5, 7 Serjeants,
34

266 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
For along time, John Stuart, the Superintendant of
Indian Affairs, had been suspected of endeavouring to
influence the Indians against the American cause.*
A person from North-Carolina, had laid before the
Committee of Intelligence, some particulars on this
subject; which he had collected from the conversation
and behaviour of the Catawba Indians, not only in
their nation, but from some whom he met loaded with
arms, in their return from Chariestown. These par
ticulars, were given by the Committee of Intelligence
to Mr. Drayton, as Chairman of the Secret Com
mittee; and he laid them before the Provincial Con
gress. In addition to this information, the Superin
tendant suddenly quitted Chariestown, just before the
Provincial Congress met on the first of June; and
¦went to Savannah : at which place, an indistinct
account of this matter respecting the Catawba Indians
reached him. To justify himself in this particular, he
wrote a letter to Colonel Howarth in Chariestown,
couched in such terms as he thought might have a
suitable effect. But this not satisfying his uneasy
suspicions, he went to Colonel Mulryne's house at
Thunderbolt, some miles below Savannah; and de
sired that the Colonel would wait on some gentlemen
who were in opposition to Government, as it was then
called in Georgia, " and beg that they would be so
good as to call on the Superintendant at his house, as
he wanted to have an opportunity of clearing himself
of some aspersions; and likewise to lay before them
3 corporals, and 13 privates, were already recruited for the second regiment—
and it is probable, the recruiting of the first regiment, was equaUy advanced,
* John Stuart, Esq. was sole Agent and Superintendant of his Majesty's
Indian Affairs, for the Southern Disti'ict; comprehending Virginia, North-Caro
lina, South-Carolina, Georgia, East Florida, and West Florida; in the Privy
Councils of all which Provinces, lie had a seat, by his Majesty's special writs
of mandamus, directed respectively to the Governors or Commanders in Ciiief,
of each of those Provinces. Of course, his influence over the Indians waB
extensive and imposing.

CHAPTER vn,— 1775. 267
his letters with respect to Indian affairs." Colonel
Mulryne accordingly, waited on Joseph Habersham
and some other gentlemen who were men of respecta
bility, and friends to the American cause; and they
waited on the Superintendant agreeably to invita
tion, on the 15th day of June 1775. At this confer
ence, the Superintendant was in great agitation of
mind; and weakly laid before these gentlemen, his
official letter book; in which he expressed himself to
Mr. Cameron, his Agent among the Cherokee Indians
in this Colony, to the following purport: "I have
received information from General Gage, that certain
persons at the Northward have been tampering with
the Six Nations, and endeavouring to alienate their
affections, from his Majesty. I mention this, to cau
tion you against any thing of the kind, with you ; and,
that you will use your influence to dispose those
people, to act in defence of his Majesty and Govern
ment, if found necessary." To this, it appeared, Mr.
Cameron replied, " That Mr. Stuart's interest with
the Indians was much greater; and that he was more
beloved by them, than any other man. And that he
(Mr. Cameron) had the vanity to think, that he could
head any number he thought proper; whenever called
upon, in support of his Majesty and Governmt nt."
The above extracts are taken from a letter written on
the 16th June, the day after the conference; by Mr.
Joseph Habersham of Georgia, to his friend, Mr.
Philotheos Chiffelle of this Colony; and are to be
seen in the Appendix of this Chapter:* and Mr.
Chiffelle, for the best of reasons, the service of his
country, delivered it over to the popular public autho
rity. Upon the particulars stated in this letter, Stuart
was generally supposed to be guilty. However, before
condemnation, it was thought advisable, he should be
called upon to make his defence ; and for this purpose,
' See Appendix, No, V,

268 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
the Congress ordered the Committee of Intelligence
to write to him on the subject ; supposing him to be
still in Georgia: but the letter did not reach him, until
his arrival in Augustine; from whence he returned an
answer, explaining and justifying his conduct as well
he could.*
During the time Superintendant Stuart, was at
Savannah in Georgia, as above stated, intelligence had
been received from a gentleman in Georgia to Captain
Thomas Savage, who communicated the same to the
public authorities; that a ship with several tons of
gun-powder, was expected very shortly to arrive in
Savannah. Of this powder. Governor Weight of
Georgia, and the Superintendant, had provided a large
supply to the Indians; and, as the traders were wil
ling to supply the Indians, if leave could be obtaihed
in England, for the exportation of what was required;
the Governor of Georgia had been earnest in his
applications to the Ministry on that head ; as a great
means, of keeping the Savages attached to the British
Government. Leave was accordingly granted, by the
British Ministry; of which, the Secret Committee of
this Colony had notice. The Committee was also
farther informed, that Governor Wright intended to
lay hands on the powder at its arrival ; and seize it
for the service of the Crown. The Committee there
fore were of opinion, that by getting the powder into
their possession, the Governor and Superintendant
would lose their influence with the Indians; as they
would be unable to perform the engagements, they had
made with them : and that in a proportionate degree
our influence with them would be strengthened.
That, if it were of consequence to Governor Wright, to
seize the powder; it was of consequence to us, to
prevent such seizure: and, if it were private property,
* See Appendix, No. Vt.

CHAPTER VII,— 1775. 269
we could pay for it. At any rate, the Carolinians had
occasion for it, in defence of their rights and libferties ;
and if it were property of the Crown, it was expedient
to seize that into our own hands; which the King's
sefvants, meant to employ against us.
Under these impressions, the Secret Committee
issued a commission to Captains John Barnwell and
Joyner of Beaufort, to use all means in their power,
to seize the military stores on board the ship, which
was so expected fronu England. Upon the receipt of
the commission and instructions, these two gentlemen,
immediately embarked forty men well armed, in two
large barges; and proceeding towards the mouth of
Savannah River, they encamped on Bloody Point,
in South-Carofiaa; in full view of Tybee Light-
House, and of the approach from sea, to the Savan
nah bar. A military station being so formed, in the
vicinity of the town of Savannah in Georgia; and
news also arriving at Savannah, that a large body of
regular troops, were immediately to be raised in
South-Carolina, threw the friends of Administration
in Georgia, into apprehensions for their personal
safety. The report ran, that this party was sent to
seize the Governor and the Superintendant. Con
sternation seized them ; the Governor got some friends
to be on the look out, respecting any measures against
himself; and without doubt, the report accelerated the
departure of the Superintendant, for Augustine:
which he successfully effected some little time after.
As it turned out. Captains Barnwell and Joyner
with their men, had taken post earlier than was
necessary at Bloody-Point : it was however, of con
siderable advantage to the public affairs. For, even
that small force, had a tendency to overawe the Royal
Government in Georgia, particularly at Savannah:
and»was the means of giving new life and support

270 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
there, to the friends of America. It was about this
time, they formed a Committee — signed an Associa
tion — and ordered elections to be holden for delegates
to a Congress, to be holden at Savannah, on the 4th
day of July. They also, made large collections for
the support of the people of Boston — declared, that
their Colony should not be an asylum for any person
or persons, who from their conduct should be con
sidered, inimical to the common cause of America;
or, should have drawn upon themselves, the disappro
bation or censure of any of the Colonies.* They also,
offered every kind of assistance and support, to Cap
tains Barnwell and Joyner; and told them, if they
desired it, they would immediately assist them, in
taking the British armed schooner then in the river;
and supposed to be waiting the arrival of the vessel
from England, with the gun-powder. On this point,
the Carolinians took time to consider; and Mr.
Drayton and Mr. Middleton, two of the Secret Com
mittee of five, of their own authority sent them private
encouragement to fit out a schooner on the occasion,
to be used as circumstances might require; and to
endeavour to engage the people of Savannah, to join
in the enterprize. Soon after, a letter was received
by the Secret Committee from Captain Joyner, dated
July 1st; stating, that he had engaged a schooner, and
she would be ready for sea, in a few days. Arrange
ments were however made with the Georgians, by
which, a junction of Carolinians and Georgians took
place; and the schooner was commissioned by the
Georgia Congress, then sitting. The British armed
schooner was then lying outside of Savannah bar,
ready for intercepting the vessel with the gun-powder;
but, no sooner did she find the colonial schooner was
on the point of coming down to her, than she imme
diately weighed anchor, and went to sea, with the
' M'Call's Hist, -if Georgia, vol. 2, page 45. •

CHAPTER VII,-1775. 271
utmost precipitation. Had there been any longer
delay in fitting out the schooner the powder would
have been lost. For, the schooner had scarcely taken
post beyond the bar; when the expected vessel with
the gun-powder, appeared in sight. The Carolinians
on this occasion were commanded by Captains Barn
well and Joyner; and the Georgians by Captain
Brown and Joseph Habersham. The vessel in sight
proved to be a ship commanded by Captain Maitland;*
and no sooner was the colonial schooner distinguished,
than guessing her design, the ship tacked and stood to
sea. The schooner however pursued, and brought
her to ; and with the assistance of the Carolina party
and their barges, boarded her, and secured their prize.
It was soon ascertained, that the gun-powder on board
was private property; upon which, the Carolinians
took what was intended for their merchants, and
those of Augustine; and the Georgians possessed
themselves of what belonged to their people. In this
distribution of powder, Carolina obtained about 7,000
pounds, and Georgia about 9,000 pounds, of gun
powder. During this transaction, which was kept secret,
news had arrived from Philadelphia and Rhode-Island,
of the battle of Bunker's Hill ; that the Continental
Congress had appointed General officers to command
the American army, George Washington, being Com
mander in Chief; and, that they had issued two
millions of dollars, in paper currency, upon the credit
of the United Colonies. An Express vessel had also
arrived from Philadelphia, laden with Indian corn as a
deception; by which, a letter was brought from our
Delegates in Congress, dated July 1st, 1775, and
addressed to William Henry Drayton, Arthur Middle-
* Probably, the same Maitland, whose trading to Chariestown, had been
interdicted by the General Committee. See Ante, pages 132 to 135,

272 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
ton, and Charies Cotesworth Pinckney, members of the
Secret Committee. In it they stated, that by direcr
tions of the Continental Congress, the vessel was sent
for gun-powder, for the use of the army then in the
field ; as from the frequent skirmishes in the vicinity
of Boston, the Magazine had become so exhausted, as
to make an immediate supply necessary. And the
Secret Committee was thereby entreated to purchase
all the powder that could be bought ; and to dispatch
the vessel back with it to Philadelphia, with all pos
sible speed: together with as much as could be spared
from the public stock in Carolina. It even implored
the sending of damaged powder; and to collect and
transmit salt-petre.* The purport of this letter had
been kept secret, by the Secret Committee ; but, hav
ing so happily succeeded in taking the powder from
Maitiand's ship, the Secret Committee now, July 12th,
1775, communicated the whole of their intelligence to
the Council of Safety. They were both pleased, and
astonished at the news; pleased, as relating to the
seizure of the gun-powder; and astonished, to be
informed that the gun-powder at the Northward, was
reduced to a very small quantity; when they had sup
posed their magazines to have been well stored. As
the call from the Continental Congress was urgent, it
was proposed to make a literary application to Geor
gia, to assist in a loan of powder. But on farther
consideration, it was deemed better, to send a deputa
tion on the occasion: and William Henry Drayton,
aiid Miles Brewton, were nominated for that purpose.
These gentlemen, accordingly proceeded to Savannah,
and applied to the Provincial Congress on the 15th of
July, for a loan of gun-powder, agreeably to their
instructions. Their errand being known, it was gene
rally thought it would be fruitless. However, a
Committee having been appointed on the application;
" See this Letter ui Appendix to this Chapter, No. VII.

CHAPTER VII,— 1775, 273
they reported, that of 12,700 pounds which they had,
they ought to lend only 3,000 pounds; and the Con
gress were on the point of confirming the report, when
the Deputies remonstrated in such terms, that they
altered their opinion, and granted 5,000 pounds of
powder. The same was in consequence of the grant,
immediately delivered to the Deputies; and on the
21st day of July, the Express boat which had so
come from Philadelphia for powder, was dispatched
by the Secret Committee of South-Carolina, with the
5,000 pounds of gun-powder on board, to the Conti
nental Congress at Philadelphia; and passing through
the bar at North Edisto, she commenced her voyage
for that destination. She, happily arrived at Phila
delphia; and it was by the arrival there of this vessel,
with the powder, that the American arms penetrated
into Canada, and the seige of Boston was continued.
During the events which took place about this time,
and of which mention has been made; it is of some
consequence to observe, that in the course of June of
this year, Laughlin Martin, and James Dealy, having
behaved in a very improper manner respecting the
General Committee and their proceedings, as well as
respecting the Association; and having threatened
Michael Hubart with death, unless he begged their
pardon, for having justified the conduct of the Com
mittee; he sent a petition respecting the affair, to the
Committee of Correspondence of Chariestown. This
Committee immediately transferred it to the Secret
Committee of five; who having considered the same,
ordered both Martin and Dealey to be tarred and
feathered.* The order was promptiy put in execu
tion, by suitable agents; and they vvere both stripped
* The British 47th regiment, under the Command of Lieutenant-Colonel
Nesbit, commenced this singular punishment on one of the inhabitants of the
town of Billeiica, in the State of Massachusetts, on the 8th of March 1775.—
See The London Remembrancer, for 1775, page 62.
35

274 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
of their clothes, tarred, feathered, and carted through
the streets of Chariestown; affording the fir.st instance
of such a spectacle in this Colony. This being done,
the Secret Committee sent them on board a ship, ready
to sail for England; Laughlin Martin was however,
permitted to land again, and was discharged, on ex
pressing his contrition in a public manner: but James
Dealy, for an exa.nple, was sent away.* These sum
mary measures have been sup|)osed by writers, to
have proceeded from the intemperate zeal of the
populace; and there can be no doubt, but many of
them took their rise from that source. But there can
be as little doubt, this first commencement of so ludi
crous and disgraceful a punishm^^nt, owed its origin in
South-Carolina to this very case. And that it was
sanctioned and directed by the Secret Committee, is
equally clear; as the case is specially noted in the
manuscript of William Henry Drayton, who was
Chairman of that Committee, as having been done by
the sanction of the santie; and the original petition of
Hubart, with the orders of the Secret Committee
thereon, one of them in the known hand writing of
the Chairman, Mr. Drayton, is now in the possession
of the writer of these Memoirs. We need go no
farther for authority to show, what vast power and
confidence, were lodged in this Secret Committee of
five; and particularly in the abilities, prudence, and
enterprize of its lead iig menibers, William Henry
Drayton, Arthur Middleton, and Charies Cotesworth
Pinckney. And had the revolution not taken place,
but colonial affairs, had settled down in a rebellion;
there can be no doubt, but these distinguished patriots
would have been marked out, as early victims to pri
vate persecution, and British vengeance. For, the
councils of this Committee, were not paralized by
timid opposition, as olten happened in the Provincial
* See the Petition and proceedings in the Appendix to this Chap, No, VIII.

CHAPTER VII.— 1775. 275
Congress, Council of Safety, and General Committee;
it was only necessary, that the emergency should arise
calling on the Committee to act — for them to direct
the blow : and it often fell, before the cause of it
could have been surmised. Hence, the lead and tone,
which this Secret Committee gave to the public opi
nion, and to public operations, was great, and decisive:
and they much tended to concentrate the pubhc ener
gies, into a firm and manly opposition.
In pursuance of a recommendation of the Conti
nental Congress, the 20th day of June was appointed
for solemn fast and prayer, throughout the associated
Colonies. Georgia, observed this day also. And, for
the first time, a general fast, and prayer, on the same
occasion, was observed through all united America, on
the same day.

APPENDIX

CHAPTER VII.

No, I,
1;0PIES of the Letter of Advice, respecting the
Battie of Lexington; and, of the different Communi
cations, from Committee to Committee.
Wallingford, Monday Morning, April 24, 1775-
DEAR SIR,
Colonel Wadsworth, was over in this place, most of yesterday;
and has ordered twenty men, out of each company in his regi
ment; some of which, have already set off, and others go this
morning. He brings accounts, which come to him authenticated,
from Thurs<lay in the afternoon. The King's troops being rein
forced a second time, and joined as I suppose, from what I can
learn, by the party who were intercepted by Colonel Gardner,
were then encunped on Winter Hill ; and were surrounded by
twenty thousand of our men, who were entrenching. Colonel
Gardner's ambush proved fatal to Lord Percy, and another gene
ral officer, who were killed on the spot, at the first fire. To

TO CHAPTER VII. 277
counterbalance this good news, the story is, that our first man in
command, (who he was I know not,) is also killed. It seems, they
they have lost many men, on both sides. Colonel Wadsworth,
had the accounts in a letter from Hartford, The country beyond
here, are all gone off, and we expect it will be impossible to pro
cure horses for our waggons ; as they have or will, in every place
employ themselves all their horses. In this place, they send an
horse, for every sixth man; and, are pressing them for that pur
pose, I know of no way, but you must immediately send a
couple of stout able horses, who may overtake us at Hartford pos
sibly ; where, we must return M, Noy's and Meloy's, if he holds
out so far. Remember, the horses must be had, at any rate. I
am in the greatest haste, your entire friend and humble servant,
James Lockwood.
N, B. Col, Gardner took nine prisoners; and twelve clubbed
their firelocks, and came over to our party. Colonel Gardner's
party, consisted of seven hundred, and the Regulars eighteen hun
dred, instead of twelve hundred, as we heard before. They have
sent a vessel up Mystick River, as far as Temple's Farm; which is
about half a mile from Winter Hill, These accounts being true,
all the King's forces, except four or five hundred, must be en
camped on Winter Hill, At the instance of the gentlemen of
Fairfield, just departed from hence, this is copied verbatim, from
the original, to be forwarded to that town, Isaac Bears,
New-Haven, April 24, half past 9 o'clock, forenoon,
PiERPONT Edwards.
Fairfield, April 24, 3 o'clock, afternoon. A true copy, as rec'd
per Express. Thad, Bukr,
And'w Rowland,
Elijah Abel,
Nawalk, April 24, 7 o'clock, afternoon, A true Copy, as rec'd
per lixpiess, John Hait, jun, Sam'l Hutton,
David Webb, Dan'l Gray,
JoNA. Warning,

278 APPENDIX
Greenwicli, April 25, S o'clock, morning. The above is for.
warded to the Committee of Correspondence, at iNew-Yirk. Amos Mead,
A true copy, rec'd in New-York, 2 o'clock, p, m. Tuesday,
April 25, 1775, *
A true copy, rec'd at Eliz-Town, 7 o'clock in the evening;
Tuesday, 25th April 1775. JoNA. Hampton,
Chairman of the Committee;
Geo, Ross,
John Blanchasd.
A true copy, rec'd at Woodhridge, 10 of the clock, in the
evening, Tuesday, April 25, 1775. Nathaniel Heard, ) ^, r ^,
Sam'l Parker, (Three of th

Jonathan ClIwson, S ^''""*"**'
The above rec'd at New-Brunswick, the 25th April 1775,12
o'clock at night.
Wm. Oake, P
Jas. Neilson, C Committee.
Az. Dunham, )
A true copy rec'd at Princetown, April 26, 1775, half past 3
o'clock in the morning. Thomas 'Wiggin, ? Members of
JoNA. Baldwin, ^ Committee.
The above rec'd at Trenton, on Wednesday morning, about
half after 6 o'clock^ and forwarded, at 7 o'clock,
Sam'l Tucker, ) ™, r.r.
Isaac Smith, i Three of the
Ab'm Hunt, ) ^om'"''"''-
' No signature appears here for New- York, and it is accounted for in this
manner. Mr. Lockvvood's Letter, and all the signatures after it down to Balti
more are written in one hand writing on a sheet of paper; hence it is proba
ble the papers witb the original subscribers, vvere withholden at Baltimore, and
were copied there on that sheet of paper ; in doing which, they omitted insert
ing the subscribers at New-York. From Baltimore inclusive, the subscribers'
names to the papers are in their own hand vvritino-.

TO CHAPTER VII. 279
Philadelphia, 12 o'clock Wednesday rec'd, and forwarded at
the same time by Lamb. Cadwalader, ) ,^ .,. ,-
Wm. i-BAADPORD, ( Comwrtteefor
Isaac Malcheb, ] fhuadelplm.
Chester, 4 o'clock, Wednesday, p, m. rec'd, and forwarded by
Fr.\ncis Johnston,
IsA.\c Eyre,
Sa.ml, Fairlamb.
New-Castle, 9 o'clock, Wednesday evening, rec'd, and for
warded, Z. V, Leitvenigh,
Stephen Spencer.
Wednesday night, Christeen Bridge, 12 o'clock, forwarded to
Col. Thomas Couch, Esq. who rec'd it this moment, and he to
forward it to Tobias Rudulph, Esq, Head of Elk, in Vlaryland.
S, Patterson.
Night and day to be forwarded.
27th April 1775, half past 4 o'clock, a. m, rec'd, and for
warded to Patrick Hamilton, il^sq, in Chariestown by
Tobias Rudulph, and
Jos. Gilpin.
Baltimore, April 27th, 1775, received 10 o'clock, p, m.
John Boyd, Clerk of Committee.
A true copy rec'cf in Annapolis, Friday, April 28th, 1775,
half after 9 o'clock, a. m. and forwarded at 10 per Express.
Mat, Tilghman, )
Ch. Carroll, of Carrollton, /i„™™-., /¦
„ „ ' ' Lommittee of
Lhar. Carroll, /-, , -'
-[ „ ' > Lorrespondence
¦L "^t""' for Maryland.
1 HS. Johnson, J un, ¦' "
Sam'l Chasbj j

280 APPENDIX Friday, Alexandria, 8 o'clock, p, m.
We received the enclosed from Annapolis, at 6 o'clock, please
forward it to Fredericksburgh. I am for self and the Committee
of Correspondence, in this place.
Gentlemen, your hum. servt,
Wm, Ramsay,
To the Committee of Correspondence
in Dumfries.

Gentlemen, The enclosed came to hand this morning, about 10 o'clock.
In one hour, I hired the bearer to convey it to your place, to
the different Committees. For self, and the Committee of Cor
respondence in this place, I am. Gentlemen, your most obt. hum,
servt. William Cabr,
Dumfries, April 30, Sunday.
To the Committee of Correspondence at
Fredericksburgh. By Express.
Fredericksbicrg, Sunday Evening, half past 4,
Gentlemen, The enclosed arrived here, about an hour ago, and is for
warded to your Committee by your very hum. servts.
Js. Mercer, 1
Geo. Thornton, I „
Mann Page, jun, f Committee.
Hugh Mercer, 3
King William, May 1st, 1775.
Gentlemen, The enclosed arrived here to-day, and is forwarded to your
Committee by your most obt, servt. Carter Braxton,
Surry County, May 2c?, 1775.
Gentlemen, The enclosed arrived here this evening, and is forwarded by
your most obt. hum, servt. Allen Cocke,

TO CHAPTER VIL 281
Williamsburg, 2d May 1775.
Gentlemen, The enclosed is this moment come to hand, and I forward it
to you by Express ; with the request, of the Committee of Wil
liamsburg that you will be pleased to forward the papers to the
Southward, and disperse the material passages through all your
parts. I am very respectfully, Gentn. yr. mo, ob. Set.
Ro, C, Nicholas, Chairman.
Smithfield, May 3d, 1775. 5 o'ck. the morning.
The enclosed arrived here this morning, and is forwarded to
your Committee of Correspondence by your humble serfs,
Arth'r Smith,
Nathaniel Burune.
To the Committee of the County of Nancimond, or any
of them. An Express from Boston.
Gentlemen, The enclosed is this moment come to hand, and we forward it
to you by Express, with the request of the Committee of Nanci
mond, and you will be pleased to forward them to the Southward,
I am, Gent, your mo, ob, sert,
Willis Ridduh,
Wills Ceowper.
Nancimond, May 3d, 1775.
To the Committee of Chowan, No, Carolina.
Gentlemen, The enclosed papers we have just rec'd ; and forward them
by Express to you. To be sent to the Southward.
We are, Gent, your obt, ser.
The Committee op the County of Chowan,
May 3d, 1775.
To the Committee of Correspondence for the
town of Edenton, By Express. Edenton, May 4th, 9 o'ck, 1775.
Gentlemen, The enclosed is this moment come to hand, and we forward
to you by Express, with the request, that you will be pleased to

282 APPENDIX
forward the papers to the Committee of Craven County immedi
ately, and disperse the material passages, through all your parts. ,
We are, Gentlemen,
Your obt, humb. servts.
Tho, Jones, Jos. Blount,
Chas, Boindfield, Chairman.
Jno. Green, Robt. Hardy,
Will'm Bennett, Rob. Smith,
Jno. Hamilton, S, Dickinson.
To the Committee of Beaufort County.

Beaufort County, May 6th, 1775.
Gentlemen, The enclosed is this moment come to hand, and we forward
to you by Express, with the request, that you will forward the
different papers to the Southward immediately.
We are, Gentlemen, your obt. hum. serfs.
Roger Osmond,
Wm. Brown.
To the Committee of Craven County.

Bath, 6th May 1775.
Dr. Sir, In haste have sent to request you will peruse the enclosed
papers ; and that you will do, by opening the packet herewith
sent, the moment it comes to your house. Get three or four of
your Committee to write a line, and send the whole enclosed to
the next Southward Committee, with the utmost dispatch. We
are, dr. Sir, with regard, your most humb. servts,
Wm. Brown,
Roger Osmond,
To Abner Nash, Esq, or either of the Committee
for the County of Craven— Per Express.

New Bern, 6th of May 1775.
Gentlemen, The enclosed arrived here about an hour past, and is for
warded immediately to you; and desire you will keep a copy of

TO CHAPTER VII. 283
James Lockwood's letter. And send them on as soon as possible
to the Wilmington Committee. We are, Gent, your obt. servts.
Sam, Smith, A. Nash,
B. Cogdell, Joseph Leech,
John Green, John Fonvielle,
«'¦" William Tisdale, Wm. Stanly,
, Thomas M'Lin, James Coor,
N, B. We have enclosed our last paper, which gives an account of
the first beginning of the battle; which please to send to Wil
mington, &c. and send all the bundle of papers forward as soon
as possible you can.
Td the Committee of Onslow County.
Onslow, Sunday Morning, 10 o'ck. May 7th.
Gentlemen, About an hour past, I rec'd the enclosed papers. Disperse
them to your adjoining County, Keep a copy of James Lock-
wood's Letter, And pray write us, what to do. We are for Onslow.
Wm. Cray, Jos. French,
Seth Ward, Edwd. Ward,
Robert Snead.
Inclosed is the last Gazette for Brunswick.
To the Wilmington and Brunswick Committees.
For Cornelius Harnett, Esq, Colonel John Ash, or anyone
of the Committee for Wilmington. Express.
New-River, May 7th, 1775. Rec'd, and forwarded by
WiLLM, Cray.
Dr. Sir, I take the liberty to forward by Express, the enclosed papers,
which were received at 3 o'clock this afternoon. If you should be
at a loss for a man and horse, the bearer will proceed as far as the
Boundary-House, You'll please direct to Mr, Marion, or any
other gentleman to forward the packet immediately to the South-
Ward, with the greatest possible dispatch. I am with esteem,
Dr. Sir, your most ob, sert. Corns. Harnett.
Wilmington, May Sth, 1775, 4 o'ck afternoon,
P. S, For Godsake send the man on without the least delay ; and
write to Mr. Marion to forward it by night, and by day.
To Richard Quince, Esq, Brunswick,

284 APPENDIX
Brunswick, May Sth, 1775, 9 o'ck in the evening.
Mr, Isaac Marion,
Sir, I take the liberty to forward by Express, the enclosed
papers, which I just rec'd from Wilmington. And I must entreat
you, to forward them to your community at George- Town, to be
conveyed to Charles-Town, from yours with all speed. Inclosed
is the news paper, giving an account of the beginning of the
battle; and a letter of what happened after: pray don't neglect a
moment in forwarding, I am your humb. sert. Rich'd QumeEl
To Isaac Marion, Esq, at the Boundary.
Dear Sir,
Tho' I know you stand in no need of being prompted when
your country requires your service ; yet, I cannot avoid writing to
you, to beg you to forward the papers containing such important
news. And pray order the Express you send, to ride night and
day. I am, dr. Sir, in the greatest haste, your most ob, servt.
R. Howe,
Sth May 1775.
Isaac Marion, Esq, Boundary. Boundary, May 9th, 1775, Little River.
Gentlemen of the Committee,
1 have just now received Express, from the Committees of
the Northward Provinces, desiring I would forward the enclosed
packet to the Southern Committees. As yours is the nearest, I
request for the good of your country, and the welfare of our lives
and liberties, and fortunes, you'll not lose a moment's time ; but
dispatch the same to the Committee of Georgetown : to be for
warded to Charles-Town. In mean time, am Gentn.
Your oblg. hum, ser. &c,
Isaac Marion.
To Danness Hankins, Josias Alison and Samuel
Dwight, Esquires, and Messrs. Francis & John
Allston, Gentlemen of the Committee for
Little River.

TO CHAPTER VII. 285
Gentlemen, The enclosed papers were just now delivered to me, by an
Express from Little River. I make not the least doubt, but you
will forward them with the utmost dispatch, to the General Com
mittee at Charles-Town. I am Gentn. your very hum. sert.
Benja. Young.
Wednesday, 1 o'ck. IQth May 1775.
To Paul Trapier, Esq.
Chairman of the Committee at Georgetown.
Gentn, We have received your letter, and shall be careful to execute
with all the diligence in our power ; whatever you have recom
mended. We send you by Express, a Letter and news paper,
with momentous intelligence this instant arrived. We are your
humble servants, Paul Trapier,
S. Wragg,
P. Trapier, jun.
Anthony Bonneau.
i past 6 Wednesday Evening.
The Committee of InteUigence in Chariestown,
to the care of the Hon'ble William Henry
Drayton, Esq. Per Express,

No. II.
The Provincial Association.
South-Carolina.
The actual commencement of hostilities against this
Continent by the British troops, in the bloody scene on
the 19th of April last, near Boston — the increase of
arbitrary impositions from a wicked and despotic
Ministry — and the dread of insurrections in the Colo-

286 APPENDIX
nies — are causes, sufficient to drive an oppressed
people, to the use of arms. We, therefore, the Sub
scribers, inhabitants of South-Carolina, holding our
selves bound by that most sacred of all obligations,
the duty of good citizens towards an injured country,
and thoroughly convinced, that, under our present dis
tressed circumstances, we shall be justified before God
and man, in resisting force by force — do unite our
selves, under every tie of religion and honour, and
associate as a band in her defence, against every foe —
hereby, solemnly engaging, that whenever our Conti
nental or Provincial Councils, shall decree it neces
sary, we will go forth, and be ready to sacrifice our
lives and fortunes to secure her freedom and safety.
This obligation, to continue in force, until a reconcili
ation shall take plaee, between Great Britain and
America; upon constitutional principles — an event,
which we most ardently desire. And, we will hold
all those persons inimical to the liberty of the Colo
nies, who shall refuse to subscribe this Association.
10= Sec The Remembrancer, page 264, published at London for 1775;
wherein the above Instrument is published at length. '

No. III.
Officers of the first and second regiments of Infan
try; and of the regiment of Horse Rangers.
Field Officers of the first Regiment.
Christopher Gadsden, Colonel — Isaac Huger, .Lieu
tenant-Colonel — Owen Roberts, Major.

