YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Founded 1791 Committee of Publication CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS ARTHUR LORD MORTON DEXTER1 GAMALIEL BRADFORD, JUN. WORTHINGTON CHAUNCEY FORD 1 Died, October 29, 1910 cm % e?v^>' I A3- k 1 $R*tei WILLIAM BRADFORD TO JOHN W» J^foM-A s<' r-Wc./"^-'"*- 0/ ' 7>£*~ /-/&».•-* *J"«!f"- ' far-** ift«ct- C-* y „./ £»**rf*'rlC*' ~V^ 6 kJ~ ,A*cA r*l^ . „ . JL %r\ WINTHROP, APRIL 11, 1638. HISTORY OF Plymouth Plantation 1620-1647 By William Bradford IN TWO VOLUMES : VOLUME I The Massachusetts Historical Society 1 9 1 2 COPYRIGHT, 1912 BY THE MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY Published November 1012 YAtE\ Contents List of Illustrations . BOOK I Chap. I. The early church and its trials. Satan introduces ceremonies and un profitable canons. Kindles flames of contention. Religious exiles to the con tinent. Differences in Queen Mary's time. Persecution for conformity. The name Puritan. The downfall of the Bishops. John Smyth's church. Clifton, Robinson and Brewster. Determination to go to the Low Countries . . 3 Chap. II. Difficulty of removal. Attempt at Boston and disastrous conse quences. The second attempt at Hull, and forced separation of party. The storm at sea. Pitiful situation of the emigrants. Good impression made on the magistrates. Reunion in Holland 28 Chap. III. Situation in Holland. Coming of Robinson and Brewster. Defection of John Smyth. Removal to Leyden. Happy course of the church under Robinson. Slanders raised against the congregation. Comparison with the Walloons. Robinson's public dispute on Arminianism 36 Chap. IV. Reasons for removing from Holland. . The hard toil and effect on the younger generation. Considerations on America. Cruelty of the natives. Cost of transportation. Reply to objections. End of truce with the Spaniards . 52 Chap. V. Place of settlement. Guiana and the Spaniards. Virginia favored. Mission to England and the Virginia Company. Permission of the King. Letter of Sir Edwin Sandys. Reply to Robinson and Brewster. Letter and notes to Sir John Wolstenholme. Letter from Sabine Staresmore. Robert Cushman on dissension in the Virginia Company. BlackwelPs unfortunate voyage. Staresmore on Blackwell and his own difficulties. Patent to Whincop 61 Chap. VI. Agreement as to departure. Appearance of Thomas Weston. Carver and Cushman go to England. Charter for New England. Distraction in the Leyden congregation. Weston makes difficulties. The conditions entered into. Robinson to Carver. Joint letter to the commissioners. Reply by Cushman. Arrangements made by Cushman. Martin and the expenditure of money. Cushman's letter 97 vi Contents Chap. VII. Departure from Leyden and sailing from Delftshaven. Arrival at Southampton. Alteration of the agreement. Weston's displeasure. Letter to the merchants. Robinson's letters of advice. Embarkation . . . .121 Chap. VIII. Forced to return by leaky ship. Second sailing and return. Divi sion of the company and final departure of one ship. Cushman turns back. His letter to Southworth 137 Chap. IX. Incidents of the voyage. Death of a profane young man. Bowing of a main beam. Experience of John Howland. Death of Butten. Cape Cod sighted. Attempt to sail to the southward. Refuge in Cape Cod harbor. Re flections on their situation 149 Chap. X. Exploration of the Cape. Appearance of the savages. Discovery of Indian graves and corn. Finding of Pamet River. Importance of the Indian corn. Journey to the bottom of the bay. First encounter with the Indians. Seek harbor on advice of Coppin. Heavy storm and refuge in harbor. Deter mination to settle 162 BOOK II 1620. "Compact" and selection of Governor. Difficult beginnings and discon tents. Great mortality in the company. Care of the sick. Conduct of captain and crew. Coming of Samoset, Massasoit and Tisquantum. Treaty made with Massasoit. Tisquantum's history. Dermer's experiences in the country. Conjuration by the Powahs. Return of spring and better conditions . . 189 1621. Return of the Mayflower, and causes of her detention. Planting of Indian corn. Death of Governor Carver. Bradford chosen to be governor. First marriage, a civil contract. Visit to Massasoit. Billington lost in the woods. Hobbamack and Tisquantum attacked by Corbitant. Peace with the Indians. Visit to Massachusetts Bay. Harvest and supply of food. Arrival of the For tune, and fears of her passengers. Weston's letter to Carver. Return of the Fortune with Cushman. Weston's desertion. Letter from the plantation. Dis tribution of new-comers. Threatening message from the Narragansetts. Fortifications raised and watches established. Incident of Christmas Day 214 1622. Jealousies of Tisquantum, and rumors of Indian plots. Tisquantum and the plague. Arrival of a shallop from Weston's ship, with passengers. Weston's letter. Failure of supplies. Weston offers a new agreement. Weston on Pickering and Pickering's letter. Cushman on capture of the Fortune and Weston's men. Pierce's letter. Weston's company at New Plymouth. Aid from John Huddleston. Construction of a fort. Want of food and Jones' visit. Letter of John Pory. Weston's company leave New Plymouth. Joint trading for corn. Death of Tisquantum. Threats by Sanders against Indians 252 Contents vii 1623. Reasons for Sanders' necessities. Sufferings and debasements of Weston's men. Sickness of Massasoit. Intelligence of hostile intentions of Indians. End of Weston's settlement. Arrival of Weston and his troubles. Borrows beaver of New Plymouth and his ill conduct. Allotment of lands in severalty. Comment on communism. Martyr on sufferings of the Spaniards. The fishing boat and its success. Letter from the adventurers. John Peirce and his at tempt at planting. Purchase of the Peirce patent. Hardships encountered by the Anne. Arrival of Francis West and sale of supplies. Coming of the Anne. Cushman's letter on quality of emigrants. Letter from the adventurers. Dis appointment of the new-comers. Stipulations as to food. Conditions applied to those on their particulars. Robert Gorges and his commission. Charges against Weston. Interference of Bradford, and the return made. Fire in the store-house. Arrest of Weston, and subsequent release. Morell and his object. Poor results from the pinnace 288 1624. Election and number of assistants. Wreck of the pinnace. Factious con duct of particular planters. Winslow's return with cattle. Letters of Sherley and Cushman. Reply to objections. Letters from Robinson. High value placed on Indian corn. Lands given to planters. Failure of fishing at Cape Ann. Death of the ship carpenter. Conduct of the salt maker. Lyford and his reception. Combines with Oldham to raise a faction. Opening of their let ters. Exposure of their opposition. Charges contained in Lyford's letters. His repentance. Oldham and Lyford expelled from the plantation, but Lyford re-admitted. Renews his opposition. His letter to the adventurers. Reply by the governor to charges. Pinnace raised and refitted. The settlement strength ened by its factions 350 1625. Return of Oldham and his expulsion. Coming of Winslow and Peirce. Old ham's removal to Virginia, repentance and death. Lyford's career in Ireland. Attempt to defend him to the adventurers. His removal to Natasco and death in Virginia. Adventurers break over the Lyford matter. Criticisms of the plantations, and reply. Letter from the adventurers. Fishing ventures and their failure. Standish sent to England. Difficulties in borrowing money. Fair situation of the plantation 411 1626. Return of Standish. Death of Pastor Robinson. Letter of Roger White. Death of Cushman and sickness of Sherley. Planting of Indian corn. Trading goods purchased at Monhegan. Wreck of French ship. Remittance to Eng land. Allerton sent to England. A trading vessel constructed . . . 440 Illustrations Letter of William Bradford to John Winthrop, April ii, 1638, with draft of reply in Winthrop's Writing. From the Winthrop Papers in the Massachusetts Historical Society. Printed in 4 Mass. Hist. Collections, vi. 156 Frontispiece Facsimile of page of the Bradford MS 3 Heretics, 1645. From John Graunt, Truths Victory. John Carter Brown Library 5 Signature of Robert Browne 9 Signature of Francis Johnson 9 Signatures of Archbishops Matthew Parker and John Whitgift, and of Bishops Edmund Grindal, Robert Horne, Richard Cox, and John Jewel. P. R. 0 10 Title-page of Bible, Geneva Version, belonging to Increase Mather. Original in the Massachusetts Historical Society 15 Broadside: Reasons of the House of Commons Why Bishops ought not to have votes in Parliament. B. M 17 Constitutions and Canons, 1604. From library of J. H. Benton 21 Signature of John Smyth (Se-Baptist) 22 Map of the Scrooby Region. From the Ordnance Survey 23 Letter of James I. P. R. 0 27 St. Helen's Church, Austerfield 28 Proclamation, "touching Passengers," 1606 29 Proclamation, prohibiting emigration without license, 1607 . . .31 Map of the East Coast of England, by Philip Lea 33 Proclamation, "for the preventing and remedying of the dearth of Graine, and other Victuals," 1608 35 Map of the Coast of Holland 37 University of Leyden. From Orler's Beschryving der Stad Leyden, 1614 . . 39 Dutch Weaver, 1610. From a copperplate by C. Dankerts 41 Illustrations Plan of the City of Leyden, Seventeenth Century 45 Library of the University of Leyden. From Orler's Beschryving der Stad Ley den, 1614 47 Signature of Simon Episcopius. From a ms. in the University of Leyden . 49 Signature of Johan Polyander. From a ms. in the University of Leyden . 50 Amsterdam: Gateway leading to Leyden. From Orler's Beschryving der Stad Leyden, 1614 Si House and lot of John Robinson in Leyden 58 Signature of Sir Walter Ralegh. P. R. 0 61 Title-page of Harcourt's A Relation of a Voyage to Gviana, 1613. John Carter Brown Library 63 Subscription to the London Company of Virginia, 1610. P. R. O. . . 65 Letter of Captain John Smith, original in Dorchester House, London . . 67 Seal of the London Company of Virginia. From the title-page of Smith's Generall Historic, 1626 69 Seven Articles sent from the Leyden Church, 161 7. P. R. O. . . . 71 Signature of Sir Edwin Sandys. P. R. 0 73 Title-page of Robinson's The People's Plea, 1618 74 Title-page of Robinson's Apologia iusta et necessaria, 1619 75 Signature of Sir John Wolstenholme. P. R. 0 77 Proclamation on the Oath of Allegiance, 1608 81 Signature of George Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury. P. R. O. . 83 Signature of Thomas Smythe. P. R. 0 85 Signature of Samuel Argall. P. R. 0 86 Signature of George Yeardley. P. R. 0 87 Letter of Johan Polyander on Brewer's Types. P. R. 0 91 Signature of John Delbridge. P. R. 0 101 Seal of the New England Company. From the title-page cf Smith's Generall Historic, 1626 102 Merchant Ship of Venice, 1629. From Furttenbach's Architectura Navalis, and Hakluyt Society 123 Delftshaven. From a plate in the possession of Mr. Arthur Lord . . .125 Illustrations xi Embarkation of the Pilgrims at Delftshaven. From an old painting. (Mul- ler, Onze Gouden Eeuw, n. 377) 127 Coins and Medals of the Period, from the cabinet of the American Numis matic Society, New York 131 1. England. Charles I. Silver pound, 1642. 2. Netherlands. Albert and Isabella of Spain. Silver ducaton, 1619. (The "hand" is the mint-mark of Antwerp.) 3. England. Charles I Medal: Dominion of the Sea, 1630, by Nicholas Briot (silver). 4. England. James I. Peace with Spain, 1604 (silver). 5. Holland. Maurice, Prince of Orange, 1624, by J. V. Bylaer (silver). 6. Holland. Deventer, 1609. Medal on twelve years' truce with Spain. 7. England. James I. Gold sovereign, without date. 8. Holland. Gold rijder of Overyssel, 1616. 9. England. Charles I. Gold triple unite, or three-pound piece, 1643. Title-page of Sandys' A Relation of the State of Religion, 1605, with Signa ture of John Robinson 133 English Merchant Ship, 1585. From White's drawing in British Museum . 137 Title-page of Smith's Description of New England, 1616. John Carter Brown Library 139 The South Coast of England, by Philip Lea 141 Merchant Ship of Venice, 1629, measurements. See above, p. 123 . 143, 147 Signature of John Howland 151 Part Of Champlain's Map, 1612, Cape Mallebarre 153 Part of Lescarbot's Map, 1609. Cape Mallebarre 157 Signature of Nathaniel Morton. M. H. S 159 Map laid before the States General, August, 1616. Royal Archives at The Hague 161 Dexter's map of the Explorations 1620. From Mourt's Relation, 1865 . 163 Pring's Barricade at Patuxet, 1603. After Van der Aa 169 Indian shell Heaps on Cape Cod. From Smithsonian Report, 1883 . . 172 Welles' Survey of Clark's Island, New Plymouth Harbour, 1688. M. H. S 175 Pring's Harbor, New Plymouth, 1603. After Van der Aa 181 xii Illustrations Champlain's Port du Cap St. Louis (New Plymouth), 1605 • • • • i83 Smith's Map of New England (State 2). New York Public Library . .189 Bradford's Plan of the Meersteads and garden Plots, New Plymouth 1620. From Records at Plymouth 194 Map of New Plymouth Harbor. From Dexter's Edition of Mourt's Rela tion, 1865 I9S Algonkin Indians, by Champlain 197 Signatures of Ousamekin (Massasoit), Wamsutta and Tasomockon. M. H. S 200 Title-page of a Brief Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of New England, 1622. John Carter Brown Library 205 Signature of Passaconaway. M. H. S 211 Printing Office, England, Seventeenth Century. From Green's History of England 212 Title-page of A most humble Supplication, 1621 217 Sowams, residence of Ousamekin. From a ms. Map of Ezra Stiles, M. H. S. 221 Champlain's Map of Mallebarre. (Nauset Harbor) 223 Title-page of Cushman's 'Sermon preached at Plimmoth in New England, 1622 237 Signature of William Hilton. From the Winthrop Papers, M. H. S. . . 240 Title-page of Winslow's Good N ewes from New-England, 1624 .... 243 Patent issued to John Peirce, 1621. From the original at Plymouth, Mass. 246 Title-page of Smith's Advertisements for the unexperienced Planters of New England, 1 63 1. John Carter Brown Library 261 Signature of John Pory. British Museum 278 Title-page of Ainsworth's Annotations upon the Fourth Book of Moses, 1619. Boston Public Library 279 Title-page of Mourt's Relation, 1622. John Carter Brown Library . . 285 Portion of John Winthrop's Map of New England, showing the Wes- sagusset settlement 289 Signature of Phinehas Pratt 293 Signature of William Peirce. From the Winthrop Papers, M. H. S. . . 309 Signature of Francis West. P. R. 0 311 Illustrations xiii Proclamation prohibiting interloping and disorderly trading to New England in America, 1622. P. R. 0 313 The Black Pynnes [Pinnace]. From Hakluyt's Principal Navigations, Hak- luyt Society, xi. 401 315 Signature of Christopher Levett 328 Title-page of Levett's Voyage into New England, 1608. John Carter Brown Library .' 329 Signature of Sir Ferdinando Gorges 337 Signature of Samuel Maverick. From the Winthrop Papers, M. H. S. . 337 Title-Page of Morell's New-England, 1625. M. H. S 339 Signature of John Bridge. P. R. 0 351 Champlain's Map of Le Beau Port (Cape Ann) 358 Champlain's drawings of New England fruits and plants, with notes by Prof. Merritt L. Fernald 358 Title-page of John White's The Planters Plea, 1630. John Carter Brown Library 359 Signature of John White. From the Winthrop Papers, M. H. S. . . . 361 Proclamation for Suppressing insolent Abuses, 1621. P. R. O. . . 365 Signature of Myles Standish. Boston Public Library 368 Map showing the division of territory to the members of the Council for New England. From Purchas His Pilgrimes, iv. 1872 375 Title-Page of The Book of Common Prayer, 1605. Benton Collection . . 387 Signature of Emanuel Altham. P. R. 0 404 Patent for Cape Ann, 1623. From the original in.the Essex Institute, Salem 407 Proclamation for settling the Plantation of Virginia, 1625 . . . 415 Petition of Roger Conant, 1671. M. H. S 418 View of a Fishing Stage. From Keith's History of the British Plantations in America, 1738 '. 421 Title-page of Robinson's A Just and Necessarie Apologie of Certain Christians . . . called Brownists or Barrowists. 1625. John Carter Brown Library . 425 Proclamation "for a generall and publike Thankesgiuing," on the Plague. 1625. P. R. 0 429 Title-page of A Forme of Prayer, necessary to bee vsed in these dangerous times, of warre and Pestilence, 1626 437 xiv Illustrations Title-page of Robinson's Essayes, 1638. John Carter Brown Library . . 441 Signature of Charles I as Prince of Wales. M. H. S 443 Certificate of Antonius Walaeus and Festus Hommius on John Robinson, 1628. Boston Public Library 445 Memorial Tablet to John Robinson placed on St. Peter's Church in Ley den, in 1891, by the National Council of Congregational Churches of the United States 446 Signature of Abraham Shurt. From the Winthrop Papers, M. H. S. . . 447 Note The Pilgrim Fathers at first established themselves at Plymouth as a matter of necessity. Later, they with deliberation chose to remain in a place which was soon overshadowed and absorbed by a colony occupying a site in every respect more advantageous. For nearly ten years, however, the planters at New Plymouth remained the only English settlers north of Chesapeake Bay, a few scattered fishing and trading establishments alone excepted. Prior to 1630 the history of New Plymouth was the history of New England. The earlier settlements were sporadic in character, and unim portant so far as the subsequent settlement was concerned, exercising no appreciable influence upon it. Their story has been told in all necessary de tail. With the coming of the Endecott party the importance of the neigh boring plantation declined, and as Massachusetts Bay increased in numbers and influence, New Plymouth lost authority, and with the confederation of 1643 threw its lot in with the more powerful bodies. As an historical factor it practically ceased to exist. Bradford began to write his History in 1630; the last year of annals included in his work was 1646, but he wrote as late as 1650. He thus covered the whole period of the historical importance of New Plymouth. Before 1630 his story stands unique in American annals; beginning with that year the History of Winthrop complements and enlarges the record. The Bradford History has been issued in four distinct editions. The Massa chusetts Historical Society printed it in 1856, with notes by Charles Deane.1 In 1895 the Bradford ms. was reproduced in fac-simile by photography, with an introduction by John Andrew Doyle. Six years later, and after the ms. had been transferred to the custody of the State of Massachusetts, the Gen eral Court of Massachusetts printed an edition, avowedly based upon the text of the Deane edition, but claiming to be improved by a careful collation with the original ms. In 1908 Dr. John Franklin Jameson included the History in the series of "Original Narratives of early American History," with notes by William Thomas Davis of Plymouth, but with some important omissions 1 4 Mass. Hist. Collections, in. An edition of fifty copies was also printed on thicker paper for private distribution. XVI Note in the text. Only in the photographic reproduction was the text complete, and in that form it was not readily available for general reading. In the present edition of the Bradford History the text is printed in its entirety for the first time. The original was taken as a foundation, and twice has the printer's proof been collated with the fac-simile of Doyle. The omissions of earlier issues have been made good, and verbal changes have been introduced where the reading of the ms. has been at fault. The treat ment of the text follows generally that adopted by Mr. Deane. The ortho graphy of the original has been preserved; but in a few instances obvious errors of inadvertence have been corrected. The peculiar use of the time of the letters u and v, and i and /, has not been followed, as a matter of no importance. While Mr.- Deane printed such for shuck, because of corrections in the manuscripts, this edition adopts shuck, as other manuscripts of Brad ford show that was his spelling of the word. The underscoring of words and sentences in the original was due to Prince and not Bradford, and is not fol lowed in this edition. Notes by Bradford and Prince are not quoted, but are ascribed to the writers as part of the original manuscript; those by Mr. Deane are quoted and signed. All else has been added by the Editor of the present volume. The paging of the manuscript has been preserved in brackets, making easy reference to the editions prepared by Mr. Deane and the State of Massachu setts. References to first or contemporary issues of authorities are indicated by an asterisk before the page number. In annotating and illustrating the text whatever was authentic and of contemporaneous origin has been brought into the notes, so as to present as full a picture of the life of the plantation at the time as the available records will permit. Charles Francis Adams. Arthur Lord. Gamaliel Bradford, Jr. Worthington Chauncey Ford, Editor. Boston, July, 1912. Of Plimmoth Plantation JLndfirst of the occasion and Indusments ther unto ; the which that I may truly unfould, I must begine at the very roote and rise of the same. The which I shall endevor to manefest in a plaine stile ; with singuler regard unto the simple trueth in all things ', at least as near as my slenderjudgmente can attaine the same. tjTyf jafmoK ' $fajtt#Aon. 4 i tx ei MemM, after- j-tf-t-yfL &arr£ncs afifoiftrj w£i?& £«*rs.&. "flffi''"* tuer inn 4t*J#r^i*»Jhf&«r&« *#*" ««*¦**" R, W.« *>»>* efi& fr *>""*-, <« »f* °"# *** «"«*"*»»•«£- /.uts. eucx h#i,A~J S**^Jj^^4im*''4/!'*trS,t'ai Chapter IT is well knowne unto the godly and judicious, how ever since the first breaking out of the lighte of the gospell, in our Hon ourable Nation of England (which was the first of nations, whom the Lord adorned ther with, affter that grosse darknes of popery which had covered, and overspred the christian worled) what warrs, and opposissions ever since Satan hath raised, maintained, and con tinued against the Saincts, from time, to time, in one sorte, or other.1 Some times by bloody death and cruell torments, other whiles Imprisonments, banishments, and other hard usages. As be ing loath his kingdom should goe downe, the trueth prevaile; and the churches of God reverte to their anciente puritie; and recover their primative order, libertie, and bewtie.2 But when he could not 1 The writings of Bradford from which may be gathered his views of church and church government are confined to certain parts of this History, and two Dialogues or conferences, which will appear in another volume. The times in which those confer ences were prepared are not known, though the first conference is dated 1648, and the manuscript of the third conference bears upon its first leaf the date 1652. These years, thus noted, may suggest the time of writing. Nathaniel Morton, then secretary of Plymouth, copied the first dialogue into the records of the Plymouth Church, and thus preserved it from the fate of the second, of which not even the subject is known. This Dialogue, taken from Morton's record, first appeared in print in 1841, as a part of Alexander Young's scholarly compilation, Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers. Nearly fifteen years later the History was printed by the Massa chusetts Historical Society, and in 1870 the same society published in its Proceedings (xi. 396) the third conference, with an introduction by Charles Deane. Bradford treats of the disputes on doctrine and form of church government in the Dialogues in such a manner as to prove his wide readings and his intense convictions; and his summary in these paragraphs of the History is masterly in its brevity, simplicity, and comprehensiveness. ! "The true church and the proper gouermente of the same, is to be knowne by the scriptures, and to be measured only by that rule, the primatiue paterne; which church and the gouermente of the same is sufficiently described and layed down in the writ- History of prevaile by these means, against the maine trueths of the gospell, but that they began totakerootting in many places; being watered with the blooud of the martires, and blessed from heaven with a gra cious encrease; He then begane to take him to his anciente strate- gemes, used of old against the first christians. That when by the bloody, and barbarous persecutions of the Heathen Emperours, he could not stoppe, and subverte the course of the Gospell; but that it speedily overspred, with a wounderfull celeritie, the then best known parts, of the world; He then begane to sow errours, here sies, and wounderfull dissentions amongst the proffessours them selves (working upon their pride, and ambition, with other corrupte passions, incidente to all mortall men; yea to the saints them selves in some measure.) By which wofull effects followed; as not only bitter contentions, and hartburnings, schismes, with other horrible confusions. But Satan tooke occasion and advantage therby to foyst in a number of vile ceremoneys, with many unproffitable Can nons, and decrees which have since been as snares, to many poore and peaceable souls, even to this day.1 So as in the anciente times, ings of the apostles and euangelists." As the Roman Catholic church affirmed that the church was not known by the word of God, but the word of God was known by the church, the differences between the two systems of church government were irrecon cilable, and the form or structure of the Romish church was regarded as of human, not of divine, institution. Bradford states the question more at large in the Third Con ference, and fully displays the strong hatred of the Catholic church entertained by the Puritans. He exhibits the claims and sins of the Papacy in such a light as to lead his hearers, the "young men" of Plymouth, to exclaim, "the Lord keepe vs farrfromher iniquitie, that we may be kept from her plagues." Nor were the lines of his exposition of the dealings of the English hierarchy any less severe in criticism. It was long before the fear of the Roman church ceased to exercise a strong influence upon the polity of Massachusetts Bay in its internal as well as its external features. Much the same pre judice existed in the colony against the English State church until the end of the seventeenth century. 1 For the beginnings of the Reformation Bradford has only good words, so far as the power of the papacy was cast off, and "the purity of doctrine in the cheefe foundations of religion restored." In the power of godliness the English church attained to as great height as other Reformed churches, but in matters of church government, he believed, Plimmoth Plantation the persecutions by the heathen, and their Emperours, was not greater then of the christians one against other. The Arians, and " HERETICS," 1645 l other their complices, against the orthodoxe and true christians. As witneseth Socrates in his -2- booke.2 His words are these; the vio- much remained to be improved. A lordly hierarchy, governed by almost the same laws, exercising much the same discipline, and claiming the same authority as under the papacy, interfered with that freedom of worship and of church regulation of which the Reformation gave promise. The rapid and complete changes in the religion of the State, necessitated by an alternation of rulers who were catholic or protestant, could not but give occasion to schism and persecution, to insincerity and fanaticism. In time questions of fundamental beliefs gave place to questions of church government, and hence the overwhelming importance attached by the Puritans and other non-con formists to ceremonies, and the many attempts to solve the question by individual measures, taken independently of the State. 1 This cut is taken from the title-page of John Graunt, Truths Victory against Heresie (1645). The "heretics" represented are: Papists, Arians, Brownists, Armin- ians, Anabaptists, Monarchists, Independents, Antinomians, and Millenarists. s Lib. 2, Chap. 22. — Bradford. Socrates (circa 379 A.D.),surnamedScholasticus, History of lence truly {saith he) was no less then that of ould, practised towards the christians when they were compelled, and drawne to sacrifice to I doles; for many endured sundrie kinds of tormente, often rackings, and dismembering of their joynts; confiscating of ther goods; some bereaved of their native soy le; others departed this life under the hands of the tor mentor, and some died in banishmente, and never saw ther cuntrie againe &c. The like methode Satan hath seemed to hold in these later times, since the trueth begane to springe and spread after the great defec tion made by Antichrist that man of sinne.1 For to let pass the infinite examples in sundrie nations, and sev eral! places of the world, and instance in our owne. When as that old Serpente could not prevaile by those firie flames and other his cruell Tragedies which he (by his instruments) put in ure,2 every wher in the days of queene Mary, and before. He then begane an other kind of warre, and went more closely to worke, not only to oppuggen,3 but even to ruinate and destroy the kingdom of christ, by more secrete and subtile means, by kindling the flames of con tention, and sowing the seeds of discorde, and bitter enmitie amongst the proffessors (and seeming reformed) them selves. For when he could not prevaile (by the former means) against the principall doc- a Greek, and a lawyer and ecclesiastical historian. He wrote a continuation of the history of Eusebius, entitled History of the Church from 306 to 409 a.d. It was printed in Latin at Bale in 1544, and in an English translation by Meredith Hanmer, at Lon don, in 1577. The reference in Bradford should be to Lib. 2, Chap. 27. 1 " For Wycliffe and his adherent John Purvey . . . as on the other hand for Hus, the conviction that the papacy is essentially Antichrist is absolute. Finally, if Luther advanced in his contest with the papacy with greater and greater energy, he did so because he was borne on by the conviction that the pope in Rome was Antichrist. And if in the Augustana the expression of this conviction was suppressed for political reasons, in the Articles of Schmalkalden, drawn up by him, Luther propounded it in the most uncompromising fashion. This sentence was for him an articulus stantis et cadentis ecclesise." Wilhelm Bousset, in Encyclopedia Britannica (nth ed.), 11. 123, where he has given the history of the Antichrist myth. To the Pilgrims the " man of sinne" was a terrifying reality. » Operation, use, or practice. * Oppugn, to oppose actively. Plimmoth Plantation trines of faith; he bente his force against the holy disipline, and out ward regimente of the kingdom of christ, by which those holy doc trines should be conserved, and true pietie maintained amongest the saints, and people of God. Mr. Foxe recordeth, how that besides those worthy martires and conffessors which were burned in queene Marys days and otherwise tormented,1 many {both studients, and others) fled out of the land, to the number of *8oo. And became severall congregations. At Wesell, Frankford, Bassill, Emden, Markpurge, Strausborugh, and Geneva, &c. Amongst whom (but especialy those at Frankford) begane that bitter warr of contention and persecution aboute the cere monies, and servise-booke, and other popish and antichristian stuffe, the plague of England to this day, which are like the high- plases in Israeli, which the prophets cried out against, and were their ruine; [3] Which the better parte sought, (according to the puritie of the gospell,) to roote out, and utterly to abandon. And the other parte (under veiled pretences) for their ouwn ends, and advancments, sought as stifly, to continue, maintaine, and defend. As appeareth by the discourse therof published in printe, Anno: 1575- (a booke that deserves better to be knowne, and considred.)2 1 Acts and Mon[uments of the Christian Church] : pag. 1 587. editi : 2. — Bradford. * A Brief Discours off the Troubles begonne at Franckford in Germany Anno Domini 1554. Aboute the Bookeoff off Common Prayer and Ceremonies, and continued by the Eng lish* men theyre, to thende off Q. Maries Raigne. The work was compiled by William Whittingham (i524?-i579), one of the exiles in Queen Mary's time, whose intention of making Frankfort the ecclesiastical centre for the English exiles on the Continent was frustrated by differences arising on the use of Edward VI.'s second prayer book without material change, and its revision in the line of Calvinism. Dexter conjectured that the book was printed at Zurich, but Pollard {Dictionary of National Biography, i.xi. 151) says, "probably at Geneva, and in the same type as Cartwright's tracts." One known copy bears the date mdlxxiv, but others, 1575. It was reprinted in Lon don in 1642; in The Phoenix, 11. 44, in 1708; again in separate form in 1846, with an introduction by J. Petheram, who used information supplied by Thomas McCrie; in John Knox's Works (Bannatyne Club), iv. 1855, and in 1907, by Edward Arber. Pollard states that it is the only full account of the struggle extant, but its value is impaired by its polemical object. A copy of the edition of 1642 is in the Prince Library, deposited in the Public Library, Boston. 8 History of The one side laboured to have the right worship of God, and dis cipline of christ, established in the church, according to the simpli- sitie of the Gospell; without the mixture of mens inventions. And to have and to be ruled by the laws of Gods word; dispensed in those offices, and by those officers of pastors, Teachers, and Elders, &c, according to the Scriptures.1 The other partie, (though under many colours, and pretences) endevored to have the Episcopal dig- nitie (affter the popish maner) with their large power, and jurisdic tion, still retained; with all those courts, cannons, and ceremonies, togeather with all shuch livings, revenues, and subordinate officers, with other shuch means, as formerly upheld their antichristian greatnes. And enabled them with lordly, and tyranous power to persecute the poore servants of God. This contention was so great, as neither the honour of God, the commone persecution, nor the mediation of Mr. Calvin, and other worthies of the Lord, in those places, could prevaile with those thus Episcopally minded, but they proceeded by all means to disturbe the peace of this poor per secuted church. Even so farr as to charge (very unjustly, and un- godlily; yet prelate-like) some of their cheefe opposers, with rebel lion, and high treason against the Emperour, and other shuch crimes . And this contention dyed not with queene Mary; nor was left beyonde the seas, but at her death these people returning into England under gracious queene Elizabeth,2 many of them being 1 The Separatists in England claimed that a church, or congregation, should have the right to select its own pastor, elder, and other officers recognized by the Scriptures, and not be obliged to accept them on the nomination of a bishop, whether acting for pope or king. They accepted Calvin's rule, that those who are to exercise any public function in the church, should be chosen by common voices. The keys, by which were meant government and ecclesiastical power, belonged to the whole church, who alone could choose, ordain, confirm, or even depose its own officers, receive the worthy and ex communicate the guilty, when need required. " It is not only an injury and damage for any to deprive them of this their right and libertie; but that it was no lese than sacriledgeand tyranus usurpation in the lordly hierarchie so to doe." Bradford, Third Conference. 2 Queen Mary died November 17, 1558, and Elizabeth was declared her successor before noon of that day. The return of exiles followed promptly. Plimmoth Plantation preferred to bishopriks, and other promotions, according to their aimes and desires. That inveterate hatered against the holy disci pline of christ in his church hath continued to this day. In somuch that for fear [4] it should preveile, all plotts, and devices have been used to keepe it out, incensing the queene, and state against it as dangerous for the common wealth; And that it was most needfull that the fundamentall poynts of Religion should be preached in those ignorante, and superstitious times;1 And to wine the weake In 1597 some of the Queen's "faithful Subjects falsly called Brownistes" petitioned for permission to settle in Canada. They described themselves as "nowe lyving many of us in other Countries as mene exiles her highnes Domynions and the rest which remaine within her Graces land greatlie distressed throughe imprisonment and other great troubles sus- ijQoBtSlf 35 *-©v^'t^ tained onlie for some matters of conscience," and wished to go to Canada where "we may not onlie worshippe god as wee are in con science perswaded by his word, but also doe unto her Majestie, and our Country great good service, and in tyme also greatlie annoy that bloodie and persecuting Spaniard about the Baye of Mexico." In March of that year some merchants designed to form a settlement for fishing in the St. Lawrence, and obtained leave from the Privy Council to "take divers persons whose minds are continually in an ecclesiastical ferment," bonds to be given that they never should return unless willing to conform. Register of Privy Council, March 25, 1597- Three London merchants, Charles Leigh and Abraham and Steven Van Herwick, sent out two vessels to make a settlement upon the island of Rainea, one of the Magdalen Islands, in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Francis Johnson and Daniel Studley cr/iy bifliop;, and bccaufe of their Canonicall Obedience to'thenj. y Becaufe they are but for their lives , and therefore are not fit to have Le- giflative power over the HonoursJnheritanceSjPcrfonSjand liberties of other?. ' 6 Becaufe of Bifhops dependancy and expectancy of Tnrifhtions' to places of great profit. . ¦ * * 7 ThatfeverallBimopshaveoflitemucheftcroacht upon the Confidences- and Liberties of the Subjects, and they and their Succeffours wUl" be much en. courag'd ftill to encroach,and the Subjects will be much difcouraged from com- playning againft fuch encouragements, if twenty fixe of that Order bee to bee Judges upon thofe complainrsjthe fame reafon extends to their Legiflative pow er in any Bill to paffe forttie regulation ofvtheir power upon- any emergent in convenience by it. 8 Becaiu^ethewholenumberofthemisinterefledto maintain the Jurifdicti- on of Bifhops, which hath been found fo grievous to the three Kingdomcs,that Scotland hath utterly abolifhed it, and- Multitudes in England and inlaid have petitioned againft it.. 9 Becaufe the Bifhops being Lords of Parliament, it fetteth toogreatadi- Itancc between them and the reft of their Brethren in the Minift^ry , which oc- cifioneth pride in them, difcontent in others, and difquiet in the Church. . To theirhayingVoiesa longtime. ^nftv. TF in convenient time and ufige are not to be confidered with Law* I makers. Some Abbots voted as anciently in Parliament as Bifliops, yet are taken a- way. Thatfor the Bifliops Certificate to plenary of Benefice, and Loyalty of Ma nage the Bill extends notto them. For the Secular Jurifdictions'of the Dean of ifeftmitfier, the Bifhops of Dht- l>dMi and. Eh, and Archbifliop of Ttttt , which they are to execute in their own perfons the former Reafons (hew the inconveniences therein." Forthcir temporal Courts and Jurifdictions which are executed by their tern* Jjorall Offices, the Bill doth not concern them. FINIS. 1 8 History of their wayes. The worke of God was no sooner manifest in them; but presently they were both scoffed and scorned by the prophane multitude, and the ministers urged with the yoak of subscription, or els must be silenced ; and the poore people were so vexed with appar- ators, and pursuants, and the comissarie courts,1 as truly their afflic tion was not smale; which notwithstanding they bore sundrie years with much patience, till they were occasioned (by the con tinuance, and encrease of these troubles, and other means which the Lord raised up in those days) to see further into things by the light of the word, of God. How not only these base and beggerly ceremoneis were unlawfull; but also that the lordly and tiranous power of the prelates, ought not to be submitted unto; which thus (contrary to the freedome of the gospell,) would load and burden mens consciences; and by their compulsive power make a prophane mixture of persons, and things in the worship of God. And that their offices and calings ; courts and cannons &c. were unlawfull and Antichristian; being shuch as have no warrante in the word of God; but the same that were used in poperie, and still retained. Of which a famous author thus writeth in his dutch commentaries.2 At the coming of king James into England;3 The new king {saith he) found 1 An apparitor was an officer of the Ecclesiastical Courts. One reason why he was so much disliked is to be found in the opportunities for extortion which his office gave him, and which he too often used. The pursuivant was a warrant officer, who could abuse his functions in the same way as a sumner or apparitor. The commissary repre sented the bishop in parts of his diocese, and exercised spiritual or ecclesiastical juris diction. 2 Em: meter: lib: 25. fol. 119. — Bradford. Emanuel van Meteren, General His tory of the Netherlands, translated by Edward Grimstone, Lib. xxv. fol. 1 19. Ed. 1608. Grimstone's work was largely a compilation, and the issue of 1609 contains only sixteen books and the paging runs to 1415. The statement quoted by Bradford is not found in it. 3 In his progress to London in 1603, James received a petition, commonly known as the Millenary Petition, in which the Puritan clergy formulated their proposed reforms in the Prayer Book and in church discipline. The suggested changes could not be ac ceptable to the church party ; but they contained matter worthy of serious considera tion, and better fitted to produce peace and toleration than extreme measures or abso- Plimmoth Plantation their established the reformed -Religion, according to the reformed religion of king Edward the -6- Retaining, or keeping still the spir ituall state of the Bishops, cjfc after the ould maner, much varying lute rejection. The University of Oxford replied to the petition in a very hostile spirit, but the King gave evidence of having been influenced by it, and called a conference to be held in his presence of leading men of both parties. This was the famous Hampton Court Conference, held in January, 1604, in which the King asserted of the Puritans, "If this be all they have to say, I shall make them conform themselves, or I will harry them out of the land, or else do worse." Gardiner, History of England, 1. 157. The hopes awakened by the Millenary Petition led to the sending of a fruitless deputation from the English in Holland to London, to implore the king that they might return to England in peace. Dexter, The England and Holland of the Pilgrims, 440. The King met his first Parliament and Convocation in a spirit decidedly hostile to Puritans or non-conformists. The Convocation framed rules for enforcing conformity, and when Richard Bancroft (1544-1610) became primate, he began at once to enforce these rules, which were indeed largely of his composure. Since 1585 Bancroft had been a vigorous and uncompromising opponent of Puritanism, and he now gave his best efforts to sup press schism in the church. Not content with the canons framed by Convocation, he devised the "ex animo" form of subscription which called for an unreserved accept ance of the doctrines of the Prayer Book. Many of the clergy who had been willing to admit a general conformity were not able to give a full assent, and so were dispos sessed and driven from the church. It is estimated that near three hundred ministers suffered at this time for their non-conformity, a goodly number considering the poverty in clergy of the church. While the ceremonies were the ostensible cause of the dispossession, political reasons formed quite as essential part in the policy. Conformity, absence of schism, uniformity in service and doctrine, unquestioning obedience to the King as the titular head of the church — such constituted the end desired by Bancroft and his master. Opposition to the canons of Convocation became opposition to "lawful authority," and thus a menace to the supremacy of the King. This close intermixture of state with religious policy makes it difficult at times to determine which is the dominant factor, politics or religion. Bradford deals very gently with King James, whose antipathy to Puritans was strong and outspoken, and without whose support, the Bishops, holding their places at the will of the King, would not have dared to enter upon so violent a persecution of non-conformists. That he refused to accept the proposed canons of 1606, was an act of leniency more than off-set by the extravagant attack upon Puritans contained in his Premonition to Monarchs, composed in that year: "As I euer maintained the state of Bishops and the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchie for order sake ; so was I euer an enemy to the confused Anarchie or paritie of the Puritanes, as wel appeareth in my Basiaikon Acpon. ... I cannot enough woonder with what brazen face this 20 Plimmoth Plantation and differing from the reformed churches, in Scotland, France, and the Neatherlands, Embden, Geneva, Ejfc. whose Reformation is cut, or shapen muck nerer the first Christian churches, as it was used in the Apostles times.1 [6] So many therfore (of these proffessors) 2 as saw the evill of these things (in thes parts,) and whose harts the Lord had touched with heavenly zeale for his trueth; they shooke of this yoake of Antichristian bondage. And as the Lords free people,3 joyned them Answerer [Bellarmine] could say, That 1 was a Puritane in Scotland, and an enemy to Protestants : I that was persecuted by Puritanes there, not from my birth only, but euer since foure moneths before my birth? I that in the yeere of God 84 erected Bishops, and depressed all their popular paritie, I then being not 18 yeeres of age? I that in my said Booke to my Sonne, do speak tenne times more bitterly of them nor of the Papists ; haueing in my second Edition thereof affixed a long Apologetike Preface, only in odium Puritanorum ? And I that for the space of sixe yeeres before my comming into England, laboured nothing so much as to depresse their Paritie, and re-erect Bishops againe? . . . And surely I give a faire commendation to the Puritanes in that place of my booke, when I affirme that I have found greater honesty with the high-land and border theeues, then with that sort of people." 1 The reformed churche[sj shapen much neerer the primitive patterne lhe[n] Eng land, for they cashered the Bishops with al their courts, cannons, and ceremoneis, at the first ; and left them amongst the popishtrfash] to which they pertained. — Bradford. The last word in the note is uncertain in the ms. 7 "First I desire it may be observed by the reader how Mr. Bern[ard] stileth the worshipful personages, vnder the wing of whose protection he shrowdeth his papers Christian Professors. A title peculiar to some few in the land, which favour the forward preachers, frequent their sermons & advance the cause of reformatio. Such persons are comonly called amongst themselves professors, vertuous and religious, & thereby distinguished fro the body of the land, which make no such profession, and are therefore accounted (and iustly) prophane, and without religion, and that as roundly by Mr. B. as by any other in the Land. But it seemeth he had forgot both his Epistle & whom both he in it, and others every where, call Professors for distinction sake, when he wrote his book; for in it he makes all the kingdome professors at a venture, and Chris tian professours I hope he meaneth." John Robinson, A Justification of Separation, 7. 3 Barrow and Greenwood in one of their tracts describe a true church as a company of "faithful and holie people," having as its officers pastors, teachers, elders, deacons, and widows, who obtain their office "by the holy and free election of the Lordes holie and free people." While this formed the foundation of all separatist churches, the man ner of exercising discipline produced the widest differences of opinion and led to the various descriptions of separatism. CONSTITVTIONS AND CANONS EccleJiajticalL Treated vpon by the Bifliop ofLon+ don, Prefident of the Conuocation for the Prouinceof Canterbury, and thereftof the Bifhops and Clergie of the laydProukue: And agreed vpon with the Kings Maieftie's Licence in their Sy«- node begun at London Anno Dom. 1603. And in the yecre of the raignc of our Soucra'gne Lordlamcs by the graccof God King of England, France and tri-bid tlie hift^ud of Sco'ljnd the J7. f jta&nmfM P*df»r the dut tlpnutiin cfthtm tj hit Matcfties:ut' •riit.vadcTihc great Stale a( tngland. EoPjj^a_^ >jjij»ng<«ma»ffi^>niijn>i3i r^&&ef^e&^ •y/oUe ^^/^^reiiAvine -the forme of (>is rewW^5jj?r:41he$e -Cremye,^ WW0s~fotwuU uvm ht&*s&>e Cwi't^ca&eK &^)&&k:vtst<>fe'f<&-a& fotfeft8fffttp o? Ueffell, tftat ft) ouio tbt'ta Singly bjMitngly carp any rucfjouerthe&eas.ttttnouu^^ Ship oj^cfTcH, anb ail tlje 3Eacfcle, Slnb.euerpfipafleroj Mariner, ofoMnan?rutl)S>l)tpo; Hetreii,offciiO(iis asrfsafo/eCtfb , n)OulDfo;fettaiItt]ercaooit£(,ant)faffieci9arnioutl),^nU, ano ©ay* moutltfo licence fuel) lbonien anbperions briber ti)e age of ttbenty anb oneyeeres,as (ball haue iuft caufe to pafTe out of our &eaime,Dpon one eramf nation Dab of cijein.to paffc Without pecoi to tljcmfclucs, 0; tlje £>tTiccrs ofoucfaio idojtse^otSbitfifranDing t^e rao> statute 0? an; tDfns. tljeremcontcineb.^ubibtl)anetuou5l)t(tfittfi5ir»poWiQue!snoiblebget)eKOffeaionr*ubi iects.anotoauour^fRcirsujhonHcmayccnctrne.totljeenbetSeymay^ibtt^tujaiii^e iatbfuufojtljemtoooc in thofe cares. Giuenat cheCaftle ofFarncliam the jcxiij.a'ay of Auguft , m the fourth y«rt Of* of our Reigne of Great Britaine, France and Ireland. (jodjaue de $\ing. <*$ Imprinted at London by RobertBarktt, Printer to die Kings mod Excellent Maieftie. 1 6 0 6 . 30 History of knew whom they had beleeved.1 Yet [8] this was not all, for though they could not stay, yet were they 2 not suffered to goe, but the ports, and havens were shut against them, so as they were faine to seeke secrete means of conveance, and to bribe and fee the mari ners, and give exterordinarie rates for their passages.3 And yet were they often times betrayed (many of them) and both they and their goods intercepted and surprised, and therby put to great trouble, and charge, of which I will give an instance or tow, and omitte the rest. Ther was a large companie of them purposed to get passage at Boston in Lincolin-shire,4 and for that end, had hired a shipe wholy 1 n Timothy, i. 12. "For I know whom I have believed, and I am persuaded that he is able to keep that which I have committed unto him against that day." 2 Bradford wrote " ye." 3 The regulation of migration out of the kingdom had changed with the varying policy towards the Roman Catholics or with the engagements made with foreign rulers. August 23, 1606, a proclamation required licenses to women and children undertwenty- one years of age to cross the seas, a measure intended to control the flight of Catholics. An oath of allegiance was required of all regardless of sex, so migrating; and as the Pope (Paul V.) by a Bull issued September 12 of the same year, prohibited English Catholics from taking an oath of allegiance, the intention of the measure becomes clear. That it succeeded in accomplishing its purpose is not certain, and so drastic a rule would interfere with the passage of settlers to the newly opened possessions of Eng land in America. Unwilling to throw the ports open, and wishing to retain some power of regulation, the King issued a proclamation on July 9, 1607, reciting that the Stat ute of 5 Rich. II. forbidding all persons save lords, true and notable merchants, and the King's soldiers to leave the realm, having been repealed last session of Parliament, the King. forbids, in accordance with precedents of Edward I and Edward III, any to leave the Kingdom other than soldiers, merchants, mariners^ and their factors and apprentices, without special license of the King or four of his Privy Council. This nat urally proved unsatisfactory, and the Council on December 8, 1608, issued instruc tions for the better governance of the passage, requiring all persons to be examined and registered, and restricting the privilege of sailing to certain ports. Such were the conditions when the Pilgrims of Nottinghamshire determined to leave the country. 1 T. Gentleman thus described Boston in 1609: "A very proper town; and like unto Holland's soil, for low ground and sands coming in: but yet there are but few fishermen." England's Way to win Wealth. In Arber, An English Garner, 1. 341. flfiBy tlicKing Hcreasat a Parliament holden at Wefbninfteri intfjenftyccteofBJng Ric'n.,rdtbe fccotffl.tljeBJngDcfenbebtljej paJTage utterly of all maner of people, afttcll Clcarbs as orrjersut cucty port , anti other Xovbne anb place bpon nje coafl of Hje Sea,,; bpoupmntofforfcimreofalltbe(rgooos,trtfptonefytftefLo?os: ano other great men of tlje Keattne , ano true ano notable ^9er* _ cIjnnts,anDtlieBmgsSouloferS;anBtatoerpjo&ibtte&BuMrS; offer things upon panic mat tlje offctfflcrs fljoutt) ftrfcft.as murlj as tt)c? migftt fojfett,asbj* tlje faio act appcarctlj : fflljiclj Statute vuas fcioome or nracr(efpecanDanappatantmarlJcoffrparahon;butl)atftbenecontent, bcriDcstljatpattJcularclauftniljiclJ vuas mclutito in tljc actepau"cBattljelattSe£: fion of parliament , fo; aboliujJng of ©Dttfimt , ano tljc ritemojy of all things tljat oepena tljcreon)toan"cnt((nfauouroftljeSul)Jcct)torepealetljettljole Statute itfelfe of R.cliardr&« fctonb. ano yet Ijis flpaictne (ttiljofe care ooctfj euer match ouer tlje rbealt of DfsSnWtcts) conriocrfngtljattijcprincipaUBuetJc ano allegiance of ailljis Subiects.BoctljtljieBytonuTlto atteno at all times tlje ftruicc ano Defence of ffjeit natural JUcgc 2LorD,ano of tljefrbcarc anb natiuc Countrcy.vuitlj all tbecrcfull rcaoJutlTe atffl alaccitJe, rttrjer VMtljfn mescalines aitljout.ujfjcnttjcy mallbemeceuntareamreD : atffl forerteingtnbts&MicclyprOHioenre ano fflifeoomc roljat Banger ( ctpcclaily Jn tljtfc oangcrousoayes ) migljt infne to tlje Bujole State,lftjis Subjects migljt at tljefcplcafucepalTe atffl Bepart out of mis Kealme into tf)e l&ingoomcs , Countrcys , ^Dominions atffl Xertttories of forretnc BJngs, Winces , States anB potentates , Ijatl) bpon mature Deliberation prouftco remeBy for tlje p;euentton of fuclj mifcljfcfc as migljt fotloffl thereupon : ano ttjercforc bis ^atetty oocttj ( actoj* Bing to Ijis fipaieltffs Waives ano tljc rcftlution of Ijis SuBges, lbittj Vutjom conmlta* tlon ijatlj bcene Ijao, anB agreeable to BJucrs prcCfflents in tlje reignes of Bing Edward tljc ficft, anB iting Edward tljc ttjitffle (ttoo moQ pjuBcnt anB renoVbmeb BJngs) ano o* ttjcr of bis noble progemtouts before ttjt malUttg of tljc fayBiate acre by tljcfe prefents Vbitft tljcaBuiccof bis^nuie Councell, JBraigljfly pjobibitc ano fojbffl all maner of perfons be*' tng naturail borne Subjects of tljJS JRcalme , or any of tlje SDominions of tlje fame , of' VBljat cttate or oegece ftcuec tljcy bee , mat tljey or any of tljcm ( other tDen fuel) pecfons as fflcre crceptcotti anB by tlje TayB actc, anB otljcc tljcn SoulBiets, fipcrctjanes , ^jart* ; ners,anB tljeir $ actors atffl apprentices) mall no t any time hereafter rultrjout toenail licence ! of Uis S|9aie(ly,oj of any fourc or more of bis priuie CouneelKVbrjereof tljc i&rinrtpall Secre* jtaryformctttm being to be onOpatTe or bepart out of tbts Keaimc of englanb, o? any of tjje oemutfoiis of tljc fame, mfo tljc Bmsbomes.Covmtr'cyes, territories oja>omtniotis of any ftnTmclv.tig.pHncc, Statc,or potentate, bpon fuel) torporall anb otijcr great ano Ijcnuy paincs atffl penalties as by our fLavbcs may be tnflictco bpoa fuel) as fhall of cnb tljcrcm, for tljcir ft Heinous atffl unnatural! offences agamS tljctv natural! JUcgc ILorb atffl Cotintrcy in tljat bcljalfe. proufflcb ammyes, tljat if any of tljc perftnsbefore crccptco.fhall after ijis oeparturc out DftljtsSeaUitc,boc,commit,pntmi)re,atte]npt,oralTentl>ntoany^ctJbeBiceJplof,OjitW^IagainS Ijis moft<£j:cel.lciit sptfcily, or any of Ijis Bingbomcs or Douiiufons.or agatnfl any cf Ijts&attjes or Statutes, that cueryfncljpcrfon foOffcnbtng, mall lofc tljc benefice of tl)c fayb exception, atffl Hjall to all intents anb pttrpofes be tabctt atffl abiubgcb to bee as one tljat tnaltcioiiflyanDcontcniptuouflypatTctljoroepartctrjotit cftijisKealtnc contrary to tljc tfr noraiffl effector tljcfc prefents. atffl lbljcrcas by ctrour atffl tmlgat Dptt;ionitisconcctttcbanbgtuetioutbyibmc,Xljat nttmcuattljisprcfentbeatUbertytotranfport atfflearrteout of t'jis !Realme anyoofflc or StfucrinCoync-.Jeibcis.suiitou.piatc.or Cicffeii, ^fs ^aJefffebnberBanbingtljereoF, caufcbtljc31uDgcsoftljcBca!mcfobetonfuHctiniit!jallint!jatpoyiit jbljobponbuecoufi* Deration anb conference Ijab amongft tljem,ijanc lintlj one confentrefolueb,t6at tlje tranf* portationof all manner of oolDeaiibSilucrm£oy«e,31cibelsssnllton,platco;fclcffclliS abfolnttly proljibitcb ano forbfflben as ibcll by tlje Statutes in tljc tlbctitictB yeere of ©tug Edward tljc firft, tti tljc niut!) ycerc ofBingEdN aid tljc tljirb, atffl tit tljc fccciffl yeere of X'.uifj Hmry t'jcfirt.nsby Diners otljcr Statutes upon great atffl rtneucus penalties anbfor* feitures. Upon ftgm'ficatton ofibljtclj refolation.ljtsmoftcjccellcnt Gft&itQtt, to the intent tljat none of ijis lotting Subjects tljrouglj any cnoncottstow'citoropiniotimigijtbcDcteiucD aifflufflatniiiagcB^jatijtnljisprJncclytlenietmccaufcDaftticlltljefayOrcfolntionofDisSub* ges.as the Statutes tljentfelues to be parttculariscD anB publiujeb for tlje fafety of rj is lotting Subjects : anb further Doctfj by tljefc prefents itrataljtly charge anb commanb tljat all tljc fayo JLatties atffl Statutes concerning Craufportationof <3olbc or Silucr bccfirmelyljol-- ceti,atffl ttept anb put in buc erccution. anb botlj furtljcr proDtbit anb forbib all atffl all matter ofpcrfotisYbtjatfocucr^ocarj; or tranfport out of tljssKcalmeanyiSolb or Silucr in Coyne, 3Jcu)cls,2Bul!ton,plate,or?llclTcll,contrarytoaiiyofrt)efaib JLaibcS or Statutes, as tfity ibtiianfvberctljc contrary at tljcirbttermoa pcrill. Giuen at our Palace of Weftminfler the ninth day of Iuly , in the fifth yeere of our Pveigne of Great Britaine, France and Ireland. God fane the Kjj'g- &j Imprinted at London by Robert Barker, Pnntem the Kings mofl Excellent Maieftie. ANNO DOM. i6o~. Plimmoth Plantation 31 to them selves; and made agreement with the maister to be ready at a certaine day, and take them, and their goods in, at a conven- iente place, wher they accordingly would all attende in readines. So after long waiting, and large expences (though he kepte not day with them) yet he came at length and tooke them in, in the night; But when he had them and their goods abord, he betrayed them, haveing before hand complotted with the serchefs, and other offi cers so to doe. Who tooke them, and put them into open boats, and ther rifled and ransaked them, searching them to their shirts for money, yea even the women furder then became modestie; and then caried them back into the towne, and made them a spectackle, and wonder to the multitude, which came flocking on all sides to be- hould them. Being thus first, by the chatchpoule 1 officers, rifled, and stripte of their money, books, and much other goods ; they were presented to the majestrates, and messengers sente to informe the lords of the Counsell of them; and so they were commited to ward. Indeed the majestrats used them courteously, and shewed them what favour they could; but could not deliver them, till order came from the Counsell-table. But the issue was that after a months im- prisonmente, the greatest parte were dismiste, and sent to the places from whence they came; but -J- of the principall were still kept in prison, and bound over to the Assises.2 The nexte spring after, ther was another attempte made by some 1 A word of Provencal origin, meaning one who hunts or chases fowls; in time it was applied to a tax-gatherer, arid later to a sheriff's officer.' In Bradford's day it had become a word of contempt. 2 Among the seven was William Brewster. See under 1643, infra. As Brewster received pay as postmaster at Scrooby up to the last day of September, 1607, this attempt to reach Holland must have occurred after that time. Arber (86) conjectures it was in October or November of that year. Boston is about sixty-seven miles to the east of Scrooby. The river Idle is navigable for small boats from Scaftworth, one mile east of Scrooby, to the Trent, and thus Gainsborough could be reached. From that place to Boston is fifty-five miles by the river Witham. The assizes were ses sions held periodically in each county of England, for the purpose of administering civil and criminal justice, by judges acting under special commissions. 32 History of of these and others; to get over at an other place. And it so fell out, that they light of a Dutchman at Hull, having a ship of his owne belonging to Zealand; they made agreemente with him, and aquaint[o]ed him with their condition, hoping to find more faithfull- ne[ss] in him, then in the former of their owne nation; he bad them not fear, for he would doe well enough. He was (by appointment) to take them in betweene Grimsbe, and Hull, wher was a large com- mone a good way distante from any towne.1 Now against the pre fixed time, the women and children, with the goods, were sent to the place in a small barke, which they had hired for that end; and the men were to meete them by land. But it so fell out, that they were ther a day before the shipe came, and the sea being rough, and the women very sicke, prevailed with the seamen to put into a creeke hardby, where they lay on ground at low-water. The nexte morning the shipe came, but they were fast, and could not stir, till aboute noone; In the mean time (the shipe maister, perceiveing how the matter was) sente his boate to be getting the men abord whom he saw ready, walking aboute the shore. But after the first boat full was gott abord, and she was ready to goe for more, the mr. es pied agreate company (both horse, and foote) with bills,2 and gunes, and other weapons (for the countrie was raised to take them). 1 Arber says, " Local opinion would seem to favor EastHalton Skitter haven, in Lat. 53°> 4i', 3°"; because that is the only break in the specified coast line of Lincolnshire viz. between Hull and Great Grimsby: from which latter place it is distant some twenty miles." The bark with the women would thus have floated down the Trent, thirty miles, and then some twenty miles or so along the coast; the men, coming from West Stockwith, would walk forty miles. Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, 94. Dexter believes Stallingborough, about four miles north of Grimsby, meets the conditions best. The England and Holland of the Pilgrims, 405. The party doubtless sailed by the Idle River to the Humber, where they took the bark. " It is thirty miles from Gains borough to the mouth of the Trent; twenty-two miles from thence, to Hull; and twenty miles from Hull to Great Grimsby." Arber, 94. 2 A bill varied in form from a simple concave blade with a long handle, to a kind of concave axe with a spike at the back and its shaft terminating in a spear head. Now obsolete, in the seventeenth century it was used by the infantry and by constables of the watch. STMalton , — '^*" ''""- '¦' ""a T^^Fj amboroueh HlMO BnJtuitU.iri JIjv Bank «.* i»,V*.-J*' /^K^^-^ljitl . > ,!£>," >- *V) —*»i^as T"te <*8£ -' '^£ "'"MX* B ""° n"" ' '^-fe Av,.fJn.('"' >/v// A T H E B R I ll'Tf 'C O/ I. i S b y r l^jy/i> Leicester." Univo-«(v 'r1""^^'". Sur^"^*" «J trj J O a{ L K BtM'ORD il^ Lid borough ,;.yfcr,?.,- Walmgfcn B.K. SHIRE *S*ii;^ A*«J<->"J o Smth. JE; -fl£RTf\o|JRD sVhikf..i 1 *,?/« , li>»-wiilick C/iflmjfhr\J J~^" ^"\{A\ r,l.l,.,|. W^***^ ft ft |i ... .; ' ;i£^?r /c SiDTTT°'':' 0- 1 1 ,—r"' P"J^jji/ J 1 A^a«-t/W > ( r* | « ^OPWAMPTOLV V •^V 5 ,t , ° / -q i-/ S*\ 0 1^* it v \rs-y"^ •>! -r- i**^^^ .. TLV, Foreland ^^^^ -.v,.,s^^r^tA if] „^pA EAST COAST OF ENGLAND Plimmoth Plantation 33 The Dutch-man seeing that, swore (his countries oath), sacremente; and having the wind faire, waiged his Ancor, hoysed sayles, and away. But the poore-men which were gott abord, were in great dis tress for their wives, and children, which they saw thus to be taken, and were left destitute of their helps ; and them selves also, not hav ing a cloath to shifte them with, more then they had on their baks, and some scarce a peney aboute them, all they had being abord the barke. It drew tears from their eyes, and any thing they had they would have given to have been a shore againe ; but all in vaine, ther was no remedy; they must thus sadly part. And afterward en dured a fearfull storme at sea, being • 14 • days or more before they arived at their porte, in -J- wherof they neither saw son, moone, nor stars, and were driven near the coast of Norway; the mariners them selves often despairing of life ; and once with shriks and cries gave over all, as if the ship had been foundred in the sea, and they sinking without recoverie. But when mans hope, and helpe wholy failed^ the lords power and mercie appeared in ther recoverie; for the ship rose againe, and gave the mariners courage againe to manage here. And if modestie would suffer me, I might declare with what fer[io] vente prayres they cried unto the lord in this great distres, (espetialy some of them) even without any great distrac tion when the water rane into their mouthes and ears ; and the mari ners cried out we sinke, we sinke; they cried (if not with mirakelous, yet with a great hight or degree of devine faith) yet Lord thou canst save; yet Lord thou canst save; with shuch other expressions as I will forbeare. Upon which the ship did not only recover, but shortly after the violence of the storme begane to abate; and the lord filed their afflicted minds with shuch comforts as every one cannot un derstand. And in the end brought them to their desired Haven, wher the people came flockeing admiring their deliverance, the storme having ben so longe and sore, in which much hurt had been don, as the masters freinds related unto him in their congratula tions. 34 History of But to returne to the others wher we left. The rest of the men that were in greatest danger, made shift to escape away before the troope could surprise them; those only staying that best might, to be assistante unto the women. But pitifull it was to see the heavie case of these poore women in this distress ; what weeping and cry ing on every side, some for their husbands, that were caried away in the ship as is before related. Others not knowing what should become of them, and their litle ones; others againe melted in teares, seeing their poore litle ones hanging aboute them, crying for feare, and quaking with could. Being thus aprehended, they were hurried from one place to another, and from one justice to another, till in the ende they knew not what to doe with them; for to imprison so many women and innocent children for no other cause (many of them) but that they must goe with their husbands; semed to be unreasonable, and all would crie out of them; and to send them home againe was as difficult, for they aledged (as the trueth was) they had no homes to goe to, for they had either sould, or otherwise dis posed of their houses, and livings. To be shorte, after they had been thus turmoyled a good while, and conveyed from one constable to another, they were glad to be ridd of them in the end upon any termes; for all were wearied and tired with them.1 Though in the mean time, they (poore soules) indured miserie enough; and thus in the end necessitie forste a way for them. But that I be not tedious in these things, I will omitte the rest, though I might relate many other notable passages, and troubles which they endured, and undervvente in these their wanderings, and tra veils both at land, and sea; 2 but I hast to [n] other things. 1 This procedure appears to have been conducted under the poor law, and not under any act against non-conformity or for violation of a law or proclamation upon migra tion. Each parish became chargeable for the " vagrants " or homeless it contained, and the parish officers were anxious to pass such persons on to their neighbors, and so be relieved of the necessity of caring for them. See Leonard, Early History of the Eng lish Poor Relief (1900). 2 The year 1608 was one of extreme dearth, "by reason of extreme frosts (as the like c$| By the King. ^[ A Proclamation for the preuenting and rcmedjinsof the dearth ofGrainCjjtndother 1)0ums . He Kings Maieflie hauing taken knowledge of tljc high p;iccs of dtratne ano otljcr llictttals.iateip anD t>erp mo- Dcttlp groibcn tn fattDJp parts of tijt's Kealme , 3fttB Suiting no fufrt- ticnt rcafon tljereof.Doct!) ittbgc tljat the rlrtj DUntcrs of £o;nc Doc itcepc tljcfr ftojc front common ©arltcts , tljetfeDp to etwreafe tljc pit'ccs tljcrcof , £>i elfetrjttt tfje fame is cngeoiTcD bnDnclp mto fctti IjanDS, anD fo tlje multituDcof pooit people Ijam'ng no Grainc of tDcle oUme grouting ,-umft nceoes fttftaJue great lacRe. fyis TjfgljttctTc tljcccfojc fo? remeo? t!)crcof,Ijat{)ranfcufpctJal©2ucrstobcmaDcatit)piibltn)cutljjoitgDallpartsoftf)ts3ScaU!tc, liearmgoafCtiJCftm&apOf 3IlttlC [60S, atlt) JtttttUlCD, OrJersappoiWbyhisM.iicfti<-,&c. isp lKjIcij tlje Sulfites of peace in all pattsof tljc 3Sealme,areofretteo to (Tap aiieugcolTcrs, Soteflaltcts anD ascgratojs of Co;ne,auD to Direct all ©Unices ano farmers, ( Ijautng Come torparc jto furnifhtljesljarijcts ratcabip ano ftiece&elp, UJttftfncljqttmitfttesasrcatomibtg tIjcymavauDougl5ttoDoc,anDtofccDu!Ci'2otljcr3lrttclcsobfcriicDatiDpcrfojtncD,tcnDmgta tljcptcucnttonauorcmcDpoftljistucomiciiiciicc. j^cticrtljclcffc, bccaufe Ijis^AtcuicDoctl) nicllkuo^.tljattljclifcoftljcfcbisrjrariotis.goDlit.a'iDpoIJtiqttcConftitutiotts.DcpctiDsbpon tljctarcfall anD Diligent e.eccutfon of tljc fame : fjts JjigljncfTc Doctlj tljctcfotc bp tljis Ijis proclamation ( to tljc cube tljat no perton Unjoin it mapcottterne, (ball 02 map plcauc tgtto* tancejftratjjfjtlptljarse ano toiii!iiaiiD all &ljcrtffes,'3iulficcsof peace, c^aio^s^apitfFcs, €onflables,attDotIjcrljts©ffi[ct-sanD&ubtct£SiWjatfoct!cr,i:DattijcvtaftcUuoiblcDgcof tlje fato £>2Dcrs,anD obferue ano caiife tljc fame to be obferticu, as fljall apper tattic Ditto tljcnt, astrjeptcnDeehlsWpIcafure. 3nD becaufetfjere map be tuft tattfc to fcarc , that notUutljftauDiug all tlje flraiglj t pjoutft- ons tljat are lateIptaltctiagaittffXranfpo;tationo£wraiuc, pet bnber colour of couticyitig of it frompojttopojtlbitljintljclanD.fouiemavbctoniicpcDttito fojrainc parts : Xljcrcfojcfoi further piouifion in tljat bcijalfc.bcfiocs tlje ffionDsiu tljat cafe appointeo to be taltcn.^iS tJ5ffitcr (hall utitlj tDc fatD 3Info2uicr,rcpaire totlleCiittomeljotifeofaiipfucljpojto?Crccltctt)ljcreCo;uclsn}ippcD,o,2p;ouiDcDtobcll)tp-peOjarrottjecc fljaUDQel^ticttnuttc DotfjtDcflDfftccrSoFtljeCufrotneljoHrc.aiiDtljcfcilcrs.buv- crs.anDQjJppersoftljeComebpontljcJrfcticcallDatljcs.ibhctljertljcphttoibofanpStitcni tionoircttlp, 02(tiDJrectip,toijauttljcfaiDCometobecarict)oiitoftljc-Kcalmc. :3ttD furtljcr alfo.vbljcitbptheJrDatOestUepnjaltlcarctljcmreUicsofanpriicljJtttctitiotutljcrcbptUcfiirpi" tiontoncciticD being clearcDJ pet tlje £>fftccrs of tljc potts that Ijauc atttljoiitp to taUc 2SonDS, (hall theft njc parties , who bpon pjegnant rufpition (Ijall rcciuicc tlje fame , anD giuc tlj em m 7 pfirsng tlje concents of tljc rsont, rbltlj tljc names oftliepartt'es bounb, being fufFiticnt to m tocre tljc fame.tlic true cttiantitic of tljc Graiue , anD tljc ports foutijulj it (SiiitctiDcD f o banc tljc fame carrico : anD ifnotutinjftanbtng fuel) proutfion of goob aflurantc talieti.tljecc ajallaf- terUiarDsauyDottbtfolloibjIjattiotUutDftancingtljefamffionDstljcfaiDComeujalbccartcD out of tlje Ivcaime, Cije partp tljat flint! Ijaue caufe To tofufpecttlje fame , Qjallrepatreto fome 3mfliee of peace , tbljom his ©atcftic DociD ijercbp commanD to cjcauunc tlje tmctfj at tlje port uitjercunto tljc fatD Come uias appotntcD. Zwo fo; tljat pnrpofe the Officers of that poitniaUinaHcplamcDcclacattoiniiljctlicraupfticIjCornc.orUiljatciuautJttctljereofcametotI.)atpo2tU)itljmtljctJiiicIimtttcDi3lnDtfbpgooDp20ofcit(l)alianpUwpcsappearc,tijattljcreJjati) bene aitp fratm in anp Officer of tljc port, 02 falfhooD in tljc Xranfportcr bp carping Jt out oftlicKcaimc.tljeCJfftccroftljcpojtfljalbcDcpjiueDoffjJSSDfftcc.anDfulfcrJmprifontjjent,nub malic fine to hts^atcme at ijtspicafurc, 3inb tijc Xranrportcr for carping it out of the ilcaimc, anD tlje Seller ant super, 0; cither of tljcm being p?iuic thereto, Ihallbcc cotnmuv fctito prifon fojtijc.fpaccof one pecce, anD tljc §>W forfcitcs ; :3uiDtlje3Jtifortncrfo?ljisias boucanD rettiarD.fljall Ijauc tjotlj tfjcrjalfeof tljc baiuc of tljc Come jEranfportct, anD tlje IjalfcoftljcfiucsiinpofcD Upon tljc ©ffcubcrs. 3!ub for tlje triall of tljcfc Offences, anbere* cutton oftljcputuiljnicntsanbf iucs.tijcf.-insc (Ijaibc ttleD in Ijis s39aicflies ercljcqncr, as all 3fnformat(ons arc by on pcnall Statutes, iWjcrc all rrpebition fljalbc UfcD, 0? before tljc 5u(h> cesof^mfcintDcirCtrciiits.ojbcfecativJtimccsofpcatcititlic^icirtonsUiijcretheorFcncefljalbecommttteo.ljamng anp authentic to IjcareanD Determine anp pcnallHatti. 5F inallp.ljis (Daicu ic is parftralarlp infiymcb of fome intentions of fmiD?p perrons of abiiitfe to ftecpc irmrpitautic in tljcir Cottntrcps , to Icauc tljctr Jjofpstalitics, anb to come to tlje dtp of JLotibon, and otijcr Cities anb %ou>nes corporate, tijercbp leaning tljc rclicfc of tljcir poore ncigljbours.astiwH for foot .asfiygootlXule, anD ttiihtouctousmJtiDesfo line mjXonoon, ant about tlje Cttp priuatelp , ano fo alfo in otijcr Xoumes corporate, uiitljout cljargc of com* panp. fc'lWttjEanDingUi|jcrcof,l)(sfi3aicattcljargctljaihiunucrofpcrfous,t!)at£halIl)aue anp fuel) intention During tlje time of this ©earn), nut to brcnUcbptijetr IjonfeDBlDS.norts come to tlje faib Citp, or otijcr XoUwes corporate , 3lno alt of Ijcrs tljat Dane of late time breaets Dp tDeir DoufeljolDs , to rcturtte to tljcir Doufes againe Wtljout tclap. £>( tBe performance anb erecutton of ttiljicl) Ijis flpaieGtes ®mz$3t ls|) 6] Garden of Robinson's house. — [10] Estate of Dirck van Boostel, apparently bought between 1578 and 161 1 by de Lalaing. — [11] Donckegeracht. — [13] Tenements of Falyde Beguynhof. 1 Some means they had accumulated, as their homes would show. The location of very few of the houses occupied by the Pilgrims in Leyden has come down to us. Brewster, in 1609, lived on an alley called Stinck steeg (Stench Lane) near the Hooge- woerds Bridge and later removed to Choor steeg (Choir Lane), an alley extending from Broadway to the Choir of St. Peter's Church. This is the Vicus Choralis which is mentioned on the title-page of Brewster's printing of Cartwright's Commentaries (1617). The location of the first house occupied by John Robinson is not known, and in the first year or two may not have been fixed. The enlargement of the city in 161 1, the fourth in its history, doubtless increased the opportunities for employment, and so added to the resources of the English, enabling them to buy a house and lot as a per manent settlement. In May, 1611, such an estate was purchased in Klok steeg (Bell Lane), being a house then belonging to Johann de Lalaing, and known as the Groene- poort (Green Door). The price was eight thousand gilders, of which two thousand were paid down, and five hundred annually thereafter, until the mortgage should be satisfied. The lot was irregular in shape, containing about half an acre of land and having a frontage on the Klok steeg of only twenty-five and a half feet. In the garden twenty-one houses were built between 161 1 and 1647, and were presumably occupied by members of the families of the company. The parties named in the instrument as purchasers were "John Robinson, minister of God's word of the English congregation in this city, William Jepson, Henry Wood and Randall Thickins." Dexter, The Eng land and Holland of the Pilgrims, 529 et seq. Winslow describes the pastor's house as "large." (Hypocrisie Unmasked, *90.) Occupation was taken in May, 1612, and very probably by that time an addition had been made to it. Dexter, 541. From a poll tax return of 1622 we learn that the house was occupied only by John Robinson and his family. After Robinson's death, Jepson bought out the interest of the others (December 13, 1629), and became sole owner. The house passed into other hands in 1637, and was taken down with others in 1681-83 for the purpose of erecting a hof (charitable institution) for the Walloons, still remaining, and known as Pesyn's Hof. Historical Magazine, in. 331. 60 Plimmoth Plantation It was answered, that all great, and honourable actions, are ac companied with great difficulties; and must be, both enterprised, and overcome with answerable courages. Itwas granted the dangers were great, but not desperate; the difficulties were many, but not invincible. For though their were many of them likly, yet they were not cartaine; it might be sundrie of the things feared, might never befale; others by providente care and the use of good means, might in a great measure be prevented; and all of them (through the help of God) by fortitude, and patience, might either be borne, or overcome. True it was, that shuch atempts were not to be made and undertaken without good ground, and reason; not rashly, or lightly as many have done for curiositie, or hope of gaine, etc. But their condition was not ordinarie; their ends were good and hon ourable; their calling lawfull, and urgente; and therfore they might expecte the blessing of God in their proceding. Yea though they should loose their lives in this action,, yet might they have comforte in the same, and their endeavors would be honourable. They lived hear but as men in exile, and in a poore condition; and as great miseries might possiblie befale them in this place; for the -12- years of truce were now out, and ther was nothing but beating of drumes, and preparing for warr, the events wherof are airway uncertaine. The Spaniard might prove as cruell as [18] the salvages of Amer ica ; x and the famine and pestelence as sore hear as ther ; and their lib ertie less to looke out for remedie. After many other perticuler things answered, and aledged on both sides, it was fully concluded by the major parte, to put this designe in execution; and to prosecute it by the best means they could. 1 In this very year of 1620, appeared at Amsterdam two brochures depicting the cruelties perpetrated by the Spaniards in the Netherlands and in America. The Belgic scenes, twenty in number, were described by Jan Everaard Cloppenburg, and the American, seventeen plates, were used as illustrations of Las Casas. Published at this time, when the truce of twelve years was about to end, the horrible pictures could well serve to excite the people of Holland against their would-be conquerors, and deter the Leyden congregation from adventuring within the reach of so cruel and murder ous fanatics. The .5. Chap [ter] Shewing what means they used for preparation to this waightie vioag. AND first, after thir humble praiers unto God, for his direction, and assistance, and a generall confferrence held hear aboute, they consulted what perticuler place to pitch upon, and prepare for. Some (and none of the mean est) had thoughts, and were ernest for Guiana,1 or some of those 1 Sir Walter Ralegh issued his Discoverie of the large, rich and bewtifvl Empyre of Gviana, with a relation of the great and Golden Citie of Manoa (which the Spanyards call El Dorado,) in 1596. It was translated into Dutch and printed in 1598; into Latin, to be included in De Bry, in 1599; and in the same year and the same language, in Hulsius. Later Hul sius issued a German edition. The subject and manner of presentation appealed to the cupidity of adventurers, and this will account for the popularity of the book. Lawrence Keymis's Relation of the Second Voyage to Guiana, dedicated to Ralegh, was also printed in 1596, and passed into a Dutch translation in 1598. Ralegh's Discoverie, with Keymis's at the end, was again issued in the Dutch tongue in i6i7,byMichiel Colijn, of Amsterdam, an overdrawn picture of possible wealth. Ralegh had now paid by his life the penalty of his eager ness to obtain the favor of his royal mistress by realizing his dreams of enormously rich mines of the precious metals in Guiana. In the re-issue of Hakluyt's Principall Navigations, by the Hakluyt Society (x. 384), Ralegh's own map of Guiana is repro duced, with the fabled city and lake of Manoa and El Dorado upon it, sufficient evidence, even for that day, of the wildness of his project and the absence of knowledge of the region. Robert Harcourt, with a company of adventurers, sailed to Guiana in 1609, and took possession in the king's name of a tract of country lying between the Amazon and the Dollesquebe. He left a colony there, under his brother Michael, and returning to England, obtained a patent giving him power to plant and inhabit the land he had taken. A series of misfortunes followed, and in the end the colony came to naught. He wrote Relation of a Voyage to Gviana, which was printed in 1613, and was included in Purchas's Pilgrimes, pt. iv. Like Captain John Smith's Description of New England, it was dedicated to Prince Charles. This colony must have been 62 Plimmoth Plantation fertill places in those hott climates; others were for some parts of Virginia, wher the English had all ready made enterance, and begining.1 Those for Guiana aledged that the c[o]untrie was rich, fruitfull, and blessed with a perpetuall spring, and a florishing greenes; where vigorous nature brought forth all things in abun dance, and plentie without any great labour, or art of man. So as it must needs make the inhabitants rich; seing less provissions of clothing and other things, would serve, then in more coulder, and less fruitfull countries must be had. As also that the Spaniards (haveing much more then they could possess) had not yet planted there, nor any wher very near the same. But to this it was an swered, that out of question, the countrie was both frutfull, and pleasante; and might yeeld riches, and maintenance to the pos sessors, more easily then the other; yet, other things considered, it would not be so fitt for them. And first that shuch hott countries are subject to greevos diseases, and many noysome Impediments, which other more temperate places are freer from and would not so well agree with our English bodys.2 Againe if they should ther live, known in Holland, as the Dutch traded with the Indians there, and some of the Harcourt colony "richly returned from the Amazon in a Holland ship," in March, 1617, and it was said their cargo was tobacco, which sold for £2,300, and some gold ingots. These men intended to return to Guiana. In 1629 (?) the Council stopped some Englishmen who intended to go to Guiana with an Irishman, William Gayner. Gayner proposed to sail from Holland, and it was feared that he would take the Dutch to the Amazon, and cause quarrels and bloodshed between the two nations. Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1574-1660, 218. See also references to Guiana in Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial Series, 1. 1 The Virginia Company received its charter in 1606, and for ten years struggled to obtain money and adventurers, issuing broadsides giving the conditions of a voyage and describing the kind of emigrants desired. Occasion arose also to make reply to the attacks made upon the company and the country of Virginia, and to spread a know ledge of the plantation a series of nine tracts was printed before 1616, of which the two latest in date, Whitaker's Good N ewes from Virginia (1613), and Hamor's Trve Dis course of the Present Estate of Virginia (1615), were the more important. See Miss Susan L. Kingsbury's Introduction to the Records of the Virginia Company of London, 1.32. Any of these issues may have come to the notice of the English in Leyden. 1 Charles Leigh's plantation at Wiapoco, in Guiana, suffered much from sickness. RELATION OF A VOYAGE TO GVIANA. DESCRIBING THE CLIMAT, Scituation, fcrtilitic, pi ouifions and commodities of that Country, containiug fcucn Prpuinccs.and other Signiories within that Territory : Togetheri with the manners, cuflomes, bcUauiois, and difpofitiont of ioe people. IPcrformedbyR ovzkt Harcovrt, of Stanton Harcourt Efquircs. The Pattern for the Plantation of which Goumry, Ins iJiUicitiehath grdr.ted to tt>e/Jati Robert Harcovri Vi\d(t'M Grsat Stale. NOMB. 14.7,8. The Litid which m walked thorew tofearch it ,u Avery goti Land.. •Iftkt Lordlont vs,he will bringv> in!) this UnJ,4>id v/ilgiutlt Vi. AT LONDON Printed by Iohn Beale, for, W.WEifcy, arid/ arc to De fold a.: his (hop In Pauls Chuf ch'yard at tho- figneofthcSYvan* * -a tJ j,> t 'Hi ^ 5 »* ^»v ^^ ¦g - j I? vi -s t + 4^ .