TO CHAPTER VII, 287
Field Officers of the second Regiment.
William Moultrie, Colonel — Isaac Motte, Lieuten
ant-Colonel — Alexander M'lntosh, Major.
Captains of the first and second Regiments.
Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Barnard Elliott,
Francis Marion, William Cattell, Peter Horry, Daniel
Horry, Adam M'Donald, Thomas Lynch, William
Scot, John Barnwell, Nicholas Eveleigh, James
M'Donald, Isaac Harleston, Thon.as Pinckney,
Francis Huger, William Mason, Edmund Hyrne,
Roger Parker Saunders, Charles Motte, Benjamin
Cattell. Field Officers of the Regiment of Rangers.
William Thomson, Lieutenant-Colonel  James
Mayson, Major. Captains of Rangers.
Samuel Wise, Eli Kershaw, Edward Richardson,
Ezekiel Polk, Robert Goodwin, Thomas Woodward,
John Caldwell, Moses Kirkland, John Purvis.
First Lieutenants in the first and second Regiments.
Anthony Ashby, James Ladson, Richard Singleton,
Thomas Elliott, William Olyphant, John Vanderhorst,
Robert Armstrong, John Blake, Glen Drayton, Richard
Shubrick, Richard Fuller, Thomas Lessesne, Benja
min Dickenson, William Charnock, John Moat,
Joseph Joor, James Peronneau, John A. Walter,
Thomas Moultrie, Alexander M'Queen.

288 APPENDIX
QT" The Commissions for Second Lieutenants,
were given to the Captains of each Company, to fill
up with suitable persons.
First Lieutenants of the Regiment of Rangers.
John Lewis P. ImhofF, Charles Heatley, Allen
Cameron, Richard Winn, John Donaldson, Hugh
Middleton, Lewis Dutarque, Francis Boyakin,
Samuel Watson.
87" It is probable the Commissions for Second
Lieutenants in the Rangers, w ere given to the Cap
tains of each troop, to fill up with suitable persons; as
was done with the Captains of the first and second
Regiments of Infantry.
07* Of the above military oflficers, Christopher
Gadsden, William Moultrie, Isaac Huger, and Francis
Marion, became General oflficers, during the American
war. And Charles Cotesworth Pinckney and Thomas
Pinckney, have since that time served in the armies of
the United States of America, as Major Generals.

No. IV.
One of the first Military Commissions, which were
issued by the Council of Safety.
South- Carolina.
In pursuance of the resolutions of the Provincial
Congress; we do certify, that William Moultrie,
Esquire, is Colonel of the Second Regiment, in the

TO CHAPTER VIL 289
Provincial Congress. Dated the seventeenth day of
June 1775.
William Williamson, James Parsons, Henry Lau
rens, Thomas Bee, Thomas Heyward, jun. Rawlins
Lowndes, William Henry Drayton, Benjamin Elliott,
Charles Pinckney, Arthur Middleton, Miles Brewton,
Thomas Ferguson.

No. V.
A Letter from Joseph Habersham, to Philotheos
Chiffelle.
Savannah, Friday, 16th June 1775.
Dear Sir,
The alarming height to which our disputes with
the mother country, has at length arisen, and the many
detestable arts that are made use of, by our enemies to
involve us in one general scene of distress, are motives
sufficient to stimulate every honest man, to use his
best endeavours to counteract the wicked designs of
our enemies; which, will be a sufficient excuse for
my troubling you with this : as, it conveys a piece of
intelligence that I think very interesting; and should,
when thought proper be made known to the good
people of your province, as well as our own.
Mr. John Stuart, who is now at Colonel Mulryne's
house at Thunderbolt, desired that the Colonel would
wait on some gentlemen, who are in opposition to
Government, as it is called here ; and beg that they
would be so good as to call on the Superintendant at
.S7

zoo APPENDIX
his house yesterday; as he wanted to have an oppor
tunity of clearing himself of some aspersions; and
likewise to lay before us his letters with, respect to
Indian afifairs. Accordingly, four or five of us male-
contents attended ; when Mr. Stuart began with in
forming us, that he had received letters by the last
post, from Charles-Tcivn, which made him very
uneasy : as a report had been circulated there, that he
had been tampering with certain Indians, at which, he
manifested not a little surprise. He showed us the
letter he received from Charles-Town, and his answer
to Col, Howarth; whom he has desired to make the
contents public: and which he means, a justification
of his conduct. So far, every thing appeared to me
plausible; but unluckily for Mr. Stuart, he produces
a number of his letters, to his Deputy, Mr. Cameron,
and the answers. In one of which he writes thus: "I
have received information from Gen. Gage, that certain
persons at the Northward have been tampering with the
Six Indian Nations, and endeavouring to alienate their
afifections, from his Majesty. I mention this, to cau
tion you against any thing of the kind, with you; and,
that you will use your influence to dispose those
people, to act in defence of his Majesty and Govern
ment, if found necessary." Mr, Cameron's answer,
was couched nearly in the following words, (f do not
diflfer I am positive as to the substance, tho' I may in
Some of the words:) " That Mr. Stuart's interest with
the Indians was much greater; and that he was more
beloved by them, than any other man. And that he
(Mr. Cameron) had the vanity to think, that he could
head any number he thought proper; whenever called
upon, in support of his Majesty and Government."
Now, Sir, I shall leave you to make your own com
ments on the above; tho' I will acquaint you, with
what I said to him on its being read — that we were at
no loss to know what was meant by assisting or acting

TO CHAPTER VH. 291
in defence of his Majesty and Government, if found
necessary; for, as we were not at war with the I'rench
or Spaniards, it could not be against them, that they
were meant to act. Mr. Cameron further tells Mr.
Stuart, that the Traders, must by some means or
other, get ammunition among them; or otherwise,
they may become troublesome to him, for the want of
it. I do not well know, how far I am at liberty to
make this public; but, as Mr. Stuart has wrote to Mr.
Howarth in order to justify himself, in the eyes of the
people of Carolina, I think as a farther justification,
he should produce his letters to and from Cameron.
Mr. Stuart's letter, that contains the foregoing para
graph, is dated about the middle of January last; and
is copied from among a number of others, in a large
book, bound in calf.
You may give the Secret Committee intelligence of
this; and, if they should think it of sufficient import
ance to claim a demand from Mr. Stuart, of these
letters, and he should then hesitate, and will not grant
what they request; and, it should further be thought
necessary; I can find four persons, besides myself, to
avow what I have said to be true : as, any thing of this
kind, should come well authenticated.
We are going on here tolerably well, with respect to
our political proceedings; and I hope, soon to con
vince the world, that Georgia will not take advantage
of her sister Colonies, in the present disputes.
I am, dear Sir,
Your most obt. servt.
JOSEPH HABERSHAM.
Philotheos Chiffelle, Esq.

292 APPENDIX

No. VI.
Copy of a letter from the Hon. John Stuart, Esq.
Superintendant of Indian AfFairs, to William Henry
Drayton, James Parsons, John Lewis Gervais, Arthur
Middleton, William Tennent, and Thomas Heyward,
jun. Esqrs. Committee of Intelligence at Chariestown.
This letter was published in February 1776; by order
of the Provincial Congress: together with other letters
which had been intercepted on the taking of Moses
Kirkland ; and which he was carrying from Augustine
to General Gage — some of which, are also introduced
here. St. Augustine, ISth July 1775.
Gentlemen, I am now to acknowledge the receipt of your
letters of 21st and 29th June, by Express. In the
former, you are pleased to acquaint, by order of the
Provincial Congress, that I stand in a very unfavorable
light with the public ; but, you have not thought pro
per to acquaint me, of what I am accused ; and upon
evidence, the public has conceived an unfavorable
opinion of me. You must be conscious of the impro
priety of desiring me, to answer in my own vindi
cation, to a charge which is not stated. And here, I
must beg permission to say, that my services to your
Province, have merited very different sentiments, than
you tell me, they entertain of me — and much better
treatment, than I have received.
I am sorry that it is not in my power to comply with
your requisition, of sending you copies of all my
correspondence on Indian affairs with Administration,

TO CHAPTER VH. 293
the Commander in Chief of his Majesty's forces, and
my Deputies. But, I hope it will be sufficient to
assure you, most faithfully, that I have always con
sidered myself, to be most effectually discharging my
duty to the King, and fulfilling his intentions; when
employed in securing the friendship and affection of
the Indian nations, to his Majesty's provinces; and, in
preventing, as far as in my power, jealousies arising
from encroachments and mutual violences. And the
long uninterrupted tranquillity which your frontiers
have enjoyed, without any expense to the province,
during the past thirteen years of my Superintendency
evinces, that my endeavours have not been unavailing.
And, this will appear, in a clearer point of view, if you
will contrast the state of Indian affairs, and the ex
pense to the province, during the above period, with
that of the thirteen preceding years. I never have
received any orders from my superiors, which by the
most tortured construction could be interpreted to
spirit up, or employ the Indians to fall upon the fron
tier inhabitants; or, to take any part in the disputes
between Great Britain, and her Colonies. And I do
not know, that any part of my conduct, through all
the various scenes of my life, can fix upon me the
imputation of cruelty or inhumanity; or, induce a
belief, that I could wantonly use any influence with
Indians, to make them fall upon innocent people.
Yet, such an opinion has been most industriously
propagated; although, it is absolutely impossible, that
it could, or can be supported, by any evidence of the
least credibility. And, I will venture to say, that
every one, and all of you, do, in your consciences
believe, the charge to be false. I therefore think, I
have a right to call upon you, as men of honour, to
efface the impression it has made on the minds of the
people.

294 APPENDIX
With respect to the warm expressions in my letter
to Col. Howarth, I cannot help thinking them in some
measure justified, by your being authorized by the
Congress to tell me, that I stand in a very unfavorable
light with the public. What, can have placed me in
such an unfavorable light, but calumnious falsehoods,
which endangered my life and property '^ I know not
the authors, and shall not repeat illiberal epithets: you
know, what are suitable to such characters.
You are pleased to say, that my estate is a security
for the good behaviour of the Indians, in the Southern
Department. It is disagreeable, that my all should be
held by so precarious a tenure as their behaviour;
which, in a great measure will depend upon the con
duct of the inhabitants of the Provinces: yet, you
must allow, that holding my personal safety and life
itself on such terms, w'ould be more so. His Majes
ty's service, will necessarily detain me here some
months longer.
My little estate in your province, was purchased
under the protection of the laws of my country. I
have always considered both life and fortune, as
pledged for my dutiful obedience to the King, and the
laws. As I am not conscious of having transgressed;
I hope for that security to my property, which is inse
parable from the idea of a virtuous and well policed
community: and, as power is now in your hands, I
doubt not, but I shall find this security from your
justice. Your letter of the 29th, renders it necessary for me
to tell you; that some time before I left Chariestown,
I had received information of a design to seize my
person ; and in order to give a colour to such a step, a
report was industriously propagated, of my having
sent to call down the Indians. Immediately after my

TO CHAPTER VH. 295
removal from Chariestown to my plantation on Lady's
Island, it was reported, that in consequence of my
orders, thirty-four families on the frontiers, had been
murdered by the Cherokees. When I was at Georgia,
1 bad information that Captaiq Joyner and Mr. Barn
well, two members of the Provincial Congress, had
returned to Beaufort; where, by most defamatory
reports and insinuations, they endeavoured to blacken
my character, and render me obnoxious to the people;
giving out, that my having called down the Indians,
was proven before the Congress — that great quantities
of arms and ammunition were shipped, for me to arm
the Negroes, and Indians — that, it was now discov
ered, that I had sold Fort London ; and was the in
strument of getting the garrison massacred : and Cap
tain Joyner showed at the public musterfield, in St.
Helena, printed bills, containing the above, and other
false accusations.
From thence, they went to Savannah ; and in th6
night had a meeting with the Committee; of which,
Sir James Wright gave me notice early next morning ;
and advised me to take steps for the security of my
person. I accordingly prevailed upon Captain Grant,
of the St. John armed schooner, to land me at St.
Augustine, where the business of my department
called me. But before I embarked, I saw some of the
members of the Committee, and read to them some
part of my correspondence with my Deputies, which
they communicated to you. They candidly told me,
that the people were much enraged; and, they could
not answer for the safety of my person. I then
thought it high time, to provide for my safety; and
went on board the St. John armed schooner, at
Cockspur. I have since been informed, that two boats were
sent down the river in pursuit of me; and, from the

296 APPENDIX
schooner I saw several armed canoes, said to be com
manded by Captain Joyner and Mr. Barnwell; who
before they left Beaufort, gave out, that they were to
receive and conduct me back to Chariestown. The
armed schooner however proceeded the next day for
this place; where, I landed in a very w^eak condition;
and this, gentlemen, you are pleased to call a precipi
tate departure — tho' I shall ever consider it, as a most
fortunate escape. I am, Gent'n,
Your most obt. hum. servt.
JOHN STUART.
A true copy from the original. Peter Timothy,
Secretary to the Congress.

Copy of a Letter from John Stuart, Superintendant,
^c. to General Gage.
St. Augustine, 3d October 1775,
Sir, Last night, I had the honour of receiving your
Excellency's letter of the 12th of September; and
shall pay the strictest attention to your commands con
tained in it. Nothing in my power, shall be neglected,
to forward the interest of Government, and ijour Excel
lency's views.
Since writing my last letter by Col. Kirkland, I
have received by the way of Savannah, a copy of a
talk from the Cherokees to Mr. Cameron, which I
now enclose. It shows their disposition, which I
shall by all means cultivate ; for which purpose my
brother is preparing to set oft' for the Creek, and after
wards for the Cherokee nation.

TO CHAPTER VH. 297
It occurs to me, that it will no longer be good policy
to foment the difference between the Choctaws and
Creeks; for, tvhile they continue at war, it will be dif
ficult or even impossible, to get the Creeks to act, in his
Majesty's service; by which, they must expose their
women and children, to the attack of their enemies.
I shall impatiently wait for your Excellency's ideas
upon this subject, which I humbly submit; in the
mean time, I shall send the necessary instructions
throughout the district. I shall immediately take
steps to get some Indians here; which will be an
acquisition to this place, in its present weak state;
and I have been for some time past, using all possible
means, of supplying myself with necessaries, for
engaging the Indians firmly in his Majesty's interest.
I am apprehensive, I shall find difficulty in getting a
supply of provisions.
I have the honour of being with the utmost respect.
Sir, your Excel, most. obt. and most huni, servt.
JOHN STUART.
To his Excel. Gen. Gage.

Copy of another Letter from John Stuart, to General
Gage.
Sir, Col. Kirkland will acquaint your Excellency,
that a great majority of the frontiers, and back inhab
itants of Carolina, are attached to, and inclined to
support Government. In such circumstances, I con
ceive, that an indiscriminate attack, by Indians, would
be contrary to your Excellency's idea; and might do
much harm. But I shall dispose them to join in exe
cuting any concerted plan ; and to act with, and assist,
their well disposed neighbours. 38

298 APPENDIX
The Alltachaway Indians, are now here; and I
now look with impatience, fbr answers to my dispatches
to the different nations, which I have reason to expect
every hour.
I have the honour of being, most respectfully, Sir,
Your Excellency's most obt. most hum, servt.
JOHN STUART.
3d October 1775.
To his Excellency General Gage.
" The foregoing are printed from copies certified,
by Charles Thompson, Esq. Secretary to the Conti
nental Congress, to be taken from the original letters.
" PETER TIMOTHY,
" Secretary to the Congress of South-Carolina."

No. VII.
Letter written by Henry Middleton, Thomas Lynch,
Christopher Gadsden, John Rutledge, and Edward
Rutledge, Delegates from South-Carolina to the Con
tinental Congress, to William Henry Drayton, Arthur
Middleton, and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Mem
bers of the Secret Committee at Chariestown.
Philadelphia, July 1st, 1775.
Gentlemen, By directions of the Continental Congress, we
have sent the vessel, by which this goes, to procure
from you, a quantity of gun-powder, for the use of the
armies actually in the field, for the service of America.
The frequent severe skirmishes in the neighbourhood

TO CHAPTER ViL 299
of Boston, have so exhausted their magazines, that an
immediate supply; is absolutely necessary.
We entreat you, to purchase all that can be bought
in town; and, to dispatch this vessel, with it for this
place, as soon as possible ; together, with as much as
can be spared out of the public stock, without danger
to your own safety.
Should there be any damaged powder on hand,
please send it also ; as, it may be recovered here.
By one of the resolutions enclosed to the General
Committee, you'll see, that it is recommended to the
Southern Colonies, to secure all the salt-petre that
can be got; as well from the stores, as from private
persons; which, as you have no powder-mills erected,
or persons skilful in making gun-powder, we would
advise may be sent to be manufactured here.
Should you be able to send more than four thousand
Weight of powder, we would wish the overplus might
be sent by some other opportunity.
In order to prevent suspicion, we have sent ****
bushels of Indian corn in this vessel; which may be
exchanged for rice; in which, the casks of powder
may be concealed so perhaps, as to prevent suspicion,
should she unhappily be unable to avoid being over
taken by a cruiser.
The utmost secresy and dispatch are absolutely
necessary. As large quantities of powder, will be wanted ; we
strongly recommend, that you continue to import all
that you can: and think it probable, that large quanti
ties might be got, from the GovernmeaUof the

300 APPENDIX
Havana ; as we can find no application there, from
any of these Colonies. We are. Gentlemen,
Your most obt. servts.
HENRY MIDDLETON,
THO. LYNCH,
CHRIST. GADSDEN,
J. RUTLEDGE,
E. RUTLEDGE.

No. VIII.
The following Petition, was transferred over to the
Secret Committee ; who acted upon it.
To the Honourable Members of the Committee of
Correspondence at Chariestown, the humble peti
tion of Michael Hubart, showeth:
That upon the 2d day of June, your petitioner being
in the house of Thomas Nicoll in King-street, a cer
tain James Dealey came in, and told there was good
news come to town. Being asked what was it, he
answer that a number of arms vvas sent over to be dis
tributed amongst the Negroes, Roman Catholics, and
Indians. Upon which, your petitioner replied, he
thought it was very bad news, that Roman Cathohcs
and Savages should be permitted to join and massacre
Christians. Upon which, Dealey struck his breast
and swore " he was a Roman Catholic, and that he
had arms, and would get arms, and use them as he
pleased." Your petitioner, went home to his house;
and shortly after, came in said Dealey and a certain
Laughlin Martin, and A  Reed.

TO CHAPTER VH. 301
After sitting down a little, Laughlin Martin arose,
and said, " So, Mr. Hubart, you'll not allow Roman
Catholics to carry guns." Your petitioner answered,
that his circumstances were too small, to forbid any
party or sect to carry arms. Martin then damned your
petitioner, for a false faced villain; and declared, he
would believe Dealey sooner than me; at same time,
ordered said Dealey to drag your petitioner out of the
house, and pull him to pieces. At the same time
standing with a drawn cutteau in his hand, swearing,
if he did not, that he (Martin) would have blood him
self Dealey then dragged your petitioner into a shop
in front of the house, holding him by the throat, until
released by the aforesaid Reed. But, upon being
released, said Martin came up with his cutteau drawn,
threatening to put your petitioner to immediate death ;
when your petitioner falling upon his knees, begged
his life: your petitioner's wife and children begging at
same time, to spare the life of their father and husband.
Your petitioner then arose, and went into the next
room ; but was still followed by Martin, who vowed
to God if your petitioner did not beg pardon of Dealey,
he would that instant cut off his head. Upon which,
your petitioner to save his life, did ask his (Dealey's)
pardon. Martin, then declared he was a Roman Catholic;
and vowed to God, to cut off the head of any person,
who said, he should not carry arms.
After which, said Martin called for some drink ; and
drank of it, with Dealey and Reed; and one of his
toasts was, " Damnation to the Committee, and their
proceedings." Your petitioner has prosecuted them as law directs.
But, as the times ai)pears to be very troublesome, and
numbers of enemies both to the Protestant interest,

302 APPENDIX, &c.
and the present cause, are lurking amongst us ; your
petitioner hopes, that you will inquire into such parts
of the transaction, as concerns the public; and your
petitioner as in duty bound sh^ll ever pray.
MICHAEL HUBART.
Secret, tar and feather him.*
Passed the Secret Committee, and ordered to be
put in Execution .f
Ol?" On the back of the Petition, is written in the
real hand writing of William Henry Drayton, the
Chairman of the Secret Committee, the following, viz.
LOCKLIN MARTIN,t
JAMES DEALEY.5J
* This order, is in a disguised hand ; supposed to be that of William Henry
Drayton, Chairman of the Secret Committee.
t This certificate, is also in a disguised hand ; supposed to be that of Edward
Weyman, one of the members of the Secret Committee.
t To land, and be discharged ; upon his expressing his contrition in the most
public manner.
§ Send away.

CHAPTER VIII.
The Council of Safety , plans an Expedition for seizing
Gun-powder from a vessel off Augustine bar — which
succeeds — The Council, direct Major Williamson to
enter into a correspondence with Alexander Cameron,
Stuart's Deputy for Indian Affairs — The Swallow
Packet arrives from England — The Mail is seized —
containing letters and Instructions to the Provincial
Governors — Letters from Governor Wright of Geor
gia, to Admiral Graves, and General Gage, are also
intercepted — Copies of them sent to Congress, North-
Carolina, and Georgia — George Wagner and Felix
Long, sent among the Germans in the interior, to
remove their misunderstandings, and conciliate their
affections — They return unsuccessful — The spirit of
disaffection in the interior, increases — Colonel Tho
mas Fletchall is the leader of the party — some account
of him — The Council of Safety, adopt measures re
specting him — His letter in reply — The General
Committee, cause the Non-Subscribers in Chariestown
to the Provincial Association, to appear before them
— require their reasons for not subscribing — Twenty-
two Non-Subscribers appear, and give their reasons —
which are not deemed satisfactory — They are de
clared inimical to the Liberties of the Colonies — are
ordered to surrender their arms — and except Mr.
Wragg, are restricted to the limits of Chariestown —
Their names are published — The Association is ten
dered for signature to Lieutenant-Governor William
Bull — his conduct thi^reon — Fort Charlotte on Sa-

304 MEMOIRS, &€.— 1775.
vannah River, is taken posses.sion of; containing
arms and powder — Parties, in the Council of Safety
— Dorchester is surveyed, preparatory to making it a
place of arms — Languor of the Council of Safety-
It orders twenty cannon to be mounted — Issues,
Militia Commissions — Orders the cannon platforms
to be repaired — Resolves to arm three schooners —
Major Mayson, with a troop of Rangers under Cap
tain Moses Kirkland, arrives at Ninety -Six Court-
House with some of the powder and lead, which had
been taken at Fort Charlotte — Captain Kirkland
determines to change sides, and sends an Express to
Col. Fletchall — Kirkland's troop withdraws from
Mayson — Major Robinson, and the Cunningham's,
with a party of men, proceed against May.wn — they
recover the powder and lead — and throw Mayson into
Gaol — Captain Kirkland, joins FletchalVs party —
Conduct of Col. Fletchall, and his men — He corres
ponds with Governor Campbell, who promises re
wards; encouraging the disaffection to the American
cause — The Council of Safety send William Henry
Drayton and the Rev. William Tennent, as Commis
sioners into the disaffected settlements; to explain the
public disputes, and to reconcile the people to the
American cause — Kirkland proceeds to the Governor
in Chariestown; and returns to Fletchall with pa
pers, and military commissioners — The Commission
ers, take separate routes, into the disaffected country.

has been shown, that a portion of the powder
taken from Captain Maitiand's ship, was sent by
South-Carolina to Philadelphia; to be at the disposal
of the Continental Congress. And, that by a due
application of it, the American arms penetrated into
Canada; and the seige of Boston, was continued.
Upon this occasion, the Council of Safety, becom
ing acquainted with the great scar.city of powder; and

CHAPTER Vm— 1775. ' 305
hearing there was a considerable quantity at the Island
of New-Providence; it was moved, and carried in the
Council, but with much difficulty, that an attempt
should be made to seize it. Every thing being in for-
wardne.ss for the exjiedition, the sloop Commerce
belonging to New-York, was taken into service, and
was armed for the occasion; and on the 24th July
1775, Clement Lempriere was apjiointed and commis
sioned by the Council to command in the said sloop,
" over all and every person and persons engaged to
embark on board the said sloop, under the authority
of the Council of Safety ;" and on the 25th July, he
received his instructions for the enterprize.* On the
26th, Captain Lempriere sailed over Chariestown bar
in the Commerce ; and on the 28th July, he arrived at
Beaufort; where he landed his stores and proceeded
to clean his vessel. While performing this duty, he
received directions from the Council, to proceed with
all dispatch towards Augustine, and cruize off" its bar,
for Captain Lofthouse ; who was daily expected from
London, with a large quantity of gun-powder. In
pursuance of these orders. Captain Lempriere took
his de[»arture in the sloop Commerce from Beaufort,
on the Slst day of July 1775; and going through
Skull-Creek, and the inland passage, he sailed out of
Tybee on the 2d day of August; and on the 7th inst.
at night, he made the Mattanzes, to the southward of
Augustine bar, where he anchored. On the next
morning, he ran down towards the bar of Augustine;
where, he saw a vessel at anchor: which proved to
be the brigantine Betsey, commanded by Captain
Alvere Lofthouse, from London ; and fortunately, the
very vessel, for which his cruize was directed. On
boarding her, the object of his wishes was obtained;
for, much powder and military stores were on board.
One hundred and eleven barrels, and one half barrel,
* See Appendix to this Chapter, No. 1.
39

306 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
and thirty small kegs, of gun-powder were imme
diately transshipped from the Betsey, to the Com-*
merce; and this was effected by Captain Lempriere'
against the brig armed with two pieces of cannon, and
having on board twelve soldiers from St. Augustine,
besides eight seamen, belonging to the brigantine, the
Captain and two mates, and steward ; amounting to
twenty-four in the whole — while Captain Lempriere's
force, was only twenty-one whites, and five blacks.
In the report which was made to the Council by Cap
tain John Hatter, who was one of the party, he says,
" Our situation was such on this occasion, that we
thought it most prudent to bribe the men; which we
did, with one hundred pounds currency; and the Cap
tain accepted a draught for one thousand pounds Ster
ling, for the powder, drawn on Mr. John Edwards, of
Chariestown.* And at half past eleven a. m. after
spiking up two pieces of cannon, that were mounted
on board said brigantine, we re-embarked our men, and
made sail."
Pursuing his return voyage from thence, on the 10th
of August, Captain Lempriere made Tybee; and
through Skull-Creek, he arrived at Port Royal: from
whence, an Express was immediately dispatched to
the Council of Safety, in Chariestown ; and at three
o'clock p. M, on the same day, the powder was landed
at Beaufort.
On the 15th, an Express canle from Chariestown
with accounts, that the armed vessel from Augustine,
was in pursuit of the Commerce; and on the 16th
sundry militia companies of Colonel Bull's regiment,
* Henry Laurens, President of Uie Council of Safety, had privately fur
nished Captain Lempriere, with that order, on John Edwards, the Treasurer,
at Chariestown, as a cloak, against what might be supposed a robbery, by a
commission under his hand. Lempriere left this, in the hurry of sailing off
with the powder; as he ivas pursued from Augustine,, by a British armed vessel

CHAPTER VHL— 1775. 307
were marched into Beaufort to protect the powder.
On the 17th, a detachment of artillery arrived from
Chariestown; and on the 18th, Capt. William Cattell
with fifty men of regular troops also arrived from
thence, in consequence of orders he had received from
Colonel William Moultrie, on the 14th, for that pur
pose.* A small portion of this powder, was left at
Beaufort; and the remainder, amounting to ninety-
one barrels of gun-powder, was put on board of the
vessel Success; which, with a guard on board, pro
ceeded through the inland passage from Beaufort, and
through Wappoo Cut into Ashley River; from whence
she proceeded up Cummings' Creek, landing the
powder at the bluff there, on Harleston's Green, on
the 23d day of August;! to the great honour of those
who had planned and directed the expedition ; and of
those patriotic citizens, who had volunteered on the
occasion. The whole of the powder taken from
Captain Lofthouse by Captain Lempriere, was equal
to about 11,900 pounds weight; which, with 3,074
pounds original acquisition taken from the King's
Magazines in Chariestown and its vicinity, and pur
chases, and 7,000 pounds taken from Captain Mait
iand's vessel; amounted in the whole, to 21,974
pounds of gun-powder, with which the Colony was at
this time supplied. And being so stocked with this
article, the expedition to New-Providence was laid
aside. We have been thus particular, to bring into
one view, the actual situation of Carolina, as it stood
on the 23d day of August 1775, respecting that article
of the first necessity, gun-powder: when it may be
said, the Colony was in some measure provided with
the means of defence. And, for the same reason, we
have been obliged to relate, matters which passed in
the month of August; before we had finished with
* Moultrie's Meraou-s, vol. I. page 86.
i See Appendix, No. II.

308 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1775.
those, which happened in June and July. We shall
therefore return to the month of June.
In the latter end of this month, the Council of
Safety turning their attention to Indian affairs, on the
26th day of June 1775, instructed Major Williamson-
residing in Ninety-Six District, to lay before Mr.
Alexander Cameron, one of John Stuart, the Suiwr-
intendant's Agents for Indian Affairs with the Chero--
kees, the late advices from Georgia, relating to Mr.
Stuart and Mr. Cameron: and to endeavour to leara
Mr. Cameron's fixed determination on that subject.
And if it should be in our favour, to assure Mr.
Cameron, " the public will not only, not permit him
to be injured, in case Mr. Stuart should withdraw his
salary; but, will be mindful of his services. But, if
Major Williamson should " have cause to conclude,
that Mr. Cameron's determination is inimical to this
Colony, the public will support Mr. Williamson in
any steps he shall take, to prevent Mr. Cameron's
executing any plan, that may be calculated to involve
this Colony in distress."* The Major, upon this
repaired to Keowee, to Mr. Cameron ; who had gone
there from Lochaber, his residence in Ninety-Six
District, upon a rumour that he was to be appre
hended: and meeting with Mr. Cameron, he delivered
to him, what he had in charge. Mr. Cameron then
gave the strongest assurances to Major Williamson,
that he never understood Mr. Stuart's letter to him in
February last, or at any other time, to be desiring him
to induce the Cherokee Indians, to fall upon the Pro
vince of South-Carolina; but, only to endeavour to
keep the said Indians firmly attached to his Majesty's
Government. And, if at any future titne, he should
receive such orders, he never would be the means of
inducing them to fall upon defenceless women and
* Council of Safety's Journal, No, I, page 16.