> ' 4 1 ;-&£ t* f<2 ^ -a ft. i ^ *3 in,^ ¦<.' "i> •z < a.S ouzo a zoJ of-z oh a.5uM Plimmoth Plantation 65 On the other hand, for Virginia, it was objected; that if they lived among the English which wear ther planted, or so near them as to be under their goverment; they should be in as great dan ger to be troubled, and persecuted for the cause of religion, as if they lived in England, and it might be worse. And if they lived too farr of, they should neither have succour, nor defence frome them.1 But at length the conclusion was, to live as a distincte body by them selves, under the generall Goverment of Virginia;2 and by last voyage of Ribault and the destruction of the French colony in Florida, and an English translation issued from a London press in the same year. These volumes are in the John Carter Brown library, Providence, R. I. 1 By the first charter granted April 10, 1606, Virginia, a strip of land one hundred miles in width, lying on the Atlantic coast of North America from the thirty-fourth to the forty-fifth degree of north latitude, was divided into two parts. The southerly, reaching to the forty-first degree, was given to the "first colony," composed of certain "knights, Gentlemen, Merchants and other Adventurers of London and elsewhere;" the northerly, extending from the thirty-eighth to the forty-fifth degree, was granted to a second colony made up of adventurers from the cities of Bristol and Exeter, the town of Plymouth and else where. The territory afterwards known as New England thus fell to the second colgny, and the persons mentioned in the charter were Thomas Hanham, Ralegh Gilbert^ William Parker, and George Popham. In 1607 was sent out the so-called Popham colony, for the Sagadahoc or Kennebec River, a commercial venture begun by Chief Justice John Popham, brother to George Popham, and whose daughter was mother of Thomas Hanham. It failed, and not until the voyage of Smith in 1614 could interest in the second colony be revived, when Sir Ferdinando Gorges becomes the ruling spirit. The charter of 1606 is in Hazard, 1. 50. 2 New England, the northern part of the Virginia Company's grant of 1606, does not appear to have been considered by the Leyden church company as a possible place of settlement. On the failure of the Popham colony, near the mouth of the Kennebec, in 1608, the region came to be esteemed "a cold, barren, mountainous, rocky Desart," and to be branded as "over cold, and in respect of that not habitable by our nation." Smith, Generall Historic, 204; Gorges, Brief e Narration, 11. Upon his return from New England in August, 1614, Smith confided to his "hon orable friende Sir Ferdinando Gorge" his ambitions to make a settlement, and was encouraged to believe that he would be given the means and authority. He even re tained in his service Michael Cooper, the master, but the London Company not only enticed Cooper away, but offered employment to Smith. Four ships were sent out from London "before they at Plimouth had made any prouision at all." Later, one 66 Plimmoth Plantation their freinds to sue to his majestie that he would be pleased to grant them f reedome of Religion ; and that this might be obtained, they weer putt in good hope (by some great persons, of good ranke and qual- itie) that were made their freinds. Whereupon -2- were chos[io]en and sent in to England (at the charge of the rest) to sollicite this matter; x who found the Virginia Company very desirous to have them goe thither. And willing to grante them a patent, with as ample priviliges as they had, or could grant to any, and to give them the best furderance they could. And some of the cheefe of that company douted not to obtaine their suite of the king for liberty in Religion, and to have it confirmed under the kings broad seale, according to their desires. But it prooved a harder peeceof worke then they tooke it for; for though many means were used to bring it aboute, yet it could not be effected; for ther were diverse of good worth laboured with the king to obtaine it (amongst whom was one vessel was despatched, chiefly set out by Sir Ferdinando, which made a bootless voy age, returning "as she went, and did little or nothing, but lost her time." Smith's refusal caused some displeasure against him in the Southern company, " whose fauor and loue I exceedingly desire, if I may honestly injoy it. . . . Hauing ingaged my selfe in this businesse to the West Countrie; I had beene verie dishonest to haue broke my promise; nor will I spend more time in discouerie, or fishing, till I may goe with a companie for plantation: for, I know my grounds." When Smith was sent out in 1615, it was nominally under the West Country people, but the larger support came from some of his friends in London. Description of New England, 66, 68. Smith's enthusiastic account of the territory, published in 1616, had for its immedi ate object the encouragement of fishing ventures; but he, knowing "a ring of golde from a graine of barley, as well as a goldesmith," also claimed to have made known to his employers, "a fit place for plantation, limited within the bounds of your Patent and Commission." Description of New England, Letter to Adventurers. 1 "Now these their private thoughts upon mature deliberation they imparted to the Brethren of the Congregation, which after much private discussion came to publike agitation, till at length the Lord was solemnly sought in the Congregation by fasting and prayer to direct us, who moving our hearts more and more to the worke, wee sent some of good abilities over into England to see what favour or acceptance such a thing might finde with the King." Winslow, Hypocrisie Unmasked, *8._*f-4Kt (jtrbewytUfs *f- «-' ^*Ltf 0nJi[ ik r-&pad&-r£ -Ktur- Crui*ZftfJ ft ^^^fj^ ;*f&«pW «& i£jLJt /lum^f^fJ m rfuH ftljiAlajtK g. /incur net-, &&w&rt£ £^4,4^+1 1-3WZ*v/CZt.1 ^^l^X tZnyAAZf tau^AUK " " " sWv^w^aiVBrf^ nurr- »xy dft*r*^ t^C'-du-ui \1m4jr >-&S>f- *U ¦£t+pni- *n ^3Er 4Jo4f-j&T~u*u4- f*4fr fMCsJ&hmj 8f-£J'T2t%Jr.t?Jv; <+ .«** «i- iAfju»+ 1^^3- — % Llt?rj££#nt*faiu for' rf/t-na % ¦f LETTER OF CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH J 1 See 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, xn. 158. 68 History of of his cheefe secretaries) 1 and some other wrought with the arch bishop to give way therunto, but it proved all in vaine. Yet thus farr they prevailed, in sounding his majesties mind, that he would connive at them, and not molest them (provided they carried them 1 Sr Robart Nanton. — Bradford. Sir Robert Naunton (1563-1635), received on January 8, 1617-18, through the influence of the Duke of Buckingham, the office of Secretary of State. A warm protestant, he opposed the king's project of a Span ish marriage. Indeed, he incurred the disfavor of the King by interfering in the hope of securing an alliance with the French King. By 1623 he had practically retired from political activity, and received the lucrative office of master of the Court of Wards. The Pilgrims made much of his countenance, although his support, as it turned, could not accomplish what they desired. In his petition from the Fleet Prison, in 1635, Winslow wrote: "That how ever we disliked many things in prac tice heere [in England] in respect of church ceremony yet chose rather to leave the country then be accounted troublers of it, and therefore went into Holland. And that from thence we procured a motion to be made to his Majestie of late and famous memory for liberty of conscience in America, under his gracious pro tection which his Majestie thinking very reasonable (as Sir Robert Naunton prin cipal! Secretary to the State in that time can testifie) we cheerfully proceeded and afterwards procured a commission for the ordering of our body politick." Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, v. 131. And, in 1646, in his Hypocrisie Unmasked (89): "These [the messengers sent to England] also found God going along with them, and got Sir Edwin Sands a religious Gentlemen then living, to stirre in it, who procured Sir Robert Naunton then principall Secretary of State to King James of famous memory, to move his Majesty by a private motion to give way to such a people (who could not so comfortably live under the Government of another State) to enjoy their liberty of Conscience under his gracious protection in America, where they would endeavour the advancement of his Majesties Dominions, and the enlargement of the Gospel by all due meanes. This his Majesty said was a good and honest motion, and asking what profits might arise in the part wee intended (for our eye was upon the most Northern parts of Virginia) 'twas answered, Fishing. To which he replyed with his ordinary asseveration, So God have my Soule 'tis an honest Trade, 'twas the Apostles owne calling, &c. But afterwards he told Sir Robert Naunton (who took all occa sions to further it) that we should confer with the Bishops of Canterbury [George Abbot] and London [John King], &c. Whereupon wee were advised to persist upon his first approbation, and not to entangle our selves with them. Which caused our Agents to repair to the Virginia Company, who in their Court demanded our ends of going; which being related, they said the thing was of God, and granted a large Patent, and one of them lent us 300 / gratis for three years, which was repaid." "When some of ours desired to have planted themselves there [Virginia], with his Plimmoth Plantation 69 selves peacably). But to allow, or tollerate them by his publick authoritie, under his seale, they found it would not be. And this was all (the cheefe of the Virginia companie) or any other of their best freinds could doe in the case. Yet they perswaded them to goe on, for they presumed they should not be troubled. And with this answer the messengers returned, and signified what diligence had bene used and to what issue things were come. But this made a dampe in the bussi- nes, and caused some distraction, for many were afraid that if they should unsetle them selves, and put of their estates, and goe upon these hopes, it might prove dangerous, and but a san- die foundation. Yea, it was thought they might better have presumed hear upon without makeing any suite at all, then, haveing made it, to be thus re jected. But some of the cheefest thought other wise, and that they might well proceede hereupon, and that the kings majestie was willing enough to suffer them without molestation; though for other reasons he would not confirme it by any publick acte. And furdermore, if ther was no securitie in this promise intimated, ther would be no great certainty in a furder majesties leaue upon these three grounds, first that they might be means of replanting the gospel amongst the heathens. Secondly, that they might Hue vnder the King's government. Thirdly, that they might make way for, and unite with others, what in them lieth, whose consciences are grieved with the state of the Church in England : the Byshops did by all means oppose them, and their friends therein." William Euring, An Answer to the Ten Covnter Demands, propovnded by T. Drakes (1619 .6. Dexter suggests that the writer used a fictitious name. See p. 73, infra. SEAL OF THE VIRGINIA COMPANY 70 Plimmoth Plantation confirmation of the same; for if after wards ther should be a pur pose or desire to wrong them, though they had a seale as broad as the house flore, it would not serve the turne; for ther would be means enew found to recall or reverse it. Seeing therfore the course was probable, they must rest herein on Gods providence, as they had done in other things. Upon this resolution, other messengers wear dispatched, to end with the Virginia Company as well as they could. And to procure [20] a patent with as good and ample conditions as they might by any good means obtaine. As also to treate and conclude with shuch marchants and other freinds as had manifested their forwardnes to provoke too and adventure in this vioage. For which end they had instructions given them upon what conditions they should procceed with them, or els to conclude nothing without further advice. And here it will be requisite to inserte a letter or too that may give light to these proceedings. A coppie of leter from Sir Edwin Sands,1 directed to Mr. John Robinson and Mr. William Brewster. After my hartie salutations. The agents of your congregation, Robert Cushman and John Carver, have been in communication with 1 Edwin Sandys (i5i6?-is88), father of Sir Edwin, well known for his interest in the Virginia Company, had been an exile to the continent in the reign of Queen Mary, but returning after her death, became Bishop of London (1570) and later Archbishop of York (1576). His son, Samuel, held a lease of the manor and mills at Scrooby, and it was of Samuel that William Brewster held the manor house. This connection may account for the application to the Virginia Company through Sir Edwin Sandys, who had gained the ascendancy in that corporation in this very year (1619). Brewster would have been known to Samuel, and could by that means have approached Sir Edwin. His selection as intermediary was probably unfortunate, inasmuch as the course of his conduct in the Parliament of 1614 had drawn upon him the displeasure of the King, and led to his being summoned before the Council to answer for his speeches. Dismissed without discipline, he remained under surveillance, and, as no Parliament sat for six years, was not given an opportunity to purge himself of suspected opposi tion to the King's measures. When the new Parliament assembled in 1621, Sandys acted with the popular party. A note of a conversation, held by Sir Nathaniel Rich l ^.^^ZjfZr. XUk -jus-si nv /• ,~~> y* £ -rfrH)/ &~j^4 @> «v*ut[W*a* •^ -X-M^j) «- gL-SJ^9JU -^~>y^) >w^/2.V»^|^(9»r- gwFj/^ cuVL, ^^bJ£x*-*~#- Iohiv&obiruon, . ^ Follfb after charity, uhd dejtre Jpiriktill-StiK $6$| S$s> °Ht r atlKr tha/yee may prgpbefte, £$3 Printed in the yearei I 6 i 8. ~& &5is downe writing, subscribed, as you against their Seven Demands (1618?), of which no copy is known. It was in reply to Drakes that Euring issued his tract. Arber, Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, 282. 1 "If both these agents returned to Leyden at this time, it would appear from the following letter of Robinson and Brewster, that Carver was sent back again the next month (December), to continue the negotiations with the Council of Virginia; having Plimmoth Plantation 75 willed, with the hands of the greatest parte of our congregation, and have sente the same unto the Counsell by our agente, and a deacon of our church, John Carver, unto whom we have also requested a gentle man of our company to adyone him selfe; to the care and discretion of which two, we doe refferr the pro secuting of the bussines. Now we perswade our selves Right Worships that we need not provoke your godly and loving minde to any further or more tender care of us, since you have pleased so farr to interest us in your selfe, that, under God, above all persons and things in the world, we re- lye upon you, expecting the care of your love, counsell of your wisdome, and the help and countenance of your authority. Notwith standing, for your encour- agmente in the worke, so farr as probabilities may leade, we will not forbeare to mention these instances of indusmente. I. We veryly beleeve and AP OLOGIA IVSTA, ET NECES- S A R I A Q_J O R. V K D A M Chriftianomm , sque con- minel'ofe ac coirunu- nite r .iiftonim 'Brow- mft.witm five Ba- rcwiftaruf/u . per lOHANNEM RoBINSONVN. Anglo-Leidenfem , fuo & Ecclefix nomine , cui pne- fkitur. PSA L. 41. 2. tBt attu , qui atttndit ad attenuatunu Anno Dom. 1619. a 'gentleman of their company' associated with him in the agency. The time of his return from this second visit is not given. Subsequently, Cushman and Brewster were sent over, and were doubtless the messengers alluded to by Bradford on p. 70, who 'were dispatched to end with the Virginia Company.' The time of their arrival in London or return to Leyden is uncertain, but it is certain that they had been in Eng land for some time at the date of Cushman's letter (May 8, 1619) on pp. 84-90." Deane. 76 History of trust the Lord is with us, unto whom and whose service we have given our selves in many trialls; and that he will graciously prosper our indeavours according to the simplicitie of our harts therin. 2ly. We are well weaned from the dellicate milke of our mother countrie, and enured to the difficulties of a strange and hard land, which yet in a great parte we have by patience overcome. 3ly. The people are for the body of them, industrious, and frugall, we thinke we may safly say, as any company of people in the world. 4ly. We are knite togeather as a body in a most stricte and sacred bond and covenante of the Lord, of the violation * wherof we make great conscience, and by vertue wherof we doe hould our selves straitly tied to all care of each others good, and of the whole by every one and so mutually. 5. Lastly, it is not with us as with other men, whom small things can discourage, or small discontentments cause to wish them selves at home againe. We knowe our entertainmente in England, and in Holand ; we shall much prejudice both our arts and means by removall; who, if we should be driven to returne, we should not hope to recover our present helps and comforts, neither indeed looke ever, for our * Note. — 0 sacred bond, whilst inviollably preserved! how sweete and precious were the fruits that flowed from the same ! but when this fidelity decayed, then their ruine approached. O that these anciente members had not dyed, or been dissipated, (if it had been the will of God) or els that this holy care and constante faithfullnes had still lived, and remained with those that survived, and were in times afterwards added unto them. But (alass) that subtill serpente hath slylie wound in him selfe under faire pretences of necessitie and the like, to untwiste these sacred bonds and tyes, and as it were insensibly by degrees to dissolve, or in a great measure to weaken, the same. I have been happy, in my first times, to see, and with much comforte to in joye, the blessed fruits of this sweete communion, but it is now a parte of my miserie in old age, to find and feele the decay and wante therof (in a great measure), and with greefe and sorrow of hart to lamente and bewaile the same. And for others warning and admonnition, and my owne humiliation, doe I hear note the same.1 1 The above reflections of the author were penned at a later period, on the reverse pages of his History, at this place. Deane. Plimmoth Plantation 77 selves, to attaine unto the like in any other place during our lives, which are now drawing towards their periods. [22] These motives we have been bould to tender unto you, which you in your wisdome may also imparte to any other our wor[shi]pps freinds of the Counsell with you ; of all whose godly dispossition and loving towards our despised persons, we are most glad, and shall not faile by all good means to continue and increase the same. We will not be further troublesome, but doe, with the renewed remembrance of our humble duties to your Wor[shi]pps and (so farr as in modes- tie we may be bould) to any other of our wellwillers of the Counsell with you, we take our leaves, commiting your persons and counsels to the guidance and direction of the Allmighty. Yours much bounden in all duty, Leyden, Desem: 15. John Robinson, An°: 1617. William Brewster. For further light in these proceedings see some other letters and notes as followeth. The coppy of a letter sent to Sir John Worssenham} Right Wor[shipfu]ll: Withdueacknowledgmenteofour thankfull- nes for your singular care and pains in the bussines of Virginia, for our, and, we hope, the commone good, we doe remember our f~^i humble dutys unto you, and have sent inclosed, as is required, a further explanation of our / j judgments in the -3 • points spe- V_^/ cified by some of his majesties Hon[ora]bl[e] Privie Counsell; and though it be greevious unto us that shuch unjust insinuations are made against us, yet we are most 1 Sir John Wolstenholme (1562-1639) was a merchant adventurer, deeply inter ested in commerce, colonization, and maritime discovery, and liberal in his assistance to many expeditions. He was in 1609 a member of the council of the Virginia Company, took an active part in its management, and in 1624 was one of the commissioners for closing its affairs. See Dictionary of National Biography. I yt-'Mmmf ir / / " 7 8 History of glad of the occasion of making our just purgation unto so honourable personages. The declarations we have sent inclosed, the one more breefe and generall, which we thinke the fitter to be presented ; theother something more large, and in which we express some smale accidentall differances, which if it seeme good unto you and other of our worjship- ful] freinds, you may send in stead of the former. Our prayers unto God is, that your Wor[shipps] may see the frute of your worthy en deavours, which on our parts we shall not faile to furder by all good means in us. And so praing that you would please with the conven- ientest speed that may be, to give us knowledge of the success of the bussines with his majesties Privie Counsell, and accordingly what your further pleasure is, either for our direction or furtherance in the same, so we rest Your Worships] in all duty, Leyden, Jan: 27. John Robinson, An0: 1617. old stile.1 William Brewster. The first breefe note was this} Touching the Ecclesiasticall ministrie, namly of pastores for teach ing, elders for ruling, and deacons for distributing the churches con tribution, as allso for the too Sacrements, baptisme, and the Lords supper, we doe wholy and in all points agree [23] with the French re formed churches, according to their publick confession of faith.3 1 That is, 1618, new style. * No specific reference to the subject is to be found in the records of the King's Privy Council. A meeting of the Council on December 4, 1617, was attended by "Lord Archbishop of Canterburie [George Abbot], Lord Keeper [Sir Francis Bacon], Lord Treasurer [Thomas Howard, first Earl of Suffolk], Lord Priuie Seal [Edward Somerset, fourth Earl of Worcester], Lord Stewarde [William Cowper], Lord Chamberlain [Henry de Vere, Earl of Oxford], [Thomas Howard, second] Earl of Arundell, Lord Bishop of Elie [Lancelot Andrewes], [Edward] Lord Zouch, [Edward] Lord Wotton, [James] Lord Hay, Mr. Comptroller [Sir Henry Cary], Mr. Secretarie [Ralph Winwood], Mr. Chan cellor of the Exchequer [Fulke Greville], Master of the Rolles [Sir Julius Caesar], Sir Edward Coke." Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial, I. 13. To the clerical members, especially, the subject would be of great interest. They with Archbishop Abbott in the lead doubtless framed or inspired the "three points," and were the members re ferred to in the letter. • This statement was used by those hostile to the plantation in 1625.' See p. 423, infra. Plimmoth Plantation 79 The oath of Supremacie 1 we shall willingly take if it be required of us, and that conveniente satisfaction be not given by our taking the oath of Alleagence.2 John Rob: William Brewster. When the fugitives from persecution in Queen Mary's time came, in 1554, to Frank fort they were offered the French Church as a place of worship on condition that they should not dissent from the doctrine or ceremonies therein used. A further stipulation was made, that before they entered their church, they should approve and subscribe the same confession of faith that the Frenchmen had then presented and were about to put in print. The English accepted these conditions and made the necessary sub scriptions. Brief Discourse of the Troubles begun at Frankfort. The attitude of the Leyden church towards the Dutch and French churches, "which we acknowledge for true churches," is stated in Robinson, Works, m. 128. See p. 389, infra. 1 The oath of supremacy, passed in I Eliz. c. 1 (1558)1 read as follows: "I, A. B., do utterly testify and declare, that the queen's highness is the only supreme governor of this realm, and all other her highness's dominions and countries, as well in all spiritual and ecclesiastical things or causes, as temporal; and that no foreign prince, person, prelate, state, or potentate, hath or ought to have, any jurisdiction, power, superiority, pre-eminence, or authority, ecclesiastical or spiritual, within this realm; and therefore I do utterly renounce and forsake all foreign jurisdictions, powers, superiorities, and authorities, and do promise that from henceforth I shall bear faith and true allegiance to the queen's highness, her heirs and lawful successors, and to my power shall assist and defend all jurisdictions, pre-eminences, privileges, and authorities, granted or belonging 'to the queen's highness, her heirs and suc cessors, or united and annexed to the imperial crown of this realm." The oath and exposition published to the ecclesiastical visitors of 1559 can .be seen in Hallam, Constitutional History of England (4th ed.), 1. now. Under the conditions existing in 161 7 no person could be transported to Virginia without first taking the oath of supremacy. 2 The oath of allegiance, passed in 3 James I c. 4, 5 (1606), was as follows: "I, A. B., do truely and sincerely acknowledge, professe, testifie, and declare in my conscience before God and the world, That our Soueraigne Lord King Iames, is law- full and rightfull King of this Realme, and of all other his Maiesties Dominions and Countries; And that the Pope neither of himselfe, nor by any authoritie of the Church or See of Rome, or by any other meanes with any other hath any power or Authoritie to depose the King, or to dispose any of his Maiesties Kingdomes, or Dominions, or to authorize any forraigne Prince to inuade or annoy him, or his Countreys, or to discharge any of his Subjects of their allegiance and obedience' to his Maiestie, or to giue license or leaue to any of them to beare Armes, raise tumult, or to offer any 80 Plimmoth Plantation The -2' was this. Touching the Ecclesiasticall ministrie, etc. as in the former, we agree in all things with the French reformed churches, according to their publick confession of faith; though some small differences be to be found in our practises, not at all in the substance of the things, but only in some accidentall circumstances. i. As first, their ministers doe pray with their heads covered; ours uncovered. 2. We chose none for Governing Elders but shuch as are able to teach; which abilitie they doe not require. 3. Their elders and deacons are annuall, or at most for -2- or -3- years; ours perpetuall. Violence, or hurt to his Maiesties Royall Person, State, or gouernment, or to any of his Maiesties Subjects within his Maiesties Dominions. "Also, I doe sweare from my heart, that notwithstanding any Declaration or sen tence of Excommunication or deposition made or granted, or to be made or granted by the Pope or his Successours, or by any Authoritie deriued, or pretended to be deriued from him, or his See against the said King, his Heires or Successours, or any absolution of the said Subiects from their obedience: I will beare faith and true allegiance to his Maiestie, his Heires and Successours, and him and them will defend to the vttermost of my power, against all Conspiracies and attempts whatsoeuer, which shall bee made against his or their Persons, their Crowne and dignitie, by rea son or colour of any such sentence or declaration or otherwise, and will doe my best endeuour to disclose and make knowen vnto his Maiestie, his Heires and Successours, all Treasons and Traiterous conspiracies, which I shall know or heare of to be against him or any of them. "And I do further sweare, That I do from my heart abhor, detest and abiure, as impious and hereticall, this damnable doctrine and position, That Princes which be Excommunicated or depriued by the Pope, may be deposed or murthered by their Subiects, or any other whatsoeuer. "And I doe beleeue and in conscience am resolued, that neither the Pope nor any person whatsoeuer, hath power to absolue mee of this Oath, or any part thereof, which I acknowledge by good and full authoritie to bee lawfully ministered vnto mee, and doe renounce all Pardons and dispensations to the contrary. And all these things I doe plainely and sincerely acknowledge and sweare, according to these expresse wordes by me spoken, and according to the plaine and common sense and vnder- standing of the same wordes, without any Equiuocation, or mentall euasion, or secret reseruation whatsoeuer. And I doe make this recognition and acknowledgment heartily, willingly, and truely, vpon the true faith of a Christian. So helpe me God." $1 By the King. fhS iyjjTXaVB^yi IT hath beene our defire and difpofition jut an rDe tontft of one (BOnemment fas one of the bed ano fefedrenuDfe*) to ejctenbotwnatatail cletnetttarw fag ©ffenbers rbftere rtafon of State Ml not permit 6s to bfetljefamefnWtpenfjngauhthctroffencefli^nDftauinslate^ ipobrttuebtftatefners of onr S>ubf«ts Dane repatrtu into om: Kealmeof cnglanb from tlje parts beponb tfceSeas (being pecronsofmeanetonottfon.anbofMnbjmgcoutreofiife, anb tertsnotben to anp of ctebit mat migtjt bnbert aae fo? tDeni ) ttfjo Dane eeforeb to tafte tlje Datljofallegeance,latclpbp out parliament benifeb : wt tan not bnt conctiue that fact) uecfons ace not bnlifee to become bab Unflrnments of pjactife anb petill againff one State. M tonfibeetog tfcat vbe ftabneuet anp intention in the fojme of tljat £>atfi to pjeffe anp point of Confff ente fo; matter of Beligfon , bnt onip to make fome bifconecie of biaopau affection : tlje cerafail thereof in anp perlon mult botlj inbuce a bebement forpite on in ttfelfe, anb muctj mwefn futB a one asmapbe pjobablp fupporeb to Ijaue tome from fuel) pacts, tbherc !je mapljane conuerfca ttntlj 3Etafto;sanb f ugitiues , anb isaifo of a, neebie fortune , tbbiclj mapnia&eBfmapt fo;anp bangecouso?berpctatcfmplopment : anb tljecefo;e uaeeljaue tefolueb, anb atcojbfnglpboe tljarge ano commannb all pec* fons autljoa'sebbp 2,aib,to mint&er tbe fatb ©at?) , tljat taking (nfomtatfon from the £>f* ficecs of one £o?ts,anb bp all otijcr gooo nrnpes anb meanes , t&ep fade not to tenbec the fame £>atb at nje fioits to all one Snbietts eommingfrom beponb tBe Seas, (not being Bnottien^ecc5antso?menoffomeqnaiitic)anbbponcefuraHtBeceof tfie IUU) to be fe* neceipciecuteb, a)b(t8^Uctatotomm(ttl)emto^;ifonbntmtljene)ctaQ'ires,o?©ene" tailquatter SefJionS,anbfobpon a retonbrcMailtobebjongljt ttftDtotJfebegtee of a Prxmunw . naijecein, betanfe tfje penaitte is fo gcieuons (of ibBit 9 nenettfjeleOe ibe tail not in one $? anb finbe lnrtjrtcotbittbearafattjaffertions.ascannotto^perfl,anbt!)ecebpeftl)eccefca form IF Plimmoth Plantation 87 his person be wellcome. He saith Mr. Blackwells shipe came not ther till March, but going towards winter, they had still norwest winds, which carried them to the southward beyond their course. And the master of the ship and some • 6 • of the mariners dieing, it seemed they could not find the bay, till after long seeking and beating aboute. Mr. Blackwell is dead, and Mr. Maggner, the Captain; yea, ther are dead, he saith, •130- persons, one and other in that ship; it is said ther was in all an • 180* persons in the ship, so as they were packed togeather like herings. They had amongst them the fluxe, and allso wante of fresh water; so as it is hear rather wondred at that so many are alive, then that so many are dead. The marchants hear say it was Mr. colony, Sir Thomas Dale, bade him return to the north, and destroy any French set tlements he should find, a commission Argall performed to the satisfaction of Dale. 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, 1. 186. On his return, and presumably in November, 1613, Argall touched at the mouth of Hudson's River and discovered there another intruding settlement, that of the Dutch, which he proceeded to lay under tribute. Exactly what happened is not clearly known. The English claimed that the Dutch submitted, and agreed to pay an annual tribute as an acknowledgment of the English title; but on the appointment of a new Resident at Manhattan, the payments stopped, and the Dutch on that island began to.build a fort and put themselves in a posture of defense. New York Hist. Soc. Coll., 2 Ser., 1. 334. Argall carried his prisoners to England, where charges were made against him, to which he made a successful defense. He returned to Virginia in 161 7, as deputy governor and admiral of the adjacent seas, and, after about two years' service, avoided meeting his successor, Captain George Yeardley, by boarding in January a pinnace, the Eleanor, and sailing for England, where he arrived in April, 1619. In /'^jS ~ - x^a . >\ the following year he accompanied i^^/7 fisiSTpY^ \/f/7-t'^F the expedition under Sir R. Mansell J" //r'' "mf^rH against Algiers. He made no more (_/ voyages to Virginia, and died in 1626. His visit to Manhattan, casual as it seems to have been, is not without interest in connection with New Plymouth. Bradford and the Pilgrims could hardly have known of it when they sailed from Leyden, nor did they urge it later as the ground of their claim that Manhattan belonged to England. In 1632, Mason did bring it forward, saying, "Sir Samuel Argall, Knight, with many English planters were preparing to goe and sitt downe in his lott of land upon the sayd Manahata river at the same tyme when the Dutch intruded, which caused a Demurre in their proceding." Mason to Coke, April 2, 1632. Some sixteen years later, the writer of the Description of the 88 History of Blackwells faulte to pack so many in the ship; yea, and ther were great mutterings and repinings amongst them, and upbraiding of Mr. Blackwell, for his dealing and dispossing of them, when they saw how he had dispossed of them, and how he insulted over them. Yea, the streets at Gravsend runge of their extreame quarrelings, crying out one of another, Thou hast brought me to this, and, I may thanke the for this. Heavie newes it is, and I would be glad to heare how farr it will discourage.1 I see none hear discouraged much, [25] but rather desire to larne to beware by other mens harmes, and to amend that wherin they have failed. As we desire to serve one another in love, so take heed of being inthraled by any imperious persone, especially if they be discerned to have an eye to them selves. It doth often trouble me to thinke that in this bussines we are all to learne and none to Province of New Albion (1646) made much of the Argall visit, but was silent upon his proposed occupation of the island. From what is known of Argall the taking of tribute is not unlikely; but little reliance can be placed upon the rest of the story. 1 It is strange that this ill-fated voyage has no other record than this letter. Before 1619, the Company, in the hope of invigorating its languishing affairs in Virginia, set aside its monopoly management so far as to permit the formation of societies which would at their private charge set up particular plantations or settlements. Both of the subsequent grants of interest to the Leyden congregation, those made to Whincop and John Peirce, were of this description, as was probably that under which Black- well sailed. If a private venture, the Company's books would record the grant of per mission alone; but an additional reason for the little knowledge of it may be laid to a belief, current at the time, that news unfavorable, to the Colony was systematically suppressed. In spite of all precaution, intelligence did leak out through the sailors returning from Virginia; and from notes obtained of the captains of vessels Purchas obtained not a little of his material. He records (Pilgrimes, iv. 1774) the last voy age to Virginia of Lord De La Warr in 1618, resulting in his death and that of thirty of his fellow passengers. In view of this, it is the more remarkable that the voyage of Blackwell, involving so heavy a loss of life, should not have attained a like notoriety. In its instructions to Governor George Yeardley, dated November 18, 1618, the Virginia Company gives warning of grants having been made in general words for particular plantations, which had been abused by taking in persons, like masters of vessels and mariners, "never intended there to inhabit." Such "after and under grants" were declared to be "to all intents and purposes utterly void," and any person removing to Virginia under such an association would be deemed as tenants of the Company. Va. Hist. Mag., n. 161. As Blackwell's ship sailed "towards winter" in 1618, the instructions may have touched upon his adventure. Plimmoth Plantation 89 teach; but better so, then to depend upon shuch teachers as Mr. Blackwell was. Shuch a stratageme he once made for Mr. Johnson and his people at Emden, which was their subversion. But though he ther clenlily (yet unhonestly) plucked his neck out of the collar, yet at last his foote is caught. Hear are no letters come, the ship Captain Argole came in is yet in the west parts; all that we hear is but his reporte; it seemeth he came away secretly. The ship that Mr. Blackwell went in will be hear shortly. It is as Mr. Robinson once said; he thought we should hear no good of them. Mr. B. is not well at this time;1 whether he will come back to you 1 Brewster was at this time wanted by the English government, to answer for print ing some controversial works regarded as seditious. These writings, notably David Calderwood's Perth Assembly, opposed the King's attempt to overthrow the Kirk of Scotland, and to force Episcopacy upon the unwilling people. Political as well as police reasons ranged the Dutch authorities upon the side of the English government, for it was alleged the printers had violated an express edict (plakkaat) on printing of books, published in December, 1618. As Brewer, the partner of Brewster, and the capitalist of the printing establishment, was a member of the University, he became amenable to its inquiry and discipline. In July, 1619, Sir Dudley Carleton, the English ambassador at the Hague, reported to Sir Robert Naunton, on one "William Brewster, a Brownist, who hath been for some years an inhabitant and printer at Leyden, but is now within these three weeks removed from thence and gone back to dwell in London." August 1/1 1 Naunton re plied that Brewster had been "frighted back into the Lowe Countries by the Bishopps pursivants." A few days later (August 13) Carleton wrote that Brewster's return to Leyden was reported, but his own search assured him that the information was not true, and that Brewster had removed both his family and his goods from the city. September 7 he sends a report of Brewster's having been seen at Leyden, and after another week's interval he wrote more fully, September j 13 : "I have used all diligence to enquire after Brewster; and find he keeps most at Amsterdam; but being incerti laris, he is not yet to be lighted upon. I understand he prepares to settle him self at a village called Leerdorp, not far from Leyden, thinking there to be able to print prohibited books without discovery, but I shall lay wait for him, both there and in other places, so as I doubt but either he must leave this country; or I shall, sooner or later, find him out." On the 20th he thought he had caught Brewster, but it was Brewster's partner in Leyden, Thomas Brewer, whom the " drunken bailiff " be lieved to be the man wanted. Brewer was put in the University prison, and Carleton expected to learn much from a voluntary confession against Brewster's publications. The result disappointed him. " It appeared that this Brewer, and Brewster, whom this man set on work, having kept no open shop, nor printed many books fit for public sale go Plimmoth Plantation or goe into the north, I yet know not.1 For my selfe, I hope to see an end of this bussines ere I come, though I am sorie to be thus from you; if things had gone roundly forward, I should have been with you within these -14- days. I pray God directe us, and give us thatspirite which is fitting for shuch a bussines. Thus having summarily pointed at things which Mr. Brewster (I thinke) hath more largly write of to Mr. Robinson, I leave you to the Lords protection. Yours in all readines, &c. Robart Cushman. London, May 8. An0: 1619. A word or tow by way of digression touching this Mr. Blackwell; he was an elder of the church at Amsterdam, a man well known of most of them. He declined from the trueth with Mr. Johnson and the rest, and went with him when they parted assunder in that wo- full maner, which brought so great dishonour to God, scandall to the trueth, and outward mine to them selves in this world.2 But in these provinces, their practice was to print prohibited books to be vented under hand in his majesty's kingdoms." Historical Magazine, iv. 4. Brewer was a "gentle man" and a landed proprietor of Kent. In a posthumous work, written by him, en titled Gospel Public Worship, he describes his imprisonment by the Bishops in the King's Bench Prison, above the space of fourteen years (1626-40), for saying: "That because the Prelates did not derive their Offices from His Majesty as they ought: therefore he durst not partake with them, nor the derivers of their offices from them, in the proper works of their offices." In the preface he states of his own life: "Who, in the time of his liberty, was a frequent publisher of them himself at Leyden in Hol land; where he walked in communion with Master Robinson and also with Master Ainsworth. Also, after the time of his restraint, procuring liberty of his Keeper; and sometimes in the Prison; he taught them frequently in several Congregations in London." Arber, Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, 167, 247. He died in December, 1640. The name of Thomas Brewer appears among the signers of the agreement of the adventurers of November, 1626. The identity has not yet been established. 1 Brewster was certainly in Leyden on September 19, but was reported to the city authorities as sick. They determined to bring him " into the debtor's chamber, provisionally, where he went voluntarily." It was Brewer, however, who was actu ally apprehended, as above related. Historical Magazine, iv. 5. 2 After the division in the Amsterdam church, which resulted in the law suit over the property and the recognition of the Ainsworth party as rightful owners, Johnson fa hvpy frfaftorf Goon C&c£kf e*. fa$*rfr&~97W#Cri t ^Ti>tu^ernU ¦ Cautte Ttu-iiicdL l">Ji~c ^rrt^uc^uj. pa^^-dsfi^ _ Yemmb CL-J^ &toOj lfiy abvertf ther *m$ &*Jl ^****~^3^ brie *bts faMV &$&- ?e- wy frrtnc- vz^nntsfa*^ /Wr~ tJL LETTER OF POLYANDER ON BREWER'S TYPES 92 History of I hope, notwithstanding, through the mercies of the Lord, their souls are now at rest with him in the heavens, and that they are arrived in the Haven of hapines; though some of their bodies were thus buried in the terrable seas, and others sunke under the burthen of bitter afflictions. He with some others had prepared for to goe to Virginia. And he, with sundrie godly citizens, being at a private meeting (I take it a fast) in London, being discovered, many of them were apprehended, wherof Mr. Blakwell was one; but he so glossed with the b[isho]ps, and either dissembled or flatly deneyed the trueth which formerly he had maintained; and not only so, but very unworthily betrayed and accused another godly 1 man who had escaped, that so he might slip his own neck out of the collar, and to obtaine his owne freedome brought others into bonds. Wherupon he so wone the b[isho]ps favour (but lost the Lord's) as he was not only dismiste, but in oppen courte the Archbishop gave him great applause and his sollemne blessing to proseed in his vio- age. But if shuch events follow the b[isho]ps blessing, happie are they that misse the same; it is much better to keepe a good conscience and have the Lords blessing, whether in life or death. But see how the man thus apprehended by Mr. Blackwells means, writes to a freind of his. and his followers (Blackwell being one) removed to Emden, in East Friesland, a place about one hundred and fifty miles northeast of Amsterdam, near the mouth of the Ems, and of high repute as a place of refuge for the persecuted English in the reign of Queen Mary. This removal took place about 1612, and some time after that year Blackwell's scheme was framed. Of his intention and the purposes of the Emden congregation no record exists save these references by Bradford and Cushman, but it involved a transportation across the ocean. Johnson, Bradford states (Dialogue), died January 10, 1617-18, at Amsterdam, after his return from Emdem, and not many years after the division in the church. In the year before his death John son described himself as " pastour of the auncient English church now sojourning at Amsterdam," and "pastour of the English exiled church sojourning (for the present) at Amsterdam." The first description applies to his former pastorate, and the second may refer to a temporary passage through Amsterdam to another place — possibly the Blackwell project towards America. He died before the company embarked. On Francis Blackwell, see Hanbury, Historical Memorials, 1. 148. 1 That is, Sabine Staresmore. Plimmoth Plantation 93 Right dear freind and Christian brother, Mr. Carver, I salute you and yours in the Lord, etc. As for my owne presente condition, I doubt not but you well understand it ere this by our brother Maister- sone,1 who should have tasted of the same cupp, had his place of resi dence and his person been as well knowne as my selfe. Some what I have written to Mr. Cushman how the matter still continues. I have petitioned twise to Mr. Sherives,2 and once to my Lord Cooke,3 and have used such reasons to move them to pittie, that if they were not overruled by some others, I suppose I should soone gaine my libertie; as that I was a yonge man living by my [26] credite, indebted to di verse in our citie, living at more then ordinarie charges in a close and tedious prison; besides great rents abroad, all my bussines lying still, my only servante lying lame in the countrie, my wife being also great with child. And yet no answer till the lords of his majesties Counsell gave consente. Howbeit, Mr. Blackwell, a man as deepe in this action as I, was delivered at a cheaper rate, with a great deale less adoe; yea, with an addition of the Arch[bishop] blessing. I am sorie for Mr. Blackwels weaknes, I wish it may prove no worse. But yet he and some others of them, before their going, were not sorie, but thought it was for the best that I was nominated, not because the Lord sanctifies evill to good, but that the action was good, yea for the best. One rea son I well remember he used was, because this trouble would encrease 1 Richard Masterson came from Sandwich, and followed wool carding. In 1614 he purchased a house on Uiterstegracht, Leyden, from his fellow churchman, Roger Wilson, for eight hundred guilders. A deacon of the Leyden church he was chosen to that office, Savage conjectures, after the sailing of the Mayflower. On November 26, 1619, he married in Leyden Mary Goodale, of Leiston, Suffolk, and with her came to New Plymouth in 1630. After his death in the sickness of 1633, his widow married, as Savage supposes in 1634, Ralph Smith, and she held in 1649 her right in a house in Leyden, which had belonged to Masterson. 2 The Sheriff. 3 Removed by royal orders from his position of Chief Justice of the King's Bench in June, 1616, Sir Edward Coke was in September of the following year recalled to the Council. Later he sat in the Star Chamber, and was a member of several commis sions of inquiry concerning the laws against seminary priests and disputes among the incorporated companies. It was possibly in this latter capacity that he was appealed to by Staresmore. 94 History of the Virginia plantation, in that now people begane to be more gener ally inclined to goe; and if he had not nomminated some shuch as I, he had not bene free, being it was knowne that diverse citizens besides them selves were ther. I expecte an answer shortly what they intend conscerning me; I purpose to write to some others of you, by whom you shall know the certaintie. Thus not haveing further at present to aquaint you withall, commending my selfe to your prairs, I cease, and committe you and us all to the Lord. From my chamber in Wodstreete Compter.1 Your freind, and brother in bonds, Sabin Staresmore. Septr: 4. Anno: 161 8. But thus much by the way, which may be of instruction and good use. But at last, after all these things, and their long attendance, they had a patent granted them, and confirmed under the Companies seale; but these devissions and distractions had shaken of many of ther pretended freinds, and disappointed them of much of their hoped for and proffered means. By the advise of some freinds this pattente was not taken in the name of any of their owne, but in the name of Mr. John Wincob (a religious gentleman then belonging to the Countess of Lincoline), who intended to goe with them.2 But 1 One of two prisons in London, which took the place of the Bread Street Compter in 1555, and was itself superseded in 1791 by the Giltspur Street Compter. A curious account of the reason for making the change will be found in Stow, Survey of London (Kingsford), 1. 350. The other compter in the sixteenth century was the Poultry Compter, taken down in 1817. 2 "One Mr. Weyncop commended to the Company by the Earle of Lincolne in tending to goe in person to Virginia, and there to plant himself e and his Associats pre sented his Pattent now [May 26, 1619] to the Court." It was considered in committee and was ordered to be sealed June 9, 1619. Records of the Virginia Company, 1. 221, 228. The name is Whincop or Wincop. Neill conjectures that he was one of three brothers, clergymen, and that John served as tutor to the Earl of Lincoln. Virginia Company of London, 128 n. One "John Wyncopp of Kirkby Vnderwood" refused in March, 1626-27, to lend to the King " in the tyme of his necessytie," or to enter into bond for his appearance at the Council Board to answer for his refusal. A^. E. Hist. Gen. Plimmoth Plantation 95 God so disposed as he never went, nor they ever made use of this patente, which had cost them so much labour and charge, as by the sequell will appeare. This patente being sente over for them to veiw and consider,1 as also the passages aboute the propossitions Reg., xxxvi. 140. Lincolnshire was a center of opposition to the royal methods of extorting loans under measures believed to be illegal. Thomas, third Earl of Lincoln, succeeded his father in the title in 1616. He married Elizabeth Knevitt, of Charlton, Wiltshire, and died January 15, 1618-19. His third but eldest surviving son, Theophilus, became the fourth Earl of Lincoln, and his wife was Bridget, daughter of William Fiennes, Viscount Say and Sele, whose connection with the settlement on the Connecticut River is well known. Whincop probably served under the third Earl. 1 "That a Patent, as is aforesaid, was obtained, is published in print, and affirmed by such as yet survive of the first planters ; but where it is, or how it came to be lost, is not known to any that belong to the said Colony." Hubbard, History, 50. A patent did issue, but no reference to it appears after it was sent to Hofland for the con sideration of the intending emigrants. Its terms and bounds have been a subject of conjecture, and it is supposed to have embraced a tract of territory near the mouth of the Hudson River. This supposition rests upon Bradford's statement on p. 152, that after deliberation among themselves and the master of the Mayflower they re solved to stand for the southward, "to finde some place aboute Hudsons river for their habitation," and upon the charge that this master, Jones, at the instigation of the Dutch threw obstacles in the way of a settlement on or near the Hudson. The simpler explanation of the desire to go to the Hudson lies in the fact that the grant of King James, of 1606, creating the Virginia companies, while including all the con tinent from the thirty-fourth to the forty-fifth degree of north latitude, divided the territory into a southern (Virginia) and a northern (New England) colony, and as signed the divisions to different colonizing agencies. The line of division was the forty-first parallel. The London merchants received Virginia, and those of Plymouth and the west of England, New England. The Whincop Patent was issued by the Virginia Company, and the Pilgrims sailed from England some weeks before the Council for the affairs of New England received a new patent, which expressly recog nized the fortieth parallel as its southern boundary, and, in all probability, took what had come to be accepted as the line dividing the Northern from the Southern com pany's sphere of influence. A patent from the Virginia Company, issued to London merchants, would apply to any specified territory south of the fortieth degree, and that would mean at the mouth or anywhere south of Hudson's River. Bradford recognizes the distinction on p. 189. Captain John Smith, in his letter of 1618 to Sir Francis Bacon, speaks of the "desyre of gaine in marchants so violent; everyone so regarding his private, that it is worse 96 Plimmoth Plantation between them and shuch marchants and freinds as should either goe or adventure with them, and espetially with those 1 on whom they did cheefly depend for shipping and means, whose proffers had been large, they were requested to fitt and prepare them selves with all speed. A right emblime, it may be, of the uncertine things of this world; that when men have toyld them selves for them, they vanish into smoke. than slaverye to follow any publique good, and impossible to bring them into a bodye, rule or order, unles it be by some extraordinary power." Historical Magazine, v. 195. 1 Mr. Tho: Weston, etc. — Bradford. Weston was a citizen and ironmonger of London. "He seems to have been a man of a type not uncommon in the days of Elizabeth and James I, — English adventurers, half traders and half explorers, who probably required the inducement only to ripen into something closely resembling a freebooter. His head was full of schemes for deriving great and sudden gain from the settlement of the North American coast, in regard to the possibilities of which he shared to the full all the sanguine faith of Raleigh, Gorges and Smith. ... In all probability he had been concerned in fishing and trading ventures to the Banks of Newfoundland and neighboring coasts. He may have prospered in them. At all events, in 1620 he was possessed of some means, and was eager to try his fortune in those parts in a more systematic way, and, for that time, on a considerable scale." Adams, Three Episodes of Massachusetts History, 46. The merchants may have been the Merchant Adventurers, of which body Weston was treasurer and an active, if not a ruling spirit. These merchant companies, supported by the monopoly and special exemptions given to them by law and royal grants, and exercising large political functions, were regarded as favorable instruments for extending the trade of the kingdom, though they did quarrel with other like mercantile companies over rights and the in trusion of others. The charter of the Merchant Adventurers' Company was abol ished by proclamation of December 2, 1614, but the objects intended by that measure were not attained, and the old company was re-established in 1617. As the cloth industry and commerce formed one of its more important activities, its rela tions with Holland were close, and thus Weston may have learned of the purpose of the Leyden congregation. At the same time a number of merchants uniting for a special undertaking took the title of "Merchant Adventurers," and Weston may have had a connection with such a body. The -6- Chap [ter] Conscerning the agreements and artickles between them, and shuch mar- chants and others as adventured moneys; with other things falling out aboute making their provissions. UPON the receite of these things by one of their messengers, they had a sollemne meeting and a day of humilliation to seeke the Lord for his direction; and their pastor tooke this texte, • I • Sam. 23. 3, 4. And David's men said unto him, see, we be afraid hear in Judah, how much more if we come to Keilah against the host of the Philistimes ? Then David asked counsell of the Lord againe, etc.1 From which texte he taught many things very aptly, and befitting ther presente occasion and condition, strengthing them against their fears and perplexities, and incouraging them in their resolutions.2 [27] 1 "And the Lord answered him, and said, Arise, goe downe to Keilah: for I will deliver the Philistims into thine hand." Genevan version. 2 "Our Agents returning; we further sought the Lord by a publique and solemn Fast, for his gracious guidance. And here upon we came to this resolution, that it was best for one part of the Church to goe at first, and the other to stay, viz. the youngest and strongest part to goe. Secondly, they that went should freely offer themselves. Thirdly, if the major part went, the Pastor to goe with them; if not, the Elder onely. Fourthly, if the Lord should frowne upon our proceedings, then those that went to returne, and the Brethren that remained still there, to assist and bee helpfull to them, but if God should bee pleased to favour them that went, then they also should endeavour to help over such as were poore and ancient, and willing to come; these things being agreed, the major part stayed, and the Pastor with them for the present, but all in tended (except a very few, who had rather wee would have stayed) to follow after. The minor part, with Mr. Brewster their Elder, resolved to enter upon this great work (but take notice the difference in number was not great;) " Winslow, Hypocrisie Un masked, *90. From this an estimate of the membership of the Leyden church may be made. Originally comprising about one hundred members, it had increased in the 98 History of After which they concluded both what number and what persons should prepare them selves to goe with the first; for all that were willing to have gone could not gett ready for their other affairs in so shorte a time; neither if all could have been ready, had ther been means to have transported them alltogeather. Those that staied being the greater number required the pastor to stay with them; and indeede for other reasons he could not then well goe, and so it was the more easilie yeeldedunto. The other then desired the elder, Mr. Brewster, to goe with them, which was also condescended unto.1 It was also agreed on by mutuall consente and covenante, that those that went should be an absolute church of them selves, as well as those that staid; seing in shuch a dangerus vioage, and a removall to shuch'a distance, it might come to pass they should (for the body of them) never meete againe in this world; yet with this proviso, that as any of the rest came over to them, or of the other returned upon occasion, they should be reputed as members without any further dis mission or testimoniall. It was allso promised to those that wente first, by the body of the rest, that if the Lord gave them life, and means, and opportunitie, they would come to them as soone as they could.2 Aboute this time, whilst they were perplexed with the prosseed- twelve years by accessions from England, and in 1620 numbered about three hundred, of which less than half went to New England. Those who remained in Holland were so thoroughly absorbed in the Dutch population that in 1859 not more than three names of families in Leyden could be traced bearing any resemblance to those known to have been of the Robinson church. Henry C. Murphy, in Historical Magazine, in. 359. See p. 44, supra. 1 Brewster was at this time a fugitive from seizure in Holland as well as in Eng land. Not being enrolled a member of the University, he could not expect the same protection from its privileges as his partner Brewer enjoyed. 2 While this arrangement enabled members to pass from one church to the other without the usual forms attending dismissal and acceptance, it undoubtedly hin dered the church in New Plymouth from obtaining a pastor of its own, as the hope ever existed of Robinson's coming to take the office. Brewster practically exercised all the functions of a pastor, except administration of the Sacraments, for ten years after the settlement, and at intervals later, when the office was vacant. Plimmoth Plantation 99 dings of the Virginia Company, and the ill news from thence aboute Mr. Blackwell and his company, and making inquirey about the hiring and buying of shiping for their vioage, some Dutchmen made them faire offers aboute goeing with them.1 Also one Mr. Thomas Weston, a marchant of London, came to Leyden aboute the same time, (who was well aquainted with some of them, and a furtherer of them in their former proseedings,)2 haveing much conferance with Mr. Robinson and other of the cheefe of them, perswaded them to goe on (as it seems) and not to medlewith the Dutch, or too much to depend on the Virginia Company; 3 for if that failed, if 1 Unfortunately Winslow omitted "for brevity's sake many circumstances, as the large offers the Dutch offered us, either to have removed into Zealand [i.e. Middel- burg], and there lived with them: or if we would go on such adventures, to goe under them to Hudsons River (where they have since a great plantation, &c.) and how they would freely have transported us, and furnished every family with cattle, &c." Hypocrisie Unmasked, *9i. 2 Deane, in a note at this point, regrets that Bradford was not more particular in giving dates to the various occurrences narrated on the last few pages of the His tory. He infers that "Weston's visit to Leyden at this time was before the patent from the Virginia Company was granted; but Carver and Cushman were not sent into England to make the final arrangements for the voyage until after the patent was 'sent over for them to view and consider.' " 3 On 2/12 February, 1619-20, the Directors of the New Netherland Company peti tioned the Prince of Orange to anticipate a settlement of New Netherland by the English, by sending out two ships of war and giving protection to some English who might migrate to that part of the world. "Now it happens, that there is residing at Leyden a certain English Preacher, versed in the Dutch language, who is well inclined to proceed thither to live, assuring the petitioners that he has the means of inducing over four hundred families to accompany him thither, both out of this country and England, provided they would be guarded and preserved from all violence on the part of other potentates, by the authority and under the protection of your Princely Excellency and the High and Mighty Lords States General, in the propagation of the true, pure Christian religion, in the instruction of the Indians in that country in true learning, and in converting them to the Christian Faith, and thus through the mercy of the Lord, to the greater glory of this country's government, to plant there a new Commonwealth, all under the order and command of your Princely Excellency and the High and Mighty Lords States General." Col. Hist, of New York, 1. 22. The petition was "again rejected" April 1/11, 1620. Writing from the Haguenearly two years later.Sir Dudley Carleton stated that he could not"learn of any Colony; either ioo History of they came to resolution, he and shuch marchants as were his freinds (togeather with their owne means) would sett them forth; and they should make ready, and neither feare wante of shipping nor money; for what they wanted should be provided. And, not so much for him selfe as for the satisfing of shuch f re[inds] as he should procure to adventure in this bussines, they were to draw shuch articles of agreemente, and make such propossitions, as might the better in duce his freinds to venture. Upon which (after the formere conclu sion) articles were drawne and agreed unto, and were showne unto him, and approved by him; and afterwards by their Messenger (Mr. John Carver) sent into England, who, togeather with Robart Cushman, were to receive the moneys and make provissione both for shiping and other things for the vioage; with this charge, not to exseede their commission, but to proceed according to the former articles. Also some were chossen to doe the like for shuch things as were to be prepared there; so those that were to goe, prepared them selves with all speed, and sould of their estates and (shuch as were able) put in their moneys into the commone stock, which was dis posed by those appointed, for the making of generall provissions. Aboute this time also they had heard, both by Mr. Weston and others, that sundrie Hon[oura]ble Lords had obtained a large grante from the king, for the more northerly parts of that countrie, already planted there [New Netherland] by these people [the Dutch], or so much as intended. And I have this further reason to believe there is none — because, within these few months, divers inhabitants of this country, to a considerable number of families, have been suitors unto me to procure them a place of habitation amongst His Majesty's subjects of those parts: which by His Majesty's order, was made known to the Directors of the Plantation; and if these country men were in any such way themselves, there is small appearance they would desire to mingle with strangers, and be subject to their Government." Thereupon he served notice on the States- General not only to make stay of such ships as were preparing to go to New Nether land, but to prohibit any further prosecution of that plantation. To the Privy Council, February 5/15, 1621-22. No minute of such an application is to be found in the records of either company of Virginia. 1 The word " aid " or " old " was written and struck out. Plimmoth Plantation IOI derived out of the Virginia patente, and wholy secluded from their Govermente, and to be called by another name, viz. New-England.1 1 By a change in the constitution of the government in the Virginia Company, tend ing to a monopoly confined to members of that body, the Second Colony, or Plymouth Company, found itself left "as desparate and our business as abandoned." The ambitions of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, fed by the narratives of returning captains, guided the project, and he planned a separate northern plantation, to extend from the fortieth to the forty-eighth degrees of north latitude, and from sea to sea. Interesting some of the Privy Council in the scheme, as patentees and counsellors, he petitioned, March 3, 1619-20, the King for recognition and enlargement of their patent. As they sought to create a monopoly in fishing and trade for their territory, opposition was raised, sufficiently powerful to delay the grant and institute an inquiry. First the Council of the Virginia Company must be satisfied, and the Lords of the Privy Coun cil granted two hearings, and issued an order that gave satisfaction to neither corpora tion. The opposition in interest is well shown by the following incident : "Mr. John Delbridge purposinge to settle a particuler Colony in Virginia desyringe of the Company that for the defrayinge some part of his charges, that hee might bee admitted to fish att Cape Codd. Which request was opposed by Sir Ferdinando Gorge aleaginge thatt /2L, It Qd%irt,lh&-~'V hee alwaies favoured Mr. Delbridge butt in this hee » ' —7 thought himselfe something touched that hee should sue to this Company, and not rather to him as properlie belonginge to the Northern Collony to give liberty for the fishinge in that place, itt lyinge within their latitude, which was answered by Mr. Treasurer, that the Companies of the South and North Plantacons are the one free of the other, and that the letters Pattents is cleer that each may fish within the other, the sea being free for both. Which if the North Colony abridge them of this, they would take away their means and encouragement of sending men. Vnto which Sir Ferdinando Gorges replyed that if hee mistake not himselfe both the companies were lymitted by the Pattent vnto which he would submitt himselfe." Records of the Virginia Company (Kingsbury), I, 277. The ques tion was met by licensing the "Society of Smiths hundred" (Delbridge's colony?) to fish in the northern colony (lb. 285) , but this could be only a temporary solution. In the mean time the London, or southern company, issued (February 2, 1619-20) a patent to John Peirce and his associates. Gorges, with a touch of flattery which he often used, intended to call his new plantation, New England, "as by the Prince his Highnes [Charles] it hath bin named." Col. Hist, of New York, m. 2, 3. On July 23, 1620, Sir Thomas Coventry, the solicitor general, received an instruction to pre pare such a patent of incorporation, similar to that issued to the Virginia Company, changes being made in certain allowances of customs, subsidy and imposition. Gorges asserts that the favor of those he had interested in the venture gave him "the easier passage" to obtain the charter, which passed the seals November 3, 1620. 102 History of Unto which Mr. Weston, and the cheefe of them, begane to incline it was [28] best for them to goe, as for other reasons, so cheefly for The company thus incorporated was known as "The Council established at Plymouth, in the County of Devon, for the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing of New Eng land in America." The patent is in Hazard, 1. 103. In its terms advantage appears to have been taken entirely to exclude the southern company from the fisheries off the coasts of New England, except by license obtained of the Gorges Company. The attempt to create a monopoly of the sea, which should be "as free and common as the air," by imposing conditions "contrary and manifestly repugnant to that community and freedom" granted to either company by. the first patent, was properly ascribed to Sir Ferdinando. The King intervened and Gorges agreed to deposit the new patent, as undelivered, into the hands of the Lord Chancellor, pending a decision of the ques tion, and while the dispute was still open, each company should proceed to act under the old grants. The Privy Council gave deliberate hearings and large debate to both parties, and though the result was distinctly favorable to the New England Company, much time was lost, and adventure in the com pany greatly discouraged, "so as all men were afraid to join with us, and we there by left hope less of any thing more." Gorges, Brief e Relation, *l8. It was probably by an afterthought, and in the light of a somewhat bitter experience, . that Sir Ferdinando claimed that it was scan dalous to charge the Council of Plymouth with having desired to make a monopoly of the coast lands, and instanced its willingness to further the grant to Sir William Alexander, adding, "we wish that many would undertake the like." lb. *io, 34- The experience of Gorges in his attempted monopoly in the New England fisheries was an almost exact repetition of that of De Monts in France. Pierre du Guast, Sieur de Monts, se cured from the King vice -regal powers over Acadia and a monopoly of the fur trade. Although he came to America he met with little success, was interfered with in the trade by French and Dutch interlopers, and his enemies at court, acting for the Norman, Breton, and Biscayan fishermen, who complained of the monopoly, succeeded in having it rescinded. De Monts returned to France in 1607, the year in which Popham's ships sailed from Plymouth for the new world. SEAL OF THE NORTHERN (NEW ENGLAND) COMPANY Plimmoth Plantation 103 the hope of present profite to be made by the fishing that was found in that countrie. But as in all bussineses the acting parte is most difficulte, espe tially wher the worke of many agents must concurr, so was it found in this; for some of those that should have gone in England, fell of and would not goe; other marchants and friends that had offered to adventure their moneys withdrew, and pretended many excuses. Some disliking they wente not to Guiana; others againe would ad venture nothing excepte they wente to Virginia. Some againe (and those that were most relied on) fell in utter dislike with Virginia, and would doe nothing if they wente thither. In the midds of these distractions, they of Leyden, who had put of their estates, and laid out their moneys, were brought into a greate streight, fearing what issue these things would come too; but at length the generalitie was swaid to this latter opinion. Weston and his associates would naturally judge of the adventure from its profit, and so "chiefly" for the possible gains from fishing, then a trade that in proper hands yielded a good return, and would be improved could the French and Dutch fisher men be excluded from the English markets. Monopoly was the breath of Weston's plans, and in the end placed the Pilgrims in direct opposition to his views. In the session of 1621 a bill making free the fisheries on the coast of America passed the House after some debates, but failed to become a law, as objection was made that it infringed the King's prerogative. An effort was made in the same session to suppress the exaction of tithes, "Christ's dole" on fishing voyages to Newfoundland and other places beyond the seas. Originally recognized and paid in kind in the domestic fish eries, the different conditions attending the distant fisheries did not lend themselves so readily to their enforcement. A measure relieving the American fisheries from tithes passed the House, but also failed to become a law. In a debate in the House of Commons on April 25, 1620, upon the New England fisheries, Sir Edwin Sandys represented them as far better than those of Newfound land, but as little likely to bring in any benefit to the realm if the Plymouth Council monopoly be upheld. The French and the Dutch would reap the profit, and a valuable trade to Spain in fish, paid for in silver, and employing much shipping, would be im periled. It was charged that London merchants, by restraining trade, undid all trade, and engrossed all trades and places; but the patentees for this northern plantation also intended their private good, which hurt the commonwealth. Under a pretense of reforming abuses, they set fines. Chalmers, Political Annals, 84, 85. 104 History of But now another difncultie arose, for Mr. Weston and some other that were for this course, either for their better advantage, or rather for the drawing on of others, as they pretended, would have some of those conditions altered that were first agreed on at Leyden. To which the • 2 • agents sent from Leyden (or at least one of them who is most charged with it) did consente; seeing els that all was like to be dashte, and the opportunitie lost, and that they which had put of their estates and paid in their moneys were in hazard to be undon. They presumed to conclude with the marchants on those termes, in some things contrary to their order and commission, and without giving them notice of the same; yea, it was conceled, least it should make any furder delay; which was the cause afterward of much trouble and contention. It will be meete I here inserte these conditions,1 which are as foloweth. Anno, 1620. July i.2 I. The adventurers 3 and planters doe agree, that every person that 1 These conditions were in accord with the conditions of the London Company. Osgood, American Colonies in the Seventeenth Century, 1. 108. 2 " The date here given, July 1st, does not indicate the time when these 'condi tions' were first drawn up at Leyden, nor the time when the alterations complained of were agreed upon at London, as will appear by the letters which follow. The articles were doubtless re-written at London, and made ready to receive the signatures of the parties to the agreement." Deane. • Of the "Adventurers" who were interested in the New Plymouth undertaking, Captain John Smith wrote in 1624-25 : " The Aduenturers which raised the stocke to begin and supply this Plantation were about 70. some Gentlemen, some Merchants, some handy-crafts men, some aduenturing great summes, some small, as their estates and affection serued. The generall stocke already imploied is about 7000 /. by reason of which charge and many crosses, many of them would aduenture no more, but others that knowes; so great a designe cannot bee effected without both charge, losse and crosses, are resolued to goe forward with it to their powers; which deserue no small commendations and encouragement. These dwell most about London, they are not a corporation, but knit together by a voluntary combination in a society without con straint or penalty, aiming to doe good and to plant Religion; they have a President and Treasurer, euery yeere newly chosen by the most voices, who ordereth the Plimmoth Plantation 105 goeth being aged -i6- years and upward, be rated at •io/i- and ten pounds to be accounted a single share. 2. That he that goeth in person, and furnisheth him selfe out with • ioli- either in money or other provissions, be accounted as haveing ¦ 20/r in stock, and in the devission shall receive a doble share. 3. The persons transported and the adventurers shall continue their joynt stock and partnership togeather, the space of -J- years, (excepte some unexpected impedimente doe cause the whole company to agree otherwise,) during which time, all profits and benifits that are gotte by trade, traffick, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means of any person or persons, remaine still in the commone stock untill the division. 4. That at their comming ther, they chose out shuch a number of fitt persons, as may furnish their ships and boats for fishing upon the sea; imploying the rest in their severall faculties upon the land; as building houses, tilling, and planting the ground, and makeing shuch com modities as shall be most usefull for the collonie. 5. That at the end of the -7- years, the capitall and profits, viz. the houses, lands, goods and chatles, be equally devided betwixte the ad venturers, and planters; which done, every man shall be free from other of them of any debt or detrimente concerning this adventure. [29] 6. Whosoever cometh to the colonie herafter, or putteth any into the stock, shall at the ende of the -7- years be alowed proportionably to the time of his so doing. 7. He that shall carie his wife and children, or servants, shall be alowed for everie person now aged ¦ 16 • years and upward, a single share in the devision, or if he provid them necessaries, a duble share, or if they be between -10- year old and -16- then -2- of them to be reconed for a person, both in transportation and devision. 8. That shuch children as now goe, and are under the age of ten years, have noe other shar in the devission, but -50- acers of unma- nured land. affaires of their Courts and meetings, and with the assent of the most of them, vnder- taketh all ordinary businesses, but in more weighty affaires, the assent of the whole Company is required." Generall Historic (1626), 247. The names of such of the Ad venturers who took part in the agreement of 1626 are given in vol. n. p. 6, infra. 106 History of 9. That shuch persons as die before the -j' years be expired, their executors to have their parte or share at the devission, proportionably to the time of their life in the collonie. 10. That all such persons as are of this collonie, are to have their meate, drink, apparell, and all provissions out of the common stock and goods of the said collonie. The cheefe and principall differences betwene these and the former conditions, stood in those -2 • points; that the houses, and lands improved, espetialy gardens and home lotts should remaine undevided wholy to the planters, at the -7- years end. 2ly, that they should have had • 2 • days in a weeke for their owne private imploymente, for the more comforte of them selves and their families, espetialy shuch as had families.1 But because letters are by some wise men counted the best parte of histories, I shall shew their greevances hereaboute by their owne letters, in which the passages of things will be more truly discerned. A letter of Mr. Robinsons to John Carver. June 14. 1620. N. stile.2 My dear freind and brother, whom with yours I alwaise remem ber in my best affection, and whose wellfare I shall never cease to 1 In Virginia, in 1616, the servants of the company worked in the common garden for eleven months in the year, having only one month for their own. In the planta tion of Bermuda Hundred a group of servants enjoyed a special privilege of one day in each week from the first of May until harvest for their own use, in addition to the one month a year. To every man with a family was assured a house of four rooms, for which no rent would be paid for at least a year; and with each house went twelve acres of land for cultivation, with tools, live stock and provisions for a twelvemonth, after which period the settler should be self-supporting. The idea was to develop a tenant class who should prove a source of profit to the company, and should provide a means of carrying on the plantation now that the period of joint management of the land was coming to an end. It was an intermediate stage towards granting land in fee simple. Osgood, American Colonies in the Seventeenth Century, 1. 76. 2 "Prince has the following note here as to the date of this letter: 'June 14, N. S. is June 4, 0. S., which is Lord's day, and therefore here is doubtless a mistake. It seems more likely to have been June 24, N. S., which is June 14, 0. S., especially since this Plimmoth Plantation 107 commend to God by my best and most earnest praires. You doe throwly understand by our generall letters the estate of things hear, which indeed is very pitifull ; espetialy by wante of shiping, and not seeing means lickly, much less certaine, of having it provided ; though withall ther be great want of money and means to doe needfull things. Mr. Pickering,1 you know before this, will not defray a peny hear; though Robart Cushman presumed of I know not how many • ioo/x ¦ from him, and I know not whom. Yet it seems strange that we should be put to him to receive both his and his partners adventer, and yet Mr. Weston write unto him, that in regard of it, he hath drawne upon him a • xooli- more. But ther is in this some misterie, as indeed it seems ther is in the whole course. Besides, wheras diverse are to pay in some parts of their moneys yet behinde, they refuse to doe it, till they see shiping provided, or a course taken for it. Neither doe I thinke is ther a man hear would pay any thing, if he had againe his money in his purse. You know right well we depended on Mr. Weston alone, and upon shuch means as he would procure for this commone bussines; and when we had in hand another course with the Dutchmen, broke it of at his motion, and upon the conditions by him shortly after pro pounded. He did this in his love I know, but things appeare not an swerable from him hitherto. That he should have first have put in his moneys, is thought by many to have been but fitt, but that I can well excuse, he being a marchante and haveing use of it to his benefite; wheras others, if it had been in their hands, would have consumed it. [30] But that he should not but have had either shipping ready before this time, or at least certaine means, and course, and the same knowne letter is plainly dated June 24, both at the beginning and end in Governor Bradford's Collection of Letters, and also observing here that the figure 1, in 14, seems to have been altered on the paper.' But what we may suppose to be a later note by him is found in his Annals, 1. 68, where he makes a brief extract from this letter. 'The date in the Manuscript is June 14, N. S.- But the figure 1, being somewhat blurred, and June 14, N. S. being Lord's day, and this letter placed before the following of June 10, N. S., I conclude it should be June 4 N. S.' ; which corresponds to May 25, O. S." Deane. 1 Edward Pickering, a merchant of London, and afterwards a member of the Ley den congregation, did not emigrate to New England, and either died or withdrew from the adventurers before the agreement of November, 1626. The name of his wife was Mary Stubbs, and the date of marriage, December 15, 1612. 108 History of to us for it, or have taken other order otherwise, cannot in my con science be excused. I have heard that when he hath been moved in the bussines, he hath put it of from him selfe, and referred it to yow- thers [the others]; and would come to Georg Morton,1 and enquire news of him aboute things, as if he had scarce been some accessarie unto it. Wether he hath failed of some helps from others which he ex pected, and so be not well able to goe through with things, or whether he hath feared least you should be ready too soone and so encrease the charge of shiping above that is meete, or whether he have thought by withhoulding to put us upon straits, thinking that therby Mr. Brewer 2 and Mr. Pickering would be drawne by importunitie to doe more, or what other misterie is in it,, we know not; but sure we are that things are not answerable to shuch an occasion. Mr. Weston makes himselfe mery with our endeavors about buying a ship, but we have done no thing in this but with good reason, as I am perswaded, nor yet that I know in any thing els, save in those tow; the one, that we imployed Robart Cushman, who is known (though a good man, and of spetiall abilities in his kind, yet) most unfitte to deale for other men, by reason of his singularitie, and too great indifferancie for any conditions, and for (to speak truly) that 3 we have had nothing from him but termes and presumptions. The other, that we have so much relyed, by im- 1 George Morton, described as of York, England, and a merchant. Dexter con jectures that he was born at Harworth, Notts. He married, July 23, 1612, Juliana, daughter of Alexander Carpenter. Himself betrothed in July, 1612, he witnessed the betrothal of Edward Pickering in the following November. With his four chil dren and his brother, Thomas, he came over in the Anne in 1623, and died in June, 1624. His widow married Manasseh Kempton. A son, Nathaniel, eleven years old at the migration, was Secretary of the Colony and compiler of New Englands Memoriall, which is largely based upon Bradford's ms. Of George Morton, Hubbard says: he "con tinued but awhile, yet was found always an unfeigned wellwiller, and, according to his sphere and condition, a faithful promoter of the public good, laboring always to still and silence the murmurings and complaints of some discontented spirits, by oc casion of the difficulties of these new beginnings. But he fell asleep in the Lord within a year after his first arrival, in June 1624, when it pleased the Lord to put a period to the days of his pilgrimage here." History, 83. See introduction to Mourt's Relation (Dexter's edition). 