CHAPTER Vni.— 1775. 309
children — and believes, before he would execute such
orders, he would resign his office. He spurned, at
the idea of a bribe. Major Williamson, then showed
him, the extracts of Mr. Stuart's letters to him, in
January last, with his (Cameron's) answer to Stuart;
upon which he said, that from the whole tenor of Mr.
Stuart's letters to him, he could not construe those
letters in the same manner as the Congress had done;
and, that in writing his answer, he never had any such
thoughts, as leading the Cherokees against the Pro
vince of South-Carolina — and God forbid, that he
should be so void of humanity, as to bring the Indians
on this Province. He farther told Maj^or Williamson,
that he might pledge himself he never would do it.
This discourse, was reduced to writing; and Mr.
Cameron kept a copy of it; the matter being trans
acted, on the 12th July 1775.*
The Swallow Packet being just arrived from Eng
land, William Henry Drayton, Chairman of the Secret
Committee, resolved to seize the mail; and, in his
way to the Post-Office, on the 2d day of July, he met
John Neufville and Thomas Corbet, two members of
the Committee of Intelligence; who were proceeding
thither, on the same errand. On their arriving at the
Post-Office, then kept by Jervis Henry Stevens, on
the Bay, at the corner of Longitude-alley, as Secretary
to George Roupell, the Deputy Post-Master,t they
demanded the mail which had just arrived in the
packet; to which a peremptory refusal was given.
They then informed Stevens, they would take it by
force, if not speedily delivered — to which he answered,
he should not deliver it. They then took possession
of it, and carried the public letters to the State-House,
where the Secret Committee was immediately sum-
* Council of Safety's Journal, No. I. page 67.
1 See No, VIII, in the Appendix.

310 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1775.
moned to meet: and upon examining them, they found
the dispatches, which had been for Lord William
Campbell, Governor of South-Carolina, and John
Stuart, Superintendant of Indian Affairs, had been
already forwarded to them : but their enterprize was
rewarded by obtaining dispatches from the Ministry
to the Southern Governors, regulating their conduct
upon Lord North's conciliatory motion , and to Gov
ernor Martin, of North-Carolina, encouraging his
plans of raising the people of the four counties of
Guildford, Dobbs, Rowan, and Surry ; whom he had
reported to " breathe a spirit of loyalty to the King,
and attachment to the authority of Great Britain." All
these letters were signed by Lord Dartmouth ; five of
which, were for Sir James Wright, Governor of
Georgia; one for the Lieutenant-Governor of South-
Carolina, and one, for Governor Martin, of North-
Carolina. The resolution of parliament also, upon
Lord North's conciliatory motion, was forwarded to
the Governors by Lord Dartmouth in the same packet.
These dispatches, were deemed of so much conse
quence, that copies of them were immediately for
warded to our Delegates in the Continental Congress,
and to the Committees at Newbern in North-Carolina,
and Savannah in Georgia;* but the originals were
never sent to the Continental Congress, as the public
has been led to believe : for they are now, in the pos
session of the Author of these Memoirs ;t having been
in that of his family, ever since his father, William
Henry Drayton, left South-Carolina, in March 1778,
as a Delegate to the Continental Congress ; then sit
ting at Little York- Town, in the State of Pennsyl
vania. About the same time the mail was seized, the
Secret Committee were also fortunate in intercepting
two lett^s from Sir James Wright, Governor of
* See No, VII. in the Appendix.
1 See copies of these papers in the Appendix, No. III.

CHAPTER VHL— 1775. 311
Georgia; each of them dated, 27th day of June 1775;
one of them directed tb Admiral Graves, and the other
to General Gage. They stated, that " the unhappy
affair of the 19th of April, and some late occurrences
in the neighbouring Province, have at length drawn
and forced the people of this Province into the same
predicament with others ; and, I now expect, as far as
they possibly can, they will follow the example of
them." And called for support of troops from General
Gage, and for sloops of war from Admiral Graves.
These letters were withholden, and are now in the
possession of the writer of these Memoii-s; and others
were put in their places ; with fac-siiniles of Governor
Wright's signature to them. The one to General
Gage stated, that the unhappy affair of the 19th of
April, and some late occurrences in Carolina, have
occasioned this Province (meaning Georgia) to put on
an appearance, which he (the Governor of Georgia)
had the pleasure to assure his Excellency is by no
means real. And that upon the best information he
was fully assured, if any ships qr troops should be sent
into Georgia, they would not only totally destroy the
present favorable appearances ; but in all probability
would prove destructive to the good of the service.
The letter to Admiral Graves told him, he had nO
occasion for any vessel of war; and referred him to
his letter to General Gage of same date, on that
head.* At this time, (July 2d,) from various accounts it
appeared the Germans in the interior parts of this
Colony, were disaffected to the public measures; and
it was thought expedient to send some of their own
countrymen among them from Chariestown, who
should endeavour to remove their misunderstandings,
and conciliate their affections. For this purpose,
" Sec these letters in Appendix, No. IV.

S12 MEMOIRS, &c.— I7f5.
George Wagner and Felix Long, two of their country
men, were appointed on the 3d day of July; and they
accordingly proceeded on the objects of their mission.
But, from various causes, they failed of success; and
after a short tour, returned to their homes. It was
now farther ascertained, that the spirit of disaffection
daily spread itself in some back parts of the Colony;
and particularly in the fork between Saluda and
Broad Rivers. In this section of the Colony, Thomas
Fletchall residing at Fair Forest, was Colonel of the
regiment of militia; which, of course, gave him great
influence, in that part of the country : and his conduct
of late had been such, as to give great uneasiness to
the Council of Safety. At length they determined if
it were possible, to induce him to join the common
cause; or, to make known his sentiments, on the situ
ation of affairs. Accordingly, on the 14th of July, a
suitable letter was ordered to be written to him. In
answer to which, by one dated the 24th of the same
month, he complained, that many reports had been
maliciously extended against him, to the General
Committee; which, he could prove to be false. That
upon the desire of Mr, John Caldwell, and John and
James Williams, of the Committee, he called his regi
ment together, on the loth instant; when, he pro
ceeded to every company, and caused Major Terry to
read the Provincial Association to them; but, not one
of them signed it; and, he could not compel them.
That the people then agreed, to sign an Association of
their own; and Major Robinson then on the ground
being applied to fair that purpose, drew up an Associa
tion suitable to their wishes; and which had been
generally signed, from Broad to Savannah Rivers.
He warned them of some of their Highland Gentle
men, as he called some of the interior; who were
aspiring, and fond of commissions: and who, to gain
favour with the gentlemen in town, would say any
thing but the truth. He expressed his concern, that

CHAPTER VIII,— 1775. 313
he was looked upon as an enemy to his country; and
wished the Goverriment might have no greater cause
to complain of some, who were little suspected, than
of him. But on the main subject, he declared, that he
utterly refused to take up arms against his King; until
it became his duty to do otherwise — and he were con
vinced of the propriety of the measure.
While these things were transacting, a resolution of
the Provincial Congress, of the 22d day of June 1775,
was brought into action, by the General Committee.
This resolution prescribed, that the General Com
mittee in Chariestown should summon all persons to
appear before them, who refused to sign the Associa
tion entered into by the Provincial Congress; and
upon their refusal to associate, or not offering such
reasons in justification of their refusal, as should be
deemed satisfactory; the General Committee were
directed to make such order, as they should think con
sistent with sound policy. In these times, the patriots
were under the necessity of being cautious, in their
propositions: for, they apprehended, that were they to
attempt a specification of vigorous measures against
non-subscribers, and especially against the King's offi
cers, they would have missed their aim. It was
therefore their policy, to select terms and phrases, on
these occasions ; under which, taking advantage of
events, any vigorous measures might be carried on.
The moderate party were satisfied with the wording
of the resolution ; because, they would give an open
ing for extending mild conduct to non-subscribers;
while the others were better pleased, because under
, due construction, whatever they might do in pursu
ance of the resolution, would be sanctioned under the
meaning of sound policy. Both parties, however,
well understood the views of each other; and each
wished for events, favorable to their separate views.
40

314 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1775.
In pursuance of this resolution, the General Com
mittee having had returns of the non-associators in
Chariestown, they cau.sed them to appear before them
on the 22d day of July: offering each of them the
Association for signature, and telling them to use their
pleasure, whether to sign or not. And, if they refused
to sign, directing them to offer their reasons for so
doing. Twenty-two of these non-associators appeared;
refused to sign; and assigned their reasons. The
principal of these were, William Wragg — Thomas
Knox Gordon, Chief Justice — Edward Savage, Charles
Mathews Cosslett, John Fewtrell, and William
Gregory, Assistant Judges — Thomas Skottowe, one
of the Council, and Secretary of the Province — James
Simpson, Attorney- General — Mr. lnnis,the Governor's^'
Secretary — George Roupell, Deputy Post-Master
General for the Southern Department — Robert Dalway i
Haliday, Collector of the port of Chariestown — Colonel
Probart Howarth, Governor of Fort Johnson — James
Trail, Clerk of the Court of Common Pleas, in
Chariestown — Richard Lambton, Deputy Auditor
General — George Milligan, Chief Surgeon for all his
Majesty's forces in this Province — and John Morris,
Comptroller of the Customs.
Mr. Wragg assigned as his reasons for not signing!
the Association, " his gratitude for the honorable
notice his Majesty had been pleased to take of -him, in
appointing him by his Royal Mandamus Chief Justice
of the Province; which, although be had declined, he
did not consider himself under the less obligations for.*

* It appears from the Council lournals of January 1T70, that the Eail of
Hillsl) >rough was ordered by the King, to repeat the King's offer of the Chief
Justiceship; notwithstanding his having declined accepting it, the previous
summer. He was also at the same time offered, to be re-appohited to the seat

CHAPTER VIII.— 1775. 315
And in addition, thereto, he had a right to exercise his
own judgment, in the premises; although in doing so,
his sentiments might differ from the general voice."
The Chief Justice said, " his allegiance was an insu
perable bar; and, that he differed from us in princi
ples." Judge Savage, plead " his duty, and honour;"
others spoke of " perjury, perfidy, and their places."
On the 27th July, the General Committee began to
consider the reasons of the non-associators. They
commenced with Mr. Wragg, who was of very res
pectable standing in the Colony, being a gentleman of
liberal education; much esteemed for his social vir
tues; and possessing a large and independent fortune:
and having considered his reasons, they determined
them not satisfactory. On the next day, they delib
erated upon what order should be made respecting
him, "consistent with sound policy:" but after a long
and violent debate, all that could be obtained was,
that he should take the following oath of neutrality:
" I do solemnly swear, ujion the Holy Evangelists of
Almighty God, that during the present unhappy dis
putes between Great Britain and America, I will not
directly, or indirectly, by word, deed, or writing,
attem|)t to counteract or oppose the proceedings of the
people of North-America; and particularly, those of
my native country: so, help me God." Mr. Wragg,
however, had weighed the cost in his own mind; and
determined to persevere, in the resolution he had
formed : he thereupon refused to take the oath — was
declared inimical to the liberty of the Colonies — was
sequestered to confinment at his barony on Ashley
River; and finally leaving the Colony with his son,
for England, he was shipwrecked and drowned ; and
his son, barely escaped with his life. Some other
in Council; from which, Governor Lyttleton had suspemted law. But, Mr.
Wragg declined accepting the one, or the other.

316 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
persons of respectability and fortune also, would not
take the oath; and like Mr. Wragg went away; leav
ing their fortunes to the hazards of a civil war; and
and their claims for indemnity, to the liberality of a
Sovereign, whose allegiance they preferred.
As no better terms could be procured for so respect^
able a gentleman as Mr. Wragg, all hopes in favour of
other non-associators failed; and on the 31st of July,
the other cases were brought forward before the
General Committee; who determined the reasons
unsatisfactory. And the individuals implicated, not
taking the oath of neutrality, were declared inimical to
the liberties of the Colonies.
At this time, it was strongly contended, it should be
resolved, " that if any person, who refuses to subscribe
the Association, shall depart the Colony without per
mission from the General Committee, the estate of
such person, shall be forthwith taken into the posses
sion of the General Committee; and, shall be subject
to their order." And " that no intercourse, communi
cation, or dealing, (except for the purposes of procuring
provisions from the public markets, and for transacting
business in .public offices) be had, between those per
sons who have refused, or shall refuse, to silbscribe the
Association :" but after every attempt to postpone its
consideration, the vote of the Committee was taken
upon the main question ; and the resolution, was finally
rejected. The non-associators, however, having refused the
oath of neutrality, were ordered to surrender their
arms; and were confined to the limits of Charles-
town : and application was made to the Continental
Congress, as to what farther steps should be taken,
against the King's officers. On the 23d of August,
the names of the non-subseribers to the Association,

CHAPTER vm.— 1775. 317
were ordered to be published ; cutting off all inter-:
course with them, except for provisions in market, or
business in the public offices. But the King's officers
(Mr. Haliday excepted) eluded the surrender of their
arms, by saying, " there they were, come and take
them." This being reported to the General Commit
tee, on the 1st September, they allowed them one hour
for compliance; which peremptory order, had its effect
— and ihey surrendered their arms, excepting Mr.
Innis, the Governor's Secretary; who thereupon was
ordered to leave the town, within twenty-four hours;
and not to be seen again in the Colony. But, on the
Governor's request, he was allowed a respite of four
days. And in this situation, the non-subscribers re
mained. As to Lieutenant-Governor William Bull, some
members of the Gi^neral Committee were dispatched
to him, with a tender of the Association for signature,
or refusal. But this respectable gentleman told them,
"that he wished as well to the country as any one;
and both his heart and his hand were with it. But,
circumstanced as he had been, and still was, even you,
gentlemen, (said he) would look upon me in an odd
light, were I to subscribe an instrument of the kind."
The gentlemen, felt the force of these sentiments,
from a high public officer; whom they had long res
pected, and esteemed: and in compassion to his situa
tion, they forbore pressing him, any farther on the
subject. During this time, orders had been issued by the
Council of Safety, on the 26th day of June, to occupy
Fort Charlotte on Savannah River; and on the 12th
of July, Major Mayson, with two troops of the
Rangers, headed by Captains Caldwell and Kirkland,
took possession of the same, without any resistance:
as the few men who garrisoned the fort were often
absent in the daytime ; and the Commander of it,

318 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1775.
George Whitefield, and his family, were the only
persons within. Among the stores found therein,
were two brass field-pieces — fourteen iron cannon, 6/
4, and 2 pounders — 1,750 pounds weight of gun
powder — 500 pounds more, somewhat damaged— 270*'
iron shot, for cannon — and a quantity of lead. Major,
Mayson left Captain Caldwell with his troop of
Rangers, to garrison the fort; and, with Captain
Moses Kirkland's troop, he proceeded to Ninety-Six^^
Court-House; where, he arrived on the 14th of July;
bringing with him 250 pounds. weight of powder, and
600 pounds weight of lead. At this time the patriotic
authorities, may be said to have been in possession of
all the forts and arsenals in the Colony, except Fort
Johnson in Chariestown harbour; and that, was only
garrisoned by a few men.
The Council of Safety now turned their thoughts
towards placing the sea-coast of the Colony, in a pos
ture of defence; and to procuring additional quantities
of ammunition, by purchases from abroatt; but bold
measures for this service, were much impeded by cau
tious or timid members of the Council. At this time,^
the principal business of the Council went through
William Henry Drayton, Arthur Middleton, Colonel^!
Charles Pinckney, and Thomas Ferguson; who pro
moted ever'y vigorous plan — while Rawlin^ Lowndes,
James Parsons, Miles Brewton, Thomas Heyward,
jun. and Thomas Bee, were generally for moderate
measures: and, John Huger, Benjamin Elliott, and
William Williamson, occasionally joined one side or
the other, as matters under consideration, led them to
range themselves. This situation of the Council is
here mentioned, as showing that in the best organized
bodies, diversities of opinions will prevail: for, it is
manifest, that sometimes one party may be too hasty irt
pressing a measure; while, at another time, the other
party, may be too unaccommodating in opposing it. Be

CHAPTER VIII,— 1775. S19
this as it may, the object of these Memoirs, is to state
things truly as they were, at the times they took place;
not as they might have been : or, as persons have been
less violent, or waved opposition, during the subse
quent CQurse of the American Revolution. Many
propositions were now made and plans proposed, for
placing Chariestown in a posture of defence; but,
from the different modes by which, they were post
poned or defeated in the Council, nothing at this time
came forth of any efficiency. One thing only, could
at this time be carried, in the Council of Safety: and
that was done on the 2d day of July: when it was
concluded to fortify Dorchester,- as an asylum, when
Chariestown should be lost. A distressing discovery
this; that when the Council should have been ardent
in preparing for the defence of the Colony; a majority
of its members were so influenced by moderation or
caution, as to dispair of saving the principal town of
the Colony: and were looking towards an asylum, be
fore they had even seen the enemy who was to oppose
them! With the view, of making Dorchester a place
of arms, it was surveyed, [ireparatory to fortification;
and the plans reported, were approved of by the
Council. But, the work went slowly on; except
building a magazine for gun-powder, and some other
matters of trifling nature. For, as the Council of
Safety gradually shook oflf its apprehensions and cau
tions; vigorous measures came more into use: and
in the same degree, the necessity of fortifying that
place, became less evident; and, the inclination to
carry the vote of Council on that subject into execu
tion, less strong.
At this period, the languor which possessed the
Council of Safety was so apparent, that the General
Committee endeavoured to rouse them to greater ener
gies. And after a long debate, in which the question
was carried by only 29 to 24, it was resolved by the

320 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
General Committee on the 25th of July, and at the
very time when they were putting down the King's
officers, as non-associators, " to recommend to the
Council of Safety, that Chariestown and its harbour,
be forthwith put into the best posture of defence."
The above recommendation, was accordingly laid
before the Council ; but they were in no hurry to con
sider it: as, on the day before, the Council had ordered
twenty cannon to be mounted in such manner, as to be
ready for being moved to whatever places, the public
exigences might require. And this the Council had
done, by way of appeasing the incessant calls upon
that body, for vigorous measures.
On the 29th of July, the Council of Safety found
it expedient to issue militia commissions ; as Governor
Campbell now required from those who applied for
commissions, an oath, not to take up arms against the
King. And the Council being now pressed by a
motion to place Chariestown and its harbour in the
best posture of defence, agreeably to the aforesai4f
recommendation of the General Committee, they
again rejected the motion. But, the opposition re
laxed so much, as to agree to place them " into some
posture of defence," in order to give the town an op
portunity, as one of the members in opposition ex
pressly declared, " to make terms of capitulation, upon
an attack." The only consequence of this was, an
order on the 6th of August, to repair the platforms
about the town, "where necessary." However, on
the 3d of September, Arthur Middleton, always urging
the matter in Council, moved again for making more
effectual provision for the defence of Chariestown;
but, the consideration of his motion was adjourned to
the next day. It was then, at last considered; but, all
that the Council would do on the occasion, was to
pass a resolve, for arming three schooners in the public
service; of which number, only one {the Defence) was

CHAPTER VIII,— 1775. 321
equipped during this year; and she was not commis
sioned, until the 13th day of October. Such, was the
situation at this time of South-Carolina, along her
fine of sea-coast; where she was most vulnerable;
we will now return to the affairs of the interior.
It has been related, that on the 14th of July, Major
Mayson arrived at Ninety-Six Court-House; with a
portion of the gun-powder and lead, which he had
taken in Fort Charlotte. At this time, Colonel
Thomas Fletchall was holding the general muster of
his militia regiment at Ford's, on the Enoree River.
And Captain Moses Kirkland, who had accompanied
Major Mayson with his troop of rangers, to Ninety-
Six Court-House, and who had thought himself over
looked by the Provincial Congress in the military
appointments; and besides, having an old grudge
against Major Mayson, his superior officer, both of
whom were rivals for military rank and back-country
influence; knowing that Colonel Fletchall had assem
bled a number of men, and supposing the whole back-
country disaffected, resolved to change sides. Under
this impression, he dispatched Major Terry, of the
militia, who was with him in opinion, to Colonel
Fletchall ; ardently requesting, that he would send a
force, and recover the powder and lead, which had
been taken from the King's fort; and was then at
Ninety-Six. He, at the same time, assured Fletchall,
that the force sent by him to retake the ammunition,
should not be opposed : and, that the rangers meant to
force him, and every other person in the back-country,
to sign the Association. Having expedited these
advices, he proceeded to fulfil his part of the profered
agreement; and commenced inducing his troop to
desert; in which he was so successful, that in a few
hours they withdrew to a man. 41

S32 MEMOIRS, &c.— I7r5.
In the mean time, Terry having arrived at Colonel
Fletchall's muster-field at Ford's at the fork of Cedar
Creek and Enoree River, where he continued the
assemblage of his men for three days; and seeing
Fletchall about to tender the Association of the Con
gress for the signatures of the individuals of his regi
ment; he concealed his business, until he saw what
turn that affair should take. And accompanying
Fletchall through the companies, the Association was
tendered under such discouraging expressions, as gave
the people to understand Fletchall's mind on the sub
ject; not a man signing the same. And passing from
one extreme to another, Fletchall having previously
caused Major Robinson to prepare another association
more suitable to his opinions, and the part he intended
to act in favour of the King, it w as offered to the men
for signature, and the people very generally subscribed
it. Terry seeing the multitude in this disposition,
now communicated his mission from Kirkland to
Fletchall, in presence of Major Robinson and the
Cunninghams; when, Fletchall declined to appear
publicly, in the affair: but the three others declared
they would go, and seize the powder and lead. At
this, Fletchall showed no disposition to prevent them;
and, they immediately rode off" the field, with two
hundred men on horseback. They arrived at Ninety-
Six Court-House, on the 17th July, about noon; and
had little trouble in possessing themselves of the
ammunition, as Major Mayson had only an officer or
two left witb him, beside Captain Kirkland. Robin
son and his party, then committed the Major to the
district gaol ; where, having continued some hours,
they admitted him to bail, to answer at the ensuing
Sessions, for having, as they charged, robbed the
King's fort. In a few days afterwards. Captain Kirk
land put the seal to his treachery, in joining Fletchall's
party openly : in addition to which act of perfidy, he

CHAPTER VIII,— 1775. 323
also induced Captain P*** and hjs troop of the same
regiment, to quit the service.
The number of men collected at Fletchall's muster-
field, amounting to fifteen hundred at least — the spirit
they displayed — the seizure of the powder and lead —
the treatment of Major Mayson — and the desertion of
Kirkland and P*** — encouraged and increased the
disaffection of the people, from Broad to Savannah
Rivers. The million voted by the Provincial Con
gress, was an endless theme to harangue upon ; for the
purpose of stating, that the Congress would ruin them;
and, the paper money was cried down as of no value.
But, above all, their spirits and cabals were kept up,
by correspondences with Lord William Campbell, the
Governor, in Chariestown; who, through Colonel
Fletchall, commended the loyalty of Robinson and the
Cunninghams: promising them rewards, for perseve
rance in duty. This being circulated, gave these men
real consequence among the disaffected ; tied them fast
to the royal interest, and threw out a lure of recom
pense to every leader of the party. From this state of
things, the most fatal consequences were apprehended;
and it was then supposed, that if Lord William
Campbell had gone up among the disaffected — had
collected Fletchall and his men around him — and had
conducted himself with promptness and efficiency —
the whole proceedings of the Provincial Congress
would have been overthrown. However, for wiser
purposes. Providence had not so directed his actions;
but left him in Chariestown, to experience the daily
loss of his executive powers; and the little considera
tion in which he was, holden, as well by the public
authorities, as by the citizens at large.
Accounts of these circumstances, ftequently arriving
in Chariestown; and through Lord William's plots,
affairs becoming more critical every day in the back

324 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1775.
parts of the Colony; the Council of Safety took into
consideration, the urgency of the case, and the neces
sity which existed, of reconciling the people, to the
public measures: but, it was opposed. However, on
the 23d day of July 1775, it was resolved, " That the
Hon'ble William Henry Drayton, and the Reverend
William Tennent be the two gentlemen to make a
progress into the back country, to explain to the
people, the causes of the present disputes, between
Great Britain, and the American Colonies;"* and they
were accordingly commissioned on the same day for
that purpose : " to go into the interior parts of this
Colony at the public expense; there to explain to the
people at large, the nature of the unhappy public dis
putes between Great Britain and the American Colo
nies — to endeavour to settle all political disputes
between the people — to quiet their minds — and to
enforce the necessity of a general union, in order to
preserve themselves and their children from slavery."!
Beside this, they were privately armed with authority,
" to call upon all and every officer of the militia and
rangers, for assistance, support, and protection" toad
" as you shall deem necessary."]' Colonel Richard
Richardson, Joseph Kershaw, and the Reverend Mr.
Hart, vvere desired to accompany them ; and to com
plete the arrangement, the whole militia Avefe ordered
to be classed in three divisions; and to hold them
selves ready by turns, to march at twelve hours notice.
On Wednesday, the second day of August 1775,
the Commissioners, William Henry Drayton and
William Tennent, left Chariestown, in prosecution of
the duties they had in charge: and proceeding by the
way of Monk's Corner, they arrived at the Congaree
'• Council of Safety's Journal, No. I. pages 70, 71.
} See Appendix to this Chapter, No. \'.

CHAPTER VIII.— 1775. S25
Store,* in the Dutch settlement of Saxegotha, on the
Saturday followinj^; in the vicinity of which, a part of
the regiment of rangers was encamped, on the western
bank of the Six Mile Creek. On their arrival -at that
place, they found two gentlemen of the law, prisoners
from North-Carolina; who had arrived the evening
before: having been sent forward by the Committee of
Camden, on charges inimical to the liberties of Ame
rica. These gentlemen proceeded in their destination
to Chariestown ; where they became subjected to the
public authorities; and were imprisoned at the public
expense, for some months.
As a first step, to the particular object of their pro
gress, they dispatched notices to persons of influence
among the Dutch in that settlement; for the purpose
of procuring a meeting of the inhabitants at the place
of election, which was to be on the day the Commis
sioners arrived at the Congaree Store. Not one Ger
man, however, appeared there ; and only one or two
friends of the Association ; who had been industrious,
to procure a meeting. By these gentlemen, the Com
missioners were informed, their countrymen were
against taking up arms, as they imagined, against the
King; being apprehensive, in such a case, he would
resume the grants which had been given to them of
their lands; by which, they would be dispossed of
them. And, they were likewise so possessed with the
idea, that the rangers were posted among them, for the
purpose of awing them into submission, and forcing
their signatures to the Association, that they would not
by any arguments, be induced to approach the Com
missioners. Beside this, a report ran among them,
the Commissioners had brought orders from the
* The Congaree Store, was situated about 300 hundred yai-ds below the
large ditch, vrhich crosses the public road, just below Granby ; and lay between
the road, and the Congaree River.

3'26 MEMOIRS, &c.— 17?'5.
Council of Safety, to let the rangers loose upon them,
for the purpose of destroying their properties. Not
withstanding these difficulties, the Commissioners did
not give up the idea of reasoning with these peo|ile;
and for that purpose they prevailed with Colonel Wil
liam Thompson, who commanded the Orani^eburgh
regiment of militia,* to. order a muster of two Dutch
companies of his regiment in the neighbourhood, on
the Wednesday following: and, to give greater energy
to his orders, the Commissioners declared, that should
the officers disobey, they should be broken. This
threat, at that time, was absolutely necessary; as the
Dutch Captains had some little time before, disobeyed
such an order; alledging, that extra musters, were
warranted only, by orders from the Governor. With
a view also of promoting assemblages of the people;
the Commissioners engaged a Dutch Clergyman, to
perform Divine Service at two different places, on the
Friday and Sunday following. And to excite the pri
vate interests of the Dutchmen, it was made known,
that no non-subscriber in that settlement, should be
allowed to purchase at, or sell to, the Congaree Store,
or Chariestown.
Previous to these meetings, Mr. Tennent performed
Divine Service in the rangers' camp;- and afterwards,
Mr. Drayton haranged the rangers, respecting the new
and extraordinary power, by « hich they had been
raised — the nature of the public disputes, and the
justice of the cause, in which they were engaged—their
duty to their country, their families, and themselves —
and their duty and obligation, to oppose and attack
¦" Although Colonel Thompson had been lately appointed Colonel of th?
regiment of rangers, he did not thereby lose his command as Colonel of this
regiment of militia ; as it appears, that at this early part of the Revolution, the
custom was so received in Carolina. At this time, the militia of the province,
consisted of thirteen regiments ; one of horse, and twelve of foot. See Ap"
pendix to this Chapter, No, VI.

CHAPTER vm,— 1775. 327
any British troops, landing in this Colony. Their
honour was also awakened, by contrasting their perso
nal value and importance, with those of British troops
— their complaints respecting provisions were entered
into, and assurances were given, that all which could
be done for them consistent with discipline, and the
situation of affairs, would be attended to. They were
informed, the public could not so much dishonour
them, as to suppose they had enlisted merely for gain:
hut that they were persuaded, they acted Irom nobler
motives. That if they deemed it a hardship, to go in
search of provisions — to do which, they were allowed
extra pay; the Council of Safety was willing to save
them that trouble, by supplying them with provisions
and rations, tike the rest of the troops, upon deducting
the extra pay, so allowed them. That, as to their
complaints for the want of tents, they surely, as sol
diers were as able to do without them, as the British
troops in America did, during the last w ar. Tiiat, as
they were raised to compete with them in valour;
military pride, called upon them to compete with
them also, in patience, subordination, and the most
perfect obedience to their officers. In addition to this
address, Mr. Tennent added assurances of the value
of Congress' currency; which ill-disposed persons
had endeavoured to depreciate in the opinion of the
soldiers; and he finished by reading and commenting
on the Declaration of the Continental Congress.
The Commissioners, then left the camp, apparently
quiet and satisfied ; as the men on being discharged,
expressed their thanks, for the information they had
received. But, about rriidnight an officer came from
the camp (which was about two or three miles off)
with information, that a dangerous mutiny had broken
out — that command and obedience, no longer existed
— that the men were in uproar, at the idea of deduction
of pay; for they had in some cases been promised by

328 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
their officers, provisions above their pay; and that
they were determined to quit the camp in the morning,
and disband.
After taking the matter into consideration, aided by
Colonel Thompson and Captain Kershaw; the Com
missioners deemed it most adviseable, to let the matter
rest until morning; as thereby, time would intervene
for the men to cool ; and for the three Captains, and
other officers in camp, to sound the men, and know
who could be depended upon. This forbearance, had
a good effect; as in the morning, the men appeared
quiet: and it became evident, the disorder arose from
three or four privates of profligate characters; and
from the improper conduct, declarations, and conver
sations, of some of the officers. Captain W  d
had incautiously, when enlisting his men, made pro
mises which proved grounds of discontent; and when
the Commissioners addressed the rangers in camp, he
had the imprudence to attempt to be spokesman, to
the Commissioners in the hearing of the men, as to
their being found provisions over and above their pay;
and Lieutenant D  e also attempted to speak, to
the cruelty of keeping men encamped without tents.
For this conduct, the Commissioners privately admo
nished these officers; which they received in a sub
missive and appropriate manner.
The rangers were then marched from their camp,
to the Congaree Store ; where Mr. Drayton again
harangued them upon the disorders of the last night:
attributing it to a few disorderly persons, who, in this
first instance of disobedience, would be passed over
by their Colonel — in the hope, such lenity would work
a reformation in them. The consequences of a muti
nous conduct were described: they vvere told, that if
they should prove unworthy of the service; others
more worthy, would supply their places — that they

CHAPTER VIII.— 1775, 329
ought not to flatter themselves, because some parts of
the Colony were disaffected, they might desert, and be
in places of security; for, if they did, they would
sometimes be off their guard, and then, they would be
seized: as a reward would be put upon them, for the
purpose of bringing them to punishment. The situa
tion of united America, was also brought to their
view; on the side of liberty, were ranged infinite
numbers, supported by the best wealth and abilities of
the country; while on the side of royalty, only a few
disaffected men showed themselves, of little property,
and of less knowledge. And it was asked, if among
such men as the latter, they could possibly suppose,
'there was any safety.^ After this, excepting three
men, they were called upon to say what they pleased:
and they became well satisfied, and showed the most
perfect submission. The three men, were spoken to
in private, and were severely reprimanded. In this
manner, was the mutiny put down; by the prudent
intervention of the Commissioners, at a most critical
period. For, had it ended otherwise, their progress
would have been much obstructed ; and might have
been utterly defeated. It gave a trial also, of the
prudence and energy of the Commissioners; which,
considering the balance of parties in the Council of
Safety, was of the utmost consequence. And it led,
not only to a continuance of confidence in them, from
that body; but actually to the increase of authority to
one of the Commissioners, towards the close of the
progress, in which, they were so engaged.
Matters being thus composed, and the public arm
strengthened at the Congaree Station ; the Commis
sioners thought it might tend to remove the apprehen
sions of the Dutch settlers, by changing the camp of
the Rangers, to some distant place. For this reason,
as well as to allow the soldiers to go home, to places
of election about to be holden ; and to procure neces-
4.2

S30 MEMOTRS, &c,— 1775.
saries for themselves; and still more, to evince the
public confidence in their good behaviour; the ramp
of the rangers was broken up : and they were sent to
their homes for a limited time, under the eyes of their
respective officers. A new camp was ordered to he
formed at Amelia on the Congaree River; about thirty
miles below: where, they were ordered to assemble
on the 18th day of August 1775. Major Mayson vvas
also ordered to the same camp, with Captain Purvis'
troop: for, owing to some local dissentions at Ninety-
Six, his presence was of disservice there, to the public
interests. It was now ascertained, that Captain Moses Kirk
land had gone to Chariestown to Governor Campbell:
and the Commissioners immediately issued orders, for
apprehending him, on his return; hoping to possess
themselves thereby, of pajjers from the Governor.
They also advised the Council of his approach; that
he might be arrested and punished for his desertion,
and disbanding his men. But his good fortune, saved
him this time; and he returned full freighted from his
Excellency, with commissions, papers, and offer-s of
encouragement, to Colonel Fletchall; and through
him, to all the malecontents, in the upper parts of the
Colony: and did not a little contribute, as hereafter
will be seen, to poison the minds of the people — and
so far as in him lay, to defeat the objects of the Com
missioners. With these prospects all before them, and other dis
couragements which presented themselves, the Com
missioners questioned, whether they would be per
mitted to give public addresses in Fletchall's regimental
district: it was, however, not for them to balance
whether they should proceed or not; and they accord
ingly matured their plans, for farther proceedings. In
doing this, it was ascertained the public interests

CHAPTER VIII,— 1775. 331
required their separation; and, that Mr. Drayton
should go up, between Broad and Saluda Rivers;
while Mr. Tennent should proceed on the North side
of Broad River, between that and the Watteree, as
high as Rocky Creek, the upper boundary of Colonel
Richardson's regiment. From thence it was agreed,
Mr. Tennent was to cross over, and join Mr. Drayton
at Fair Forest; where Colonel Fletchall resided.*

Letter of 7th August 177&, from the Commissioners to the Council of

Safety,

APPENDIX

CHAPTER VIII.

No. I.
IN THE COUNCIL OF SAFETY.
Tliursday 25th July 1775. The Council met.
PRESENT,
Colonel' Henry Laurens, President.
Col. Pinckney, Col. Parsons,
Hon. Mr. Drayton, Mr. Ferguson,
Mr. Middleton, Mr. Bee,
Mr, Brewton, Mr. Williamson,
Mr. Benj. Elliott, Mr. Heyward,
Hon. Mr. Lowndes.
Resolved, that the following Orders, and Commis
sion, be given to Captain Lempriere :

TO CHAPTER VHI. 333
South- Carolina. IN THE COUNCIL OF SAFETY.
Chariestown, July 25th, 1 775.
To Clement Lempriere, Esq.
The Council of Safety, elected and chosen by
the Provincial Congress, begun to be holden on the
first day of June last, by these Presents testify, that
Clement Lempriere, Esquire, has been, and is hereby
appointed and commissioned to command, in the sloop
Commerce, belonging to New- York; and, over all
and every person and persons engaged to embark on
board the said sloop, on the intended voyage, under
the authority of the said Council of Safety. And the
said Clement Lempriere, is hereby ordered, to proceed
forthwith with all convenient dispatch, to the Island
of New-Providence ; on that Island to seize, and from
that Island to embark on board the said sloop, all such
quantity of gun-powder, as he shall find, and be able
to take on board, and from the said island: and then,
forthwith to return to this Colony; and put into
Tucker's Creek, Tucker's Island, North Edisto.
And, from thence, to give notice to the said Council
of Safety, of his arrival; with all possible dispatch.
And, if the said Clement Lempriere, shall not be able
to seize any considerable quantity of gun-powder in
the Island of New-Providence aforesaid, he shall then
proceed to such places, and take such measures to
procure gun-powder, as he shall think most proper:
and then to proceed to Tucker's Creek aforesaid ; and
thence, to give due notice as aforesaid. And for so
doing, this is your Warrant.
By order of the Council of Safety.
HENRY LAURENS, President.

334 APPENDIX
South- Carolina.
' m the council of safety.
Chariestown, July 2Ath, 1 775.
To Clement Lempriere, Esquire.
The Council of Safety, elected and chosen
by the Provincial Congress, begun to be holden on the
first day of June last, by these Presents testify, That
Clement Lempriere, Esquire, has been, and is hereby
appointed and commissioned, to command the sloop
Commerce, belonging to New-York ; and over all and
every person -and persons, engaged to embark on
board the said sloop, under the authority of the said
Council of Safety. And the said Clement Lempriere
is hereby ordered, to proceed to such places, and to
take such measures, as he shall think most proper, to
procure gun-powder, for the public of this Colony;
which, when he shall have procured, he is ordered to
convey to this Colony, with all possible dispatch.
It is also hereby declared, that if any commander or
officer, under the King's authority, in any degree ill-
treat the said Clement Lempriere or any of his com
pany; the King's officers now in our power, shall be
treated with equal severity. Of which, all persons are
required to take due notice.
Given under the authority, and by order of the
Council of Safety.
HENRY LAURENS, President.
Ordered, that the foregoing commission be engross
ed, sealed, dated, and signed, by the President; and by
him delivered sealed up to Captain Lempriere; with
orders, not to be opened, until he shall be arrived in
sight of the Island of New-Providence.
03° See Council of Safety's Journal, No. I, pages 78, 19.

TO CHAPTER VIII. 33.5

No. II.
Captain Hatter's Report to the Council of Safety,
of the occurrences which took place on board of the
sloop Commerce, Clement Lempriere, Esquire, Com
mander, in taking the powder from Captain Lofthouse,
off Augustine Bar; and of the return voyage to
Chariestown with the powder.
1775.
July 24,- Our voyage towards New-Orleans commenced.
25, Took on board our stores of provisions, &c.
26, Sailed over the bar, with the wind at N, E. and rain; at
6 p, M, anchored al South Edisto.
27. Fresh gales, with thunder squalls; and a great deal of
lightning; weighed, and sailed up Port Royal Creek,
where we anchored.
28. It continued to blow hard with rain. We got through
Port Royal Creek, and came to at the town; and
,. landed our stores, in order to clean,
29. We hauled on shore, and cleaned ; and in the evening,
hauled her off again.
30, Took on board our stores, and got ready to sail ; fell
down the river a little,
31. Sailed from Port Royal, with the wind at South ; and
turned down to Jenkins' landing.
Aug, 1. Got under way, and turned through Skull Creek, and
came to, at Callaboge.
2. Sailed out of Tybee, with the wind at South ; turned to
windward ; at meridian observed in latitude 31 deg.
45 min.
3. Still plying to windward, with the wind at South : latitude
observed 31. 28.
4. Fine settled weather, wind southerly j beating to wind
ward: latitude observed 31 09.
5. Fresh breeze and thunder squalls; wind southerly: lat.
observed 30 51.

336 APPENDIX
Aug, C, Fine settled weather, with fresh gales : lat, obsd, 29 55.
7. Made the Mattanzes at night; came to under the fort, in
seven fathoms water: and rode all night. At 6 a, m,
got under way, and run down towards the bar of Augus
tine; where, we saw a sail at anchor off the bar. We
ran down to her, and hailed her; and found her to be
the brigantine Betsey, commanded by Captain Alvere
Lofthouse, from London. We boarded her with our
sloop, and upon strict search, found on board of her a
large quantity of gun-powder; of which we took one
hundred and eleven barrels, one half barrel, and thirty
small kegs. Said vessel had on board of her, twelve
soldiers from the shore, eight seamen, the captain, two
mates, and steward, which was in number twenty-three
men ; and our number was twenty-one whites, and five
blacks. Our situation was such on this occasion, that
we thought it most prudent to bribe the men ; which we
did with one hundred pounds currency : and the cap
tain accepted a draught for one thousand pounds Ster
ling for the powder, drawn on Mr. John Edwards, of
Chariestown. And at half past 11 a, m. after spiking
up two pieces of cannon, that were mounted on board
said brigantine, we re-embarked our men, and made
sail with a light air at E. N, E. The wind weared to
the Northward, at 4 p. m, we passed the River St,
John's, and passed a small boat, stretching to the South
ward.
8, Turning to the windward with the wind at N, E, squally,
with rain: latitude obsd. 31 26,
9. Fresh gales at N. E. plying to windward with all sail set,
and a growing sea. Lat, obsd. 31 50.
10. Light breezes of wind, set squaresail and topsail, and
made Tybee Tower; and we steered in at it, through
Skull Creek, and came to in Port Royal Creek. Lat,
ob. 31 50. Got under sail, and at 10 A. m. came to at
Port Royal; and dispatched away an Express to
Chariestown, and at 3 p, m. we landed the powder,
11, Fine settled weather, with the wind to the Westward,
12. Showery, and thunder squalls — at ai^chor at Port Royal.
13. Do. weather.
14. Do. weather.

TO CHAPTER VIII. 337
Aug. 15. Showery and thunder squalls. An Express from Charles-
town arrived with an account of the Governor's sloop
being in pursuit of us,
16. Squally weather, with a great deal of rain. Sundry
companies of militia and light infantry, come to town
from the different islands, to guard the gunpowder.
17. Ditto weather. Our Express arrived from Chariestown,
and brought with him, a detachment of artillery, in
order to escort the gunpowder to Chariestown.
18. Received on board of the Success, ninety-one barrels of
powder ; and got in readiness to sail. At 10 a, m.
Captain Cattell arrived in town with 60 men of the
Provincials, and offered to join us to protect the gun
powder, which we accepted of,
19. Got all in readiness to sail, and at meridian we weighed
anchor, and sailed through Port Royal Creek; and run
down as low as Morgan's Island, when we came to,
with our small squadron, consisting of nine sail, and
rode all night.
20. At 6 A. M, we got under way, and sailed down towards
Otter Island, and fell down to Sou'h Edisto inlet, to
wait the flaod. At 11 a. m. we weighed, and towed up
towards Fen wick's Bluff ; when we came to, to wait
the tide, and water the vessel, in company with the dif
ferent detachments. At midnight, got under way again,
and towed up.
21. Towed up to Block Island, and down to Slan's Bluff,
where we waited the tide, and cooked provisions. At
4 p. M. we run down to White Point, and came to, to
wait tide to New-Cut.
22. Got under way, and towed up and through New-Cut and
down to Wappoo, and there waited tide, to come
through. At 4 p, m. we got under way, and run into
the Cut, and towed through ; and came to anchor in
Ashley River, and lay all the night.
23. Got under way, and towed up Cummings' Creek; and at
6 A. M, we came to fhe bluff, where we landed ninety-
one barrels of gunpowder.
JOHN HATTER.*
* From documents of the Council of Safety,
43

338 APPENDIX

No. III.
Copies of Letters and Papers from the Earl of Dart
mouth to the dilTerent Governors of Provinces; brought
over from Falmouth in the Swallow Packet, and
seized in the Post-Office of Chariestown.
(CIKCULAK PKIVATE,)
Duplicate. Whitehall, March 3d, 1775,
Sip,, It is fit ihat I should acquaint you, that the Resolution of the
House of Commons which accompanies my separate dispatch,
passed in the Committee by a mijorityof 274 to 88; and was
received and agreed to, by the House, without a division. And
indeed, the great majorities which have appeared in both Houses,
upon every question that has been proposed for maintaining the
supremacy of parliament, is such an evidence of the general sense
of the nation upon that subject, as must show how little ground
there has been for those assurances which have been artfully held
out to the Americans of support here, in the dtngerous conduct
they have adopted ; and convince them that there neither can, nor
will be any the least relaxation, from those measures, which that
conduct has made indispensably necessary, for reducing the Colo
nies to the constitutional authority of parliament,
I am. Sir, your most obt, humble servt.
DARTMOUTH,
His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor of
South-Carolina, Chariestown,
Resolved, That when the Governor, Council, and Assembly, or
General Court of any of his Majesty's Provinces, or Colonies in
America, shall propose to make provision according to the condi
tion, circumstances, and situation, of such Province or Colony, for
contributing their proportion to the common defence ; (such pno-
portion to be raised under the authority of the General Court, or
General Assembly of such Province or Colony, and disposable by

TO CHAPTER VIIL 339
parfiament;) and, shall engage to make provision also, for the
support of the Civil Government, and the administration of justice,
in such Province or Colony ; it will be proper, if such proposal
shall be approved by his Majesty, and the two Houses of Parlia
ment, and for so long as such provision shall be made accordingly,
to forbear, in respect to .such Province or Colony, to levy any
duty, tax, or assessment ; except, only, such duties, as it may be
expedient to continue to levy, or to impose, for the regulation of
commerce; the net produce of the duties last mentioned, to be
carried to the account of such Province or Colony respectively.'*
A Duplicate, Circular Private, similar to the one
preceding — to the Governor of Georgia,

(No, 19,)
Duplicate. Whitehall, 3d March 1775.
Sir, I have received your letters of the 19th and 20th of Decem
ber; the latter numbered 35 : and have laid them before the King.
But having nothing in command from his Majesty thereupon, I
have only to lament, that his Majesty's subjects in Georgia, who
have hitherto in general shown so great respect for the mother
country, and loyalty to the King, should have at length manifested
a disposition to adopt the sentiments, and follow the ill example of
their neighbours. But, I trust, that the measures I have taken for
your support, and the zeal and alacrity of the King's officers, and
of those gentlemen who you say, stand forth in the maintenance of
the public peace, will have the effect to prevent the sons of liberty,
as they are called, from committing themselves in any act of vio
lence. I find by a letter from Mr, Cooper to Mr, Pownall, that the
Lords of the Treasury, have had under their consideration the
proposition which you transmitted some years ago, in the shape of
" See proceedings of the Continental Congress respecting this Resolution, in
the proceedings of the Congress at the latter part of Chapter XII, for the month
of July 1775.

340 APPENDIX
a bill for better collecting his Majesty's quit rents ; they seem how
ever to be of opinion, that the provisions of an act of the province
of North-Carolina, for the same purpose which they have had
before them, are better calculated to answer the object in view,
than the bill you recommended ; and principally, because, it
enacts, that no patent, deed, or conveyance of land shall be held
valid, unless enrolled in the manner the act directs — whereas, in
your bill, the enrolment is enforced merely by penalty. I there
fore think fit, to send you a copy of the North-Carolina act; that
by comparing the two together, you may be enabled to frame and
pass such a law, as shall correspond with the sentiments of that
board. I am, Sir, your most obt. hum, servt.
DARTMOUTH.
Sir James Wright, Baronet, Georgia.

(circular PRIVATE,)
Duplicate. Whitehall, 3d March 1775.
Sir, My separate dispatch of this day's date, enclosing a Resolu
tion of the House of Commons, may be ostensibly of use, in case
the General Assembly should think fit, to take up the consideration
of that resolution. But, it is fit, I should observe to you, that it is
not his Majesty's intention, for very obvious reasons, that you
should officially communicate it to them. At the same time, as I
think it cannot fail to be an object of discussion in the Assembly, I
must add, that the King considers that the good effect of it, will,
in a great measure depend, upon your ability and address, in a
proper explanation of it, to those, whose situation and connexions
may enable them to give facility to the measures it points to.
And, his Majesty has no doubt, that you will exert every endea
vour to induce such a compliance, on the part of the Assembly, as
may -correspond with his Majesty's ideas of their justice, and his
earnest wishes to see a happy restoration of the public tranquillity.
I am. Sir, your most obt. hum, servt.
DARTMOUTH.
Tlie Governor of Georgia.

TO CHAPTER VHI, 341
(circular,)
Separate Duplicate. Whitehall, March 3d, 1773.
Sir, You wwU have seen in the King's answer to the joint address
of both Houses of Parliament, on the 7th of February, (which
address and answer have already been transmitted to you,) how
much attention his Majpsty was graciously pleased to give to the
assurance held out in that address, of the readiness of parliament
to afford every just and reasonable indulgence to the Colonies,
whenever they should make a proper application on the ground of
any real grievance, they might have to complain of; and, there
fore, I have the less occasion now to enlarge upon the satisfaction
it hath given his Majesty, to see that address followed by the
enclosed resolution of the House of Commons: which, whatever
may be the effect of it, (I trust a happy one) will for ever remaia
an evidence of their justice and moderation; and manifest the
temper which has accompanied their deliberations upon that ques
tion: which has been the source of so much disquit to his Majesty's
subjects in America; and the pretence, for acts of such criminal
disorder and disobedience.
His Majesty, ardently wishing to see a reconciliation of the
unhappy differences, which have produced those disorders, by
every means through which it may be obtained, without prejudice
to the just authority of parliament; which his Majesty will never
suffer to be violated ; approves the resolution of his faithful Com
mons; and commands me to transmit it to you, not doubting that
this happy disposition to comply with every just and reasonable
wish of the King's subjects in America, will meet with such a
return of duty and affection, on their part, as will lead to a happy
issue of the present disputes, and to a re-establishment, of the
public tranquillity on those grounds of equity, justice, and mode
ration, which this resolution holds forth.
The King has the greater satisfaction in this resolution, and the
greater confidence in the good effects of it, from having seen, that
amidst all the intemperance, into which a people jealous of their
liberties have been unfortunately misled, they have nevertheless
avowed the justice, the equity, and the propriety of subjects of the

342 APPENDIX
same state, contributing according to their abilities and situation to
the public burthens; and I think I am warranted in saying, that
this resolution holds no proposition beyond it,
I am unwilling to suppose, that any of the King's subjects, in
the Colonies, can have so far forgot the benefits they haVe received
from the parent state, as not to acknowledge, that it is to her sup
port, held forth at the expense of her blood and treasuse, that they
principally owe that security, which hath raised them to their pre
sent state of opulence and importance. In this situation, therefore,
justice requires that they should in return contribute according to
their respective abilities, to the common defence; and their own
welfare and interest demand that their civil establishment should be
supported, with a becoming dignity.
It has therefore been the case, and I am persuaded it is the firm
determination of parliament, to see that both these ends are an
swered; and their wisdom and moderation have suggested the
propriety of leaving to each Colony, to judge of the ways and
means, of making due provision for these purposes; reserving to
themselves the power of approving or disapproving, what shall be
offered. The resolution, neither points out what the civil establishment
should be; nor demands any specific sum in aid of the public bur
thens. In both these respects, it leaves full scope for that justice
and liberality, which may be expected from Colonies, that under
all their prejudices, have never been wanting in expressions of an
affectionate attachment to the mother country ; and a zealous
regard for the general welfare of the British empire. And there
fore, the King trusts that the provision they will engage to make,
for the support of civil government, will be adequate to the rank
and station of every necessary officer; and, that the sum to be
given in contribution, to the common defence, will be offered on
such terms, and proposed in such a way, as to increase or diminish
according as the public burthens of this kingdom are from time to
time augmented or reduced ; in so far, as those burthens consist of
taxes and duties, which ave not a security for the national debt.
By such a mode of distribution the Colonies will have full security
that they can never be required to tax themselves, without parlia
ment's taxing the subjects of this kingdom, in a far greater pro-

TO CHAPTER VIIL 343
portion. And, there can be no doubt, that any proposition of this
nature, made by any of the Colonies, and accompanied with such
a st,ite of their faculties and abilities as may evince the equity of
the proposal, will be received with every possible indulgence :
Provided, it be at the same time unaccompanied with any declara
tions, and unmixed with any claims, which will make it impossible
for the Kint^, consistent with his own dignity, or for parliament
consistent with their constitutional rights, to receive it. But, I will
not suppose, that any of the Colonies will, after this example of the
temper and moderation of parliament, adopt such a conduct; on
the contrary, I will cherish the pleasing hope, that the public peace
will be restored ; and that the Colonies forgetting all other trivial
and groundless complaints, which ill-humour hath produced, will
enter into the consideration of the resolution of the House of
Commons, with that calmness and deliberation, which the import
ance of it demands ; and with that good will and inclination to a
reconciliation, which are due to the candor and justice with which
parhament has taken up this business, and at once declared to the
Colonies, what will be ultimately expected from them.
, I have already said, that the King entirely approves the resolu
tion of the House of Commons; and his Majesty commands me
to say, that a compliance therewith, by the General Assembly of
Georgia, will be most graciously considered by his Majesty, not
only, as a testimony of their reverence for parliament, but also as
a mark of their duty and attachment to their Sovereign ; who has
no object nearer to his heart, than the peace and prosperity of his
subjects in every part of his dominions. At the same time, his
Majesty considers himself as bound by every tie, to exert those
means, the constitution has placed in his hands, for preserving that
constitution entire ; and to resist, with firmness every attempt, to
violate the rights of parliament, to distress and obstruct the lawful
commerce of his subjects, and to encourage in the Colonies ideas
of independence, inconsistent with their connexion with this
kingdom, I am. Sir, your most obt. hum. servt.
DARTMOUTH,
Governor of Georgia.

344 APPENDIX
(No, 20.)
Whitehall, 3d May 1775.
Sir, I have received your letters numbered from 35 to 41, and
have laid them before the King.
The grounds upon which masters of ships, who were midship
men and acted as master's mates>on board the fleet in the last war,
claim each 2,000 acres of land, in virtue of the royal proclamation
refers to facts, of which I have no official information. Whenever
the Lords of the Admiralty shall, upon a proper application to
them, by those claimants, certify the facts on which they state
their claims, I will not fail to receive his Majesty's pleasure upon
their case ; in the mean time, the matter must rest upon the opi-
Bion, I think very properly adopted by yourself and the Council.
I have already so repeatedly expressed to you my sentiments of
the present disorders in America, and the sense I have of your
meritorious conduct, in the prudent and proper measures you have
pursued, for preventihg as far as you are able, the contagion from
spreading itself through the province of Georgia; that I have
nothing to add on that subject, but to express my wishes that the
steps I have taken for your support, will encourage the friends of
Government to resist the violences that are threatened, and pre
serve the public peace, in all events.
I am. Sir, your most obt. hum. servt.
DARTMOUTH.
Sir James Wright, Baronet.

(No, 16.)
Whitehall, May 3d, 1775.
Sir, Your letters of the 26th of January and loth of March, Nos.
27 and 28, the latter of which I received only yesterday, contain
matter of very great importance.
The addresses from the four counties of Guildford, Dobbs,
Rowan and Surry, breathe a spirit of loyalty to the King, and

TO CHAPTER MIL 31.j
attachment to the authority of Great Britain, which cannot lie too
much encouraged; and it will be necessary that you lose no tirae,
in acquainting the inhabitants of those counties, that these testi
monies of their duty, and affection, have been most graciously
received by his Majesty, That his Majesty will not fail to afford
them those marks of his royal favour, which such a meritorious
conduct appears to deserve ; and, that as soon as the necessary
forms will admit, his Majesty's clemency towards the insurgents in
1770, will be extended in a proclamation, of general pardon to all
except Herman Husbands. In the mean time, it is his Majesty's
pleasure, that you do pursue every step that may improve so
favorable a symptom in the present state of general frenzy, and
perhaps you will not find it difficult, through the channel of some
respectable persons in those counties, to procure proper associations
of the people, in support of the Government. Such a measure,
cannot fail to cast a damp upon the machinations of faction, and
disconcert any desperate measure, they may have in contempla
tion. I hope, we may yet avoid, the fatal necessity of drawing the
sword ; but it is prudent to provide, as far as we are able, against
every possible mischief; and therefore, you will do well, to consider
in time, whether it may not be practicable in such an event, to
embody and lead forth, in support of Government, such of the men
in those counties, as are able to bear arms. If matters should
come to this issue, it is the King's pleasure, that you hold out to
gentlemen of interest and leading amongst them, assurances of his
Majesty's favour in granting them such commissions, as shall be
suitable to their rank and station; and every other encouragement
and advantage allowed to any other troops, in his Majesty's ser
vice, as far as is consistent, with the established rules of the army.
I confess to you, Sir, that this appears to me to be a matter of
so much importance, that I cannot too earnestly recommend it to
your attention ; and that no time may be lost, in case of absolute
necessity, I have received his Majesty's commands, to write to
General Gage, to apprize him of this favorable circumstance; and
to instruct him, that he do, upon application from you, send some
able and discreet officer, to you, in order to conceit the means of
carrying so essential a service into effect; and if necessary to lead
44

346 APPENDIX
the people forth, against any rebellious attempts, to disturb the
public peace.
There are several other matters in your letters, which will re
quire consideration, and instruction ; but, as the mail for Charles-
town will be made up to-night, I can only for the present add, that
I am. Sir, your most obt, hum, servt,
DARTMOUTH,
His Excel. Gov. Martin, North- Carolina.

No. IV.
Savannah in Georgia, the 27th of June 1775.
Sir, I had the honour to write to your Excellency, of the 7th inst.
enclosed to Lieutenant-Governor Colden, which I hope you have
received. And last night I received a letter from Lord William
Campbell, acquainting me, that he is going to send the Scorpion
with letters to your Excellency, and which opportunity, 1 now
embrace ; and hope some method may be fallen upon that we may
receive frequent information of the state of things your way; as it
has the greatest effect and influence on the conduct of the people
in these provinces, and may contribute much to his Majesty's ser
vice. The unhappy affair of the 19th of April, and some late occur
rences in the neighbouring province, have at length drawn and
forced the people of this province into the same predicament with
others. And I now expect, that as far as they possibly can, they
will follow the example of them. And I see no probability of any
tolerable quietude, unless the prudence and moderation of the
Continental Congress, should lay a foundation for it. Your
Excellency's order to Major Furlong, I have not yet forwarded;
indeed, I have neither vessels, nor money, to pay the expense of
sending- for them, and as things are circumstanced at present. It
is the opinion of the gentlemen of the Council, that such a number

TO CHAPTER VIIL 347
might only inflame the whole province, and be liable to insults, if
not worse. For, we have no fort, of defence, for them to be in, or
retire to: and they could neither awe or prevent any attempts
against them. This number a year ago, might have been of great
use, or if things take a favorable turn may, but not just now. And
it is our opinion, that not less than five times that number, could
answer any effectual purpose. And therefore, I do not mean to
forward it yet. But, if your Excellency could for this length, and
autho.nze me to draw for the expense of putting up a temporary
fort, I think matters would soon wear a different aspect here.
But without, neither law or government, can be supported. And
I have neither men or money. And the Governors had much
better be in England, than remain in America. And have the
mortification to see, their powers executed by committees and
mobs. And I am really amazed, that these Southern provinces
should be left in the situation they are, and the Governors and
King's officers and friends to Government, naked and exposed to
the resentment of an enraged people, Stuart has been obliged to
take sanctuary in St. Augustine, I shall hope for a full and clear
answer from your Excellency, that I may know better how to
conduct myself. And have the honour to be with respect and
esteem, Your Excel, most obt, and most hum. servt.
JAMES WRIGHT.
To his Excel. General Gage.
Ol?* The above Letter, was withdrawn from the
envelope, and the following was substituted in its
place, and forwarded, by the Secret Committee.
Savannah in Georgia, 27th June 1775.
Sir, The unhappy affair of the 19th of April, and, some late occurrences in
Carolina, have occasioned thi=i province, to put on an appearance, which I
have tlie pleasure to assure your Escellency, is by no means real ; and I am
happy, that I can with equal confidence a.«sure you, that there is nothing really
formidable in the proceedings or designs of our neighbours of South-Carolina,
notwithstanding the late address of their Congress to Lord William Campbell;
who being but just arrived, and as your Excellency knows but unexperienced
in affairs of Government, may think them very serious, .-ind express his appre
hensions to you on the subject. However unwilling I write this, yet (he good
of his Majesty's service, compels rae to make this intimation to your Excel

348 APPENDIX
lency, least you should otherwise be disposed to believe, that affahs are in
exlreraity in these Colonies, and act accordingly.
Wv private intercourse is so extensive in these Colonies, and I am so well
informed of tbe private sentiments of their leading men, that I assure you no
dangci- is to be apprehended from their designs. And their measures I am con
vinced will quickly change, [irovided they are left to do it in their own way.
And upon the best information, joined to certain knowledge of men and mat
ters in Carolina and Georgia, I am fully assured, that if any ships or troojis were
to be sent into these parts, they would not only totally destroy the present
favorable appearances; but in all probability would prove destructive to the
iiood of the service. Upon these ideas, I have regulated my conduct;' and I
have not as yet even dreamed of applying to Major Furlong; and I firmly be
lieve, that 1 shall have no occasion to do it.
I sincerely wish your Excellency success in your undertakings; and 1 have
the honour to be, with [lerfect esteem,
Your Excel- most obt. and most hum.sei-vt.
0= A fac-siniile signature of JAMES WRIGHT, was
affixed to this letter by the Secret Committee ; and an impression of
his seal having been taken in claj-, the new envelope cai'ried tbe
resemblance of Sir James Wright's seal."
To Ills Excel. General Ga;^€.