1 Thomas Brewer. See p. 89, supra. 3 This word is written in the margin, and may have been inserted by Prince. Plimmoth Plantation 109 plicite faith as it were, upon generalities, without seeing the perticuler course and means for so waghtie an affaire set down unto us. For shiping, Mr. Weston, it should seeme, is set upon hireing, which yet I wish he may presently effecte; but I see litle hope of help from hence if so it be. Of Mr. Brewer you know what to expecte. I doe not thinke Mr. Pickering will ingage, excepte in the course of buying, in former letters specified. Aboute the conditions, you have our reasons for our judg ments of what is agreed. And let this spetially be borne in minde, that the greatest parte of the Collonie is like to be imployed constantly, not upon dressing ther perticuler land and building houses, but upon fish ing, trading, etc. So as the land and house will be but a trifell for ad vantage to the adventurers, and yet the devission of it a great dis- couragemente to the planters, who would with singuler care make it comfortable with borowed houres from their sleep. The same considera tion of commone imploymente constantly by the most is a good rea son not to have the • 2 • daies in a weeke deneyed the few planters for private use, which yet is subordinate to commone good. Consider also how much unfite that you and your likes must serve a new pren- tishipe of -7- years, and not a daies f reedome from taske. Send me word what persons are to goe, who of usefull faculties, and how many and perticulerly of every thing. I know you wante not, a minde. I am sorie you have not been at London all this while, but the provissions could not wante you. Time will suffer me to write no mdfce; fare you and yours well allways in the Lord, in whom I rest, Yours to use, John Robinson. An other letter from sundrie of them at the same time. [31] To their loving friends John Carver and Robart Cushman, these, etc. Good bretheren, after salutations, etc. We received diverse letters at the coming of Mr. Nash and our pilott,1 which is a great incourag- 1 The pilot of the Speedwell from Delfshaven to Southampton. Dexter (Mourt, *I4«) was of the impression that Robert Coppin is intended; that he piloted the Speed well until she was abandoned, when he was transferred to the Mayflower. He had no History of mente unto us, and for whom we hope after times will minister occa sion of praising God; and indeed had you not sente him, many would have been ready to fainte and goe backe. Partly in respecte of the new conditions which have bene taken up by you, which all men are against, and partly in regard of our owne inabillitie to doe any one of those many waightie bussineses you referr to us here. For the former wherof, wheras Robart Cushman desires reasons for our dislike, prom ising therapon to alter the same, or els saing we should thinke he hath no brains, we desire him to' exercise them therin, refering him to our pastors former reasons, and them to the censure of the godly wise. But our desires are that you will not entangle your selves and us in any shuch unreasonable courses as those are, viz. that the marchants should have the halfe of mens houses and lands at the dividente; and that persons should be deprived of the • 2- days in a weeke agreed upon, yea every momente of time for their owne perticuler; by reason wherof we cannot conceive why any should carie servants for their own help and comfort; for that we can require no more of them then all men one of another. This we have only by relation from Mr. Nash,1 and not from any writing of your owne, and therfore hope you have not proceeded farr in so great a thing without us. But requiring you not to exseed the bounds of your commission, which was to proceed upon the things or conditions agred upon and expressed in writing (at your going over about it), we leave it, not without marveling, that your selfe, as you write, knowing how smale a thing troubleth our con sultations, and how few, as you fear, understands the busines aright, should trouble us with shuch matters as these are, etc. Salute Mr. Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not deceived; been on the coast before, and had trucked with the Indians near a great navigable river, of which he told the Pilgrims when they were seeking a place of settlement. He proved an uncertain guide. P. 173, infra. 1 Thomas Nash, one of the Leyden congregation, is believed to have accompanied the Pilgrims from Holland to Plymouth, England, but thence returned to Leyden. He signed the letter of November 30, 1625 (Bradford, Letter Book). His first wife, Margaret Porter, died before 1628, and in November of that year he was married to Margaret Stuart. He resided first in Rijnsburgerpoort, and after 1630, in Noord- ende. Plimmoth Plantation in we pray you make known our estate unto him, and if you thinke good shew him our letters, at least tell him (that under God) we much relie upon him and put our confidence in him; and, as your selves well know, that if he had not been an adventurer with us, we had not taken it in hand; presuming that if he had not seene means to accomplish it, he would not have begune it; so we hope in our extremitie he will so farr help us as our expectation be no way made frustrate concerning him. Since therfore, good brethren, we have plainly opened the state of things with us in this matter, you will, etc. Thus beseeching the Allmightie, who is allsufficiente to raise us out of this depth of dificul- ties, to assiste us herein; raising shuch means by his providence and fatherly care for us, his pore children and servants, as we may with comforte behould the hand of our God for good towards us in this our bussines, which we undertake in his name and fear, we take leave and remaine Your perplexed, yet hopfull June 10. New Stille, bretheren, Anno: 1620. S. F. E. W. W. B. I. A.1 A letter of Robart Cushman's to them.2 Brethern, I understand by letters and passages that have come to me, that ther are great discontents, and dislikes of my proceedings amongst you. Sorie I am to hear it, yet contente to beare it, as not doubting but that partly by writing, and more principally by word when we shall come togeather, I shall satisfie any reasonable man. I have been per[32]swaded by some, espetialy this bearer, to come and clear things unto you; but as things now stand I cannot be absente one day, excepte I should hazard all the viage. Neither conceive I any great good would come of it. Take then, brethern, this as a step to give you contente. First, for your dislike of the alteration of one clause in the conditions, if you conceive it right, ther can be no blame lye 1 In Governor Bradford's Collection of Letters, these subscribers are thus wrote out at length: Samuel Fuller, William Bradford, Isaac Allerton, Ed. Winslow. Prince, in Bradford ms. 2 This letter is without date, but was probably written soon after the receipt of the letter printed above. 112 History of on me at all. For the articles first brought over by John Carver were never seeneof any of the adventurers hear, excepte Mr. Weston, neither did any of them like them because of that clause; nor Mr. Weston him selfe, after he had well considered it. But as at the first ther was • 500/1. withdrawne by Sir Georg Farrer 1 and his brother upon that dis like, so all the rest would have withdrawne (Mr. Weston excepted) if we had not altered that clause. Now whilst we at Leyden conclude upon points, as we did, we reckoned without our host, which was not my falte. Besides, I shewed you by a letter the equitie of that condi tion, and our inconveniences, which might be sett against all Mr. Rob[inson's] inconveniences, that without the alteration of that clause, we could neither have means to gett thither, nor supplie wherby to subsiste when we were ther. Yet notwithstanding all those reasons, which were not mine, but other mens wiser then my selfe, without answer to any one of them, here cometh over many quirimonies, and complaints against me, of lording it over my brethern, and making conditions fitter for theeves and bond-slaves then honest men, and that of my owne head I did what I list. And at last a paper of reasons, framed against that clause in the conditions, which as they were delivered me open, so my answer is open to you all. And first, as they are no other but inconveniences, shuch as a man might frame • 20 • as great on the other side, and yet prove nor disprove nothing by them, so they misse and mistake both the very ground of the article and nature of the project. For, first, it is said, that if ther had been no divission of houses and lands, it had been better for the poore. True, and that showeth the inequalitie of the conditions ; we should more respecte him that ventureth both his money and his person, then him that ventureth but his person only. 2. Consider wheraboute we are, not giveing almes, but furnishing a store house; no one shall be porer then another for -7- years, and if any be rich, none can be pore. At the least, we must not in shuch bussi nes crie, pore, pore, mercie, mercie. Charitie hath it life in wraks, not 1 It would not be very strange if Cushman had given the wrong surname, intending either John, Nicholas, or William Ferrar, sons of Nicholas Ferrar, the merchant adven turer of London, who, with his sons, took so great an interest in the Virginia Company. The naming of a title is, however, difficult to explain. Plimmoth Plantation 113 in ventures; you are by this most in a hopefull pitie of makeing, ther- fore complaine not before you have need. 3. This will hinder the building of good and faire houses, contrarie to the advise of pollitiks. A. So we would have it; our purpose is to build for the presente shuch houses as, if need be, we may with litle greefe set a fire, and rune away by the lighte; our riches shall not be in pompe, but in strenght; if God send us riches, we will imploye them to provid more men, ships, munition, etc. You may see it amongst the best pollitiks, that a common wele is readier to ebe then to flow, when once fine houses and gay cloaths come up. 4. The Government] may prevente excess in building. A. But if it be on all men beforehand resolved on, to build mean houses, the Gove rnor's] laboure is spared. 5. All men are not of one condition. A. If by condition you mean wealth, you are mistaken ; if you mean by condition, qualities, then I say he that is not contente his neighbour shall have as good a house, fare, means, etc. as him selfe, is not of a good qualitie. 2ly. Shuch re tired, persons, as have an eie only to them selves,1 are fitter to come wher catching is, then closing; and are fitter to live alone, then in any societie, either civill or religious. 6. It will be of litle value, scarce worth •&. A. True, it may be not worth halfe $li. [33] If then so smale a thing will content them, why strive we thus aboute it, and give them occasion to suspecte us to be worldly and covetous? I will not say what I have heard since these complaints came first over. 7. Our freinds with us that adventure mind not their owne profite, as did the old adventurers. A. Then they are better then we, who for a litle matter of profite are readie to draw back, and it is more apparente brethern looke too it, that make profite your maine end; repente of this, els goe not least you be like Jonas to Tarshis. 2ly. Though some of them mind not their profite, yet others doe mind it; and why not as well as we? ventures are made by all sorts of men, and we must labour to give them all contente, if we can. 8. It will break the course of communitie, as may be showed by 1 See p. 43, supra. ii4 History of many reasons. A. That is but said, and I say againe, it will best foster comunion, as may be showed by many reasons. 9. Great profite is like to be made by trucking, fishing, etc. A. As it is better for them, so for us ; for halfe is ours, besides our living still upon it, and if such profite in that way come, our labour shall be the less on the land, and our houses and lands must and will be of less value. 10. Our hazard is greater then theirs. A. True, but doe they put us upon it? doe they urge or egg us? hath not the motion and resolu tion been always in our selves ? doe they any more then in seeing us resolute if we had means, help us to means upon equall termes and conditions ? If we will not goe, they are content to keep their moneys. Thus I have pointed at a way to loose those knots, which I hope you will consider seriously, and let me have no more stirre about them. Now furder, I hear a noise of slavish conditions by me made; but surly this is all that I have altered, and reasons I have sent you. If you mean it of the • 2 • days in a week for perticuler, as some insinuate, you are deceived; you may have • 3 ¦ days in a week for me if you will. And when I have spoken to the adventurers of times of working, they have said they hope we are men of discretion and conscience, and so fitte to be trusted our selves with that. But indeed the ground of our proceedings at Leyden was mistaken, and so here is nothing but totter ing every day, etc. As for them of Amsterdam I had thought they would as soone have gone to Rome as with us; for our libertie is to them as ratts bane, and their riggour as bad to us as the Spanish Inquisition. If any practise of mine discourage them, let them yet draw back; I will undertake they shall have their money againe presently paid hear. Or if the company thinke me to be the Jonas, let them cast me of before we goe; I shall be content to stay with good will, having but the cloaths on my back; only let us have quietnes, and no more of these clamors; full litle did I expecte these things which are now come to pass, etc. Yours, R. Cushman. But whether this letter of his ever came to their hands at Leyden I well know not; I rather thinke it was staied by Mr. Carver and Plimmoth Plantation 115 keept by him, for giving offence. But this which follows was ther received; both which I thought pertenent to recite. Another of his to the foresaid. June 11. 1620.1 Salutations, etc. I received your letter yesterday, by John Turner,2 with another the same day from Amsterdam by Mr. W. savouring of the place whenc it came. And indeed the many discouragements I find hear, togeather with the demurrs andretirings ther, had made me to say, I would give up my accounts to John Carver, and at his come- ing acquainte him fully with all courses, and so leave it quite, with only the pore cloaths on my back. But gathering up my selfe by further consideration, [34] I resolved yet to make one triall more, and to ac quainte Mr. Weston with the fainted state of our bussines; and though he hath been much discontented at some thing amongst us of late, which hath made him often say, that save for his promise, he would not meadle at all with the bussines any more, yet considering how farr we were plunged into maters, and how it stood both on our credits and undoing, at the last he gathered up him selfe a litle more, and coming to me • 2 • hours after, he tould me he would not yet leave it. And so advising togeather we resolved to hire a ship, and have tooke liking 3 of one till Monday, about -6o- laste, for a greater we cannot gett, ex cepte it be tow great; but a fine ship it is.4 And seeing our neer freinds ther are so streite lased, we hope to assure her without troubling them any further; and if the ship fale too small, it fitteth well that shuch as stumble at strawes allready, may rest them ther a while, least worse blocks come in the way ere • 7 • years be ended. If you had beaten this 1 June 11. O. S. is the Lord's day, and therefore 't is likely the date of this letter should be June 10, the same with the date of the letter following. Prince, in Bradford ms. 2 One of this name, and two sons, were passengers in the Mayflower, and all died the year after landing, in the great sickness tof 1621. No Turner was associated with the Leyden congregation, so far as the known records show. 3 That is, refusal. 4 This was not the Mayflower, which was a larger vessel — ninety lasts, or one hun dred and eighty tons. 1 1 6 History of bussines so throuly a month agoe, and write to us as now you doe, we could thus have done much more conveniently. But it is as it is; I hope our freinds ther, if they be quitted of the ship hire, will be indusced to venture the more. All that I now require is that salt and netts may ther be bough te,1 and for all the rest we will here provid it; yet if that will not be, let them but stand for it a month or tow, and we will take order to pay it all. Let Mr. Reinholds 2 tarie ther, and bring the ship to Southampton. We have hired another pilote here, one Mr. Clarke, who went last year to Virginia with a ship of kine.3 You shall here distinctly by John Turner, who I thinke shall come hence on Tewsday night. I had thought to have come with him, to have answerd to my complaints ; but I shal lerne to pass litle for their censures; and if I had more minde to goe and dispute and expostulate with them, then I have care of this waightie bussines, I were like them who live by clamours and jangling. But neither my mind nor my body is at libertie to doe much, for I am fettered with bussines, and had 1 Salt and nets emphasize the fact that it was from fishing that the chief profits were to come. 2 Reynolds, whose first name is not known, was the master of the Speedwell, and it was due to his complaints of the unseaworthiness of that vessel that she did not cross the Atlantic. 3 John Clarke, who had quite a venturous experience in Virginia. In the summer of 1611, a Spanish caravel came to Virginia, as is supposed to explore the country and measure the strength of the English settlement. The Spanish captain demanded of Governor Dale a pilot to bring the caravel into the James River, and, Dale wrote, Clarke was offered. But the three who had landed from the Spanish ship (one of whom was an Englishman) were forcibly detained, and in retaliation Clarke was taken by the Spanish vessel to the Havanna, whence soon after he was sent to Spain, and there re mained a prisoner for about four years. He said in 1611 that he was a native of Lon don, a pilot by trade, a protestant in religion, and about thirty-five years of age. In February, 1621-22, Deputy Ferrar acquainted the Court of the Virginia Company, that after his release Clarke "hath since that time doun the Companie good seruice in many voyages to Virginia and of late went into Ireland for transportation of Cattle to Virginia he was an humble Suitor to this Court that he might be admitted a free Bro ther of the Companie and haue some shares of land bestowed vpon him," etc. Records of the Virginia Company, 1. 599; also n. 32, 75. Clarke brought the Providence to Virginia in 1623, with Daniel Gookin among the passengers, and died soon after. Brown, Genesis of the United States (many references). Plimmoth Plantation 117 rather study to be quiet, then to make answer to their exceptions. If men be set on it, let them beat the eair; I hope shuch as are my sin- ceire freinds will not thinke but I can give some reason of my actions. But of your mistaking aboute the mater, and other things tending to this bussines, I shall nexte informe you more distinctly. Mean space entreate our freinds not to be too bussie in answering matters, before they know them. If I doe shuch things as I cannot give reasons for, it is like you have sett a foole aboute your bussines, and so turne the reproofe to your selves, and send an other, and let me come againe to my Combes.1 But setting a side my naturall infirmities, I refuse not to have my cause judged, both of God, and all indifferent men; and when we come togeather I shall give accounte of my actions hear. The Lord, who judgeth justly without respect of persons, see into the equitie of my cause, and give us quiet, peacable, and patient minds, in all these turmoiles, and sanctifie unto us all crosses whatsoever. And so I take my leave of you all, in all love and affection. I hope we shall gett all hear ready in • 14- days. Your pore brother, June 11. 1620. Robart Cushman. Besides these things, ther fell out a differance amongs those • 3 • that received [35] the moneys and made the provissions in England; for besides these tow formerly mentioned sent from Leyden for this end, viz. Mr. Carver and Robart Cushman, ther was one chosen in England to be joyned with them, to make the pro visions for the vioage; his name was Mr. Martin, he came from Billirike in Essexe,2 from which parts came sundrie others to goe with them, as also from London and other places ; and therfore it was thought meete and conveniente by them in Holand that these strangers that were to goe with them, should apointe one thus to be joyned with them, not so much for any great need of their help, 1 Cushman was a wool comber, from Canterbury. See p. 236, infra. 2 Believed to be Christopher Martin, who was "governor" of the Mayflower. As a purchasing agent his ill-conduct receives notice in later pages of this history. He and a family of three were swept away in the sickness of 1621. 1 1 8 History of as to avoyd all susspition, or jelosie of any partiallitie. And indeed their care for giving offence, both in this and other things after ward, turned to great inconvenience unto them, as in the sequell will apeare; but however it shewed their equall and honest minds. The provissions were for the most parte made at Southhamton, contrarie to Mr. Westons and Robert Cushmans mind (whose coun- sells did most concure in all things). A touch of which things I shall give in a letter of his to Mr. Carver, and more will appear afterward.1 To his loving freind Mr. John Carver, these, etc. Loving freind, I have received from you some letters, full of affec tion and complaints, and what it is you would have of me I know not; for your crieing out, negligence, negligence, negligence, I marvell why so negligente a man was used in the bussines. Yet know you that all that I have power to doe hear, shall not be one hower behind, I warent you. You have reference to Mr. Weston to help us with money, more then his adventure; when he protesteth but for his promise, he would not have done any thing. He saith we take a heady course, and is offended that our provissions are made so farr of; as also that he was not made acquainted with our quantitie of things; and saith that in now being in • 3 • places, so farr remote, we will, with going up and downe, and wrangling and expostulating, pass over the sommer before we will goe. And to speake the trueth, ther is fallen already amongst us a flatt schisme; and we are redier to goe to dispute, then to sett for- warde a voiage. I have received from Leyden since you wente -3- 1 Robert Cushman went to Kent in May, 161 9, p. 86, supra. Both he and his wife came from that county, and as he intended to remain two or three weeks the visit was probably social only. But this letter would show that he had expected to buy some of the provisions for the voyage in Kent (either at Canterbury, his own place, or Sand wich, that of his wife), but other directions given to Martin interfered with these intentions of Cushman. It was Cushman, however, who received whatever money was contributed in London, and Martin acted as purchasing agent at Southampton. P. 142, infra. The action taken by Carver in this part of the business appears to have been slight, and he escaped any share of the complaint which arose over the conduct of his colleagues. Plimmoth Plantation 119 or -4- letters directed to you, though they only conscerne me. I will not trouble you with them. I always feared the event of the Amster- damers striking in with us.1 I trow you must excommunicate me, or els you must goe without their companie, or we shall wante no quarel- ing; but let them pass. We have reckoned, it should seeme, without our host; and, counting upon a -150- persons, ther cannot be founde above 1200/i. and odd moneys of all the ventures you can reckone, be sides some cloath, stockings, and shoes, which are not counted; so we shall come shorte at least- 3 • or • 400/i.2 I would have had some thing shortened at first of beare and.other provissions in hope of other ad ventures, and now we could have, both in Amsterdam and Kente, beere inough to serve our turne, but now we cannot accept it without preju dice. You fear we have begune to build and shall not be able to make an end; indeed, our courses were never established by counsell, we may therfore justly fear their standing. Yea, ther was a [36] schisme amongst us • 3 • at the first. You wrote to Mr. Martin, to prevente the making of the provissions in Kente, which he did, and sett downe his resolution how much he would have of every thing, without respecte to any counsell or exception. Surely he that is in a societie and yet. regards not counsell, may better be a king then a consorte. To be shorte, if ther be not some other dispossition setled unto then yet is, we- that should be partners of humilitie and peace, shall be examples of jangling and insulting. Yet your money which you ther must have, we will get provided for you instantly. 500/i you say will serve; for the rest which hear and in Holand is to be used, we may goe scratch for it. For Mr. Crabe,3 of whom you write, he hath promised to goe with us, yet I tell you I shall not be without feare till I see him shipped, for he is much opposed, yet I hope he will not faile. Thinke the best of all, and bear with patience what is wanting, and the Lord guid us all. Your loving freind, London, June 10. Robart Cushman. Anno: 1620. 1 Members of Henry Ainsworth's congregation. 2 Counting £10 for each person. 8 He was a minister. — Bradford. 120 Plimmoth Plantation I have bene the larger in these things, and so shall crave leave in some like passages following, (thoug in other things I shal labour to be more contracte,) that their children may see with what diffi culties their fathers wrastled in going throug these things in their first beginnings, and how God brought them along notwithstand ing all their weaknesses and infirmities. As allso that some use may be made hereof in after times by others in shuch like waightie im- ployments; and herewith I will end this chapter. The «7* Chapter Of their departure from Leyden, and other things ther aboute, with their arivall at Southhamton, were they all mete togeather, j and tooke in ther provissions. AT length, after much travell and these debates, all things were got ready and provided. A smale ship 1 was bought, and fitted in Holand, which was intended as to serve to help to transport them, so to stay in the cuntrie and atend upon fishing and shuch other affairs as might be for the good and benefite of the colonie when they came ther.2 Another was hired at London, of burden about •()• score; and all other things gott in readines.3 So being ready to departe, they had a day of solleme humiliation, their pastor taking his texte from Ezra • 8 * 21 . And ther at the river, by Ahava, I proclaimed a fast, that we might humble our selves before our God, and se eke of him a right way for us, and for our children, and for all our substance. Upon which he spente a good parte of the day very profitably, and suitable to their pre sente occasion. The rest of the time was spente in powering out prairs to the Lord with great fervencie, mixed with abundance of tears.4 And the time being come that they must departe, they were 1 Of some •6o- tune. — Bradford. The Speedwell. The name is nowhere men tioned in Bradford, and was first given in Morton, New Englands Memoriall, *5. 2 The idea of a small ship to remain with the settlers for fishing and other calls was also in the mind of Weston in 1622. See p. 257, infra. 8 The Mayflower. Bradford does not give this name in his History, and the first mention will be found in Bradford's record of " The Falles of their grounds which came first over in the May-Flower, according as their lots were cast, 1623." Plym outh Col. Rec, xn. 4. * "And when the ship was ready to carry us away, the Brethren that stayed having againe solemnly sought the Lord with us, and for us, and we further engaging our selves mutually as before; they, I say, that stayed at Leyden feasted us that were to 122 Plimmoth Plantation accompanied with most of their brethren out of the citie, unto a towne sundrie miles of called Delfes-Haven, wher the ship lay goe at our Pastors house being large, where wee refreshed our selves after our teares, with singing of Psalmes, making joyfull melody in our hearts, as well as with the voice, there being many of the Congregation very expert in Musick; and indeed it was the sweetest melody that ever mine eares heard." Winslow, Hypocrisie Unmasked, *90. Mr. Dexter makes the reasonable suggestion that the Psalms thus used were those in Henry Ainsworth, The Book of Psalmes ; Englished both in prose and meter, first printed in Amsterdam, in 1612. A copy of this issue was in Elder Brewster's library. The England and Holland of the Pilgrims, 543. Winslow, Hypocrisie Unmasked, *<)7, summarizes the "wholesome counsel" given by Robinson: " We were now ere long to part asunder, and the L ord knoweth whether ever he should live to see our faces again: but whether the Lord had appointed it or not, he charged us before God and his blessed Angels, to follow him no further than he followed Christ. And if God should reveal any thing to us by any other instrument of his, to be as ready to receive it, as ever we were to receive any truth by his Ministery: For he was very confident the Lord had more truth and light yet to breake forth out of his holy Word. He took occasion also miserably to bewaile the state and condition of the Reformed Churches, who were come to a period in Religion, and would goe no further then the Instruments of their Reformation: as for example, the Lutherans, they could not be drawne to goe beyond what Luther saw, for whatever part of God's will he had further imparted and revealed to Calvin, they will rather die then embrace it. And so also, saith he, you see the Calvinists, they stick where he left them: A misery much to be lamented; For though they were precious shining lights in their times, yet God had not revealed his whole will to them: And were they now living, saith hee, they would bee as ready and willing to embrace further light, as that they had received. Here also he put us in mind of our Church-Covenant (at least that part of it) whereby wee promise and covenant with God and one with another, to receive whatsoever light or truth shall be made known to us from his written Word: but withall exhorted us to take heed what we received for truth, and well to examine and compare, and weigh it with other Scriptures of truth, before we received it; For, saith he, It is not possible the Christian world should come so lately out of such thick Antickristian darknes se, and that full perfection of knowledge should breake forth at once. "Another thing hee commended to us, was, that wee should use all meanes to avoid and shake off the name of Brownist, being a meer nick-name and brand to make Religion odious, and the professors of it to the Christain world; and to that end, said hee, I should be glad if some godly Minister would goe over with you, or come to you, before my comming; For, said hee, there will bee no difference between the uncon formable Ministers and you, when they come to the practise of the Ordinances out of the Kingdome : And so advised us by all means to endeavour to close with the godly MERCHANT SHIP OF VENICE, 1629. See p. 148, infra 124 History of ready to receive them.1 So they lefte the goodly and pleasante citie, which had been ther resting place near 12 • years; but they knew they were pilgrimes,2 and looked not much on those things, but lift up their eyes to the heavens, their dearest cuntrie, and quieted their spirits.3 When they [37] came to the place they found the ship and all things ready; and shuch of their freinds as could not come with them followed after them, and sundrie also came from Amsterdame to see them shipte and to take their leave of them.4 That night was spent with litle sleepe by the most, but withfreindlyentertainmente and christian discourse and other reall expressions of true christian love. The next day, the wind being faire, they wente aborde, and their freinds with them, where truly party of the Kingdome of England, and rather to study union then division; viz., how neare we might possibly, without sin close with them, then in the least measure to affect division or separation from them. And be not loath to take another Pastor or Teacher, saith hee, for that flock that hath two shepherds is not indangered, but se cured by it. Many other things there were of great and weighty consequence which he commended to us." There is no other evidence that this summarizes the address or sermon of Robinson on the last day of the Pilgrims' stay in Leyden. Neal, History of the Puritans, 1. 476, accepts it as such. See Sumner, in 3 Mass. Hist. Collections, ix. 69. 1 Of Delftshaven, Sir William Brereton wrote in 1634: "It might well be accounted a fine town subsisting of itself, seeing it is so curiously built, and so dainty a harbour for shipping even in the streets : but this depends upon and belongs unto Delph, being only intended as it is called, Delphshaven. No town in England worth such a haven." Travels, 5. 2 Heb. 11. — Bradford. 3 Dexter conjectures that it was on Friday, July 21/31 the Pilgrims set out from Leyden for Delftshaven, the port of Delft, ontheMaas. "They doubtless left Leyden by the Vliet, which stretches south for a mile and then turns to the southwest. A few villages diversify the green expanse and near Ryswick the canal bends almost south east to Delft. Passing through this picturesque city, it continues to Delfshaven. The distance is perhaps twenty-five miles and the journey must have occupied six or eight hours." England and Holland of the Pilgrims, 587. Young gives the distance as about fourteen miles. 4 "After this they [the Brethren that stayed] accompanyed us to Delphs Haven, where wee were to imbarque, and there feasted us again." Winslow, Hypocrisie Unmasked, *gi. Plimmoth Plantation 125 dolfull was the sight of that sadd and mournfull parting; to see what sighs and sobbs and praires did sound amongst them, what tears did gush from every eye, and pithy speeches peirst each harte; that sundry of the Dutch strangers that stood on the key as spectators, could not refraine from tears. Yet comfort able and sweete it was to see shuch lively and true ex pressions of dear and unfained love. But the tide (which stays for no man) caling them away that were thus loath to departe, their Reve[ren]d pas tor falling downe on his knees, (and they all with him,) with watrie cheeks commended them with most fervente praiers to the Lord and his blessing. And then with mutuall imbrases and many tears, they tooke their leaves one of an other; which proved to be the last leave to many of them.2 1 From a plan of unknown date, but believed to be of the early eighteenth cen tury. Part of the wharf A has been removed, but on it is said to have been in the seventeenth century a " poorhouse for travellers." Here the Pilgrims may have passed the night before embarking. 2 "And after prayer performed by our Pastor, where a flood of teares was poured out, they accompanyed us to the Ship, but were not able to speake one to another for the abundance of sorrow to part: but wee onely going aboard (the ship lying to the key) DELFTSHAVEN, 17— ' 126 History of Thus hoysing saile,1 with a prosperus winde they came in short time to Southhamton, wher they found the bigger ship come from London, lying ready, with all the rest of their company. After a joyfull wellcome, and mutuall congratulations, with other frendly entertainements, they fell to parley aboute their bussines, how to dispatch with the best expedition; as allso with their agents, aboute the alteration of the conditions. Mr. Carver pleaded he was im- ployed hear at Hamton, and knew not well what the other had don at London. Mr. Cushman answered, he had done nothing but what he was urged too, partly by the grounds of equity, and more espe tialy by necessitie, other wise all had bene dasht and many undon. And in the begining he aquainted his felow agents here with, who consented unto him, and left it to him to execute, and to receive the money at London and send it downe to them at Hamton, wher they made the provissions ; the which he accordingly did, though it was against his minde, and some of the marchants, that they were their made. And for giveing them notise at Leyden of this change, he could not well in regarde of the shortnes of the time; againe, he knew it would trouble them and hinder the bussines, which was already delayed overlong in regard of the season of the year, which he feared they would find to their cost. But these things gave not contente at presente. Mr. Weston, likwise, came up from London to see them dispatcht and to have the conditions confirmed; but they refused, and answered him, that he knew right well that these were not according to the first agreemente, neither could they yeeld to them without the consente of the rest that were behind. And indeed they had spetiall charge when they came away, from the and ready to set sayle, (the winde being faire) wee gave them a volley of small shot, and three pieces of Ordinance, and so lifting up our hands to each other, and our hearts for each other to the Lord our God, we departed, and found his presence with us in the midst of our manifold straits hee carried us thorow: And if any doubt this relation, the Dutch, as I heare, at Delphs Haven preserve the memory of it to this day [1646], and will inform them." Hypocrisie Unmasked, *9i. 1 This was about -22- of July. — Bradford. EMBARKATION OF THE PILGRIMS, DELFTSHAVEN Plimmoth Plantation 127 cheefe of those that were behind, not to doe it. At which he was much offended, and tould them, they must then looke to stand on their owne leggs. So he returned in displeasure, and this was the first ground of discontent betweene them. And wheras ther wanted well near looli. to clear things at their going away, he would not take order to disburse a penie, but let them shift as they could. [38] So they were forst to selle of some of their provissions to stop this gape, which was some • 3 • or -4- score firkins of butter, which comoditie they might best spare, haveing provided to large a quantitie of that kind.1 Then they write a leter to the marchants and adventure[r]s aboute the diferances concerning the conditions, as foloweth. Aug. 3. Anno: 1620.2 Beloved freinds, Sory we are that ther should be occasion of writ ing at all unto you, partly because we ever expected to see the most of you hear, but espetially because ther should any differance at all be conceived betweene us. But seing it faleth out that we cannot conferr togeather, we thinke it meete (though brefly) to show you the just cause and reason of our differing from those articles last made by Rob art Cushman, without our comission or knowledg. And though he might propound good ends to him selfe, yet it noway justifies his doing it. Our maine diference is in the -5- and -9- article, concerning the deviding or holding of house and lands; 3 the injoying wherof some of 1 A firkin of butter contained fifty-six pounds, by proclamation. The export of butter from England had been prohibited by an act passed in the reign of Philip and Mary, on pain of confiscation of ship, etc., and imprisonment. Under James I, in the fifteenth year of his rule, license was given to export three thousand barrels of Welsh butter annually from the ports of Bristol, Barnstable, Cardiff, and Chepstow, and to victual ships to an agreed amount. This part of the provision probably formed the most salable item. Captain John Smith printed in 1623 "A particular of such necessaries as either priuate families, or single persons, shall have cause to prouide to goe to Virginia," in which butter was not mentioned. Generall Historic, 161. In 1675 Josselyn gave what he regarded as necessary ship provisions, and allowed a daily ration of one quarter of a pound of butter to a mess of four men. Relation of Two Voyages, *I2. 1 In the Bradford Letter Book this is dated at Southampton. Prince. 3 P. 105, supra. 128 History of your selves well know, was one spetiall motive, amongst many other, to provoke us to goe. This was thought so reasonable, that when the greatest of you in adventure (whom we have much cause to respecte), when he propounded conditions to us freely of his owne accorde, he set this downe for one ; a coppy wherof we have sent unto you, with some additions then added by us; which being liked on both sides, and a day set for the paimente of moneys, those of Holland paid in theirs. After that, Robart Cushman, Mr. Peirce, and Mr. Martine,1 brought them into a better forme, and write them in a booke now extante; and upon Robarts shewing them and delivering Mr. Mullins 2 a coppy therof under his hand (which we have), he payd in his money. And we of Holland had never seen other before our coming to Hamton, but only as one got for him selfe a private coppy of them; upon sight wherof we manyfested uter dislike, but had put of our estates and were ready to come, and therfore was too late to rejecte the vioage. Judge therfore we beseech you indiferently of things, and if a faulte have bene commited, lay it wher it is, and not upon us, who have more cause to stand for the one, then you have for the other. We never gave Robart Cushman comission to make any one article for us, but only sent him to receive moneys upon articles before agreed on, and to further the provissions till John Carver came, and to assiste him in it. Yet since you conceive your selves wronged as well as we, we thought meete to add a branch to the end of our -9- article, as will allmost heale that wound of it selfe, which you conceive to be in it. But that it may appeare to all men that we are not lovers of our selves only, but desire also the good and inriching of our freinds who have adventured your moneys with our persons, we have added our last article to the rest, promising you againe by leters in the behalfe of the whole company, that if large profits should not arise within the -7- years, that we will continue togeather longer with you, if the Lord give a blesing.3 This we hope is sufficente to satisfie any in this case, espetialy freinds, since 1 John Peirce and Christopher Martin. 2 William Mullins was a passenger in the Mayflower, and came from Dorking, county Surrey. He died at New Plymouth, in February, 1620-21. N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg., xlii. 62. 3 It was well for them that this was not accepted. — Bradford. Plimmoth Plantation 129 we are asured that if the whole charge was devided into • 4 • parts, • 3 • of them will not stand upon it, netheir doe regarde it, etc. We are in shuch a streate at presente, as we are forced to sell away • 6oli. worth of our provissions to cleare the Haven, and withall put our selves upon great extremities, scarce haveing any butter, no oyle, not a sole to mend a shoe, [39] nor every man a sword to his side, wanting many muskets, much armoure, etc. And yet we are willing to expose our selves to shuch eminente dangers as are like to insue, and trust to the good providence of God, rather then his name and truth should be evill spoken of for us. Thus saluting all of you in love, and beseeching the Lord to give a blesing to our endeavore, and keepe all our harts in the bonds of peace and love, we take leave and rest, Yours, etc. Aug[ust] 3. 1620. It was subscribed with many names of the cheefest of the com pany. At their parting Mr. Robinson write a leter to the whole com pany, which though it hath already bene printed,1 yet I thought good here likwise to inserte it; as also a breefe leter writ at the same time to Mr. Carver, in which the tender love and godly care of a true pastor appears. My dear Brother, I received inclosed in your last leter the note of information, which I shall carefuly keepe and make use of as ther shall be occasion. I have a true feeling of your perplexitie of mind and toyle of body, but I hope that you who have allways been able so plentifully to administer comforte unto others in their trials, are so well furnished for your selfe as that farr greater difficulties then you have yet under gone (though I conceive them to have been great enough) cannot opprese you, though they press you, as the Apostle speaks.2 The spirite of a man (sustained by the spirite of God) will sustaine his in- firmitie, I dout not so will yours. And the beter much when you shall injoye the presence and help of so many godly and wise bretheren, for 1 In Mourt's Relation. 2 Acts, xvm. 5. "Paul was pressed in the spirit." 130 History of the bearing of part of your burthen, who also will not admitte into their harts the least thought of suspition of any the least negligence, at least presumption, to have been in you, what so ever they thinke in others. Now what shall I say or write unto you and your goodwife my loving sister? 1 even only this, I desire (and allways shall) unto you from the Lord, as unto my owne soule; and assure your selfe that my harte is with you, and that I will not forslowe my bodily coming at the first oppertunitie. I have writen a large leter to the whole, and am sorie I shall not rather speak then write to them; and the more, considering the wante of a preacher, which I shall also make sume spurr to my hastening after you. I doe ever commend my best affection unto you, which if I thought you made any doubte of, I would express in more, and the same more, ample and full words. And the Lord in whom you trust and whom you serve ever in this bussines and journey, guid you with his hand, protecte you with his winge, and shew you and us his salvation in the end, and bring us in the mean while togeather in the place desired, if shuch be his good will, for his Christs sake. Amen. Yours, etc. Jo: R[obinson]. July 27, 1620. This was the last letter that Mr. Carver lived to see from him. The other follows.2 Lovinge Christian friends, I doe hartily and in the Lord salute you all, as being they with whom I am presente in my best affection, and most ernest longings after you, though I be constrained for a while to be bodily absente from you. I say constrained, God knowing how willingly, and much rather then other wise, I would have borne my part with you in this first brunt, were I not by strong necessitie held back for the present. Make accounte of me in the mean while, as of a man devided in my selfe with great paine, and as (naturall bonds set a side) having my beter parte with you. [40] And though 1 Catharine Carver, whose family name is unknown. 2 This letter is omitted in Governor Bradford's Collection of Letters. Prince, in Bradford ms. "%£&&§£ COINS AND MEDALS, 1604-1643 Plimmoth Plantation 131 I doubt not but in your godly wisdoms, you both foresee and resolve upon that which concerneth your presente state and condition, both severally and joyntly, yet have I thought it but my duty to add some furder spurr of provocation unto them, who rune allready, if not be cause you need it, yet because I owe it in love and dutie. And first, as we are daly to renew our repentance with our God, espetially for our sines known, and generally for our unknowne trespasses, so doth the Lord call us in a singuler maner upon occasions of shuch difficultie and danger as lieth upon you, to a both more narrow search and care ful reformation of your ways in his sight; least he, calling to remem brance our sines forgotten by us or unrepented of, take advantage against us, and in judgmente leave us for the same to be swalowed up in one danger or other; wheras, on the contrary, sine being taken away by ernest repentance and the pardon therof from the Lord sealed up unto a mans conscience by his spirite, great shall be his securitie and peace in all dangers, sweete his comforts in all distresses, with hapie deliverance from all evill, whether in life or in death. Now next after this heavenly peace with God and our owne con sciences, we are carefully to provide for peace with all men what in us lieth, espetially with our associates, and for that watchfullnes must be had, that we neither at all in our selves doe give, no nor easily take offence being given by others.1 Woe be unto the world for offences, for though it be necessarie (considering the malice of Satan and mans corruption) that offences come, yet woe unto the man or woman either by whom the offence cometh, saith Christ, Mat. 18. 7.2 And if offences in the unseasonable use of things in them selves indifferent, be more to be feared then death it selfe, as the Apostle teacheth, i. Cor. 9. 15. how much more in things simply evill, in which neither honour of God nor love of man is thought worthy to be regarded. Neither yet is it sufficiente that we keepe our selves by the grace of God from giveing 1 In his New Essays, ch. xxxvn., Robinson quotes approvingly from Chrysostom: " If men good and bad be joined together in special bond of society, they either quickly part, or usually become alike. Friendship either takes, or makes men alike." 2 Robinson amplifies the text by adding the words " or woman." He makes an application of this same text to apostates in his Defence of the Doctrine propounded by the Synod at Dort, Works, I. 391. 132 Plimmoth Plantation offence, exepte withall we be armed against the taking of them when they be given by others. For how unperfect and lame is the work of grace in that person, who wants charritie to cover a multitude of offences, as the scriptures speaks. Neither are you to be exhorted to this grace only upon the commone grounds of Christianitie, which are, that persons ready to take offence, either wante charitie, to cover offences, or wisdome duly to waigh humane frailtie; or lastly, are grosse, though close hipocrites, as Christ our Lord teacheth, Mat. • 7 • 1, 2, 3, as indeed in my owne experience, few or none have bene found which sooner give offence, then shuch as easily take it; neither have they ever proved sound and profitable members in socie ties, which have nurished this touchey humor. But besides these, ther are diverse motives provoking you above others to great care and conscience this way: As first, you are many of you strangers, as to the persons, so to the infirmities one of another, and so stand in neede of more watchfullnes this way, least when shuch things fall out in men and women as you suspected not, you be inordinatly affected with them; which doth require at your hands much wisdome and charitie for the covering and preventing of incident offences that way. And lastly, your intended course of civill comunitie will minister con tinuall occasion of offence, and will be as fuell for that fire, excepte you dilligently quench it with brotherly forbearance. And if taking of offence causlesly or easilie at mens doings be so carefuly to be avoyded, how much more heed is to be taken that we take not offence at God him selfe, which yet we certainly doe so ofte as we doe mur- mure at his providence in our crosses, or beare impatiently shuch afflictions as wherwith he pleaseth to visite us. Store up therfore pa tience against the evill day, without which we take offence at the Lord him selfe in his holy and just works. A • 4 • thing ther is carfully to be provided for, to witte, that with your commone imployments you joyne commone affections truly bente upon the generall good, avoyding as a deadly [41] plague of your both commone and spetiall comfort all retirednes of minde for proper advantage, and all singularly affected any maner of way; let every man represe in him selfe and the whol body in each person, as so many rebels against the commone good, all private respects of mens selves, T R E L ATI ON OF THE STATE OF 'Religion: and mtb tmhat Hopes and Pollieies it hath becne framed, and is raaintai* m&intbe fevcrdlfiatei ef t&e/ewefierae '$&£ LONDON, Printed for Simon Waterfon dwel- ling in'Paules Churchyard at the fignc of che Crownc. i 6 o 5 134 History of not sorting with the generall conveniencie. And as men are carfull not to have a new house shaken with any violence before it be well setled and the parts firmly knite, so be you, I besheech you, brethren, much more carfull, that the house of God which you are, and are to be, be not shaken with unnecessarie novelties or other oppositions at the first setling therof.1 Lastly, wheras you are become a body politik, using amongst your selves civill goverments, and are not furnished with any persons of spetiall eminencie above the rest, to be chosen by you into office of goverment, let your wisdome and godlines appeare, not only in chus- ing shuch persons as doe entirely love and will promote the com mone good, but also in yeelding unto them all due honour and obedi ence in their Iawfull administrations; not behoulding in them the ordinarinesse of their persons, but Gods ordinance for your good, not being like the foolish multitud who more honour the gay coate, then either the vertuous minde of the man, or glorious ordinance of the Lord. But you know better things, and that the image of the Lords power and authoritie which the magistrate beareth, is honourable, in how meane persons soever. And this du tie you both may the more willingly and ought the more conscionably to performe, because you are at 1 Professor Dexter calls attention to the dearth of intellectual impulse in Plymouth Colony. Brewster and Smith were the only two men in the plantation before 1630 who had enjoyed a university training. Prior to 1650 Harvard College neither re ceived from Plymouth nor contributed to that place more than one or two persons. In 1658, of some eighteen English university men who had come to the colony only three had remained and followed their calling. In seven out of the eleven towns the pastorate was vacant or not yet established, thus confining the clerical and entire learned order to four persons, in a population of as many thousands. The only publi cations emanating from the colony before 1650 were those of Winslow. The slender means of the settlers and the poverty of the soil made it difficult to provide suitable maintenance for the clergy. Pulpits remained vacant for long periods, and able men, like Norton, Chauncy, Hooke, and Williams, tarried but a short time and went to wider fields. "The glory of Plymouth Colony lies in the simple faith and courage of the Mayflower company, but we scan the history of her territory in vain to find a single man of comparative eminence in the State or national councils, or a single name that can be remembered in the literature of Massachusetts or the world." The want of the stimulus due to a learned class told as heavily against Plymouth as its presence favored the Massachusetts Bay plantation. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, xvn. 345. Plimmoth Plantation 135 least for the present to have only them for your ordinarie governours, which your selves shall make choyse of for that worke.1 Sundrie other things of importance I could put you in minde of, and of those before mentioned, in more words, but I will not so farr wrong your godly minds as to thinke you heedless of these things, ther being also diverce among you so well able to admonish both them selves and others of what concerneth them. These few things therfore, and the same in few words, I doe ernestly commend unto your care and con science, joyning therwith my daily incessante prayers unto the Lord, that he who hath made the heavens and the earth, the sea and all rivers of waters, and whose providence is over all his wo rkes, espetially over all his dear children for good, would so guide and gard you in your wayes, as inwardly by his Spirite, so outwardly by the hand of his power, as that both you and we allso, for and with you, may have after matter of praising his name all the days of your and our lives. Fare you well in him in whom you trust, and in whom I rest. An unfained wellwiller of your hapie success in this hopefull voyage, John Robinson. This letter, though large, yet being so frutfull in it selfe, and suitable to their occation, I thought meete to inserte in this place. All things being now ready, and every bussines dispatched, the company was caled togeather, and this letter read amongst them, which had good acceptation with all, and after fruit with many. Then they ordered and distributed their company for either shipe, as they conceived for the best. AndchoseaGov[ernou]rand-2- or 1 In only one place are the Puritans described as wealthy, in a letter to Pope Inno cent XI from the Secretary of the Propaganda. "Afterward the Earl [Arundel] being returned in England and giving an Account of the Natives of that Country, many Wealthy Puritans were desirous to remove thither as they did in great Numbers in the Year 1620. To prevent the progress of their Doctrines, the General of the Capuchins was ordered to send into that Country a Mission of his own Order, and several French and English Religious went thither accordingly." The return of Waymouth's voyage is intended, Arundel never having been in America. Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 1. 66 n. 136 Plimmoth Plantation • 3 • assistants for each shipe,1 to order the people by the way, and see to the dispossing of there provissions, and shuch like affairs. All which was not only with the liking of the maisters of the ships, but according to their desires. Which being done, they sett sayle from thence aboute the • 5 • of August; but what befell them further upon the coast of England will appeare in the nexte chapter. 1 Martin was governor on the Mayflower. The -8- Chap [ter] Off the troubles that befell them on the coaste, and at sea, being forced, after much trouble, to leave one of ther ships and some of their companie behind them. [42] BEING thus put to sea they had not gone farr, but Mr. Reinolds the m[aste]r of the leser ship complained that he found his ship so leak as he durst not put further to sea till she was mended. So the m[aste]r of the biger ship (caled Mr. Joans *) being consulted with, they both resolved to put into Dartmouth and have her ther searched and mended, which ac cordingly was done, to their great charg and losse of time and a faire winde. She was hear thorowly searcht from steme to sterne, some leaks were found and mended, and now it was conceived by the workmen and all, that she was sufnciente, and they might proceede without either fear or dan ger. So with good hopes from hence, they put to sea againe, conceiving they should goe comfortably on, not looking for any more lets of this kind; but it fell out otherwise, for after they were gone to sea againe above • 100 • leagues without the Lands 1 This master has been identified as Christopher Jones. Had he been the Thomas Jones who commanded the Discovery (p. 276, infra), Bradford would hardly have spoken of the latter as "one Captain Jones," after having taken the Mayflower voy age with him. Christopher Jones attested a copy of the will of William Mullins, and was at New Plymouth in April, 162 1. 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, v. 35. 2 By John White. See p. 148, infra. T**^%Zs23*F merchant ship, 158s2 138 Plimmoth Plantation End, houlding company togeather all this while, the m[aste]r of the small ship complained his ship was so leake as he must beare up or sinke at sea, for they could scarce free her with much pump ing. So they came to consultation againe, and resolved both ships to bear up backe againe and put into Plimmoth, which accordingly was done. But no spetiall leake could be founde, but it was judged to be the generall weaknes of the shipe, and that shee would not prove sufficiente for the voiage.1 Upon which it was resolved to dismise her and parte of the companie, and proceede with the other shipe. The which (though it was greeveous, and caused great dis- couragmente) was put in execution. So after they had tooke out shuch provission as the other ship could well stow, and concluded both what number and what persons to send bak, they made another sad parting, the one ship going backe for London, and the other was to proceede on her viage. Those that went bak were for the most parte shuch as were willing so to doe, either out of some discontente, or feare they conceived of the ill success of the vioage, seeing so many croses befale, and the year time so farr spente; but others, in regarde of their owne weaknes, and charge of many yonge children, were thought least usefull, and most unfite to bear the brunte of this hard adventure; unto which worke of God, and judgmente of their brethern, they were contented to submite. And thus, like Gedions armie,2this small number was devided, as 1 There is no reason to suppose that the Pilgrims had any special familiarity with shipping. In the early part of the seventeenth century shipbuilding was undergoing a radical change. Vessels of the older style were being driven rapidly out of competitive trade, and as a consequence were in the market. The English ships of the new design had finer lines and were faster than those constructed in either Spanish or Dutch yards. J. K. Laughton in Cambridge Modern History, in. 309, 312. The Speedwell seems to have been a vessel of the older type. Slow-going and overmasted, she proved crank and leaky in a moderate wind. That she afterwards sailed in ocean voyages does not disprove the probability that she was to a degree unseaworthy, or that the master took advantage of her defects. * Deut. xx. 5-8. The verses embody the proclamation usually made before going into battle. A DESCRIPTION o£3\£p> England: OR THE OBSERVATIONS, AND difcou cries, of Captain lohn Smith (\dnurall of that Country) in the North o\"Amerkat in thcycar if our Lord 1 6 1 4 : with ibefucceffe of Jixe Ship, ¦ that went the nextyexre r 6 1 j > and the accidents Ixfdl him among the French men ofwarrtx With the proofe of the prcfent benefit this CountrcyafFoords: whither this prefentyeare) 1 6 1 6 , eight voluntarj Shift are gone to makt farther fj«ft. At LONDON Printed by Humfrej Lames, for Rdxrt Cleric, anq* arc to be fould at bis houfc called the Lodge, in Chancer/ Iane,ouer againftLin* colncslnne. 1615. 140 History of if the Lord by this worke of his providence thought these few to many for the great worke he had to doe. But here by the way let me show, how afterward it was found that the leaknes of this ship was partly by being overmasted, and too much pressed with sayles; for after she was sould and put into her old trime, she made many viages and performed her service very sufficently, to the great profite of her owners.1 But more espetially, by the cuning and de- ceite of the m[aste]r and his company, who were hired to stay a whole year in the cuntrie,2 and now fancying dislike and fearing wante of victeles, they ploted this strategem to free them selves; as afterwards was knowne, and by some of them confessed. For they apprehended that the greater ship, being of force, and in whom most of the provissions were stowed, she would retayne enough for her selfe, what soever became of them or the passengers ; and indeed shuch speeches had bene cast out by some of them; and yet, besides other incouragments, the cheefe of them that came from Leyden wente in this shipe to give the m[aste]r contente. But so strong was self love and his fears, as he forgott all duty and [43] former kindnesses, and delt thus falsly with them, though he pretended otherwise.3 Amongest those that returned was Mr. Cushman and his familie, whose hart and courage was gone from them before, as it seems, though his body was with them till now he departed; as may appear by a passionate letter he write to a freind in Lon don from Dartmouth, whilst the ship lay ther a mending; the which, 1 In 1635 a vessel, the Speedwell, took John Winter and Edward Trelawny from Richmond's Island to England. Baxter says this was the same vessel that had caused the Pilgrims so much trouble, and had been chartered by Trelawny for a voyage to New England. George Cleeve and his Times, 49 n. The name, however, is often met with in the lists of vessels of that day. A Speed-well, of 50 tons, was Martin Pring's vessel in 1603. Purchas, Pilgrimes, iv. 1654. 2 Of the crew of the Mayflower at least two were under a like contract, William Trevore and Ely. Bradford records that "when their time was out, they both returned." One of these two was the probable informant on the master's "cunning." 3 Charges of treachery, which were brought by Nathaniel Morton also against the master of the Mayflower, receive notice p. 1 58, infra. S H C 1 SOUTH COAST OF ENGLAND Plimmoth Plantation 141 besides the expressions of his owne fears, it shows much of the providence of God working for their good beyonde mans expecta tion, and other things concerning their condition in these streats. I will hear relate it. And though it discover some infirmities in him (as who under temtation is free), yet after this he continued to be a spetiall instrumente for their good, and to doe the offices of a loving freind and faithfull brother unto them, and pertaker of much comforte with them. The letter is as followth.1 To his loving friend Ed: S[outhworth] at Henige House in the Dukes Place, these, &c. Dartmouth, Aug. 17. [1620.] Loving friend, My most kind remembrance to you and your wife, with loving E. M. etc. whom in this world I never looke to see againe. For besides the eminente dangers of this viage, which are no less then deadly, an infirmitie of body hath ceased me, which will not in all liclyhoode leave me till death. What to call it I know not, but it is a bundle of lead, as it were, crushing myharte more and more these • 14- days, as that allthough I doe the acctions of a Hveing man, yet I am but as dead; but the will of God bedone.2 Ourpinass will not cease leaking, els I thinke, we had been halfe way at Virginia, our viage hither hath been as full of crosses, as our selves have been of crokednes. We put in hear to trimme her, and I thinke, as others also, if we had stayed at sea but -3- or -4- howers more, shee would have sunke right downe. And though she was twise trimmed at Hamton, yet now shee is as open 1 In Governor Bradford's Collection of Letters, this is Edward Southworth. Prince, in Bradford ms. Arber conjectures that this letter came into Bradford's hands by his second wife, Alice, the widow of Southworth, to whom it was addressed. Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, 46. Southworth was a member of the Leyden congrega tion, and a say-weaver, and died before the summer of 1623. The Southworth fam ily is associated with Basset-Lawe, which is in the same hundred as Scrooby, where Robinson's church was located. Alice came to New Plymouth in the Anne. 2 Cushman lived to make the journey to New England and back in 1621, and died early in 1625. 142 Plimmoth Plantation and leakie as a seive ; and ther was a borde, a man might have puld of with his fingers, • 2 • foote longe, wher the water came in as at a mole hole.1 We lay at Hamton • 7* days, in fair weather, waiting for her, and now we lye hear waiting for her in as faire a wind as can blowe, and so have done these -4- days, and are like to lye -\- more, and by that time the wind will happily turne as it did at Hampton. Our victualls will be halfe eaten up, I thinke, before we goe from the coaste of England, and if our viage last longe, we shall not have a months victialls when we come in the countrie. Neare • jooli . hath bene bestowed at Hamp ton, upon what I know not.2 Mr. Martin saith he neither can nor will give any accounte of it, and if he be called upon for accounts he crieth out of unthankfullnes for his paines and care, that we are susspitious of him, and flings away, and will end nothing.3 Also he so insul[t]eth over our poore people, with shuch scorne and contempte, as if they were not good enough to wipe his shoes. It would break your hart to see his dealing,4 and the mourning of our people. They complaine to me, and alass! I can doe nothing for them; if I speake to him, he flies in my face, as mutinous, and saith no complaints shall be heard or re ceived but by him selfe, and saith they are forwarde, and waspish, dis contented people, and I doe ill to hear them. Ther are others that 1 A reference to the dikes of Holland. 2 It is known that the adventure or voyage called for at least £10 for each passenger, or £1500 for the whole; and in June, 1620, that sum had not been reached by some three or four hundred pounds. If the £1500 were intended to cover the cost of the voyage from Southampton, and £700 were expended by Martin in that place, some £800 would be left for the ships and crews. The Speedwell had been bought, and the Mayflower chartered. Josselyn says a ship of one hundred and fifty tons, and a crew of twenty-six men, would cost, with the mariners, £120 a month. That the merchant undertakers drove a hard bargain with the Pilgrims is apparent. 3 Martin was the first of a long line of business men with whom the Leyden Pilgrims found difficulty over accounts. While distance, time, and dispute over particular items account for the difficulties in some degree, it is apparent that the emigrants were unfortunate as respects those with whom they had to deal. They seem to have been, as a rule, men of a low standard of commercial honesty, having frequent recourse to trickery, for which the so-called " accounts " of those who were responsible for their keeping served a convenient purpose. 4 He was governour in the biger ship, and Mr. Cushman assistante. — Bradford. Midship Section Section through Poop * f it t» lux,! ¦¦ T T _I_ *o5Cni. View of Stem MERCHANT SHIP OF VENICE, 1629. MEASUREMENTS. See p. 148, infra 144 History of would lose all they have put in, or make satisfaction for what they have had, that they might departe; but he will not hear them, nor suffer them to goe ashore, least they should rune away. The sailors also are so offended at his ignorante bouldnes, in medling and con- trouling in things he knows not what belongs too, as that some threaten to misscheefe him, others say they will leave the shipe and goe their way. But at the best this cometh of it, that he makes him selfe a scorne and laughing stock unto them. As for Mr. Weston, ex cepte grace doe greatly swaye with him, he will hate us ten times more then ever he loved us, for not confirming the conditions. But now, since some pinches have taken them, they begine to reveile the trueth, and say Mr. Robinson was in the falte who charged them never to consente to those conditions, nor chuse me into office, but indeede apointed them to chose them they did chose.1 But he and they will rue too late, they may [44] now see, and all be ashamed when it is too late, that they were so ignorante, yea, and so inordinate in their courses. I am sure as they were resolved not to seale those conditions, I was not so resolute at Hampton to have left the whole bussines, excepte they would seale them, and better the vioage to have bene broken of then, then to have brought shuch miserie to our selves, dis honour to God, and detrimente to our loving freinds, as now it is like to doe -4- or • 5 • of the cheefe of them which came from Leyden, came resolved never to goe on those conditions.2 And Mr. Martine, he said he never received no money on those conditions, he was not beholden to the marchants for a pine, they were bloudsuckers, and I know not what. Simple man, he indeed never made any conditions with the marchants, nor ever spake with them. But did all that money fiie to Hampton, or was it his owne ? Who will goe and lay out money so rashly and lavishly as he did, and never know how he comes by it, or on what conditions? 2ly. I tould him of the alteration longe agoe, and he was contente; but now he dominires, and said I had betrayed 1 I thinke he was deceived in these things. — Bradford. 2 Certainly the four signers of the letter of June 10, 1620 (p. in, supra) were much opposed to the conditions accepted by Cushman. There is, however, no reason to believe that they carried their opposition so far as to refuse to proceed in the affair unless the agreement were modified. Plimmoth Plantation 145 them into the hands of shaves;1 he is not beholden to them, he can set out -2- ships him self to a viage. When, good man? He hath but • 50/1- in, and if he should give up his accounts he would not have a penie left him, as I am persuaded,2 etc. Freind, if ever we make a planta tion, God works a mirakle; espetially considering how scante we shall be of victualls, and most of all ununited amongst our selves, and devoyd of good tutors and regimente. Violence will break all. Wher is the meek and humble spirite of Moyses? and of Nehemiah who reedified the wals of Jerusalem, and the state of Israeli? Is not the sound of Rehoboams braggs daly hear amongst us ? 3 Have not the philosiphers and all wise men observed that, even in setled commone welths, vio- lente governours bring either them selves, or people, or boath, to ruine; how much more in the raising of commone wealths, when the morter is yet scarce tempered that should bind the wales.4 If I should write to you of all things which promiscuously forerune our ruine, I should over charge my weake head and greeve your tender hart; only this, I pray you prepare for evill tidings of us every day. But pray for us instantly,5 it maybe the Lord will be yet entreated one way or other to make for us. I see not in reason how we shall escape even the gasp ing of hunger starved persons ; but God can doe much, and his will be done. It is better for me to dye, then now for me to bear it, which I doe daly, and expecte it howerly; haveing received the sentance of death, both within me and without me. Poore William Ring 6 and 1 The usual reading is slaves, but the only doubtful letter is the second. Shave refers to a closeness in bargaining. 1 This was found true afterward. — Bradford. 3 "My little finger shall be thicker than my father's loins. . . . I will add to your yoke; my father hath chastised you with whips, but I will chastise you with scorpions." 1 Kings, xn. 11. 4 Note the same comparison as was used in Robinson's letter, p. 134, supra. 6 Urgently, persistently. 6 A say-weaver, he is supposed to have turned back with the Speedwell. Mary Ring, probably his wife, came to the plantation about 1629, and died in 1633. Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, in. 542. If the number of passengers in the two ships on leaving Southampton was one hun dred and fifty, about one third remained in England after the division of the party at Plymouth. The actual number of the Pilgrim party sailing from that port was one hundred and two souls. 146 Plimmoth Plantation my selfe doe strive who shall be meate first for the fishes; but we looke for a glorious resurrection, knowing Christ Jesus after the flesh no more, but looking unto the joye that is before us, we will endure all these things and accounte them light in comparison of that joye we hope for. Remember me in all love to our freinds as if I named them, whose praiers I desire ernestly, and wish againe to see, but not till I can with more comforte looke them in the face. The Lord give us that true comforte which none can take from us. I had a desire to make a breefe relation of our estate to some freind. I doubte not but your wisdome will teach you seasonably to utter things as here after you shall be called to it. That which I have writen is treue, and many things more which I have forborne. I write it as upon my life, and last con fession in England. What is of use to be spoken [45] of presently, you may speake of it, and what is fitt to conceile, conceall. Pass by my weake maner, for my head is weake, and my body feeble, the Lord make me strong in him, and keepe both you and yours. Your loving freind, Robart Cushman. Dartmouth, Augfust] 17. 1620. These being his conceptions and fears at Dartmouth, they must needs be much stronger now at Plimoth.1 1 " Vpon these inducements some few well disposed Gentlemen, and Marchants of London and other places, prouided two ships, the one of a hundred and three score tunnes, the other of three score and ten, they left the Coast of England, the two and thirtieth of August, with about one hundred and twenty persons, but the next day the lesser ship sprung a leake, that forced their returne to Plimoth, where discharging her and twenty passengers; with the greater ship and one hundred passengers besides Sailers, they set saile againe the sixt of September." John Smith, Generall Historic, 230. The date is, of course, incorrect, and the tonnage of neither ship is accurately stated. Smith may have written, "the twenty third," a date which Deane accepts as probably correct. Prince, using a sentence in Cushman's letter (p. 1 42, supra) says the two vessels put into Dartmouth "about Aug. 13," and again set sail "about Aug. 21." Annals, 71. If the statement of Cushman is correct, the voyage from Southampton to Dartmouth occupied about a week; for had they gone beyond Dartmouth, Plym outh would offer a more convenient resting stage. Josselyn appears to have covered the distance from thirty miles east of the Isle of Wight to eighteen miles east of the '5<3 if -1 A. Hold for Goods and Ballast B. 'Tween Decks O. Magazine and Armoury D. Poop E. Steerage with * Compass F. Stem Gallery G. Pilot's or Master's Cabin H. Windlass K. Capstan MERCHANT SHIP OF VENICE, 1629. See p. 148, infra 148 Plimmoth Plantation Lizard in some twenty-four hours, but he had a vessel of three hundred tons burthen, and was not hampered by a slower consort. Relation of Two Voyages. No description or representation of the Mayflower other than the brief references in Bradford exists. There is, however, no reason for believing that she differed materially from the merchant vessels of that day, or that an English vessel of her class differed materially from a merchant ship of any other commercial people of Europe. The map makers of that period almost invariably drew upon some part of their plate one or more vessels, usually of the trading type, with sails set, and threading their way among the monsters of the deep, often much larger than themselves. Whether the map was Eng lish, Dutch, or German, the vessels have the same general appearance. The represen tation given on p. 137, supra, is of peculiar interest, as it is taken from the original drawing of John White, who sailed to Virginia with the first and ill-fated settlement (1585), and thus had before him a vessel employed in an oversea voyage. It may be accepted as a fair reproduction of the general appearance of a merchant ship. From Joseph Furttenbach's Architectura Navalis (1629) are taken the three plans of an Italian merchant ship (see p. 123, supra), and all four are reproduced by the Hakluyt Society in their admirable reprint of the Principall Navigations. The outline, interior arrangement and general proportions may thence be obtained. The measurements in the plans are given in palmi, or spans of about nine and one-half inches each. That the vessels were to modern ideas absurdly small for such a voyage, that they were certain to be slow and cranky sailers, and that they were overcrowded on the voyage require no proof. The Mayflower brought one hundred and two passengers and a crew, with all the necessary stores for a voyage that must occupy months, and in the present case actually occupied eight months, in going to New England and returning. With every allowance there could be no provision for comfort, and very inadequate protection against the perils inseparable from an ocean voyage. The -9- Chap [ter] Of their vioage, and how they passed the sea, and of their safe arrivall at Cape Codd. SEPTR: 6.1 These troubles being blowneover, and now all being compacte togeather in one shipe, they put to sea againe with a prosperus winde, which continued diverce days togeather, which was some incouragmente unto them; yet accord ing to the usuall maner many were afflicted with sea-sicknes. And I may not omite hear a spetiall worke of Gods providence. Ther was a proud and very profane yonge man, one of the sea-men, of a lustie, able body, which made him the more hauty; he would allway be contemning the poore people in their sicknes, and curs ing them dayly with gree[v]ous execrations, and did not let to tell them, that he hoped to help to cast halfe of them over board before they came to their jurneys end, and to make mery with what they had; and if he were by any gently reproved, he would curse and swear most bitterly. But it pl[e]ased God before they came halfe seas over, to smite this yong man with a greeveous disease, of which he dyed in a desperate maner, and so was him selfe the first that was throwne overbord. Thus his curses light on his owne head; and it was an astonishmente to all his fellows, for they noted it to be the just hand of God upon him.2 1 This in double notation would be September 6/16. It is a coincidence worth not ing, that on September 1 7, the future archbishop of London, Laud, first preached before the King, on the introduction of Richard Neile, then bishop of Durham, who had, when in charge of the see of Rochester, appointed Laud one of his chaplains. New England owes to Laud's honest but narrow and misplaced zeal a good share of its mental and religious activities. The contest for conformity supplied the churches of Massachusetts Bay with their leading and most characteristic preachers. * Hardly one of these early emigrant voyages was not without a similar instance, 150 History of After they had injoyed faire winds and weather for a season, they were incountred many times with crosse winds, and mette with manyfeirce stormes, with which the shipewas shroudly shaken, and her upper works made very leakie; and one of the maine beames in the midd ships was bowed and craked, which put them in some fear that the shipe could not be able to performe the vioage. So some of the cheefe of the company, perceiveing the mariners to feare the suffisiencieof the shipe, as appeared by their mutterings, they entred into serious consulltation with them[aste]r and other officers of the ship, to consider in time of the danger; and rather to returne then to cast them selves into a desperate and inevitable perill. And truly ther was great distraction and differance of oppinion amongst the mariners them selves; faine would they doe what could be done for their wages sake, (being now halfe the seas over,) and on the other hand they were loath to hazard their lives too desperatly. But in examening of all oppinions, the m[aste]r and others affirmed they knew the ship to be stronge and firme underwater; and for the buckling of the maine beame, ther was a great iron scrue the pas sengers brought out of Holland, which would raise the beame into his place; the which being done, the carpenter1 and m[aste]r affirmed that with a post put under it, set firme in the lower deck, and other- ways bounde, he would make it sufficiente. And as for the decks and uper workes they would calke them as well as they could, and though with the workeing of the ship they [46] would not longe keepe stanch, yet ther would otherwise be no great danger, if they noted more as a providence in favor of the good than as a sea incident. Thus Higgin son : "This day a notorious wicked fellow that was given to swering and boasting of his former wickedness, bragged that he had got a wench with child before he came this voyage, and mocked at our daies of fast, railing and jesting against puritans, this fellow fell sick of the pockes and dyed." Hutchinson Papers, 1. *4i. 1 "The Carpenter and his Mate is to have the Nayles, Clinches, roue and clinch- nailes, spikes, plates, rudder-irons called pintels and gudgions, pumpe-nailes, skupper- nailes, and leather, sawes, files, hatchets, and such like: and [be] ever ready for calking, breaming, stopping leakes, fishing or spliceing the Masts or Yards; as occasion requir- eth, and to give an account of his store." Smith, Accidence, *j. Plimmoth Plantation *5* did notoverpress her with sails. So they commited them selves to the will of God, and resolved to proseede. In sundrie of these stormes the winds were so feirce, and the seas so high, as they could not beare a knote of saile, but were forced to hull,1 for diverce days togither. And in one of them, as they thus lay at hull, in a mighty storme, a lustie yonge man (called John Howland) coming upon some occasion above the grattings, was, with a seele 2 of the shipe throwne into c&(^^- $£>t££ab [the] sea; but it pleased God that he caught hould of the top-saile halliards, which hunge over board, and rane out at length; yet he held his hould (though he was sun drie fadomes under water) till he was hald up by the same rope to thebrimeof the water, and then with a boathooke and other means got into the shipe againe, and his life saved; and though he was something ill with it, yet he lived many years after, and became a profitable member both in church and commone wealthe. In all this viage ther died but one of the passengers, which was William Butten,3 a youth, servant to Samuell Fuller, when they drew near the coast. But to omite other things, (that I may be breefe,) after longe beating at sea they fell with that land which is called Cape Cod; 4 the which being made and certainly knowne to be it, they 1 "Wee strucke all sayles, and suffered our ship to bee tossed too and fro by the waues all that night (which Mariners call lying at Hull)." Moryson, Itinerary (1617), Pt. 1. bk. 1, 2. See Albert Matthews in Col. Soc. of Mass., Trans, x. 11. 2 Roll or pitch of the vessel. 3 He died November 6. See Prince, 1. 72, who cites Governor Bradford's Pocket Book, which contained a Register of deaths, etc., from November 6, 1620, to the end of March, 1621. Deane. He was the son of Robert Butten, and was baptized in the Austerfield Church, February 12, 1598. Davis, in Bradford (Original Narratives of Early American History), 94. 4 The name of Cape Cod is the only remains of Gosnold's visit, in 1602, to this part of the coast. In the Concord he sailed round the Cape to the island of Cuttyhunk, and took in a cargo of cedar and sassafras. One of Gosnold's men, Robert Saltern, was with Pring in the voyage of 1603. The cartography of the Cape is fully told in Winsor, Memorial History of Boston, I. 37-62. On Ribero's map of 1529 this cape is named C. de Arenas, and on the map of Nic. Vallard de Dieppe of 1543, it is called 152 Plimmoth Plantation were not a litle joyfull.1 After some deliberation had amongst them selves and with the m[aste]r of the ship, they tacked aboute and resolved to stande for the southward (the wind and weather being faire) tofinde some place aboute Hudsons river for, their habitation.2 But after they had sailed that course aboute halfe the day, they fell amongst deangerous shoulds and roring breakers, and they were so farr intangled ther with as they conceived them selves in great danger; and the wind shrinking upon them withall, they re solved to bear up againe for the Cape, and thought them selves hapy to gett out of those dangers before night overtooke them, as by Gods good providence they did. And the next day 3 they gott into the Cape-harbor wher they ridd in saftie.4 A word or too by the way of this cape; it was thus first named by Capten Gosnole and his company,5 Anno: 1602, and after by Capten Smith was caled Cape C. de Croix. Champlain, who followed Gosnold, named it Cap Blanc, and Captain John Smith, Cape James. 1 Bradford, p. 162, infra, gives the date of their reaching the Cape-harbor November II. "It appears, therefore, that the Mayflower was sixty-five days on the passage from Plymouth (England) to Cape Cod, leaving the former place on the 6th of September." Deane. 2 See note p. 158, infra. 8 November 11, says Mourt's Relation. 4 Cape Cod is "onely a headland of high hils of sand, ouergrownewith shrubbie pines, hurts [the huckleberry, Vaccinium Myrtillus], and such trash; but an excellent harbor for all weathers. This Cape is made by the maine Sea on the one side, and a great Bay on the other in the forme of a sickle: on it doth inhabit the people of Pawmet : and in the bottome of the Bay, the people of Chawum. Towards the South and Southwest of this Cape, is found a long and dangerous shoale of sands and rocks. But so farre as I incircled it, I found thirtie fadom water aboard the shore and a strong current: which makes mee think there is a Channell about this shoale; where is the best and greatest fish to be had Winter and Summer, in all that Countrie. But the Saluages say there is no Channell, but that the shoales beginne from the maine at Pawmet, to the He of Nausit ; and so extends beyond their knowledge into the Sea." Smith, Description of New England, 45. Smith (Advertisements, *i^) speaks of the "Isles Nauset and Capawuck, neere which are the shoules of Rocks and sands that stretch themselves into the marine Sea twenty leagues, and very dangerous betwixt the degrees of 40. and 41." 5 Because they tooke much of that fishe ther. — Bradford. PART OF CHAMPLAIN'S MAP, 1612 x 1 Quinibequy is Kennebec; Chouacoit, Saco; Beau Port, Gloucester; St. Louis, New Plymouth; C. Blan, Cape Cod. 154 History of James ; but it retains the former name amongst sea-men. Also that pointe which first shewed those dangerous shoulds unto them, they called Pointe Care, and Tuckers Terrour; but the French and Dutch to this day call it Malabarr, by reason of those perilous shoulds, and the losses they have suffered their.1 1 "The sixteenth [May, 1602], we trended the coast southerly, which was all cham paign and full of grass, but the islands somewhat woody. Twelve leagues from Cape Cod, we descried a point with some breach, a good distance off, and keeping our luff to double it, we came on the sudden into shoal water, yet well quitted ourselves thereof. This beach we called Tucker's Terror, upon his expressed fear. The point we named Point Care." Gabriel Archer, Relation of Captain Gosnold's Voyage, Purchas, Pil- grimes, iv. 1648. Tucker's Terror is identified with Pollock Rip, and Point Care, with Monomoy Point. Waymouth's ship, in 1605, in approaching the coast first sighted Sankaty Head, Nantucket, and seeking to escape from the rocks and shoals, was "embaied with con tinuall showldes and rockes in a most uncertaine ground, from fiue or sixe fathoms, at the next cast of the lead we should have 15 and 18 fathoms. Ouer many which we passed, and God so blessed vs, that we had wind and weather as faire as poore men in this distresse could wish: whereby we both perfectly discerned euery breach, and with the winde were able to turne, where we saw most hope of safest passage. Thus we parted from the land, which we had not so much before desired, and at the first sight rejoiced, as now we all joifully praised God, that it had pleased him to deliuer vs from so imminent a danger." Rosier, True Relation (Gorges Society), 92. Champlain, also, in 1606, sailing south along Cape Cod suddenly found his vessel in three and four fathoms of water though at a distance of a league and a half from the shore. "On going a little farther, the depth suddenly diminished to a fathom and a half and two fathoms, which alarmed us, since we saw the sea breaking all around, but no passage by which we could retrace our course, for the wind was directly contrary. Accordingly being shut in among the breakers and sand-banks, we had to go at hap hazard where there seemed to be the most water for our barque, which was at most only four feet: wee continued among these breakers until we found as much as four feet and a half. Finally, we succeeded by the grace of God, in going over a sandy point running out nearly three leagues seaward to the south-south-east, and a very danger ous place. Doubling this cape, which we named Cap Batturier, which is twelve or thirteen leagues from Mallebarre, we anchored in two and a half fathoms of water, since we saw ourselves surrounded on all sides by breakers and shoals, except in some places where the sea was breaking but little." He found anchorage in Chatham Roads. Champlain, Voyages (Prince Society), 11. 118. The "sandy point" is Monomoy, and Champlain marks the sand shoals on his large map of 161 2. Some interesting specula tions upon this region will be found in N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg., xvm. 42, based upon the probable changes in the coast through the action of the sea. Plimmoth Plantation *55 Being thus arived in a good harbor and brought safe to land, they fell upon their knees and blessed the God of heaven, who had brought them over the vast and furious ocean, and delivered them from all the periles and miseries therof, againe to set their feete on the firme and stable earth, their proper elemente. And no marvell if they were thus joyefull, seeing wise Seneca was so affected with sailing a few miles on the coast of his owne Italy; as he affirmed,1 that he had rather remaine twentie years on his way by land, then pass by sea to anyplace in a short time; so tedious and dreadfull was the same unto him. But hear I cannot but stay and make a pause, and stand half amazed at this poore peoples presente condition; and so I thinke will the reader too, when he well [47] considers the same. Being thus passed the vast ocean, and a sea of troubles before in their prepara tion (as may be remembred by that which wente before), they had now no freinds to wellcome them, nor inns to entertaine or refresh their weatherbeaten bodys, no houses or much less townes to repaire too, to seeke for succoure.2 It is recorded in scripture 3 as a mercie to the apostle and his shipwraked company, that the barbarians shewed them no smale kindnes in refreshing them, but these savage barbarians, when they mette with them (as after will appeare) were readier to fill their sides full of arrows then other wise. And for the season it was winter, and they that know the winters of that cuntrie know them to be sharp and violent, and subjecte to cruell and feirce stormes, deangerous to travill to known 1 Epist: 53. — Bradford. 2 " For besides the natives, the nearest plantation to them is a French one at Port Royal, who have another at Canada. And the only English ones are at Virginia, Bermudas and Newfoundland; the nearest of these about 500 miles off, and every one uncapable of helping them." In this same paragraph Prince speaks of the Pilgrims being "disappointed of their expected country, . . . without the Help or Favour of the Court of England, without a Patent, with a Publick Promise of their Religious Liberties." Prince, Annals, 1. 94. 3 Act. 28. — Bradford. 156 Plimmoth Plantation places, much more to serch an unknown coast. Besides, what could they see but a hidious and desolate wildernes, full of wild beasts and willd men? and what multitudes ther might be of them they knew not. Nether could they, as it were, goe up to the tope of Pis- gah, to vew from this willdernes a more goodly cuntrie to feed their hopes; for which way soever they turnd their eyes (save upward to the heavens) they could have litle solace or content in respecte of any outward objects. For summer being done, all things stand upon them with a wetherbeaten face; and the whole countrie, full of woods and thickets, represented a wild and savage heiw. If they looked behind them, ther was the mighty ocean which they had passed, and was now as a maine barr and goulfe to seperate them from all the civill parts of the world. If it be said they had a ship to sucour them, it is trew; but what heard they daly from the m[aste]r and company? but that with speede they should looke out a place with their shallop, wher they would beat somenear distance; for the season was shuch as he would not stirr from thence till a safe harbor was discovered by them wher they would be, and he might goe without danger; and that victells consumed apace, but he must and would keepe sufficient for them selves and their returne. Yea, it was muttered by some, that if they gott not a place in time, they would turne them and their goods a shore and leave them. Let it also be considred what weake hopes of supply and succoure they left behinde them, that might bear up their minds in this sade con dition and trialls they were under; and they could not but be very smale. It is true, indeed, the affections and love of their brethren at Leyden was cordiall and entire towards them, but they had litle power to help them, or them selves; and how the case stoode be tweene them and the marchants at their coming away, hath all- ready been declared. What could now sustaine them but the spir ite of God and his grace? May not and ought not the children of these fathers rightly say: Our faitherswere Englishmen which came over this great ocean, and were ready to perish in this willdernes , 1 but 1 Deu: 26. 5, 7. — Bradford. /(\yL*-L&wry fJfix^C -y^C^c a.vrt^ ^Z) 4 -Vic % *jy^ 3 ^ ¦¦*M & 9 <*yr- < MAP OF PLYMOUTH HARBOR 196 History of 1620 and uncloathed them; in a word, did all the homly and neces sarie offices for them which dainty and quesie stomacks cannot endure to hear named; and all this willingly and cherfully, with out any grudging in the least, shewing herein their true love unto their freinds and bretheren. A rare example and worthy to be remembred.1 Tow of these -7- were Mr. William Brewster, ther reverend Elder, and Myles Standish, ther Captein and military comander, unto whom my selfe,2 and many others, were much beholden in our low and sicke condition. And yet the Lord so upheld these persons, as in this generall calamity they were not at all infected either with sicknes, or lamnes. And what I have said of these, I may say of many others who dyed in this generall vis- sitation, and others yet living, that whilst they had health, yea, or any strength continuing, they were not wanting to any that had need of them. And I doute not but their recompence is with the Lord. But I may not hear pass by an other remarkable passage not to be forgotten. As this calamitie fell among the passengers that were to be left here to plant, and were hasted a shore and made to drinke water, that the sea-men might have the more bear, and one 3 in his sicknes desiring but a small cann of beere,4 it was an swered, that if he were their owne father he should have none; the disease begane to fall amongst them also, so as allmost halfe of their company dyed before they went away, and many of their 1 Rememmembred in ms. 2 Bradford, on Thursday, January 11, was "vehemently taken with a griefe and paine, and so shot to his huckle-bone [hip-bone]." He had not recovered his strength by April, when he was chosen governor. 3 Which was this auther him selfe. — Bradford. 4 On Christmas Day they began to drink water aboard the Mayflower, but "at night the Master caused vs to haue some Beere, and so on boord we had diverse times now and then some Beere, but on shore none at all." Mourt, '24. According to Wood, the ship-provisions allowed to the passenger for his passage money were, "Salt Beefe, Porke, salt Fish, Butter, Cheese, Pease, Pottage, Water-grewell, and such kinde of Victuals, with good Biskets, and sixe-shilling Beere." New Englands Prospect, *42. 1 620 Plimmoth Plantation 197 officers and lustyest men, as the boatson, gunner, • 3 • quarter- maisters, the cooke, and others. At which the m[aste]r was some thing strucken and sent to the sick a shore and tould the Govfer- no]r he should send for beer for them that had need of it, though ^r elcs sauuaaas aktaiducois &k ,. „ .. IHiillifeli§Slfc==='^ ALGONQUIN INDIANS, BY CHAMPLAIN he drunke water homward bound. But now amongst his company [56] ther was farr another kind of carriage in this miserie then amongst the passengers; for they that before had been boone com panions in drinking and joyllity in the time of their health and well- fare, begane now to deserte one another in this calamitie saing, 198 History of 1620 they would not hasard ther lives for them, they should be infected by coming to help them in their cabins, and so, after they came to lye by it, would doe litle or nothing for them, but if they dyed let them dye.1 But shuch of the passengers as were yet abord shewed them what mercy they could, which made some of their harts re- lente, as the boatson (and some others), who was a prowd yonge man, and would often curse and scofe at the passengers; but when he grew weak, they had compasionon him, and helped him; then he confessed he did not deserve it at their hands, he had abused them in word and deed. O! saith he, you, I now see, shew your love like Christians indeed one to another, but we let one another lye and dye like doggs. Another lay cursing his wife, saing if it had not ben for her he had never come this unlucky viage, and anone cursing his felows, saing he had done this and that, for some of them, he had spente so much, and so much, amongst them, and they were now weary of him, and did not Help him, having need. Another gave his companion all he had, if he died, to help him in his weaknes; he went and got a litle spise and made him a mess of meat once or twise, and because he dyed not so soone as he expected, he went amongst his fellows, and swore the rogue would cousen him, he would see him chooked before he made him any more meate; and yet the pore fellow dyed before morning. All this while the Indians came skulking about them, and would sometimes show them selves aloofe of, but when any aproached near them, they would rune away. And once they stoale away their tools wher they had been at worke, and were gone to diner.2 But 1 "Great care would be had they pester not their ships too much with cattell nor passengers, and to make good conditions for your peoples diet, for therein is used much ledgerdemaine, therefore in that you cannot be too carefull to keepe your men well, and in health at Sea: in this case some masters are very provident, but the most part so they can get fraught enough, care not much whether the passengers live or die, for a common sailer regards not a landman, especially a poore passenger, as I have seene too oft approved by lamentable experience, although we have victualled them all at our owne charges." Smith, Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters, *28. 5 Mourt, *3 1. This occurred a full month before the visit of Samoset, and led to the 1 620 Plimmoth Plantation 199 about the mi6' of March a certaine Indian came bouldly amongst them, and spoke to them in broken English, which they could well understand, but marvelled at it. At length they understood by discourse with him, that he was not of these parts, but belonged to the eastrene parts, wher some English-ships came to fhish, with whom he was aquainted, and could name sundrie of them by their names, amongst whom he had gott his language.1 He became profitable to them [57] in aquainting them with many things con cerning the state of the cuntry in the east-parts wher he lived, which was afterwards profitable unto them; as also of the people hear, of their names, number, and strength; of their situation and dis tance from this place, and who was cheefe amongst them. His name was Samasett; he tould them also of another Indian whose name was Squanto, a native of this place, who had been in England and could speake better English then him selfe. Being, after some time of entertainmente and gifts, dismist,2 a while after he came placing of the few pieces of ordnance — five in all — intended for the defense of the platform, and to establishing of military orders, with Miles Standish as captain. 1 Samoset came from Morattiggon, supposed to be Monhegan Island, described in Mourt as "lying hence a dayes sayle with a great wind, and fiue dayes by land." Christopher Levett met him in 1623-24, and speaks of him as "one that hath ben found very faithfull to the English, and hath saued the lives of many of our Nation, some from starving, others from killing." Voyage into New England (Gorges Society), 102. He is identified as the Captain John Somerset mentioned in a deed of July 15, 1625, and in many ways connected with the territory nearPemaquid. An interesting note on Samoset and Somerset orMuscongus Island, by Albert Matthews is in Col. Soc. of Mass. Publications, vi. 59. Mourt describes him as speaking broken English, butf ree in speech so far as he could express his mind, and of a seemly carriage. Though not of that region, he gave information that proved very serviceable to the Pilgrims in their future, for they learned of Monhegan, the frequenting of that island by fishing vessels from Europe, and its short distance from New Plymouth. In 1622 the shallop went to that part in search of corn, and with good result (infra, p. 274). 2 Samoset passed this night in the house of Stephen Hopkins, the plan of sending him to the ship being defeated by a high wind and low water. Mourt, *33, says, the next day he went back to the "Massasoits." It is possible that some of Massasoit's men may have been skulking in the neighborhood of the settlement, and that to them Samoset returned; or that some of the Massachusetts Indians were thus lurking, 200 History of 1620 againe, and '5 • more with him, and they brought againe all the tooles that were stolen away before, and made way for the coming of their great Sachem, called Massasoyt;1 who, about \- or -5 ¦ and were induced to return with Samoset with a few beaver skins. It is hardly likely that Indians from a distance, in midwinter, and in the presence of a possible enemy, should be equipped for trade. The principal dwelling place of Massasoit was forty miles distant, and the bay on which the Massachusetts Indians lived was about equally removed. As Samoset was dismissed on Saturday morning and returned the following day, he could not have covered the eighty miles. Nor is it likely that Massasoit, were he in the woods near New Plymouth, would have delayed his visit to the English for four days after having tested their friendliness by Samoset. The five who accompanied Samoset on his second visit may have been Massachusetts Indians, and in the mean time a messenger had been sent to notify Massasoit of the Pilgrims. He came to the English on Thursday, March 22. 1 Massasoit appears in contemporary writings under a bewildering multiplicity of forms. Prince (1. *ioi n) writes that he found "the ancient People from their Fa thers in Plymouth Colony pronounce his Name Ma-sas-so-it," and this evidence is conclusive. Bicknell states (Sowams, 12) that his true or tribal name was Ousa- mequin, meaning "yellow feather" (ousa, yellow, and mequin, feather), and that Massasoit means " the great sachem." Others believe that about 1632, when mak ing war upon the Narragansetts, he changed his name to Ousamequin (the variants ^3^^ — ^^p^^/^^A^^ SIGNATURES OF OUSAMEQUIN AND HIS SON, WAMSUTTA are many, but may be recognized as attempts at representing the sound of the name). He lived until 1662, maintaining friendship with the English until his death, and ex ercising a wholesome influence over the Indians under his authority. That he was a warrior, his preeminence indicates; but little is known of his history or of his wars, and his reputation stands deservedly high in New England history. His position as chief, one of the few to whom the rest resort for protection, and pay homage unto, is freely conceded by Winslow, Good Newes from New England, *j6. His character was strongly vouched for by Hobbamock, a Wampanoag, and therefore one of Massa- 1620 Plimmoth Plantation 201 days after, came with the cheefe of his freinds and other attendance, with the aforesaid Squanto. With whom, after frendly entertain ment, and some gifts given him, they made a peace with him (which hath now continued this '24- years) in these terms.1 • 1 • That neither he nor any of his, should injurie or doe hurte to any of their peopl[e]. soit's subjects. When Tisquantum, in 1622, sought to gain greater influence with the English by casting doubt on Massasoit's faithfulness to his treaty, it was Hob- bamock who said "flatly that it was false," and assured Bradford of the Indian chief's good carriage. And again in 1623, when on his way to visit the sick sachem, Hob- bamock told Winslow that he would never see his like again amongst the Indians, saying, "he was no liar, he was not bloody and cruel, like other Indians; in anger and passion he was soon reclaimed; easy to be reconciled toward such as had offended him; ruled by reason in such measure as he would not scorn the advice of mean men; and that he governed his men better with few strokes, than others did with many; ' truly loving where he loved ; yea, he feared we had not a faithful friend left among the Indians; showing how he oft times restrained their malice, etc., continuing a long speech, with such signs of lamentation and unfeigned sorrow, as would have made the hardest heart relent." Winslow, Good Newes, *7, 27. 1 "An abstract of this treaty is also in Mourt's Relation. The two copies vary in the third and sixth articles. In the third article, in Mourt, the security to the English has reference merely to their tools, that they should be restored if taken away by the In dians; and the sixth article is made reciprocal by the addition of the following: 'as we should do our pieces when we come to them.' There is an additional clause in Mourt, which, however, can hardly be considered one of the articles to the treaty, viz: 'Lastly, that doing thus, King James would esteem of him as his friend and ally.'" Deane. Morton copied from Mourt. The phrasing of this last condition may well mark the first stage towards becoming "loyal subjects" of King James, as did the nine signatories to the writing of September 13, 1621. In June, 1621, Massasoit acknowledged to Winslow that "he also was King James his man." Mourt, *4S. In the renewal of the league in 1639, it is expressly stated that Ussamequin [Massa soit] had acknowledged himself "subject to the King of England," in the earlier con federacy. In the paper entered upon the Plymouth Colony Records, xi. 20, the league with Massasoit is mentioned, who "freely gaue them all the lands adjacent, to them and their heires for ever, acknowledging himselfe content to become the subject of our Soveraigne Lord the King aforesaid his heires and Successors." Although the planters believed themselves to be the first colony in New England, and looked upon the land as "void of Inhabitants," they obtained an additional right from the neighbor ing Sachem. That neither Bradford nor Mourt refer to this transaction in land is to be noted. 202 History of 1620 • 2- That if any of his did any hurte to any of theirs, he should send the offender, that they might punish him. •3- That if any thing were taken away from any of theirs, he should cause it to be restored; and they should doe the like to his. •4- If any did unjustly warr against him, they would aide him; if any did warr against them, he should aide them. • 5 • He should send to his neighbours confederates, to certifie them of this, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise com prised in the conditions of peace. •6- That when ther men came to them, they should leave their bows and arrows behind them.1 After these things he returned to his place caled Sowams,2 some • 40- mile from this place, but Squanto continued with them, and was their interpreter, and was a spetiall instrument sent of God for their good beyond their expectation.3 He directed them how to set 1 This treaty was renewed by Ousamequin [Massasoit] and his son, Mooanam [Wamsutta,or Alexander], in 1639, with certain additions to the terms, oneof them being that "hee or they shall not give, sell, or convey away any of his or their lands, territories, or possessions whatsoeuer, to any person or persons whomsoeuer, without the priuitie and consent of this gouerment, other then to such as this gouerment shall send and appoint." Plymouth Col. Rec, 1. 133. The peace lasted during the life of Massasoit and during the times of his two sons who succeeded him, until the termination of the war, known by the name of the younger, that of Philip, in 1675. 2 The town of Barrington, Rhode Island, occupies the place once known as Sowams or Sowamset. The question is fully discussed in Bicknell, Sowams, 151, while the claim for Warren is in Fessenden, History of Warren, R. I., 27-30, published in 1845, as a supplement to Tustin's Discourse. On the ms. map, prepared by Ezra Stiles and reproduced in this volume, Warren is designated as the location. A spring, near Baker's Wharf, was long known as Massasoit's spring, and as early as 1632 there was an English house in the place, probably a trading house of Plymouth. Winthrop, History, 1. *J2. 3 Fully to appreciate the good fortune of the Pilgrims in possessing Tisquantum and Hobbamock as interpreters, it is only necessary to read what one of the Jesuit Fathers says on the difficulties of learning the language of the Indians. "Meanwhile, the great est desire of our brethren, zealously occupied with the performance of their duties, was at the start to know the language of the natives, which the Frenchmen — caring 1620 Plimmoth Plantation 203 their corne, wher to take fish, and to procure other comodities, and was also their pilott to bring them to unknowne places for their profitt, and never left them till he dyed. He was a native [58] of this place? and scarce any left alive besides him selfe. He was caried away with diverce others by one Hunt2 a m[aster] of a ship, who but little for it, with one exception — could not impart by rules, or teach with advan tage; so only one method remained, to learn it from the stupid natives, not by les sons, but by constant practice. Consequently, after our associates had made various attempts to conciliate the Savages, by gifts, by friendliness, and by every sort of ser vice, they accomplished little or nothing. For, besides the fact that they employed teachers not at all fitted for instruction, from whom nothing could be obtained unless their stomachs were first liberally crammed, and who, being very impatient of even a short delay, would often be distracted and drawn away from one by earnest inquiry about any subject: the very nature of the language, also, so deficient in words suitable for the expression of even the most common ideas, evaded the eager pursuit of our men, and greatly disheartened them. Of those things, indeed, which fall under sight, touch, and the other senses, the names were obtained from the answers of the Sav ages in one way or another; but for those things which elude the senses, there is the greatest scarcity of names among that race, and also a profound ignorance of the things themselves. The knowledge of the latter class was despaired of, since the Sav ages either could not, or would not explain the former." An instrument was offered in young Pontgrave, who had fled from punishment and had lived long enough among the Indians to know their language; but for political reasons, his services were not used. Jesuit Relations (Thwaites ed.), n. 219, 231, 241. In the archives of the Catholic church at the mission of Lac des deux Montagnes (Oka), Canada, are preserved a grammar, dictionary, discourses and instructions in theAlgonqujan language, dated about the middle of the seventeenth century. Before 1630 only fragments of a vocabulary of the Massachusetts or New England languages are to be found, in Winslow and Captain John Smith. See Pilling, Bibliography of the Algonquian Languages, 1891. 1 Mourt speaks of Squanto as " the only natiue of Patuxat, where we now inhabite." His tribesmen were swept away by the plague. 2 Thomas Hunt was master of one of the two vessels in Captain John Smith's voyage to the coast of New England in 1614. After Smith's departure, Hunt's vessel "staied to fit herselfe for Spaine with the dry fish," and it was then that he kidnapped twenty- four of the natives. He took them to Malaga, Spain, where for a little private gain he sold those "silly Saluages for Rials of eight; but this vilde act kept him euer after from any more imploiment to those parts." Smith, Generall Historic, 204, 205. In the Brief e Relation, *I2, it is said that only as many were sold as he could get money for. " But when it was understood from whence they were brought, the Friers of those 204 Plimmoth Plantation 1620 thought to sell them for slaves in Spaine; but he got away for Eng land, and was entertained by a marchante in London,1 and im ployed to New-found-land and other parts, and lastly brought hither into these parts by one Mr. Dermer, a gentle-man imployed by Sir Ferdinando Gorges and others, for discovery, and other designes in these parts.2 Of whom I shall say some thing, because it is men- parts took the rest from them, and kept them to be instructed in the Christian Faith; and so disappointed this unworthy fellow of the hopes of gaine he conceiued to make by this new and Deuilish project." Hunt was not the first to kidnap the Indians. Smith attributed a deep purpose to the act, "to keepe this abounding Countrey still in ob- scuritie, that onely he [Hunt] and some few Merchants more might enioy wholly the benefit of the Trade, and profit of this Countrey." Generall Historic, 205. The same charge, with the added one of treacherous conduct, is made in the Description of New England, 65. In the Public Records Office, London, is a letter from Captain John Barlee to Levinus Munck, dated August 18, 1607, sending a list of prisoners in Spain, and adding that the "Adventurers" particularly wish the recovery of two savages, Manedo and Sasacomett, whom they hope to make very useful to them. 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, 11. 38. Barlee was Gorges' Lieutenant Captain in 1607. Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges (Prince Society), in. 143. 1 Mourt gives the name of the merchant, Master John Slanie, who dwelt in Corne- hill, and was governor of the Newfoundland Company, 1610-1628, and held the office of Treasurer. Purchas, Pilgrimes, iv. 1876. One Humfrey Slany, merchant of London, was in the same company, traded with Guinea, and held shares in the Virginia Com pany. 2 Thomas Dermer had been employed by the Council of New England with Cap tain John Smith, and set sail (1615) with that unfortunate leader, whose vessel proved unseaworthy and put back into port. Dermer in a small bark continued his voyage, and is supposed to have remained in Newfoundland from 1616 to 1618, during which time he saw Tisquantum, then with Captain John Mason, governor of that island. Returning to England in 1618, he was again sent to America on a fishing voyage, and ordered to join Captain Rocraft, another agent of the Company, then believed to be at the Newfoundland fishing station. Dermer did not find him there, and learn ing of his death in Virginia, determined to take a pinnace and explore the coast, such doubtless being his instructions. A relation of his voyage was read before the Virginia Company in London, July 10, 1621. Leaving the fishermen to their labor, he coasted the shore from thence, searching every harbor, and compassing every capeland, till he arrived in Virginia. It was on his return voyage northward that he encountered some vessels of Amsterdam and Home, in Delaware and Hudson rivers, " who yearly had there a great and rich trade for Furrs." His accounts so worked upon A briefe Relation OFTHE DISCOVERY AND PLANTATION O F New England.- AND OF SVNDRY ACCIDENTS THEREIN OCCVRRING, FROM the yccreof our Lord. M. dc. v«..to this prefetit M.dc.xxh. Together with the (late thereof as now it ftandcth j the generall forme of gouernment intended j and the. diuiiion oFfhe whole Terri corie into Coun-. ties, Baronrics, &c. LONDON, Printed by fohn Haviland, and are to be foldby Willi am Bladen, AL DC. XXII. 206 History of 1620 tioned in a booke set forth Anno: 1622. by the Presidente and Counsell for New-England,1 that he made the peace betweene the salvages of these parts and the English ; of which this plantation, as it is intimated, had the benefite. But what a peace it was, may apeare by what befell him and his men.2 This Mr. Dermer was hear the same year that these people came, as apears by a relation written by him, and given me by a freind, bearing date June -30- Anno: 1620. And they came in November following, so ther was but -4.- months differance. In which rela tion to his honored 3 freind, he hath these pasages of this very place. I will first begine (saith he) with that place from whence Squanto, or Tisquantem, was taken away; which in Cap: Smiths mape is called Plimoth ; 4 and I would that Plimoth had the like comodities. I would the cupidity of the Company that the Discovery was sent out to drive the Dutch and French away. Returning to New England to continue his discoveries he was set upon by some Indians, badly wounded, and, retiring to Virginia, there died. 2 Mass. Hist. Collections, ix. 7; Records of the Virginia Company, 1. 504. 1 Page 17. — Bradford. A Brief e Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of New England. The pamphlet is reprinted in 2 Mass. Hist. Collections, ix., and in Ferdinando Gorges (Prince Society), 1. 199. The reference will be found on p. 13. 2 Gorges says that Dermer was "betrayed by certaine new Saluages, who sodainly set upon him, giving him foureteene or fif teene wounds ; but by his valour, and derteritic of spirit he freed himselfe out of their hands, yet was constrained to retire into Virginia again the second time, for the cure of his wounds, where he fell sicke of the infirmities of that place, and thereof dyed: so ended this worthie Gentleman his dayes, after he had remained in the discouery of that coast two yeares, giuing vs good content in all hee vndertooke; and after he had made the peace between vs and the Saluages, that so much abhorred our Nation for the wrongs done them by others, as you haue heard; but the fruit of his labour in that behalfe we as yet receiue to our great commoditie, who haue a peaceable plantation at this present time among them, where our people both prosper, and Hue in good liking, and assurednesse of their neighbours, that had beene formerly so much exasperated against vs." A Brief e Relation, *i9. In his Brief 1 Narration, *2o, he mentions Epenow as the betrayer of Dermer, and Capewack as the place of the encounter. Epenow had good reason to be suspicious of any European. 8 The word was first written honourable, but even this fails to suggest the person to whom it was written. 4 "Plymouth . . . still bears the name assigned to the place by Smith. We are not 1620 Plimmoth Plantation 207 that the first plantation might hear be seated, if ther come to the num ber of -50- persons, or upward. Otherwise at Charlton,1 because ther the savages are lese to be feared. The Pocanawkits, which live to the west of Plimoth, bear an invetrate malice to the English, and are of more streingth then all the savages from thence to Penobscote.2 Their desire of revenge was occasioned by an English man, who having many of them on bord, made a great slaughter with their murderers 3 and told when the Pilgrims formally adopted it. They must have been familiar with Smith's map, and could not long have been ignorant of the fact, that the spot which they had selected for their plantation bore this name. Morton says, ' This name of Plymouth was so called, not only for the reason here named, but also because Plym outh in O. E. was the last town they left in their native country; and for that they received many kindnesses from some Christians there.' The place was at an early period called New Plymouth. In William Hilton's letter written from this place in 1621, it is so styled; and it became the legal designation of the colony. As their num bers increased, and towns began to spring up within the jurisdiction, the early place of settlement, as a town, was called Plymouth, while the colony or plantation was styled New Plymouth. On some of the later impressions of Smith's map [beginning with the sev enth state], issued in some of his other works, after the establishment of this colony, the word 'New' is engraved over the name Plymouth. Morton's Memoriall, 25; Plymouth Colony Laws (Brigham's ed.), 22-38." Deane. On Smith's map, see Winsor, Memorial History of Boston, 1. 55. 1 On the eighth state of Smith's map, inserted in the second or 1632 issue of the Generall Historic, Charlton appears on the south side of the Charles River, and near its mouth. 1 "The Pawkunnawkutts were a great people heretofore. They lived to the east and northeast of the Narragansitts; and their chief sachem held dominion over divers other petty sagamores; as the sagamores upon the island of Nantuckett, and Nope, or Martha's Vineyard, of Nawsett, of Mannamoyk, of Sawkattukett, [Bridgewater] Nobsquasitt, Matakees [both in Yarmouth], and several others, and some of the Nip- mucks. Their country, for the most part, falls within the jurisdiction of New Plym outh Colony. This people were a potent nation in former times; and could raise as the most credible and ancient Indians affirm, about three thousand men. They held war with the Narragansitts, and often joined with the Massachusetts, as friends and confederates against the Narragansitts." Gookin, Historical Collections, in I Mass. Hist. Collections, 1. 148, who adds that this nation was almost swept away by the plague. "Thereby divine providence made way for the quiet and peaceable settle ment of the English in those nations." * Small cannon or mortars, and usually named apart from " ordinance " or larger pieces. As late as 1704 they were " mostly used at Sea at the Bulk-heads of the 208 History of 1620 smale shot, when as (they say) they offered no injurie on their parts. Whether they were English or no, it may be douted; yet theybeleeve they were, for the Frenche 1 have so possest them; for which cause Squanto cannot deney 2 but they would have kild me when I was at Namasket,3 had he not entreated hard for me. The soyle of the bord ers of [59] this great bay, may be compared to most of the plantations which I have seene in Virginia. The land is of diverce sorts ; for Patux- ite is a hardy but strong soyle, Nawset 4 and Saughtughtett 5 are for the most part a blakish and deep mould, much like that wher groweth the best tobaco in Virginia. In the botume of the great bay is store of codd and basse, or mulett, etc. But above all he comends Pacanaw- kite for the richest soyle, and much open ground fitt for English Forecastle, Half-deck, or Steeridge, in. order to clear the Decks when an Enemy boards the ship." Harris, Lex. Tech. 1 This mention of the French refers to the French fishing and fur trading vessels that came to the Cape, and not to the more northern settlements on the St. Lawrence. A curious note on the French in New England will be found in I Mass. Hist. Soc. Pro ceedings, v. 129. Prepared in 1630 it depends upon the relations that had come to the notice of the unknown writer. He mentions the French vessel that was near "the Massachusetts upon a Fishing voyadge, and to discover the Bay " which was cast away. He then relates the oft told story of the one old man who escaped to shore, whom the Indians preserved alive, and who exerted himself to draw them from their worship of the Devil. Failing in this, he uttered the dire prediction that came true in the year of the plague (p. 220, infra). What gives a lively interest to this memorandum is a marginal note saying: "Capt. Smith mentioneth this in his booke called 'The Pathway to Plantations.' But I had the' most certaine relation thereof from Mr. Oldham who went to N. England presently after this plague." Oldham came in 1623, a passenger in the Anne. The incident may refer to the wreck of a French ship mentioned on p. 2io,infra. That the Frenchmen much used Narragansett Bay, Winslow learned on his mission to Massasoit in June, 1621. Mourt, *43. Frenchman's Bay is found on early maps of the waters below Taunton River. 2 Against this line Bradford wrote the word " Note." 8 In Middleborough. Namasket probably means a "fishing place," from nomas, a fish, auk, place, and et, at. Kinnicutt, Indian Names of Plymouth County, 49. At one time the place was well populated by Indians. ' Nauset, now Eastham. Mourt did not record a favorable opinion of the place. (Relation, *52.) 6 Satucket, a part of Brewster. 1620 Plimmoth Plantation 209 graine, etc.1 Massachusets is about -9- leagues from Plimoth, and situate in the mids betweene both, is full of Hands and peninsules very fertill for the most part.2 With sundrie shuch relations which I forbear to transcribe, being now better knowne then they were to him. He was 3 taken prisoner by the Indeans at Manamoiak (a place not farr from hence, now well knowne). He gave them what they demanded for his liberty, but when they had gott what they desired, they kept him still and indevored to kill his men; but he was freed by seasing on some of them, and kept them bound till they gave him a cannows load of corne. Of which, see Purch: lib. -9- fol. 1778. But this was Anno: 1619. After the writing of the former relation he came to the He of Capawacki (which lyes south of this place in the way to Virginia), and the foresaid Squanto with him, wher he going a shore amongst the Ind[e]ans to trad, as he used to doe, was betrayed and assaulted by them, and all his men slaine, but one that kept the boat; but him 1 This last sentence is inclosed with the quotation marks, though manifestly Bradford's own. 2 Smith called the Massachusetts "the Paradise of all these parts; for, heere are many lies all planted with corne; groues, mulberries, saluage gardens and good har bors: the Coast is for the most part, high clayie sandie cliffs. The Sea Coast as you passe, shewes you all along large corne fields, and great troupes of well proportioned people: but the French having remained heere neere sixe weekes, left nothing for vs to take occasion to examine the inhabitants relations, viz. if there be neer three thou sand people vpon these lies; and that the Riuer doth pearce many daies iourneies the intralles of that Countrey." Description of New England, *44. This was, of course, before the devastating plague. 8 Bradford had first written "he was shortly after this." The three words were struck out when he wrote the closing sentence of this paragraph. 4 Martha's Vineyard, La Soupconneuse of Champlain. It was from this island that one of the Indians kidnapped by Hunt came, one Epenowe, who "had been showed in London for a wonder." In some way he fell into the hands of Captain Henry Harley, and thus came to the knowledge of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and formed one of the inducements for interesting that speculator in a venture to "Capawick." The story is told in Gorges, Brief e Narration, chaps, xi. and xn. 210 History of 1620 selfe gott abord very sore wounded, and they had cut of his head upon the cudy of his boat, had not the man reskued him with a sword. And so they got away, and made shift to gett into Virginia, wher he dyed; whether of his wounds or the diseases of the cuntrie, or both togeather, is uncertaine.1 [60] By all which it may appear how farr these people were from peace, and with what danger this plantation was begune, save as the powerfull hand of the Lord did protect them. These thing[s] were partly the reason why they kept aloofe and were so long before they came to the English. An other reason (as after them selves made known) was how aboute • 3 • years before? a French-ship was cast away at Cap-Codd, but the men gott ashore, and saved their lives, and much of their victails, and other goods ; but after the Indeans heard of it, they geathered togeather from these parts, and never left watching and dogging them till they got advantage, and kild them all but ¦ 3 • or ¦ 4- which they kept, and sent from one Sachem to another, to make sporte with, and used them worse then slaves; (of which the foresaid Mr. Dermer re- demed -2- of them;) and they conceived this ship was now come to revenge it.3 1 Dermer, with Squanto as guide, had visited Plymouth and travelled a day's jour ney westward to Nummastaquyt (Namasket or Middleboro), whence he sent messen gers a day's journey further west to Poconackit. At Poconackit, which he described as bordering on the sea, he met two Indian kings, one of whom is believed to have been Massasoit, and the other Quadaquina. Returning to Monhegan he embarked on a pin nace the Sampson for a voyage of discovery to Virginia, was nearly wrecked near Nahant harbor, and sailing round Cape Cod he was taken prisoner by Indians at Manamoick "the southerne part of Cape Cod, now called Sutcliff Inlets." He was delivered from their hands, and proceeded to Capaock (Martha's Vineyard), where he saw Epenow, the Indian who had escaped from Hobson's vessel in 1614. Thence he went through Long Island Sound to Virginia. His letter will be found in Purchas, Pilgrimes, iv. 1778. 2 Writing in December, 1619, Dermer spoke of having redeemed that summer one Frenchman at Namasket, and another at Massachusetts, who had "three years since escaped shipwracke at the North-east of Cape Cod." Bradford, using this account, added the word "about." 8 No more graphic account of the sufferings of those Frenchmen could be given 1620 Plimmoth Plantation 211 Also, (as after was made knowne,) before they came to the Eng lish to make freindship, they gott all the Powachs 1 of the cuntrie, than that of Pratt, in his "Narrative" (4 Mass. Hist. Collections, iv. 479), as told him by Peksuot, the Indian sachem in those parts: "You say French men doe not loue you, but I will tell you what wee haue don to them. Ther was a ship broken by a storm. They saued most of their goods and hid it in the Ground. We maed them tell us whear it was. Then we maed them our sarvants. Thay weeptmuch. When we parted them, we gaue them such meat as our dogs eate. On of them had a Booke he would ofen Reed in. We Asked him ' what his Booke said.' He answered, 'It saith, ther will a people, lick French men, com into this Cuntry and driue you all a way,' and now we thincke you ar thay. We took Away thayr Clothes. Thay liued but a little while. On of them Liued longer than the Rest for he had a good master and gaue him a wiff. He is now ded, but hath a sonn Alive." 1 "It was known to the said planters of Plymouth not long after, that these Indians, before they came to make friendship with them, had taken Balaam's counsel against Israel in getting all the powwawes of the country together, who for three days inces santly had, in a dark and dismal swamp, attempted to have cursed the English, and thereby have prevented their settling in those parts, which when they discerned was not like to take place, they were not unwilling to seek after a peace. The like was con fessed many years after to have been attempted by an old and noted and chief Sag amore and Powaw, about Merrimack, to the northward of the Massachusetts, called Passaconaway, who, when he perceived he could not bring about his ends therein, he left it, as his last charge to his son, that was to succeed him, and all his people, never to quarrel Xa. «ofe*- o/(- Jpa.it should be read for a more full account of this expedition to the Massachusetts. 2 Smith noted that cod was abundant on the coast in March, April, May and half of June; from May to September, mullet and sturgeon could be had; and from the end of August to November the cod returned. The Newfoundland fisheries were chiefly in June and July. Description of New England, *35. 3 Champlain saw no turkeys, but the Indians described them in such a way as to identify them, as a bird as large as a buzzard which came when the corn was ripe. They had a kind of hair under the throat, and a red crest falling over the beak. Hig ginson reported thefh as "farre greater than our English Turkies, and exceeding fat, sweet, and fleshy, for here they haue aboundance of feeding all the yeere long." New England Plantation. Wood was enthusiastic over turkey hunting in winter, ten or a dozen being sometimes killed in half a day. New Englands Prospect, *32. Josselyn remarks upon the growing scarcity of the bird, "the English and the Indians hauing now destroyed the breed, so that 't is very rare to meet with a wild Turkic in the Woods ; But some of the English bring up great store of the wild kind, which remain about their Houses as tame as ours in England." New England's Rarities, *42. Modern orni thologists have suggested that this wild turkey, or Meleagris Americana, long since became extinct, and the domesticated turkey, Meleagris gallopavo, was brought in from Mexico or the West Indies. 1621 Plimmoth Plantation 231 a meale a weeke to a person, or now since harvest, Indean corne to that proportion. Which made many afterwards write so largely of their plenty hear to their freinds in England, which were not fained, but true reports.1 In November, about that time twelfe month that them selves came, ther came in a small ship to them unexpected or loked for,2 in which came Mr. Cushman (so much spoken of before) and with him -35 • persons to remaine and live in the plantation; which did not a litle rejoyce them.3 And they when they came a shore and found all well, and saw plenty of vitails in every house, were no less glade. For most of them were lusty yong men, and many of them wild enough, who litle considered whither or aboute what they wente, till they came into the harbore at Cap-Codd, and ther saw nothing but 1 "Reference is here made, doubtless, to letters of Winslow and Hilton, sent to England by the Fortune, in which they give a flattering description of the country, and speak of the colony as in a prosperous condition. ' We are so far free from want,' writes the former, 'that we often wish you partakers of our plenty.' Winslow's letter was printed in Mourt's Relation, which was probably sent over at the same time. Hil ton's letter first appeared in [Smith] New Englands Trials." Deane. The letter of Hilton will be found in Morton, New Englands Memoriall (Davis ed.), 377. Infra, p. 240. 2 She came the • 9 • to the Cap. — Bradford. 8 Smith in his New Englands Trials gives an account of this voyage of the Fortune. In May, 1621, "they sent another [ship, the Fortune] of 55 Tunnes to supply them [the settlers], with 37 persons, they set saile in the beginning of July, but being crossed by Westerly winds, it was the end of August ere they could passe Plimmoth, and ariued at New Plimmouth in New England the eleuenth of Nouember, where they found all the people they left in April, as is said, lustie and in good health, except six that died. Within a moneth they returned here for England, laded with clapboord, wainscot and walnut, with about three hogsheads of Beuer skins and some Saxe- fras, the 13 of December, and drawing neare our coast, was taken by a Frenchman, set out by the Marquis of Cera, Gouernour of He Deu [Dieu] on the coast of Poytou, ' where they kept the ship, imprisoned the Master and companie, took from them to the value of about 500 pounds and after 14 days sent them home with a poore supply of victuall, their owne being devoured by the Marquis and his hungry seruants; they ariued at London the 14 of Februarie." The version given in the Generall Historic, 234, differs in language. See p. 268, infra. The master of the Fortune was Thomas Barton. 232 History of 1621 a naked and barren place. They then begane to thinke what should become of them, if the people here were dead or cut of by the In deans. They begane to consulte (upon some speeches that some of the sea-men had cast out) to take the sayls from the yeard least the ship [66] should gett away and leave them ther. But the m[as- te]r hereing of it, gave them good words, and tould them if any thing but well should have befallne the people hear, he hoped he had vitails enough to cary them to Virginia, and whilst he had a bitt they should have their parte; which gave them good satisfaction. So they were all landed; x but ther was not so much as bisket-cake 2 or any other 3 victialls for them, neither had they any beding, but 1 The following list of passengers by the Fortune who received allotments of land in 1623 is taken from Plymouth Col. Rec, xn. 5, where the location of the lots is also indicated. The names marked with a f did not share in the division of cattle in 1627, and had probably died or removed in the interval. John Adams 1 acre Robert Hickes 1 William Bassite 2 William Hiltonf 1 William Bealef Bennet Morganf 1 Edward Bompass Thomas Mortonf 1 Jonathan Brewster Austin Nicolas 1 Clemente Briggs William Palmer 2 John Cannonf William Pittf I William Connerf Thomas Prence 1 Thomas Cushman Moyses Simonson 1 Steven Dean Hugh Statie 1 Philipe de la Noye James Stewardf I Thomas Flavellf William Tenchf 1 Flavell John Winslow 1 Foordf 4; sons John and William Wright 1 Williamf, d Martha. 2 A bread, twice baked, and made without leaven or salt, the fore-runner of hard tack. The making of ship-biscuit was a distinct trade in London, and the product was also supplied to the troops. Breadstreet, however, which owed its name to the bakers, appears to have been confined to the houses of the wealthy. In 1600 Bakers Hall was in Hart lane, in Tower Street Ward, conveniently situated near the river. 3 Nay, they were faine to spare the shipe some to carry her home. — Bradford. 1621 Plimmoth Plantation 233 some sory things they had in their cabins, nor pot, nor pan, to drese any meate in; nor over many cloaths, for many of them had brusht away their coats and cloaks at Plimouth as they came. But ther was sent over some burching-lane x suits in the ship, out of which they were supplied. The plantation was glad of this addition of strenght, but could have wished that many of them had been of beter condition, and all of them beter furnished with provissions; but that could not now be helpte. In this ship Mr. Weston sent a large leter to Mr. Carver, the late Gove[rno]r, now deseased, full of complaints and expostulations aboute formerpassagessatHampton; and the keeping the shipe so long in the country, and returning her without lading, etc., which for brevitie I omite. The rest is as followeth. Part of Mr. Weston's letter. I durst never aquainte the adventure[r]s with the alterations of the conditions first agreed on betweene us, which I have since been very glad of, for I am well assured had they knowne as much as I doe, they would not have adventured a halfe-peny of what was necesary for this ship. That you sent no lading in the ship is wonderfull, and worthily distasted. I know your weaknes was the cause of it, and I beleeve more weaknes of judgmente, then weaknes of hands. A quarter of the time you spente in discoursing, arguing, and consulting, would have done much more; but that is past, etc. If you mean, bona fide, 1 Stow, Survey of London (Kingsford ed.), states that the Hosiers were originally in Hosier lane, near Smithfield; from that place they moved into Cordwainer Street, and thence into "Birchouerislane" by Cornhill; "so called of Birchouer, the first builder and owner thereof, now corruptly called Birchin lane, the North halfe whereof is of the said Cornehill warde, the other part is of Langborne warde. This lane, and the high streete neare adioyning, hath beene inhabited for the most part with wealthie Drapers, from Birchouers lane on that side the streete downe to the Stockes: in the raigne of Henrie the sixt, had yee for the most part dwelling Fripperers or Vpholders, that solde olde apparell and householde stuffe." I. 81, 198. Come traveler from Turkey, Roome, or Spaine, And take a sute of trust in Birchin Lane. Rowland, Melancholic Knight, 21. 234 History of 1621 to performe the conditions agreed upon, doe us the favore to coppy them out faire, and subscribe them with the principall of your names. And likwise give us accounte as perticulerly as you can how our moneys were laid out.1 And then I shall be able to give them some satisfaction, whom I am now forsed with good words to shift of. And consider that the life of the bussines depends on the lading of this ship,which, if you doe to any good purpose, that I may be freed from the great sums I have disbursed for the former, and must doe for the later, I promise you I will never quit the bussines, though all the other adven turers should. [67] We have procured you a Charter, the best we could, which is beter then your former, and with less limitation.2 For any thing that is els 1 The accounts were in chief part kept by Christopher Martin, whose sensitive ness in regard to them is recorded on p. 142, supra. As Martin was now dead, the accounts had probably fallen into confusion. 2 A patent to John Peirce and his associates was sealed by the Virginia Company of London, February 2, 1619-20. It could apply only to Virginia. Under this patent the Pilgrims sailed for Virginia, and the landing in New England rendered it "void and useless." It became necessary to obtain a new patent, and from the company having jurisdiction over New England. The complication was explained to Weston, by letters sent in the Mayflower, which returned to England in May. He then applied to the newly recognized Council for New England. Emboldened by his success in over coming the opposition to his Company, Gorges and his associates issued their first patent on June 1, 1621, to Peirce and his associates. This led to the recall by the Vir ginia Company of its patent to Peirce (supra, p. 95), unless he should still intend to be gin a plantation within the limits of the Southern company. Records of the Virginia Company, 1. 515. In the mean time Parliament had assembled, and instituted an en quiry into "monopolies" granted by the crown. The patent made to Gorges fell into this enquiry, as it created a monopoly, of which its holders intended to make full use, in spite of their protestations to the contrary. Colonial Hist, of New York, m. 5 ; Gorges, Brief e Relation* 10, 34. Three times did Gorges appear before Parliament, but could not quiet the opposition. The House presented the patent as a public grievance, and Gorges sorrowfully records that in consequence of this action "this their public declaration of the House's dislike of the cause shook off all my adventurers for plan tation, and made many of the patentees to quit their interest." Gorges, rendered prudent by the growing difference between the King and Parliament, forebore to claim his full rights, but did succeed in gaining advantage for his own schemes. The Peirce patent, "probably the oldest document in Massachusetts officially connected with her history" (Deane), is in the collection of the Pilgrim Society at: 1621 Plimmoth Plantation 235 worth writting, Mr. Cushman can informe you. I pray write instantly for Mr. Robinson to come to you. And so praying God to blesse you with all graces nessessary both for this life and that to come, I rest Your very loving frend, Tho. Weston. London, July 6. 1621. This ship (caled the Fortune) was speedily dispacht away, being laden with good clapbord x as full as she could stowe, and -2- hoggs- heads of beaver and otter skins, which they gott with a few trifling comodities brought with them at first, being all to geether unpro vided for trade; neither was ther any amongst them that ever saw a beaver skin till they came hear, and were informed by Squanto. The fraight was estimated to be worth near 500 li. Mr. Cushman returned backe also with this ship,2 for so Mr. Weston and the rest Plymouth, Mass. The full text is given on p. 246, infra. As to Peirce ever being in New England, see 1 Maine Hist. Coll., 1. 3871. 1 At this time clapboard meant a smaller size of split oak, imported from Germany, Denmark or Sweden, and used by coopers for making barrel-staves. Bailey's Diction ary (1725) defines clapboard as a "board cut ready to make casks." In this sense the word has passed out of usage in England. It was not applied to wainscoting until later, and as a board used to cover the roof or sides of a house, each board being made to overlap that below it, the term has been used only in the United States. In Stow's time a building constructed by shipwrights in Tower Street Ward had a roof and wall of " Boordes not exceeding the length of a Clapboord, about an inch thicke, euery Boorde ledging ouer other, as in a Ship or Gallic" He looked upon it as a "strange kind of building," and from the notice he gives of it, the construction must have been as novel as it was recent. Survey of London (Kingsford), 1. 137. See note in Morton, New English Canaan (Prince Society), 182. 2 Before sailing, and on December 12, Cushman delivered, in the "Common House" a sermon on the text I Cor. x. 24, "Let no man seek his own; but every man anothers wealth." First printed in London in 1622, it was the first sermon delivered in New England to be printed. It has since been reprinted many times. In the fore word, addressed "to his loving Friends and Adventurers for New England," he gives a very favorable account of the plantation, especially in its relations with the Indians. He came as an agent of Weston to induce the planters to enter into an agreement with Weston. And he takes the opportunity of a sermon to preach self- 236 Plimmoth Plantation 162 1 had apoynted him, for their better information. And he doubted not, nor them selves neither, but they should have a speedy supply; considering allso how by Mr. Cushmans perswation, and letters received from Leyden, wherin they willed them so to doe, they yeel[d]ed to the afforesaid conditions, and subscribed them with their hands. But it proved other wise, for Mr. Weston, who had made that large promise in his leter, (as is before noted,) that if all the rest should fall of, yet he would never quit the bussines, but stick to them, if they yeelded to the conditions, and sente some lad ing in the ship; and of this Mr. Cushman was confident, and con firmed the same from his mouth, and serious protestations to him denial and submission to what Weston desired. A single quotation will develop his main argument. "The country is yet raw, the land untilled, the cities not builded, the cattel not settled, we are compassed about with a helpless and idle people, the natives of the country, which cannot in any comely or comfortable manner help themselves, much less us. We also have been very chargeable to many of our loving friends, which helped us hither, and now again supplied us, so that before we think of gathering riches, we must even in conscience think of requiting their charge, love and labor, and cursed be that profit and gain which aimeth not at this." To the planters he presented a hopeful picture of future reward: "And you my loving friends the adventurers to this plantation; as your care has been, first to settle religion here, before either profit or popularity, so I pray you, go on, to do it much more, and be careful to send godly men, though they want some of that worldly policy which this world hath in her own generation, and so though you lose, the Lord shall gain. I rejoice greatly in your free and ready minds to your powers, yea, and beyond your powers to further this work, that you thus honor God with your riches, and I trust you shall be repaid again double and treble in this world, yea, and the memory of this action shall never die, but above all adding unto this (as I trust you do) like freeness in all other God's services both at home and abroad, you shall find reward with God, ten thousand-fold surpassing all that you can do or think; be not therefore discouraged, for no labor is lost nor money spent which is bestowed for God, your ends are good, your success is good, and your profit is coming, even in this life, and in the life to come much more." Cushman's preface to his Ser mon. The printed sermon, as the product of one not ordained to preach, received notice at the hands of W. Rathband, in his Brief Narration of some Church Courses . . . in New England, p. 46, where the "preacher" is said tio have been a "comber of wooll," a sign pointing to Cushman. See 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, in. 404 n. SERMON PREACHED AT PLIMMOTH IN NEVV-feNGLAND December q. i 6 2 i. In an affcmblie of his OrUstftvs fiutbfitS S*b*f1t, thtr* inhabiting. WHEREIN IS SHEWED the danger of fclfe-Ioue, and the fweemefle of true Friendfliip. T OQETBE K WITH A PREFACE, Shewing thcflatcof the Coontry, ana Condition of the SAVAGES. Rom. X2. 10. He affelKoned to hue one another with Brotherly tone. Written in the yeare Hal. tONDOX Printed by /. D. for I o h n Biiumie, and are to be fold at his (hop at the two Grey hound* in Come-hiH» newt the t&il Exdumge. 1 <» «» 238 History of 1621 selfe before he came. But all proved but wind, for he was the first and only man that forsooke them, and that before he so much as heard of the returne of this ship, or knew what was done; (so vaine is the confidence in man.)1 But of this more in its place. A leter in answer to his write to Mr. Carver, was sente to him from the Gov[erno]r, of which so much as is pertenente to the thing in hand I shall hear inserte. Sir, Your large letter writen to Mr. Carver, and dated the -6- of July, 1621, I have received the • io- of Novemb[e]r, wherin (after the apologie made for your selfe) you lay many heavie imputations upon him and us all. Touching him, he is departed this life, and now is at rest [68] in the Lord from all those troubles and incoumbrances with which we are yet to strive. He needs not my appologie; for his care and pains was so great for the commone good, both ours and yours, as that therwith (it is thought) he oppressed him selfe and shortened his days ; of whose loss we cannot sufficiently complaine. At great charges in this adventure, I confess you have beene, and many losses may sus- taine; but the loss of his and many other honest and industrious mens lives, cannot be vallewed at any prise. Of the one, ther may be hope of recovery, but the other no recompence can make good. But I will not insiste in generalls, but come more perticulerly to the things them selves. You greatly blame us for keping the ship so long in the coun trie, and then to send her away emptie. She lay • 5- weks at Cap-Codd whilst with many a weary step (after a long journey) and the indur- anceof many a hard brunte, we sought out in thefoule winter aplace of habitation. Then we went in so tedious a time to make p'rovission to sheelter us and our goods, aboute which labour, many of our armes and leggs can tell us to this day we were not necligent. But it pleased God to vissite us then, with death dayly, and with so generall a dis ease, that the living were scarce able to burie the dead; and the well 1 "Private purses are cowld compfortes to adventurers, and have ever been founde fatall to all enterprices hitherto undertaken by the English, by reason of delaies, jelocies, and unwillingness to backe that project which succeeds not at the first at tempt." Reasons or Motives for the raising of a publique stock, 1607-08. The entire paper will be found in Neill, Virginia Vetusta, 27. 1621 Plimmoth Plantation 239 not in any measure sufficente to tend the sick. And now to be so greatly blamed, for not fraighting the ship, doth indeed goe near us, and much discourage us. But you say, you know we will pretend weak nes ; and doe you think we had not cause ? Yes, you tell us you beleeve it, but it was more weaknesof judgmente, then of hands. Our weaknes herin is great we confess, therfore we will bear this check patiently amongst the rest, till God send us wiser men. But they which tould you we spent so much time in discoursing and consulting, etc., their harts can tell their toungs, they lye. They cared not, so they might salve their owne sores, how they wounded others. Indeede, it is our callamitie that we are (beyound expectation) yoked with some ill conditioned people, who will never doe good, but corrupte and abuse others, etc. The rest of the letter declared how they had subscribed those conditions according to his desire, and sente him theformer accounts very perticulerly; also how the ship was laden, and in what condi tion their affairs stood; that the coming of these [69] people would bring famine upon them unavoydably, if they had not supply in time (as Mr. Cushman could more fully informe him and the rest of the adventurers). Also that seeing he was now satisfied in all his demands, that offences would be forgoten, and he remember his promise, etc. After the departure of this ship, (which stayed not above '14- days,) the Gove[rno]r and his assistante haveing disposed these late commers into severall families, as they best could, tooke an ex- acte accounte of all their provissions in store, and proportioned the same to the number of persons, and found that it would not hould out above -6 ¦ months at halfe alowance, and hardly that. And they could not well give less this winter time till fish came in againe. So they were presently put to half alowance, one as well as an other, which begane to be hard, but they bore it patiently under hope of supply.1 1 The actual situation of the settlers did not agree wholly with the glowing report 240 History of 1621 Sone after this ships departure, the great people of the Nari- gansets, in a braving maner, sente a messenger unto them with a bundle of arrows tyed aboute with a great sneak-skine; which of William Hilton, a passenger in the Fortune. Writing in November or Decem ber, 1621, he said: "At our ariuall at New Plimmoth in New England, we found all our friends and planters A £v in good health, though /"V>/> t*r— 7*0 Q^C~)f^f0 rw*~J they werf left sicke and // -«. / / » y ' weake with very small LV 7/V^^'/!S ^ ' r&tt**~ roundabout" vs^eac"! ^ £f able and friendly, the country very pleasant and temperate, yeelding naturally of itself great store of fruites, as vines of diuers sorts in great abundance; there is likewise walnuts, chesnuts, small nuts and plums, with much varietie of flowers, rootes, and herbs no lesse pleasant then wholsome and profitable: no place hath more goose-berries and straw-berries, nor better. Tim ber of all sorts you haue in England, doth couer the Land, that affoords beasts of diuers sorts, and great flocks of Turkies, Quailes Pigeons and Patriges: many great lakes abounding with fish, fowle, Beuers and Otters. The sea affoords vs as great plenty of all excellent sorts of sea-fish, as the riuers and lies doth varietie of wilde fowle of most vsefull sorts. Mines we find to our thinking, but neither the goodnesse nor qualitie we know. Better grain cannot be then the Indean corne, if we will plant it vpon as good ground as a man need desire. We are all free-holders, the rent day doth not trouble vs, and all those good blessings we haue, of which and what we list in their seasons for taking. Our companie are for most part very religious honest people; the word of God sincerely taught vs every Sabbath: so that I know not any thing a contented mind can here want. I desire your friendly care to send my wife and children to me, where I wish all the friends I haue in England." Smith, New Englands Trials, 13. Pratt laid the blame on the letters received from New England. "Som Indescret men, hoping to incoridg thayr freinds to Come to them, writ Letters Conserning the great plenty of Fish fowle and deare. . . . The Adventvrers, willing to saf thayr Monys, sent them weekly provided of vicktualls, as Many moor after them did the lyke; and that was the great Cause of famine." Narrative, 4 Mass. Hist. Collections, iv. 477. Winslow said the same of the scant supply of provisions sent by the Fortune. "Neither were the setters forth thereof altogether to be blamed therein : but rather cer tain amongst ourselves, who were too prodigal in their writing and reporting of that plenty we enjoyed." Good Newes,* 11. Winslow himself had not been without blame in the glowing accounts of plenty at hand. He now explained that everything must be 1621 Plimmoth Plantation 241 their interpretours tould them was a threatening and a chaleng.1 Upon which the Gov[erno]r, with the advice of others, sente them a round answere, that if they had rather have warre then peace, they might begine when they would ; they had done them no wrong, neither did they fear them, or should they find them unprovided. And by another messenger sente the sneake skine back with bulks in it; but they would not receive it, but sent it back againe.2 But expected in its proper season, and had not the settlers been in a place when shell-fish could be taken with the hand, they would have perished. The months of their ex tremities were May and June. Such favorable reports were not confined to New England. Virginia in her early days suffered from the same cause, and one of the charges made against the Sandys faction was "the practice of sending "double and contradictory letters' from the chief officers of the Colony to the Company, those sent officially giving 'assurance of abun dance,' and those sent privately asking for 'large supplies,' so that many persons were 'allured to go over' on false pretences. The spreading of false rumors, and publica tion of letters, books, and ballads describing the 'happy estate of the Plantation, which was most unreasonably put in practice this last Lent, when the colony was in most extreme misery.' " Hist. Mss. Com., vin. pt. n. 43. 1 This message was sent by Canonicus, the great sachem of the Narragansetts, by an Indian, who was accompanied by the friendly Indian Tokamahamon. As both Tisquantum and Hobbamock were absent when this messenger arrived at Plymouth, the Governor determined to hold him against their return, and in the mean time entrusted him for safe-keeping to Standish, who hoped to extract from him the mean ing of the sending. Tokamahamon could only say that he thought, but could not certainly tell, that it meant hostilities. Standish and Hopkins succeeded in allaying the fears of the messenger and learned "that the messenger which his master [Can onicus] sent in summer to treat of peace, at his return persuaded him rather to war; and to the end he might provoke him thereunto, (as appeared to him by our reports,) detained many of the things [which] were sent to him by our Governor, scorning the meanness of them both in respect of what himself had formerly sent, and also of the greatness of his own person; so that he much blamed the former messenger, saying, that upon the knowledge of this his false carriage, it would cost him his life, but assured us that upon his relation of our speech then with him to his master, he would be friends with us." Winslow, Good Newes, *2. It was Tisquantum who interpreted the message intended by the arrows and skins. Hubbard calls attention to a similar message of arrows sent by the Scythians to Darius. History, 69. 2 In reply Bradford sent a defiant message with the powder and shot, assuring Canonicus "if he had shipping now present, thereby to send his men to Nanohiggan- 242 Plimmoth Plantation 1621 these things I doe but mention, because they are more at large all- ready put forth in printe, by Mr. Winslow, at the requeste of some freinds.1 And it is like the reason was their owne ambition, who, (since the death of so many of the Indeans,) thought to dominire and lord it over the rest, and conceived the English would be a barr in their way, and saw that Massasoyt took sheilter allready under their wings.2 set, (the place of his abode,) they should not need to come so far by land to us; yet withal showing that they should never come unwelcome or unlooked for. This mes sage was sent by an Indian, and delivered in such sort, as it was no small terror to this savage king; insomuch as he would not once touch the powder and shot, or suffer it to stay in his home or country. Whereupon the messenger refusing it, another took it up; and having been posted from place to place a long time, at length came whole back again." Winslow, Good Newes, "3. 1 Good Newes from New England : or A true Relation of things very remarkable at the Plantation of Plimoth in New-England, 1624. Two impressions of the tract appear to have been issued in London in this year, the second containing some additional matter: "wherevnto is added by him a briefe Relation of a credible intelligence of the present estate of Virginia." A copy of Winslow's Good Newes from New England, probably once a part of the Prince library, came into the hands of John Adams. By him it was left, together with the rest of his collection, to the town of Quincy and the Adams Academy. The collection is now deposited in the Public Library of Boston, and in this copy of Winslow are many manuscript annotations by Prince. On a fly-leaf he says, after collating Bradford and Morton, "By which it seems he [Winslow] must have left London in the beginning of February, and must have printed his relation there be tween the end of October, 1623, and the end of January, 1623-4; and I know it is the custom of the London printers to begin the year on their books at Michaelmas, so that after Sept. 29, 1623, they will date them at the bottom of the titlepage, 1624." 1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, xx. 229. 1 Notwithstanding the desire of peace shown by the Narragansetts in the summer of 1621, there was common talk among the Indians of their preparations against the English in the late fall of that year. Though the Fortune added thirty-five settlers to Plymouth, it did not really increase the strength of that place, because the new settlers brought neither arms nor provisions, and bore heavily upon the resources of the planters. A knowledge of this weakness encouraged the Indians, and "occasioned them to slight and brave us with so many threats as they did." The hostility of the Narragansetts appears to have been assumed almost from the first year of settle ments. They were the most numerous of the coast tribes, having been lightly touched GOOD NEWES 7, FROM .New-England.- o ^ A true Relation of things very re markable at the Plantation of Thmotb in No vv -England. Shewing the wondrous providence andgoqd- nes of G o d, in their prcki yation and continuance", being delivered from many if par ant deaths and dangers. Together with a Relation of fuch religious and civill Lawcs and Cuftomes, as arc in pra&ileamongft the Indian, adjoyning to them at this day. As alio what Conmodkus are there to it rmftdfor the maintenance cf that and other Ptmtt*- ttont m theJii^Cowarj. Written by E. W. who hath borne a part in the fore-named troubles, and there liued fmce their 6rft Arrivall. Whcrevnto is added by him a bricfc Relation of a credible intelligence of the prcfent eftate of Virginia. ^ I — ¦¦-¦¦¦¦¦¦ ¦ ¦« ¦!¦¦¦! I 1 .—^— ¦— »— — »M^— — — — LONDON £i btrd by /. I>. for William B'tden and lohn Bftlmie, an J an- to be /old at their Shops, at the 'BdiU inPo*fs-Ch\uch- y wd, antt ac the three GoMcn Lyons in Com-hilJ, neeie the HyMl fychqt, 1624. 244 History of 1621 But this made them the more carefully to looke to them selves, so as they agreed to inclose their dwellings with a good strong pale, and make flankers in convenient places, with gates to shute, which were every night locked, and a watch kept, and when neede required ther was also warding in the day time.1 And the company was by the Captaine and the Gov[erno]r [70] advise, devided into -\- squadrons, and every one had ther quarter apoynted them, unto which they were to repaire upon any suddane alarme. And if ther should be any crie of fire, a company were appointed for a gard, with muskets, whilst others quenchet the same, to prevent Indean treachery.2 This was accomplished very cherfully, and the towne impayled round bythebeginingof March, in which evry family had a prety garden plote secured. And herewith I shall end this year. Only I shall remember one passage more, rather of mirth then of waight. One the day called Chrismas-day, the Gov[erno]r caled them out to worke, (as was used,) but the most of this new-company ex- by the disease that swept away their neighbors. They were warlike and ambitious, feared by the weaker tribes, like the Pokanokets and the Massachusetts, but were themselves held in check by the Pequots on the west. They could bring into the field a large number of warriors, though the figures given by some are doubtless exagger ated, and must be received with caution. It is only natural that they should look with alarm and suspicion upon a possible alliance between their enemies and the English, and seek to prevent its being made. In the jealousy existing between the two Indians at Plymouth Hobbamock claimed that the Massachusetts were joined in a confederacy with the Narragansetts against the English, and that Tisquantum was in the plot. See p. 252, infra. 1 In this defense they took in the top of the hill (Fort, and later Burial Hill,) under which the town was seated, " making four bulwarks or jetties without the ordinary circuit of the pale, from whence we could defend the whole town; in three whereof are gates, and the fourth in time to be." There was a general muster or training held, the first in New England, and each commander "drew his company to his appointed place for defence, and there together discharged their muskets. After which they brought their new commanders to their houses, where again they graced them with their shot, and so departed." Winslow, Good Newes, *4. This was done in February and March, 1622. 2 " If the fire were in any of the houses of this guard, they were to be freed from it; but not otherwise, without special command." Winslow, Good Newes, *5. 1621 Plimmoth Plantation 245 cused them selves and said it wente against their consciences to work on that day.1 So the Gov[erno]r tould them that if they made it mater of conscience, he would spare them till they were better informed. So he led-away the rest and left them; but when they came home at noone from their worke, he found them in the streete at play, openly; some pitching the barr, and some at stoole- ball, and shuch like sports.2 So he went to them, and tooke away 1 Mourt, *24, shows there was no observance of the day in 1620. "We went on shore, some to fell tymber, some to saw, some to rive, and some to carry, so no man rested all that day." The observation of Christmas Day in England was appointed by Statute 5 and 6 Edward VI c. 3, but the Puritans regarded it as abused by superstition and profane- ness, and as one of other pagan or popish festivals. Ainsworth says in his Arrow against Idolatrie : "Our purple Queen hath made many moe holy dayes then ther be monethes (that I say not weeks) of the yere, in honour of her Ladie and all her Saincts, and these some of them correspondent to the paynim festivities, as Christmas, Candlemas, Fasgon or Shrovetide, according to the times and customes of the gentiles Saturnal, Februal and Bacchus feasts" (Ed. 1640, p. 156). Even in England observ ance of the day was not general, as the Bishop of Norwich showed: "Some of the aldermen went to church in their scarlets, and some would not; some opened their shops, and some shut them up; some eat flesh on that day, and others eat fish." Strype, Life of Archbishop Parker. [ ] For the revels that were held on Christmas, see Love, Fast and Thanksgiving Days of New England, 24. In Holland the Dutch Reformed church kept the day, but associated with it in New Netherlands was a festival with common sports, such as bowling, dancing, ball playing and the like. New England held days of fasts and days of thanksgiving, and not until the latter part of the seventeenth century were Christmas and other holidays observed. Sewall, Diary, under Christmas. 