Savannah in Georgia, the 27th of June 1775.
Sill, Some time ago, I had the honour to receive a letter from tbe
Earl of Dartmouth, dated the 1st of February last, wherein he
wrote me, that an order was gone from the Admiralty to you. Sir,
to send me one of your cruisers; but, none is yet arrived — nor
have I heard any thing of it since. And I am now to acquaint
you, that four or live boats, from the South-Carolina side, of our
inlet, have been here for ten or twelve days past, full of armed men
— ii is said ne.ir one hundred. We expect a vessel from London
every day, with a considerable quantity of gun-powder on board —
* It is said, this forged letter was received by General Gage ; and was in a
great measure tlie reason, why troops and vessels were not forwarded at that
time, to Gt'oi-fia — and that upon Governor Wiight's meeting General Gage
afterwards iu London, he asked the General, why he had not assisted him with
troops as he had written to him for .' When General Gage replied, you wrote
me quite the contrary, as I can prove by your own letter iu my possession-^
and upon Governor Wright's inspection of the same, the letter as comingfrom.
him, turned out to be a counterfeit !

TO CHAPTER VIIL 349
and report says, that these people mean to take it out, and carry
it away : and it is not in my power to prevent it. And thus you
see. Sir, that our port may, and in short is, blocked up by our
neighbours, and that they have it in their power to plunder any
thing, that arrives here, and do just what they please. I hope
therefore, that you will be kind enough to give such immediate
assistance, as may be in your power, to prevent such insults, and
attempts, as I have mentioned.
Pardon rae. Sir, for saying, that an armed schooner will be of
little use ; or any thing less, than a sloop of war of some force—
and which, from Lord Dartmouth's letter, I have been long ex
pecting, and impatiently looking out for.
I doubt not, but the situation we are in, will strike you in such a
light; that you will see the propriety, of immediate assistance.
Another matter seems to be also necessary for his Majesty's
service ; viz. frequent accounts from yourself, and General Gage
with respect to the state of affairs, your way — as, I find it has the
greatest influence on the conduct and proceedings of the people
here. And I have no way by which, this can be done, unless you
are pleased to send it, by some of his Majesty's vessels under your
eomroand. I have the honour to be, with perfect esteem.
Sir, your most ob, and most hum. servt.
JAMES WRIGHT.
Admiral Graves,
C?' The above Letter, was withdrawn from the
envelope, and the following was substituted in its
place, by the Secret Committee, and forwarded.
I Savannah in Georgia, the 27tf( June 1775.
SiK, Some time ago, I had the honour to receive a letter from the Earl of
Dartmouth, dated the 1st February last, wherein he wrote to me, that an order
was gone from the Admiralty to you, Sir, to send me one of your cruisers. It
gives me the highest pleasure so acquaint you, that I now have not any occasion
for any vessel of war, and I am clearly of opinion, that his Majesty's service
will be better promoted by the absence than the presence of vessels of war in
this port. On this su^jject of militsiy forces, being at present sent to this part
of the continent, I have written fully to the General, and I beg leave to refer
you, Sir, to that letter, which is of equal date with this.

350 APPENDIX
As I am persuaded it will be for the benefit of the service, that the Southern
Governors should have early information of important transactions in your
part of the continent, I doubt not, but that if you, Sir, shall be of the same
opinion, you will send such by some advice boat. And if such vessel proceeds
to Chariestown, my packet may there be sent on shore, and it will reach me, by
a secure land conveyance by Express from the Post-Office.
Perhaps Captain ToUemache may give you, Sir, some little alarm about two
or three canoes from South-Carolina in this river; waiting, as report says, to
take some gun-powder from on board a vessel daily expected to arrive here.
But, I acquaint you, Sir, that they are sent upon a smuggling party of goods,
into their own Colony, by private directions of their Committee. They mean
to procure some gun-powder, and I shall not be displeased if under the appear
ance of some violence they purchase such an article— as, it is intended to make
good the contract made by Mr. Stuart and myself, with the Indians, both Creeks
and Cherokees ; the latter of whom, will be more convenient for the Caroli
nians, than the people of Georgia to supply. I have the honour to be, with
perfect esteem, Sir, your most humb. and most obt. servt.
ID' A fac-simile signature of JAMES WRIGHT, was
affixed to this letter, by the Secret Committee.
Admiral Graves.
0?* The two original letters of Sir James Wright,
as well as the copies of the substituted letters, are in
the possession of the writer of these Memoirs.

No. V.
Saturday, 23d July 1 775.
PRESENT,
Colonel Henry Laurens, President.
Mr. Ferguson, Mr. Brewton,
Mr. Middleton, Mr. Bee,
Hon. Mr. Lowndes, Capt. Benj. Elliott,
Hon. Mr. Drayton, Mr. Heyward,
Col. Pinckney, Col. Parsons.

TO CHAPTER VHI. 351
On motion, Resolved, That the Fonble. William
Henry Drayton, and the Reverend William Tennent,
be th(^ two gentlemen to make a progress into the back
country, to exi>lain to the people the causes of the
present disputes, between Great Britain and the Ame
rican Colonies.
Resolved, That the following commissions and
powers, be given to the Honble. William Henry
Drayton, and the Rev. William Tennent:

South- Carolina: IN THE COUNCIL OF SAFETY.
July 23d, 1775.
The Council of Safety, elected and chosen
by the Provincial Congress, begun to be holden the
first day of June last; by these Presents, testify, that
they have nominated, appointed and commissioned the
Honble. William Henry Drayton, and the Reverend
William" Tennent, to go into the interior parts of this
Colony, at the public ex|)ense; there, to explain to the
people at large, the nature of the unhappy public
disputes between Great Britain, and the American
Colonies — to endeavour to settle all political disputes
between the people — to quiet their aiinds, and to
enforce the necessity of a general union, in order to
preserve themselves and their children from slavery.
And that the said William Henry Drayton, and Wil-
Ham Tennent, may proceed in this business with safety
and advantage to the public; all the friends of the
Liberties of America, are hereby requested to afford
them every necessary aid, assistance, and protection.
By order of the Council of Safety.
HENRY LAURENS, President.

352 APPENDIX
South- Carolina: IN THE COUNCIL OF SAFETY.
Chariestown, 23d July 1775.
Gentlemen, In order to give you every necessary and proper
support and protection in your progress ifato the coun
try, in execution of our commissions of this dale, you
are hereby authorized, to call uj)on all and every
ofificer of the militia and rangers, for assistance, sup
port, and protection ; and they and each of them, are
hereby ordered, to furnish such assistance, support,
and protection, as you shall deem necessary.
By order of the Council of Safety.
HENRY LAURENS, President.
To the Hon. W. H. Drayton, Rev.
Wm. Tennent, Commissioners, ^c.
10= See Journal of the Council of Safety, No. I. pages 70, 71.

No. \T.
Provincial Militia in the early part of 1775, con
sisting of thirteen Regiments, viz.
Regt. of Horse — William Moultrie, Colonel.
Twelve Regiments of Foot, viz.
1. Chariestown — Charles Pinckney, Colonel— Lieutenant-Colonel,
James Parsons — Major, Wm. Savage.
Artillery Company — Owen Roberts, Captain.
2. Berkley County-Richard Singleton, Colonel— Lieutenant-
Colonel, George Paddon Bond— Major, Stephen Miller-

TO CHAPTER VIIL 353
3. Granville County — Stephen Bull, of Sheldon, Colonel — Lieu
tenant-Colonel, Benjamin Garden — Major, John Lewis
Bourquin,
4. Craven County — Job Rothmahler, Colonel — Lieutenant-Colo
nel, Daniel Horry.
5. Colleton County — Joseph Glover, Colonel — Lieutenant-Colonel,
Samuel Elliott — Major, James Laroche.
6. Orangeburgh — William Thomson, Colonel— Lieutenant-Colo
nel, Christopher Rowe — Major, Lewis Colson.
7- Cheraws — George Gabriel Powell, Colonel — Lieutenant-Colo
nel, Charles Augustus Steward — Major, Abraham Buck-
holts
8. Ninety-Six — John Savage, Colonel  Lieutenant-Colonel,
James Mayson — Major, Andrew Williamson.
9. Camden — Richard Richardson, Colonel — Lieutenant-Colonel,
James M'Girth — Major, Samuel Cantey.
10. Forks of Saluda — Robert Starke, Colonel — Lieutenant-Colo
nel, Moses Kirkland — Major,  Tyriel,
11. Upper Saluda — Thomas Fletchall, Colonel — Lieutenant-Colo
nel, John Lisle — Major, John Caldwell.
12. New Acquisition — Thomas Neel, Colonel — Lieutenant-Colo
nel,  Major, Joseph Robinson.

Forts and Garrisons.
Governor of Fort Johnson— Cohnd Probart Howarth.
Commander oj Fort Charlotte— George Whitefield.
Ordnance-Keeper, and Barrack-Master of Chariestown— John
Poaug.
Surgeon, for the Garrisons in the Province— George Milligan.
Commander of Broughton's Bastion, Chariestown— William Henry
Drayton.
Commander of Lyttleton'' s Bastion, CAarfesiown— Edward Savage.
45

354 APPENDIX

No. VII.
To the Delegates in the Continental Congress at Phi
ladelphia, from South- Carotin a.
Chariestown, July Mi, 1775.
Gentlemen, The enclosed, are a copy and extracts of letters
which fell into the hands of the Seeret Committee,
who laid them bpfore the Council of Safety. They
are thought to be of so great importance, that the
Council have desired the Committee of Intelligence to
transmit them to you, not only by sea, but through
Committee Conveyance, by land. They seem to give
some light into the real intentions of Administration;
and thereby, you may in some degree, be enabled to
guard against their machinations. We have also
transmitted proi)er copies of them, to North-Carolina
and Georgia; and we have desired the former Colony,
to forward to you, our duplicate of this packet.
We also enclose to you, some copies of our circular
letter, to the Committees of this Colony.
This day, the Provincial Congress of Georgia is to
sit in Savannah — it is thought, that they will make
ample amends for their past conduct — indeed, we think
there is no room to doubt of it.
Our own affairs, continue in a good posture. The
regiment of Horse, is nearly comi)leted; and the regi
ments of Infantry are in great forwardness. At pre
sent, between 200 and 300 garrison the Barracks;
and we mean immediately to establish a fortified Post

TO CHAPTER VHL 35^
at Dorchester. The Council of Safety on Thursday,
will go there, to reconnoitre the situation. This
letter comes forwarded by Committee Conveyance
from North-Carolina; and is a duplicate of the origi
nal, which we have sent by a pilot-boat.

To the Committee at Newbern, North-Carolina^
Gentlemen, The enclosed are a copy and extracts of letters,
which falling into the hands of our Secret Committee,
were laid before the Council of Safety. By desire of
the Council, we transmit them to you; as well to
enable you, to counteract your Governor, as to mani
fest how daugerous he is, to the liberties of America.
You see, he means, and is ordered, to arm one i)art
of your people against tiie other. We trust, that
you will, on this occasion, act with due vigour and
policy, in your endeavours to defeat so diabolical a
design. The Council of Safety, most seriously recommend,
that you so manage the communication, of this im
portant letter, as to confine it if possible only among
the friends of American rights: — as it might be of
the most pernicious consequence, if your Governor,
or his emissaries, or the disaifected counties, or peo
ple at large, should obtain any particular knowledge
of it.
We transmit to you, copies of onr circular letter
—which, if you think proper, may be reprinted:—
and, we also traufsmit to you, a letter to our Dele-

356 APPENDIX
gates, at Philadelphia, which we beg you will for
ward to them, from one Committee to another.

To the Committee at Savannah, Georgia.
Gentlemen, The enclosed are extracts of letters, and an
original, which having fallen into the hands of our
Secret Committee, and being by them laid before the
Council of Safety, the Council have desired the
Committee of Intelligence to transmit them to you.
Your Chief Justice seems to hold a very criminal
correspondence, and to show a disposition no less
inimical to the liberties of America.
We also recommend in the most pressing manner,
that you keep a watchful eye upon every motion, that
your Governor can make. We enclose to you, copies
of our circular letter; and we hope, this dispatch will
arrive in due time, to be laid before your Provincial
Congress ; of whose proceedings, we have the highest
expectation.

Dear Sir,

TO CHAPTER VHL 957

No. VIII.
Charleston, 22d August 1820.

In compliance with your wishes, to be informed
from me, what took place in the Post-Office, when
your father, William Henry Drayton, John Neufville,
and Thomas Corbet, Esquires, seized the King's
Mail, which had just arrived from England, in the
Swallow Packet; I have the pleasure to send you,
the following account, so far, as I can recollect.
It was about the beginning of July 1775, when
those gentlemen came to the office, and demanded the
mail. I kept the Post-Ofiice, as Mr. George Roupell,
the Post-Master's Deputy: I was then about twenty-
five years of age. Upon their arrival at the Post-
Office, which was then kept on the Bay, at the corner
of Longitiide-alhy, they demanded the mail which
had just arrived from Falmouth in the Swallow
Packet, Captain William Copeland ; to which, I gave
a peremptory refusal. They answered, they would
break open the door, and take it by force, if it was
Mot instantly delivered : and came from the window
in the street, into the house, for the purpose of forcing
open the door. Being then alone in the office, assort
ing the letters, and late in the evening — the door, but
a slight one — and fearing the confusion the breaking
it open might cause; as well as exposing the letters
and papers of the Office unnecessarily — I did open the
door, and admit those gentlemen. They selected all
the public documents, and took them away — (I after
wards learnt to the Secret Committee.) The Letters
for Lord William Campbell had just before they came,

858 APPENDIX
been delivered to his Secretary, Captain Innis; and
which. Lord William had received. I immediately
informed the Deputy Post-Master-General, George
Roupell, Esquire, of the transaction, who, of course,
was not well pleased with the conduct of those gen
tlemen. This is all I can recollect of this transaction; it
being so many years past.
With great respect, I remain,
Dear Sir, respectfully yours,
J. H. STEVENS.
The Hon. Judge Drayton.

CHAPTER IX.
The Commissioners, William Henry Drayton and
William Tennent, visit certain meetings of people,
and deliver addresses — They recommend measures to
the Council of Safety — Mr. Drayton, accompanied
by Joseph Kershaw of Camden, crosses Saluda River,
and enters the Dutch- Fork — Addresses the Germans
— M^Laurin and Summers influence them against
signing the Association — Mr. Drayton proceeds from
thence, and delivers addresses at other meetings, with
better success — Cunningham and Brown attend a
meeting, and oppose the endeavours of the commis
sioner — Some account of Brown — The commissioner
alters the time of election at some places — His con-
^ duct approved by the Council — The commissioners
form a junction at Fair- Forest, the residence of Col.
Thomas Fletchall — where, they meet Cunningham,
Brown, and Robinson — They endeavour to persuade
Fletchall in favour of American measures — At their
request, he orders a regimental muster — which, Cun
ningham, Brown, and Robinson, much disapprove —
Brown insults the commissioners — They organize
companies of Volunteers — and recommend to the
Council, that no more goods be allowed to be brought
up to M'Laurin's store — Account of what passed at
Fletchall's — Directions sent to the commanding offi
cer at Fort Charlotte, to be on his guard against sur
prize — Major Williamson ordered to throw a rein
forcement into it — The Frontier towards N. Carolina,
formed into Volunteer companies — Cameron's dupli-

360 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
city — Mr. Drayton sends a Talk to the Cherokee
Indians; and invites some of their warriors to a
meeting — writes to the Council for presents for them,
and Instructions — He recommends vigorous mea
sures, and the seizure of disaffected leaders ; without
ivhich, an insurrection will ensue — Mr. Tennent's
progress, between Broad and Watteree Rivers — The
commissioners arrive at Ford's muster-field on the
Enoree River; at which place. Col. Fletchall's regi
ment was to assemble— few men, appear — Kirkland's
behaviour — would assault Mr. Drayton — but is pre
vented by the people — Brown's conduct — The com
missioners, meet with little success at the muster-field
— and direct their course, towards Savannah River —
They arrive at Snow- Hill, and address the people —
Mr. Tennent proceeds to the Long-Cane Settlement
— where, he gives addresses, and encourages the
Volunteer companies — Mr. Drayton turns his atten
tion to the people of Augusta, Snow-Hill, and the
Ridge — He receives accounts of an intended insur
rection, with the view of attacking Fort Charlotte and
Augusta — He sends an Express to Mr. Tennent,
loho returns to Snow- Hill; and proceeds from thence
down Savannah River, towards Chariestown — Mr.
Drayton puts forth a Declaration ; after which, he
takes the field with four swivels, and some militia;
and marches for Ninety-Six Court-House — Kirkland
makes offers to him, of surrender, which are refused
— Kirkland flies to Governor Campbell, in Charles-
town — Description of affairs in the Long-Cane Set
tlement — Three Volunteer companies formed there —
Cunningham and Brotvn collect men — 3Ir. Drayton
arrives at Ninety-Six Court-House — Detaches a
party, to surprize Robert Cunningham at O'NeePs
Mill — Col. Fletchall approaches — Mr. Drayton pre
pares to oppose, his crossing .Saluda River— sends
dispatches to the Council — and, advances his camp,
towards the Insurgents — upon ivhich, Col. Fletchall

CHAPTER IX.— 1775. 36l
moves his camp, nearer Saluda River — Mr. Drayton
issues another Declaration — which, is read in
Fletchall's camp — Mr. Drayton's powers for conduct
ing this enterprise, considered — A conference takes
place between the Leaders of the contending parties
— A treaty of pacification made — Armies on both
sides discharged— Mr. Drayton proceeds to the Con
garee Store — where, he miets the Cherokee Chiefs —
Gives them a Talk and presents — Strength of the
Cherokee Nation — Mr. Drayton ivrites to Alexander
Cameron, and obtains a reply — after ivhich, Mr.
Drayton returns to Chariestown.

N the Sth of August, the Commissioners, William
Henry Drayton and William Tennent, crossed the
Congaree River, at the Ferry just above the Congaree
Store, and proceeded some miles to an election. To
the people collected on this occasion, both of the
Commissioners spoke much at length; and they were
so fortunate as not only to give desirable information
to the audience, but to convert some, who had attended
with mischievous puri)oses; and who, cheerfully
signed the Association. And when the election was
over, the people formed themselves into Volunteer
Companies. On the 9th of August, they also attended one of the
German musters, which had been ordered by Colonel
Thomson; and the Dutch audience, were so warmed
by the addresses which were delivered, as to induce
several of them to shed tears. Their hearts at this
time, became expanded ; and at the conclusion of the
meeting, all of them except fifteen persons signed the
Association ; and those fifteen mildly requested they
might have until Friday, to consider of the business,
when they would meet Mr. Drayton, at the place of
Divince Service. The election which had been post-
46

362 MEJMOIRS, &c,— 1775.
poned by the Commissioners, now took place at the
close of this meeting, after the people had been in
formed of the nature of the dispute with Great
Britain ; it was conducted, with decorum and satisfac
tion, and with a view to the public interests.
It having been suggested by the Committee at the
Congarees, to the Council of Safety, that Dutch wag
goners carrying to Chariestown certificates of their
having signed the Association, would tend to influence
tbe interested views of the Dutch settlers, and draw
them more easily into the Association; the Council of
Safety 'wrote to that Committee, approving of the
measure. But a sly Dutchman, who lived in the
Dutch Fork, replied, " that waggoners might easily
sell their loads in Chariestown, without any danger of
inquiiies about certificates." This, being reported to
Mr. Drayton, by the Committee of the Congarees, he
on the 9th of August wrote to the Council of Safety
on the subject; earnestly recommending, that a con
stant guard of regular troops sliould be stationed at the
town-gate; who should inspect, and inquire of, all
waggoners from the Congarees, the fork between
Broad and Saluda Rivers, commonly called the Dutch
Fork, and Fair-Forest, for certificates of their having
associated. And upon their non-production, that they
should cause the waggoners to return with their wag
gon and contents. And he concluded that letter, with
this remark : " as I know such a conduct will have
great influence, in those parts; I shall give the inha
bitants to understand, that such a regulation will take
place."* On the 11th of August, Mr. Drayton, attended by
Mr. Joseph Kershaw, of Camden, left the Congaree
* Mr. Drayton's letter to the Council of Safety, dated at the Congarees, 9th
August 1775. >

CHAPTER IX._1775. s63
Store, and proceeded to a Dutch Cliurch, about ten
miles higher up Saluda River. At this place he gave
a discourse to the congregation, consistin '; entirely of
Germans; in which, he "thought it prudeiit to mix
many texts of Scri|)ture, showing, that our breaking
offal! trade and comrauoicition with non-subscribers
was not any force put upon them." They were other
wise influenced, however, than the former Dutch
audience; and only one of them signed the Associa
tion. It appeared this conduct of theirs was brought
about, through the intrigues of so:ne non-subseribers,
who were at the last meetiiig; and who, on this occa
sion, not only kept back this Dutch congregation from
signing the Association ; but actually prevented the
fifteen from signing it, who at the last meeting, had
requested to be allowed until this day, to make up
their minds, and who had attended here for that pur
pose. Upon this Mr. Drayton thought proper to call
to his aid other arguments, than those of patriotism;
as he found, these did not go suificiently home, to the
Dutch sensibilities; and he now declared, that no
miller who was a subscriber, should grind wheat or
corn for any one, who was a non-subscriber. For, as
he had failed in drawing on their patriotism, he now
trusted to this measure to bring their interests into
requisition. This, gave an immediate shock;' and
excited a general alarm among the Dutch settlers: and
they were thereby brought more to reason, as their
interests were more closely affected by it. From this
place, the progress vvas continued across Saluda, into
the Dutch Fork, to the house and store of Mr.
M'Laurin;* where, a meeting of Germans was tol
assemble: and they were there, addressed on the occa-
* M'Laurin's store was situated in the Dutch Fork, at a place he called
Spring-Hill ; fifteen miles from Saluda River, on the road from thence to Ken
nedy's Ford on the Enoree River, by the Long-Lane, commonly called the
Cllarlesto^vn Road, on the West side of Broad River-and tlxree miles distant
, from that river.

364 MEMOIRS, &C.—1775.
sion. But, no arguments could persuade them;
neither was one subscriber to the Association pro
cured: for M'Laurin threw a damp on the people, as
did other disaffected persons, who were present. John
Adam Summers, then a lieutenant in that militia regi
ment, and Mr. Newfter. men of influencr thereabouts,
were also at the meeting: but although Summers had
been induced by the Council of SafKy to sign the
Association in Chariestown, and told them " he will
at any time assemble the people for the purpose;"* he
nevertheless proved himself a false brother on this
occasion, by kee))ing at a distance; and by having
reproached Jonas Beard as having been the cause of
his subscribing the Assocation in Charlestown.f
" Newffer, had the day before gathered about one
hundred people together, and was in a fair way of
procuring a ni>merous subscription; but M'Laurin
hearing of the meeting, and posting to it, soon put a
stop, only by his presence, to the business. Ten, had
subscribed ; but, after his appearance, not one person
added his name."t So decided a bearing on the
principles of the Dutch Settlers, by a few influential,
and in general illiterate persons, was very discourag
ing; and led to nuuh reflection, in the mind of the
Commissioner. However, although the treatment he
received whispered him to desist; yet his duty urged
him forward, to greater trials, and personal dangers.
On Sunday, therefore, (August 13) he proceeded to
another place of Divine Worship, for the purpose of
addressing the congregation after service; but, when
he had nearly arrived at the place, information was
received that Summers would not be there; having
gone to another place of worship. Mr. Drayton now
* Letter from Arthur Middleton, member of the Council of Safety, of the
4th August 1775, to Wm. Hy. Drayton, by order of the Council of Safety.
t Wm. Hy. Drayton's letter of 16th August 1775, to the Council of Safety.

CHAPTER IX,— 1775. SG5
reflected, that as Summers was a leading man in that
settlement, and by his absence manifested his dislike to
the object of tbe progress; and most of his audience
the day before, had come from this part of the Fork,
he might as well save himself the mortification of
spe;iking to a people, who being ill-advised and obsti
nate, would not hear. Mr, Kershaw was al.so of the
same opinion ; and, that an attempt, at that time, to
shake their opinions, or to remove their scruples,
would be useless against the influences which evi
dently held them in check. For these reasons, Mr.
Drayton, in his letter to the Council of Safety of the
16th of August, says, " we made the best of our way,
from this stiff-necked generation;" after which, they
arrived at King's Creek, near the lower part of Enoree
River. The settlement in the vicinity of this place, pro
mised better success; it began from the division line
between Orangeburgh and Ninety-Six Districts, to
Henrick's mill on the Enoree, ten miles above King's
Creek. On the fifteenth of August, a large gathering,
as it was called in these parts, took place at King's
Creek; when, Mr. Drayton delivered a discourse,
which was received with ajiparent satisfaction: and
the people expressed a pleasure, and readiness, to sign
the Association. But at this moment, a man came
forward, saying Cunningham was at hand; and he
hoped the people would first hear, what he had to say.
This, brought every thing to a pause — the multitude
now indulging the idea, of having the subject argued
on both sides: and thus the Commissioner was unex
pectedly arrayed as a public disputer, in spite of him
self It was no time, however, to shrink from the
controversy ; and Mr. Drayton determined forthwith,
to follow Cunningham in all his windings, and mis-
leadings, with which he might endeavour to warp the
opinions of the people. The report ran, that Can-

366 BIEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
ningham had brought a proclamation from the King,
showing the fallacy of the American proceedings.
Upon Cunningham's arrival, he and his company,
were invited to dine with the Commissioner at a din
ner which be had ordered ; and after it was over, ]\ir.
Drayton took Cunningham aside, and spoke to i ini
seriously and politely, respecting the business in hand;
but it did not alter the purpose, for which Cunning'iam
had arrived.
The people were therefore collected, to receive
what communications should be made; when Cun
ningham, and Thomas Brown, a Scotchman,* who
had been tarred and feathered at Augusta in Georgia,
took out Dalrymple's Address from the peojjle of
England, to the people of America; and which, they
* " A similar circumstance occurred soon after in Au^sta, by order of the
Parish Committee of that place. Thomai Brown, and William Thompson, had
expressed their enmity to the American cause ; accompanied by toasts at a
dinner, ridiculing their procedure. A party pursued them to New-Richmond,
in South-Carolina. Thompson escaped, but Brown v.as brought back; and
after undergoing a trial before the Committee, was sentenced to be tarred and
feathered, and publicly exposed in a cart ; to be drawn three miles, or, until
he was willing to confess his error, and take an oath, that he would thereafter
give bis aid and assistance to the cause of freedom." — M' Call's Hisl of Georgia,
vol. 2d, page 46. " Keowee, ISth .^ugtist 1775.
" Dear Andrew,
" Mr. Thompson ai-rived here about ten days ago, round about by Colonel
Fletchall's, and the heads of Saluda ; after his miraculous escape from the party
of Liberty Boys, under the command of the heroic Patriot Captain Hamilton
of Augusta. He has been, and is still very ill with a fever, since his ai-rival : I
believe owing to fatigue, and uneasiness of mind. I am extremely sorry for
JUr. Brown, and poor Donald; and Mr. Thompson informs me, that you were
both obliged to push, the same day that he and Mr. Brown were attacked."—
Extract from a letter written by Mexander Cameron, one of John Stuart's Dtpulia
in the Cherokee Kalian, to Andrew M'Lean, Esq. intercepted by WiUiam Henry
Drayton, during his progress in tbe Bacic Couiilry. — In a postscript to this letter,
the following was written. " If the Butcher Malborroio has a mind to show his
war exploits, let him come up whh a party to the Green Corn dance, which
will be iu a few days at Sinicca."

CHAPTER IX,-1773. S67
had received from Lord William Campbell, the Gov
ernor of Carolina. Brown, performed the part of
Orat;?r on this occasion; and read the Address aloud,
from beginning to end. In answering the Address,
Mr. Drayton ai)plied ridicule, where he thought it
would have effect; at which, the people laughed
heartily; and Cunningham and Brown had not one
word to say in reply. After this, the people were
satisfied; and according to their mode of expression,
they said Cunningham was beaten off the field. And
so he was, in fact: for highly mortified, he and his
wortliy companion of tar and feather memory, — stole
away. The day of election for Representatives to the Pro
vincial Congress, now arriving; the people in this part
of the Fork, assembled on the occasion : but, a letter
from Cunningham, Kirkland, and others arriving, the
election was quashed : and, the people departed. The
Commissioner, however, gave notice, that there would
yet be an election, at which he would attend; and he
afterwards directed the same should take place on the
23d of August: he also api)ointed an election to take
place in the lower part of the Fork, on tbe 24th. He
was induced to these measures, as deeming them the
most prudent modes of composing the minds of the
people; and as bringing them as nearly as could be,
within the resolution of the Provincial Congress on
the subject: for which reasons, he thought himself
authorized to order these elections.* And his conduct
in the premises, was not only approved by the Council
of Safety; as expressed to him, by their letters of the
11th and 13th; but they also directed him to appoint
elections for those places, where none had been holden.
* Mr. Drayton's letter to the Council of Safety, dated King's Creek, near
Enoree, Aug. 16th, 1775.