2 Stool-ball, an ancient game played by both sexes, and in which balls are driven from stool to stool. By the Puritans "all games where there is any hazard of loss are strictly forbidden ; not so much as a game at stool-ball for a Tansay, or a cross and pyle for the odd penny at a reckoning, upon pain of damnation." Lewis, English Presbyterian Eloquence, 17. The attitude of the Puritan towards sports was exempli fied by the history of the Declaration of Sports, as told by Rev. Dr. Slafter in 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, xix. 86. Issued first by James I to counteract the extreme position taken by the Puritans on the proper observation of the Jewish Sabbath, the opposition it aroused proved sufficient to prevent a general enforcement. The Decla ration remained in abeyance until October 18, 1633, when it was, under Laud's per suasion, republished by Charles I. "As yet the only notion of liberty entertained by 246 History of 1621 their implements, and tould them that was against his conscience, that they should play and others worke. If they made the keeping of it mater of devotion, let them kepe their houses, but ther should be no gameingor revelling in the streets. Since which time nothing hath been atempted that way, at least openly. NOTE. THE PEIRCE PATENT. This Indenture made the First Day of June 1621 And in the yeeres of the raigne of our soueraigne Lord James by the grace of god King of England Scotland Fraunce and Ireland defendor of the faith etc. That is to say of England Fraunce and Ireland the Nynetenth and of Scotland the fowre and fiftith. Betwene the President and Counsell of New England of the one partie And John Peirce Citizen and Clothworker of London and his Associates of the other partie Witnesseth that whereas the said John Peirce and his Asso ciates haue already transported and vndertaken to transporte at their cost and chardges themselves and dyvers persons into New England and there to erect and build a Towne and settle dyvers Inhabitantes for the advancem[en]t of the generall plantacon of that Country of New England Now the sayde Presi dent and Counsell in consideracon thereof and for the furtherance of the said either of the church parties was the removal of restrictions which the opposite party considered it all-important to impose. The Puritan objected to the compulsory observ ance of the Laudian ceremonies. Laud objected to the compulsory observation of the Puritan Sabbath." 'Gardiner, History of England, vn. 321. The temper of the Puritan clergy on this subject is illustrated by the charge brought against Charles Chauncy, who later came to Plymouth. "In your sermons as other priuate discourses, you haue much slighted and detracted from the power and authority of the Church, and haue both publiquely and priuately affirmed and sayd, that the Church hath power to appoynt dayes for fasts and prayers, but that they find not the conscience, but are indifferent, which causeth many to worke on holy dayes openly, contrary to the lawes and Cannons of ,our Church, and pressing that matter a little further then sound Judgment in Diuinity or discretion would haue ledd you, you sayd that there be many thousand soules damned in hell for their gaminge and Revellinge in xij dayes at Christmass tyme, and that the Damned in hell doe curse the birth of our Saviour Christ, and the Church for Institutinge the celebracon thereof, or you haue sayd like wordes in effect and substance, to the great admiration and astonishment of the hearers." Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, xm. 339. 1621 Plimmoth Plantation 247 plantacon and incoragem[en]t of the said Vndertakers haue agreed to graunt assigne allott and appoynt to the said John Peirce and his associates and euery of them his and their heires and assignes one hundred acres of grownd for euery person so to be transported besides dyvers other pryviledges Liber ties and commodyties hereafter mentioned. And to that intent they haue graunted allotted assigned and confirmed, And by theis pre[sen]ntes doe graunt allott assigne and confirme vnto the said John Peirce and his Asso ciates his and their heires and assignes and the heires and assignes of euery of them seuerally and respectyvelie one hundred seuerall acres of grownd in New England for euery person so transported or to be transported, Yf the said John Peirce or his Associates contynue there three whole yeeres either at one or seuerall tymes or dye in the meane season after he or they are shipped with intent there to inhabit. The same Land to be taken and chosen by them their deputies or assignes in any place or places whersoeuer not already in habited by any English and where no English person or persons are already placed or settled or haue by order of the said President and Councell made choyce of, nor within Tenne myles of the same, vnles it be the opposite syde of some great or Navigable Ryver to the former particuler plantacon, together with the one half of the Ryver or Ryvers, that is to say to the middest thereof as shall adioyne to such landes as they shall make choyce of together with all such Liberties pryviledges proffittes and commodyties as the said Land and Ryvers which they shall make choyce of shall yeild together with free libertie to fishe in and vpon the Coast of New England and in all havens portes and creekes Therevnto belonging and that no person or persons whatsoeuer shall take any benefitt or libertie of or to any of the grownds or the one half of the Ryvers aforesaid, excepting the free vse of highwayes by land and Navigable Ryvers, but that the said vndertakers and planters their heires and assignes shall haue the sole right and vse of the said grownds and the one half of the said Ryvers with all their proffittes and appurtennces. And forasmuch as the said John Peirce and his associates intend and haue vndertaken to build Churches, Schooles, Hospitalls Towne howses, Bridges and such like workes of Charytie As also for the maynteyning of Magistrates and other inferior Officers, In regard whereof and to the end that the said John Peirce and his Associates his and their heires and assignes may haue wherewithall to beare and support such like charges. Therefore the said President and Councell aforesaid do graunt vnto the said Vndertakers their heires and assignes Fif- teene hundred acres of Land more over and aboue the aforesaid proporcon of one hundred the person for euery vndertaker and Planter to be ymployed 248 History of 1621 vpon such publique vses as the said Vndertakers and Planters shall thinck fitt. And they do further graunt vnto the said John Peirce and his Associates their heires and assignes, that for euery person that they or any of them shall transport at their owne proper costes and charges into New England either vnto the Lands hereby graunted or adioyninge to them within Seaven Yeeres after the feast of St. John Baptist next comming Yf the said person trans ported contynue there three whole yeeres either at one or seuerall tymes or dye in the meane season after he is shipped with intent there to inhabit that the said person or persons that shall so at his or their owne charges transport any other shall haue graunted and allowed to him and them and his and their heires respectyvelie for euery person so transported or dyeing after he is shipped one hundred acres of Land, and also that euery person or persons who by contract and agream[en]t to be had and made with the said Vndertakers shall at his and their owne charge transport him and themselves or any other and setle and plant themselves in New England within the said Seaven Yeeres for three yeeres space as aforesaid or dye in the meane tyme shall haue graunted and allowed vnto euery person so transporting or transported and their heires and assignes respectyvely the like nomber of one hundred acres of Land as aforesaid the same to be by him and them or their heires and as signes chosen in any entyre place together and adioyning to the aforesaid Landes and not straglingly not before the tyme of such choyce made possessed or inhabited by any English Company or within tenne myles of the same, ex cept it be on the opposite side of some great Navigable Ryver as aforesaid Yeilding and paying vnto the said President and Counsell for euery hundred acres so obteyned and possessed by the said John Peirce and his said Asso ciates and by those said other persons and their heires and assignes who by Contract as aforesaid shall at their owne charges transport themselves or others the Yerely rent of Two shillinges at the feast of St. Michaell Thar- chaungell to the hand of the Rentgatherer of the said President and Counsell and their successors foreuer, the first paym[en]t to begyn after the expiration of the first seaven Yeeres next after the date hereof And further it shal be Iawfull to and for the said John Peirce and his Associates and such as con tract with them as aforesaid their Tennantes and servantes vpon dislike of or in the Country to returne for England or elsewhere with all their goodes and chattells at their will and pleasure without lett or disturbaunce of any paying all debtes that iustly shalbe demaunded And likewise it shalbe Iawfull and is graunted to and for the said John Peirce and his Associates and Planters their heires and assignes their Tennantes and servantes and such as they or any of 1621 Plimmoth Plantation 249 them shall contract with as aforesaid and send and ymploy for the said plan tacon to goe and returne trade traffique inport or transport their goodes and merchaundize at their will and pleasure into England or elswhere paying onely such dueties to the Kinges ma[jes]tie his heires and succesors as the Presi dent and Counsell of New England doe pay without any other taxes Imposi tions burthens or restraintes whatsoeuer vpon them to be ymposed (the rent hereby reserved being onely excepted) And it shalbe Iawfull for the said Vn dertakers and Planters, their heires and successors freely to truck trade and traffique with the Salvages in New England or neighboring thereaboutes at their wills and pleasures without lett or disturbaunce. As also to haue libertie to hunt hauke fish or fowle in any place or places not now or hereafter by the English inhabited. And the said President and Counsell do covenant and promyse to and with the said John Peirce and his Associates and others con tracted with as aforesaid his and their heires and assignes, That vpon Iawfull survey to be had and made at the charge of the said Vndertakers and Planters and Iawfull information geven of the bowndes, meetes, and quantytie of Land so as aforesaid to be by them chosen and possessed they the said President and Counsell vpon surrender of this p[rese]nte graunt and Indenture and vpon reasonable request to be made by the said Vndertakers and Planters their heires and assignes within seaven Yeeres now next coming, shall and will by their Deede Indented and vnder their Common seale graunt infeoffe and con- firme all and euery the said landes so sett out and bownded as aforesaid to the said John Peirce and his Associates and such as contract with them their heires and assignes in as large and beneficiall manner as the same are in theis p[re- se]ntes graunted or intended to be graunted to all intentes and purposes with all and euery particuler pryviledge and freedome reservation and condition withall dependences herein specyfiedand graunted. And shall also at any tyme within the said terme of Seaven Yeeres vpon request vnto the said President and Counsell made, graunt vnto them the said John Peirce and his Associates Vndertakers and Planters their heires and assignes, Letters and Grauntes of Incorporation by some vsuall and fitt name and tytle with Liberty to them and their successors from tyme to tyme to make orders Lawes Ordynaunces and Constitutions for the rule governement ordering and dyrecting of all per sons to be transported and settled vpon the landes hereby graunted, intended to be graunted or hereafter to be granted and of the said Landes and proffittes thereby arrysing. And in the meane tyme vntill such graunt made, Yt shalbe Iawfull for the said John Peirce his Associates Vndertakers and Planters their heires and assignes by consent of the greater part of them 250 History of 162 1 to establish such Lawes and ordynaunces as are for their better govern em[en]t, and the same by such Officer or Officers as they shall by most voyces elect and choose to put in execucon And lastly the said President and Counsell do graunt and agree to and with the said John Peirce and his Associates and others contracted with and ymployed as aforesaid their heires and assignes, That when they haue planted the Landes hereby to them assigned and ap- poynted, That then it shalbe Iawfull for them with the pryvitie and allow- aunce of the President and Counsell as aforesaid to make choyce of and to enter into and to haue an addition of fiftie acres more for euery person trans ported into New England with like reservacons conditions and pryviledges as are aboue granted to be had and chosen in such place or places where no English shalbe then setled or inhabiting or haue made choyce of and the same entered into a booke of Actes at the tyme of such choyce so to be made or within tenne Myles of the same, excepting on the opposite side of some great Navigable Ryver as aforesaid. And that it shall and may be Iawfull for the said John Peirce and his Associates their heires and assignes from tyme to tyme and at all tymes hereafter for their seuerall defence and savetie to en counter expulse repell and resist by force of Armes aswell by Sea as by Land and by all wayes and meanes whatsoeuer all such person and persons as with out the especiall lycense of the said President or Counsell and their successors or the greater part of them shall attempt to inhabit within the seuerall pre- sinctes and lymmyttes of their said Plantacon, Or shall enterpryse or attempt at any tyme hereafter distruccon, Invation, detryment or annoyaunce to the said Plantacon. And the said John Peirce and his associates and their heires and assignes do covennant and promyse to and with the said President and Counsell and their successors, That they the said John Peirce and his Asso ciates from tyme to tyme during the said Seaven Yeeres shall make a true Certificat to the said President and Counsell and their successors from the chief Officers of the places respectyvely of euery person transported and landed in New England or shipped as aforesaid to be entered by the Secretary of the said President and Counsell into a Register book for that purpose to be kept And the said John Peirce and his Associates Jointly and seuerally for them their heires and assignes do covennant promyse and graunt to and with the said President and Counsell and their successors That the persons trans ported to this their particuler Plantacon shall apply themselves and their Labors in a large and competent manner to the planting setting making and procuring of good and staple commodyties in and vpon the said Land hereby graunted vnto them as Corne and silkgrasse hemp flaxe pitch and tarre sope- 1621 Plimmoth Plantation 251 ashes and potashes Yron Clapbord and other the like materialls. In witnes whereof the said President and Counsell haue to the one part of this p[rese]nte Indenture sett their seales l And to th' other part hereof the said John Peirce in the name of himself and his said Associates haue sett to his seale geven the day and yeeres first aboue written. Lenox Hamilton Warwick Sheffield Ferd: Gorges On the Verso of the instrument is the following indorsement: — Sealed and Delivered by my Lord Duke in the presence of Edward Collingwood, Clerke. 1 This word looks a little like seale, with a punctuation mark following it. The sense would seem to require the plural; there were originally six seals affixed to the instrument. C. D[eane]. Under each signature was originally a strip of parchment and a seal, of which four are still attached to the document. The sixth signature has been torn from the film. This Patent was first printed by Deane in 4 Mass. Hist. Collections, 11. 156. Anno 'i6z2- A Tthe spring of the year they had apointed the Massachusets /% to come againe and trade with them, and begane now to „X. » prepare for that vioag about the later end of March. But upon some rumors heard, Hobamak, their Indean, tould them upon some jealocies he had, he feared they were joyned with the Narighan- sets and might betray them if they were not carefull. He intimated also some jealocie of Squanto, by what he gathered from some private whisperings betweene him and other Indeans.1 But [71] they resolved to proseede, and sente out their shalop with • 10 • of their cheefe men aboute the begining of Aprill, and both Sq[u]anto and Hobamake with them, in regarde of the jelocie betweene them. But they had not bene gone longe,2 but an Indean belonging to Squantos family 1 Hobbamock told of many secret passages that passed between Tisquantum and others, "having their meetings ordinarily abroad, in the woods; but if at home, how soever, he was excluded from their secrecy; saying it was the manner of the Indians, when they meant plainly, to deal openly; but in this his practice there was no show of honesty." The Governor held a council and decided to disregard the charges. "As hitherto, upon all occasions, between them and us, we had ever manifested undaunted courage and resolution, so it would not now stand with our safety to mew up ourselves in our new-enclosed town; partly because our store was almost empty, and therefore must seek out for our daily food, without which we could not long subsist; but espe cially for that thereby they would see us dismayed, and be encouraged to prosecute their malicious purposes with more eagerness than ever they intended. Whereas, on the contrary, by the blessing of God, our fearless carriage might be the means to dis courage and weaken their proceedings." Winslow, Good Newes, *S. Charlevoix says that to "secure the esteem of these barbarians, it is good not to allow them to despise us with impunity. You must even, outwardly, give contempt for contempt, if you would repress their insolence." History (Shea's ed.), 11. 27. 2 Winslow says they had turned the point of the harbor, called the Gurnet's Nose and becoming becalmed, had let fall their grapnel to set things to right and prepare to row. Good Newes, *6. Gurnet is a promontory containing about twenty-seven acres, and connected with Marshfield by a beach about seven miles long known as Duxbury (formerly Salt-house) beach. 1622 Plimmoth Plantation • 253 came runing in seeming great fear,1 and tould them that many of the Narihgansets, with Corbytant, and he thought alsoMassasoyte, were coming against them; and he gott away to tell them, not with out danger. And being examined by the Gov[erno]r, he made as if they were at hand, and would still be looking back, as if they were at his heels. At which the Gov[erno]r caused them to take armes and stand on their garde, and supposing the boat to be still within hearing (by reason it was calme) caused a warning peece or • 2- to be shote of, the which they heard and came in. But no Indeans apeared; watch was kepte all night, but nothing was seene. Hobamak was confidente for Massasoyt, and thought all was false;2 yet the Gov- [ernojr caused him to send his wife privatly, to see what she could observe (preten[d]ing other occasions), but ther was nothing found, but all was quiet.3 After this they proseeded on their vioge to the 1 The Indian had wounded his face, and had the blood still fresh upon it. He reported a gathering of the natives at Namasket, about fifteen miles from Plymouth, and that he had received the blow for speaking in behalf of the English. The Indians, he reported, were resolved to take advantage of Captain Standish's absence to assault the town. 2 In expressing his confidence in Massasoit, Hobbamock said "he presumed he would neuer have undertaken any such act without his privity, himself being a pinse, that is, one of his chiefest champions or men of valor; it being the manner amongst them not to undertake such enterprises without the advice and furtherance of men of that rank. To this the Governor answered, he should be sorry that any just and neces sary occasions of war should arise between him and any [of] the savages, but espe cially Massassowat; not that he feared him more than the rest, but because his love more exceeded towards him than any. Whereunto Hobbamock replied, there was no cause wherefore he should distrust him, and therefore should do well to continue his affections." Winslow, Good Newes, "j. 3 The woman went to Pokanoket, Massasoit's place of residence, and finding no sign of any hostile movement, told the chief of Squanto's accusations. Massasoit naturally took offense, and came to Plymouth to clear himself, and showed his anger against Tisquantum. After his departure he sent a messenger to Governor Bradford "entreating him to give way to the death of Tisquantum, who had so much abused him." While admitting his guilt, Bradford sought to turn aside this demand, urging his usefulness as an interpreter, but the sachem was not to be pacified. He demanded Tisquantum as a subject, whom the Governor could not retain without violating the 254 History of 1622 Massachusets, and had good trade, and returned in saftie, blessed be God. But by the former passages, and other things of like nature, they begane to see that Squanto sought his owne ends, and plaid his owne game, by putting the Indians in fear, and drawing gifts from them to enrich him selfe; making them beleeve he could stir up warr against whom he would, and make peace for whom he would. Yea, he made them beleeve they kept the plague buried in the ground, and could send itamongswhom they would, which did much terrifie the Indeans, and made them depend more on him, and seeke more to him then toMassasoyte, which proucured him envie,and had like to have cost him his life.1 For after the discovery of his practises, treaty. "Yet because he would not willingly do it without the Governor's approba^ tion, offered him many beavers' skins for his consent thereto, saying that, according to their manner, their sachem had sent his own knife, and them [the messengers] therewith, to cut off his head and hands, and bring them to him." Bradford replied that it was not the manner of the English to sell men's lives at a price, but when they had deserved justly to die, to give them their reward. He sent for Tisquantum, who came and charged Hobbamock with his overthrow, but expressed a willingness to abide by the Governor's decision, though he knew what fate Massasoit had pre pared for him. "But at the instant when our Governor was ready to deliver him into the hands of his executioners, a boat was seen at sea to cross before our town, and fall behind a headland [Manomet] not far off. Whereupon, having heard many rumors of the French, and not knowing whether there were any combination between the savages and them, the Governor told the Indians he would first know what boat that was ere he would deliver them [him] into their custody. But being mad with rage, and im patient at delay, they departed in great heat." The boat was the shallop from Weston's ship, the Sparrow. Winslow, Good Newes, *g. 1 "Here let me not omit one notable, though wicked practice of this Tisquantum; who, to the end, he might possess his countrymen with the greater fear of us, and so consequently of himself, told them we had the plague buried in our storehouse; which, at our pleasure, we could send forth to what place or people we would, and destroy them therewith, though we stirred not from home. Being, upon the fore- named brabbles, sent for by the Governor to this place, where Hobbamock was and some other of us, the ground being broke in the midst of the house, whereunder cer tain barrels of powder were buried, though unknown to him, Hobbamock asked him what it meant. To whom he readily answered, That was the place wherein the plague was buried, whereof he formerly told him and others. After this Hobbamock asked 1622 Plimmoth Plantation 255 Massosoyt sought it both privatly and openly; which caused him to stick close to the English, and never durst goe from them till he dyed. They also made good use of the emulation that grue be tweene Hobamack and him, which made them cary more squarely. And the Gov[erno]r seemed to countenance the one, and the Cap- taine the other, by which they had better intelligence, and made them both more diligente. [72] *¦ one of our people, whether such a thing were, and whether we had such command of it. Who answered, No; but the God of the English had it in store, and could send it at his pleasure to the destruction of his and our enemies." Winslow, Good Newes, *io. Among the Hurons in 1640 the charge was made that the French spread the small pox everywhere, and after the smallpox there would follow certain colics which in three days would carry off all those who had escaped the pestilence. Jesuit Relations (Thwaites), xx. 29. A fatal influence was attributed to the pictures displayed by the priests, and an entire village decided no longer to use French kettles, as everything coming from the French could communicate disease. La Jeune's Relation for 1638 is eloquent on this fear. lb. xv. 17. 1 "Now, though he could not make good these his large promises, especially be cause of the continued peace between Massassowat and us, he therefore raised this false alarm; hoping, whilst things were hot in the heat of blood, to provoke us to march into his country against him, whereby he hoped to kindle such a flame as would not easily be quenched; and hoping if that block were once removed, there were no other between him and honor, which he loved as his life, and preferred before his peace. For these and the like abuses the Governor sharply reproved him; yet was he so neces sary and profitable an instrument, as at that time we could not miss him. But when we understood his dealings, we certified all the Indians of our ignorance and innocency therein; assuring them, till they begun with us, they should have no cause to fear; and if any hereafter should raise any such reports, they should punish them as liars and seekers of their and our disturbance; which gave the Indians good satisfaction on all sides." Winslow, Good Newes, *8. The last mention of Hobbamock in the history of Plymouth is in connection with the day of humiliation in July, 1623 (p. 324, infra). The writer of New Englands First Fruits attributes Hobbamock's conversion to that incident, for he " resolved from that day not to rest till he did know this great good God, and for that end to forsake the Indians, and cleave to the English, which he presently did, and laboured by all pub lique and private meanes to suck in more and more of the knowledge of God, and his wayes, and as he increased in knowledge so in affection and also in his practise, reforming and conforming himselfe accordingly: and (though he was much tempted by inticements, scoffes and scornes from the Indians) yet, could he never be gotten 256 History of 1622 Now in a maner their provissions were wholy spent, and they looked hard for supply, but none came. But about the later end of May, they spied a boat at sea, which at first they thought had beene some French-man; but it proved a shalop which came from a ship 1 which Mr. Weston and an other had set out a fishing, at a place called Damarins-cove,-40- leagues to the eastward of them, wher were that year many more ships come a fishing.2 This boat brought -7- passengers and some letters; but no vitails, nor any hope of any. Some part of which I shall set downe. Mr. Carver, In my last leters by the Fortune, in whom Mr. Cush man wente, and who I hope is with you, for we daly expecte the shipe back againe. She departed hence, the begining of July, with '35- persons, though not over well provided with necesaries, by reason of the parsemonie of the adventure[r]s. I have solisited them to send you a supply of men and provissions before shee come. They all answer they will doe great maters, when they hear good news. Nothing be fore; so faithfull, constant, and carefull of your good, are your olde and honest freinds, that if they hear not from you, they are like to send you no supplie, etc. I am now to relate the occasion of sending this from the English, nor from seeking after their God; but died amongst them, leaving some good hopes in their hearts that his soule went to rest." *2. 1 The ship was the Sparrow of which Rodgers was the master, and Gibbs, master's mate. Wanting a pilot it put into Damaris Cove, a group of small islands lying north west from Monhegan. "The men that belong to the ship there fishing, had newly set up a may pole and were very merry." Preparing a small boat for coasting, they would not trust an Indian pilot, because one so guided had just been lost. So Gibbs under took it, and, touching at the Isle of Shoals (Smith's Islands) and at Cape Ann, they reached Plymouth. Pratt's Narrative. 1 Levett says that from June to the last of January or thereabouts, no English fishing ships were on the coast of what is now Maine. "The fleet of Fishermen doe comonly arive there in January and February: the fishing contenewes untill the be- gininge of May, and by the end of that month comonly they depart. The maner of the Fishermen is to leave there shallops in the Contry untill the next season every shipe in that harbor where they fish. They may be of them in all about 3 or 400." The English contingent of this fishing fleet he places at forty or fifty sail. See Chris topher Levett (Gorges Society), 64. i622 Plimmoth Plantation 257 ship, hoping if you give credite to my words, you will have a more favourable opinion of it, then some hear, wherof Pickering is one, who taxed me to mind my owne ends, which is in part true, etc. Mr. Beachamp and my selfe bought this litle ship, and have set her out, partly, if it may be, to uphold 1 the plantation, as well to doe others good as our selves; and partly to gett up what we are formerly out; though we are otherwise censured, etc. This is the occasion we have sent this ship and these passengers, on our owne accounte; 2 whom we desire you will frendly entertaine and supply with shuch necesaries as you cane spare, and they wante, etc. And among other things we pray you lend or sell them some seed corne, and if you have the salt remaining of the last year, that you will let them have it for their pre sente use, and we will either pay you for it, or give you more when we have set our salt-pan to worke, which we desire may be set up in one of the litle ilands in your bay, etc.3 And because we intende, if God plase, [73] (and the generallitie doe it not,) to send within a month an other shipe, who, having discharged her passengers, shal goe to Vir ginia, etc. And it may be we shall send a small ship to abide with you on the coast, which I conceive may be a great help to the plantation.4 1 I know not which way. — Bradford. 2 Winslow says the Sparrow brought six or seven passengers, "that should before have been landed at our Plantation; who also brought no more provision for the pres ent than served the boat's gang for their return to the ship." Good Newes, *n. The passengers, who cannot now be identified, would seem to have constituted wholly a private venture of Weston and Beauchamp, probably like Oldham and his associates, to plant, fish, manufacture and trade upon their own account for the benefit of their employers. This placed them upon the same basis as the "particular plantations" in Virginia, enjoying land rights and exemption from the conditions imposed upon the members of the plantation proper. Such freedom had given rise to some troublesome conditions in Virginia, and they went through the same course at New Plymouth. As soon as the importance to the plantation of the fur trade came to be realized, these "particular adventures" could be nothing else than interlopers, contributing nothing to the chartered communities, and subjecting them to most unfair competition. The making of salt did not appeal strongly to the settlers, while those engaged in it required food and shelter for an entire winter, imposing a heavy tax upon their slender stores. 3 They had written of more than one island in the bay. * See p. 121, supra. 258 History of 1622 To the end our desire may be effected, which, I assure my selfe, will be also for your good, we pray you give them entertainmente in your houses the time they shall be with you, that they may lose no time, but may presently goe in hand to fell trees and cleave them, to the end lading may be ready and our ship stay not.1 Some of the adventurers have sent you hearwith all some directions for your furtherance in the commone bussines, who are like those St. James speaks of, that bid their brother eat, and warme him, but give him nothing; 2 so they bid you make salt, and uphold the plantation, but send you no means wherwithall to doe it, etc. By the next we pur pose to send more people on our owne accounte, and to take a patente ; that if your peoplfe] should be as unhumane as some of the adventurers, not to admite us to dwell with them, which were extreme barbarisme, and which will never enter into my head to thinke you have any shuch Pickerings amongst you. Yet to satisfie our passengers I must of force doe it; and for some other reasons not necessary to be writen, etc. I find the generall so backward, and your freinds at Leyden so could, that I fear you must stand on your leggs, and trust (as they say) to God and your selves. Subscribed, your loving freind, Tho: Weston. Jan: 12. 1621 [-22]. Sundry other things I pass over, being tedious and impertinent. All this was but could comfort to fill their hungrie bellies, and a slender performance of his former late promiss ; and as litle did it either fill or warme them, as those the Apostle James spake of, by him before mentioned. And well might it make them remember what the psalmist saith, Psa. 118. 8. It is better to trust in the Lord, then to have confidence in man. And Psa. 146. [3.] Put not your trust in princes (much less in marchants) nor in the sone of man, for ther is no help in them [him], v. 5. Blesed is he that hath the God of Jacob for his help, whose hope is in the Lord his God. And as they 1 For clapboards. * James 11. 15, 16. 1622 Plimmoth Plantation 259 were now fayled of suply by him and others in this their greatest neede and wants, which was caused by him and the rest, who put so great a company of men upon them, as the former company were, without any food, and came at shuch a time as they must live al most a whole year before any could [74] be raised, excepte they had sente some; so, upon the pointe they never had any supply of vitales more afterwards (but what the Lord gave them otherwise) ; for all the company sent at any time was allways too short for those peo ple that came with it. Ther came allso by the same ship other leters, but of later date; one from Mr. Weston, an other from a parte of the adventurers, as foloweth. Mr. Carver, Since my last, to the end we might the more readily proceed to help the generall, at a meeting of some of the principall adventurers, a proposition was put forth, and alowed by all presente (save Pickering), to adventure each man the third parte of what he formerly had done. And ther are some other that folow his example, and will adventure no furder. In regard wherof the greater part of the adventurers being willing to uphold the bussines, finding it no reason that those that are willing should uphold the bussines of those that are unwilling, whose backwardnes doth discourage those that are for ward, and hinder other new-adventurers from coming in, we having well considered therof, have resolved, according to an article in the agreemente,1 (that it may be Iawfull by a generall consente of the adven turers and planters, upon just occasion, to break of their joynte stock,) to breake it of; and doe pray you to ratifie, and confirme the same on your parts. Which being done, we shall the more willingly goe for ward for the upholding of you with all things necesarie. But in any case you must agree to the artickles, and send it by the first under your hands and seals. So I end Your loving freind, Tho: Weston. Jan: 17. 1621 [-22]. 1 Deane refers to the third article in the agreement, p. 105, supra. 260 Plimmoth Plantation 1622 Another leter was write from part of the company of the ad venturers to the same purpose, and subscribed with -9- of their names, wherof Mr. Westons and Mr. Beachamphs were tow. Thes[e] things seemed strangle] unto them, seeing this uncon- stancie and shutting; it made them to thinke ther was some misterie in the matter. And therfore the Gov[erno]r concealed these letters from the publick, only imparted them to some trustie freinds for advice, who concluded with him, that this tended to disband and scater them (in regard of their straits) ; and if Mr. Weston and others, who seemed to rune in a perticuler way, should come over with shiping so provided as his letters did intimate, they most would fall to him, to the prejudice of them selves and the rest of the adventure[r]s, their freinds, from whom as yet they heard nothing. And it was doubted whether he had not sente [75] over shuch a company in the former ship,1 for shuch an end. Yet they tooke compassion of those -7« men which this ship, which fished to the eastward, had kept till planting time was over, and so could set no corne; and allso wanting vitals, (for they turned them off without any, and indeed wanted for them selves,) neither was their salt-pan come, so as they could not performe any of those things which Mr. Weston had apointed, and might have starved if the plantation had not succoured them; who, in their wants, gave them as good as any of their owne.2 The ship wente to Virginia, wher they sould both 1 The Fortune. 1 Weston's haphazard sending of unprovided men had been practised in Virginia, and called out the sharp criticism of Captain John Smith. "The charge was all one to send a workman as a roarer, whose clamors to appease, we had much adoe to get fish and corne to maintaine them from one supply till another came with more loy- terers without victuals still to make us worse and worse, for the most of them would rather starve then worke." Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters, *6. The Council for New England was at this time contending against the interlopers, or free-traders, who came to the coast of New England to trade or to fish, and usually for both objects. This infringed the monopoly set up by the council under its charter, and reduced its profits. In defense of the rights of the Council Sir Ferdinando Gorges wrote A brief e Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of New England, published by ADVERTISEMENTS For the unexperienced Planters of Nw-Effg/tftfijOrany where, OR, The Path-way to experience to erect a Plantation. With the ycarely proceedings of this Country in Fifiiing and Planting, fincc the yeare 1*14. totheycare itfjo. and their prefenteilatc. Alfo hoxo to present the greate fl ineortoeniences, hy their proceedings in Virginia, and other Plantations y by approvedexatrplcf. With the Countries Armes, a defcription of the Coaft, Harbours, Habitations, Land-markcs, Latitude and Longitude : with the Map, allowed by our Royall King Ch ar us, ByCaptainel o hnSmith, fomctimes Governour of Vi&oiMiA,andAdmirallofNEVv-ENciAND. London, Printed by I o h n H a v i l a n t>, and are to be fold by Rosbit Miuovini, at tie Grey-hound in Pauls Church-yard. itfji. 262 History of 1622 ship and fish, of which (it was conceived) Mr. Weston had a very slender accounte.1 After this came another of his ships,7, and brought letters dated the • 10 • of Aprill, from Mr. Weston, as followeth. the Council in 1622. Its special object was "to striue to vindicate our reputation from the iniurious aspersions that haue beene laid vpon it, by the malicious prac tises of some that would aduenture nothing in the beginning, but would now reape the benefit of our paines and charges, and not seeme beholding to vs; and to that end they disualew what is past, and by sinister informations derogate what they can from the present course intended: the rather because the good Orders appointed to bee put in execution there, are likely to restraine the licentious irregularitie of other places." *J. This is doubtless the book, the printing of which was referred, at a meeting of the Council on May 31, 1622, to the Earl of Arundel. It is reprinted in 2 Mass. Hist. Collections, ix. I ; in Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges (Prince Society), 1. 199. Weston's venture gave offense to the New England Company, for in the minutes of the meeting of May 31, 1622, is the following entry: "First it is ordered that concern ing the Complaint made of Mr. Weston, petition shall bee made to his Majestie for the forfeiture of his shipp and goods to the president and Councells use." This could not have referred to the Fortune, for her cargo had been taken by the French. The order was probably directed against one of Weston's vessels about to go to New England, and the paragraph of the Records that followed may be the real cause of action: "It is thought fitt that there shall bee an order procured from the Lords of his Majestie's Councell for sending for such as have in contempt of authority gone for New England this last yeare, As also to procure a further warning to bee given to them from further attempting, by Proclamation, and Mr. Attorney to bee moved therein." On November 6 issued the royal proclamation prohibiting "interloping and disorderly trading" to New England. 1 A vessel of thirty tons, called the Sparrow, and a "pinnace of Mr. Westons," were reported to the Virginia Company as bringing provisions to Virginia in the sum mer of 1623. Records of the Virginia Company, 11. 496. As the pinnace could hardly have been obtained or constructed in New England, it was in all probability the Swan. Carver described the Speedwell as a pinnace, though of sixty tons. The name was gen erally applied to a small, light, two-masted vessel, often in attendance on a larger vessel as tender; and, later, to a double-banked boat propelled by oars. 2 The Charity, of one hundred tons, accompanied by a smaller vessel, the Swan, of thirty tons. They left London about the last of April, and arrived in the end of June or beginning of July, bringing fifty or sixty men. Though sent over at the charge of Weston to plant for him, it was the Plymouth plantation that supported them for a time. Smith, Generall Historic, 236; Winslow, Good Newes, *I3. 1622 Plimmoth Plantation 263 Mr. Bradford, these, etc. The Fortune is arived, of whose good news touching your estate and procee[d]ings, I am very glad to hear. And how soever he was robed on the way by the French-men, yet I hope your loss will not be great, for the conceite of so great a returne doth much animate the adventurers, so that I hope some matter of im portance will be done by them, etc. As for my selfe, I have sould my adventure and debts unto them, so as I am quite * of you, and you of me, for that matter, etc. Now though I have nothing to pretend as an adventurer amongst you, yet I will advise you a litle for your good, if you can apprehend it. I perceive and know as well as another, the dispossitions of your adventurers, whom the hope of gaine hath drawne on to this they have done; and yet I fear that hope will not draw them much furder. Besides, most of them are against the sending of them of Leyden, for whose cause this bussines was first begune, and some of the most religious (as Mr. Greene by name) excepts against them. So that my advice is (you may follow it if you please) that you forthwith break of your joynte stock, which you have warente to doe, both in law and conscience, for the most parte of the adventurers have given way unto it by a former letter. And the means you have ther, which I hope will be to some purpose by the trade of this spring, may, with the help of some freinds hear, bear the charge of transporting those of Leyden; and when they are with you I make no question, but by Gods help you will be able to subsist of your selves. But I shall leave you to your discretion. I desired diverce of the adventurers, as Mr. Peirce, Mr. Greene,2 and others, if they had any thing to send you, either vitails or leters, to send them by these ships; and marvelling they sent not so much as a letter, I asked our passengers what leters they had, and with some dificultie one of them tould me he had one, which was delivered him with [76] great charge of secrecie; and for more securitie, to buy a paire of new-shoes, and sow it betweene the soles for fear of intercept ing. I, taking the leter, wondering what mistrie might be in it, broke 1 See how his promise is fulfild. — Bradford. 2 It may be noted that the four names prominent in these letters — Weston, Greene, Pickering and Peirce — are not found among the forty-two adventurers who signed the composition with the New Plymouth plantation in 1626. See vol. 11. p. 6. 264 History of 1622 it open,1 and found this treacherous leter subscribed by the hands of Mr. Pickering and Mr. Greene. Wich leter had it come to your hands without answer, might have caused the hurt, if not the ruine of us all. For assuredly if you had followed their instructions, and shewed us that unkindness which they advise you unto, to hold us in distruste as enimise, etc., it might have been an occasion to have set us togeather by the ears, to the distruction of us all. For I doe beleeve that in shuch a case, they knowing what bussines hath been betweene us, not only my brother, but others also, would have been violent, and heady against you, etc. I mente to have setled the people I before and now send, with or near you, as well for their as your more securitie and de fence, as help on all occasions. But I find the adventurers so jealous and suspitious, that I have altered my resolution, and given order to my brother and those with him, to doe as they and him selfe shall find fitte. Thus, etc. Your loving freind, Tho: Weston. Aprill 10, 1621. Some part of Mr. Pickerings letter before mentioned. To Mr. Bradford and Mr. Brewster, etc. My dear love remembred unto you all, etc. The company hath bought out Mr. Weston, and are very glad they are freed of him, he being judged a man that thought him selfe above the generall, and not expresing so much the fear of God as was meete in a man, to whom shuch trust should have been reposed in a matter of so great impor tance. I am sparing to be so plaine as indeed is clear against him; but a few words to the wise. Mr. Weston will not permitte leters to be sent in his ships, nor any thing for your good or ours, of which ther is some reason in respecte of him selfe, etc. His brother Andrew,2 whom he doth send as principall 1 An example imitated by Governor Bradford in the case of Lyford and Oldham. See p. 383, infra. s Andrew Weston, returning to England in the Charity, in the autumn of 1622, is supposed to have taken with him an Indian boy "papa Whinett, belonging to Abba- 1622 Plimmoth Plantation 265 in one of these ships, is a heady yong man, and violente, and set against you ther, and the company hear; ploting with Mr. Weston their owne ends, which tend to your and our undooing in respecte of our estates ther, and prevention of our good ends. For by credible testimoney we are informed his purpose is to come to your colonie, pre tending he comes for and from the adventurers, and will seeke to gett what you have in readynes [77] into his ships, as if they came from the company, and possessing all, will be so much profite to him selfe. And further to informe them selves what spetiall places or things you have discovered, to the end that they may supres and deprive you, etc. The Lord, who is the watchman of Israll and slepeth not, preserve you and deliver you from unreasonable men. I am sorie that ther is cause to admonish you of these things concerning this man; so I leave you to God, who bless and multiply you into thousands, to the ad- vancemente of the glorious gospell of our Lord Jesus. Amen. Fare well. Your loving freinds, Edward Pickering. William Greene. I pray conceale both the writing and deliverie of this leter, but make the best use of it. We hope to sete forth a ship our selves with in this month. The heads of his answer. Mr. Bradford, This is the leter that I wrote unto you of, which to answer in every perticuler is needles and tedious. My owne conscience and all our people can and I thinke will testifie, that my end in sending the ship Sparrow was your good, etc. Now I will not deney but ther are many of our people rude fellows, as these men terme them; yet dakest Sachem of Massachusetts." Sir Ferdinando Gorges learned of this, and the Council for New England, November 19, 1622, directed that a letter be written to Thomas Weston, directing him to deliver the boy to Leonard Peddock, then about to sail for New England. The name of Peddock is perpetuated in that of one of the largest islands in Boston Bay. 266 History of 1622 I presume they will be governed by shuch as I set over them. And I hope not only to be able to reclaime them from that profanenes that may scandalise the vioage, but by degrees to draw them to God, etc.1 I am so farr from sending rude fellows to deprive you either by fraude or violence of what is yours, as I have charged the m[aste]r of the ship Sparrow, not only to leave with you 2000. of bread, but also a good quantitie of fish,2 etc. But I will leave it to you to consider what evill this leter would or might have done, had it come to your hands and taken the effecte the other desired. Now if you be of the mind that these men are, deale plainly with us, and we will seeke our residence els-wher. If you are as freindly as we have thought you to be, give us the entertainment of freinds,3 and we will take nothing from you, neither meat, drinke, nor lodging, but what we will, in one kind or other, pay you for, etc. I shall leave in the countrie a litle ship 4 (if God send her safe thither) with mariners 1 Little attention was given to the quality of seamen sent on these long voyages. In 1619 Pring, not inexperienced in such matters, was obliged to flog five of his men, and poured out his woes to the directors of his voyage, blaming them for giving him "this incorrigible scum of rascals — sea-gulls, sea-apes — whom the land hath ejected for their wicked lives and ungodly behaviour." Cal. State Papers, East Indies, March 23, 1619. The French sailors seem to have been no better. Biard, at Port Royal, in 1612, came to know the men of St. Malo and Biscay, who resorted to the coasts for fishing and trading, and formed the greater part of his parishioners. He described them as "ordinarily quite deficient in any spiritual feeling, having no sign of religion except in their oaths and blasphemies, nor any knowledge of God beyond the simplest conceptions which they bring with them from France, clouded with licentiousness and the cavilings and revilings of heretics." Jesuit Relations, 11. 7. A few years later Lucy Downing, a sister of Governor John Winthrop, sought to have her son put to a good seaman — like Allerton or Peirce — to be taught seamanship. Those proficient claimed that the art of navigation could not easily be attained, and that without help in the rules as well as by practise, " it can neuer be attained to be more than a comman seaman, wich is noe better than commane slauerye." They also claimed that a seaman was not sufficiently instructed "till he could make his owne instruments." The voyages were long and the company none of the best. 5 Mass. Hist. Collections, 1. 29, 40. 2 But ye [he] left not his own men a bite of bread. — Bradford. 3 Bradford had first written of " your houeses." 4 The Swan. 1622 Plimmoth Plantation 267 and fisher-men to stay ther, who shall coast, and trad with the sav ages, and the old plantation. It may be we shall be as helpfull to you, as you will be to us. I thinke I shall see you the next spring, and so I comend you to the protection of God, who ever keep you. Your loving freind, Tho: Weston. [78] Thus all ther hopes in regard of Mr. Weston were layed in the dust, and all his promised helpe turned into an empttie advice, which they apprehended was nether Iawfull norprofitable for them to follow. And they were not only thus left destitute of help in their extreme wants, haveing neither vitails, nor any thing to trade with,1 but others prepared and ready to glean up what the cuntrie might have afforded for their releefe. As for those harsh censures and susspitions intimated in the for mer and following leters, they desired to judg as charitably and wisly of them as they could, waighing them in the ballance of love and reason; and though they (in parte) came from godly and loveing freinds, yet they conceived many things might arise from over deepe jealocie and fear,2 togeather with unmeete provoca tions, though they well saw Mr. Weston pursued his owne ends, and was inbittered in spirite. For after the receit of the former leters, the Gov[erno]r received one from Mr. Cushman, who went home in the ship, and was allway intimate with Mr. Weston, (as former passages declare), and it was much marveled that nothing was heard from him, all this while. But it should seeme it was the difficulty of sending, for this leter was directed as the leter of a 1 Writing in 1624, Winslow said, "For in these forenamed straits, such was our state, as in the morning we had often our food to seek for the day, and yet performed the duties of our callings, I mean other daily labors, to provide for after time; and though at some times in some seasons at noon I have seen men stagger by reason of faintness for want of food, yet ere night, by the good providence and blessing of God, we have enjoyed such plenty as though the windows of heaven had been opened unto us." Good Newes, *JI. 2 Bradford wrote "arising from the same," but struck it out. 268 History of 1622 wife to her husband,* who was here, and brought by him to the Gov[erno]r. It was as followeth. Beloved Sir, I hartily salute you, with trust of your health, and many thanks for your love. By Gods providence we got well home the '17- of Feb. Being robbed by the French-nien by the way, and car ried by them into France, and were kepte ther -15- days, and lost all that we had that was worth taking; but thanks be to God, we escaped with our lives and ship.1 I see not that itworketh any discouragment 1 In the Public Records office, London, Colonial, v. 112, is a "complaint of certain Adventurers and Inhabitants of the Plantation in New England," on the capture and looting of this vessel. It " sheweth: "That a ship belonging to them, named the Fortune, of the burden of between 40 and 50 tons or thereabouts, being upon their way homeward, and near the English coast, some eight leagues off Use, called by the Frenchmen He d'Use [Dieu], was, the 19th of January last assailed and taken by a French Man of War, the Captain whereof was called Fontenau de Pennart de Brittannie: and carried to the Isle of Use. "That Fontenau presented the ship, and company thereof, being 13 persons, as prisoners to Monsieur le Marquis de Cera, Governor of the Isle, who although, upon examination and sight of their Commission, he found that they were neither pirates, nor assistants to Rochelle, and acknowledged there was no breach between England and France: yet said, He would make prize of them, to give content to his Captains and servitors. "That thereupon Monsieur de Cera kept Thomas Barton, Master of the ship, seven days, close prisoner in his Castle; and the rest of the company under guard; and commanded his soldiers to pillage them; who left them not so much as a kettle to boil their meat in, nor a can to drink in. "That Monsieur de Cera took away of the goods of the Adventurers, in beaver skins and other commodities, to the value of £400, at the least. "That he took away of the Owners, a Newshett [new-sheet cable], an anchor, two murderers with their chambers, eight calivers with bandileers, a flag, ensign, powder, shot, ropes, lines, and other instruments, to the value of £50. "That he suffered his soldiers to pillage the company, that they took away all their apparel; not leaving some of them a hat to their heads, nor a shoe to their feet, to the damage of £50 at least. "That he sent for all their letters; opened and kept what he pleased: especially, though he was much entreated to the contrary, a letter written by the Governor of our Colony in New England, containing a general Relation of all matters there. "That when any ship, English or Dutch, came into the road; he caused our com pany to be stowed under the hatches. And — having detained them thirteen days; 1622 Plimmoth Plantation 269 hear. I purpose by Gods grace to see you shortly, / hope in June nexte, or before. In the mean space know these things, and I pray you be ad vertised a litle. Mr. Weston hath quite broken of from our company, through some discontents that arose betwext him and some of our ad venturers, and hath sould all his adventures, and hath now sent • 3- smale ships for his perticuler plantation.1 The greatest wherof,2 being • 100 • tune , Mr. Reynolds 3 goeth m[aste]r and he with the rest pur- poseth to come him selfe; for what end I know not. The people which they cary are no men for us, wherfore I pray you entertaine them not, neither exchainge man for man with them, ex cepte it be some of your worst. He hath taken a patente for him selfe.4 and fed them with lights, livers, and entrails: because he suffered his soldiers to eat all their good victuals — at length he sent them aboard a little lean flesh, a hogshead of small wine, some little bread and vinegar, to victual them home. But withal pro pounded to them, to testify, under their hands, That he had taken from them but two hogsheads of fox [beaver] skins: else, he said, they should not have liberty. "Howbeit, by the kindness of a young Gentleman, pitying their distress — who only amongst the French could speak English — they were discharged; giving under their hands, that the Marquis of Cera had taken from them two hogsheads of beaver skins, and some other small matters." Arber, Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, 506. 1 The Sparrow, the Charity and the Swan. 2 The Charity. 3 Reynolds had been captain of the Speedwell, p. 116, supra. 4 From what company or for what place Weston took his patent is not known. In May, 1622, the Council for New England sought to secure the forfeiture of his ves sel and goods, apparently for sending them to New England "in contempt of author ity." This could hardly have been the Charity, for Weston had his patent before she sailed in April-May, 1622. The records of neither company show that a patent issued in his name. The Council for New England was seeking to enlarge its means and its power. On March 9, 1621-22, it had granted by indenture to John Mason Cape Trabigzand or Cape Anne, "lying in the northernmost parts of the Massachusetts Country and to the northeastwards of the great river of the Massachusetts." Other patents or grants were made in May, Sir Ferdinando Gorges was chosen governor of the Council, and advances were made for interesting the merchants of the western parts of England in the fishing on the coast of New England. As the patent was about to be renewed, adventurers were called upon to pay in their whole subscriptions, or be dropped from the new corporation, and the questions of sending a ship and issuing a book (p. 260, supra) received consideration. Evidently new energy came into the company with the selection of Sir Ferdinando as the president. 270 History of 1622 If they offerr to buy any thing of you, let it be shuch as you can spare, and let them give the worth of it. If they borrow any thing of you, let them leave a good pawne, etc. It is like he [78] 1 will plant to the southward of the Cape, for William Trevore,2 hath lavishly tould but what he knew or imagined of Capewack, Mohiggen,3 and the Narigan- sets. I fear these people will hardly deale so well with the savages as they should. I pray you therfore signifie to Squanto, that they are a distincte body from us, and we have nothing to doe with them, neither must be blamed for their falts, much less can warrente their fidelitie. We are aboute to recover our losses in France. Our freinds at Leyden are well, and will come to you as many as can this time. I hope all will turne to the best, wherfore I pray you be not discouraged, but gather up your selfe to goe thorow these dificulties cherfully and with cour age in that place wherin God hath sett you, untill the day of refresh ing come. And the Lord God of sea and land bring us comfortably to geather againe, if it may stand with his glorie. Yours, Robart Cushman.4 On the other sid of the leafe, in the same leter, came these few lines from Mr. John Peirce, in whose name the patente was taken, and of whom more will follow,6 to be spoken in its place. 1 The number is repeated in the ms. 2 Trevore had come in the Mayflower, under an agreement to remain in New England for one year. Vol. 11. p. 401. 3 The Indians, according to Winslow, believed that either the Dutch or French passed through from sea to sea at some point between Cape Cod and Virginia, and engaged in a profitable trade. The inlet, known to the Indians as Mohegon, Winslow believed to be Hudson's River. Good Newes, *6i. Hence it was concluded New Eng land was an island. The true Moheag or Mohegan was Pequot territory, extending from Connecticut River to the Narragansett lands, and lying to the north of what became later the Pequot region. Captain John Smith mentions a Moshoquen people, but with t8o great indefiniteness to permit identification. 4 This letter was written between the middle of February, 1622-23, and tne end of April, 1623, probably nearer the end of that interval, as the writer entertains hopes of receiving compensation from the French for the taking of the Fortune. 6 See p. 306. 1622 Plimmoth Plantation 271 Worthy Sir, I desire you to take into consideration that which is writen on the other side, and not any way to damnifie your owne collony, whos strength is but weaknes, and may therby be more in- feebled. And for the leters of association, by the next ship we send, I hope you shall receive satisfaction; in the mean time whom you ad- mite I will approve. But as for Mr. Weston's company, I thinke them so base in condition (for the most parte) as in all apearance not fitt for an honest mans company. I wish they prove other wise. My pur pose is not to enlarge my selfe, but cease in these few lines, and so rest Your loving freind, John Peirce. All these things they pondred and well considered, yet concluded to give his men frendly entertainmente; partly in regard of Mr. Weston him selfe, considering what he had been unto them, and done for them, and to some, more espetially; and partly in compas sion to the people, who were now come into a willdernes, (as them selves were,) and were by the ship x to be presently put a shore, (for she was to cary other passengers to Virginia, who lay at great charge;) and they were alltogeather unacquainted and knew not what to doe. So as they had received his former company of •"]• men,2 and vitailed them as their owne hitherto, so they also received these (being aboute •6r> lusty men),3 and gave [79] housing for them selves and their goods; and many being sicke, they had the best means the place could aford them. They stayed hear the most parte of the sommer till the ship came back againe from Virginia.'1 Then, by his direc- 1 The Charity. ! 2 Who came in the Sparrow. 8 In 1668 Phinehas Pratt described himself in a petition to the General Court, as "the remainder of the forlorn hope of sixty men." He was then in extreme penury. 4 Mass. Hist. Collections, iv. 475. 4 Pratt says Weston's people remained at Plymouth until the other vessels should arrive, some eight or nine weeks after their first coming, and "then we maed hast to settle our plantation in the Massachusetts Bay." Bradford intimates that they did not remove until the return of the ship from Virginia; Winslow says after the return 272 History of 1622 tion, or those whom he set over them, they removed into the Mas- sachusset Bay, he having got a patente for some part ther, (by light of ther former discovery in leters sent home). Yet they left all ther sicke folke hear till they were setled and housed.1 But of ther victails they had not any, though they were in great wante, nor any thing els in recompence of anycourtecie done them; neither did they desire it, for they saw they were an unruly company, and had no good govermente over them, and by disorder would soone fall into wants if Mr. Weston came not the sooner amongst them; and therfore, to prevente all after occasion, would have nothing of them.2 Amids these streigths, and the desertion of those from whom they had hoped for supply, and when famine begane now to pinch them sore, they not knowing what to doe, the Lord, (who never fails his,) presents them with an occasion, beyond all expectation. This boat which came from the eastward brought them a letter from a stranger, of whose name they had never heard before, being of their " coasters," which had found a fit place for settlement. It is possible the coast ers refer to the vessels going to Virginia. By September the settlement at Wessagus- cusset or Wessagusset was made, nearly opposite the mouth of the Quincy River, overlooking what was formerly known as Hunt's Hill Cove ; but the upland having been removed, the submerged site is now part of King's Cove. This question was determined by Charles Francis Adams from the Winthrop map. 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, vn. 22 ; Adams, Weymouth Thirty Years Later. They purchased the land from a sagamore, Aberdecest, to whom belonged the Indian boy "papa Whinett" mentioned on p. 264, supra. 1 The sick and lame were left at Plymouth, where they were tended by Dr. Samuel Fuller, though among the Weston people there was a " chirurgeon," Salsberry by name. Winslow states that *he sick were recovered gratis and sent to Wessagusset as occa sion served. 2 " For their master's sake, who formerly had deserved well from us, we continued to do them whatsoever good or furtherance we could, attributing these things to the want of conscience and discretion, expecting each day when God in his providence would disburden us of them, sorrowing that their overseers were not of more ability and fitness for their places, and much fearing what would be the issue of such raw and unconscionable beginnings." Winslow, Good Newes, *I4, 1622 Plimmoth Plantation 273 a captaine of a ship come ther a fishing. This leter was as followeth. Being thus inscribed. To all his good freinds at Plimoth, these, etc. Friends, cuntrimen, and neighbours: I salute you, and wish you all health and hapines in the Lord. I make bould with these few lines to trouble you, because unless I were unhumane, I can doe no less. Bad news doth spread it selfe too farr; yet I will so farr informe you that my selfe, with many good freinds in the south-collonie of Virginia, have received shuch a blow, that -400 • persons large will not make good our losses.1 Therfore I doe intreat you (allthough not knowing you) that the old rule which I learned when I went to schoole, may be sufficente. That is, Hapie is he whom other mens harmes doth make to beware. And now againe and againe, wishing all those that willingly would serve the Lord, all health and happines in this world, and everlasting peace in the world to come. And so I rest, Yours, John Hudleston.2 1 Captain John Smith was sarcastic in his reference to this massacre. "These simple Salvages their bosome friends, I so much oppressed, had laid their plot how to cut all their throats in a morning, and upon the 22d . of March, so innocently attempted it, they slew three hundred forty seven, set their houses on fire, slew their cattell, and brought them to that distraction and confusion within lesse than a yeare, there were not many more than two thousand remaining [of between seven and eight thousand]." Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters, *j. The actual loss in the massacre is placed at three hundred and forty-seven. 2 In June, 1620, the Virginia Company had complimented Huddleston, master of the Bona Nova, "who discharged himselfe well of all that was reposed to his trust and. returneth much comended from theGouernor and Counsell, as one of the sufficientest masters that ever came thither." November 21, 1621, a commission was granted to John Huddleston, for a voyage to Virginia and for a free fishing on the coast of America. He still commanded the Bona Nova, a vessel of about two hundred tons. On the same day a commission issued to the Discovery (p. 277, infra). Records of the Virginia Company, 1. 370, 554. This incident of the supply drawn from the Mon hegan fishermen may have given occasion to the reference by Maverick. Writing about 1660 he gave this account of the settlement at Plymouth: "This place was seated about the yeare 1620 or 1621 by a company of Brownists, which went formerly from 274 History of 1622 By this boat the Gov[erno]r returned a thankfull answer, as was meete, and sent a boate of their owne with them, which was piloted by them, in which Mr. Winslow was sente to procure what provis sions he could of the ships, who was kindly received by the foresaid gentill-man, who not only spared what he [90 x] could, but writ to others to doe the like. By which means he gott some good quantitie and returned in saftie, by which the plantation had a duble bene fite, first, a present refreshing by the food brought, and secondly, they knew the way to those parts for their benefite hearafter.2 But what was gott, and this small boat brought, being devided among so many, came but to a litle, yet by Gods blesing it upheld them till harvest. It arose but to a quarter of a pound of bread a day to each person; and the Gov[erno]r caused it to be dayly given them, other wise, had it been in their owne custody, they would have eate it England to Amsterdam, and not beeing able to live well there, they drew in one Mr. Weston, and some other Merchants in London to Transport them and their Famelies into those Westerne parts; They intended for Virginia, but fell with Cape Cod alias Mallabar, and got into the Harbour of it, and finding it not fitt for Habitation sought further and found this place and there settled liveing extream hardy for some yeares and in great danger of the Indians, and could not long have subsisted, had not Plym outh Merchants settled Plantations about that time at Monhegon and Pascatta- way, by whom they were supplyed and the Indians discouraged from assaulting them." 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, 1. 242. 1 Bradford omits numbers 80 to 89 in his page, but the text is continuous. 79 is repeated in the paging, but in a more modern hand; not, however, that of Prince. 2 Deane conjectures this was probably in June, using Winslow's account who wrote: "I found kind entertainment and good respect; with a willingness to supply our wants. But, not being able to spare that quantity I required (by reason of the neces sity of some among themselves; whom they supplied before my coming), [they] would not take any bills for the same: but did what they could freely, wishing their store had been such as they might in greater measure have expressed their own love, and supplied our necessities, for which they sorrowed; provoking one another to the utmost of their abilities. Which, although it were not much, amongst so many people as were at the Plantation; yet through the provident and discreet care of the Gover nors, [it] recovered and preserved strength till our own crop on the ground was ready." Good Newes, *n. Samoset had told them something of these eastern parts. P. 199, supra. 1622 Plimmoth Plantation 275 up and then starved. But thus, with what els they could get, they made pretie shift till corne was ripe.1 This sommer they builte a fort with good timber, both strong and comly, which was of good defence, made with a flate rofe and batll[e]ments, on which their ordnance were mounted, and wher they kepte constante watch, espetially in time of danger.2 It 1 " It is not a small proporcbn of corne that will feed a Man when that is his onelie sustenance, had you no other provisions in England perhaps the land were too little to sustain her inhabitantes." George Sandys to Samuel Wrote, Virginia, March 28, 1623. 2 This fort, as well as the structures erected in later years, was placed on Fort (Burial) Hill, the hill being already enclosed with the pale. "This work was begun with great eagerness, and with the approbation of all men, hoping that this being once finished, and a continual guard there kept, it would utterly discourage the savages from having any hopes or thoughts of rising against us. And though it took the great est part of our strength from dressing our corn, yet, life being continued, we hoped God would raise some means in stead thereof for our further preservation." Winslow, Good Newes, *I3. From some sentences in this tract by Winslow (*39-4o) it appears that more than ten months were required to complete the fort, and that some of the members of the settlement looked with disfavor upon this construction. "Those works which tend to the preservation of man, the enemy of mankind will hinder, what in him lieth, sometimes blinding the judgment, and causing reasonable men to reason against their own safety; as amongst us divers seeing the work prove tedious, would have dissuaded from proceeding, flattering themselves with peace and security, and accounting it rather a work of superfluity and vainglory, than simple necessity." The anxieties were increased by the conduct of Massasoit, who "seemed to frown on us, and neither came or sent to us as formerly." "Since the newes of the massacre in Virginia, though the Indians continue their wonted friendship, yet are we more wary of them then before; for their hands hath bin embrued in much English blood, onely by too much confidence, but not by force." Abstract of letters sent from the Collony in New England, July 16, 1622. In Smith, Generall Historic, 236. If he is abstracting the same letters in a later paragraph, the settlers still affirmed the fine qualities of the air, soil and products of New Eng land, and that "they are building a strong fort, they hope shortly to finish, and in the interim they are wel prouided: their number is about a hundred persons, all in health, and well neare 60 acres of ground well planted with corne, besides their gar dens well replenished with useful fruits. . . . And to conclude in their owne words, should they write of all plenties they haue found, they thinke they should not be beleeued." 276 History of 1622 served them allso for a meeting house, and was fitted accordingly for that use. It was a great worke for them in this weaknes and time of wants; but the deanger of the time required it, and both the continuall rumors of the fears from the Indeans hear, espe tially the Narigansets, and also the hearing of that great massacre in Virginia, made all hands willing to despatch the same. Now the wellcome time of harvest aproached, in which all had their hungrie bellies filled.1 But it arose but to a litle, in compari son of a full years supplie ; partly by reason they were not yet well aquainted with the manner of Indean corne, (and they had no other,) allso their many other imployments, but cheefly their weaknes for wante of food, to tend it as they should have done. Also much was stolne both by night and day, before it became scarce eatable, and much more afterward.2 And though many were well whipt (when they were taken) for a few ears of corne, yet hunger made others (whom conscience did not restraines 3) to venture. So as it well appeared that famine must still insue the next year allso, if not some way prevented, or supplie should faile, to which they durst not trust. • Markets ther was non to goe too, but only the Indeans, and they had no trading comodities. Behold now another providence of God; a ship comes into the har[9i]bor, one Captain Jones being cheefe ther in.4 They were set out by some 1 Against this paragraph and on the reverse of page [79] Bradford inserted an ac count of a drought; but finding he had mistaken the year, he re-wrote it against page [103], where it will be found. 2 Winslow charges what was probably true, that Weston's people stole the corn. "That little store of corn we had was exceedingly wasted by the unjust and dishonest walking of these strangers; who, though they would sometimes seem to help us in our labor about our corn, yet spared not day and night to steal the same, it being then eatable and pleasant to taste, though green and unprofitable. And though they re ceived much kindness, set light both by it and us, not sparing to requite the love we showed them, with secret backbitings, revilings, &c. the chief of them being forestalled and made against us before they came, as after appeared." Good Newes, '13. ' The final s may have been intended for the last half of the parenthesis. 4 Thomas Jones in 1617 commanded the Lion, one of two ships sent to the East 1622 Plimmoth Plantation 277 marchants to discovere all the harbors betweene this and Virginia, and the shoulds of Cap-Cod, and to trade along the coast wher they could. This ship had store of English-beads (which were then good trade) x and some knives, but would sell none but at dear rates, and also a good quantie togeather. Yet they weere glad of the occasion, and faine to buy at any rate; they were faine to give after the rate of cento per cento, if not more, and yet pay away coat-beaver at Indies by Sir Robert Rich, afterwards Earl of Warwick. The adventure, as was not unusual, became one of piracy, and, chasing a junk of the Mogul's mother, Jones was arrested and sent home for trial. The specific charge brought against him by the East India Company, whose trade was threatened by these piratical expeditions, was, the "hiring away of their men," for the King of Denmark. While awaiting his trial, he was engaged by the Earl to take some cattle to Virginia, and bond was given for his appearance, when wanted. Jones took the Falcon to Virginia, with John Clark, as his mate. In its meeting of November 21, 1621, the Virginia Company granted a commission for fishing and trading to Captain Thomas Jones, master of the Discovery, a vessel of sixty tons burden. A capital of £900 was subscribed, of which one third was adventured in this voyage, the object being to cut out the French and Dutch ships from " a most certaine and beneficiall trade of Furs to be had with the Indians in Virginia in the lymittes of the Southerne Colony" and in the Delaware and Hudsons rivers. Expedition was enjoined, as some Dutch ships had recently left Holland for trade; but Jones did not reach Jamestown until April, 1622, and brought up at New Plymouth in August. So active was he in carrying out his instructions that he was charged (December, 1622), by the Council of the New England Company, with robbing the natives of New England of their furs and taking some prisoners, who fortunately escaped. The Virginia Company denounced the wickedness of the Captain and mariners of this venture, by which the adventurers were quite over thrown. Later, in 1625, he was suspected of an illegal seizure of a Spanish vessel in the West Indies, which he brought to Virginia, and there died. Records of the Vir ginia Company, 1. 562, 567; Records of the Council for New England, 78; Va. Hist. Mag., xv. 367; xvi. 5. 1 "The money with which they will buy their food, wood, bark house, and other necessaries, is little beads or tubes of glass, knives, awls, blankets, kettles, hatchets, and similar things: this is the money they must carry with them." Le Jeune in 1634, Jesuit Relations (Thwaites), vn, 223. Some of the natives used shell beads for cur rency, but readily preferred those of glass or porcelain brought from Europe in the trading ships. Beads are not mentioned in the inventory of goods at Trelawney's station on Richmond Island, — but eleven dozen knives were valued at £2.0.3. or about four pence each. 278 Plimmoth Plantation 1622 3.y. per li., which in a few years after yeelded 20s. By this means they were fitted againe to trade for beaver and other things, and intended to buy what corne they could.1 But I will hear take liberty to make a litle digression. Ther was in this ship a gentle-man by name Mr. John Poory ; he had been sec- retarie in Virginia, and was now going home passenger in this ship.2 1 "Of Captain Jones we furnished ourselves of such provisions as we most needed, and he could best spare; who, as he used us kindly, so made us pay largely for the things we had. And had not the Almighty, in his all-ordering providence, directed him to us, it would have gone worse with us than ever it had been, or after was; for as we had now but small store of corn for the year following, so, for want of supply, we were worn out of all manner of trucking-stuff, not having any means left to help ourselves by trade; but through God's good mercy to us, he had wherewith, and did supply our wants on that kind competently." Winslow, Good Newes, *I5. , 2 John Pory (iS70?-i63s) early became interested in the study of geography, and, in 1600, made a translation of John Leo's Geographical Historic of Africa, dedicating it to Sir Robert Cecil. ^ ^&^p?^^^;^^¥-y?#$Sr~* ™££h inVself u //>•' '^/*»/ - "lately of Goneuill ' —"""£-' and Caius College in Cambridge." His friend in this endeavor was Richard Hakluyt, who thus spoke of Pory in the epistle dedicatory to Sir Robert Cecil in the third volume of his collection of voyages: "Now because long since I did foresee that my profession of divinity, the care of my family, and other occasions might call and divert me from these kind of endeuors, I haue for these 3 yeares last past encouraged and furthered in these studies of Cosmographie and forren histories, my very honest, industrious, and learned friend, Mr. John Pory, one of speciall skill and extraordinary hope to performe great matters in the same, and beneficial for the commonwealth." He travelled much in Europe, and held some connections with the English embassies. In 1618 Sir George Yeardley offered him the secretaryship for Virginia, and he arrived in the colony April 19 of the following year. He served on the council in Virginia and was speaker of the first House of Burgesses. He sailed from Virginia for England on the Discovery, and thus touched at New England, and after that fell into some adventures. "Our old acquaintance, Mr. Pory, is in poor case, and in prison at the Terceras, whither he was driven, by contrary winds, from the north coast of Virginia, where he had been upon some discovery, and upon his arrival was arraigned, and in danger of being hanged as a pirate." Chamberlain to Carleton, July 26, 1623. He returned to Virginia in 1624. # * *$ # %%i> fi ANNOTATIONS UPON THE FOURTH BOOK OP MOSES1, CALWD NUMBERS WHEREIN, BY CONFERENCE OF THE* SCRIPTVRES.BT COMPARING THEGREEX AND Chaldee Verfibns, and teflimohies of Hebrew writers j the I .awes and Ordinances given of old uatoj IfraeMn this boot, are explained. By Henry Ainfworth.' I Will pat you in remembrance , though ye once knew this , that the Lord having faved a people out of the land of Egypt afterward de. Jlroycd them that beleeved not. Iude v.$. Fourtie yeres was I grieved with this generation . Pfal.^/.io. But with whom was he grieved fourtie yeres? was it not with them that Lidjynned,who(e carkeff'es fell in thewildernes? And to whomfivarehei that they Jbould not enter into hisrtft^ but to them that beleeved noti So wee fee , that they could not enter in, becaufe ofmbeleef. ¦ Let us labour therfore to enter into that Reft , left any man fall after the fame example ofunbeleef. Hcb. }r .//. Il*t9-&4'H' Imprinted in the yere I6la« 280 History of 1622 After his departure he write a leter to the Gov[erno]r in the post- scrite whereof he hath these lines. To your selfe and Mr. Brewster, I must acknowledg my selfe many ways indebted, whose books I would have you thinke very well be stowed on him, who esteemeth them shuch juells. My hast would not suffer me to remember (much less to begg) Mr. Ainsworths elaborate worke upon the • 5 • books of Moyses.1 Both his and Mr. Robinsons doe highly comend the authors, as being most conversante in the scriptures of all others. And what good (who knows) it may please God to worke by them, through my hands, (though most unworthy,) who finds shuch high contente in them. God have you all in his keeping. Your unfained and firme freind, Aug. 28. 1622. John Pory. These things I hear inserte for honour sake of the authores mem- orie, which this gentle-man doth thus ingeniusly acknowledg; and him selfe after his returne did this poore-plantation much credite amongst those of no mean ranck. But to returne. [92] Shortly after harvest Mr. Westons people who were now seated at the Massachusets, and by disorder (as it seems) had made havock of their provissions, begane now to perceive that want would come upon them.2 And hearing that they hear had bought trading como- 1 From 1616 to 1619 Ainsworth printed each year a volume of Annotations on one of the five books of Moses, and on the completion of the series they were gathered into one volume, "Annotations upon the five Books of Moses," which was issued in five different impressions before 1640. It is well described as "elaborate," for it con tained fourteen hundred quarto pages and must have enjoyed no little reputation in its day, and even at a later time. For in 1690 a translation into the Dutch appeared, in 1692, one into the German, and in 1846 the series was issued in a modern setting. 2 "When they came there, they neither applied themselves to planting of corn nor taking of fish, more than for their present use, but went about to build castles in the air, and making of forts, neglecting the plentiful time of fishing. When winter came their forts would not keep out hunger, and they having no provision beforehand, and wanting both powder and shot to kill deer and fowl, many were starved to death, and the rest hardly escaped." Levett, Voyage, 3 Mass. Hist. Collections, vm. 182. Before the harvest Weston's men were creating trouble. "They had not been long 1622 Plimmoth Plantation 281 dities and intended to trade for corne, they write to the Gov[erno]r and desired they might joyne with them, and they would imploy their small ship in the servise; and furder requested either to lend or sell them so much of their 1 trading comodities as their part might come to, and they would undertake to make paymente when Mr. Weston, or their supply, should come. The Gov[erno]r condesended upon equall terms of agreemente, thinkeing to goe aboute the Cap to the southward with the ship, wher some store of corne might be got. Althings being provided, Captaint Standish was apointed to goe with them, and Squanto for a guid and interpreter, about the latter end of September; but the winds put them in againe, and put ting out the • 2 • time, he fell sick of a feavor, so the Gov[erno]r wente him selfe.2 But they could not get aboute the should of Cap- Cod, for flats and breakers, neither could Squanto directe them bet- from us, ere the Indians filled our ears with clamors against them, for stealing their corn, and other abuses conceived by them. At which we grieved the more, because the same men [i.e. the Indians], in mine own hearing, had been earnest in persuading Captain Standish, before their coming, to solicit our Governor to send some of his men to plant by them, alleging many reasons how it might be commodious for us. But we knew no means to redress those abuses, save reproof, and advising them to better walking, as occasion served." Winslow, Good Newes, *I4. The Charity returned to England in the end of September, or beginning of October, leaving Weston's colony " sufficiently victualled, as some of most credit amongst them reported." The Swan remained, "for their further help." lb. *is. 1 Bradford had first written "our." 2 The expedition was crossed more than once. First by the sudden death at Plym outh of "Master Richard Greene, brother-in-law to Master Weston; who from him had a charge in the oversight and government of his Colony," and who received a "burial befitting his place, in the best manner we could." Sanders succeeded to Greene and directed the vessel to go; but twice under Standish was she driven back by cross and violent winds. The Captain falling sick of a fever, and the growing necessities of the plantation, induced Bradford to take his place: "our own wants being like to be now greater than formerly, partly because we were enforced to neglect our corn and spend much time in fortification, but especially because such havock was made of that little we had, through the unjust and dishonest carriage of those people before mentioned, at our first entertainment of them." The final sailing did not take place until November. Winslow, Good Newes, *i6. 282 History of 1622 ter, nor the m[aste]r durst venture any further, so they put into Manamoyack Bay and got with [what] they could ther.1 In this 1 One of the objects of this voyage was to find "that supposed, and still hoped, passage within the shoals," through which Tisquantum insisted he had twice passed, in English and French vessels. In this belief he was supported by the Indians at Manamoyack (see below). After the death of Tisquantum the expedition turned back, " because the master's sufficiency was much doubted, and the season very tem pestuous, and not fit to go upon discovery, having no guide to direct them." Winslow, Good Newes, *i8. Winslow says that at Manamoyack harbor, they sounded it and "found the channel, though but narrow and crooked; where at length they harboured the ship. Here they perceived that the tide set in and out with more violence at some other place more southerly, which they had not seen nor could discover, by reason of the violence of the season all the time of their abode there. Some judged the entrance thereof might be beyond the shoals; but there is no certainty thereof as yet known." lb. *i6. "That night [on reaching Manamoyack harbor] the Governor, accompanied with others, having Tisquantum for his interpreter, went ashore. At first the inhabitants played least in sight, because none of our people had ever been there before; but understanding the ends of their coming, at length came to them, welcoming our Governor according to their savage manner; refreshing them very well with store of venison and other victuals, which they brought them in great abundance; promising to trade with them, with a seeming gladness of the occasion. Yet their joy was mixed with much jealousy, as appeared by their after practices; for at first they were loth their dwellings should be known; but when they saw our Governor's resolution to stay on the shore all night, they brought him to their houses, having first conveyed all their stuff to a remote place, not far from the same; which one of our men, walking forth occasionally, espied. Whereupon, on the sudden, neither it nor they could be found; and so many times after, upon conceived occasions, they would be all gone, bag and baggage. But being afterwards, by Tisquantum's means better persuaded, they left their jealousy, and traded with them; where they got eight hogsheads of corn and beans, though the people were but few. This gave our Governor and the company good encouragement; Tisquantum being still confident in the passage, and the inhabitants affirming they had seen ships of good burthen pass within the shoals aforesaid." Winslow, Good Newes, *\"j. An Indian shared what he had with a visitor or a stranger, and it was probably as much a fear of exhausting his supply of grain, as a wish to conceal what he had, that led to this removal and evasion. "They are quicke; in halfe a day, yea, sometimes at few houres warning to be gone and the house up elsewhere; especially, if they have stakes readie pitcht for their Mats." Williams, Key into the Language of America (Narragansett Club), 75. 1622 Plimmoth Plantation 283 place Squanto fell sick of an Indean feavor, bleeding much at the nose (which the Indeans take for a simptome of death), and within a few days dyed ther; desiring the Gov[erno]r to pray for him, that he might goe to the Englishmens God in heaven, and bequeathed sundrie of his things to sundry of his English freinds, as remem brances of his love ; of whom they had a great loss. They got in this vioage, in one place and other, about • 26 • or • 28 • hogsheads of corne and beans, which was more then the Indeans could well spare in these parts, for they set but a litle till they got English hows . J And so 1 After the death of Tisquantum the party went to Massachusetts, where they expected to obtain corn planted for them by the Indians. They were disappointed, however, finding a great sickness, not unlike the plague, prevailing among the natives, and much dissatisfaction among the Indians through the "injurious walking" of the Wessagusset people. "Indeed the trade both for furs and corn was overthrown in that place, they giving as much for a quart of corn as we used to do for a beaver's skin; so that little good could be there done." Thence they returned into the bottom of the bay of Cape Cod, visiting Nauset, where the Sachem, Aspinet, received the Governor kindly and eight or ten hogsheads of corn and beans were obtained. Also at Matta- chiest they had kind entertainment and some corn. The stormy weather continued and endangered much their vessel. The shallop was cast away, depriving them of the means of loading corn on the vessel, which lay distant about two leagues, and having only a small and leaky boat of her own, unfitted even to carry wood and water. "Hereupon the Governor caused the corn to be made in a round stack, and bought mats, and cut sedge, to cover it; and gave charge to the Indians not to meddle with it, promising him that dwelt next to it a reward, if he would keep vermin also from it; which he undertook, and the sachem promised to make good." The shallop was found almost buried in the sand at high water mark, unserviceable for the present, but hav ing many things remaining in her. Entrusting her also to the care of the natives, the Governor resolved to return to Plymouth by land, a distance of some fifty miles. Having procured a guide, he and his party started, "receiving all respect that could be from the Indians in his journey, and came safely home, though weary and sur- bated; whither some three days after the ship also came." Winslow, Good Newes, *i8. Upon the return of this party, another, led by Standish and accompanied by the car penter of the Weston settlement, set out to get the corn and recover the shallop, which was safely accomplished, with no little difficulty in January, 1622-23. lb. *ig. It was the Nauset Indians who had shown the first hostilities to the Pilgrims (p. 170, supra). Winslow gives an account of the theft and return of some articles while at Nauset at this time. Good Newes, *20. 284 Plimmoth Plantation 1622 were faine to returne, being sory they could not gett about the Cap, to have been better laden. Afterward the Gov[erno]r tooke a few men and wente to the inland places,1 to get what he could, and to fetch it home at the spring, which did help them something. [93] 2 After these things, in Feb[ruary], a messenger came from John Sanders, who was left cheefe over Mr. Westons men in the bay of Massachusets, who brought a letter 3 shewing the great wants they 1 The inland places were Namasket and Manomet [now Monument], and Hobba mock acted as interpreter. 2 The settlement "is now almost able to comfort itself," was the report of the Council of New England in 1622, when asking for a continuation of the countenance of Prince Charles, under which "it will speedily grow, both to serve his majesty with honour and profit, and multiply the same service to your highness in time to come, as a tribute due for the grace it receives, by the blessings of a long peace and prosperity that our nation enjoys under the reign of his sacred majesty, through which we have the easier passage to advance the cross of Christ in heathen parts, and to display his banner in the head of his army against infernal spirits, which have so long kept those poor distressed creatures (the inhabitants of those parts) in bondage." A Brief e Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of New England, 1622, Epistle dedicatory. "Wee haue setled at this present, seuerall Plantations along the Coast, and haue granted Patents to many more that are in preparation to bee gone with all conuen- iencie. Those of our people that are there, haue both health and plenty, so as they acknowledge there is no want of any thing, but of industrious people, to reape the commodities that are there to be had, and they are indeed so much affected to the place, as they are loth to be drawne from thence, although they were directed to returne to giue satisfaction to those that sent them, but chose rather to performe that office by letters, together with their excuse, for breach of their duty in that behalfe." lb. "28. 3 The letter was written by Sanders, and stated " that being in great want, and their people daily falling down, he intended to go to Munhiggen, where was a plantation of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, to buy bread from the ships that came thither a fishing, with the first opportunity of wind; but knew not how the colony would be preserved till his return. He had used all means both to buy and borrow of Indians, whom he knew to be stored, and he thought maliciously withheld it, and therefore was resolved to take it by violence, and only waited the return of the messenger, which he des'ired should be hastened, craving his advice therein, promising also to make restitution afterward. The Governor, upon the receipt hereof, asked the messenger [an Indian] what store of corn they had, as if he had intended to buy of them; who answered, very little more than that they reserved for seed, having already spared all they could." Winslow, Good Newes, *3 5. A RELATION OR lournall of the beginning and proceedings of the Englifli Plantation fetled at fflimotb in N e w E n o l a n d, by certaine Englifh Aduenturers both Merchants and others. Wich their difficult paflage,their fafe ariuall, their iOyfull building of, and comfortable planting thertt- felues in the now Well defended Towne of New Plimoth. AS ALSO A RELATION OF FOVRE feuerall difcouerics fince made by fome of the fame Englifh Planters there reudenc. /. InaiourneytoPvCK/ittOKlCKthe habitation of the Indian/ grta* teji King Malfafoyc : at a/fi their mejfage, thtanfwer and entertainment they had of him. II. In a voyage made by ten of them to the Kingdom c e/Na wftr, to ft eke aboy that badlaft himfelfe in the woods : with [ttch accidents as befeUtbenu • in that voyage.. III. Iutheiriournej to the Kingdome #fNamafchet, in defence of their greatefi King Maffafbyt, againjtthe Narrohiggonfets, andtoreucngethe fnpf ic 'fed depth of 'their •Interpret vrTifquantum. II It. Their voyage to the MafTachufets, and their entertainment there. With an anfwerto all fuchobieclionsasare any way made. againft the lawfulnefTe of Englifh plantations > in thofc parts. %* LONDON, Printed for lohn Bejlamie, and are to be fold at his (hop at the two • Greyhound* in Cornhill neere che Roy all Exchange. Kilt,' fr/.fr.CM. 286 History of 1622 were falen into; and he would have borrowed a h"h of corne of the Indeans, but they would lend him none. He desired advicewhether he might not take it from them by force to succore his men till he came from the eastward, whither he was going. The Gov[erno]r and rest deswaded him by all means from it, for it might so exasperate the Indeans as might endanger their saftie, and all of us might smart for it; for they had already heard how they had so wronged the Indeans by stealing their corne, etc., as they were much incensed against them.1 Yea, so base were some of their own company, as 1 The letter was signed by the Governor and his councillors, and was thus sum marized by Winslow (Good Newes, *3S): "We altogether disliked their intend ment, as being against the law of God and nature, showing how it would cross the worthy ends and proceedings of the King's Majesty, and his honorable Council for this place, both in respect of the peaceable enlarging of his Majesty's dominions, and also of the propagation of the knowledge and law of God, and the glad tidings of sal vation, which we and they were bound to seek, and were not to use such means as would breed a distaste in the salvages against our persons and professions, assuring them their master [Weston] would incur much blame hereby, neither could they an swer the same. For our own parts, our case was almost the same with theirs, having but a small quantity of corn left, and were enforced to live on ground-nuts, clams, muscles, and such other things as naturally the country afforded, and which did and would maintain strength, and were easy to be gotten; all which things they had in great abundance, yea, oysters also, which' we wanted; and therefore necessity could not be said to constrain them thereunto. Moreover, that they should consider, if they proceeded therein, all they could so get would maintain them but a small time, and then they must perforce seek their food abroad; which, having made the Indians their enemies, would be very difficult for them, and therefore much better to begin a little the sooner, and so continue their peace; upon which course they might with good conscience desire and expect the blessing of God; whereas on the contrary they could not. "Also that they should consider their own weakness, being most swelled, and dis eased in their bodies, and therefore the more unlikely to make their party good against them, and that they should not expect help from us in that or any the like unlawful actions. Lastly, that howsoever some of them might escape, yet the prin cipal agents should expect no better than the gallows, whensoever any special officer Bhould be sent over by his Majesty, or his Council for New England, which we ex pected, and who would undoubtedly call them to account for the same." Bradford also sent a personal letter to Sanders, " showing him how dangerous it would be for him 1622 Plimmoth Plantation 287 they wente and tould the Indeans that their Gov[erno]r was pur posed to come and take their corne by force.1 The which with other things made them enter into a conspiracie against the English, of which more in the nexte. Hear with I end this year.2 above all others, being he was their leader and commander; and therefore in friendly manner advised him to desist." The Wessagusset people laid aside their plan of seizing the Indians' corn, and San ders, provisioned by Plymouth for the voyage, and ignorant of the intentions of the natives, sailed about the end of February in a shallop for Monhegan, leaving others with instructions to oversee things till his return. 1 Hubbard states that this was "reported by some that survived sometime after the planting of the Massachusetts Colony." History, 77. 1 Bradford had noted many things proving the growing hostility of the Indians. In February, 1622-23, Standish went to Mattachiest to obtain corn, and stood on guard against attack, though he could not explain the grounds of his suspicion. The thievish propensity of the Indians was again seen, as at Nauset upon a former occa sion, and the bold front of Standish must have produced its effect upon the natives. In March, he went again to Manomet, but did not receive that entertainment which had been shown to Bradford. During this visit two messengers came from the Massa chusetts tribe to induce the Manomet Indians to join in the intended destruction of the English at Wessagusset and at Plymouth. Standish could not but notice the bold conduct of one of these messengers, Wituwamat by name, and the better enter tainment given to him. An Indian from Paomet was also there, and in the conspiracy, and they hoped to be able to make way with Standish and his party on so fair an opportunity. While their grievances lay particularly against the Wessagusset people, the Indians were fully aware that those of New Plymouth would not permit the death of an Englishman to remain unavenged. The plan therefore included the destruction of both plantations. Standish, on his guard and watchful, escaped any mishap, but treasured up his anger against Wituwamat. Winslow, Good Newes, *2$. The colonists had very fresh reminders of the dangers they ran in their relations with the Indians. The Virginians were taking precautions for their own safety and executing revenge upon the natives. A ballad describing the punitive expedition was printed in Lon don in the spring of 1623, and the text is given in Neill, Virginia Vetusta, 147. Anno Dom: -1623 IT maybe thought Strang that these people should fall to these extremities in so short a time, being left competently pro vided when the ship left them, and had an addition by that moyetie of corn that was got by trade, besides much they gott of the Ind[e]ans wher they lived, by one means and other. It must needs be their great disorder, for they spent excesseivly whilst they had, or could get it; and, it may be, wasted parte away among the Indeans (for he that was their cheef was taxed by some amongst them for keeping Indean women, how truly I know not). And after they be gane to come into wants, many sould away their cloathes and bed cov erings; others (so base were they) became servants to the Indeans, and would cutt them woode and fetch them water, for a cap full of corne; others fell to plaine stealing, both night and day, from the Indeans, of which they greevosly complained.1 In the end, they 1 Winslow states that before he went to visit Massasoit, "we heard many com plaints, both by the Indians, and some others of best desert amongst Master Weston's colony, how exceedingly their company abased themselves by undirect means, to get victuals from the Indians, who dwelt not far from them, fetching them wood and water, &c. and all for a meal's meat; whereas, in the mean time, they might with dili gence have gotten enough to have served them three or four times. Other by night brake the earth, and robbed the Indians' store; for which they had been publicly stocked and whipped, and yet was there small amendment. This was about the end of February; at which time they had spent all their bread and corn, not leaving any for seed, neither would the Indians lend or sell them any more upon any terms. Hereupon they had thoughts to take it by violence; and to that spiked up every entrance into their town, being well impaled, save one, with a full resolution to pro ceed." Winslow, Good Newes, *34. Slaves among the Indians were not unknown. The Iroquois used their captives to assist their women in agriculture and in carrying burdens, and among the Algonquins, captured women and children were employed in the same way. Williams in his Key gives no word for slave, and the word for "he is my servant" (p. 63) means "he accompanies me." j3 -3-.-. V« \ li't •: * &mmm ^-rrs'i.^%* *r- vv ^.^ WINTHROP'S MAP, SHOWING WESSAGUSSET 290 History of 1623 came to that misery, that some starved and dyed with could and hunger.1 One in geathering shell-fish was so weake as he stuck fast in the mudd, and was found dead in the place. At last most of them left their dwellings and scatered up and downe in the [94] woods, and by the water sides, wher they could find ground nuts and clames, hear • 6 • and ther ten. By which their cariages they became contemned and scorned of the Indeans, and they begane greatly to insulte over them in a most insolente maner; insomuch, many times as they lay thus scatered abrod, and had set on a pot with ground nuts 2 or shell-fish, when it was ready the Indeans would come and 1 The parallel sufferings of the Ribaut colony in Florida are described by Parkman: "Conquest, gold, military occupation, — such had been their aims. Not a rood of ground had been stirred with the spade. Their stores were consumed: the expected supplies had not come. The Indians, too, were hostile. . . . Some were digging roots in the forest, or gathering a kind of sorrel upon the meadows. One collected refuse fish-bones, and pounded them into meal. . . . ' Oftentimes,' says Laudonniere, 'our poor soldiers were constrained to give away the very shirts from their backs to get one fish. If at any time they shewed unto the savages the excessive price which they tooke, these villaines would answere them roughly and churlishly: If thou make so great account of thy merchandise, eat it, and we will eat our fish: then fell they out a laughing and mocked us with open throat.' " Pioneers of France in the New World, 71, 72. 2 Gosnold speaks of "ground nuts as big as eggs, as good as potatoes, and forty on a string not two ynches under ground." Smith's Virginia, 107. The Jesuit Relation for 1613-14 speaks of the chiquebi root, "peculiar to this coast, and is not unlike our potatoes, but more pleasant and useful for eating; its numerous bulbs, joined by a slender thread, grow deep in the earth." And again, they mention some roots "which the Savages eat in their time of need, and which are as good as Truffles." Jesuit Rela tions (Thwaites), 11. 169, 245. Champlain saw these roots cultivated by the Indians near Cape Cod and at Gloucester, and his editor, Slafter, believes they were those of the Jerusalem artichoke (Helianthus tuberosus), a plant originating in this part of America, carried to Italy, and there named girasole (sunflower), whence Jerusalem by corruption. This plant is believed to be figured between the two Indians in the illus tration on p. 197, supra. Lescarbot gave the roots the local name canadas. There were other kinds of ground-nuts, among them Arachis hypogaea and Apios tuberosa. It is not a little strange that no word for ground-nut is found in Williams's Key. Trumbull gives the Micmac word shuben or sgabun, and the Abenaki pen as names of the wild or Indian potato. Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll., 11. 26. For Champlain's repre- 1 623 Plimmoth Plantation 291 eate it up;1 and when night came, wheras some of them had a sorie blanket, or shuch like, to lappe them selves in, the Indeans would take it and let the other lye all nighte in the could; so as their con dition was very lamentable. Yea, in the end they were faine to hange one of their men, whom they could not reclaime from steal ing, to give the Indeans contente.2 sentation of the plants noted in his travels in North America, see, the illustration facing p. 358, infra. 1 Pratt reported the growing boldness of the Indians towards the Wessagusset people, "insomuch as the victuals they got, they would take it out of their pots, and eat before their faces ; yea, if in any thing they gainsaid them, they were ready to hold a knife at their breasts; that to give them content, since John Sanders went to Mun- higgen, they had hanged one of them that stole their corn, and yet they regarded it not; that another of their company was turned salvage; that their people had most forsaken the town, and made their rendezvous where they got their victuals, because they would not take pains to bring it home; that they had sold their clothes for corn, and were ready to starve both with cold and hunger also, because they could not endure to get- victuals by reason of their nakedness; and that they were dispersed into three companies, scarce having any powder and shot left." Winslow, Good Newes, *38. 2 When the Indians were gathering round the settlement, preparing to strike, the chief was asked what wrong the English had committed. "He answered, 'some of you Steele our Corne and I have sent you word times without number and yet our Corne is stole. I come to see what you will doe.' We answered, 'It is on man wich hath don it. Your men have seen vs whip him divers times, besids other manor of punishments, and now heare he is Bound. We give him vnto you to doe with him what you please.' He answered, 'that is not just dealeing. If my men wrong my nabur sacham, or his men, he sends me word and I beat or kill my men, acording to the ofenc. If his men wrong me or my men, I send him word and he beats or kills his men Acording to the ofenc. All Sachams do Justis by thayr own men. If not we say they ar all Agreed and then we Fite, and now I say you all Steele my Corne.' " The offender was released, but was soon brought in by the Indians upon a new charge of stealing corn. He was kept bound for some days. Phinehas Pratt, in 4 Mass. Hist. Collections, iv. 482. The In dians becoming more threatening the culprit was hanged in the sight of the natives, and having done justice, the whites made a sortie against the Indians, who fled on their approach. This Wessagusset hanging has been celebrated in the verse of Butler, who devotes some lines to it in Hudibras (canto 11. 11. 409-436). He assumes that one other than the chief thief was executed, and so the story has come to be related. Thomas Morton in his New English Canaan makes the same statement, but cannot 292 History of 1623 Whilst things wente in this maner with them, the Gov[erno]r and people hear had notice that Massasoyte ther freind was sick and near unto death.1 They sent to vissete him, and with all sente him shuch comfortable things as gave him great contente, and was a means of his recovery; upon which occasion he discovers the con spiracie of these Indeans, how they were resolved to cutt of Mr. Westons people, for the continuall injuries they did them, and would now take opportunitie of their weaknes to doe it; and for that end had conspired with other Indeans their neighbours their aboute. And thinking the people hear would revenge their death, they ther- have served to give Butler the idea of a vicarious sacrifice. The subject, now little more than a literary curiosity, receives full notice in Adams' edition of the New Eng lish Canaan, 96, 251 n, and in his Three Episodes of Massachusetts History, 79-82. Roger Williams, in describing the manner of executing judgments among the Indians, states that the "most usuall Custome amongst them in executing punishments, is for the Sachim either to beat, or whip, or put to death with his owne hand." 1 The intelligence came in March, while Standish was at Manomet. As a Dutch vessel had been cast on the shore near the chief's dwelling place, the occasion offered an opportunity to visit Massasoit, as was the Indian custom, and to confer with the Dutch. Winslow and John Hamden, "a gentleman of London," fitted with some cor dials for the sick man, went to the aid of Massasoit, with Hobbamock as a guide. The story of this mission of mercy is told at some length by Winslow, in Good Newes, *26. The Dutch had succeeded in getting their vessel free, and had departed before Winslow arrived; " so that in that respect our journey was frustrate." The cure was soon made, depending as it did upon the somewhat better prepared food supplied by Winslow, and a release from the noise and charms which constituted the basis of Indian treat ment. It is quite within bounds to say that the Indians knew nothing of medicine, and the few simples they used were offered in ignorance by the Powah. Williams notes that " they have not (but what sometimes they get from the English) a raisin or currant or any physick, Fruit or spice, or any Comfort more than their Corne and Water, &c." Key into the Language of America (Narragansett Club), 209. Massasoit told Hobbamock of the plot against the English, naming the Massa chusetts Indians as the chief agents, and implicating the natives of Nauset, Paomet, Sokones, Mattachiest, Manomet, Agawam and the isle of Capawack. Most of these were bound by the article of allegiance, signed by the chiefs in 1621. On Winslow's retuai from Sowams, another Indian, " Wassapinewat, brother to Obtakiest, the sa chem of the Massachusetts, who had formerly smarted for partaking with Conbitant, and fearing the like again, to purge himself, revealed the same thing." Winslow, Good Newes, *-$z, yj. 1623 Plimmoth Plantation 293 fore thought to doe the like by them, and had solisited him to joyne with them. He advised them therfore to prevent it, and that speedly by taking of some of the cheefe of them, before it was to late, for he asured them of the truth hereof.1 This did much trouble them, and they tooke it in to serious de- libration, and found upon examenation other evidence to give light hear unto, to longe hear to relate. In the mean time, came one of them2 from the Massachucets, with a small pack at his back; and though he knew not a foote of the way, yet he got safe hither, but lost his way, which was well for him, for he was pursued, and so was mist.3 He tould them hear how all things stood amongst them, 1 "As we respected the lives of our countrymen, and our own after safety, he advised us to kill the men of Massachuset, who were the authors of this intended mischief. And whereas we were wont to say, we would not strike a stroke till they first began; if, said he, upon this intelligence, they make that answer, tell them, when their coun trymen at Wichaguscusset [Wessagusset] are killed, they being not able to defend themselves, that then it will be too late to recover their lives; nay, through the multi tude of adversaries, they shall with great difficulty preserve their own; and therefore he counselled without delay to take away the principals, and then the plot would cease." Winslow, Good Newes, *$2. 2 Morton (Memoriall* 42) says, "This mans name was Phinehas Pratt, who hath penned the particular of his perillous Journey, and some other things relating to this Tragedy." The narrative is printed in 4 Mass. j4*A t% *j\ Hist. Collections, iv. 476. With some stratagem VTr\L'i\i}t\<*& IfY&vb • he left the settlement before morning, and ran to the southward till three o'clock in the afternoon, snow lying on the ground. That night about sundown he forded a river, and coming to a deep dell, built a fire and passed the night by it. Noting the direction by the stars, he set out in the morning, but returned to the fire and made a second start, reaching about three in the after noon the territory later occupied by Duxbury. Keeping the water on his left he passed through the James River, found some tokens of settlers, and soon after met John Hamden, one of the messengers to Massasoit, who told Pratt of the Indian plot. The party engaged in making canoes returned to Plymouth, and the next day the Indians who had pursued Pratt from Wessagusset came to inquire for him. This messenger, missing Pratt, went on to Manomet, and was intercepted by Bradford at Plymouth on his return. " So he was locked in a chain to a staple in the court of guard, and there kept. Thus was our fort hanselled, this being the first day, as I take it, that ever any watch was kept there." 8 Writing some twelve years later, William Wood gives a description of this terri- 294 History of 1623 and that he durst stay no longer, he apprehended they (by what he observed) would be all knokt in the head shortly. This made them make the more hast, and dispatched a boate away with Capten Standish and some men, who found them in a miserable condition, out of which he rescued them, and helped them to some releef, cut of some few of the cheefe conspirators, and, according to his order, offered to bring them all hither if they thought good; and they should fare no worse then them selves, till Mr. Weston or some supplie came to them.1 Or, if any other course liked them tory which may explain how Pratt lost his way: "It being the custome of the Indians to burne the wood in November, when the grasse is withered, and leaves dryed, it con sumes all the underwood, and rubbish, which otherwise would overgrow the Countrey, making it unpassable, and spoyle their much affected hunting: so that by this meanes in those places where the Indians inhabit, there is scarce a bush or bramble, or any combersome underwood to be seene in the more champion ground. Small wood grow ing in these places where the fire could not come, is preserved. In some places where the Indians died of the Plague some fourteene yeeres agoe, is much underwood, as in the mid way betwixt Wessaguscus and Plimouth, because it hath not beene burned; certaine Rivers stopping the fire from comming to cleare that place of the countrey, hath made it unusefull and troublesome to travell thorow, in so much that it is called ragged plaine, because it teares and rents the cloathes of them that passe." New Englands Prospect, *I3. 1 The Governor, "having a double testimony, and many circumstances agreeing with the truth thereof," took the advice of the body of the company on March 23, 1622-23, being a yearly court day. The importance of the issues involved, and the necessity for secrecy, led to the entire conduct of the punitive expedition to be en trusted to Bradford, his assistant, Allerton, and Standish. The last named was to take as many men as he thought sufficient to make his party good against all the Indians in the Massachusetts, and on pretence of trade he would first visit Wessa gusset to learn the real situation, and then go to Massachusetts Bay, making sure of Wituwamat, "that bloody and bold villain before spoken of; whose head he had order to bring with him, that he might be a warning and terror to all of that disposition." Eight men were chosen for the expedition, and going to the Weston people found them scattered, unarmed, careless and oblivious of any danger. He offered them a refuge at Plymouth, or food if they decided to remain and aid in the punishment of the Indians. A native came, ostensibly to trade in furs, but really to learn what was being done, and seeing that Standish was angry, he feared their combination had been discov ered. A menacing message from one of the chiefs, Peksuot, and some bragging threats from Wituwamat, decrying Standish to his face, occupied one day, and on the next, 1623 Plimmoth Plantation 295 better, he was to doe them any helpfullnes he could. They thanked him and the rest. But most of them desired he would help them with some corne, and they would goe with their smale ship to the finding it impossible to get many of the chiefs together, Standish determined to act. Meeting four of the Indians in a room, with the same number of his own men, he "gave the word to his men, and the door being fast shut, began himself with Peksuot, and snatching his own knife from his neck, though with much struggling, killed him therewith, the point whereof he had made sharp as a needle and ground the back also to an edge. . . . But it is incredible how many wounds these two pineses received before they died, not making any fearful noise, but catching at their weapons and striving to the last." Peksuot, Wituwamat and a third Indian were killed in this room; a youth, about eighteen years of age, "which was brother to Wituwamat, and, villain-like, trod in his steps, daily putting many tricks upon the weaker sort of men," was hanged. In another place the Weston men killed two, and in a third place the Standish party killed one, permitting another to escape and so give the alarm. Three of Weston's men were with the Indians, of whom two suffered torture and death. The head of Wituwamat was brought to Plymouth, according to order, and exposed at the fort. Winslow, Good Newes, *37~45- Winslow states that this determination was made before Pratt's arrival, who came on the day after the Standish party had been selected. Pratt says the rescue party left two or three days after his coming to Plymouth, but he "being f anted was not able to goe with them." Winslow, a better authority, starts the expedition on the day after Pratt had reported the conditions of the Wessagusset party. Bradford was more full in writing in September. "We went to reskew the lives of our countrie-men, whom we thought (both by nature, and conscience) we were bound to deliver, as also to take veng[e]ance of them for their villanie entended and deter mined against us, which never did them harme, weaiting only for opertunitie to execute the same. But by the good providence of god they were taken in their owne snare, and ther wickednes came upon their owne pate; we kild seven of the cheife of them, and the head of one of them stands still on our forte for a terror unto others; they mett our men in the feild and shoat at them, but thank be to god not a man of them were hurte; neither could they hurte the Indeans with their peices, they did so shilter them selves behind great trees, only they brake the arm of a notable rogue as he was drawing his bow to shoot at Capten Standish, after which they came away." Bradford's letter of September^, 1623. Printed in American Historical Review, vin.295. The number of the combining chiefs was five, of whom the two principal were killed. The other three were powahs, known to the English, one of whom had his arm broken by a shot in an encounter with Standish. Obtakiest, sachem of the Massa chusetts, whose brother had revealed the plan (p. 292), was also involved, being drawn into it by the importunity of his people. The course pursued by the Mas- 296 History of 1623 eastward, wher hapily they might here of Mr. Weston, or some sup ply from him, seing the time of the year was for fishing ships to be [95] in the land. If not, they would worke among the fishermen for their liveing, and get ther passage into England, if they heard no- thingfrom Mr. Weston in time. So they shipped what theyhad of any worth, and he got them all the corne he could (scarce leaving to bring him home), and saw them well out of the bay, under saile at sea, and so came home, not takeing the worth of a peny of anything that was theirs.1 I have but touched these things breefly, because they have allready been published in printe more at large.2 sachusetts Indians was justified by the conduct of Weston's people. The Indians to the south of Plymouth were terrified by this summary measure, and "forsook their houses, running to and fro like men distracted, living in swamps and other desert places, and so brought manifold diseases among themselves, whereof very many are dead." They planted but little corn, and dared not come to Plymouth. Canacum, sachem of Manomet, Aspinet, sachem of Nauset, and Ianough, sachem of Mattachiest, are named by Winslow as among those who died. The treatment pro cured the desired end, and produced a wholesome fear among the Indians, who were not powerful enough to carry on such a war of revenge as did the Iroquois against the French, for the ill-timed interference of Champlain. On the justice and necessity of the act, see Adams, Three Episodes, ioo. This incident, however necessary to the preservation of the settlement, put an end to the trade in furs and corn with the Massachusetts. "We have been much endam aged in our trad, for ther wher we had most skins the Indeans are rune away from their habitations, and sett no corne, so as we can by no means as yet come to speake with them." Bradford's letter of September 8, 1623. 1 "We gave the capten ordere, if Mr. Westons people would, that he should bring them to us and we would aford them the best secoure we could, or if they chose rather to goe to Monhegin, that then if he tooke any corne from the Indeans, he should let them have to victuall them thither (which accordingly was done, though ours had scarce enoughe to bring them home againe). Yet for all this, and much more they cannot afford us a good word but reproach us behind our backes." Bradford 's letter of September 8, 1623. A part of them went to the Isles of Shoals, where Pratt says his "Company" (Weston's?) then was, and where later he joined them. How many of the Wessagusset settlement thus escaped destruction is not known. Pratt says that ten died of starvation, one dying on the vessel while going to the eastward. Three were killed by the Indians, and doubtless not a few died in the months of pri- 2 Winslow, Good Newes, *25~47- 1623 Plimmoth Plantation 297 This was the end of these that some time bosted of their strength, (being all able lustie men,) and what they would doe and bring to pass, in comparison of the people hear, who had many wo men and children and weak ones amongst them; and said at their first arivall, when they saw the wants hear, that they would take an other course, and not fall into shuch a condition, as this simple people were come too. But a mans way is not in his owne power; God can make the weake to stand; let him also that standeth take heed least he fall.1 vation. Four of this plantation were among those left by Levett in Casco Bay. 2 Maine Hist. Soc. Coll., m. 102 n. With their fishing friends, they took some retali ation upon the Indians of Massachusetts Bay, perhaps urged to it by a knowledge of the torture inflicted upon their companions who had been seized by the Indians. "When we killed your men," the Indians reported, "they cried and maed II fauored Fases." Winslow says this was the boast of Wituwamat. Good Newes,* '24. Pratt indi cates the descents made from the north. "Then we went with our ship into the Bay and took from them two Shalops Loading of Corne and of thayr men prisoners ther as [at?] a Towne of Later Time Caled Dorchester. The third and last time was in the bay of Agawam. At this Time they took for thayr casell a thick swamp. At this time on of our ablest men was shot in the sholder. Wether Any of them wear killed or wounded we could not tell." Narrative, 4 Mass. Hist. Collections, iv. 486. Pratt later became a member of the Plymouth settlement. A petition, presented by him in 1668, asking for help because of loss and suffering in the early days of the planta tion, was sold in the Drake sale, November, 1885. It is printed in 4 Mass. Hist. Collections, iv. 487. Of the Wessagusset settlement nothing remained but the deserted block house. 1 Morrell, who knew the situation of Wessagusset, and the history of Weston's plantation, drew this sound conclusion: "I conceiue that far distance of plantations produce many inconveniences and disabilities of planters, when as severall Colonies consist but of twentie, or thirtie, or about that number, which in a vast vncommanded Continent, makes them liable to many and miserable exigents, which weakens all vnion, and leaues them difficultly to be assisted against a potent or a daily enemy, and dangerously to be commanded; when as some one Bay well fortified would maintaine and inrich some thousands of persons, if it be planted with men, able, ingenious, and laborious, being well furnished with all provisions and necessaries for plantations. Besides, if one Bay be well peopled, its easily defended, surveyed, disciplined, and commanded, be the seasons never so vnseasonable, and all their Forces in few houres readie in Armes, either offensiuely to pursue, or defensiuely to subsist, convenient numbers ever at sea, and sufficient ever at home for all service, intelligence and dis coverie." New England, at end. 298 History of 1623 Shortly after, Mr. Weston came over with some of the fishermen, under another name, and the disguise of a blacke-smith,1 w[h]ere he heard of the ruine and disolution of his colony. He got a boat and with a man or • 2 • came to see how things were. But by the way, for wante of skill, in a storme, he cast away his shalop in the botome of the bay between Meremek river and Pascataquack, and hardly escaped with life,2 and afterwards fell into the hands of the Indeans, who pillaged him of all he saved from the sea, and striped him out of all his cloaths to his shirte. At last he got to Pascataquack, and borrowed a suite of cloaths, and got means to come to Plimoth. A Strang alteration ther was in him to shuch as had seen and known him in his former florishing condition; so uncertaine are the muta ble things of this unstable world. And yet men set their harts upon them, though they dayly see the vanity therof.3 After many passages, and much discourse, (former things boyl- ing in his mind, but bit in as was discernd,) so he desired to borrow i some beaver of them; and tould them he had hope of a ship and good supply to come to him, and then they should have any thing for it they stood in neede of. They gave litle credite to his supplie, 1 Being a member of the Ironmongers Company in London the "disguise" would seem appropriate, were it not that the Blacksmiths had a separate guild and hall from the Ironmongers. 2 Ipswich Bay, says Hubbard, History, 78. 3 John Robinson wrote in his New Essays, ch. xv. printed in 1625: "Whilst crafty men deceive others, they themselves, though they little consider it, are most deceived by Satan, whose instruments they are, fitted for his hand, and purposes. And what avails it the ravenous bird to devour that, which belongs not to her, if therewith, she herself be taken by the leg in the fowler's snare? Besides, even in respect of men, howsoever such wily-beguiles may for a time, if they carry close, amongst other advantages, get the opinion of prudent and politic persons, and be accounted the more wise, by how much they have the more skill to deceive; (Petrarch), yet if their crafti ness come to be found out and appear, they become often a prey to all, and always a scorn to the most simple; like the wily fox who being once caught, hath his skin plucked over his ears, wherewith every fool will have his cap furred, as a worthy lord was wont to say. (Lord Willoughby.) " 4 Bradford had first written " loan." 1623 Plimmoth Plantation 299 but pitied his case, and remembered former curtesies.1 They tould him he. saw their wants, and they knew not when they should have any supply; also how the case stood betweene them and their adven turers, he well knew; they had not much bever, and if they should let him have it, it were enoughe to make a mutinie among the peo ple, seeing ther was no other means to procure them foode which they so much wanted, and cloaths allso. Yet they tould him they would help him, considering his necessitie, but must doe it secretly for the former reasons. So they let him have -ioo- beaver-skins, which waighed 170 li. odd pounds. Thus they helpt him when all the world faild him, and with this means he went againe to the ships, and stayed his small ship and some of his men, and bought provissions and fited him selfe; and it was the only foundation [96] of his after course. But he requited them ill, for he proved after a bitter enimie unto them upon all occasions, and never repayed them anything for it, to this day, but reproches and evill words. Yea, he divolged it to some that were none of their best freinds, whilst he yet had the beaver in his boat; that he could now set them all- togeather by the ears, because they had done more then they could answer, in letting him have this beaver, and he did not spare to doe what he could. But his malice could not prevaile. All this whille no supply was heard of, neither knew they when they might expecte any. So they begane to thinke how they might raise as much corne as they could, and obtaine a beter crope then they had done, that they might not still thus languish in miserie.2 1 See p. 271, supra. 2 Cushman, in December, i62i,had taught in his sermon at New Plymouth, "Even so men blow the bellows hard, when they have an iron of their own a heating, work hard whilst their own house is in building, dig hard whilst their own garden is in planting, but is it so as the profit must go wholly or partly to others; their hands wax feeble, their hearts wax faint, they grow churlish, and give cross answers, like Naball, they are sour, discontent, and nothing will please them. . . . Let there be no prodigal person to come forth and say, Give me the portion of lands and goods that appertain ed to me, and let me shift for myself; Luke 15. 12. It is yet too soon to put men to their shifts; Israel was seven years in Canaan, before the land was divided into tribes, 300 History of 1623 At length, after much debate of things, the Gov[erno]r (with the advise of the cheefest amongest them) gave way that they should set corne every man for his owne perticuler, and in that regard trust to them selves; in all other things to goe on in the generall way as before.1 And so assigned to every family a parcell of land, accord ing to the proportion of their number for that end, only for present use (but made no devission for inheritance),2 and ranged all boys and youth under some familie. This had very good success; for it made all hands very industrious, so as much more corne was planted then other waise would have bene by any means the Gov- [erno]r or any other could use, and saved him a great deall of trou ble, and gave farr better contente.3 The women now wente willingly much longer before it was divided unto families; and why wouldst thou have thy particular portion, but because thou thinkest to live better than thy neighbor, and scornest to live so meanly as he? but who, I pray thee, brought this particularizing first into the world? Did not Satan, who was not content to keep that equal state with his fellows, but would set his throne above the stars?" 1 The determination to alter the manner of using the land was taken in the month of April, at the time of corn planting. The settlers had little but the corn required for seed, and considered "that self-love wherewith every man, in a measure more or less, loveth and preferreth his own good before his neighbour's, and also the base disposi tion of some drones, that, as at other times, so now especially would be most burdenous to the rest; it was therefore thought best that every man should use the best diligence he could for his own preservation." Winslow, Good Newes, *48. Some of the passengers who had come in the Fortune may also have been an important influence in leading to the change. They were not bound by the "compact," nor in religious or other sym pathy with the original settlers. The division was by lot, for obvious reasons, con nected with the quality of the soil, etc. For further modifications of the system of land holding, see p. 372, infra. 2 In the second division, that of 1627, it was agreed "That the first division of the acres should stand and continue f[irme according] to the former division made unto the possessors thereof and to their heires forever. " Plymouth Col. Rec, xi. 4. In 1636 it was "enacted by the Court and the Authoritie thereof That Inheritances shall decend according to the comendable Custom tenure and hold of east greenwich." lb. 187. This was the form in the first charter of Virginia, "as of our Manor of East- Greenwich, in the County of Kent, in free and common Soccage only, and not in Capite." 3 The success was not reflected in the yield of the crops. Planting began in April 1 623 Plimmoth Plantation 301 into the feild, and tooke their litle-ones with them to set corne, which before would aledg weaknes, and inabilitie; whom to have compelled would have bene thought great tiranie and oppression.1 The experience that was had in this commone course and condi tion, tried sundrie years, and that amongst godly and sober men, may well evince they [the] vanitie of that conceite of Platos and other ancients,2 applauded by some of later times; that the taking. and the season continued fair till the latter end of May, when a severe drought set in. For six weeks they were almost without rain, " so that the stalk of [corn] that was first set began to send forth the ear, before it came to half growth, and that which was later, not like to yield any at all, both blade and stalk hanging the head, and changing the color in such manner, as we judged it utterly dead. Our beans also ran up according to their wonted manner, but stood at a stay, many being parched away, as though they had been scorched before the fire." Winslow, Good Newes, *49. 1 The Virginian experiment in common developed one danger that threatened its continuance: "When our people were fed out of the common store, and labored jointly together, glad was he who could slip from his labor or slumber over his task he cared not how, nay, the most honest among them would hardly take so much pains in a week, as now they themselves will do in a day: neither cared they for the increase, presuming that howsoever the harvest prospered, the general store must maintain them." Ralph Hamor, in Purchas, Pilgrimes, iv. 1766. About 1614 the advisability of allotting to each man a "private garden" was considered, but the plan did not meet with acceptance, and a number of allotments of three acres each were made to leasing farmers, who should pay an annual rent of two and one-half barrels of corn into the common store for each male worker. These farmers gave only one month's labor a year for the community, and that labor was not to be given in seed-time or in harvest. Smith may have had this experiment in a common stock in mind when he advised the new plantations not to stand "too much upon the letting, setting, or selling those wild Countries, nor impose too much upon the commonalty either by your magga- zines, which commonly eat out all poore mens labours, nor any other too hard impo sition for present gaine; but let every man so it bee by order allotted him, plant freely without limitation so much as hee can, be it by the halfes orotherwayes: And at the end of five or six yeares, or when you make a division, for every acre he hath planted, let him have twenty, thirty, forty, or an hundred; or as you finde hee hath extraordinarily deserved, by it selfe to him and his heires for ever; all his charges being defrayed to his lord or master, and publike good." Advertisements for the Unex perienced Planters, *2$. 2 "The communism upon which Plato has based his ideal polity seems to have 302 History of 1623 away of propertie, and bringing in communitie into a comone wealth, would make them happy and florishing; as if they were wiser then God. For this comunitie (so farr as it was) was found to breed much confusion and discontent, and retard much imployment that would have been to their benefite and comforte. For the yong-men that were most able and fitte for labour and service did repine that they should spend their time and streingth to worke for other mens wives and children, with out any recompence. The strong, or man of parts, had no more in devission of victails and cloaths, then he that was weake and not able to doe a quarter the other could; this was thought injuestice. The aged and graver men to be ranked and [97] equalised in labours, and victails, cloaths, etc., with the meaner and yonger sorte, thought it some indignite and disrespect unto them. And for mens wives to be commanded to doe servise for other men, as dresing their meate, washing their cloaths, etc., they deemd it a kind of slaverie, neither could many husbands well brooke it. Upon the poynte all being to have alike, and all to doe alike, they thought them selves in the like condition, and one as good as another; and so, if it did not cut of those relations that God hath set amongest men, yet it did at least much diminish and take been suggested by his desire for the unity of the state. If those two small pestilent words 'meum' and 'tuum,' which have engendered so much strife among men and created so much mischief in the world, could be banished from the lips and thoughts of mankind, the dream of the philosopher would soon be realized. The citizens would have parents, wives, children, and property in common; they would rejoice in each other's prosperity and sorrow at each other's misfortune; they would call their rulers, not 'lords' and 'masters,' but 'friends' and 'saviours.' Plato was aware that such a conception could hardly be carried out in this world; and he evades or adjourns rather than solves the difficulty by the assertion of the famous 'paradox' that only when the philosopher rules in the city will the ills of human life find an end. In the Critias, where the ideal state, as Plato himself intimates to us, is to some extent reproduced in an imaginary description of ancient Attica, property is common, but there is no mention of a community of wives and children. Finally in the Laws Plato, while still maintaining the blessings of communism, recognizes the impossibility of its realization, and sets about the construction of a 'second-best state' in which the rights of property are conceded." Jowett, Dialogues of Plato, v. 390. 1623 Plimmoth Plantation 303 of the mutuall respects that should be preserved amongst them. And would have bene worse if they had been men of another condi tion. Let none objecte this is men's corruption, and nothing to the course it selfe. I answer, seeing all men have this corruption in them, God in his wisdome saw another course fiter for them. But to returne. After this course setled, and by that their corne was planted, all ther victails were spente, and they were only to rest on Gods providence; at night not many times knowing wher to have a bitt of anything the next day. And so, as one well observed, had need to pray that God would give them their dayly brade, above all people in the world. Yet they bore these wants with great patience and allacritie of spirite, and that for so long a time as for the most parte of -2- years; which makes me re member what Peter Martire writes, (in magnifying the Spaniards) in his -5 -Decade,1 pag. 208. " They (saith he) led a miserable life for • 5 • days togeather, with the parched graine of maize only, and that not to saturitie; and then concludes, that shuch pains, shuch labours, and shuch hunger, he thought none living which is not a Spaniard could have endured." But alass ! these, when they had maize (that is, Indean corne) they thought it as good as a feast, and wanted not only for • 5 • days togeather, but some time • 2 • or • 3- months togeather, and neither had bread nor any kind of corne. Indeed, in an other place, in his • 2 - Decade, page 94, he mentions how others of them were worse put to it, wher they were faine to eate doggs, toads, and dead men, and so dyed almost all. From these extremities they 1 The full title of this work is: "De Nouo Orbe, or The Historie of the West Indies Contayning the actes and aduentures of the Spanyards, which haue conquered and peopled those countries, inriched with a varietie of pleasant relation of the Manners, Ceremonies, Lawes, Gouernments, and Warres of the Indians. Comprised in eight Decades. Written by Peter Martyr a Millanoise of Angleria, Chiefe Secretary to the Emperour Charles the fift, and of his Priuie Councell. Whereof three, haue beene for merly translated into English, by R. Eden, whereunto the other fiue, are newly added by the Industrie and painefull Trauaile of M. Lok, Gent. London, Printed for Thomas Adams. 1612." A sketch of Michael Lok's career is in the Dictionary of National Biography. 304 History of 1623 [the] Lord in his goodnes kept these his people, and in their great wants preserved both their lives and healthes; let his name have the praise. Yet let me hear make use of his conclusion, which in some sorte may be applied to this people: " That with their miseries they oppened a way to these new-lands; and after these stormes, with what ease other men came to inhabite in them, in respecte of the calamities these men suffered ; so as they seeme to goe to a bride f easte wher all things are provided for them." They haveing but one boat left and she not over well fitted, they were devided into severall companies, -6- or -7- to a gangg or com pany, and so wente out with a nett they had bought, to take bass and shuch like fish, by course, every company knowing their turne.1 No sooner was the boate dis[98]charged of what she brought, but the next company tooke her and wente out with her. Neither did they returne till they had cauight something, though it were ¦ 5 • or • 6 • days before, for they knew ther was nothing at home, and to goe home emptie would be a great discouragemente to the rest. Yea, they strive who would doe best. If she stayed longe or got litle, then all wente to seeking of shelfish, which at low-water they digged out of the sands.2 And this was their living in the sommer time, till 1 Hubbard states of this single boat: "for that year [1623] it helped them for to improve a net where with they took a multitude of bass, which was their livelihood all that summer. It is a fish not much inferior to a salmon, that comes upon the coast every summer, pressing into most of the great creeks every tide. Few countries have such an advantage. Sometimes fifteen hundred of them have been stopped in a creek, and taken in one tide." History, 80. Yet the bass fisheries never offered a profitable venture for the European markets. Smith writes of this year, "it is true, at first there hath beene taken a thousand Bayses at a draught, and more than twelve hogsheads of Herrings in a night, of other fish when and what they would, when they had meanes; but wanting most necessaries for fishing and fowling, it is a wonder how they could subsist, fortifie themselves, resist their enemies, and plant their plants." Advertisements for the Un experienced Planters, *ij. 2 Four years later De Rasiere relates that Plymouth Bay "is very full of fish [chiefly] of cod, so that the Governor before named [Bradford?] has told me that when the people have a desire for fish, they send out two or three persons in a sloop, whom 1623 Plimmoth Plantation 305 God sente them beter; and in winter they were helped with ground nuts and foule. Also in the sommer they gott now and then a dear; for one or • 2 • of the fitest was apoynted to range the woods for that end, and what was gott that way was devided amongst them. At length they received some leters from the adventure[r]s, too long and tedious hearto record, by which they heard of their further crosses and frustrations ; begining in this maner. Loving freinds, As your sorrows and afflictions have bin great, so our croses and interceptions in our proceedings hear, have not been small. For after we had with much trouble and charge sente the Parra- gon away to sea, and thought all the paine past, within • 14 • days after she came againe hither, being dangerously leaked, and brused with tempestious stormes, so as shee was faine to be had into the docke, and an 100 li. bestowed upon her.1 All the passengers lying upon our charg or -6- or -7 -weeks, and much discontent and distemper was occasioned hereby, so as some dangerous evente had like to insewed. But we trust all shall be well and worke for the best and your benefite, if yet with patience you can waite, and but have strength to hold in life. Whilst these things were doing, Mr. Westons ship 2 came and brought diverce they remunerate for their trouble, and who bring them in three or four hours time as much fish as the whole community require for a whole day — and they muster about fifty families." New York Hist. Soc. Coll., 2 Ser., n. 351. 1 Smith notes that "this 16th of October [1622] is going the Paragon with 67 per sons and all this is done by priuat mens purses." New Englands Trials, C. 4. In his Generall Historic, *2^6, he says, "The Paragon with thirty seven men, sent to releeve them, miscarried twice." The sum of the two figures will approach that given in the text. Winslow intimates that the Paragon started a third time, and was wrecked; but he evidently wrote on a rumor, for he later expressly speaks of the safe, though dangerous, return into England of this third venture. Good Newes, *49, 50. Bradford (p. 312, infra) also speaks of a ship of which he fears the loss, but gives no name. It must have been in one of those false starts of the Paragon that John Peirce took passage for New England (p. 308, infra), an experience he did not repeat. Smith makes the " seven and thirty passengers miscarrying twice upon the coast of England," land in New England — clearly a reference to the Anne and Little James. Adver tisements for the Unexperienced Planters, *\f. 2 The Charity, which, according to Winslow, had left the plantation "in the end of September or the beginning of October," 1622. 306 History of 1623 leters from you, etc. It rejoyseth us much to hear of those good reports that diverce have brought home from you, etc. These letters were dated Des. 21 : 1622.1 So farr of this leter. This ship was bought by Mr. John Peirce, and set out at his owne charge, upon hope of great maters. These passengers, and the goods the company sent in her, he tooke in for fraught, for which they agreed with him to be delivered hear. This was he in whose name their first patente was taken, by reason of aquaintance and some aliance that some of their freinds had with him. But his name was only used in trust. But when he saw they were hear hopfully thus seated, and by the success God gave them had ob tained the favour of the Counsell of New-England, he goes and sues to them for another patent of much larger extente (in their names), which was easily obtained. But he mente to keep it to him selfe and alow them what he pleased, to hold of him as tenants, and sue to his courts as cheefe Lord, as will appear by that which fol lows.2 But the Lord marvelously crost him; for after this first re- 1 This is written in the margin. 2 On June I, 1621, the council for New England granted a charter to John Peirce and his associates, the associates being the Pilgrims then at New Plymouth. Peirce, "whose name we onely made use of and whose Associates we were" (Plymouth Col. Rec, xi. 21), without the knowledge or consent of his Associates, obtained April 20, 1622, and apparently for his own benefit, a new grant, superceding that of 1621. "It further appeared that that upon the xxth day of Aprill, 1622, Mr- Jo: Peirce granted Letters of Associacon unto the said Adventurers, whereby hee made them jointly interrested with him in the Lands granted by the abovesaid Indentures. More-^ over it appeared that upon the said xxth day of April, 1622, after the said Mr. Peirce had interrested the said Adventurers in the Lands past unto him by the said Indenture, that hee yieldd and surrendred upp the said Indenture and Received upp the Counterpart thereof, And tooke a pattent or Deed pole [a deed made and exe cuted by one party only] of the said Lands to himselfe, his Heires, Associates, and Assignes for ever, bearing date the xxth of Aprill, 1622, with which Surrender and new Grant the Adventurers affirmed that they were not privy unto, And therefore conceived themselves deceaved by Mr. Peirce, which was the cause of their Com plaint." The Council ordered that the Associates "are left free to hold the privi- 1623 Plimmoth Plantation 307 turne, and the charge above mentioned, when shee was againe fitted he pesters him selfe and takes in more passengers, and those not very good to help to bear his losses, and sets out the • 2 • time. But [99] ledges by the said former grant of the first of June [1621], as if the later had never bin, And they the said Associates to receive and enjoy all that they doe or may possesse by vertue thereof. And the Surplus that is to remaine over and above, by reason of the later grant, the said Peirce to enjoy, and to make his best benefitt of, as to him shall seeme good." Thereupon James Sherley, as treasurer to the said Adventurers of New Plymouth, asked that a new patent should be issued, covering as much as had been granted to Peirce by that of June 1, 1621. Records of the Council for New England, 91. Of John Peirce little is known, beyond the fact that his being "citizen and cloth- worker of London." He intended to make the voyage to New England, but it is quite certain he never came over. He had a connection with Weston, either at this time or later, and that would not make him very friendly to the Plantation when troubles came upon him. "Mr. John Pearce wrote he would make a parliamentary matter about our grand patent. I pray you wish our friends to look to it, for I mistrust him. I perceive there passeth intelligence between Mr. Weston and him, by means of Mr. Hix." Bradford to Cushman, June 9, 1625. Bradford Letter Book, 37. The first letter in Mourt signed "R. G." was written to Peirce. Hix may be Robert Hicks, mentioned on p. 316, infra. This is undoubtedly the John Peirce who became interested in the Virginia Com pany, and in February, 1619-20, received a grant of land in Virginia, for himself and his associates. It was proposed to entrust to this party some of the children sup plied by the city of London for transportation to America, but the proposition failed, " first because they [Peirce and Associates] intend not to goe this two or three moneths and then after there arryvall wil be long in settlinge themselves, as allso that the Indians are not acquainted with them, and so they may stay four or five years before they have account that any good is donne." The later application by Peirce to Gorges led to a withdrawal of the patent obtained from the Virginia Company. Records of the Virginia Company, 1. 299, 303, 311, 515. His brother, Abraham Peirce, was Cape Merchant in Virginia, and conducted his business in such a way as to give the company much trouble, and involve an interference by the Privy Council. John claimed to have been drawn into the Virginia venture by his brother. Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial, 1. 132, 189; Records of the Virginia Company, index. "And of deeds there be two sorts, deeds indented and deeds pool. Which diuision, as M. West, saith, parte i, Simbol[eography], lib. 1 . sect. 46. groweth from the forme or fashion of them; the one being cut to the fashion of teeth in the toppe or side, the other being plaine. ... A polled deede, is a deede testefying, that onely the one of the parties to the bargaine hath put his seale, thereunto, after the maner there by him described." Cowell, The Interpreter (1607), Deedes. 308 History of 1623 what the event was will appear from another leter from one of the cheefe of the company, dated the -9- of Aprill, 1623. writ to the Gov[erno]r hear, as followeth. Loving freind, When I write my last leter, I hoped to have re ceived one from you well-nigh by this time. But when I write in Des- [cember] I litle thought to have seen Mr. John Peirce till he had brought some good tidings from you. But it pleased God, he brought us the wofull tidings of his returne when he was half way over, by ex- traime tempest, werin the goodnes and mercie of God appeared in sparing their lives, being • 109 • souls. The loss is so great to Mr. Peirce, etc., and the companie put upon so great charge, as veryly, etc. Now with great trouble and loss, we have got Mr. John Peirce to assigne over the grand patente to the companie,1 which he had taken in his owne name, and made quite voyd our former grante.2 I am sorie to writ how many hear thinke that the hand of God was justly against him, both the first and • 2 • time of his returne; in regard he, whom you and we so confidently trusted, butonly to use his name for the company, should aspire to be lord over us all, and so make you and us tenants at his' will and pleasure, our assurance or patente being quite voyd and disanuled by his means. I desire to judg charitably of him. But his unwillingnes to part with his royall Lordship, and the high-rate he set it at, which was 500/1. which cost him but 50/i., makes many speake and judg hardly of him. The company are out for goods in his ship, with charge aboute the passengers, 640/1'., etc. 1 " By this Company seems to be meant the Adventurers to Plymouth Colony." Prince, i. 136. 2 Bradford appears to have first learned of the terms of this patent of Peirce through David Thomson. "About that grand patent which we understand you have gott from Mr. Peirce, which if it be as we have it is by Mr. Thomsons relation, but to goe by a right line from the Gurnatsnose due west into the land a certain way, and no furder north-ward, it will stripe us of the best part of the bay, which will be most com modious for us, and better than all the rest; therefore seeing now is the time to helpe these things we thought it were then necessarie to send aboute the former patente for Cape Anne ; we desire it may be procured with as ample privileges as it may, and not to be simplie confined to that place, but in our liberty to take any other, if we like it better." Bradford's letter of September 8, 1623. See p. 358, infra. 1623 Plimmoth Plantation 309 We have agreed with -2- marchants for a ship of -I40- tunes, caled the Anne, which is to be ready the last of this month, to bring -60' pas sengers and -6o- tune of goods, etc. This was dated Aprill -g- 1623. These were ther owne words and judgmente of this mans dealing and proceedings; for I thought it more meete to render them in theirs then my ownewords. And yet though ther was never gotother recompence then the resignation of this patente, and the shares he had in adventure, for all the former great sumes, he was never quiet, but sued them in most of the cheefe courts in England, and when he was still cast, brought it to the Parlemente.1 But he is now dead, and I will leave him to the Lord. This ship suffered the greatest extreemitie at sea at her • 2 • re turne, that one shall lightly hear of, to be saved; as I have been in formed by Mr. William Peirce 2 who was then m[aste]r of her, and many others that were passengers in her.3 It was aboute the midle 1 Fletcher speaks of the "feigned and perfidious dealings of Mr. John Peirce to wards me, and others, who now hath manifest himself, at least to some, not to mind that good for you, or us, as was fit, and oft pretended." To Bradford and others, November 25, 1625. Bradford Letter Book, 39. 2 The name of no sea-captain occurs so frequently in the earliest years of New England history as that of WiUiam Peirce, and always with good report. Bradford, after first meeting him in the summer of 1623, said he "hath used our passengers s^~^jyy£i^^2&&*^:K-&4fe. %r._QL well, and dealt very honestly with us," and again, as a man " as we perceive very skillful and diligent in his bussines, and a very honest man, whose imployments may doe us much good; and if you resolve, as we ernisly desire you may, of any course aboute fishing we think he is as fite an Instrument as you can use." Bradford's letter of September 8, 1623. 3 John Peirce had trouble with his passengers after his return over the cost of trans portation. One Hopkins claimed that he had paid Peirce for the passage of himself and two persons more, with their goods. Peirce acknowledged this, "but allegeth that, by reason of his unfortunate return, the rest of the passengers that went upon the like conditions, had been contented to allow 40/. a person towards his loss; and there- 310 History of 1623 of Feb[ruary\. The storme was for the most parte of ¦ 14- days, but for- 2- or ¦ 3 • days and nights togeather in most violente extremitie. After they had cut downe their mast, the storme beat of their round house and all their uper works; -3- men had worke enough at the helme, and he that cund1 the ship before the sea, was faine[ioo] to be bound fast for washing away; the seas did so over-rake them, as many times those upon the decke knew not whether they were within bord or withoute; and once she was so foundered in the sea as they all thought she would never rise againe. But yet the Lord preserved them, and brought them at last safe to Ports-mouth, to the wonder of all men that saw in what a case she was in, and heard what they had endured. About the later end of June came in a ship,2 with Captaine fore desireth that Master Hopkins may do the like. Which Master Hopkins, at length, agreed unto; so as Master Peirce and his Associates will accept £6, for three pas sengers, out of [the] £20 his Adventure which he hath in their Joint Stock. And there fore they both pray that the Council will be pleased to write to the Associates, to accept thereof. Which they were pleased to do." Records of the Council for New England, May 5/15, 1623. A sequel to this controversy is to be found in Bradford's letter of September 8, 1623 : "About Hobkins and his men we are come to this isew. The men we retaine in the generall according to his resignation and equietie of the thinge. And about that recconinge of -20- ode pounds, we have brought it to this pass, he to is have -6H • payed by you ther, and the rest to be quite; it is for nails and shuch other things as we have had of his brother [Stephen] here for the companies use, and upon promise of paymente by us, we desire you will accordingly doe it." 1 Con means to direct the steering of a ship from some commanding position on shipboard. According to Captain John Smith (Accidence, 1), the "maister is to see to the cunning the Ship," but the under officers, like the quarter-master, also performed that duty. Phillips, World of Words, defines it, "to conduct or guide a ship in the right course, for he that conns stands aloft with a compass before him, and gives the word of direction to the man at the helm how to steer." Deane suggests that "he that cund" the Paragon was probably not "aloft." 2 This ship, called the Plantation, was doubtless the new vessel under construction at Whitby in the county of York, in November, 1622, "for and to the use of the said Adventurers," viz. [Ludovick Stuart] Duke of Lenox, £160; [Thomas Howard] Earl of Arundell, £160; Lord [Edward] Gorges, £150; Sir Ferdinando Gorges, £160; Sir Samuel Argall, £180; Dr. Barnabas Goche, £150; Dr. Matthew Sutcliffe, £100; and Captain Robert Gorges, £160. These subscriptions, if they were paid, together with 1623 Plimmoth Plantation 311 Francis West, who had a comission to be admirall of New-Eng land, to restraine interlopers, and shuch fishing ships as came to fish and trade without a licence from the Counsell of New-England, for which they should pay a round sume of money.1 But he could an additional contribution of £50, placed by Treasurer Gooche, made a total of £ 1 270. Among the items noted were "Sayles, a single suite at \\d. per p[oun]d, will amount to £130; Cables and Rigging at £400; Anchors, at £110." Records of the Council for New England, 75, 76. 1 Francis West, a brother of Lord Delaware, went to Virginia in 1608, and became a leading character in that colony. In 161 7 he received a commission as master of ordnance during life, and on November 2, 1622, a commission to Captain Francis West was "ordered" to be engrossed, and after wards sealed. Six days later it was agreed that there shall bee a Commission granted to Captain Francis West to go to New England, Captain of the ship called the Plantation and admiral for that coast "dureing this Voyage." Captain Thomas Squibb was at the same time named " to bee ayding and Assisting to the Admirall," but more specifi cally to "discover, survey," and take possession of Mount Mansell, in behalf of Sir Robert Mansell, who had paid for his share in the adventure by a note of hand. The commission was sealed November 30, and his instructions were prepared by Sir Ferdinando Gorges. Records of the Council for New England, 68, 69, 76. He went out to act under the Royal Proclamation of November 6, 1622, prohibiting inter loping and disorderly Trading to New England in America. Hazard, 1. 151. On January 15, 1622-23, it was proposed to elect Sir Samuel Argall "Admirall of New England," but no action is recorded. At home the proclamation was sent out by the Council accompanied by a letter, prepared by Sir Ferdinando, stating " that it is not the Councells meaning to stay or hinder any from goeing to New England, in fishing voyages, soe as they will conforme themselves " to the orders of the council. These orders, adopted November 16, 1622, were: that a certain number pi men, proportioned to the size of the ship, should be taken out and left in New England, victualled for two months, and equipped with sufficient provision of hooks, lines and leads; and that there should be no barter or trade with the natives, or supplying them with any victuals, or furniture of war. Smith broadly hints that the proclamation hindered the settlement of tne coast of New England. "Thus whereas this Country, as the contrivers of those projects, should have planted it selfe of it selfe, especially all the chiefe parts along the coast the first yeare, as they have oft told me, and chiefly by the fishing ships and some small helpe of their owne, thinking men would be glad upon any termes to be admitted under their protections : but it proved so contrary, none would goe at all. So for f eare to 312 Plimmoth Plantation 1623 doe no good of them, for they were to stronge for him, and he found the fisher men to be stuberne fellows. And their owners, upon com- plainte made to the Parlemente, procured an order that fishing should be free.1 He tould the Gov[erno]r they spooke with a ship at sea, and were abord her, that was coming for this plantation, in which were sundrie passengers, and they marvelled she was not arrived, fearing some miscariage; for they lost her in a storme that fell shortly after they had been abord. Which relation filled them full of fear, yet mixed with hope. The m[aste]r of this ship had some • 2 • Hi of pease to sell, but seeing their wants, held them at gli. sterling a hoggshead, and under 8li. he would not take, and yet would have beaver at an under rate. But they tould him they had make a contempt against the Proclamation it hath ever since beene little frequented to any purpose, nor would they doe any thing but left it to it selfe." Thus it stood until the going of the Winthrop party. Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters, *22. The plan of leaving a part of the fishing crew as settlers was the same as that of the Dorchester company. See p. 360. 