36S MEMOTRS, &c.— 1775.
On Thursday the 17th of August, Mr. Dra3'ton and
Mr. Kershaw, arrived at Colonel Fletchall's residence
at Fair-Forest; where, they found Thomas Brown,
Cunningham, and Robinson, who had arrived the
evening before ; as had also, Mr. Tennent and Colonel
Richardson. The Heads of Parties as they then
stood, were now convened; and, ior the first time,
they had all met together, since the Commissioners
had commenced their progress. Mr. Tennent in his
letter to the Council of Safety of the 20th August says,
" We have at length visited the great and mighty
nabob, Fletchall. We found him surrounded by his
court, viz. Cunningham, Brown, and Robinson; who
watch all his motions; and, have him under great
command. We soon found, the unchangeable malig
nity of their minds; and the inexpressible pains they
were at, to blind the people, and fill them with bitter
ness against the Gentlemen, as they are called. Gen.
Gage's pamphlet, is raging through the District, and
greedily read. The leaders have taken the same
methods with the Romish Church, fo keep the people
ignorant; and in general, they firmly believe that no
man, that comes from below — and that no paper
printed there — can speak the trulh. This was neces
sary, in order. to prevent any thing we can say, from
taking place. We soon found, that reasoning was
vain, with tliose who were fixed by royal emolu
ments."* This letter shows in a new light, the state
of things in the interior: and is the first of the Rev.
William Tennent's letters during the progress, which
has come to the hands of the writer of these Memoirs.
It is to be regretted, tliat his letters had not been more;
or if they were, that they have not been found among
those papers, which form the basis of the present
Chapter: by reason of wliicb, Mr. Tennent's progress
between the Broad and Watteree Rivers, has not been
* ?ee Appendix to this Ch.ipter, No. I

CHAPTER IX.— 1775. 369
brought into that public consideration ; to which, no
doubt his valuable services in that tour, justly entitled
him. However, the rough manuscript of William
Henry Drayton mentions, that Mr. Tennent and him
self, had very good success; and especially so, as they
quitted the Dutch Settlements. And Mr. Tennent in
his letter above mentioned, states that he had formed
one, and was then forming another troop of Volunteer
Horse Rangers; who were then hemming in the
Dissidents on that side of the progress. Indeed, he
appears to have been indefatigable in executing the
duties he had in charge, as particularly evinced by the
closing of his letter; in which he says, " 1 have for
sook my chaise, and ride on horseback from day to
day, meeting people."
On the 21st of August, Mr. Drayton wrote a lettei"
from Lawson's Fork, to the Council of Safety; giving
the particulars of what passed, while the Commis
sioners remained at Col. Fletchall's. In that letter,
he acknowledged the receipt of letters from the
Council of the 11th and 13th insts. : and returns them
thanks, for the approbation of his conduct in general ;
as well as for their approbation of his postponing the
election at Saxe-Gotha, and their authorizing him to
appoint elections for those places, where none had
been holden. He therein assured the Council, " that
unless our friends in the country find, that the non-
subscribers are debarred all communication with
Chariestown, and all trade with the country stores,
they will be much chagrined ; and bad consequences
may ensue. In particular, I most earnestly recom
mend, that no more goods be allowed to be sent up, to
M'Laurin's store. His partner in town, is one
M'Ciirry, or Curry, — some such name. This man,
has signed the Association : and under this sanction,
he mc^ans to supply M'Laurin's; by which means, the
Dutch will be encouraged to persevere in their obsti-
47

370 MEMOIRS, &c — 1775.
nacy. And I beg leave to cr^ution yon, even against
M'Laurin's signing the Association, if he should think
proper to do so to procure goods; for, the Dutch
agree, if there should be a necessity, that he should
be allowed to subscribe, and then, they would be
supplied as usual, without their acceding to the Asso
ciation. " The commissions for the Volunteer Companies
are not come to hand; but I suppose they are with
Col. Thompson; who, in all probability will continue
in his new camp, until my arrival there. I reached
Col. Fletchall's last Thursday morning, before break
fast; and Mr. Tennent and myself after breakfast,
engaged him in a private conversation, during near
three hours. We endeavoured to explain every thing
to him. We pressed them upon him ; ^nd endea
voured to show him, that we had a confidence in him.
We humoured him. We laughed with him. Then
we recurred to argument, remonstrances, and entrea
ties, to join his country, and all America. All that we
could get from him was this: '^ He would never take
up arms against his King, or his countrymen; and,
that the proceedings of the Congress at Philadelphia,
were impolitic, disrespectful, and irritating to the King.'
We charged him, with having written to the Gover
nor; and with having received an answer: he con
fessed both. We named the day, (the Sunday pre
ceding,) he received the ansvt^er: he allowed it. We
named the method, by which he received it, concealed
in a cane; he appeared confounded : but after a pause,
he attempted to laugh off" this last particular. Robin
son brought up this letter; and Fletchall would not
show it to us. Robinson declares, he has brought up
a commission to raise men for the King; and he even
had the im|)rudence to say before me, that he should
raise men for the defence of his person, since many
people had threatened him. 1 answered, surely the

CHAPTER IX.— 1773. 371
civil power, would not allow him to go about with
armed men, to the terror of the King's subjects. He
replied, why did not the civil power prevent the
Congress from having armed men; and, surely, he
would have armed men so long, as they had any.
This man's looks, are utterly against him; much
venom appears in Cunningham's countenance, and
^conversation. Neither of these men, say much; but
Brown* is the sfiokesman ; and his bitterness and vio
lence, is intolerable. He has in various ways insulted
us, during our twenty-four hours stay at Fletchall's;
as if he wanted to provoke me to violence. At
length, he went so far, as to tell me, he believed we
did not mean well to the King; and, that our profes
sions, were nothing but a cloak. At this provocation,
after many others, I almost lost my caution; but
thank God, I did not even appear to do so: in a very
firm tone, I severely- checked inm; the Colonel, bid
him go to bed. Before this happened, we had engaged
the Colonel in the private conversation, to call out his
regiment as on the 23d instant; upon our return to
the house, where this Brown, Cunningham, and Rob
inson were, he mentioned what he had promised. All
three of them, were open mouthed against the mea
sure; and Mr. Tennent and myself, had much to do,
to kefep the Colonel to his promise. This meeting of
the regiment, will be at the time and place of election,
at Ford's; and, I am not without some apprehensions,
that some violence will then be used against us. I
enclose a letter from Mr. Tennent to me, the day we
parted at the Colonel's. And, besides this; it is my
firm belief, that Brown, Cunningham, and Robinson,
will do every thing in their power, to bring things to
extremities: for, they are clearly of opinion, they can
beat the whole Colony. These men, manage Fletchall
as they please ; when, they have him to themselves,
" The same who was tarred and feathered at Augusta.

372 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775;
Indeed, he is so fixed, and has made so many declara
tions; that I firmly think, his pride and false sense of
honour, will never allow him to appear to think as we
do; even, if these men were not about him. Mr.
Kershaw told me, he knew the man; and, that no
confidence was to be placed in him.
" Things wearing so unfavorable an appearance.
Colonel Richardson, Mr. Kershaw, Mr. Tennent and
myself, unanimously thought it absolutely expedient,
to direct Captain P  to raise an additional troop of
Rangers immediately, to lie on the back of these
people. And Mr. Tennent and mj'self have given
directions accordingly: not doubting, but that the
necessity of the case, will induce you to approve the
measure. Captain P  came to us, appeared much
concerned for his past conduct; attributing it to a
mistake, touching the station of the Rangers; which,
he had thought, had been by the Congress fixed to the
back country and frontiers- He has been since, active
in our favour, and is a person of influence in his part
of the country, on the back of Fletchall — his brother, ¦
is a man of great influence in Mecklinburgh; and
ready to march to our assistance when called upon:
and already, Fletchall looked upon Captain P-= — , as
an acquisition to his party. Hence, to bind Captain
P  's brother, and all the friends of both to us; to
quash Fletchall's expectation from the Captain,' and,*,
to have a troop of Rangers on the back of Fletchall's '
people to w-atch their motions; we all thought it abso- '
lutely necessary to direct the raising of this additional
troop ; as we apprehended you would consider Captain
P  's letter and conduct, as a resignation of his
commission : and that you had already disposed of it.

CHAPTER IX.— 1775. 373
" In consequence of the affidavit taken by Captain
P  ,* I have dispatched an express to the Com
manding officer at Fort Charlotte, and directions to
Major Williamson, to throw into the fort, a reinforce
ment of thirty militia; to be continued there, by proper
relieves, during one month. In which time, I make
no doubt, the whole Colony, will be in a state of per
fect security against internal commotion. The garri
son there, will now consist of seventy odd men. I
have also given Major Williamson directions, to hold
the militia in readiness, to march in case of any com
motion. " I had this day a meeting with the people in this
frontier. Many present, were of the other party; but
* " Appeared personally before me Zachariah Bell and swore, that walking
neai' the house of Colonel Fletchall, he heard one of six or seven men in a
group say ; that a person (whose name he did not hear) was to go, within ten
days, to seize upon powder ; the Deponent could not hear the name of the
place. At which, another answered, that he (the first speaker) had better not
go ; for, if he did, with double the number of men, they might expect to
be killed, and not succeed. Sworn before me, this 18th day of August 1776, on
the road near Fau:-Forest. " E  P  , jun."
This affidavit, was enclosed to Mr. Drayton, in a letter from Mr. Tennent, of
the following purport.
"Dear Sik,
« Coming to the knowledge of the above, and no longer doubting of the
infernal design to take Fort Charlotte, by the Governor's order, and to Open a
dismal campaign in this quarter, by this means; I send this express: that you
may advertize the Fort, and throw as many men into it as possible, and disap
point them. I have put things together, and am no longer at a loss, as to the
design to embody men ; as an asylum for all the lories, and that shortly. And
am yours, "WM. TENN?NT.
«P.S. From a question asked me by the Colonel, I suspect some harsh
design : be upon your guard.
" To the Hon. Wm. Henry Drayton,
at Mr. Muckelvmines"

374 MEMOTRS, &c.— 1775.
I have the pleasure trt acquaint pou, that these became
voluntary converts. Every person received satisfac
tion, and departed with pleasure. I finished the day,
with a barbequed beef I have so ordered matters
here, that this whole frontier, will be formed into
Volunteer companies; but, as they are at present, »
under Fletchall's command, they insist upon being
formed into a regiment, independent of him; and I
flatter myself, you will think this method of weaken
ing Fletchall, to be consistent with sound policy.
These people, are active and spirited ; they are staunch
in our favour; are capable of forming a good barrier '
against the Indians ; and, of being a severe check upon
Fletchall's people on whom they border, if they
should think of quitting their habitations under the
banners of Fletchall, or his companions. For these
reasons, and to enable them to act with vigour, I shall
take the liberty to supply them with a small quantity
of ammunition ; for, now they have not one ounce:
when, they shall be formed into regular com|)anies.
Several companies will be formed, by this day week.
" I enclose to you, an affidavit, by which you will
see, there is no dependance on Cameron. I have sent
up a short talk to the Cherokees, inviting them to
come down to me within twelve da5's to Amelia. Mr.
Pearis, has undertaken to conduct six of their head
men to me; and I should be glad, within the time
mentioned, to receive fro n you £70, or £80 worth of
shirts, watch-coats, blankets, linen, strouds, and
paints: and your instructions, if you choose I should
say any thing in particular to them. On Wednesday,
I shall with Mr. Tennent, Mr. Hart, and Mr. Reise,
attend the election and review of Fletchall's regiment,
at Ford's, at the mouth of Cedar Creek upon Enoree.
You will see the place, in the small map. What the
event will be, I am at a loss to say. I do not expect,
any success. I apprehend some insults. I may be

CHAPTER IX.— 1775. 375
mistaken, in both opinions. Within twelve days, I
purpose to be, at Colonel Thompson's camp; where, I
think it will be adviseable that I should remain, till I
shall see every sjiark of insurrection extinguished:
but, in regard to this, 1 shall regulate myself by your
orders on the subject; which, I hope to receive, by
the time I arrive at the camp. If Kirkland shall be
seized, without doubt a commotion will follow; and,
if he goes off with impunity and without question, it
will be fatal to the discipline of the army — especially,
the Rangers. But this is not all. Vigorous measures
are absolutely necessary. If, a dozen persons, are
allowed to be at large ; our progress, has been in vain
— and, we shall be involved in a civil war, in spite of
our teeth. In giving you this information, I tell a
melancholy truth; but, I do my duty. If certain per
sons should be secured, some commotion in all proba
bility will follow; but, I am so well acquainted with
the situation of the disaffected parts of the country;
and with such parts, as may be brought against them,
' that I am under no apprehensions for the conse-
jquences: provided, prom|)t and vigorous measures,
attend every appearance of insurrection.
" I would beg leave to observe, that as this business
is of the highest im|)ortance; so, your orders ort the
subject should be clear and general, to vest proper
authority, to take such measures, as may tend to sup
press this threatening insurrection; that will assuredly
break out, by delay ; and come upon us, unexpect
edly." "Perhaps, my being arrived at the camp, in my
return home, may be construed an expiration of the
powers vested in Mr. Tennent and myself; and his
return to Chariestown, may work an annihilation of
powers, to be exercised by us together. For, as our
continuance in the country, will be of but little benefit

S76 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
in the Dutch Settlements, and the disaffected quarters,
while under the influence of Fletchall's people; so, I
make no doubt, but that Mr. Tennent, will choose to
return to town; sensible, that his presence in the
country will not be of any advantage, in the way of
expounding our political texts to the people.
" I have the honour, to lay all things, fully before
you, that, you may regulate yourselves thereupon; and
send orders to me at Amelia; by which, I shall either
remain with the camp — or, return to Chariestown.
But, I pray you to be expeditious ; for, a delay on your
parts, will allow the enemy, to recover many of our
converts ; and, I know they are active, malicious, and
bent upon mischief.
" Mr. Tennent and Col. Richardson, were successful
in their journey, beyond Broad River. Mr. Tennent,
is now in Neel's quarters;* where, they are very
hearty in our cause. Mr. Kershaw and Col. Richard
son, took their leave of us, when we quitted Fletchall:
being sensible, they could not in those parts, be of any
assistance to us. They, have been very diligent."
Such, was the situation of public affaire, on the 21st
August 1775, in all that portion of country, which
spreads from tbe Watteree and Catau ba Rivers, west
wardly, to Savannah River; and extends northwardly,
from Saluda River, up to the Cherokee nation, and
the . boundary between North and South- Carolina.
And Mr. Drayton's letter to the Council of Safety has
been introduced nearly at length, to show the various
emergencies which he and Mr. Tennent had to meet,
on an occasion like this; and with what ability and
foresight, he spread forth impending dangers to the

*• Thomas Neel, Colonel of the Regiment of militia, in the New Acqui
sition.

CHAPTER IX,— 1775. 377
Council, while, he proposed means of preventing their
mischievous effects. Nor, had he any time to lose.
For, on the very day, on which he wrote the above
letter. Major Andrew Williamson found it necessary to
forward dispatches from White-Hall, the place of his
residence, to Captain John Caldwell of the Rangers,
commanding at Fort Charlotte ; by which he informed
him, some of the disaffected people about Stephens'
Creek, were going to attack Augusta; and that he
should be on his guard as to the defence of that fort;
as in such attempt, they would have the fort also in
their view.
The Commissioners in the course of their progress
met again on the 23d August, at Ford's on the Enoree;
where Colonel Fletchall, Kirkland, the Cunninghams,
and Brown, had also arrived : and by the contrivances
of the heads of the party, very few persons had assem
bled. At this place one thousand men generally meet,
at regimental musters; and, when Fletchall's Associa
tion, of which mention has been made, was signed at
this musterfield, fifteen hundred men were present.
At this time, however, there were not more than two
hundred and fifty persons; and many of those, were
friends to the American cause, who had come there,
from distant homes. And so little care did the disaf
fected leaders take to beguile the reason why so many
men stayed away, that Captain Cunningham, informed
the Commissioners himself, he had told his men, " that
if they were satisfied with their present opinions there
was no occasion for them to come to hear the address
es." Other Captains told their men " the Colonel left
it to them, to come or not as they pleasetl ; and if they
stayed away, he would not be angry with them." It
will, however, be better to give an account of this
meeting, in the language of the Commissioners them
selves, as expressed in their joint letter from Ford's, on
the 24th of August, to the Council of Safety.
48^

378 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
*' The most perfect good order prevailed with the
people, who heard us with much attention. But
Kirkland treated the Congress, the Committee, the
Council, and ourselves, with the highest insolence.
Nay, be was on the ))oint of assaulting Mr. Drayton;
and, in all prbability would have done it, which would
have brought on bloodshed ;* but that the pressure of
the people about Mr. Drayton, gave him to under
stand, that an attack made by him, would be prema
ture. Imagine every indecency of language, every
misrepresentation, every ungenerous and unjust charge
against the American politics, that could alarm the
people, and give them an evil impression of our de
signs against their libertii^s, and the rights of Great
Britain — imagine all you can, on these points; and,
you will not exceed, what we heard, as well from
Kirkland, as from Brown. Our indignation was
painful — for, we were obliged to conceal it: and, our
situation was as disagreeable, as you can well con
ceive. Brown, loudly declared, that when the King's
troops arrived, he would join them against us; and,
he hoped, every other person in these parts, would do
the same.
" We have the pleasure, however, to inform you,
that the Address from the peoi-le of England, to the
people of America, appears to have lost its credit.
Brown read it — but, he had but few hearers: we, did
not think it worth our while, to attend to it; or, say
one word in answer to it.
" We waited so long, for the assembling of the peo
ple; and, the discourses and pamphlet took up so

* On this progress, Mr. Drayton always had about his person, a dirk and a
pair of pocket pistols) for tbe defence of bis life— and for protecting himself
from insult.

CHAPTER IX.— 177^. 879
much time, that no election could be held. This day
fortnight, is appointed for the holding of it.
" Kirkland and the Cunninghams, appeared here
with arms, sword and pistol. Their intention did not
appear good; and the very small audience clearly
inanifests, that the sentiments of the }»: rty, continue
mimical. However, we have acquired several of
Fletchall's Captains.
" There was a subscription of the Association; about
seventy names: but, most of these persons had already
signed: and now again signed, in order to give a good
example. We shall be at Ninety-Six Court-House,
on Sunday; and, from thence, we shall shape our
course to Amelia."
The Commissioners now turned their backs on
Colonel Fletchall, and his party; and proceeded to-
¦*pards Savannah River, on their way to Ninety-Six
Court-House: and from thence, they passed on, to
Mr. Hammond's residence Snow Hill, nearly opposite
to Augusta. At this place, the Commissioners gave
addresses to a numerous meeting; and Mr. Tennent
then went on a progress into the Long-Cane Settle
ment: while, Mr. Drayton turned his attention to the
people of Augusta, and those in the neighbourhood of
Snow Hill, and the Ridge; at which last place, a
meeting of inhabitants was shortly to assemble.
By various accounts which Mr. Drayton received
on the 29th of August and the day following, the fact
appeared established; that Kirkland had actually
taken up arms, for the purpose of attacking Fort Char
lotte, and Augusta: and, that the King's men, as
they were called, were to meet on the 29th inst. at a
place about twenty miles above Snow Hill. This put
an end to the progress ; aad Mr. Drayton sent an ex"

3Sp MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
press to Mr. Tennent, advising him of the existing
circumstances; which caused him to retrace his steps
down Savannah River. The intended meeting, ac
cordingly took place; after which, these King's men
seaparated during the night; having agreed, to meet
again in two or three days with arms and provisions,
in order to march upon Fort Charlotte and Augusta:
and Cunningham and Brown were to be of the party.
In this situation of affairs, Mr. Drayton in his letter
of the 30th of Aug. 1775, dated at Mr. Hammond's
near Augusta, and directed to the Council of Safety,
says, " by virtue of your letter of the eleventh instant,
I have ordered out three companies near this place to
assemble immediately; and who will be joined by one
hundred men from Augusta. I have ordered Major
Williamson to march with three hundred men, to
Harlen's Ford on Savannah River, about thirty miles
above this place. I have also ordered Colonel
Thompson to march his Rangers, and as near three
hundred militia as he can, to take post at the Ridge;
and Colonel Richardson with three hundred men, to
take post near the mouth of the Enoree, to be a check
on Fletchall's people, in case they should show any
intention of assisting Kirkland. I beg leave to recom
mend, that a proper quantity of powder and ball, be
sent to Colonel Richardson, so that he may be enabled
to supply Colonel Neel's regiment.
" I have not been honoured with any letters frona
you, but those of the 11th and 13th instants. How
ever, as soon as Kirkland's party shall take the field,
I shall hold myself fully authorized by your letter o£
the eleventh, and the necessity of affairs, to proceed
to every extremity, that may have a tendency to sup
press those men, who oppose the authority of Con
gress."

CHAPTER IX.— 1775. 381
Having taken these measures, Mr. Drayton now
prepared to support the cause, in which he was enga
ged, by other means than discourses: but, before he
resorted to the ultima ratio, he caused the following
Declaration to be published by the sheriff of Ninety-
Six Dictrict. *' South- Carolina, Ninety -Six District.
" By the Honourable William Henry Drayton, Esquire.
*' Wheireas by commission from the Honourable
the Council of Safety, for this Colony, dated the 23d
day of July last, 1 am upon a progress through the
country, ' to explain to the people at large the nature
of the unhappy disputes between Great Britain and
the American Colonies; to endeavour to settle all
political disputes with the people; to quiet their
minds; and to enforce the necessity of a general
union, in order to preserve themselves and their chil
dren from slavery:' And whereas the progress hav
ing been continued almost through the Colony, with
success to the state, satisfaction to the people, and,
upon the most perfect principles, tending to promote
peace and good order; for the purposes of the progress
aforesaid, I did appoint, that a meeting of the people
should be held, on Friday ne.xt, the first day of Sep
tember, at the Ridge in the district aforesaid : But
whereas, one Moses Kirkland having, without lawful
authority, assembled men in arms, in the district afore
said, it is but too evident, that, to his treachery against
this Colony, he means to add crimes of a deeper dye,
and, by force of arms, to violate the public peace:
wherefore, it is become inexpedient, that the intended
meeting of the people should be held as aforesaid; lest
the meeting should furnish occasion for civil blood
shed, which it is our purpose to avoid, as long as may
be possible :

382 MEMOIRS, &c,— 1775.
" And whereas, by the arts, frauds, and misrepre*
sentations of the said Moses Kirkland, some weak and
ignorant people have been led into measures of so
criminal a nature, as, if persisted in, must inevitably
involve them in destruction — from motives ol' huma
nity, I therefore do hereby recommend to all such per
sons, that they forthwith desist from following the
counsels of the said Moses Kirkland in points tending
to sedition and hostility; and I do hereby notify, that
all such persons as, without lawful authority, shall
assemble in arms, in company with, or by instigation
of, the said Moses Kirkland, will be deemed public
enemies, to be suppressed by the sword.
"Given under my hand, at Snow Hill, in the dis'
trict aforesaid, this 30th of August 1775.
"WILLIAM HENRY DRAYTON."
These prompt and decided measures, the know
ledge of which was industriously circulated, con
founded Kirkland, and paralized his exertions. The
intended meeting with provisions and arms was drop
ped ; and- he dispatched his brother to Mr. Drayton,-
with offers of surrender, on promise of pardoui. But
Mr. Drayton well knowing his demerits, demanded
his surrender at discretion; and his heart thereupon
failing him, he thought only of escape. In devising
the means of doing so, he lurked about for some days;
after which, with two trusty friends he fled in disguise
to Chariestown; from whence, he was privately sent
on board the sloop of war Tamer, by the directions of
Governor Campbell.
When Mr. Drayton put forth this declaration, Mr.
Tennent was in Long-Cane Settlement; where, he
was diffusing political and moral information with
that zeal and address, which had marked his conduct,
throughout the progress of the Commissioners. Ant^

CHAPTER IX.— 1773. S8S
the following letter from him to the Council of Safety,
dated " Long-Cane, 1st September 1775," will pic
ture the situation' of that part of the Colony, through
which to Fort Charlotte, Kirkland's first movements
would, have taken place, at the eventful period; at
which,' we are about to arrive. " This comes by
Captain George Reid's waggon from the Long-Canes,
where I am at present. I parted from Mr. Drayton
on Monday morning; he steered his course to Au
gusta, and thence designed for the camp at Amelia.
I thought it necessary to visit the settlements, on this
side of Saluda. Met a large congregation yesterday,
and found the people divided in their sentiment.
Spoke at least two hours to them, to good effect. The
prevailing party here, is for American measures, by
the agency of some of our worthy members; but, they
need confirmation. I have therefore appointed three
meetings, at which, I expect to see the greater number
of the disaffected. I shall then cross over into Fletch
all's regiment, once more, to be at an election ap
pointed at Ford's, on Enoree; where, we expect great
opposition, if not violence, from Cunningham's party.
Brown will bring them to blood, if he can, but I still
hope, it may be prevented. I consider myself, as run
ning great risks; but, think it my duty.
" Our visit, has given their party a great shock —
divided their friends — and strengthened our interest
much. One of their chiefs confessed to me, at Little
River; that he brought up the thanks of the Governor
to Mr. Cunningham, for what he had done, and is
doing. The Governor's intrigue here, is as evident as
the light of the sun. The evidences of their design
by the Indians, is no doubt clear to the Council from
the papers sent down already.
" The inhabitants here, are in great terror, as far as
they have heard of their danger; and that because

384 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
they have no ammunition. The leaders have fre
quently dropped in company, that they intend to form
a camp. I am sure, they will find a smaller number
ready to befriend them, than they imagine: but, their
dependance, is upon the savages to join their -army;
and that the rest of the inhabitants will be forced to
join them, to save their families from a massacre. I
am taking proper measures in this district, to prevent
the horrible conspiracy. Three volunteer companies
are formed — one under Major Terry, who now seems
animated in the cause — another, under Captain Pic-
kins* — a third, under Captain James M'Call. More
of the like kind, is going on as fast as may be. The
great difficulty, is the want of ammunition. They
evidently have a design upon Fort Charlotte; and, our
friends cannot collect to defend it, unless they are sup
plied. I have therefore, promised them a supply. If
you, therefore, gentlemen, think it proper, it will be of
the greatest utility to send up 100, or 150 pounds
weight of powder, and some lead by the bearer Samuel
Reed ; who will effectually secrete it, until delivered
safe into the hands of the volunteer companies; to be
subject to the order of the Council, in case it is not
Ksed for the defence of the Colony. It will be effect
ually secured, and a small delay, may be greatly dan
gerous. The same measure will be necessary, on the
other side Broad River.
" I could wish, that Virginia might be alarmed and
ready: and, that a categorical answer might be de
manded of the Cherokees, before the time of danger.
The Creeks are in some danger, from one Thompson,
an emissary, now among them. I shall visit Fort
• This appears to be the first commencement of the honourable military
cai-eer which this gentleman ran, during the American Revolutionary war. As
Col. Pickins, he commanded the militia at the battle of the Cowpens; anda
part of thejnilitia at the battle of Eutaws: which ended highly honourable to
the American arms.