1 Having obtained its charter the company turned to raising money for its conduct, and by two methods. The first was by a voluntary contribution of £100 from each patentee; the other was by an easy ransoming or license for privileges to fish or to trade upon the coast. The purpose expressed was to introduce a regular proceeding or uniformity, under joint stock ventures, for that promiscuous and disjointed trading which had inflicted heavy losses upon all and threatened to keep the undertaking in a demoralized condition. The raising of the question of a patent in Parliament and the issue of letters by the Lords of Council giving notice of the grant and warning interlopers, excited the opposition of the western cities and towns. " The most fac tious of every place, presently combined themselves to follow the business in Parlia ment, where they presumed to prove the same to be a monopoly, and much tending to the prejudice of the common good. But that there should be a conformity in trade, or a course taken to prevent the evils that were likely to ensue, or to appropriate possessions, or lands, after a generous manner, in remote parts of the world, to certain publick persons, of the common wealth, for the taking care, and spending their time and means how to advance the enlargement of their country, the honour of their king, and glory of their God; these were thought crimes worthy the taking notice of, and the principal actors in this kind must be first traduced in private, then publickly called upon in Parliament, to answer such other scandals as could by malice be invented." The agitation was sufficient to hinder the Council for New England "from the hopes we had this yeare, to giue some life extraordinarily to those affaires." W By the King. q A Proclamation prohibiting interloping and diforderly trading to Njra>Englandm sAmerica. S it hath euer Beene held a principall Office of ChriAianKings,to fec&ebpan pious meanes tDe abuancement of CD;uKan JSelfgton i fot&e eonaoeratlon tDereof , DatD beene a fpetiau mo tine bnto 3»s. from time to nnte.as often as taareDatDreqmceb,tofnttOer.bptf>ncStopaUaat!)o;itp, tDe soob DtfpoCtion of anp of Due ttell affect eb Smbirets, tftat Dane a toill to attempt tDe bifcouerfng ano planting (n anp parts oftDenaojlb, as pet fauageanb tonpeOetTcbbp tlje Subiects of anp «r.D«Otani&;inteo;S>tate. 2mb nott) fo; tDat.bp nantement of bis giojtp, iDar Crovon, ano & rate, bp teafon of Dot grant Deeretofo;e maoe to tDe Counfcll fo; tDe managing of tDe affaires of New England in America, being in bicabtD fromfojtpbtgreesofi!3o;tDcrlpla«» robe from tlje CawnotMail ltne,to fo;tp cfgDt Degrees oftfje (apb iHon De tip latftubr, anb in lengt D bp ail tDe bjenotb. af o;efapb, tDo;ou>ont tlje maine lanb from Sea to S>ea ( roe cannot bnt continue ©nc Senallrefpecr anb fauour tmto them in tljcir enbeuours , anb ejeerctfe ©nr ffiopail autDotftp agafnft e fjinberers tDereof. naDctefo;e, bailing rcccmeb tcrtame tniMmatton of manp anb intolerable abufesofferebbpfnnb;pinteclopers,irrcgniaranbbifobcbicntperfons,tDatreeaingp;(ntipallptDeic »;efent ano pjiuatc p;o6rs, Dane not onlp impcacljeb fome of tDe planters trjece,oftbctc laitofull pof- (effions, but alfo taaen from them trjrit- timber itoitljont gining anp fattf faction , as in mince t Dtp ougljt to Ijaue bone : anb not t in rciuu ij con ten ten, Ijaue rmeb tbDole tboobs to tlje totter mine of tDe fame foi cuec after -. as alfo.bp tailing of tDcir baiiatt in tljc Darbo;s of fome of tDeir pianos, Dane al< mod maoe tljembnferuitcablc: aiib petnotfocontcnteD,bptDeirpiomirrooustrabtng,arn>tll«Pars riners as Rafters tbttD tlje Manages , Dane ouertD;otbne tDe traoe anbtommme tljat befo;c was Dao,to tDe great pjoftt of tDe iSiantets.ano OiljitD Qiere inbecb their p;intipali Dopesfo; tDeaonantt* mentof that plantation.nertbmo tljc commobifiestDat coaBaffoibsof gifting :/3eitDcrDeerU)itD fattffteo, but as if tljep refoluebto omftnotDingtDatmigDtbeimpiousanb intolerable, tDepbibnot f ojbeare to barter atbap to tlje £>auagcs, £>too;bs, pittes, ©af sets, f ouMtngpecces.flpaitD.taoft* Uer,SDot,anootDerttiarli&tU)eapons,anbteaiDtDem tDe bfetljcrtotnot onlp totDttronmepjefaii puniujmentcbiuers of tDem being njo;tlpafter flam bptDefamedanages,U)DomtDtp Dab fo taught, anb JbltD tDe fame weapons itoDicD tDepDabfurnifbeb tbemtbltDain bnt alfo to tDe Dajarb of tDe lines of Dor goob fubiects alreabp planteb tljcce. ano (afrautD as in tljem lap) to tDe mabing of tDe Xbfjole attempt it felf e (Ijou) pious anb tjopefnll foeuer)fruQrate. o; fo mntD tDe nto;e Difficult, we. fo;refo;mationanbp;enentton of tDefe o; tDe Use cutis thereafter, anb fo; tDe mo;e clears betuv cation ot our Btngip rcfolutlonatibluQ intents. botD tomatntapne ©ut Kopaii grant alreabp tnabe, anb to topDolb ano entourage bp ailtbapes anb meanes tDe ttoouDp oifpoftttons of tDe bnber- tatters of tDofe oefignes, Dane tDougljt fit, anb boe Deerbp Qrattlp tDarge anb tommanb, XDat none of ante Subletts Djljatfoener,(not aouentnrers,3lnDabito;s o; planters m New England) p;efume from Dentefoo«D to frequent tDofe CoaOS, to traoe o; traffique HMD tDofe people , o; to intermeble in tDe ojooqcs o; freeDolb of anp tDe planters 01 JnDabitants (otDtrttoife tDtn bp tDe licence of tDe bpbCounfell, o;atcotb(ngto tDeoflersettabllujeb bpm>nr0;tup€ounfell fo; tDe rcleefe o;eaftof CDefranfpo;tatfonof tDeColonp in Virginia) ppon paine of ©ntDigbinbignatlon, anDtDecon&Tcart* on,penaltiesanbfo;fettntesin ®uefapb mopali grant rrp;eu*eb : iLeaumg it neuertpelcffe, in tDe meatK«me,totDebtfcretfonoftDefapbConnuHfo;NewEn^bersatto;oingtotDefame.erpetiaiip,feeingi«BefinbetDe armes of tDefapoeotmfeUtobeeopentoire- etluclntotUat plantation anp of £>nr loumg Smbietts, »Do are IbiUing to lopnt »ftg tnem tntpe tDarge, ano participate in tDe p;ofits tDereof. Giuenat Our Courtat Theobalds.the Cxt day ofNouemter, fa theyeefec-f Our Ra'gneofEngIand,Franct^al lrcland,the twentieth, and of Scotland the fixe and fiftieth. (Jodjauetbc Kjng. Imprinted at London by Bonham Norton and lohn Bill, Printers to the KnymoflBxttkitMiitflie. M.DGXXII 314 Plimmoth Plantation 1623 lived so long with out, and would doe still, rather then give so unreasonably. So they went from hence to Virginia. About • 14- days after came in this ship, caled the Anne, wherof Mr. William Peirce was m[aste]r, and aboute a weeke or • io- days after came in the pinass which in foule weather they lost at sea, a fine new vessell of about -44- tune, which the company had builte to stay in the cuntrie.1 They brought about -6o- persons for the 1 The Little James, John Bridge, master. The Council for New England, January 21, 1622-23, appointed Emanuel Altham to be "captain in the new pinnace built for Mr. Peirces plantation." One Samuel Althem, captain of the Little James, also under the "adventurers for Mr. Peirce's plantation," is mentioned in the Records for Feb ruary 25, 1622-23, and is the same person. Captain John Smith, in his Generall His toric, 239, gives the name Altom. This pinnace may have been the first of the vessels "of good burden and extraordinary Mould," designed to be built by the Council for New England, to lie upon the coast for the defense of merchants and fishermen em ployed there, and "also to waft the fleets as they go to and from their markets." Yet in the Briefe Rdation,*2S, the announcement was made that " we purpose from hence forth to build our shipping there [New England], where wee find all commodities fit for that seruice, together with the most opportune places that can bee desired." The Popham colonists had, in 1607, built a pinnace, the Virginia, which brought some of them back to England. Before sailing, the adventurers for Peirce's plantation petitioned the Council that "in consideracon of many crosses and Losses [Bradford uses the same words in his letter of September 8, 1623, infra] by them lately sustayned they might have to them selves the Moyety (formerly reserved unto the Councell) all such prizes as they should seize and Lawfully take upon the Coasts of New England, as by the position and Lycence appeareth." This power, easily capable of abuse, was granted and proved a source of much trouble, as will appear. A like power was given on the same day to the ship Catharine, of 1 80 tons, belonging to Edward Lord Gorges, and having Thomas Squib, as captain, and Joseph Stratton, as Master. Council for New England, 79, 88. These "crosses and Losses" were in part the reported staying at Norwich, by the Mayor and his officers, of certain barrels of meal intended for the relief of the Planters in New England, and the impressing for his Majesty's service of some of the persons going in the Little James, by the Marshal of the Admiralty. "The Marshall Answered that hee sent not aboard to press any, but if any were prest it was their owne fault to bee abroad, And that such as were press'd their names were returned to Chatham where the Kings Shipps lay, soe that he could not discharge them. But he would henceforth forbeare to press any off such Shipps Company as should be bound for New England." lb. 89. ' fcS^s — ¦ r ¦ t n^SMtVfli jir . . <* . ' r I; : f .;, i V^ . * > tff. .. / 316 History of 1623 generall, some of them being very usefull persons, and became good members to the body, and some were the wives and children of shuch as were hear allready. And some were so bad, as they were On the Little James was John Jenny, "a leading man, and of a public spirit, that improved the interest both of his person and estate, to promote the concernments of the Colony; in which service he continued faithful unto the day of his death, which happened in the year 1644, leaving this testimony behind, that he walked with God, and served his generation." Hubbard, 83. On this voyage of the Little James "Goodey Jenenges was delevered of a Child in the Shep a month before we cam a shore and are both well yet god be praised." Other passengers were Edward Burcher or Bur- chard and his wife. See note on the Paragon, p. 305, supra. The passengers by the Anne and Little James receiving land in the division of 1623 were:Anthony Anable [Edward] Bangs Robert Bartlett Fear Brewster Pacience Brewster Marie Bucket Edward Burcher [Burchard] Thomas Clarke Christopher Connant Cuthbart Cuthbartson Anthony Dixe John Fance Experience Mitchell George Moreton Thomas Morton, junior Ellen Newton John Ouldham [and others] Frances (wife of William) Palmer I Christian Penn [William] Peirce's two servants Joshua Pratt The following names were also in the list, probably because of newly arrived mem bers of the family entitling them to land. Francis Cooke (a Mayflower passenger) 1 Not in the Hazard list. 1 Hazard says " Robert Hickes, his Wife and Children." * Hazard has Eilton. 4 acre! s Manasseh r ance [KemptonJ 1 acre 4 Goodwife Flavell 1 1 Edmond Flood 1 1 Brigett Fuller 1 1 Timothy Hatherly l 1 William Heard 1 2 Margaret Hickes and children ! 4 1 William Hilton's wife and 2 1 children 3 3 6 Edward Holman 1 2 John Jenings [Jenny] 5 1 Robert Long 1 4 James Rande 1 4 Robert Rattliffe [Ratcliffe] 4 1 Nicholas Snow t 1 Alice Southworth [Bradford] 1 10 Francis Spragge 3 r 1 [Barbara] Standish 1 1 Thomas Tilden 3 0 Stephen Tracy 3 1 Ralfe Walen 0 1623 Plimmoth Plantation 317 faine to be at charge to send them home againe the next year. Also, besides these ther came a company, that did not belong to the gen erall body, but came one [on] their perticuler, and were to have lands assigned them, and be for them selves, yet to be subjecte to the generall Goverment; which caused some diferance and dis turbance a[ioi]mongst them, as will after apeare.1 I shall hear againe take libertie to inserte a few things out of shuch leters as came in this shipe, desiring rather to manefest things in ther words and apprehentions, then in my owne, as much as may be, without tediousness.2 Beloved freinds, I kindly salute you all, with trust of your healths and wellfare, being right sorie that no supplie hath been made to you who receives four acres; Richard Warren, also a Mayflower passenger, six acres; and Phinehas Pratt, a relic of the Weston adventure at Wessagusset. The location of lands is given in Plymouth Col. Rec, xn. 5, and on p. 347, infra. 1 This troublous company was probably Oldham and his associates, ten in number. 2 In his letter of September 8, 1623, Bradford returns hearty thanks for "a large and liberall suply" received by these vessels. "If God had seen it good we should have been right glad it had come sooner, both for our good and your profite; for we have both been in a lang wishing state; and also faine to put away our furrs at a small vallew to help us to sume necessaries, without which notwithstanding we should have done full ill, yea indeed could not have subsisted; so as we have little or nothing to send you, for which we are not a litle sorie; but if you knew how necessarily we were constrained too it, and how unwillingly we did it, we suppose you cannot at all blame us for it; we put away as much at one time and other of bevar as, if they had been savid togeather and sould at the best hand, would have yeelded -3 • or -4- 100 pounds." But the absence of method was found in the shipments from England by the Anne. "We wanted a perfect bill of lading, to call for ech parcell of our goods, which as you have occation we pray you see toe hereafter, for it is very requisite though you have to deale with honest men." From Peirce some necessaries were purchased, "the cheefe whereof is bread, and course cloth, and some other needfull things withall; and with them he hath put upon us some other things less necessarie, as beefe, etc. which we would not have had if we could have had the other without them; fear of want againe before suply come to us, as also a litle to encourag our people after ther great dishartening hath made us pressume to charg you herewith; a bill of perticku- lars we have here sent you; we hope the furres will defray it." Bradford 's letter of Sep tember 8, 1623. 3 1 8 History of 1623 all this while; for defence wher of, I must referr you to our generall leters. Naither indeed have we now sent you many things, which we should and would, for want of money. But persons, more then inough, (though not all we should,) for people come flying in upon us, but monys come creeping in to us. Some few of your old freinds are come, as, etc. So they come droping to you, and by degrees, I hope ere long you shall enjoye them all. And because people press so hard upon us to goe, and often shuch as are none of the fitest, I pray you write ernestly to the Treasurer 1 and directe what persons should be sente. It greev- eth me to see so weake a company sent you, and yet had I not been hear they had been weaker. You must still call upon the company hear to see that honest men be sente you, and threaten to send them back if any other come, etc.2 We are not any way so much in danger, as by corrupte an[d] noughty persons. Shuch, and shuch, came with out my consente ; but the importunite of their freinds got promise of our Treasurer in my absence. Neither is ther need we should take any lewd men, for we may have honest men enew, etc. Your assured freind, R[obart] [Cushman.] 1 James Sherley. 2 Winslow seems to conform to this suggestion by the last paragraphs of his Good Newes, *6$, 66, where he warns the intending settler that the plenty is not to be had without means and proper instruments. "I write not these things to dissuade any that shall seriously, upon due examination, set themselves to further the glory of God, and the honor of our country, in so worthy an enterprise, but rather to discourage such as with too great lightness undertake such courses; who peradventure strain themselves and their friends for their passage thither, and are no sooner there, than seeing their foolish imagination made void, are at their wits' end, and would give ten times so much for their return, if they could procure it; and out of such discontented passions and humors, spare not to lay that imputation upon the country, and others, which themselves deserve. As, for example, I have heard some complain of others for their large reports of New England, and yet because they must drink water and want many delicates they have here enjoyed, could presently return with their mouths full of clamor. And can any be so simple as to conceive that the fountains should stream forth wine or beer, or the woods and rivers be like butchers' shops or fishmongers' stalls, where they might have things taken to their hands ? If thou canst not live without such things, and hast no means to procure the one, and wilt not take pains for the other, nor hast ability to employ others for thee, rest where thou art; 1623 Plimmoth Plantation 319 The following was from the genrall. Loving freinds, we most hartily salute you in all love and harty affection ; being yet in hope that the same God which hath hithertoo preserved you in a marvelous maner, doth yet continue your lives and health, to his owne praise and all our comforts. Being right sory that you have not been sent unto all this time, etc. We have in this ship sent shuch women, as were willing and ready to goe to their husbands and freinds, with their children, etc. We would not have you discon- tente, because we have not sent you more of your old freinds, and in spetiall, him1 on whom you most depend . Farr be it from us to neclecte you, or contemne him. But as the intente was at first, so the evente at last shall shew it, that we will deal fairly, and squarly 2 answer your expectations to the full.3 Ther are also come unto you, some honest men to plant upon their perticulers besides you. A thing which if we should not give way unto, we should wrong both them and you. Them, for as a proud heart, a dainty tooth, a beggar's purse, and an idle hand, be here intol erable, so that person that hath these qualities there, is much more abominable." 1 I[ohn] R[obinson]. — Bradford, in the margin. 2 "Indeed freinds it doth us [muc]h good to read your honest letters. We perceive your honest minds, and how squarly you deal in all things, which giveth us much comforte, and howsoever things have been for time past, we doubt not for time to come but ther shall be that good coraspondance which is meete. And we shall labore what we can to be answarable to your kindnes and cost." Bradford's letter of Sep tember 8, 1623. 3 "For our freinds in Holand we much desired their companie, and have long expected the same; if we had had them in the stead of some others we are perswaded things would have been better then they are with us, for honest men will ever doe their best endeavoure, whilst others (though they be more able of body) will scarce by any means be brought too; but we know many of them to be better able, either for laboure or counsell then our selves; And indeed if they should not come to us, we would not stay [her]e, if we might gaine never so much wellth, but we are glad to take knowledge of what you would write touching] them, and like well of your purpose not to make the generall body biggere, save only to furnish them with usefull members, for spetiall faculties." As to any further bond or covenant to be made with the com pany, Bradford continued, "we take our freinds at Leyden to be comprehended in the same, and as much interese[d] as our selves; and their conssents to be accordingly had; for though we be come first to this place, yet they are as principalle in the acction and they and we to be considred as one body." Bradford's letter of September 8, 1623. 320 History of 1623 by puting them on things more inconveniente, and you, for that being honest men, they will be a strengthening to the place, and good neigh bours [102] unto you. Tow things we would advise you of, which we have likwise signified them hear. First, the trade for skins to be re tained for the generall till the devidente; 2ly. that their setling by you, be with shuch distance of place as is neither inconvenient for the lying of your lands, nor hurtfull to your speedy and easie assembling togeather.1 We have sente you diverse fisher men, with salte, etc. Diverse other provissions we have sente you, as will appear in your bill of lading, and though we have not sent all we would (because our cash is small), yet it is that we could, etc. And allthough itseemeth you have discovered many more rivers and fertill grounds then that wher you are, yet seeing by Gods providence that place fell to your lote, let it be accounted as your portion; and rather fixe your eyes upon that which may be done ther, then languish in hopes after things els-wher. If your place be not the best, it is bet ter, you shall be the less envied and encroached upon; and shuch as are earthly minded, will not setle too near your border.2 If the land afford you bread, and the sea yeeld you fish, rest you a while contented, God will one day afford you better fare. And all men shall know you are neither fugetives nor discontents. But can, if God so order it, take the worst to your selves, with contend [content], and leave the best to your neighbours, with cherfullnes. 1 Smith urged the adventurers to make their plantations "so neere and great as you can; for many hands make light worke, whereas yet your small parties can doe nothing availeable." Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters, *23. Morton, though perverse in his attitude towards New Plymouth, probably gave a glimpse of the truth when he wrote that, "this, as an article of the new creede of Canaan, would they have received of every new commer there to inhabit, that the Salvages are a dangerous people, subtill, secreat and mischeivous; and that it is dangerous to live seperated, but rather together: and so be under their Lee, that none might trade for Beaver, but at their pleasure, as none doe or shall doe there: nay they will not be reduced to any other song yet of the Salvages to the southward of Plimmouth, because they would have none come there, sayinge that hee that will sit downe there must come stronge." New English Canaan (Prince Society), 256. 1 This proved rather, a propheti, then advice. — Bradford. 1623 Plimmoth Plantation 321 Let it not be greeveous unto you that you have been instruments to breake the ise for others who come after with less dificulty; the honour shall be yours to the worlds end, etc.1 We bear you always in our brests, and our harty affection is towards you all, as are the harts of hundreds more which never saw your faces, who doubtles pray for your saftie as their owne, as we our selves both doe and ever shall, that the same God which hath so marvelously pre served you from seas, foes, and famine, will still preserve you from all future dangers, and make you honourable amongst men, and glorious in blise at the last day. And so the Lord be with you all and send us joyfull news from you, and inable us with one shoulder so to accom plish and perfecte this worke, as much glorie may come to Him that confoundeth the mighty by the weak, and maketh small thinges great. To whose greatnes, be all glorie for ever and ever.2 1 "Notwithstanding this sharpe encounter at the first, and some miscarriages afterward, yet, (conceiving Gods providence had directed them unto that place, and finding great charge and difficultie in removing,) they resolved to fixe themselves there; and being assisted by some of their freinds in London, having passed over most of the greatest difficulties that usually encounter new Planters, they beganne to subsist at length in a reasonable comfortable manner; being notwithstanding men but of meane and weake estates of themselves. And after a yeares experience or two of the Soyle and Inhabitants, sent home tydings of both, and of their well-being there, which occasioned other men to take knowledge of the place, and to take it into consideration." White, The Planters Plea, *67. 2 In an earlier letter Bradford had expressed himself in a manner requiring expla nation. "We wishte you would either roundly suply us, or els wholy forsake us, that we might know what to doe; this you call a short and peremptorie resolution. Be it as it will, we were necesarily occationed by our wants (and the discontents of many) therunto. Yet it was never our purpose or once came into our minds to enter upon any cource before we knew what you would doe, upon an equall treaty' of things, according to our former, as we conceivd, bonds between us. And then if you should have left us we mente not to joyne with any other (as you it should seeme conceived) but thought we could get our selves foode, and for cloathes we intended to take the best course we could, and so to use the best means we could to subsiste, or otherwise to returne. Though indeed we thinke if you had left us we might have had others desirous to joyne with us. Also you may conceive some of us have had enough to doe to hould things togeather amongst men of so many humors, under so many dificulties, and feares of many kinds; and if any thing more hath been said or writen to any by us, it hath been only to shew that it might rather be marvilled that we could at all 322 History of 1623 This leter was subscribed with - 13- of their names. These passengers, when they saw their low and poore condition a shore, were much danted and dismayed, and according to their diverse humores were diversly affected; some wished them selves in England againe; others fell a weeping, fancying their own miserie in what they saw now in others; other some pitying the distress they saw their freinds had been long in, and still were under; in a word, all were full of sadnes. Only some of their old freinds rejoysed to see them, and that it was no worse with them, for they could not ex- pecte it should be better, and now hoped they should injoye better days togeather. And truly it was [103] no marvell they should be thus affected, for they were in a very low condition, many were ragged in aparell, and some litle beter then halfe naked; though some that were well stord before, were well enough in this regard. But for food they were all alike, save some that had got a few pease of the ship that was last hear. The best dish they could presente their freinds with was a lobster, or a peece of fish, without bread or any thing els but a cupp of fair spring water. And the long continu ance of this diate, and their labours abroad, had something abated the f reshnes of their former complexion. But God gave them health and strength in a good measure; and shewed them by experience the truth of that word, Deut. • 8 • 3 . That man liveth not by bread only, but by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of the Lord doth a man live. When I think how sadly the scripture speaks of the famine in Jaakobs time, when he said to his sonns, Goe buy us food, that we maylive and not dye. Gen.: -42- 2. and -43 • 1, that the famine was great, or heavie in the land; and yet theyhad shuch great heirds, and store of catle of sundrie kinds, which, besides flesh, must needs pro- duse other food, as milke, butter and cheese, etc., and yet it was subsist, then that we were in no better case haveing been so long without suplie, and not at all for your disgrace. If necessity or pation have caried others fuder, your wis dom will (I doute not) beare with it." Bradford's letter of September 8, 1623. 1623 Plimmoth Plantation 323 counted a sore affliction; theirs hear must needs be very great, ther fore, who not only wanted the staffe of bread, but all these things, and had no Egipte to goe too. But God fedd them out of the sea for the most parte, so wonderfull is his providence over his in all ages; for his mercie endureth for ever. On the other hand the old planters were affraid that their corne, when it was ripe, should be imparted to the new-commers, whose provissions which they brought with them they feared would fall short before the year wente aboute (as indeed it did). They came to the Gov[erno]r and besought him that as it was before agreed that they should set corne for their perticuler, and accordingly they had taken extraordinary pains ther aboute, that they might freely injoye the same, and they would not have a bitte of the victails now come, but waite till harvest for their owne, and let the new-commers injoye what theyhad brought; they would have none of it, excepte*they could purchase any of it of them by bar- gaine or exchainge.1 Their requeste was granted them, for it gave both sides good contente; for the new-commers were as much afraid that the hungrie planters would have eat up the provis sions brought, and they should have fallen into the like condition. This ship was in a shorte time laden with clapbord, by the help of many hands.2 Also they sente in her all the beaver and other furrs they had, and Mr. Winslow was sent over with her, to in- 1 See p. 391, infra. 2 Bradford contracted with Peirce for a return freight to cost £150, which he sup posed the English company would think " something much," but no better terms could be had. "We did it the rather that he might come directly home, for the furtherance of our other affares; as also for some other respects necessarie and benefitiall for us; we have laded him with clap-board, the best we could gett, which we hope at the least will quite the cost; for lengths they are not cut by the advice of the Cooper and pipe- stafmaker which you sent us; for thicknes they are biger than those which come frome other places, which must accordingly be considered in the prices ; the cooper of the ship saith they are worth • 5 • per • 100 • and I here he means to bye some of them of you." Bradford's letter of September 8, 1623. The number of furs placed on the Anne was not great owing to the causes described on p. 296, supra. 324 History of 1623 forme of all things, and procure shuch things as were thought needfull for their presente condition.1 By this time harvest was come, and in stead of famine, now God gave them plentie, and the face of things was changed, to the rejoysing of the harts of many, for which they blessed God. And the effect of their particuler planting was well seene, for all had, one way and other, pretty well to bring the year aboute, and some of the abler sorte and more in[io4]dustrious had to spare, and sell to others, so as any generall wante or famine hath not been amongst them since to this day. I may not here omite how, notwithstanding] all their great paines and industrie, and the great hopes of a large cropp, the Lord seemed to blast, and take away the same, and to threaten further and more sore famine unto them, by [reason of] a great drought which continued from the • 3 ¦ weeke in May, till about the midle of July, without any raine, and with great heat (for the most parte), insomuch as the corne begane to wither away, though it was set with fishe, the moysture whereof helped it much. Yet at length it begane to languish sore, and some of the drier [higher] grounds [lands] were partched like withered [dried] hay, part whereof was never recovered. Upon which they sett a parte a solemne day of humilliation, to seek the Lord by humble and fer- 1 Bradford described Winslow as "one of our honest freinds . . . and also we have given him Instrucktion to treat with you of all such things as consceirn our publick good and mutuall concord; expecting his returne by the first fishing shipss." Letter of September 8, 1623. The vessel had a long and troublesome passage, but proved seaworthy. "In the latter end of July, and the beginning of August, came two ships with supply unto us; who brought all their passengers, except one, in health, who recovered in short time; who, also, notwithstanding all our wants and hardship, blessed be God! found not any one sick person amongst us at the Plantation. The bigger ship, called the Anne, was hired and there again freighted back; from whence we set sail the 10th of September. The lesser called the Little James, was built for the company at their charge. She was now also fitted for trade and discovery to the southward of Cape Cod, and almost ready to set sail." Winslow, Good Newes, *s 1 . The Little James must thus have sailed southward soon after the date of Winslow's departure. 1623 Plimmoth Plantation 325 vente- prayer, in this great distrese. And he was pleased to give them a gracious and speedy answer, both to their owne, and the Indeans admiration, that lived amongest them. For all the morn ing, and greatest part of the day, it was clear weather and very hotte, and not a cloud or any signe of raine to be seen, yet toward evening [somewhat after the midle of the after none] it begane to overcast [and before they broake up] and shortly after to raine, with shuch sweete and gentle showers, as gave them cause of rejoyceing, and blessing God. It came, without either wind, or thunder, or any violence, and by degreese in that [lasted all that night in shuch] abundance, as that the earth was thorowly wete and soked therwith [, and the next day was a faire sunshine day againe]. Which did so apparently revive and quicken the decayed corne and other fruits, as was wonderfull to see, and made the Indeans astonished to behold; and afterwards the Lord sent them shuch seasonable showers, [and reane till harvest as was necessarie] with enterchange of faire warme weather, as, through his blessing, caused a fruitfull and liberall harvest, to their no small comforte and rejoycing. For which mercie (in time conveniente) they also sett aparte a day of thanksgiveing. This being overslipt in its place, I thought meet here to inserte the same.1 Those that came on their perticuler looked for greater matters then they found or could attaine unto, aboute building great houses, and shuch pleasant situations for them, as them selves had fancied ; as if they would be great men and rich, all of a sudaine; but they 1 See note I on p. 276. Mr. Deane, judging by sequence in time, transferred this account of the drought to p. 100 of his text. The matter is written on the reverse of f. 102 of the manuscript, and thus falls against this summary of the food conditions for the year, and Bradford expressly states that he "thought meet here to insert the same." No reason is apparent for altering the position of the paragraph. As the ac count in this place is not a mere copy of that written by Bradford on f. 79, the vari ations in language are noted, the words in brackets appearing in the earlier entry. Winslow speaks of the same incident in Good Newes, *49, 50; p. 300, supra, «. 3. 326 History of 1623 proved castels in the aire.1 These were the conditions agreed on betweene the colony and them. First, that the Gov[erno]r, in the name and with the consente of the company, doth in all love and frendship receive and im- brace them; and is to allote them competente places for habita tions within the towne. And promiseth to shew them all shuch other curtesies as shall be reasonable for therri to desire, or us to performe.2 •2- That they, on their parts, be subjecte to all shuch laws and orders as are already made, or hear after shall be, for the publick good. • 3 • That they be freed and exempte from the generall imploy- ments of the said company, (which their presente condition of comunitie requireth,) excepte commune defence, and shuch other imployments as tend to the perpetuall good of the collony. 1 Morrell, who wrote with the actual condition of the settlement before him, gave this warning: "Fishermen, manuall artificers, engeners, and good fowlers are excel lent servants, and onely fit for plantations. Let not Gentlemen or Citizens once imagine that I prejudize their reputations, for I speake no word beyond truth, for they are too high, or not patient of such service: though they may be very necessary for Martiall discipline, or excellent, (if pious) for example to the seditious and incon siderate multitude." New England at end. "I have myselfe heard some say, that they heard it was a rich land, a brave countrey, but when they came there they could see nothing but a few Canvis Boothes and old houses, supposing at the first to have found walled townes, fortifications and corne fields, as if townes could have built themselves, or cornefields have growne of themselves, without the husbandry of man. These men missing of their expectations, returned home and railed upon the Country." Wood, New Englands Prospect, "40. 2 "Touching those which came unto us in ther pertikerlar, we have received them in as kindly maner as we could, according to our abilite, and offered them as favorable termes as we could touching their footing with us. Yett they are sundrie of them discouraged I know not whether by the countrie (of which they have no triall) or rather for want of those varietis which England affords, from which they are not yet wayned, and being so delitefull to nature cannot easily be forgotten without a former grounded r[esolu]tion. But as they were welcome when they came, [so s]hall they be when they goe, if they thinke it not for their g[oo]d, though we are most glad of honest mens companie, and loath to part from the same." Bradford's letter of September 8, 1623. 1623 Plimmoth Plantation 327 ¦4ly Towards the maintenance of Gov[ernmen]t, and publick officers of the said collony, every male above the age of • i6- years shall pay a bushell of Indean wheat, or the worth of it, into the commone store. •Sly That (according to the agreemente, the marchants made with them before they came) they are to be wholy debarred from all trade with the Indeans for all sorts of furrs, and shuch like commodities, till the time of the comunallitie be ended. About the midle of September arrived Captaine Robart Gorges in the Bay of the Massachusets, with sundrie passengers and families, intending their to begine a plantation; x and pitched upon the place Mr. Weston's people had forsaken. He had a com mission from the Counsell of New-England, to be generall Gov- e[rno]r of the cuntrie, and they appoynted for his counsell and 1 Robert Gorges held a grant from the Council of Affairs for New England, dated De cember 30, 1622, conveying to him, in consideration of the services of his father and the payment of £160, a tract of land in New England called "Messachustack," lying on the northeast side of the bay called "Messachuses," together with all the shores or coasts along the sea for ten English miles in a straight line towards the northeast, and thirty English miles into the mainland with all islets or islands lying within three miles of any part of the said land, excepting such land as had been granted formerly. By the tenure he was to find four able armed men to attend the governor when re quired. P. R. O., Colonial, 1574-1660, 35; Gorges, Breife Narration,*i\. The quality of his following showed that it was intended to be the forerunner of a larger movement, and was designedly organized upon a grandiose scale, including Church as well as State. It represented the whole dignity of the Council for New England, and also Gorges' favorite scheme of establishing episcopacy in New England Charles Francis Adams, in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, xvi. 196. Robert Gorges had "newly come out of the Venetian war." John Gorges, his brother, succeeded to the grant, and in January, 1628-29, conveyed a part of the territory to Sir William Brereton, who sent over some settlers to occupy it. Mass. Col. Rec, 1. 29, 68. Although Wessagusset was deserted after the expedition of Standish, "the pale and houses" were left standing and were occupied by Robert Gorges. He also built some warehouses for storing his goods. Pratt says he was accompanied by six gentlemen and divers men to do his labor, and other men with their families. As the place has always been occupied since that time, it was the first settlement in Massachusetts Bay and the second in Massachusetts. See Adams and Nash in Weymouth Historical Society, III. 328 Plimmoth Plantation 1623 assistance, Captaine Francis West, the aforesaid admirall, Chris topher Levite, Esquire,1 and the Gov[erno]r of Plimoth for the time beeing, etc. Allso, they gave him authoritie to chuse shuch other as he should find fit. Allso, they gave (by their commission) &£><&<: g^t/i- : 1 In May, 1623, Christopher Levett, captain of one of his majesty's ships, was ad mitted by the Council for New England as a "principal patantee," on a payment of £100. Six thousand acres of land were granted to him. Council for New England, 94. He con ceived the plan of building a "city" in his ter ritory, to be called York; and his influence was such that the royal Secretary, Conway, expressly recommended his undertaking to the county and city of York, whence he hoped to draw fifty men, and to add a like number from other parts. He sailed for New England in the same year, and explor ing the eastern coast for a place of settlement, finally settled upon that known as Quack. This place was the centre of the fishing stations, and he described it as "about two leagues to the east of Cape Elizabeth," doubtless using Smith's map. It has been identified as Portland harbor. He remained about a month on the plantation of David Thomson, and at that place he "met with the Governor [Gorges], who came thither in a bark which he had from Mr. Weston about twenty days before I arrived in the land. The Governor then told me that I was joined with him in commission as a councillor, which being read I found it was so. And he then, in the presence of three more of the council, administered unto me an oath." A Voyage into New England, 91. Levett returned to England in 1624, and sought some active employment, while await ing a favorable opportunity to resume his New England project. Not succeeding in that, he petitioned the king to be given a sufficient force of ships and men to fortify New England stations near the fishing grounds, pledging himself to make a profitable return. The King, acceding to his wish so far as to appoint him, (he then being a member of the council of the plantation,) governor in those parts, instructed the clergy to read the notice of the adventure in the parish churches, and to pay over to him all such sums as should voluntarily be given. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, xx. 339. It is known that Levett returned to New England, meeting Winthrop there in 1632, but he died on the return passage to England. Baxter, Christopher Levett (Gorges Society) . Christopher Levett described himself as "not beinge bred upp to any thinge but the sea and in that nether no otherwyse then a traveler and Comander of some Merchant Shipps." Letter to Coke, December 26, 1624. But he had never been ex amined for the Mariner's art, and when he accompanied the expedition to Cadiz, he was in a transport ship, and "used no better than a meare slave." He wished to com mand the Neptune, built by Gorges to transport some of his planters to Maine, and then in public service, but his wish was denied. He put a high estimate on the New England fisheries. VOYAGE TNTO NEW ENGLAND Begun in 1 6 1 3. and ended in 1 6 2 4. Performed by ChristopherLevett, his Maicfties Woodward of Somerfetfl»rei and one of the Councell ol New-England. Yorkes v JdHw\7^^^^ ^>r Bonauen; ture. C t^'JO Printed at London, by Wuhau Iohbs, and aie to be fold by Edtrar d "Brewjter, at the fignc ©fiheBibleinPaules Church jaid, 1628* 33° History of 1623 full power to him and his assistants, or any • 3 • of them, wherof him selfe was all way to be one, to doe and execute what to them should seeme good, in all cases, Capitall, Criminall, and Civill, etc., with diverce other instructions.1 Of which, and his comission, it pleased him to suffer the Gov[erno]r hear to take a coppy.2 He gave them notice of his arivall by letter, but before they could visite him he went to the eastward with the ship he came in; but a storme arising, (and they wanting a good pilot to harbor them in those parts,) they bore up for this harbor. He and his men were hear kindly entertained; he stayed hear • 14- days. In the mean time came in Mr. Weston with his small ship, which he had now recovered. [105 3] Captaine Gorges tooke hold of the op- portunite, and acquainted the Gov[erno]r hear, that one occa sion of his going to the eastward was to meete with Mr. Weston, and call him to accounte for some abuses he had to lay to his charge. Wherupon he called him before him, and some other of his assistants, with the Gov[erno]r of this place; and charged him, first, with the ille carriage of his men at the Massachusets; by which means the peace of the cuntrie was disturbed, and him selfe and the people which he had brought over to plante in that bay were therby much prejudised.4 To this Mr. Weston easily an- 1 The Charter given to the Council for New England by the King in 1620 conferred power on the Council to pass the laws, orders, ordinances, directions and instructions needed to "correct, punish, pardon, govern and rule" all such of the King's subjects as should adventure to New England, and in defect of such laws, in cases of necessity, the plantation officials were to act according to their good discretions, "as well in cases capitall and criminall, as civill, both marine and others, so allways as the said statutes, ordinances, and proceedings, as near as conveniently may be, agreeable to the Laws, statutes, government and policie of this our realme of England." Hazard. 1. no. Doubtless the same provisions were repeated in this commission to Robert Gorges. 2 Sir Ferdinando acknowledged the aid of those of New Plymouth, "(who by his [Robert's] commission were authorized to be his assistants) to come unto him, who willingly obeyed his order, and as carefully discharged their duties." Brief e Narra tion, *33. 3 In ms. also 145. * Winslow was as outspoken on evil results of Weston's "disorderly colony, that are 1623 Plimmoth Plantation 331 swered, that what was that way done, was in his absence, and might have befalen any man; he left them sufficiently provided, and conceived they would have been well governed; and for any errour committed he had sufficiently smarted. This particuler was passed by. A 2d. was, for an abuse done to his father, Sir Ferdenando Gorges, and to the State. The thing was this; he used him and others of the Counsell of New-England, to procure him a licence for the transporting of many peeces of great ord nance for New-England, pretending great fortification hear in the countrie, and I know not what shipping. The which when he had obtained, he went and sould them beyond seas for his private pro fite; for which (he said) the State was much offended, and his father suffered a shrowd check, and he had order to apprehend him for it.1 Mr. Weston, excused it as well as he could, but could not deney dispersed, and most of them returned [to England], to the great prejudice and damage of him that set them forth; who, as they were a stain to Old England that bred them, in respect of their lives and manners amongst the Indians, so, it is to be feared, will be no less to New England, in their vile and clamorous reports, because she would not foster them in their desired idle courses. I would be understood to think there were no well deserving persons amongst them; for of mine knowledge it was a grief to some that they were so yoked." Winslow, Good Newes from New England, To the Reader. Even Morton described the Wessagusset people as "no chosen Separatists, but men made choice of at all adventures, fit to have served for the furtherance of Master Wes tons undertakinges: and that was as much as hee neede to care for: ayminge at Beaver principally for the better effecting of his purpose." New English Canaan (Prince Society), 246. 1 On June 24, 1619, was issued an Order in Council, made by the King's express com mand, for preventing the unlawful export of iron ordnance, at this time highly es teemed upon the continent. Calendar State Papers, Domestic, 1619-1623, 55. The patent granted to the Council for New England provided: "If any person or persons, adventurers or planters of the said colony, or any other, at any time or times hereafter, shall transport any moneys, goods, or merchandizes, out of any of our Kingdoms, with a pretence or purpose to land, sell, or otherwise dispose of the same within the limits and bounds of the said Colony, and yet nevertheless being at sea, or after he hath landed within any part of the said colony shall carry the same into any other foreign country with a purpose there to sell and dispose thereof, that then all the goods and chattels of the said person or persons so offending and transported, together with the ship or 332 History of 1623 it; it being one maine thing (as was said) for which he with-drew him self. But after many passages, by the mediation of the Gov- [erno]r and some other freinds hear, he was inclined to gentlnes (though he aprehended the abuse of his father deeply) ; which, when Mr. Weston saw, he grew more presumptuous, and gave shuch provocking and cutting speches, as made him rise up in great indignation and distemper, and vowed that he would either curb him, or send him home for England. At which Mr. Weston was something danted, and came privatly to the Gov[erno]r hear, to know whether they would suffer Captaine Gorges to apprehend him. He was tould they could not hinder him, but much blamed him, that after they had pacified things, he should thus breake out, by his owne folly and rashnes, to bring trouble upon him selfe and them too. He confest it was his passion, and prayd the Gov[erno]r to entreat for him, and pacifie him if he could. The which at last he did, with much adoe; so he was called againe, and the Gov[erno]r was contente to take his owne bond to be vessel wherein such transportation was made, shall be forfeited to us." Hazard, I. no. In February, 1623, the Council for New England, on the strength of its patent and the royal proclamation of 1622, sought to inforce a monopoly of transportation to New England, by forbidding it save under a license. As "many persons of evill disposicon have heretofore (and may hereafter if care bee not taken) under collour of Transportinge Goods to New England, carried the same into other parts beyond the Seas, to the abuse of his Majesties most gratious favour, contrary to the express commands of the said Counsell," it was ordered that every ship, setting out for New England for fishing or transportation of passengers or provisions, should take a license from the Council, and deliver to the Council a list of passengers and of the cargo. Records of the Council of New England, 86. The regulation called for specific information, " all the names, Surnames, Trades, professions and faculties of all pass- [enge]rs, together with an Invoyce or Inventory, Signed also by the proprietor of all such Goods, Cattle, Armes, Municon, and provisions whatsoever, intended to be thither transported in their severall Shipps." It is possible one of the underlying rea sons for such a regulation was the misconduct of Weston. If such lists and invoices were ever prepared and filed with the clerk of the Council, none have been found. The depredations on English trade and shipping committed by the pirates of Algiers and Tunis occasioned a royal proclamation, April 6, 1623, prohibiting the furnishing to those places any gunpowder, shot, armour, weapons, munition, or victuals whatever. 1623 Plimmoth Plantation 333 ready to make further answer, when either he or the lords should send for him. And at last he tooke only his word, and ther was a freindly parting on all hands.1 But after he was gone, Mr. Weston in lue of thanks to the Gov[erno]r and his freinds hear, gave them this quib (behind their baks) for all their pains. That though they were but yonge justices, yet they wear good beggers. Thus they parted at this time, and shortly after the Gov[erno]r tooke his leave and went to the Massachusets by land, being very thankfull for his kind enter- tainemente. The ship stayed hear, and fitted her selfe to goe for Virginia, having some passengers ther to deliver; and with her returned sundrie of those from hence which came over on their perticuler, some out of discontente and dislike of the cuntrie; others by reason of a fire that broke out, and burnt the houses they lived in, and all their provissions [106 2 ] so as they were necessitated therunto.3 This fire was occasioned by some of the sea-men that 1 Gorges gives the charges made against Weston's crew: "That the mischiefe al ready sustained by those disorderly Persons, are inhumane and intollerable; for first in their manners and behaviour they are worse than the very Savages, impudently and openly lying with their Women, teaching their Men to drinke drunke, to sweare and blaspheme the Name of GOD, and in their drunken humour to fall together by the eares, thereby giving them occasion to seek revenge; besides, they couzen and abuse the Savages in trading and trafficking, selling them Salt covered with Butter in stead of so much Butter, and the like couzenages and deceipts, both to bring the Planters and all our Nation into contempt and disgrace, thereby to give the easier passage to those People that dealt more righteously with them; that they sell unto the Savages, Musquets, Fowling-Pieces, Powder, Shot, Swords, Arrow-Heads, and other Armes, wherewith the Savages slew many of those Fisher-Men, and are growne so able, & so apt, as they become most dangerous to the Planters." Brief e Narration, *28. In thus writing he doubtless also had in mind the performances of Thomas Morton, and his companions. 1 In MS. also 146. 3 "This was on the fifth of November, i624[i623]." Morton, Memoriall, *$i. Among those who met with losses by this fire, and went back to England at this time, was Timothy Hatherley, who came in the Anne. His connection with the Plym outh Plantation receives full notice in Bradford's pages. Smith placed the loss at £500, but overstates in saying that seven houses were destroyed. Fires arising from 334 History of 1623 were roystering in a house wher it first begane, makeing a great fire in very could weather, which broke out of the chimney into the thatch, and burnte downe -3 -or -4 -houses, and consumed all the goods and provissions in them. The house in which it begane was right against their store-house, which they had much adoe to save, in which were their commone store and all their provissions; the which if it had been lost, the plantation had been overthrowne. But through Gods mercie it was saved by the great dilligence of the people, and care of the Gov[erno]r and some aboute him. Some would have had the goods throwne out; but if they had, ther would much have been stolne by the rude company that belonged to these •2- ships, which were all most all ashore. But a trusty company was plased within, as well as those that with wet-cloath and other means kept of the fire without, that if necessitie required they might have them out with all speed. For they suspected some malicious dealling, if not plaine treacherie, and whether it was only suspition or no, God knows; but this is certaine, that when the tumultewas greatest, there was a voice heard (but from whom it was not knowne) that bid them looke well aboute them, for all were not freinds that were near them. And shortly after, when the ve[he]mencie of the fire was over, smoke was seen to arise within a shed that was joynd to the end of the store-house, which was watled up with bowes, in the withered leaves wherof the fire was kindled, which some, runing to quench, found a longe fire brand of an ell longe, lying under the wale on the inside, which could not this cause were not infrequent, and on January 6, i627[28] it was ordered that "hence forward no dwelling house was to be couered with any kind of thatche, as straw, reed, etc., but with either bord, or pale, and the like; to wit: of all that were to be new built in the towne." Plymouth Col. Rec, xi. 4. Unfortunately the Plymouth Records for the years before 1633 are wanting, and only a few crude memoranda for the earlier period have been preserved. At some early time the punishment of death was decreed for "willfull and purposed burning of ships [or] howses." Plymouth Col. Rec.,xi. 12. In the compilation of Plymouth laws of 1658, the year 1636 is against this section, but it does not necessarily mark the year of its first adoption. 1623 Plimmoth Plantation 335 possibly come their by casualtie, but must be laid ther by some hand, in the judgmente of all that saw it. But God kept them from this deanger, what ever was intended. Shortly after Captaine Gorges, the generall Gov[erno]r, was come home to the Massachusets, he sends a warrante to arrest Mr. Weston and his ship,1 and sends a m[aste]r to bring her away thither, and one Captain Hanson (that belonged to him) to con- ducte him along. The Gov[erno]r and others hear were very sory to see him take this course, and tooke exception at the warrante, as not legall nor sufficiente; and withall write to him to disswade him from this course, shewing him that he would but entangle and burthen him selfe in doing this ; for he could not doe Mr. Wes ton a better turne, (as things stood with him) ; for he had a great many men that belonged to him in this barke, and was deeply ingaged to them for wages,2 and was in a manner out of victails {and now winter) ; all which would light upon him, if he did arrest his barke. In the time mean Mr. Weston had notice to shift for him selfe; but it was conceived he either knew not whither to goe, or how to mend him selfe, but was rather glad of the occasion, and so stirred not. But the Gov[erno]r would not be perswaded, but [107] sent a very formall warrente under his hand and seall, with strict charge as they would answere it to the state; he also write that he had better considered of things since he was hear, and he could not answer it to let him goe so; besides other things that were come to his knowledg since, which he must answer too. So he was suffered to proceede, but he found in the end that to be true that was tould him; for when an inventorie was taken of what was in the ship, ther was not vitailes found for above • 14- days, at a bare3 1 The explanation of the seizure of Weston's vessel given by Morton, in the New English Canaan (Prince Society), 257, as a "Machivell plot," is about as accurate as most of his statements. 8 Against this line and in the margin Bradford, or Prince, has crudely drawn a 3 Bradford wrote " pare." 336 History of 1623 allowance, and not much else of any great worth, and the men did so crie out of him for wages and diate, in the mean time, as made him soone weary. So as in conclusion it turned to his loss,1 and the expence of his owne provissions; and towards the spring they came to agreement, (after they had bene to the eastward,) and the Gov[erno]r restord him his vessell againe, and made him satis faction, in bisket,meal, and shuch like provissions, for what he had made use of that was his, or what his men had any way wasted or consumed. So Mr. Weston came hither againe, and afterward shaped his course for Virginie, and so for present I shall leave him.2 He dyed afterwards at Bristoll, in the time of the warrs, of the sicknes in that place.3 The Gov[erno]r and some that depended upon him returned for England, haveing scarcely saluted the cuntrie in his Govern- mente, not finding the state of things hear to answer his quallitie and condition.4 The peopl[e] dispersed them selves, some went for 1 A small hand is crudely drawn in the margin. 2 Weston traded with Virginia and Maryland and owned land in both plantations. To the latter colony he removed in 1640 and served in the Assembly in 1642. Receiv ing a patent for 1200 acres, for transporting himself and five able bodied men to Mary land, it was erected into a manor under the name of Westbury Manor. It was on the east side of St. George's Creek in St. George's Hundred. He returned to England in 1644-45, and before 1647 died at Bristol. Misfortune followed him to the end. N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg., l. 201-206; Maryland Archives, Provincial Court, 1637-1650, 377. s An entry evidently made at a later date. Webster says, "The summer of 1645, being excessively hot, there prevailed a contagious dysentery, which was fatal in England. For the great mortality in England, through a series of years at this time, see the London bills." Pestilential Diseases, 1. 187. 4 Robert Gorges returned to England because of the failure to send the much needed supplies for his settlement. His friends, on whose promises he depended, hearing how the father had fared in Parliament "withdrew themselves," and Sir Ferdinando and his friends were "wholly disabled to do any thing to purpose. The report of these pro ceedings with us.comming to my Sons eares, he was advised to return home, till better occasion should offer it selfe unto him." Briefe Narration, *33. It is much to be feared that this account of the mission and return of Robert Gorges is not entirely open. Knowing the venturesome disposition of the father, and the fact that the son had just returned from the Venetian war, the assertion of the Dutch *?0IZ&:9t>g$ 1623 Plimmoth Plantation 337 England, others for Virginia, some few remained, and were helped with supplies from hence.1 The Gov[erno]r brought over a minis- Ambassadors in London, June 4, 1624, is very credible. The Prince of Wales sent Mr. Carr, first Lord of his bedchamber, recommending to them Sir Ferdinando Gorges as "an honest and honorable gentleman, and thatweshould so consider him, in what ever he had to transact with us." A few days later the purpose of the message be came clear. " 4th June. The aforesaid Sir Ferdinando Gorges, came to us and made known, that he and his being disposed to annoy the Spaniard, one of his sons who is in New England, proposes some notable enterprises in the West Indies. And inasmuch as he, seeing the uncertainty of the resolutions in England, was afraid that his son, having performed the exploit and coming home, may be complained of in consequence to the King; he prayed that, in case the King of Great Britain remained in friendship with the King of Spain, his son may be guarantied by your High Mightinesses, and commission granted him to annoy the King of Spain, in your name. We praised his good disposition, and said that the exploit, when achieved, could be best avowed. That otherwise, when Naval commissions were issued by your High Mightinesses they were formally maintained. He said he made no difficulty as to that. And, afterwards, put his request in writing, which we have brought over to your High Mightinesses." New York Col. Doc, 1. 33. 1 Though some of the Gorges settlement went to distant places to the south, some remained in Massachusetts, and settled not far from Wessagusset. Of those who remained may be identified John Burslem or Bursley, who was admitted a freeman of the Massachusetts Bay in May, 1 631; William Jeffrey, a proprietor of Weymouth in 1642 ; William Blaxton, clerk, later living on Shawmut (now Boston) ; Samuel Maver ick, and Thomas Walford who settled at Mishawum (now Charlestown). Adams, Three Episodes, 160; and in Weymouth Historical Society, III. Maverick at least as early as 1625 built a house at Winnesimmet, on the north side of Mystic River. " One house yet standing there which is the Antientest house in the Massachusetts Gover ment, a house which in the yeare 1625 I fortified with a Pillizado and Flankers and gunnes both belowe and above in them which awed the Indians who at that time had a mind to Cutt off the English. They once faced it but receiveing a repulse never 338 Plimmoth Plantation 1623 ter with him, one Mr. Morell, who, about a year after the Gov[er- no]r returned, tooke shipping from hence. He had I know not what power and authority of superintendancie over other churches granted him, and sundrie instructions for that end; but he never shewed it, or made any use of it; (it should seeme he saw it was in vaine;) he only speake of it to some hear at his going away.1 This was in effect the end of a- 2- plantation in that place. attempted it more although (as now they confesse) they repented it when about 2 yeares after they saw so many English come over." 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, 1. 366. 1 Of William Morrell little is known except what can be gathered from Bradford. If he bore a commission from an ecclesiastical court to exercise superintendence over churches that were or might be established in the Plantation, he recognized the un wisdom of seeking to enforce it, and conducted himself with such discretion as to awaken no suspicion of the purpose of his coming. He fittingly represented the effort of Sir Ferdinando to introduce an episcopal establishment in New England. Remain ing in the country for a year after the departure of his chief, he employed his "mel ancholy leisures" in writing a poem in Latin hexameters, with a translation into Eng lish heroic verse, and printed it in London on his return to England. The poem alone was reprinted in 1 Mass. Hist. Collections, 1. 125, and the entire pamphlet by the Club of Odd Volumes of Boston (1895). The "Epistle Dedicatorie," addressed to the Ad venturers for New England, glances at the plantation, thus: "When in contempt of Envy, I may present your Councell with an OMNE BENE, at least, Certa spe boni, if the three noble Mistresses of Monarchies, Pietas, Pecunia, and Potentia, royally vn- dertake and resolutely continue constant favourers to their well ordered and sweetly scituated Coldnies. Without these, at least the two latter (I suppose vnder favour) the Spanyard and Hollander had ad Gracas callendas raysed to such sweet tones their westerne and easterne flourishing Plantations. But illorum postpono mea seria ludo. The keys of Kingdomes, judicious Statesmen are best able to open and explicate these closets and secrets of state. I may admire, but scarce without offence obserue such princely attempts and royall secrets. Yet giue me leaue to you worthy favourers of Colonies, as in armes and architecture to be your remembrancer, first to accompt, and then to accomplish: so power and abilitie shall crowne your proceedings with happie perfections." And to the "Vnderstanding Reader" he said: "Error in Poesie is lesse blemish than in Historic Experience cannot plead me ignorant, much lesse innocent, having seene and suffered. I should delude others vana spe, or falso gaudio. What can be expected from false Relations, but vnhappie proceedings, to the best intended, and most hopefull Colonies. So that want of provisions, and right information, begets in the distracted planter nothing but mutinies, fearefull execrations, and sometimes New-England A BRIEFE ENARRATION OF THE AYRE, Earth, Water, Fjfh and Fowles of that Country. WITH A DESCRIPT ION of the Natures, Orders, Habits* and Religion of the Natiw; IN Latine and Englifh Verfe. Sat breve, fi fat bene, LONDON, Imprinted by 7. V. I 6 2 J. 34-o History of 1623 Ther were allso this year some scatering beginings made in other places, as at Paskataway, by Mr. David Thomson,1 at Mon- higen,2 and some other places by sundrie others. miserable interitures. But of all such perchance hereafter. These were at this time beyond my intent. I onely now and ever desire that my best incense may for ever waite vpon all truely zealous and religious planters and adventurers, who seriously endevour the dilating of Christs kingdome, in the propagating of the Gospell, and so advisedly vndertake so weightie and so worthie a worke, as that they and theirs may paralell these worthies of the world in all externall, internall, and eternall abundances. Farewell, with this one Memento ; That the best intended conclusions, without an equiv alent abilitie, produce nothing but losse, discontents, opprobries, and imperfections." 1 David Thomson, of Plymouth, though a Scotchman by birth and once described as "Gent.," had served as useful messenger to the Council of New England, and, apparently, in a more confidential capacity, to Sir Ferdinando Gorges. Becoming interested in the plans of the Council, he obtained a grant of six thousand acres of land and one island in New England, to be located "in some fit place or places there." The grant was signed November 16, 1622, and on December 3 he asked for an order for transporting ten persons with provisions, for New England, the usual payment for such transportation to be made at the expiration of two years. Nothing appears to have come of this application, but it is known that for one fourth part of his grant Thomson contracted, December 14, 1622, with three merchants of Plymouth, Abraham Colmer, Nicholas Sherwill, and Leonard Pomeroy, for his own passage to New England and that of two men in the ship Jonathan and that of three men more in the Providence. The terms are given in the indenture printed in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, xiv. 358, and constitute a most valuable document on the colonizing methods of that day. The original is in the collections of the Society. Thomson settled at Little Harbor, at the mouth and on the west side of Piscataqua River. The place was later known as Randezvous Point, and now as Odiorne's Point. During the summer of 1623 Standish was sent to the eastward to procure much needed provision for the colony, and returning, was accompanied by Thomson, who had then been in the country only a few weeks, but long enough to "like well" the place selected for his plantation. Mr. Deane, in his edition of Bradford's History, 208, treats of certain inconsistent statements respecting Thomson, or Trevore, Island. The island was first called Tre- vore's Island, after one of the seamen on the Mayflower. It is now known as " The Farm School Island." It will be noted that the Thomson indenture provides that the lands that shall be settled and all expenses shall be in common for the space of five years from the date of the covenant, at the expiration of which period the land was to be equally divided among the four parties to the covenant. The returns from this land were also subject to an equal division. 2 In 1605 Champlain was at this island, and named it La Nef, "for at a distance 1623 Plimmoth Plantation 341 It rests now that I speake a word aboute the pinnass spoken of before, which was sent by the adventurers to be imployed in the cuntrie. She was a fine vessell, and bravely set out,1 and I fear the adventurers did over pride them selves in her, for she had ill success. However, they erred grosly in tow things aboute her; first, though she had a sufficiente maister, yet she was rudly manned, and all her men were upon shares, and none was to have any wages but the m[aste]r. 2ly, wheras they mainly lookt at trade, they had sent nothing of any value to trade with. When the men came hear, and mette with ill counsell from Mr. Weston and his crue, with others of the same stampe, neither mfaster] nor Gov[erno]r could scarce rule [108] them, for they exclaimed that they were abused and deceived, for they were tould they should goe for a man of warr, and take I know not whom, French and Spaniards, etc.2 They it had the appearance of a ship." While lying near it he learned from the Indians of Waymouth's ship, the Archangel, and of his killing five of the savages of that river "under cover of freindship." In reality the Indians were kidnapped, and taken to England as were those by Hunt. Champlain, Voyages (Prince Society), n. 91. The Popham colonists landed on Monhegan in 1607, and refreshed themselves with the abundance of berries found. Captain John Smith describes Monhegan as in 43 \° of north latitude, and "among the remarkablest Isles and Mountains for land markes." The place was well known to fishing vessels, and some of Rocroft's men remained there all the winter of 1618-19. Dermer found them there in the spring of 1619. WhenLevettwas on that coast in 1623 he learned that Monhegan was already granted, but no name of the possessor is given by him. In 1622 Abraham Jennens, a merchant of Plymouth, purchased a share in the Council for New England, and under this purchase he held Monhegan, and established there a plantation. This "beginning" is intended by Bradford. In 1626 the island again changed owners (p. 447, infra). 1 With her flages, and streamers, pendents, and wast cloaths, etc. — Bradford. 2 Almost every voyage to the coast of North America contained in it some possi bilities of piracy. Even the fishermen did not scruple to seize a weaker vessel of a for eign ownership. See p. 3 14, supra. In this particular instance the New Plymouth Adventurers criticised Altham for not availing himself of an opportunity to take a French vessel that had been passed in the voyage. In his defence he wrote to Sherley: "And once againe let me be pardoned if I seme to be overbold. I understand by your Letter to Mr Bridge that you are somewhat discontented with mee for not takinge a French man which wee met withall, but to the contrary wonderfully comend and 34 2 History of 1623 would neither trade nor fish, excepte they had wages; in fine, they would obey no command of the maisters; so as it was apprehended they would either rune away with the vessell, or get away with the ships, and leave here; so as Mr. Peirce and others of their freinds perswaded the Gov[erno]r to chaing their condition, and give them wages; which was accordingly done.1 And she was sente ertoll Mr Bridge for his corage and forwardness in the same notwithstanding my backwardness. To answere which I will doe in few words. It soe happned that about 400 leages of the lands end of England we met with a small french man as I take it he was of Rochell, in the morninge we had sight one of another and he stoode right with us and wee with him, Cominge nere us hee spied us to be an Englishman soe he stoode away from us and by a sudden puff of winde brake his maine mast, for we beinge desirous to here news and alsoe to see if he had any skins abord or if he had bin a trading one the Coast of new England we stoode after him and hailed him what he was and whence for he told us he was of Rochell and that he had but 7000 of Corfish abord of him and that he was come from the banke of new found land a fishinge and also that his ship was leake soe he made the more hast home before he had made his vioage, but we mistrustinge him sente our boate abord him to see if he had skins, but in conclusion we saw he was very pore and had not bin a shore on noe place, and soe gave us some fish which at that time we stoode in greate nede of as alsoe of woode of which he had none because he had not bin on land noe where. All thes things being considered I hope you will not blame mee, for I would doe in your behalfe in that kinde rather more then less then my commission would beare me out in, but this ship was 500 leages from any part of new England when we met her and if I should have done it I had brought a greate treble bbth upon you and my selfe for I will assure you and all the Company that if you will but get a letter of mart and a safe protection from his Majestie of England for taking of french men on new found land banke you might esily with this pinace take and leave what ships you list . . . for wee had sight of 20 saile of French men at one time and I beleve never a one had any ordnance, but to end pray pardon mee if I have done amiss but what I did I have done in my opinion and in the opinion of all the companies at Plimoth for your pease and my owne safty, for the governor hath sene my comission and saith him selfe I could not have answered it, therefore pray blame mee not for my good will and care, for I should be very loth to lose a frend for nothinge and upon noe occasion espe cially when trends are hard to get." Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, xliv. 186. 1 Bradford wrote at length on this complication. "We are sorie that shee is maned with so rude a crew of sailors; we hope the maister [Bridge, who was at this time at New Plymouth] is an honest man; and we find the capten [Altham] to be a loving and courteous gentle-man, yet they could not both of them rule them, so as we were faine to alter their conditions and agree with them for wages as well as we could; and this 1623 Plimmoth Plantation 343 about the Cape to the Narigansets to trade, but they made but a poore vioage of it. Some corne and beaver they got, but the Dutch we did not only by the capten, and maisters, together with Mr. Peirces advice, but we saw we were of necessitie constrained thereunto to prevente furder mischefe, which we saw would unavoydably ensew; for besides the endangering of the ship, they would obey no command, at least without continuall murmuring, aleging that they were cousened and deseaved and should saile and worke for nothing, the which they would be hanged rather than they would doe, as also that they would not fish, or doe any such thing; they said they were fited out for a taker, and were tould that they might take any ship what soever that was not to strong for them, as far as the West Endeans, and no other imployment would they follow; but we doubt not now to have them at a better pass, and hope to raise some benefite by her imploymente; shee is now to go to the southward; we have sent to the Indeans, and they promise us we shall have both corne and skines; at her returne we think to send her northward, both to fish and truck, if it please God to bless them." Letter of September 8, 1623. Bridge, the master of the Little James was outspoken in his disgust at the -behavior of the men. "No man shall mak me venter to sea againe with men upon the sam condetions for theay car not whitch end went forwardes and now the governer [Brad ford] seing our troubell so great and fering what might insew haveth cum to cumpo- sision with them for wages or eles I might have bread a gre[at] inconveinentes whitch the captain and I allwais fered so that yet is now a letell mended and I hop will mend still we ar now bound to the Suthward a trading I pray god send us god suckses for corne and skenes and in the spreing god willing I think we shall to the norward upon trad and fishing we are now readey to set saill within this 2 daies for till Mr Perse was gone theay could not spare us noe men or else we had ben gone befor now but we shall be sone enow for corne and I hop to god for skenes we were 3 monthes and 2 daies outward and had mutch foule wether and foges consedring the time of year as ever I knew the Ane was thear 8 daies be for us we rod at anker upon the cost 7 daies befoged and she being a great shep in time of fowle wether out bor us I think that was the reason yf we had not renewed our vetales at the He of Wight we had cum short of drink especially for we careyed but 4 hoges hedes of beare in with us and our other provetiones mutch wasted." John Bridge to Sherley, September 9, 1623. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, xuv. 180. Altham, then fishing at Pemaquid, was summoned to Plymouth to aid in smoothing the difficulties encountered in controlling the unruly crew. He wrote to Sherley, May 28, 1624: "Soe sone as Mr. Perce his cominge into the land came to my eres I was forced much against my minde both by the importunity of Mr. Brige and insolences of all our company to make a vioage from Pemequide to Plimoth which had I not under taken although with much hazard of my person all our company had and would have dispersed themselves and if ether my selfe or the master would detaine them they 344 History of 1623 used to furnish them with cloath and better commodities, they haveing only a few beads and knives, which were not ther much openly thretened a more spedy revenge ether to kill us or to blow our ship up but thes things are past and the party deade whoe spake it and I feare that god whoe knoweth all hearts prevented him by death from actinge thoes villanous projets which by his words in his life he professed to do. " The occasions of this was two, first in regard provisions went very hard with us and the next was a folish and nedeless feare they had of there wages. To prevent all this and farther mischiefe I went to Plimoth about the beginninge of Aprill where by the way I was forced with contrary winds and fowle wether to stay somewhat longer then I wished, but at my coming to Cape Ann I there found Mr. Winslow and master Perce for which I was very joyfull and soe h[avin]ge receved of them divers comendations and letters from your selfe and my other frends I went with all possible spede to Plimoth to know the governors resolution for thus it was, that provisions we had but very few before Crismas but were fane to heve some pease out of Plimoth store and soe because we were goinge to fish amonge our countremen we thought to get divers things by reson of Mr. Brige his acquaintance, but thes our hopes were much frustrated for coming to the fishermen we could have noe provision without present pay which I was destitute of notwithstandinge I offred to become bonde for any thinge I tooke up, but they not regarding nether the Companies nor my word did rather solicite our men to come worke with them for there victals, and to leave the ship, then to shew any love or frendship to us in helpinge us, there fore rather then our company should goe away and our vioage be overthrowne we were constrained to use a present though unwilling meanes to get some provisions as bred and pease which before wee were destitute of soe havinge despached my business at Plimoth and receved my or[der] From the governor Mr. Bradford and his assistants, which was that looke what fish wee had caught in our pinnace should presently be brought to Cape Ann and to deliver it to Mr. Perce and afterwards to aide and helpe Mr. Perce in his vioage, in what we could both with our men and boats to all which as I am in duty bound soe I consented unto it and with all convenient spede wente away to our ship Mr. Winslow beinge with mee and by this time which was about the last of Aprill I thought Mr. Bridge had kild about 10,000 fish for more I thinke our salt would not have saved." lb. 182. One of the ship's company was particularly named as troublesome — Thomas Daw son, the surgeon. Bridge's reference to the subject is obscure. He confines himself to saying, that "Mr. Sirgen is cum away upon sum distrust and misbehaveyour but let every man medell with his owne maters for I have enow of my owne." Altham could not restrain himself, and wrote to Sherley: "I doe understand thatThomas Dawson the sirgionhathbinvery large on his tongue concerninge my selfe or that I should be displaced by Mr Bradford, and many other contumelious speches, as alsoe he informed you about the frenchman, for all which I 1 623 Plimmoth Plantation 345 esteemed.1 Allso, in her returne home, at the very entrance into ther owne harbore, she had like to have been cast away in a storme, and was forced to cut her maine mast by the bord, to save herselfe pray sir if you see him certifie him that I will make him answere it in England, and although it cost ioo/t I will make him see the goale for it, and there he shall lie if god bless me homeward, if it please god to deale otherwaies with mee I pray god give him more grace, but I hope you doe not beleve him, but I wold wish you rather suspect him, for he is the veriest villane that I ever knew as hath bin testified buy his cariage both to Plimoth Company, your owne selfe and Company and alsoe to mee. And truly I feare that I shall justly lay that to his charge which if it be prosecuted will goe nere to hang him." Bradford was again called in to solve the difficulties. He reported that: "we found the chirugion in the pinas to be so proude and quarelsome a man, and to use his termes in that sorte, as the Capten and others durst not goe to sea with him; being over ready to raise factions and mutanie in the shipe; so as we were constrained to dis- mise him, and hire Mr. Rogers in his roome, Mr. Peirce being willing to releace him, to doe us a favore. He is to have -35 -s per month, wherof hedesirs his wife may have • 16 -j- a month, which we pray you may be accordingly performed." Letter of Septem ber 8, 1623. 1 The planters already saw the growth of competition in the fur trade, which would affect their interests. Having described the necessity for parting with beaver skins to the amount of three or four hundred pounds (supra, p. 317) Bradford continued: "And yet these are nothing to those we have lost for want of means to geather them when the time was, which I fear will scarce ever be againe, seeing the Duch on one side and the French on theother side and the fishermen and other plantations betweene both have, and doe furnish the savages, not with toyes and trifles, but with good and substantial commodities, as kettles, hatchets, and clothes of all sorts; yea the french doe store them with biskay shalopes fited both with sails and ores, with which they can either row or saile as well as we; as also with peices powder and shot for fowling and other servises; (we are informed that ther are at this present a -ioo • men with -8- shalops coming from the eastward, to robe and spoyle their neighbours westwards); also I know upon my owne knowledg many of the Indeans to be as well furnished with good kettles, both strong and of a large size, as many farmers in Eng land; yet notwithstanding] we shall not nectlect to use the best means we can with the pinnas and means we now have, both for trading or any other imployment the best we can for both your and our advantage." As yet there was no strong jealousy between the people of New Plymouth and the Dutch on Manhattan island, although the possibility of competition in trade was recognized and the danger of this competition foreshadowed. Having command of the Hudson River the Dutch tapped the rich fur country of the Iroquois, and a cargo of furs sent home in 1626 proves how profitable the region was, for it comprised 7246 beaver, 853 otter, and small numbers of mink, wild cat and rat skins. New York 346 History of 1623 from driving on the flats that lye without, caled Browns Hands, the force of the wind being so great as made her anchors give way and she drive right upon them; but her mast and takling being gone, they held her till the wind shifted. NOTE. *4 1 *The Falles of their grounds which came first ouer in the May-Floure, according as thier lotes were cast -i623-2 these lye on the South side of the brooke to the baywards. These lye one the South side of the brook to the woodward opposite to the former. Robart Cochman 1 Mr William Brewster 6 William Bradford 3 Richard Gardener 1 Frances Cooke 2 George Soule 1 Mr Isaak Alerton 7 John Billington 3 Peter Browen 1 Samuell Fuller 2 Joseph Rogers 2 these containe -29- akers. JohnHowland 4 Steuen Hobkins 6 Edward " 1 Edward " 1 Gilbard Winslow 1 Samuell Fuller Juneor 3 the number [of] akers to [each] one. these containe -I6- akers besides Hobamaks ground which lyeth betwene Jo: Howlands and Hobkinses. Col. Doc, 1. 