CHAPTER IX.— 1775. 385
¦Charlotte before I return ; and hope to let you hear
more particularly on these subjects, next week."
In consequence, however, of the express Mr. Dray
ton sent to Mr. Tennent from Snow Hill, he did
jaot prot^eed to Fort Charlotte as he proiiosed. But
be dispatched orders to Captain Caldwell commanding
-there, to erect platforms for fighting the cannon, as
expeditiously as possible; and to mount two of the
best four-pounders, on high wheels, for field use. He
was directed to be careful who entered the fort; and
to advance centinels and patrols. In addition to this,
the standing Indian corn around the fort was prdered
to be cleared away., to some distance; and what was
left, was to be bladed and topped ; so, as not to afford
cover to an enemy. In case of the approach of ene
mies, alarm cannon were ordered to be fired towards
the settlements, as a signal to the volunteer companies,
to commence their march, and be in readiness. Capt.
Caldwell was farther ordered by Mr. Tennent, to issue
150 pounds weight of gun-powder, and lead in propor
tion, to the Captains of the volunteer companies;
who had associated, for the security of that part of the
district; and to send away his troop horses to safe
pasturage, at a distance, where they might be cora-
nianded again, within a day and a half, that men might
not be hazarded as a grass guard for them ; and be
more ready to defend the fort. Having done these
things, Mr. Tennent retrogaded towards Snow Hill;
but Mr. Drayton having marched from thence, Mr.
Tennent proceeded down Savannah River towards
Chariestown. Notwithstanding Kirkland's flight, his principal
^padjutors, Cunningham and Brown, proceeded in
icollecting men. And affidavits taken before Colonel
Hammond, were transmitted to the Council of Safety,
stating, that men were assembled in arms by Kirkland
49

386 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
— that their objects were Augusta and Fort Charlotte
— that Kirkland kept armed men about him — and,
that he endeavoured to extend the opposition against
the Congress.
To counteract all these projects of the malecontents,
Mr. Drayton on the 6th day of September in the even
ing, commenced his march for Ninety-Six Court-
House, with one hundred and twenty men, and four
swivels: his intention being with the Rangers and
militia when assembled at the Court-House, to march
into Fletchall's quarters, and compel a surrender of the
principal opposers. His arrival at Ninety-Six on the
8tb, brought the first news of his having marched;
and he immediately dispatched a party, to surprize
Robert Cunningham: but he had quitted his residence
the day before. However, some of his papers were
taken possession of; particularly, two letters from
Colonel Fletchall.
On the 10th of September advice was received, that
a party of the malecontents, were collecting at
O'Neel's Mill; when one hundred men were sent off,
to disperse them. In their march they r'eceived infor
mation apparently plausible, that Colonel Fletchall
had joined tke party at O'Neel's, with a large body of
men; and that he contemplated attacking the troops at
Ninety-Six Court-House, about two o'clock in the
morning. At this time, Mr. Drayton's whole force,
including those who had been detatched to O'Neel's
Mill, consisted only, of eighty-four volunteers from
Georgia, and one hundred and forty-one Carolina
militia; amounting in the whole, to two hundredand
twenty-five men, including officers. In this emer
gency, a consultation was holden with the prin
cipal officers. Major Mayson, Major Williamson, and
Captain Hammond. A choice of three propositions
was presented, for consideration. To retreat towards

CHAPTER IX.— 1775. 387
Colonel Thompson and his Rangers, then at the
Ridge — to defend Ninety-Six — or, to march and am
buscade the enemy. As to the first, it was considered,
that if it placed a small force out of the reach of one
greatly superior; the retreat of that small force would
dishearten the people, and encourage the malecontents.
The second was difficult; for the Court-House at
Ninety-Six, was not musket proof; and the brick
gaol, was unequal to contain a third of the troops.
As to the third proposition, it was concluded, that the
malecontents coming to surprize, would not expect to
be surprized on their march in the night; during
which, they would be in confused order: and that if
pressed on the occasion, a general rout would probably
ensue. This last measure, was consequently adopted;
and orders were issued, for carrying it immediately
into execution.
For this purpose, the four swivels were planted in
the four windows of the gaol, so as to command every
front of approach; and a suitable number of men
were posted in it, with ammunition, and a supply of
water. Nothing could force this post, but its being
fired by the roof; which was shingled. One hundred
men, were then advanced in ambush* to the Island-
ford, six miles from the Court-House; and where, the
malecontents must pass, in approaching to it — and one
hundred men were posted, about midway, between the
Island-ford, and Ninety-Six Court-House. All this
was done, by 10 o'clock that night; and Mr. Drayton,
with Major Williamson, proceeded to view, the dispo
sition which had been so directed. When they arrived
at the Island-ford, the disposition of the troops there
under Major Mayson was altered in such manner, as
to deliver a diagonal fire upon Fletchall's party, as
they crossed Saluda River. After which, in good
order, they waited their approach, until half past two
in the morning; when Mr. Drayton received certain

388 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
accounts, the alarm was false; for, only Cunningham
was at O'Neel's with about one hundred men. How
ever, to leave every thing safe, the advance under
Major Mayson, was continued until daylight; and
Mr. Drayton and Major Williamson returned to
Ninety-Six, between three and four o'clock in the
morning with the rest of the troops: during all which
time, the men behaved with the most perfect obedi
ence ; and demonstrated a deterifiination of doing theit
duty. The day after this event, Mr Drayton addressed a
letter on the 11th September from Head-Quarters at
Ninety-Six, to the Council of Safety; giving a de
tailed account of these transactions. . In which he
mentions that " Fletchall, Brown and Cunningham
have been, since the first alarm that I wrote you of,
and still are, endeavouring to assemble men. As they
have yet no force embodied, it is plain their influence
is declining; and, that their people are terrified. And
this last, 1 assure you, is a fact: as they never dreamed
we would take the field. They thought, their boast of
four thousand men, would ensure their security against
us. And, 1 have well-grounded information, that the
assemblage they are now endeavouring to make, is
with a view to make terms of accommodation, so as
they may be quiet, (that is, for the present; while the
Governor cannot assist them, as he tells theni,) and
trade to Chariestown: rather, than with any design of
fighting." On the 17th of September Mr. Drayton addressed
another letter to the Council of Safety; in which he
recommends to them, not to distribute any powder in
the Dutch Fork, or Ninety-Six District. He therein
stated, that the hundred men which Cunningham had
with hini_ at O'Neel's mill, were but the first of a large
party which had been summoned to rendezvous there,

" *

CHAPTER IX.— 1775. 389
about ten miles over Saluda: and that Col. Thompson
With his Rangers, and a few militia had joined him,
at Ninety-Six QptirtrHouse. In two days after, Mr.
Drayton was joined by a considerable number of
Major Williamson's regiment of militia. In the mean
time, Colonel Fletchall had arrived at O'Neel's mill;
and his men, were increasing fast in numbers. At
this time, Mr. Drayton marched from Ninety-Six
Court-House; and formed a camp in advance of that
place, about three quarters of a mile; upon which,
Fletchall moved his camp to within four miles of
Saluda River; so, that the opposing parties, were
within ten miles of each other, being separated by the
river Saluda. At this time, Fletchall's men amounted
to upwards of twelve hundred; while Mr. Drayton's
hardly reached one thousand. However, they,were
in good spirits, had been kept under due subordination,
and were desirous of being led against the malecon
tents. Had this measure been then entered into, many
lives would have been lost : as the minds of Fletchall's
people, were not then turned towards any other mea
sure, than opposition to the patriots, or their submis
sion or dispersion. Mr. Drayton, however, found,
that he could perfectly rely upon the officers and men,
who were embodied with him; and as they had been
trained to good order in cam|), and were well supplied
with provisions, he had reason to believe, he could
keep them together, so long, as the occasion might
require : particularly, as Fletchall's men being under
little Command, and having no regular supplies, would
probably not keep long together; and that having
their greatest influx of strength, impatience and dis
content might produce a re-action and decrease.
With the perfect approbation of Colonel Thompson,
Major Williamson, and Captain Hammond, Mr.
Drayton for the above considerations, determined to
continue encamped; and to watch Fletchall's mo-

390 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
tions : and with this view, he put every thing in prac
tice, to persuade Fletchall, he would persevere in this
plan. Among other devices, he sent a letter directed
to Col. Richardson, written for deception; in order,
that it might be intercepted. These had an effect, in
weakening the impulse of the insurgents; and led to
farther delays: during which time, Mr. Drayton's
forces were increasing, by the coming in of militia.
At length, in order still farther to amuse and gain
time, while the army was increasing — to shake the
belief of the malecontents, mischievously raised against
the public intentions — to point out to them, that their
safety was to be found only, by being peaceable at
home — and, to threaten the utmost rigour to such as
continued in arms — Mr. Drayton put forth another
Declaration on the 13th of September, and which,
being sent to Fletchall's camp, was there publicly
read. This instrument, was in the following words:

" South- Carolina.
" By the Hon. William Henry Drayton, Esquire.
" A DECLARATION.
" Whereas, the liberties of America, being treache
rously and cruelly violated by an abandoned Adminis^
tration in Great Britain, surrounding the Throne, and
deceiving Majesty for their own corrupt purposes;
thirteen American Colonies, including New-Hamp
shire to the North, and Georgia to the South, virtu
ously, glorously, and thanks to the Lord of Hosts,
successfully, are confederated at the hazard of their
lives and fortunes, to wrest frotn the hands of traitors,
those invaluables, which they had ravished from them,
and which, the Americans have in vain, endeavoured
to recover, by every peaceable mode of application :

CHAPTER IX.— 1775. 391
" And whereas, the tools of Administration have
encouraged certain inhabitants of this Colony, to
attempt, by every practicable tneasure, to oppose and
to counteract, the virtuous efforts of America; these
inhabitants, men of low degree among us, though of
eminence in this new country ; men, totally illiterate,
though of common natural parts; men, endeavouring
in this calamitous time, to rise in the world, by mis
leading their honest neighbours; men, who are by his
Excellency the Governor, promised to be amply re
warded, for such an infamous conduct; these men,
knowingly deceiving their neighbours, and wickedly
selling their country, have practised every art, fraud,
and misrepresentation to raise in this Colony an op
position to the voice of America. To oppose this
hellish plan, the honourable the Council of Safety
for this Colony, commissioned the Reverend William
Tennent and myself, to make a progress through the
disturbed parts of this Colony; 'to explain to the
people at large, the nature of the unhappy disputes,
between Great Britain and the American Colonies.'
Thousands heard, and believed us; they owned their
full conviction; they expressed their concern, that
they had been misled ; and they most sincerely acceded
to the Association, formed by the authority of our late
Congress. Such a proceeding, did not accord with
the designs of these men, betrayers of their country;
or the wishes o/ his Excellency the Governor, who, by
letters instigated them to strengthen their party. To
prevent a farther defection, the leaders of the party
resolved, by the din of arms, to drown the voice of
reason. For such an infernal purpose, by the instiga
tion of Moses Kirkland, on or about the 29th of
August last, men did assemble in arms, and with hos
tile intentions. My immediately assembling,- and
marching with a part of the militia; caused these men,
to disperse. But now, other leaders of the same ma
lignant party, correspondents of his Excellency the

392 MEMOmS, &c.— 1775.
Governor, have assembled men in arms, on the North
side of Saluda River; who are now actually encamped
at a charge and expen.se, which his Excellency the
Governor has promised to pay; and these men, threat
en to attack the troops under my orders. Wherefore,
to prevent the effusion of civil bloodshed, I think it
my duty to issue this Declaration ; in order, that Imay
leave no moderate step untried, to recover a feyN of our
unhappy countrymen from tho.se delusions, by which,
they have been drawn on, to lift their arras against
their injured country, gloriously struggling to enjoy
the rights of mankind.
" And whereas, his Excellency the Governor, has
issued private directions, that all magistrates and
militia officers, be required to take the oaths of alle
giance, under the penalty of dismission from their
several stations; I do hereby declare, that in point of
law his Excellency has no authority to make such
requisition from persons, ivho have already swotn ac
cording to law, when they were invested in offices
civil and military: and, that it is not only highly un
becoming in his Majesty's representative to threaten
his Majesty's subjects, in order to induce them to do
things, not warranted in law; but, such a conduct, is
of a most destructive tendency, to the gpod of the
King's real service; inasmuch, as it tends to ^nvince
the people, that his Majesty's servants in high trust in
America, as well as in Britain, equally conspire, to act
without authority in law, to the destruction of their
just rights and privileges.
" And whereas, the leaders of our unhappy and
degeived countrymen, now assembled in arms against
the liberties of America, have drawn them into this
dangerous, and disgraceful situation, by filling their
minds with fears and apprehensions, that their lives
and properties are in danger from the designs of Con-

CHAPTER IX,- 1775. 393
gress, the honourable the Council of Safety, the Gen
eral Committee, and the troops under my orders; be
cause, they our said countrymen, have not acceded to
qur Association: wherefore, to remove all such ill-
founded apprehensions, in the name of, and by the
authority vested in me, by tbe honourable the Council
of Safety, I solemnly declare, that all such apprehen
sions, are actually groundless. And I also declare, in
the name of the Council of Safety, that our said un
happy and deceived countrymen, may in perfect safety
of their lives, persons, and properties, repair to, and
continue to dwell and abide at home, so long, as they
i^hall choose to behave peaceably. We shudder even
at the idea of distressing them, in any shape: we
abhor the idea of compelling any person to associate
with us; we only with sorrow declare, that any per
son who will not associate with, and aid and comfort
us, in this arduous struggle for our liberties, cannot
by us be considered as friendly to us: and therefore,
that we cannot aid and comfort such person, by hold
ing that intercourse and communication with such
person, as is usually held between friends.
" And thus, having in the name of this Colony,
declared the terms, upon which peace and safety may
be had and enjoyed, by our unfortunate countrymen as
aforesaid ; it is my duty also to declare, that I shall
march, and attack, as public enemies, all and every
person in armi, or to be in arms, in this part of the
Colony, in opposition to the measures of Congress;
and having, with the utmost patience, and industry,
gently endeavoured to persuade men to a peaceable
conduct; I now, shall with equal patience and indus
try, prosecute military measures with the utmost
vigour: and, I make no doubt, but that with the
assistance of the Almighty, witness of our endeavours
to avert the calamities of war, we shall speedily obtain
50

394 MEMOTRS, &c.— 1775.
the wish of every virtuous American — peace, safety,
and security to our rights.
" Given under my hand, this 13th day of Septem
ber, at the Camp, near Ninety-Six.
"WILLIAM HENRY DRAYTON."
An official declaration like this, formally promulged,
and backed by the support of a large body of troops,
some of whom were Provincials; the whole well sup
plied, with the munitions of war ; made an impression
upon the malecontents, and brought them to a pause.
Hence, after consultation, they sent a deputation to
the camp near Ninety-Six Court-House, to confer
with Mr. Drayton: after which. Colonel Fletchall,
and other malecontent leaders, arrived in his camp;
with full powers to treat of, and conclude terms of
pacification. Before, however, we treat of this mat
ter, and tbe terms which were obtained ; it is neces
sary, we should understand with some precision, how
far, Mr. Drayton was actually authorized by the
Council of Safety, to act on so important an occa
sion. When Mr. Drayton and Mr. Tennent commenced
their progress from Chariestown, tbe powers, which
had been given to them by the Council of Safet3',*
were of very general nature; as the obstacles which
might arise on that progress, could not be so easily
foreseen: and therefore, could not be so .specially
guarded against. Mr. Drayton, however, being a
meuiber of the Council of Safety, well knew the
principles of action of that body; and the manner in
which his measures were likely to be supported by
their votes. He also knew, the commissions and in
structions which he and Mr. Tennent had received,
* See Appendix to Chapter VIII, No. V.

CHAPTER IX,— 1775. 393
were intended for their protection on the progress,
and to frustrate any measures tending to insurrection;
rather than, to authorize their taking such vigorous
measures, as might lead to one. Beside which, the
powers given them, by the Council of Safety, as ex
pressed jn their commissions, were jointly, and not
severally. When, therefore, matters assumed such an
aspect, as to threaten great commotions; Mr. Drayton
perceived difficulties would occur, as well respecting
the continuance of his authority, as the extent of it,
in calling out the militia and Rangers; especially, if
Mr. Tennent should have occasion to return to
Chariestown: unless, some farther provision should
be made in that respect, by some expression of opinion
by the Council of Safety.
To obviate these difficulties, as well as to satisfy
the scruples of his own mind, about assuming more
authority than that with which he might really be
invested ; in the lengthy communication which he ad
dressed to the Council from Lawson's Fork on the
21st of August, he touched on this subject: therein,
stating, that he thought it adviseable after the progress
should be finished, he ought to remain at Colonel
Thomson's camp at Amelia, until he should see every
spark of insurrection extinguished. He informed
them therein, that if a dozen persons who were leaders
and active characters, were to be allowed to continue
at large, the progress of himself and Mr. Tennent,
would have been in vain; and a civil war, would
certainly be the consequence. That to be sure, an
aipprehension of such persons, would excite an insur
rection of the disaffected people; but, nothing was to
be feared from it, if met with prompt and vigorous
measures. That, perhaps, his being arrived at
Thomson's camp, on his return towards Chariestown,
might be construed as an end of the powers, which
had been given for the progress; or, Mr. Tennent's

596 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
return to Chariestown, might have the same effect:
on all which points, he requested the Council to in
struct him clearly, and fully.
Upon an alarm from Georgia, that Kirkland was
going against Augusta, the Council of Safety wrote
Mr. Drayton, on the 11th of August, that on such an
occasion, they were perfectly satisfied he would leave
nothing undone, that should appear to be necessary.
And it was by virtue of this letter, that he had col
lected an army against Kirkland, when he attempted
about the end of August to proceed against Augusta.
After Mr. Drayton had taken this decided and vigour-
ous measure, partly on the above implied authority,
and partly on his own responsibility, he received a
letter from the Council of Safety, dated the 31st day
of August, stating, " that they viewed with horror the
spectacle of a civil war, and were not ashamed to
own, that they could not hastily determine, upon mea
sures which at first sight may promise to avert the
calamity; but, which for aught they knew, might rush
them upon the very danger, which ti ey would wish to
avoid. If," (said they,) " the removal of twelve active
mischievous men, will really quash the growing oppo
sition, that work may be easily accomplished; but,
may not our enemy i)rove an hydra, and start twice as
many heads to bring on their foiir thousand adherents,
with fury, to rescue their fii-st leaders, or to revenge
their cause .?" However, all things being considered,
the Council in the same letter said that " from that
confidence which they 're|)osed in his wisdom and
prudence, as well as from their certainty of his zeal
for the welfare of this Colony — ^assuring themselves
also, that he would premeditate every important step,
and weigh probable consequences — they resolved, not
only to vest in him, as they thereby did, all the powers
and authorities, which were contained in their com
missions to him, and the Reverend Mr. Tennent

CHAPTER IX.— 1775, 397
jointly ; but also, to enlarge those powers, by authori
zing him, to put a step to the proceedings of such evil-
minded persons, be they who they may, as are, or
shall be known, to be active in creating divisions
among the people, in order to disturb and destroy, that
harmony and unanimity, which is essential to the
cause of liberty and America, at this critical juncture:
and for more effectually enabling him to accomplish
that good and desireable end, he is thereby required
and empowered, to take every decisive step, and to use
every vigorous measure, which he may, or shall, deem
proper to promote the public service. For which,
that should be his warrant." But when they heard
that Mr. Drayton was embodying troops against Kirk
land, on the Sth of September, and, that the crisis had
arrived which required energy, they wrote to him,
" that they were not under the least doubt, of his
ability to defeat any plots, which Kirkland may have
concerted against Fort Charlotte or Augusta; and
since he had thus seriously entered upon a contest with
him, it became absolutely necessary to subdue him;
or, drive him out of the country. But they strongly
recommended to him, to discharge the militia, as soon
as he could possibly do it with safety ; as such addi
tional expense, would be very heavy on the treasury."
By these different communications from the Council
of Safety, Mr. Drayton now became sufficiently
authorized, to meet the business he had in hand ; but,
while he found himself invested with powers; he was
sensible, of .the responsible situation in which he was
placed. He was fully apprized by Mr. Arthur Mid
dleton, one of the members of the Council of Safety,
and his confidential friend, of all the debates which
took place at that board, when the subject of increas
ing his powers was under consideration. He was
informed by Mr. Middleton, that the powers granted
him on the Slst of August, had been much debated in

398 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
the Council; and had been carried only/ot<r fo three;
which last, expatiated upon the " Danger of creating
a civil war — young man — hot — rash — may raise the
people, and set them to cutting one another's throats —
decisive step, and vigourous measures, meant too
much." In fine, Mr. Middleton informed Mr. Dray
ton, that two of the affirmatives were on the point of
retracting; and that although he wished him to act
with vigour for the public good, yet for his own sake
" he could not but request him, to act with caution;"
and for the public sake " to hurry down : as the .Coun
cil were doing nothing, but repairing two or three bas
tions, to amuse the people."
Mr. Drayton well considered all these particulars.
He said he was vested with full powers, but they had
been acquired by a bare majority; who repented,
almost as. soon as they bad consented. Any ill conse
quence, from any unforeseen accident — any check to
his inferior army, who were strangers to him, and
almost to each other — and a part of whom, were but
lately disaffected — might be productive of the most
dangerous consequences; all of which would be attri
buted to his (Mr. Drayton's) youth,* heat, and rash
ness. On the other hand, he considered, that if he
could induce the enemy to enter into a pacification;
expressly disavowing an intention of joining the King,
or aiding his forces, or of designs inimical to the Ame
rican proceedings; thereby contracting, that as they
never did mean to aid or assist, or to join the British
troops against the Congress, they never would do so
directly or indirectly: and that if any of those de
scribed in the pacification, should by discourse reflect
upon, or condemn, or by any conduct oppose the pro
ceedings of the Congress — upon application they
should be delivered up within a specified time; or
' -Mr. Drayton was near thirty-three years of age, at this period.

CHAPTER IX.— 1775. 399
afterwards should be liable, to be apprehended and
proceeded against by the authority of Congress: Mr.
Drayton thought, such terms signed and executed by
themselves, would overthrow Governor Campbell's
assurances to the King, that they were in opposition
to the Congress; and, that the people were widely
divided. It was also, his opinion, that such terms
would create disunion among the chiefs: as those who
were parties to and signed the pacification, would be
obliged to support their own acts, against the clamours
of those, who might think them too humiliating.
Hence, the party being divided, the common people
would be confused in their opinions; and would with
draw their confidence from their leaders, so thwarting
and abusing each other: and thereby, the party would
moulder away, and insensibly fall into the public mea
sures. For these reasons, Mr. Drayton thought, he
ought to grant Fletchall and his party, a neutrality;
well knowing, that provided they only remained quiet,
the public did not need their assistance.
This determination being formed, Mr. Drayton pro
ceeded to carry his plan into execution with Colonel
Fletchall, and the other leaders, who had arrived at
his camp. And, a conference with them, eventuated
in a treaty between the parties, which produced a
pacification: and was respectively signed at Mr.
Drayton's camp near Ninety-Six Court-House, on the
sixteenth day of September 1775; the same being in
the following words :

" South- Carolina.
" Whereas misunderstandings but too often preci
pitate men and friends into quarrels and bloodshed,
which, but for such (.misunderstandings never could
have happened: and whereas the present unhappy

400 MEMOIRS, &c  1775.
disputes between Great Britain and. North America
have unhappily occasioned uneasinesses between a
part of the people living between Broad and Saluda
Rivers and other adjacent parts, and the other inha
bitants of the Colony aforesaid, from misunderstand
ings as aforesaid: inasmuch, as the said part of the
people as aforesaid, having tender consciences, declin
ed to accede to the Association signed in Congress on
the fourth of June last ; and the said other inhabitants,
thereby thinking, that the said declining to accede,
proceeded from principles and designs, in them the
said part of the people, inimical to the i)roceedings and
designs of the said other inhabitants;, and that they,
the said part of the people, did mean to aid, assist, and
join, the British troops, if any should arrive in the
Colony aforesaid, during the present unhappy disputes
as aforesaid :
" And whereas, these are all misunderstandings;
and it being the sincere wish and desire of all parts of
the Colony, to live in peace and friendship with each
other; wherefore, for the clearing up the said misun
derstandings, and for the manifestation of the wish
and desire aforesaid. Colonel Thomas Fletchall, Cap
tain John Ford, Captain Thomas Greer, Captain Evan
M'Laurin, the Reverend Philip Mulkey, Mr. Robert
Merrick, and Captain Benjamin Wofford, Deputies
for, and sent by, the part of the people aforesaid, have
repaired to the camp of. the Honourable William
Henry Drayton, Esquire, acting under the authority of
the Council of Safety for this Colony. And, for the
purposes aforesaid, it is hereby contracted, agreed, and
declared, by the Honourable William Henry Drayton,
in pursuance of powers vested in him by the Honour
able the Council of Safety as aforesaid, on the one
part; and the De|)uties aforesaid, in pursuance of
powers vested in them by the said part of the people,
on the other part:

CHAPTER IX— 1775. 401
" 1st. That the said dt^clining of the part of the
people aforesaid, to accede as aforesaid, did not pro
ceed from any ill, or even unfriendly principle or de
sign, in them the said part of the' people, to or against
the principles or designs of the Congress of this Colo
ny, or authorities derived from that body; but pro
ceeded only from a desire to abide in their usual peace,
and tranquillity.
" 2d. That the said part of the people, never did
mean to aid, assist, or join the British troops as afore
said; and hereby it is declared, that if at any time
during the present unhappy disputes between Great
Britain and North America, any British troops shall
or may arrive in this Colony, the Deputies aforesaid
for themselves and the part of the people aforesaid, by
whom, they the said Deputies are authorized, and
whom they do represent, declare, that if any British
troops as aforesaid, shall arrive as aforesaid, they the
said Deputies and the part of the people aforesaid,
shall not, and will not, give, yield, or afford, directly or
indirectly to, or for, the use, advantage, or comfort, of
the said British troops, or any part of them, any aid,
or assistance whatsoever; or hold with them the said
troops, or any part of them, any communication, or
correspondence.

((

3d. That if at any time during the unhappy dis
putes as aforesaid, any person or persons of the part
of the people aforesaid, shall by discourses or words
reflect upon, censure, or condemn; or by any conduct
oppose the proceedings of the Congress of this Colony,
or authorities derived from them ; the said Congress,
the Council of Safety, or General Committee as the
case may be, shall, without being deemed to give
umbrage to the part of the people aforesaid, send to
any of the deputies aforesaid to make requisition that
51

402 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
any and every such person or persons as aforesaid,
offending in any of the premises aforesaid against the
proceedings of the Congress or authorities aforesaid,
may and shall be delivered up to the authority of the
Congress, or the tribunals under that authority, to be
questioned and tried, and proceeded against, according
to the mode of proceedings by authority of Congress;
and if such person or persons as aforesaid be not
delivered up as aforesaid, within fourteen days after
requisition as aforesaid, then in such case, the Con
gress, or Council of Safety, or General Committee,
may and shall be at liberty to use every means, to
apprehend any, and every such person or persons
as last aforesaid; and question, try, and proceed
against as aforesaid, every such person or persons as
aforesaid. " 4th. That if any person or persons, who has or
have signed, or shall sign the Association aforesaid,
shall, without authority of Congress, molest any per
son or persons of the part of the people aforesaid; in
such case, application shall be made to the said
Congress, or Council of Safety, or General Com
mittee, in order that such person or persons so molest
ing, be punished for, and restrained from, molesting
as aforesaid.
" And it is hereby declared, that all and every per
son of the part of the people as aforesaid, not offend
ing in, or against, any of the premises aforesaid, shall
and may continue to dwell and remain at home as
usual, safe in their lives, persons, and properties:
such, being no more than what has been, and is the
aim, intention, and inclination of the Congress of this
Colony, and the authorities under that body. All
persons, who shall not consider themselves as bound
by this treaty, must abide by the consequences.

CHAPTER IX.— 1775. 403
Done at the Camp, near Ninety-Six, this 16th day
of September 1775, Signed, Wm. Hy. Drayton,
Witness. Tho. Fletchall,
Wm. Thomson, John Ford,
Ely Kershaw, Tho. Greer,
Francis Salvador. Evan M'Laurin,
Benj. Wofford."
These things being done, Mr. Drayton on the 17th
of September wrote a letter to the Council of Safety
informing them of his proceedings; and transmitting
therewith the original declaration and treaty, (now in
the possession of theivriter of these Memoirs) and sun
dry other papers respecting the business, which he had
in hand. In this letter to the Council of Safety, Mr.
Drayton expressed his sentiments in the following
manner: " But after all, I assure you our situation is
Utterly precarious while the Governor is at liberty.
He animates these men: he tempts them: and al
though they are now recovered, yet their fidelity is
precarious, if he is at liberty to jogg them again, and
lay new toils for them. Gentlemen, allow me in the
strongest terms to recommend, that you make hostages
of the Governor and the officers. To do this, is not
liiore dangerous to us, than what we have done. It
will secure our safety; which otherwise, will be in
danger. I would also recommend, that the trade with
the country be opened; it, will give infinite satisfac
tion; it, will convince every person of the rectitude of
our designs; it, will obliterate a distinction, which,
now if permitted to remain will give Fletchall's people
room to sell their patriotis.m. Sic. to King's troops,
and thus renew a communication: and indeed, if we
will not trade with them, we cannot in conscience
blame them for trading with those, who will trade
with them. And this seems to correspond with the

404 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
spirit of the resolution of the General Committee,
August 23d, ' but also to give such as.surances,' he. I
am clearly of opinion, that upon the instrument of the
16th of September, such a relaxation might be
grounded; I am persuaded, it will be attended with
the most salutary consequences: and therefore, I do
most heartily recommend, that it may be done. But
above all things, 1 think it is my dutv most strongly
to represent, that the Governor should be taken into
custody. " I beg leave also to represent, that the declaration
of the 13th and the instrument of the 16th instant, be
not only printed generally in the gazettes, and in
sheets to be immediately (by the Committee of Intelli
gence) circulated throughout the Colony, to give gene
ral notification thereof, which is greedily desired; and
to prevent erroneous copies; but, that they be pub
lished in England for this reason — they will show,
that no part of the people of this Colony are even
unfriendly to the designs of Congress — that none of
the people will encourage any person even by word to
condemn our proceedings — that all offenders, shall be
delivered up to punishment — that no part of- the peo
ple will even hold communication with the King's
troops. All this, will be in direct contradiction, to the
Governor's representation of the meritorious conduct
and zeal of Fletchall's people, for the King's service.
And, for all this to appear, is of infinite importance;
and infinitely preferable to our having put a part of
those people to the sword; which, would not only
have lain the foundation for lasting animosities; but
would convince Administration, that the Governor's
representations were true, that there was a strong
party here against the Congress; all which, would
invite them to send a strong body of troops here; and
that very early."

CHAPTER IX.— 1775. 405
The same was received by the Council in Charles-
town on the 24th day of September; and on the 27th
of the same month, Colonel Henry Laurens, the Pre
sident of the Council of Safety, by order of the Coun
cil, wrote to Mr. Drayton, that, " On Sunday last, we
received your letter of the 17th, together with the
sundry papers, which you refer to; and if Captain
Wilson is detained one day more, we will send by him
the declaration and treaty, to be printed in London;
but, shall defer a publication here, until we have an
opportunity of considering the propriety of such a
measure in your presence; which we suppose, will
hapjien in the course of a few days."* It was in this
manner, the public authorities at that time endea
voured to counteract in Great Britain, and with the
Ministry, the official dispatches of Lord William
Campbell, the Governor of South-Carolina; and with
this view, the above declaration and treaty, were
directed to be published iii London ; that, the Minis
try might see upon what little grounds they had to
rely, respecting information and assurances, from the
Provincial Governor of South- Carolina.
After this treaty was executed, by which, the peace
and harmony of the upper country was in a great
measure restored, and settled, on a just and honorable
basis; Colonel Fletchall and the rest of the Deputies,
returned to their camp beyond Saluda River; where,
the treaty which had been executed, was published
and made known. Upon this, the principal associ
ates who had remained in camp, disclaimed the pacifi
cation in great wrath ; while those who had signed
the treaty and their friends, maintained its propriety,
and happy tendency. Hence, the consequence re
sulted, which Mr. Drayton bad foreseen, that they
would be divided among themselves; and the greater
» See this letter in Appendix to this Chapter, No. Ul.

406 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
part of the people, rejoiced in the event. The whole
eamp, therefore, excepting Robert Cunningham and
about sixty of his followers, broke up immediately;
each man returning to his own home. Robert Cun
ningham and his sixty men, remained on the ground
some hours; but he was obliged to submit to the ne-
ces.sity of the case; and retired, declaring he was not
included in the treaty. When Mr. Drayton was in
formed of his conduct, he wrote him a letter on the
21st of September, with a view of drawing from him
an exijlicit declaration, which might authorize an
apprehension of his person according to the treaty;
and on the 6th of October he answered it, disclaiming
the pacification.*
These affairs being so adjusted, and Mr. Drayton
having no farther call for military support; on the
18th day of September, he discharged the troops
under his command, with thanks; the army then
being one thousand one hundred strong. And Major
Williamson was ordered to transmit suitable returns to
the Council of Safety, of the militia and volunteers
who served on the occasion ; also a general return of
rations, monies disbursed, and necessaries found, for
the use of the army; which was done by Major Wil
liamson under date of tbe 16th of October following.
And it is but justice to those patriotic troops, who had
come forth at their country's call, to say, that during
the whole time this army lay encamped near Ninety-
Six Court-House, they were patient under all the
difficulties and deprivations they experienced. During
the most of this time, their huts and dwellings were
penetrated by heavy rains; but discontent was not
seen among them ; for, satisfied with the cause in
which they were engaged, and with the leaders who
commanded them, they submitted to such military
* See these letters in Appendix to this Chapter, No. IV.

CHAPTER IX.-1775. 407
regulations as the occasion required: in the camp,
good order was observed; and without it, the ad
vanced posts were duly and regularly stationed, and
relieved. The progress being now closed, in a different man
ner, to what many had supi osed it would have been;
Mr. Drayton proceeded from tbe camp to the Conga
ree Store, where the Good Warrior and other head
men of the Cherokee Nation were in waiting for
him, by his invitation. He there met them, on the
25th day of September; and explained to them in a
talk* adapted to the occasion, the nature of the dis
pute between Great Britain and America; exhorting
them to hold fast the chain of peace and friendship,
with the people of this Colony ; and assuring them,
they should receive such supplies of ammunition and
other articles, both for trade and comfort, as could be
spared them by the Provincial Congress, or Council
of Safety. He also made them presents, suitable to
the occasion; after which, they took their leaves and
returned home; apparently satisfied with their recep
tion, and the information as to the cause of dispute
between Great Britain and America, which they had
received. These Indians were brought down from
the nation by Richard Pearis, at the special desire of
Mr. Drayton; and by a list furnished Mr. Drayton by
Mr. Pearis it appears, the Cherokee Nation at that
time, was composed of forty-three towns: nine of
which, were Lower Towns — twenty-four of the Mid;
die Settlements and Vallies — and ten, of the Overhill
Settlements. And he calculated that the Lower
Towns, could bring 356 warriors into the field — the
Middle Settlements and Vallies, 908— and the Over-
hills, 757: amounting in the whole to 2021 warriors.f
This account of Mr. Pearis', is supposed to be tolera-
* See Appendix, No. V. t See Appendix, No. VI.

408 MEMOIRS, &c.— 1775.
ably correct ; as it very much agrees both in numbers
and names, with one to the same purport, lurnished
Lieutenant-Governor Bull in 1741, by the white
Indian trader, James Maxwell; who had been sent
to the nation by the Lieutenant-Governor. Mr.
Maxwell says, " In the Cherokee Nation, I find there
is forty-seven towns; and from the best information I
could get from the traders.
There is about 2,000 Gunmen.
And about 1;000 Boys, from the years of 12
to 15.
At least 4,000 Women — also abundance of
 children.
Total number 7,000 of the nation in 1741.*"
Not to leave any thing undone, however, which his
powers authorized him to perform, Mr. Drayton
while at the Congaree Store, wrote on the 26th of
September to Mr. Alexander Cameron, Deputy Su
perintendant in the Cherokee Nation, requesting him^
in the name of the Colony, to remove from the Che
rokees, to whom he had retreated from Lochaber, his
plantation on Little River in the Long-Cane Settle
ment: and holding out to him as examples for doing
so, the retreat of his Excellency Lord William Camp
bell, Governor of the Province, and of his principal,
the Honorable John Stuart, Superintendant of Indian
Affairs. To this letter Mr. Cameron, on the 16tb of
October replied, declaring that the chiefs of the Co
lony " can be under no apprehension of danger from
him, or his connection with the Indians; if they were
at liberty to enjoy peace and tranquillity where they
were." But, he nevertheless declared, that he must
implicitly observe the direction and orders of his supe
riors; and could not recede from his post, without

* See South-Carolina Council Indian Book, vol. 9. page 64, where the names
of the towns are also to be seen.

CHAPTER IX.— 1775. 409
first obtaining their leave. And as to " the great men
(his Excellency Lord William Ca-upbell, and the
Hon. John Stuart, Esq.) whom you are pleast^d to
mention to me. Sir, for the rule of my conduct; they,
were very differently situated. They were stationed
among the most strenuous of the people, in the pre
sent quarrel ; where they could not officiate any part
of their duty, without censure; and run perhaps the
risk of their lives to no end." The above mentioned
letter to Mr. Cameron, appears to have been the last
official act, which Mr. Drayton thought existing cir
cumstances required him to perform, in the continu
ance of his progress: after which, he hastened to
Chariestown, to which Mr. Middleton and Mr. Timo
thy had urged his speedy return ; for the purpose of
giving his assistance in thecouneil, to those important
measures, whitth former procrastination, and existing
necessiiy, now rendered absolutely necessary for the
public security and welfare.*
^ See^Appendix, No. VII.

52

APPENDIX

CHAPTER IX.

No. I.
To the Honorable Henry Laurens, Esq<.
Dear Sir,
W E expect to write you a public letter next Wed"
nesday, but opportunity offering I must inform you,
that after visiting the upper part of Col. Richardson's
regiment, and the High Dutch in the Fork between
Broad and Saluda Rivers, the former with great suc
cess, the latter with very little, we have at length
visited the great and mighty nabob Fletchall. We
found him surrounded by his court, viz. Cunningham,
Brown, and Robinson, who watch all his motions, and
have him uflder great command. We soon found the
unchangeable malignity of tht^ir minds, and the inex
pressible pains they are at, to blind the people, and fill

TO CHAPTER IX. 411
them with bitterness against the Gentlemen, as they
are called.
General Gage's pamphlet is raging through the Dis
trict, and greedily read. The leaders have taken the
same methods with the Romish Church, to keep the
people ignorant; and in general they firmly believe
that no man that comes from below, and that no paper
printed there, can speak the truth. This was neces
sary in order to prevent any thing we can say, from
taking place. We soon found that reasoning was vain
with those, who vvere fixed by Royal emoluments; but
perceiving that Fletchall affected to play between, we
let him know that we had discovered things, which he
thought were a profound secret; and surprized him
much. He confessed receiving a letter from the
Governor, within five days last; and offered to swear,
there was no harm in it: and that he would not take
arms against the country. But we surprized him into
a promise to assemble the regiment, next Wednesday,
which highly affronted Cunningham and the rest of
the Upiier House; some of whom treated us with
insolence upon it. We expect to meet tbe regitnent
accordingly, and many of our friends whom I have
advertised of it, will be there; some having intimated
a design, to put some trick upon us.
In the mean time, Mr. Drayton has gone up to his
iron works, and to the people about Lawson's Fork;
where, he will do something. I turned my course
into the New Acquisition, where I am to have a
meeting from day to day, in Col. Neel's regiment; I
think I shall fix this District, in the right cause. I
discovered on my way a scheme to surprize Fort
Charlotte, and take all the powder and arms away;
took an affidavit of it, and sent it express to Mr.
Drayton; so, hope it will be prevented. The Gover
nor has undoubtedly given orders for it; and they are

412 APPENDIX
privately enlisting volunteers to the service. I shall
this morning privately obtain affidavits to prove, that
Major RobinsonT has attem|)ted to enlist many in the
King's name; assuring them, that he had a number of
commissions in his pocket, which should be distributed
to the most uorthy: and that they should have King's
pay, after ten days. He is just returned, and it is
known that he met the Governor at Dorchester.
They think that they are nearly ripe, to show them
selves; and make no scruple to thn^aten the whole
province with devastation iu a short time.
They say, that Cameron is among the Over-hill
Cherokees, and will soon join them with three thou
sand gunmen. I have just heard, that the Lower
Towns will not join them ; but confess, that the Over-
hill Indians are preparing to fight for the King. In
short, your friends in town are preparing a great dish
of blood for you ; and expect soon, by their army not
only to have an asylum to fly to, but to bear down all
before them. This both you and 1 have prophesied
many times; but a lethiferous slumber seems to have
sealed the eyes of some of our brethren. Robinson
assures the people here, that a sreat multitude in town
of those who have signed the Association, are in the
scheme, and will join them upon notice.
I am now convinced, that a certain affidavit which
some have so much despised, is with a small exception
true in every particular. There is here, all the ap
pearance of an hellish plot; and the friends of Ame
rica have no ammunition, and may be surprized with
out remedy: 1 wish the Council would think of this.
We have greatly weakened, and exi)ect more to weak
en them; but, to overset the plan immediately, is
impossible. I have formed one, and am forming ia
this district another troop, of volunteer Horse Ran
gers ; who are as good as sworn to the Council of

TO CHAPTER IX. 413
Safety, when they enlist. We are hemming in the
Dissidents on all sides, as much as possible; but their
leaders seem determined if possible to bring the peo
ple to draw blood, before they have time to be enlight
ened. I have forsook my chaise, and ride on horse
back from day to day, meeting people.
And in great baste, am, dear Sir,
Your most obt. servt.
WM. TENNENT,
Bullock's Creek, 26th Aug. 1775.
P. S. If you don't keep a look out, these people and
the Savaged will receive ammunition by waggons
from town, or from Dorchester, from on board the
fleet: they have no doubt of a supply.

No. II.
South- Carolina, Ninety- Six District:
This day, personally appeared before me, Jonathan
Clark, resident upon the banks of Saluda River, in the
Cherokee country, who being duly sworn sayeth, that
on or about the thirteenth instant, being in the Chero
kee country aforesaid, he saw and conversed with
John Garwick, an intimate friend and countryman of
Alexander Cameron, Deputy Superintendant among
the Cherokee Indians, touching the danger of the
Cherokees commencing hostilities; that if there was
any danger, he the said Jonathan might remove in
time to a place of security : and that he spoke on this

414 APPENDIX
subject to the said John, because of his close connec
tion with the said Alexander, and thereby of his, the
said John's, ability to give information touching that
subject. That on this subject, the said John answered, that
he, Jonathan, need not be under any apprehensions of
danger, until such time as there should be some dis
turbances below, in the country, between the King's
army and the Colonists: and, that then it would be
high time for him, the said Jonathan, to take care of
himself, and remove from the frontiers. Also, the
said John continued his discourse and said, that about
three weeks then last past, the said Alexander had
held a meeting with the Cherokee Indians; at which,
about four hundred of them were assembled; when
he, the said John, heard the said Alexander tell the
said Indians, that the people of America had used the
King very ill ; and had killed a considerable number
of his army: and that the King was to send out more
soldiers to suppress them. That tbe Indians ought not
to turn against their father, meaning the King; but
that they should join his army, against the people of
America. That to this the Indians replied, they could
not fight, for they had not any gun-powder; and the
said Alexander returned, that should be no obstacle,
for he would take care to supply them. The said
John also further said, that the said Alexander did all
he could to influence the said Indians to join the King's
forces against the people of Carolina ; and who could
blame him for doing so, since he, the said Alexander,
was in the King's service. Also, that in conclusion,
about forty of the said Indians turning their backs to
the said Alexander, discharged their guns; and then
the whole assembly sat up the war-whoop; which he,
the said John, said, was as a signal that they, the said
Indians approved the discourse of the said Alexander,

TO CHAPTER IX. 415
and agreed to what he had said. And further this
deponent saith not. JONATHAN CLARK.
Sworn and signed before me, this 21st day of Au
gust 1775. Wm. Hy. Drayton, Quorum Unus.
South- Carolina, Ninety -Six District:
This day personally appeared before me James
Wood, John Wood, Moses Wood, and John Prince,
of the District aforesaid, who being severally sworn
according to law, say, that they know the above-men
tioned Jonathan Clark, believe him to be an honest
man, and worthy of credit; and that they do not
know any thing to the prejudice of his reputation.
And further, the said deponents say not.
JAMES WOOD,
JOHN WOOD,
MOSES WOOD,
JOHN PRINCE.
Sworn and signed before me, this 21st day of Au
gust 1775. Wm. Hy. Drayton, Quorum Unus.

No. III.
Letter from Colonel Henry Laurens, President of the
Council of Safety, to William Pleriry Drayton.
Chariestown, 21th September 1775.
Sir, On Sunday last we received your letter of the
ITth, together with the sundry papers which you refer

416 APPENDIX
to; and if Captain Wilson is detained one day more,
we will send by him the declaration and treaty, to be
printed in London;* but, shall defer a publication
here, until we have an opportunity of considering the
propriety of such a measure in your presence; which
we suppose, will happen in the course of a few days.
The intelligence from the Cherokees received in Mr.
Wilkinson's letter, is very alarming; we hope you
have sent away the Good Warrior and his fellow tra
vellers in good humour; and that they will influence
their countrymen to remain quiet, and give us time to
discover the perpetrators of the murder, intimated by
Mr. Wilkinson — in the mean time, we trust that you
have taken proper measures, for that purpose.
Le Despencer Packet arrived here from Falmouth,
with advices from London to the 3d August. Ac
counts in brief are, that Administration were sending
more troops and ships to America; determined to per
severe in the execution of their plan. General Gage
in his account of the Bunker Hill affair on the 17th
June, transmitted to Lord Darttnouth, owns about
1056 of the King's troops killed and wounded: and
his number of officers rather exceeds our early ad
vices. We have heard nothing since the first of Au
gust, from our Delegates.
By order of the Council of Safety.
HENRY LAURENS, President.
The Hon. Wm. Hy. Drayton, Esq.
at the Camp, Ninety-Six.
" The Declaration and Treaty were published afterwards in London. See
The London Remembrancer for lt76, Part I. pages 1 12 to 116.

TO CHAPTER IX. 417

No. IV.
Letter from William Henry Drayton to Robert Cun
ningham.
Sir, My only intention in coming into the country
was, to promote peace, and to ascertain whether there
were any people possessed of a disposition to run
counter to, and to oppose the efforts of America; and
to lift their arms against their country, their old ac
quaintances, and their friends and relations, in order to
assist British troops if any should arrive here.
It was therefore with the highest pleasure that on
the sixteenth instant, I, together with Col. Fletchall
and other gentlemen signed an instrument of writing,
fully clearing up all the particulars above mentioned.
As I cherish the best opinion of the honour of Colonel
Fletchall and the gentlemen who signed after him ; so,
I persuade myself they will do all in their power to ex-
cute what they have contracted, as I shall do on my
pant. But, it was whh concern that I have heard, that
you do not hold yourself as included in the above in
strument of writing, and that you will not be bound
by it. I am sincerely inclined to believe, that these
are not your sentiments; I do niost heartily wish, that
it will turn out the information is erroneous. I there
fore. Sir, entreat, that you will as soon as may be,
favour me with an answer to this letter; assuring me
that you hold yourself as included in the above instru
ment of A^riting. Such a conduct in you, would give
me particular pleasure. But, that I may be under no
mistake, I am sorry to be under a necessity of saying,
d3

413 APPENDIX
that unless I shall be favoured by you as above, com
mon sense will dictate to me, that you do not hold
yourself as included in the above instrument of wri
ting. I am, Sir, your most obt. servt.
WILLIAM HENRY DRAYTON.
Ninety-Six, Sept. 2\st, 1776.
P. S. Mr. James Williams will convey to me, any let
ter you may think proper to favour me with.
To Robert Cunningham, Esq.
Answer to the foregoing letter, from Captain Robert
Cunningham.
Sir, This day I received your letter dated the 21st
of last month, desiring to know whether 1 considered
myself as bound by the peace you tr.ade with Colonel
Fletchall and the other gentlemen from our camp. I
think. Sir, at this time the question is rather unfair;
ho'vever, as it always was my determination not to
deceive either party, 1 must confess 1 do not hold with
that peace. At the same time, as fond of peace as any
man; but, upon honorable terms. But, according to
my i)rinciples, that peace is false and disgraceful from
beginning to ending. It a|)[)ears to me. Sir, you had
all the bargain making to yourself; and if that was
the case, I expected you would acted with more hon
our, than taken the advantage of men (as I believe)
half scared out of their senses, at the sight of liberty
caps, and sound of cannon ; as seeing and hearing, has
generally more influence on some men, than reason.
I am, Sir, your most hum. servt.
ROBT. CUNNINGHAM.
Page's Creek, Oct. 6th, 1775.
The Hon. William Henry Drayton, Esq.
Per Mr. James Williams.

TO CHAPTER IX. 419

No. V.
A TALK from the Honorable William Henry Dray
ton, Esq. one. of the beloved men of South-Carolina,
to the beloved men. Head Men, and Warriors of the
Cherokee Nation, at the Congarees, Sept. 25, 1775.
Friends, and Brother Warriors, — I take you by the
hand, in witness, of the peace and friendship which
has so long subsisted between your brothers the White
People of this country, and you and your people — and,
I hold your hand fast, in testimony, that your brothers
the white people wish, that our peace and friendship
with you and your peoi)le may continue.
I sent a talk to you in your nation, to desire that
you would come to see me at the Congarees, in order
that we might talk together face to face. When I
sent to you, I thought to have been here, before you
could have arrived ; but, some of our people did not
understand the things, about which I intend to speak
to you; and to explain which to them I came into the
country; my stay among those people was therefore
longer, than I expected. This being the case, I make
no doubt but that you will readily excuse my absence,
which I assure you, was as disagreeable to myself, as
it could possibly be to you.
I sent to you, to come to me, that I might explain to
you, the causes of the unhappy quarrel between a part
of the people in Great Britain, and your brothers the
white people living in America. Also, that I might
tell you, why our people have put on their Shot
pouches, and hold their Rifles in their hands.
The causes of this unhappy quarrel are very plain,
as you will see as I go on with my talk ; but, in order

420 APPENDIX
that you may see them, and understand them, clearly^
I must first talk of the time before any of our white
people came to this country, and, what was then done.^
Before our forefathers left England, they made an
agreement with the Great King; that when they came
to America, they and their children after them, should
then continue to have and enjoy the same rights and
privileges, that the people of England, who you know
were their own brothers, did actually enjoy. And, to
this agreement, the Great King put his hand and seal;
and declared, that all the Great Kings after him,
should be bound by the agreement he had made.
Now, in consequence of this agreement, your bro
thers the white people in America say, the money they
have in their pockets is their own ; and the Great
King has no right whatsoever to send or to order any
officers to take this money or any part of it out of our
pockets, or to make any laws to bind us, but by our
own consent, given by our wise men whom we our
selves elect and appoint to make laws for us. And
we say so, for this ^lain and good reason ; because,
the Great King has no right to send any officers to
take any money out of the pockets of our brothers the
people of England, or to bind them by any laws, but
by their own consent given by their wise men, whom
they themselves elect and appoint to make laws for
them. For, as this is the right and priviledge of our
brothers in England, so, this agreement declares we
have the same right and priviledge.
But, notwithstanding these things, the men about
the Great King, have persuaded him, that he and
the men in England whom we never elected and ap
pointed to make laws for us, have a right to take our
money, out of our pockets without our consent, and
to make laws to drag us away from our own country,

TO CHAPTER IX. 421
across the Great Water; and all this, without asking
us any thing about the matter, and violently against
our consent and good liking. And, unjust and wicked
as all this is, yet this is not the worst part of their
usage to us. They have by other laws broken onr
agreement in whatever particular part they pleased;
and these men about the Great King, have so teazed
and persuaded him, that the Great King and the men
in England, whom as I tol'd you before, we never ap
pointed to make laws for us, have made one law,
which says, the Great King and those men, have a
right to bind us by laws of their making, in all cases
whatsoever: which is as much as to say, they have a
right to treat us and every thing belonging to us, just as
they please. And this you know is as much as to say,
they have a right to take all our money, all our lands,
all our cattle and horses and such things; and not only
all such things, but our wives and children, in order to
make servants of them; and, beside all these things,
to put us iu strong-houses,* and to put us to death,
whenever they please.
Friends and Brother Warriors, — is it not now as
plain as the sight at the end of your rifles, that these
laws and proceedings are like so many hatchets, chop
ping our agreement to pieces.^ Are not these, unjust
things.'' Enough, to make us put on our shot pouches
—and especially, when we find, that our brothers over
the Great Water, will not only not hearken to the
many good talks which we have sent them about these
matters ; but have really sent over people to take the
hatchet up against us.
Oh, my Brother Warriors, it is a lamentable thing,
that our brothers beyond the Great Water, should use
us in this cruel manner. If they use us, their own
<* Among Indians, strong-houses, mean Prisons.

422 APPENDIX
flesh and blood, in this unjust way, what must you
expect — you, who are Red People — you, whom they
never saw — you, whom they know only, by the hear
ing of the ear — ^you, who have fine lands.? You see,
by their treatment to us, that agreements even under
hand and seal go as nothing with them. Think of
these things, my friends, and reflect upon them, day
and night.
Having told you, that the men about the Great King
persuaded him, that he and the men in England have
a right to take our money out of our pockets, without
our consent; I must now tell you the contrivances
they have fallen upon to take this money, whether we
will or not. In order to take this money from us,
they have ordered that we must pay a duty upon this
and that thing, that we are accustomed to purchase;
which is as much as to say, that upon those things we
purchase, we must pay to the Great King against our
consent, a sum of money above the real value of those
things. And in particular, they ordered that if we
drink tea, we must pay so iTiuch money to the Great
King. I must tell you, this tea is somewhat like your
Black-Drink. But, as we know, that this order is
contrary to our agreement; and also, as we know the
evil consequences of our paying this money; so, your
brothers the white people in America have resolved
that they will not pay it. And, therefore, the men
about the Great King have persuaded him to send sol
diers to Boston, and we are told some are coming here,
to force the people here to give their money without
their consent; and thereby to give up their rights and
privileges, which are mentioned in the agreement.
Some foolish people, say it is better to pay this
money for the tea, than to go to war about it. But I
tell you, it is not about this money alone that we
quarrel ; for the money itself, we do not regard as two

TO CHAPTER IX. 42S
corn stalks: but, we are afraid bad consequences will
follow, if we pay the money; as 1 will show you di
rectly. We find that the men in England talk among them
selves, that they intend to make us in America pay 1o
them, a great sum of money every year. The way
they intend to raise this money, is as I have told you
already, by making us i)ay a duty upon this and that
thing, that we are accustomed to purchase. Now,
this duty upon tea, brings in but a very small part of
that great sum of money they want to make us pay to
them; and therefore, we refuse to [ray this money for
the tea; lest if we paid it, they would be encouraged
to ^o on time after time, to lay duties upon a great
many other things, which we are accustomed to pur
chase ; in order, that they may at last get from us, that
great sum of money which they want, and which per
haps, is all we have. By which means, as your bro
thers the white people will be obliged to give more
money than usual, for those blankets, strouds, checks,
linens, guns, powder, paint, and rum with which you
are supplied; so, if money is thus taken out of our
pockets without our consent, and against our agree
ment, it is plain and certain, that you and your people
must pay two and three deer skins for those goods,
which you used to purchase of the traders for one
deer skin. And thus you see, that we do not quarrel
only upon our own account; but that we have put on
our .shot pouches, not only to preserve our money, but
also, to preserve your deer skins.
Friends and Brother Warriors, I have now told you
the causes of our unhappy quarrel with the men over
the Great Water. I hope your eyes are now opened,
and that you see plainly, that your interest is as much
concerned in this quarrel, as our interest. And that
you also see, that we have put on our shot pouches,

424 APPENDIX
and have taken up our rifles, only, to defend our rights
and privileges according to the agreement ; and by so
doing, to defend your deer skins against those, who
wish to rob you of them.
Therefore, as your people and our people, were
born upon, and live in, the same land — as we are old
acquaintances, and have thereby contracted a regard
for each other — as our interest in this quarrel, is the
same; for the men over the Great Water cannot take
our money against our consent, without taking your
deer skins also — as you see, that no agreement is kept
with us, so you cannot exjiect to be better treated by
men, who want all that you and ourselves have — I
say, as all these things show you, that if we are hurt,
you must be hurt also — if we lose, you must lose also
— so, I tell you in time, that you and ourselves ought
to join together, in order to save all of us from being
hurt, or from losing, or from falling. Let us, there
fore, exert ourselves, you at your end of the chain of
peace, and we at our end ; in order, that we may keep
this chain bright and shining. So, shall we act to
each other like brothers^ — so, shall we be able to sup
port and assist each other, against our common ene
mies — so, shall we be able, to stand together in perfect
safety, against those evil men; who in the end mean
to ruin you, as well as ourselves who are their own
flesh and blood.
I am informed, that you have been told, that your
brothers the white people in Chariestown, used you
ill, when they seized some ammunition which your
tradei-s intended to have sent you. It is true, my
friends, that we did seize this ammunition; and I tell
you, that your brothers the white people seized it with
great concern; because, they knew their seizing it
would in some degree distress you. But I tell you
also, the men about the Great King, are the only per-

TO CHAPTER IX. 425
sons to be blamed in this affair; for, as we found that
these men persuaded the Great King to send soldiers
against us, and to stop all kinds of ammunition from
coming to us as usual, in order that we should not be
able to defend ourselves; so, these men about the
Great King, by this proceeding compelled us to seize
such ammunition for our defence, as came among us
by accident: and accordingly, we greedily seized the
ammunition that was intended for your hunting, in
order, to have in our hands the means of defending
our lives, our money, and your deer skins, as I told
you before, against our oppressors. And this beha
viour of ours, was so natural and just, that we knew
that when we came to talk to you on the matter, you
would think we did nothing but what was just — and,
what you would have done, had you been in our situa
tion. However, the ammunition that was seized,
was intended to be sold to you; but, to show you that
we regard you as brothers, we intend to make you a
present of some. We wish, we were able to give you
as much as your occasions require: but, as the Great
King has so ordered it, that we cannot get much for
ourselves, and as we expect to fight our enemies;
therefore, we cannot afford to give you much of what
we have. I know your good sense will inform you,
that this is perfectly reasonable: and, that we ought
not to give away so much ammunition, as would leave
us, and you also, exposed to enemies, who, as I told
you before, cannot hurt us, without hurting you also.
It is a concern to us when we reflect, that the pre
sent quarrel occasions a scarcity of goods in your na
tion. But goods are scarce with us also; and we
submit to this inconvenience cheerfully, rather than
purchase those goods; which if we did purchase, would
strengthen the hands of our oppressors against us.
We hopcj oiir example will encourage you, to suffer
this scarcity as patiently as we do. When the public
54

426 APPENDIX
peace shall be restored, by our rights and privileges
being restored to us; and when we can purchase
goods without any risk of paying for them more, than
they are worth, by paying duties upon them contrary
to our consent, contrary'to our agreement, and con
trary to our, and to your interest; then, will you and
your children after you, be plentifully supplied again,
as usual. In the mean time, we advise you to be
patient; and to show you, that we look upon you as
brothers; and that we will give you all the friendly
aid, assistance, and supplies in our power — I say, as a
token of this, 1 take the coat off my own back, and I
give it to you. For my part, in this unhappy time, I
will be content to wear an Osnaburg split-shirt.*
I hear that one of your people has lately been killed,
and that two others were at the same time wounded,
by some of the white people on the ceded lands in
Georgia. I feel great grief at this news. Mr. Wil
kinson is just come from Essenecca, and has brought
me a talk from the Warriors and Head Men, who were
nine days ago assembled at that town in council upon
the occasion of this bad news. In this talk, the War
rior Sawney says, he and the other Warriors remem
ber, that in the last treaty of peace it was agreed, that
if any white man should be killed by their people, the
perpetrators of the murder should be put to death;
and that the same satisfaction should be given by the
white people, in case one of your people should be
murdered by ours. Sawney also says, that the War-
" Split-shirts, were worn very much by the people of the upper country at
that time. They were ornamentally made, and were split, or open before;
hence their name -. and were worn in summer as coats are, over other dress.
Mr. Drayton thought proper to adapt his dress to tbe customs of the people he
was among ; and when he finished his progress and returned to Chariestown,
he wore his split-shirt at particular times ; which introduced it in some mea
sure in the lower parts of the colony, at a time, when merchandize was scarce,
and economy desirable.

TO CHAPTER IX. 427
riors and beloved men will wait to see if this will be
complied with or not; and in the mean time they will
not think of resentment, or of saying any thing to
lessen our friendship. The Warrior Chenesto, also
sends a good talk, and says he does not desire to break
the line of friendship, which the beloved men who are
dead and gone, drew between us. These talks sound
Well in my ears; and in return to these good talks, I
tell you, that this matter shall with all possible speed
be inquired into; and, if the white people have done
wrong, and, without provocation, have killed your
countryman, you may be assured that those white peo
ple who were concerned in such a wicked and black
affair, shall be punished ; and thereby, your people
will have satisfaction according to the treaty. 1 desire
you will tell the relations of the poor man who has
been killed, how much I am concerned at their loss.
I am told that he has left a widow, and children: 1
give these presents, and I desire you will carry them
to the unfortunate widow ; in order to show Ker, that
all the white people in this country pity her misfortune.
Friends and Brother Warriors, — this talk I give to
you, as a talk of peace and friendship — as a talk to
open your eyes — and as a good talk, from all the be
loved men and white people of this country, to you
and your beloved men, and all the red men of your
nation. I give you this talk, as so much oil to keep
the chain of peace and friendship between us bright,
and shining, like the sun. And, as in the corn-plant
ing season, the sun warms the earth, and makes the
corn to sprout and to grow for the good of the people ;
so, I hope this talk will warm your hearts; and make
thoughts of friendship and good will sprout and grow
in you and your people, for the mutual good of our
people, and of your nation.

428

APPENDIX

No. VI.
A List of the Names, and Numbers of Towns; also,
the Number of Men in the Cherokee Nation: as fur
nished William Henry Drayton in 1 775, by Richard
Pearis.

LOWER TOWNS.

MIDDLE SETTLEWENTS AND

OVER-HILLS.

VALLIES.

Men.
Men.
Men.
Estatoe,
4IJ
Little Highwassy,
12
Chilkowee,
120
Qualache,
30
Chaneusay,
50
Setfaco,
160
Toxaway,
51
Cutolope,
12
Chota,
100
Sugar-Town, .
29
Kevvone,
30
Island,
21)0
Socauny,
26
Nottelly,
25
Toco,
40
Esseneca,
80
Little Tellico,
12
luskege,
12
Cheowee,
29
Noewee,
50
Mouth of the River,
40
Tugelow,
30
Temotly,
50
Nachy Creek,
15
Little Chota, -
41
Burning-Town,
30
Tellico,
30
Little Chota,
•60
Highwassy,
40
356
.S'acutche,
30

Callugojoy, -
10
757
Cewecutie,
10
Cheowee,
15
Fork of River,
12
Cowee,
100
Joree,
50
IVottogo,
40
Nucesy,
60
Noewee,
60
Cheowee,
100
Cannowca,
15
Econevvrighty,
45
Middle Settlements and Vallies,
908
Lowpi
Towns,
356
Over-Hills,
• - -
757
Total, Cherokee Men,
2021
C?" In the above list, some towns appear to be
twice or thrice mentioned ; but as it was copied from
the original document, no attempts have been made to
reconcile any irregularities. The same observation
will apply, as to the numbers of men.
T0 OiJAi>ttfe IX. 429

No. vn.
Letter from Henry Laurens, Presidmt of the Gotirieil
of Safety, to William Phnry Drayton^
Chariestown, 21st September 1775.
Sir, We refer to our last, dated the 16th, by your
messenger from Ninety-Six, which we hope has
reached you; and that you are now on your way to
meet those Indians, who, led by Captain Pearis, came
from the Cherokees at your command : and who have,
irt the utmost anxiety and impatience, been many days
waiting for you.
We have several copies of intercepted letters from
the Superintendant, at St. Augustine, to his Agents in
the nation ; they look so much like design to amuse
us, that we hold it unnecessary to trouble you with
them : but, since you have entered upon that branch, a
caution against every stratagem may not be unneces
sary. Pearis applies for a commission, to the Good
Warrior; if one is granted, it must be special: and you
will be the best judge of the necessary terms — we have
therefore, referred him to you.
Col. Wofford has likewise applied for commissions,
in order to erect a whole regiment in the Colony's ser
vice, from Fletchall's District. For that purpose, we
send you thirty-four, signed by us ; and blanks left, for
you to fill up. You will keep a copy of the names of
officers, &c. as formerly directed.
We are called together, by an alarming account,
which threatens the destruction of this town by three

430 APPENDIX, &c.
frigates and a bomb ketch ; we hope it may prove a
groundless report: but, it becomes us to act instantly,
as if it was real. We shall be glad to hear, that you
have established peace and quietness on our backs;
and of your outset for Chariestown, as soon as possible
after, as you please.
By order of the Council.
HENRY LAURENS, President.
The Hon. William Henry Drayton, Esq.
Head- Quarters, Ninety-Six.

END OF VOL. I,

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