37. Perhaps it was this very success in dealing with the Indians and obtaining from them so profitable a trade that led to the interchange of letters between New Plymouth and Manhattan in 1627. 1 The folio of the ms. volume. » From Plymouth Col. Rec, xii. 4. 1623 Plimmoth Plantation 347 this ¦ 5 • akers lyeth behind the forte to the litle ponde. William White 5 these lye one the north side of the towne nexte adjoyning to their gardens which came in the Fortune. Edward Winslow 4 Richard Warren [2] John Goodman * John Crackston * John Alden * Marie Chilton * *Captin Myles Standish 2 Francis Eaton 4 Henerie Samson 1 Humillitie Cooper 1 *The fales of their grounds which came in the Fortune according as their Lots were cast 1623. these lye to the sea, eastward. This ship came Nov1 1 62 1. *6 These lye beyond the f[irst] brooke to the wood we[st] ward. William Hilton 1 John Winslow 1 William Conner I John Adams 1 William Tench and 1 John Cannon J these folowing lye beyonde the •!• brooke. Hugh Statie 1 William Beale and "I Thomas Cushman j Austen Nicolas 1 Widow Foord 4 William Wright and ) William Pitt j 2 Robart Hickes 1 Thomas Prence 1 Steuen Dean 1 Moyses Simonson and ) Philipe de la Noye f Edward Bompass 1 Clemente Brigges 1 James Steward 1 William Palmer 2 Jonathan Brewster 1 Benet Morgan 1 Thomas Flauell and his son, Thomas Morton 1 William Bassite 2 a 15. akers. 19. akers. 348 History of 1623 *The fales of their grounds which came ouer in the shipe called the Anne *io according as their were cast. 1623. Akers these to the sea eastward. ak[rs.] James Rande 1 these following lye beyond the Edmond Flood 1 Christopher Connant 1 Francis Cooke 4 these but against the swampe and reed-ponde. George Morton and ) Experience Michell j Christian Penn I Thomas Morton Junior 1 William Hiltons wife \ 8 and • 2- children. Francis Spragge 3 brooke to Strawberie-hill. Edward Burcher 2 John Jenings 5 goodwife Flauell 1 Manasseh and John Fance. ... 2 this goeth in with a corner by the ponde. Allice Bradford 1 Robart Hickes his 1 wife and children ) ' + Brigett Fuller 1 Ellen Newton 1 Pacience and Fear Brewster. with Robart Long "} William Heard . Mrs. Standish . These following lye on the other side of the towne towards the eele-riuer. Marie Buckett adioyning to ) Joseph Rogers j MrOuldom and those joyned ) .... f 10 with him ) Cudbart Cudbartsone 6 Anthony Anable 4 Thomas Tilden 3 Richard Warren 5 [Edward] Bangs 4 Robart Rattlife beyonde.the ) r i swampie & stonie ground f These butt against Hobes Hole. Nicolas Snow * Anthony Dixe * MrPerces -2- Ser: * RalfeWalen * 1 623 Plimmoth Plantation 349 "n *South side. Steph: Tracy three acres. ... 3 Tho. Clarke one acre 1 Robt Bartlet one acre 1 North side. Edw: Holman 1. acre 1 Frances wife to Wil Palmer 1. acre Josuah Prat and ) Phineas Prat j ••¦••••• •• Anno Dom: .1624' THE time of new election of ther officers for this year being come, and the number of their people increased, and their troubles and occasions therwith, the Gov[erno]r desired them to chainge the persons, as well as renew the election; and also to adde more Assistans to the Gov[erno]r for help and coun sell, and the better carrying on of affairs. Showing that it was necessarie it should be so. If it was any honour or benefite, it was fitte others should be made pertakers of it; if it was a burthen, (as doubtles it was,) it was but equall others should help to bear it; and that this was the end of Annuall Elections. The issue was, that as before ther was but one Assistante, they now chose • 5 • giv ing the Gov[erno]r a duble voyce; and aft[er]wards they increased them to '*]• which course hath continued to this day.1 They having with some truble and charge new-masted and rigged their pinass, in the begining of March they sent her well vitaled to the eastward on fishing. She arrived safiy at a place near Damarins cove, and was there well harbored in a place wher ships used to ride, ther being also some ships allready arived out of England. But shortly after ther [109] arose shuch a violent and extraordinarie storme, as the seas broak over shuch places in the 1 The company in London appears to have made some inquiry into the manner of governing the plantation and to have given suggestion for a modification, in some manner not shown by the records. "Touching our governemente you are mistaken if you think we admite weomen and children to have to doe in the same, for they are excluded, as both reason and nature teacheth they should be; neither doe we admite any but such as are above the age of -21 ¦ years, and they also but only in some weighty maters, when we thinke good; yet we like well of your course, and advice propounded unto us, and will as soon as we can with convenience bring it into practice, though it should be well it were so ordered in our patent." Bradford's letter of September 8, 1623. 1624 Plimmoth Plantation 351 harbor as was never seene before, and drive her against great roks, which beat shuch a hole in her bulke,1 as a horse and carte might have gone in, and after drive her into deep-water, wher she lay sunke. The m[aste]r was drowned, the rest of the men, all save one, saved their lives, with much a doe; all her provision, salt, and what els was in her, was lost.2 And here I must leave her to lye till afterward. 1 Bradford first wrote the word " bilge." 2 Altham, continuing his account of his acts in New England after intending to meet Bridge and receive his cargo of fish (supra, p. 344), wrote to Sherley: " but by the bacwordness of our people and strange mishap thes hopes were quite altered for coming within one daies jorney of our ship this untimely news came to mee that our pinnace was cast away and Mr. Bridge and two of our men drowned being John Vow and Peter Morrett (all which news did not a little treble mee) knowinge what great cost and charge you have bin at for us, and also knowing that upon the good and pros perity of the ship and vioage depended part of my reputation and profit, but this unwelcome news did in conceite deprive of both. But cominge home to our ship I there found this news true thus farr, that Mr. Bridge our master was drowned and the two men, and the ship in a very strange manner spoiled for thus it fortuned that upon the 10th of Aprill 1624 hapned a greate storme and some of our cables that we were mored withall gave way and slip of on the place they were made fast to ashore and soe the winde and sea being very high drave our ship a shore upon rockes where she beate. In the mean time being night the master and Company arose and every man shifted for them selves to save life, but the master going in to his cabin to fetch his whishell could not get in to any boate aboute the ship the sea brake soe over the ship and soe by that meanes before a boat could come the ship overset and drowned him and the other two and the rest that were got into our shallops that hung about the ship had much a doe to recover the shore your cosin for one for the ship oversettinge pich her maineyard in to one boate where were 6 or 7 of our men and soe sunke her for thoes that could then swim got to the shore with much hurt the rest that could not swim were drowned, and soe before the next morninge our ship was quite under water sunke and nothing to be sene save only the tops of her masts some times for the sea did rake her to and fro upon the rocks All which disasters did not a little treble mee for our ship was not only spoiled, our men drowned, but wee that were saved lost 352 History of 1624 Some of those that still remained hear on their perticuler, be gane privatly to nurish a faction, and being privie to a strong faction that was among the adventurers in England, on whom sun dry of them did depend, by their private whispering they drew some of the weaker sorte of the company to their side, and so filld them with discontente, as nothing would satisfie them excepte they might be suffered to be in their perticuler allsoe; and made great offers, so they might be freed from the generall. The Gov[er- no]r consulting with the ablest of the generall body what was best to be done hear in, it was resolved to permitte them so to doe, upon equall conditions. The conditions were the same in effect with the former before related.1 Only some more added, as that they should be bound here to remaine till the generall partnership was ended. And also that they should pay into the store, the on halfe of all shuch goods and comodities as they should any waise raise above their food, in consideration of what charg had been layed out for them, with some shuch like things. This liberty granted, soone stopt this gape, for ther was but a few that under- tooke this course when it came too; and they were as sone weary of it. For the other had perswaded them, and Mr. Weston to geather, that ther would never come more supply to the generall body; but the perticulers had shuch freinds as would carry all, and doe for them I know not what. Shortly after, Mr. Winslow came over,2 and brought a prety the most part of what wee had in the ship, my selfe especially lost my bokes and some clothes and most of what I had, but my comfort is that God will restore mee some thinge one day againe for afflictions are but trialls of his love. [We lost three shallops and our ships boate and another shallop we borrowed which we . . . ] " The words in brackets were written lengthways in the margin, and the sentence was not com pleted. 1 See p. 326, supra. 1 "Morton says, 'in the month of March.' According to this History, it appears that Winslow and Lyford came in the same ship which brought the first cattle; and this is called the Charity. In the Plymouth Records relative to the division of cattle, in 1627, it is stated that they were brought in the Ann. If both ships had arrived at 1624 Plimmoth Plantation 353 good supply, and the ship came on fishing, a thing fatall to this plantation.1 He brought -3- heifers and a bull, the first begining of any catle of that kind in the land,2 with some cloathing and other this time, with passengers and supplies for the colony, it seems probable that Bradford would have mentioned it; and we are therefore led to infer that an error exists either in the Colony Records, or in this History, as to the name of this ship. It will be ob served that she is called the 'Charitie' in Sherley's letter on the following page." Deane. The Charity reached New Plymouth "about five weekes after her departure from the English coast," and after discharging her goods and passengers went immediately to Cape Ann. 1 In spite of this unfavorable view of the fishing ventures, a few months earlier Bradford held a more sanguine position. "It is for certain that great profite is here raised by fishing; the shipes have this year [1623] made great viages, and were a great many of them; and if we could fall once more into the right cource about it, and be able to manage it, it would make good all; a good fishing place will be a great advan tage for it, wher the boats may goe quickly in and out to sea at all times of the tide, and well stoed with fish neer at hand, and convenient places to make it, and build stages in, and then it will not only serve for our own fishing, but after it be known once by experience to be a place well quallified for that purpose, benefite will be made of it by granting licence to others to fish there." Bradford's letter of September 8, 1623. In these sanguine views he was supported by the favorable opinion of Altham, at this time at New Plymouth : "Out of all question the course that you have setled now will bring in profit inough, for they make salt at Plimoth, and have good store of boates, all which is meanes to bring in profit, and I make noe question now but that new Plimoth will quickly returne your mony againe for the most part they are honest and carefull men, however they have had many crosses, yet now they will florish god blessinge them, which god grant. . . . but I doe not doubt of the profit that may be raised the next yere for now you have laiyed as good a ground plot as ever was and better then before, for with out this course of fishinge you cannot have your monies againe." 2 The suggestion for cattle came from New Plymouth. "It would be a principall stay and a comfortable help to the Colonie if they had some catle, in many respects, first it would much encourage them, and be in time a gretter ease both for tillage of ground, and cariagof burden; 2ly, it will make victuals both more plentifull, and comfortable; 3ly, it might be a good benefite after some encrease that they might be able to spare some to others that should have thoughts this way; espetialy goats are very useful for the first, and very fite for this place, for they will here thrive very Well, are a hardly creature, and live at no charge, ether weriter or sommer, their increas is great and milke very good, and need little looking toe; also they are much more easily transported and with less difficulty and hassard, then other kattle; yet tow of those 354 History of 1624 necessaries, as will further appear; but withall the reporte of a strong faction amongst the adventure[r]s against them,1 and espetially against the coming of the rest from Leyden, and with what difficulty this supply was procured, and how, by their strong and long opposision, bussines was so retarded as not only they were now faine too late for the fishing season, but the best men were taken up of the fishermen in the west countrie, and he was forct to take shuch a m[aste]r and company for that imployment as he could procure upon the present. Some letters from thence shall beter declare these things, being as followeth [no]. Most worthy and loving freinds, Your kind and loving leters I have received, and render you many thanks, etc. It hath plased God to stirre up the harts of our adventure[r]s to raise a new stock for the seting forth of this shipe, caled the Charitie, with men and neces saries, both for the plantation and the fishing, though accomplished with very great difficulty; in regard we have some amongst us which undoubtedly aime more at their owne private ends, and the thwart ing and opposing of some hear, and other worthy instruments 2 of Gods which came last dyed by the way, but it was by some neclegence. For kine and other catle it will be best when any comes that it be in the spring, for if they should come against the winter, they would goe near to dye; the Colonie will never be in good estate till they have some." Bradford's letter of September 8, 1623. Speculating on the climate of New England, atmorelength than can here be quoted, Hubbard (History, 19-21) notes as follows the effect of the long winters on the cattle: "By reason of this long continued and extreme sharpness of the cold through the whole country, the seven months of the summer's increase are usually devoured by the five lean and barren ones of the winter following, as was shewed to Pharoah in his dream; so as if some stranger should chance to be there in the end of every winter, he might be ready to think, that all the cattle here were the issue of Pharoah's lean kine, that had been transported hither; the cattle at that time of the year much resembling the wild deer in Greenland, when the bridegroom of the earth begins to smile upon them, after the long, cold, and dark night of winter begins to take his leave." Hubbard wrote about fifty years after the settlement of New Plymouth. 1 This clearly refers to Lyford and to Oldham, who were on their particular, and possessed some influence among the adventurers in England. See p. 392, infra. 8 He means Mr. Robinson. — Bradford. 1624 Plimmoth Plantation 355 glory elswher, then at the generall good and furtherance of this noble and laudable action. Yet againe we have many other, and I hope the greatest parte, very honest Christian men, which I am perswaded their ends and intents are wholy for the glory of our Lord Jesus Christ, in the propagation of his gospell, and hope of gaining those poore salvages to the knowledg of God. But, as we have a proverbe, One seabed sheep may marr a whole flock, so these male contented persons, and turbulente spirits, doe what in them lyeth to withdraw mens harts from you and your freinds, yea, even from the generall bussines ; and yet under show and pretence of godlynes and furtherance of the planta tion. Wheras the quite contrary doth plainly appeare; as some of the honester harted men (though of late of their faction) did make mani fest at our late meeting. But what should I trouble you or my selfe with these restles opposers of all goodnes, and I doubte will be con tinuall disturbers of our frendly meetings and love. On Thurs-day the • 8 • of Jan[uary] we had a meeting aboute the artickles betweene you and us; x wher they would rejecte that, which we in our late leters prest you to grante, (an addition to the time of our joynt stock). And their reason which they would make known to us was, it trobled their conscience to exacte longer time of you then was agreed upon at the first. But that night they were so followed and crost of their perverse courses, as they were even wearied, and offered to sell their adventures ; and some were willing to buy. But I, doubting they would raise more scandale and false reports, and so diverse waise doe us more hurt, by going of in shuch a furie, then they could or can by continuing ad venturers amongst us^ would not suffer them.2 But on the -12- of 1 It will be noted that on January I, or a week before this meeting, Cushman and Winslow had obtained a patent for Cape Ann from Edmund, Lord Sheffield. 1 Sherley claimed to be "the receiver of the most part of the adventures and a second causer of much of the engagements, and one more threatened, being most envied and aimed at (if they could find any step to ground their malice on) than any other of the adventurers whosoever." Sherley to Bradford, December 27, 1627. Bradford Letter Book. He was in 1623 treasurer of the New Plymouth Adventurers. Bridge addressed him "at his house in Croked Lane," London, and Altham, as "dewellinge on London bridg (at the Golden horsshow)." Crooked Lane, running between Fish Street (which led to London Bridge,) and St. Michaels Lane, lay partly 356 History of 1624 Janhiary], we had another meting, but in the interime diverse of us had talked with most of them privatly, and had great combats and reasoning, pro and con. But at night when we mete to read the gen erall letter, we had the loveingest and frendlyest meeting that ever I knew x and our greatest enemise offered to lend us 50/i. So I sent for a potle of wine, (I would you could 2 doe the like,) which we dranke freindly together. Thus God can turne the harts of men when it pleaseth him, etc. Thus loving freinds, I hartily salute you all in the Lord, hoping ever to rest. Yours to my power, James Sherley. Jan: 25. 1623-24. [in] Another leter. Beloved Sir, etc. We have now sent you, we hope, men and means, to setle these -3 • things, viz. fishing, salt making, and boat making; if you can bring them to pass to some perfection, your wants may be sup- plyed. I pray you bend you[r] selfe what you can to setle these busi nesses. Let the ship be fraught away as soone as you can, and sent to »Bilbow.3 You must send some discreete man for factore, whom, once in Candlewick and partly in Bridge Within Wards. The Swan in Crooked Lane "possessed of strangers, and selling of Rhenish wine," was one of the most ancient houses in the Lane, and was known for its leaden porch. Stow, Survey of London (Kingsford), 1. 219. The Golden Horseshoe is not mentioned by Stow. 1 But this lasted not long, they had now provided Lyford and others to send over. — Bradford. 2 It is worthy to be observed, how the Lord doth chaing times and things; for what is now more plentifull then wine? and that of the best, coming from Malago, the Cannaries, and other places, sundry ships lading in a year. So as ther is now more cause to complaine of the excess and the abuse of wine (through mens corruption) even to drunkennes, then of any defecte or wante of the same. Witnes this year 1646. The good Lord lay not the sins and unthankfullnes of men to their charge in this per ticuler. — Bradford. This note is written on the reverse of f. 109 of the ms. This indulgence on the part of Sherley and his associates appears to have called forth some comment from New Plymouth. See p. 431, infra. 3 The economy of a fishing voyage varied within wide limits. The cost of fitting out a ship of two hundred tons was £2000. Dry fish in Spain sold for ten to twenty shil- 1624 Plimmoth Plantation 357 more, you must also authorise to confirme the conditions. If Mr. Win- slow could be spared, I could wish he came againe. This ship carpenter is thought to be the fittest man for you in the land, and will no doubte doe you much good.1 Let him have an abso lute comand over his servants and shuch as you put to him. Let him build you -2- catches,2 a lighter, and some -6- or -j- shalops, as soone as you can. The salt-man is a skillfull and industrious man, put some to him, that may quickly apprehende the misterie of it.3 The preacher we have sent is (we hope) an honest plaine man, though none of the most eminente and rare. Aboute chusing him into office use your owne liberty and discretion; he knows he is no officer amongst you, though lings a quintal. At ten shillings, a voyage with full cargo would return the entire cost of ship and men — or £2000 — leaving as net gain the more certain profits of the wine cargo to England. Smith, Description of New England, *40. The export trade in fish from England was at this time inconsiderable; on the contrary, a considerable portion of the domestic consumption was imported. The great profits derived by the Dutch from their fisheries had been urged upon the English government as a good reason for encouraging the fishing adventures, not to speak of the fisheries as a nursery for seamen from which the navy could recruit its strength. Even down to the close of the 1 8th century the export of fish to Spain was a considerable factor in colonial trade. 1 On August 6, 1622, a royal proclamation issued forbidding any "Mariner or Sea faring Man, Ship-Wright, or Ship-Carpenter whatever," to enter the service of any foreign prince without a license of the King. The preparation for war supplied the pretext for this order, and the conditions prevailing in the two succeeding years did not permit a relaxation of its terms. 2 A catch was a vessel of small size, but the name was also applied to "a strongly built vessel of the galiot order, usually two-masted, and of from 100 to 250 tons bur then." English Historical Dictionary. Glanville, writing in 1625, described a catch as " short and round built, bee verie apt to turne up and downe, and usefull to goe to and fro and to carry messages between shipp and shipp almost with anie wind." 3 Bradford replied to this suggestion: "As touching making of salte we have by accedente had speech with one of the north cuntrie, who came with Mr. Reinolds (who put in here), and was his mate; he had speech with our smith aboute the making of salt pane, he douts he cannot do it; also he saith if they goe about it that have no skill they will quickly burne the pans and doe no good, wheras if they be skillfully or dered they may last a long time. He thought we might have some frome about New castle that would best fite our tourne for that bussines, we pray you provide for us here about as soone as you can, that we may doe some thing to the purpose." Bradford's letter of September 8, 1623. 358 Plimmoth Plantation 1624 perhaps custome and universalitie may make him forget him selfe. Mr. Winslow and my selfe gave way to his going, to give contente to some hear, and we see no hurt in it, but only his great charge of chil dren.1 We have tooke a patente for Cap Anne, etc.2 I am sory ther is no more discretion used by some in their leters hither. Some say you are starved in body and soule; others, that you eate piggs and doggs, that dye alone; others, that the things hear spoaken of, the goodnes of the cuntry, are gross and palpable lyes; that ther is scarce a foule to be seene, or a fish to be taken, and many shuch like.3 I would shuch dis- 1 Savage conjectures that Lyford brought four children. Three are known by name, Ruth, Obadiah and Mordecai, who received bequests in tobacco under their father's will. Suffolk Deeds, i. 27. Mordecai was about fourteen years of age in 1639, when he chose his step-father Edmund Hobart as his guardian, to care for his claims on lands and tenements in the county of Tyrone, and on a lease at Leballeglish in county Armagh, Ireland. Obadiah, clerk, was dead at the time this choice was made. Lech- ford, Note Book, 141, 143. From the fact that papers relating to the Irish estate of Lyford were sent through Richard Andrews, it may be assumed that Andrews was one of his original supporters among the Adventurers. lb. 142. Lyford is a place- name m Berkshire county, England, but nothing exists to connect this errant clergy man with the Lyfords of Hurley. Visitation of Berkshire (Harleian Society), 1. 244. 2 This was in response to a direction from New Plymouth. "We have write to the counsell [for New England] for an other patente for Cape Anne to weet for the wester- side of it, which we know to be as good a harbore as any in this land, and is thought to be as good fishing place; and seeing fishing must be the cheefe, if not the only means to doe us good; and it is like to be so fite a place, and lyeth so neer us; we thinke it verie necessarie to use all diligence to procure it; and therfore we have now write unto you and the counsell againe about it, least our former letters should not be come, or not de livered, of which we have some suspition; Mr. Weston hath writen for it, and is de sirous to get it before us; and the like doth Mr. Thomson; which is one spetiall motive that hath moved us to send over this messenger fore named [Winslow]; as allso about that grand patent which we understand you have gott from Mr. Peirce." Bradford's letter of September 8, 1623. One of the objects in applying for this patent for Cape Ann was to correct the too strait bounds mentioned in the Peirce patent. Supra, p. 308. 8 This was John Oldome and his like. — Bradford. The words are written against the charges in the text, without their usual * to guide the reference. Oldham came in the Anne with a following that entitled him and his associates to ten shares in the division of lands in 1624. He was the most prominent of those who were "on their champlain's map of lb beau port (Cape BEAU PORT (CAPE ANN) FRUITS AND PLANTS OF Ntf NOTES BY MERRITT L. FERN AH i Aux. Highly conventionalized. Presumably the Spring Beauty (Claytonia carol in tan a) which has a short thick < root of about this size, edible (when boiled resembling chestnut). The artist was apparently forced, for want of space, to omit the leaves, but the root and the peculiar lopping of the inflorescence suggest the Spring Beauty. It is frequent in bottomland woods or on rich slopes from Newfoundland to Virginia, though rare near the New England Coast, except from the Penobscot to the Piscataqua and locally in Rhode Island and i Connecticut la forme des sitroules. Undoubtedly the squash cultivated by the Indians prune. From the form of the fruit, the Canada Plum or Wild Plum (Prunus nigra), native of eastern Canada and the Northern States and cultivated by the Indians. astemara. Possibly meant for the Tobacco (Nicottana rusiica) which was cultivated by the New England and < other Indians. It is equally good as a drawing of one of the large-leaved woodland Asteis(Aster macrophyl- lus, A. Hcrveyi, and their allies). The large leaves of these woodland Asters are used by the French of Can ada as a substitute for tobacco. L'Abbe Provancher, in his " Flore Canadienne," says of Aster macrophyl- lus : "¦ Ses feuilles dessechees sont quelquefois employees en guise de Tabac pour fumer." Cach. Difficult to determine : drawing much conventionalized. Probably either one of the Wild Onions {Al hum Schcenoprasum, which grows on river-banks from Newfoundland to Maine, or Allium canadense, found in meadows from southern Maine southward) or the Golden Club (Orontium aquaticum) which occurs in pond-margins and swamps from Cape Cod and Worcester County, Massachusetts, southward. The Golden Club was highly prized and often planted by the Indians both for its starchy root and its seeds groiselle rouge. Clearly the Skunk Currant {Ribes prostratum) which abounds from Labrador to southern Maine and the hill-country of Massachusetts and Connecticut. Champlain specially commented on its abun dance on tbe islands off Kennebunkport, where it still abounds. OF SEW ENGLAND (After Champlain) FUSLD, OF HARVARD UNIVERSITY pisque penay. From the root this can be only the Ground Nut (Apios tuberosa) so much valued by the Indians for its starchy roots chataigne The Chestnut (Castanea dentata), better identified by the French name than by the draw ing. Ranatns de 3 sortes The three commonest Wild Grapes of New England. The smallest-fruited one is Fit is ¦uulpina, the River-bank Grape, which occurs on nearly all our large rivers eastward to the St. John. The upper leaf and the medium-sized grapes belong to Pitts asttvalts, the Pigeon Grape, which occurs in thickets and open woods from southern New Hampshire southward. The largest fruit and the lowest leaf are of Fit is Labrusca, the large Fox Grape of our coastal region from the lower Kennebec southward. fives de bristly the Brazilian Bean (Phaseolus vulgaris), which the early Europeans found cultivated all over tropical and temperate America. Unnamed plant in upper right-hand corner, with heart-shaped root. Too much conventionalized for identification. Little berrv bearing plant in the lower right-hand corner. This is a fairly good representation of the Checkerberry (Gaultheria procumbent), which the early French in America used as a tea, and which was demonstrated by the French Canadian court physician Gaultier (Gaulthier, Gauthier, Gautier) before the French Academy as a tea of superior quality. Bibaud (Diet. Hist. 129) says of Dr. Gaultier: u II decouvrit le the du Canada et demonstra a [' Academie des Sciences, la superiority de notre capillaire [Maidenhair Fern, much used in mediaeval medicine] su, le capillaire francais. ... II parla en meme temps de notre the qu'il designa com me un breuvage excellent, etc., etc. L1 Academie fut si sausfaite du Mepioir, qu'elle voulut,que cette plante portat le nom de M. Gauthier, et qu'elle fQt appellee Gaultheria." THE PLANTERS PLEA O R THE GROVNDS OF PLAN- TATIONS EXAMINED, And vfiiall Obje&ions anfwered. Together "kith amanifeflation ofthecaufes mooying fttch at have lately undertaken a Plantation itt N 8 vv-En gland: For the fatiffa&ion of thofechac queftion the lawfulneflc of the Action. 2 T H E S. 5. 21. Prove all things, and hide faU that which is good. London, Printed by Wi ll i am Iones. 360 History of 1624 contented men were hear againe, for it is a miserie when the whole state of a plantation shall be thus exposed to the passionate humors of some discontented men. And for my selfe I shall hinder for hearafter some that would goe, and have not better composed their affections; mean space it is all our crosses, and we must bear them. I am sorie we have not sent you more and other things, but in truth we have rune into so much charge, to victaile the ship, provide salte and other fishing implements, etc. as we could not provid other com fortable things, as buter, suger, etc. I hope the returne of this ship, and the James, will put us in cash againe.1 The Lord make you full of particular," and almost from his first year became a disturbing factor in the settlement. 1 A fishing voyage to the New England coast appears to have been of uncertain pro fit. The western country of England sent each year a number of such ventures, and it occurred to some in Dorchester that a better method would lead to better returns. "About the yeare 1623. some Westerne Marchants (who had continued a trade of fish ing for Cod and bartering for Furres in those parts for divers yeares before) conceiving that a Colony planted on the Coast might further them in those employments, be thought themselves how they might bring that project to effect, and communicated their purpose to others, alledging the conveniency of compassing their proiect with a small charge, by the opportunitie of their fishing trade, in which they accustomed to double-man their Ships, that (by the helpe of many hands) they might despatch their Voyage, and lade their Ship with Fish while the fishing season lasted, which could not be done with a bare sayling company. Now it was conceived, that the fishing being ended, the spare men that were above their necessary saylers, might be left behind with provisions for a yeare; and when that Ship returned the next yeare, they might assist them in fishing, as they had done the former yeare; and, in the meane time, might employ themselves in building, and planting Corne, which with the provisions of Fish, Foule, and Venison, that the Land yeelded, would affoord them the chiefe of their foode. This Proposition of theirs tooke so well, that it drew on divers persons, to joyne with them in this project, the rather because it was conceived that not onely their owne Fishermen, but the rest of our Nation that went thither on the same errand, might be much advantaged, not onely by fresh victuall, which that Colony might spare them in time, but withall, and more, by the benefit of their Ministers labours, which they might enjoy during the fishing season; whereas otherwise being usually upon those Voyages nine or ten moneths in the yeare, they were left all the while without anymeanes of instruction at all. Compassion towards the Fishermen, and partlysome expectation of gaine, prevailed so farre that for the planting of a colony in New-Eng land there was raised a Stocke of more then three thousand pounds, intended tobepayd 1624 Plimmoth Plantation 361 courage in this troublesome bussines, which now must be stuck unto, till God give us rest from our labours. Fare well in all harty affection. Your assured freind, Jan: 24. i623[-24]. R[obart] C[ushman.] in in fiue yeares, but afterwards disbursed in a shorter time. " White, The Planters Plea, *68. This was the Dorchester Company, and the colonizing venture was made at Cape Ann. See p. 374, infra. In N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg., lxi. 278, is a list of those who adventured in this company, and a paper relating to a suit growing out of this adventure will be found in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, xun. 493. Smith's practical sense had recognized the advantages of combining a scheme of making a settlement with a fishing venture. The ships sent to Newfoundland were double-manned, to get the freight on board speedily. "But one third part of that companie are onely but proper to serue a stage, carry a barrow, and turne Poor lohn [salted or dried hake]: notwithstanding, they must haue meate, drinke, clothes, and passage, as well as the rest. Now all I desire, is but this: That those that vol untarily will send shipping, should make here the best choise they can, or accept such as are presented them, to serue them at that rate: and their ships returning leaue such with me, with the value of that they should receiue comming home, in such prouisions and necessarie tooles, armes, bedding and apparell, salt, hookes, nets, lines, and such like as they spare of the remainings; who till the next returne may keepe their boates and doe them many other profitable offices : prouided I haue men of ability to teach them their functions." Description of New England, *$6. This out lines the policy intended by such experiments as Weston's fishing voyages. It is probable that Winslow was responsible for the suggestion. In writing of the fisheries he says, "Witness the west-country merchants of England, which return incredible gains yearly from thence. And if they can so do, which here buy their salt at a great charge, and transport more company to make their voyage then will sail their ships, what may the planters expect when once they are seated, and make the most of their salt there, and employ themselves at least eight months in fishing; whereas the other fish but four, and have their ships lie dead in the harbour all the time, whereas such shipping as belong to plantations may take freight of passengers or cattle thither, and have their lading provided against they come." Good Newes from New England, '64. The experience of the Dorchester Company was conclusive, and White sets forth the causes of the failure with this summary: "The very proiect it selfe of plant ing by the helpe of a fishing Voyage, can never answer the successe that it seemes to promise (which experienced Fisher- ^***/ *» &-o£. men easily have foreseene before hand, and by that meanes C&fm 9f4i4** haue preuented divers ensuing errors) whereof amongst divers ^ other reasons these may serue for two. First that no sure fishing place in the Land is 362 History of 1624 With the former letter write by Mr. Sherley, there were sente sundrie objections concerning which he thus writeth. " These are the cheefe objections which they [112] that are now returned make against you and the countrie. I pray you consider them, and answer them by the first conveniencie." x These objections were made by some of those that came over on their perticuler and were returned home, as is before mentioned, and were of the same suite with those that this other letter mentions.2 I shall here set them downe, with the answers then made unto them, and sent over at the returne of this ship; which did so con found the objectors, as some confessed their falte, and others deneyed what they had said, and eate their words, and some others of them have since come over againe and heere lived to convince them selves sufficiently, both in their owne and other mens judg ments. 1. obj. was diversitie aboute Religion. Ans: We know no shuch matter, for here was never any controversie or opposition, either publicke or private, (to our knowledg,) since we came. 2. ob : Neglecte of familie duties, one the Lords day.3 fit for planting, nor any good place for planting found fit for fishing, at least neere the Shoare. And secondly, rarely any Fisher-men will worke at Land, neither are Husband-men fit for Fisher-men but with long vse and experience." The Planters Plea, *74- The first ship to be sent out by the Dorchester Company was the Charity, which brought Winslow and his Cape Ann patent to Plymouth. Smith's Generall Historic, entered on the Stationers Register July 12, 1624 (p. 247), mentions a "Plantation a beginning by the Dorchester men, which they hold of those of New-Plimouth, who also by them haue set vp a fishing worke." This refers to the adventure which had left in March, and to the employment of the Dorchester Company's capital in the fishing plan outlined on p. 374, infra. The Charity is described by White as a "small ship of fiftie tunnes." The vessel of the same name sent out by Weston in 1622 was double the size. 1 Bradford does not use the quotation marks, which are inserted to make the sen tence clear. 2 See p. 331, supra. ' The King, at this time, upon the prorogation of Parliament in May criticised 1624 Plimmoth Plantation 363 Ans. We allow no such thing, but blame it in our selves and others; and they that thus reporte it, should have shewed their Christian love the more if they had in love tould the offenders of it, rather then thus to reproach them behind their baks. But (to say no more) we wish them selves had given better example. 3. ob: Wante of both the sacrements.1 Ans. The more is our greefe, that our pastor is kept from us, by whom we might injoye them; for we used to have the Lords Supper every Saboth, and baptisme as often as ther was occasion of children to baptise. 4. ob : Children not catechised nor taught to read. Ans: Neither is true; for diverse take pains with their owne as they can; indeede, we have no commone schoole for want of a fitt person, or hithertoo means to maintaine one; though we desire now to begine. 5. ob: Many of the perticuler members of the plantation will not work for the generall. Ans: This allso is not wholy true; for though some doe it not willingly, and other not honestly, yet all doe it; and he that doth worst gets his owne foode and something besides. But we will not excuse them, but labour to reforme them the best we cane, or else to quitte the plantation of them. 6. ob : The water is not wholsome.2 Ans : If they mean, not so wholsome as the good beere and wine some bills presented for his consent. "He made merry over one, for 'the better observance of the Sabbath,' as allowing 'no recreation to the poor men that labour hard all the week long, to ease themselves on the Sunday.'" Gardiner, History of England, v. 234. 1 See p. 371, infra. 2 Wood described the waters of New England as "farre different from the waters of England, being not so sharpe, but of a fatter substance, and of a more jettie colour; it is thought there can be no better water in the world, yet dare I not preferre it before a good Beere, as some have done, but any man will choose it before bad Beere, Wheay, or Buttermilke. Those that drinke it be as healthfuU, fresh and lustie, as they that drinke beere." New Englands Prospect, *I2. 364 Plimmoth Plantation 1624 in London,1 (which they so dearly love,) we will not dispute with them; but els, for water, it is as good as any in the world, (for ought we knowe,) and it is wholsome enough to us that can be contente therwith. 7. ob: The ground is barren and doth bear no grasse [113]. Ans: It is hear (as in all places) some better and some worse; and if they well consider their woods, in England they shall not find shuch grasse in them, as in their feelds and meadows. The catle find grasse, for they are as fatt as need be; we wish we had but one for every hundred that here is grase to keep.2 Indeed, this objection, as some other, are ridiculous to all here which see and know the contrary. 8. ob: The fish will not take salt to keepe sweete. ^ns : This is as true as that which was written, that ther is scarce a foule to be seene or a fish to be taken. Things likly to be true in a cuntrie wher so many sayle of ships come yearly a fishing; they might as well say, there can no aile or beere in London be kept from sowering. 9. ob : Many of them are theevish and steale on from an other. Ans: Would London had been free from that crime,3 then we 1 "In the time of Henry the Eight, and Edward the Sixt,Vinteners and Taverners houses were not in any such measure, maner, nor plenteous store and variety of wines of all Nations in any one man's house, as now at this time [c 1617] there is in every Vintener's house; for in those days whosoever drew White, Claret, and red Wine, sold no more kindes of Wine; the Dutch then sold only Reinish wine, as now they doe; and at that time, when an Argosey came with Greeke and Spanish Wines, viz. Mus- cadell, Malmsey, Sacke, and Bassard, the Apothecaries of London then went unto those merchants, and every man bought such Rundlets, vessels, and quantities of those rich wines, as they thought they should Retayle, unto such as usually bought of them only for Physicke and for the Communion Table." Annates, 867, ed. 1631. Kingsford, from whom this extract is taken, believes the matter was derived by Howes from Stow's Collections. Survey of London, n. 323. 1 See vol. 11. p. 11. Also Wood," New Englands Prospect, *o. 8 London was so infested by thieves that walking in the streets after dark involved great risk, and even the houses were subject to forcible entry. As in a later period, 1685, the "machinery for keeping the peace was utterly contemptible," and thieves «|By the King. f[ A Proclamation for fuppreffing infdlent abules committed by bafe people againft perfons of qualirie, afwell Strangers as others, in the Streetes of the Cine and Suburbes of London, with the parts adiacent l^ilS We haue euer efteemed it a happinefle to meete with any bccafton,tDat mfg&t (uttlp moone 3te to taftc notice of tftt cacefou ano wftuete ©onttnment of fncbas ttete trnOeo m high plates of awfiotftfe anbfiPagtQracfe tnott ©03m n>bf$ caiesCas the ttojio tantteii beare Us tttttneflejrote baue eueYbeenteabpte en>;efletbe6iabnefleof^>nct)eart,bp£)nc6cac(onst0ariftfalR«ebnto them tn one Write 0; other: S>o on tljc other Gbe.boe met IDoib oencc, but ttfttn though tmpjionfljentc.anDnjeaKndre of ©ouetnment, the tni&hlefe gtottKS flrong anb pecotttoas, to take tDe Befonnanon (nto out ourne fopjeame poibtt,bnieHe 0* tDttMc mefinba fpeeop amentmiemv £)ut Cttttof fLonbon,tDe$jttne anbtpefcCuie of ail otDecs iwtfifti ©w&eainies ano a>omm(ons, tlje plate that wee, ano tiDnrf&ebetef- Uhb intDttBtnabome.DaueanDaprstUOBgDtttoMljicQto beDononrebibftDtDeSeGbente of one #etfons,anb of £>ur fup?eame Conns of ginOicc,am> toljitlj d)nr delfeut p©rttraiat Daw euet Once ©urcommmg bnto tDe Crotune, fanonreb anb t&crtfhcD bp all tDctmancs VeennsDt.to teOifte £>nc}»;(rircip ano (^tv aonxna?; affccicon toxudccs cScniin^ccof x@ce 366 History of 1624 should not have been trobled with these here; it is well knowne sundrie have smarted well for it,1 and so are the rest like to doe, if they be taken. 10. ob: The countrie is anoyed with foxes and woules.2 Ans: So are many other good cuntries too; but poysbn, traps, and other shuch means will help to destroy them. 11. ob: The Dutch are planted nere Hudsons Bay,3 and are likely to over throw the trade. Ans : They will come and plante in these parts, also, if we and others doe not, but goe home and leave it to them. We rather com mend them, then condemne them for it. 12. ob: The people are much anoyed with muskeetoes.4 and robbers plied their trade with impunity. Macaulay, History of England (ed. 1879), 1. 282. 1 Whipping was never inflicted in England on persons of the better class, and the nobility were legally exempt from corporal punishment. 2 By an "ancient order" two pence were allowed for every wolf killed in the colony, "for the incouragement of persons to seeke the destruction of those ravenous crea tures." But in 1633 it was noticed that none purposely hunted the animals, "but accidentally light on them, and so unworthily receive the benefit." The bounty was abolished, except where the Governor and Council should recognize the setting of traps or other engines. This left the subject in so unsatisfactory a condition that in 1634 five bushels of corn, to be levied on the people, were offered for the killing of one or more wolves. The pest and danger continued unabated, for in 1641 directions were given to each town to make, bait and look daily after wolf traps, under penalty; and after 165 1 the Indians were called in to assist, each Indian to receive a coat of trading cloth for every wolf. The high value thus offered proves the importance attached to the destruction of the animals. From 1634, the bounty ranged in value from fifteen to thirty shillings. Plymouth Col. Rec, 1. 22, 3 1 ; XI. 38, 58. Wood, New Englands Pros pect, speaks of the ravages of the wolves, *I7, 18, 20, 38, but denies that they ever attacked man. * This complaint about the Dutch may point to the source of these criticisms — the Gorges following, who were intent upon the profits to be had from the fur trade. Hudson River is meant. 4 Charles Lodwick, writing in 1692, speaks of "a mischievous insect called a mus- queta, or small little fly, which extreamly vexes the cattle, and is often observed to make them grow lean, hindering their feeding." New York Hist. Soc. Coll., ser. 2. 11. 245. See Wood, New Englands Prospect, "40. 1624 Plimmoth Plantation 367 Ans: They are too delicate and unfitte to begine new-planta tions and coUonies, that cannot enduer the biting of a muskeeto; we would wish shuch to keepe at home till at least they be muskeeto proofe. Yet this place is as free as any, and experience teacheth that the more the land is tild, and the woods cut downe, the fewer ther will be, and in the end scarse any at all. Having thus dispatcht these things, that I may handle things togeather, I shall here inserte -2- other letters from Mr. Robinson their pastor; the one to the Gov[erno]r, the other to Mr. Brewster their Elder, which will give much light to the former things, and express the tender love and care of a true pastor over them. His leter to the Gov[erno]r. My loving and much beloved freind, whom God hath hithertoo preserved, preserve and keepe you still to his glorie, and the good of many ; that his blessing may make your godly and wise endea[v]ours an swerable to the valuation which they ther have, and set upon the same. Of your love too and care for us here, we never doubted; so are we glad to take knowledg of it in that fullnes we doe. Our love and care too and for you, is mutuall, though our hopes of coming [114] unto you be small, and weaker then ever. But of this at large in Mr. Brewsters letter, with whom you, and he with you, mutualy, I know, comunicate your letters, as I desire you may doe these, etc. Concerning the killing of those poor Indeans, of which we heard at first by reporte, and since by more certaine relation, oh ! how happy a thing had it been, if you had converted some, before you had killed any; 1 besides, wher bloud is onc[e] begune to be shed, it is seldome stanched of a long time after. You will say they deserved it. I grant it; 1 After fifty years of English occupation and endeavor Hubbard bore testimony to the small results in christianizing the natives. "As for our religion, some, yet a few of them, have seemed seriously to embrace it; but until they be reduced to more civility some judicious persons have conceived no great harvest is to be expected of real converts, which, for the future, must be left to the observation of them that come after, there being little progress made that way for the present, notwithstanding that many endeavors have been made in that kind." History, 29. 368 History of 1624 but upon what provocations and invitments by those heathenish Chris tians ? 1 Besides, you, being no magistrates over them, were to consider, not what they deserved, but what you were by necessitie constrained to inflicte. Necessitie of this, espetially of killing so many, (and many more, it seems, they would, if they could,) I see not.2 Me thinks on or tow principals should have been full enough, according to that ap proved rule, The punishmente to a few, and the fear to many.3 Upon this occasion let me be bould to exhorte you seriou[s]ly to consider of the dispossition of your Captaine, whom I love, and am perswaded the Lord in great mercie and for much good hath sent you him, if you use him aright. He is a man humble and meek amongst you, and to wards all in ordinarie course.4 But now if this be meerly from an hu- 1 Mr. Westons men. — Bradford. 2 Winslow expressed the general opinion in saying that "this business was no less troublesome than grievous, and the more, because it is so ordinary in these times for men to measure things by the events thereof; but especially for that we knew no means to deliver our countrymen and preserve ourselves, than by returning their malicious and cruel purposes upon their own heads, and causing them to fall into the same pit they had digged for others; though it much grieved us to shed the blood of those whose good we ever intended and aimed at, as a principal in all our pro ceedings." Good Newes, "37. 3 Robinson used almost the same words in his Just and Necessary Apology (1619), in speaking of public rebukes to wrongdoers in the church, "that when the punish ment comes to one, the fear might reach unto many, which yet wise men in all public executions would have carefully provided for." Works, in. 32. 4 Standish was born in Lancashire, and claimed to be a cadet of the house of Standish of Standish, from which certain lands had been given "to me as right heir _ by lawful descent, but surreptitiously detained from Ct/rjt/Jjfn me; my great-grandfather being a second or younger <*« c-s^-' brother from the house of Standish of Standish." This house held lands in Duxbury, England, a town of the parish of Standish, and close to Wigan. He had, when young, gone to Hol land, but never became connected with the Leyden congregation, and probably served in the army of the Provinces, thus acquiring an experience which proved highly use ful at New Plymouth. His first wife, Rose, who accompanied him on the Mayflower, died January 29, 1620-21, soon after landing. His second wife, Barbara, was a pas senger in the Anne, and survived him. He died October 3, 1656, leaving four sons and one daughter. His will and inventory are printed in N. E. Hist. Gen: Reg., v. 335. The "general" had also made some criticism on Standish, for Bradford, in his letter 1624 Plimmoth Plantation 369 mane spirite, ther is cause to fear that by occasion, espetially of pro vocation, ther may be wanting that tendernes of the life of man (made after Gods image) which is meete. It is also a thing more glorious in mens eyes, then pleasing in Gods, or conveniente for Christians, to be a terrour to poore barbarous people; and indeed I am afraid least, by these occasions, others should be drawne to affecte a kind of ruffing course in the world. I doubt not but you will take in good part these things which I write, and as ther is cause make-use of them. It were to us more comfortable and convenient, that we comunicated our mu tuall helps in presence, but seeing that canot be done, we shall always long after you, and love you, and waite Gods apoynted time. The ad venturers it seems have neither money nor any great mind of us, for the most parte. They deney it to be any part of the covenants be- twixte us, that they should transporte us, neither doe I looke for any further help from them, till means come from you.1 We hear are strangers in effecte to the whole course, and so both we and you (save as your owne wisdoms and worths have intressed you further) of prin cipals intended in this bussines, are scarce accessaries, etc. My wife, with me, resalutes you and yours. Unto him who is the same to his in all places, and nere to them which are farr from one an other, I com- end you and all with you, resting, Yours truly loving, John Robinson. Leyden, Des: 19. 1623. His to Mr. Brewster. Loving and dear freind and brother: That which I most desired of God in regard of you, namly, the continuance of your life and of September 8, 1623, says: "As for capten Standish we leave him to answare for him selfe; but this we must say, he is as helpfull an instrument as any we have, and as carefull of the generall good, and doth not well aprove him selfe." Lyford's criticism of him will be found on p. 394, infra. 1 Sherley, who had adventured deeply in the plantation claimed to have aroused the malice of his partners against him because "I would not side with them against you and the going over of the Leyden [company f] " To Bradford, December 27, 1627. Bradford Letter Book. 37° History of 1624 health, and the safe coming of these sent unto you, that I most gladly hear of, and praise God for the same. And I hope Mrs. Brewsters weake and decayed state of body,1 will have some reparing by the coming of her daughters, and the provissions in this and former ships, I hear is made for you; which makes us with more patience bear our languishing state, and the deferring of our desired transportation; which I call desired, rather than hoped for, whatsoever you are borne in hand by any others. For first, ther is no hope at all, that I know, or can conceive of, of any new stock to be raised for that end ; so that all must depend [115] upon returns from you, in which are so many uncer tainties, as that nothing with any certaintie can thence be concluded. Besides, howsoever for the presente the adventurers aledg nothing but want of money, which is an invincible difculty, yet if that be taken away by you, others without doubte will be found. For the beter clearing of this, we must dispose the adventurers into • 3 • parts ; and of them some • 5 • or ¦ 6 • (as I conceive) are absolutly bent for us, above any others. Other •$• or -S- are our bitter profesed adversaries.2 The rest, being the body, I conceive to be honestly minded, and loveingly also towards us; yet shuch as have others (namly the for ward preachers) nerer unto them, then us, and whose course so farr as ther is any difference, they would rather advance then ours. Now what a hanck 3 these men have over the professors, you know. And I perswade my selfe, that for me, they of all others are unwilling I should be transported, espetially shuch of them as have an eye that way them selves ; as thinking if I come ther, ther market will be mard in many regards. And for these adversaries, if they have but halfe the witte to their malice, they will stope my course when they see it in tended, for which this delaying serveth them very opportunly. 4 And 1 Mrs. Brewster died before 1627. Her daughters were Fear, who married, in 1626, Isaac Allerton, and Patience, who married, in 1624, Thomas Prence. 2 The faction in the Company which supported Lyford was opposed to the coming of Robinson to New England. It drew its later inspiration from Lyford himself, whose ideas of what was necessary extended to the substitution of persons for Captain Peirce, Captain Standish and for Winslow in the office of merchant. P. 393, infra. 8 Hanck means a restraining or curbing hold, a power of check or restraint. New English Dictionary. 4 "Alas! you would fain have had him with you, and he would as fain have come 1624 Plimmoth Plantation 371 as one restie jade can hinder, by hanging back, more then two or -3 • can (or will at least, if they be not very free) draw forward, so will it be in this case. A notab[l]e experimente of this, they gave in your mes sengers presence, constraining the company to promise that none of the money now gathered should be expended or imployed to the help of any of us towards you.1 Now touching the question propounded by you, I judg it not Iawfull for you, being a ruling Elder, as Rom. 12. 7. 8. and 1. Tim. 5. 17. opposed to the Elders that teach and exhorte and labore in the word and doctrine, to which the sacrements are annexed, to administer them, nor convenient if it were Iawfull.2 Whether any larned man will come unto you or not, I know not;3 if any doe, you must Consilium capere in arena. Be you mostly hartily saluted, and your wife with you, both from me and mine. Your God and ours, and to you; many letters and much speech hath been about his coming to you, but never any solid course propounded for his going; if the course propounded the last year had appeared to have been certain, he would have gone through with two or three families. I know no man amongst us knew his mind better than I did, about those things; he was loath to leave the church, yet I know also, that he would have accepted the worst conditions which in the largest extent of a good conscience could be taken, to have come to you." Thomas Blossom to Bradford and Brewster, December 15, 1625. Brad ford Letter Book. 1 "By the above written letter it may appear how much the adversary hindered the coming of this blessed servant of Christ into New England, although he so much longed to be with his flock, and his flock with him; a worthy pattern unto all churches and their ministers to be imitated." Note by Morton in Records of Plymouth church. 2 "On an office, let us wait on the office: or he that teacheth, on teaching: or he that exhorteth, on exhortation: he that distribueth, let him doe it with simplicitie: he that ruleth, with diligence: he that sheweth mercy, with cheerefulnesse." Romans. "The Elders that rule well, let them be had in double honour, specially they which labour in the word and doctrine." Timothy. In the plan of church government as practised by Robinson, the governing Elder was "to rule with diligence," and the Elders "being public officers, are to exercise the solemn works of their office; and particularly the work of rebuking them that sin openly and before the church, both that others may fear, and the church of faith, consent to the excommunication; and, therefore cannot represent the church, it being actually present." Works, in. 429, 435. The Elder must be " apt to teach," and " able to exhort with sound doctrine, and convince gainsayers," not only privately but in the public assembly also. 3 See note on p. 134, supra. 372 History of 1624 the God of all his, bring us together if it be his will, and keep us in the mean while, and all ways to his glory, and make us servisable to his majestie, and faithfull to the end. Amen. Your very loving brother, John Robinson. Leyden, Des: 20. 1623. These things premised, I shall now prosecute the procedings and afairs here. And before I come to other things I must speak a word of their planting this year; they having found the benifite of their last years harvest, and setting corne for their particuler, having therby with a great deale of patience overcome hunger and famine. Which makes me remember a saing of Senecas, Epis: 123. That a great parte of libertie is a well governed belly, and to be patiente in all wants. They begane now highly to prise corne as more pretious then silver, and those that had some to spare begane to trade one with another for smale things, by the quarte, potle,1 and peck, etc.; for money they had none, and if any had, corne was prefered before it. That they might therfore encrease their tillage to better advantage, they made suite [116] to the Gov[erno]r to have some portion of land given them for continuance, and not by yearly lotte, for by that means, that which the more industrious had brought into good culture (by much pains) one year, came to leave it the nexte, and often another might injoye it; so as the dressing of their lands were the more sleighted over, and to lese profite. Which being well considered, their request was granted. And to every person was given only one acrre of land, to them and theirs, as nere the towne as might be, and they had no more till the .7. years were expired. The rea son was, that they might be kept close together, both for more saftie and defence, and the better improvement of the generall 1 The pottle, now an obsolete measure for liquids or corn, contained two quarts, or half a gallon. 37 2 History of 1624 the God of all his, bring us together if it be his will, and keep us in the mean while, and all ways to his glory, and make us servisable to his majestie, and faithfull to the end. Amen. Your very loving brother, John Robinson. Leyden, Des: 20. 1623. These things premised, I shall now prosecute the procedings and afairs here. And before I come to other things I must speak a word of their planting this year; they having found the benifite of their last years harvest, and setting corne for their particuler, having therby with a great deale of patience overcome hunger and famine. Which makes me remember a saing of Senecas, Epis: 123. That a great parte of libertie is a well governed belly, and to be patiente in all wants. They begane now highly to prise corne as more pretious then silver, and those that had some to spare begane to trade one with another for smale things, by the quarte, potle,1 and peck, etc.; for money they had none, and if any had, corne was prefered before it. That they might therfore encrease their tillage to better advantage, they made suite [116] to the Gov[erno]r to have some portion of land given them for continuance, and not by yearly lotte, for by that means, that which the more industrious had brought into good culture (by much pains) one year, came to leave it the nexte, and often another might injoye it; so as the dressing of their lands were the more sleighted over, and to lese profite. Which being well considered, their request was granted. And to every person was given only one acrre of land, to them and theirs, as nere the towne as might be, and they had no more till the .7. years were expired. The rea son was, that they might be kept close together, both for more saftie and defence, and the better improvement of the generall 1 The pottle, now an obsolete measure for liquids or corn, contained two quarts, or half a gallon. i624 Plimmoth Plantation 373 imployments.1 Which condition of theirs did make me often thinke, of what I had read in Plinie2 of the Romans first begin- ings in Romulus time. How every man contented him selfe with ¦ 2 • acres of land, and had no more assigned them. And chap. • 3 • It was thought a great reward, to receive at the hands of the people of Rome a pinte of corne. And long after, the greatest presente given to a Cap- taine that had gotte a victory over their enemise, was as much ground as they could till in one day. And he was not counted a good, but a dangerous man, that would not contente him selfe with -j- Acres of land. As also how they did pound their corne in morters, as these people were forcte to doe many years before they could get a mille.3 1 The crop raised in 1623 proved a disappointment, because of the drought, and caused a higher price for the grain gathered. This was one of the reasons for the demand on the part of the planters for a more permanent tenure of their plots, and the grant of a single acre for each head of population constituted a further stage in the development from the community system of cultivation to full private ownership of the land. The list of " falls of land " now assigned will be found at the end of the pre vious chapter (p. 346, supra). It is taken from Plymouth Col. Rec,xn. 4, and accounts for ninety-seven acres; but as four men and one woman have no quantity allotted to them, the original intention may have been to place one hundred acres under this method of cultivation. It will be recalled that in the spring of 1622 about sixty acres were reported to be "well planted with corne besides their gardens well replenished with useful fruits." Smith, Generall Historic (p. 275, supra). The arrangement now made proved effective until the increase in population, the profits on grain, and the exhaustion in the fertility of these one acre lots, led to a radical departure, which is described under the year 1632, vol. 11. p. 151, infra. 2 Plin: lib: 18. chap. 2. — Bradford. 3 Though underlined, the reference is to those of New Plymouth. Apparently the first mill was established in 1633. In January of that year, "Ste phen Deane, desiring to set up a water worke, to beate corne uppon the brooke ad- joyning to the towne of Plymouth, for the benefit of the common wealth, was referred to the Governor and Councell for answer, who agreed with him upon these following termes : That, provided the place he made choyce of were no hinderance to a grinding mill intended heereafter, he might bring his worke neere the towne. 2. That hee should receiue one pottle out of every bushell for toll, and no more. 3. That in case the said Stephen can beate all the corne that is or shall be used in the colony, it shall not be Iawfull for any other to set up a worke of that kinde, except it be for his owne use, or freely, without toll or any other consideracon whatsoever, to giue leaue to others to 374 Plimmoth Plantation 1624 The ship which brought this supply, was speedily discharged,1 and with her m[aste]r and company sente to Cap-Anne (of which place they had gott a patente, as before is shewed) on fishing, and because the season was so farr spente some of the planters were sent to help to built their stage, to their owne hinderance.2 But make use of the same." Deane accepted the terms, and promised to build in the sum mer such a mill as would serve the whole colony. Plymouth Col. Rec, i. 8. One year later his privileges were enlarged, and again on the condition that he would "surrender up his worke and that right and claime he challengeth for the beating of corne, when soever a grinding mill shall be sett up at the order and appointment of the Governour and Councell of Assistants." Deane died in September, 1634, and so could hardly have made much advance towards using his monopoly, and in July, 1635, the Court agreed that it was "needfull" to build a mill, appointed four freemen to collect the money, agree with workmen, and order all other things for its construction. lb. 22, 35. Either money was wanting or some obstacle was encountered, for in March, 1636-37, it was "concluded vpon by the Court that Mr. John Jenney shall haue lib erty to erect a Milne for grinding and beating of Corne vpon the brooke of Plymouth to be to him and his heires for euer," and his tolls were determined. lb. xi. 26. Jenney had just been punished for trading in corn with the Indians. If it was the in tention to erect a monopoly, the scheme proved futile. In 1637 a mill existed at Scit- uate, and in the following year the records speak of "diuers other Milnes within this Collony who are allowed competent toule for grinding and do not grind Corn as they ought to doe." Regulations in subsequent years sought to oblige millers to have honest measures and reasonable tolls. lb. xi. 30, 1 16. 1 This vessel was the first venture of the Dorchester Company (p. 360, supra), and proved a costly bargain, as upwards of £300 were expended upon her in a "new sute of sayles and other provisions to furnish her." Nor was the result calculated to inspire confidence in the adventure. "Now by reason the Voyage was vndertaken too late; she came at least a moneth or six weekes later then the rest of the Fish- ing-Shippes, that went for that Coast; and by that meanes wanting Fish to make up her lading, the Master thought good to passe into Mattachusets bay, to try whether that would yeeld him any, which he performed, and speeding there, better then he had reason to expect: having left his spare men behind him in the Country at Cape Ann, he returned to a late and consequently a bad market in Spaine, and so home." Fourteen men were left at Cape Ann, and the loss on the voyage to the Company was no less than six hundred pounds. The vessel remained to them. White, The Planters Plea, *70. 2 The Council for New England had not derived the expected profits from their patent and grants, and faced the amendment of that patent by the Privy Council. Better to be prepared to take advantage of what the new letters patent might grant, 1624 Plimmoth Plantation ill drink, and gusle, and consume away the time and his victails ; and most of his company followed his example; and though Mr. Wil liam Peirce was to over see the busines, and to be m[aste]r of the ship home, yet he could doe no good amongst them, so as the loss was great, and would have bene more to them, but that they kept one a trading ther, which in those times got some store of skins, which was some help unto them. The ship-carpenter that was sent them, was an honest and very industrious man, and followed his labour very dilligently, and made all that were imployed with him doe the like; he quickly builte them • 2 • very good and strong shalops (which after did them greate service), and a great and strong lighter, and had hewne timber for • 2 • catches; x but that was lost, for he fell into a feaver in the Patents must have passed under this division; for Winslow in December, 1623, wished to secure for the planters of New Plymouth a grant of a part of Cape Ann. He applied to Edmund, Lord Sheffield, to whom that tract of land had fallen, and on January 1, 1623-24, he received from Sheffield, a patent, "for themselves and theire Associates and Planters at Plymouth in New England in America " granting " a certain Tract of Ground in New England aforesaid lying in Forty-three Degrees or there about of Northerly latitude and in a knowne place there comonly called Cape Anne," with the adjacent islands and hunting and fishing privileges, and land for each new comer within seven years after the date of the instrument, to be held at an annual quit-rent. The patent, in facsimile, is in this volume, and in John Wingate Thorn ton, The Landing at Cape Ann. The text is printed at the end of this chapter. No lot was drawn for Captain John Smith, "but Smiths Isles, which are a many of barren rocks, the most overgrowne with such shrubs and sharp whins you can hardly passe them; without either grasse or wood, but three or foure short shrubby old Cedars." Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters, *22. 1 " Boats with all their furniture, as sayles, hookes and lines, and other appendences, afford the painefull planter both varietie of comfort, and a sufficient competent, and an happie estate. . . . Plantations cannot possibly, profitably subsist without chat tels and boats, which are the onely meanes for surveying and conveying both our persons and provisions to the well advised scituation. Without these, plantations may with much patience, and well fortified resolution indure but difficultly, though with much time flourish and contentedly subsist. For when men are landed vpon an vnknowne shore, peradventure weake in number and naturall powers, for want of boats and carriages; are compelled to stay where they are first landed, having no meanes to remoue themselues or their goods, be the place never so fruitlesse or in- 378 History of 1624 hote season of the year, and though he had the best means the place could aforde, yet he dyed; of whom they had a very [117] great loss, and were very sorie for his death.1 But he whom they sent to make sake was an ignorante, foolish, self-willd fellow; he bore them in hand he could doe great matters in making salt-works, so he was sente to seeke out fitte ground for his purpose; and after some serch he tould the Gov[erno]r that he had found a sufficente place, with a good botome to hold water, and otherwise very con veniente, which he doubted not but in a short time to bring to good perfection, and to yeeld them great profite; but he must have -8- or ten men to be constantly imployed. He was wisht to be sure that the ground was good, and other things answerable, and that he could bring it to perfection ; otherwise he would bring upon them a great charge by imploying him selfe and so many men. But he was, after some triall, so confidente, as he caused them to send carpenters to rear a great frame for a large house, to receive the sake and such other uses. But in the end all proved vaine. Then he layed fault of the ground, in which he was deceived; but if he might have the lighter to cary clay, he was sure then he could doe it. Now though the Gov[erno]r and some other foresaw that this would come to litle, yet they had so many malignant spirits amongst them, that would have laid it upon them, in their let ters of complainte to the adventurers, as to be their fake that convenient for planting, building houses, boats, or stages, or the harbours never so vnfit for fishing, fowling, or mooring their boats." Morrell, New England, at end. See p. 229, supra. In July, 1627, when Bradford and his partners assumed the debts and trade of the plantation, only one shallop, "the bass-boat," is mentioned. Vol. 11. p. 30, infra. 1 Captain John Smith wrote a Sea-Grammar, "a booke most necessary for these plantations," giving the terms used in shipping. With that in his hand, he thought "any indifferent capacity may conceive how to direct an unskilfull Carpenter or Sailer to build Boats and Barkes sufficient to saile those coasts and rivers, and put a good workman in minde of many things in this businesse hee may easily mistake or forget. But to be excellent in this faculty is the master-peece of all the most necessary workmen in the world." Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters, *26. 1624 Plimmoth Plantation 379 would not suffer him to goe on to bring his work to perfection; for x as he by his bould confidence and large promises deceived them in England that sente him, so had he wound him selfe in to these mens high esteeme hear, so as they were faine to let him goe on till all men saw his vanity. For he could not doe any thing but boyle salt in pans, and yet would make them that were joynd with him beleeve ther was so grat a misterie in it as was not easie to be attained, and made them doe many unnecessary things to blind their eyes, till they discerned his sutl[e]tie.2 The next yere he was sente to Cap-Anne, and the pans were set up ther wher the fishing was ; but before sommer was out, he burnte the house, and the fire was so vehemente as it spoyld the pans, at least some of them, and this was the end of that chargable bussines.3 1 Some words have been effectually obliterated by Bradford at this place. 2 The making of salt, upon a large scale, had been introduced into England only a few decades before this time. The supply of this very important article of food came largely from abroad, and chiefly from the French ports on the Bay of Biscay. Some salt had been made in the inlets of the sea from a very early time, and the prod uct was known as " bay salt," to distinguish it from salt made from inland salt deposits. Attempts to make salt by Germans had been discountenanced, and in 1563 a monop oly was granted for a new process of manufacture. This monopoly constituted a real grievance, for it greatly raised the price of the article, and thus injuriously affected industries depending upon it, like salting, drying, the preservation of fish, making of vinegar and alegar. Granted by Queen Elizabeth to enrich some courtier without expense to herself, she abolished the objectionable monopoly when it became an urgent question, and the domestic output did not suffice for the needs of the popula tion. The mere dependence upon foreign sources for salt offers good evidence of the backward condition of the English fisheries. Salt wharf lay in Queene Hithe Warde, and Salters Hall on Breadstreet, in the ward of the same name. The plantation at Pascataqua, under David Thomson, is said to have made salt to good advantage. Adams, Annals of Portsmouth, 11. Yet vessels coming to America to fish brought the necessary salt as part of their freight, and probably to serve as ballast. 3 The Dorchester Company had left some salt at Cape Ann, and in 1625 "John Tilly now resident (as this defendant beleiveth in New England) or some other or others who were ymployed for the said ioynt Adventurers did without any order of this defendant or of any other of the said ioynt Adventurers to this defendants know ledge take some salt which was left at Cape Anne in New England aforesaid by the Master and company of the Zouch Phenix in the bill menconed and that some persons 380 History of 1624 The 3d. eminente person (which the letters before mention) was the minister which they sent over, by name Mr. John Lyford, of whom and whose doings I must be more large, though I shall abridg things as much as I can.1 When this man first came a shore, he saluted them with that reverence and humilitie as is seldome to be seen, and indeed made them ashamed, he so bowed and cringed unto them, and would have kissed their hands if they would have [118] suffered him;2 yea, he wept and shed many tears, blessing God that had brought him to see their faces; and admiring the things they had done in their wants, etc. as if he had been made all of love, and the humblest person in the world. And all the while alsoe who were of New Plimouth Plantacon in New England aforesaid tooke alsoe some of the same salt but how much thereof was taken by the said Tilly or by any other or how the same was ymployed or bestowed which was soe taken this defendant knoweth not." In 1627 John Watts, sailing on a fishing voyage for some of the mem bers of the DorchesterCompany, took some twenty-six hogsheads of salt from this same deposit, which he found on an island in Cape Ann harbor, uncovered and open to the air. The salt had lost so much of its savor that the fish on which it was used became corrupted and unsalable. Suit was brought against John White and John Watts by Henry Beale and Peter Lenartes to recover the value of boats, shallops, nets and provisions alleged to have been taken by Watts. The answer of White is printed in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, xliii. 493. It affords a mention of Thomas Morton, of later notoriety in these pages, saying, "that when the said salt was taken by this defendant in New England aforesaid one Mr. Morton then dwelling in New England aforesaid claymed the said salt as belonging unto him or as committed to his charge." 1 The sending of Lyford was a part of the price of harmony among the London adventurers (p. 358, supra). Morton states expressly that he was "at the Merchants chardge sent to Plimmouth plantation to be their Pastor." New English Canaan (Prince Society), 262. It was in this expectation that his friends and supporters opposed the coming of Robinson. The status given by Cushman to Lyford, this "honest plaine man," was not accurate, and only enough had been told to Cushman to induce him to give notice to New Plymouth of what Lyford might be. It is very probable that before he was allowed to exercise in the Plymouth Church, something was said of his previous calling, and any doubt arising from it would be silenced by his humility and readiness to accede to what the occasion required. 2 Of which were many witneses. — Bradford. There is no mark in the ms. to show the reference of this note, and it may apply to what follows rather than to the sentence to which it is now attached. 1624 Plimmoth Plantation 381 (if we may judg by his after cariages) he was but like him men tioned in Psa: 10. 10. Thattroucheth and boweth, that heaps of poore may fall by his might. Or like to that dissembling Ishmaell,1 who, when he had slaine Gedelia, went out weeping and mette them that were coming to offer incence in the house of the Lord ; saing, Come to Gedelia, when he ment to slay them. They gave him the best entertainment they could, (in all simplisitie,) and a larger alowans of food out of the store then any other had, and as the Gov[erno]r had used in all waightie affairs to consulte with their Elder, Mr. Brewster, (togeither with his assistants), so now he caled Mr. Liford also to counsell with them in their waightiest bussineses. After some short time he desired to joyne him selfe a member to the church hear, and was accordingly received. He made a large confession of his faith, and an acknowledgemente of his former disorderly walking, and his being intangled with many corruptions, which had been a burthen to his conscience, and blessed God for this opportunitie of freedom and libertie to injoye the ordinances of God in puritie among his people, with many more shuch like expressions. I must hear speake a word also of Mr. John Oldom, who was a copartner with him in his after courses.2 He had bene a cheefe sticler in the former faction among the per- 1 Jer. 41. 6. — Bradford. " And Ishmael the sonne of Nethaniah went foorth from Mizpah to meete them, weeping, as he went; and when he met them, hee sayd vnto them, Come to Gedaliah the sonne of Ahikam." 2 John Oldham, who had come in the Anne with ten associates "on their particu lar," proved factious from the beginning, but could not have been greatly feared by Bradford, as the punishment inflicted indicated. ' Lyford's coming gave him the in centive to agitate against the government, and a companion, perhaps a directing agent, in his actions. His conduct at the beginning showed design and imitated that of Lyford, that the planters should be thrown off their guard and share with them the councils of state. That a bond of some description connected them is proved by their leaving New Plymouth together, and together going to "Natasco," but it is difficult to believe it was a church bond. Oldham's subsequent career would go to show that agriculture was not his particular liking, or that the knowledge he gained of the profits of the fur trade developed his cupidity and love of adventure. His character is well described in Adams, Three Episodes of Massachusetts History, 215. 382 History of 1624 ticulers, and an intelligencer to those in England. But now, since the coming of this ship and he saw th'e supply that came, he tooke occasion to open his minde to some of the cheefe amongst them heere, and confessed he had done them wrong both by word and deed, and writing into England; but he now saw the eminente hand of God to be with them, and his blesing upon them, which made his hart smite him, neither should those in England ever use him as an instrumente any longer against them in any thing; he also desired former things might be forgotten, and that they would looke upon him as one that desired to close with them in all things, with shuch like expressions. Now whether this was in hipocrisie, or out of some sudden pange of conviction (which I rather thinke), God only knows. Upon it they shew all readynes to imbrace his love, and carry towards him in all frendlynes, and called him to counsell with them in all cheefe affairs, as the other, without any distrust at all. Thus all things seemed to goe very comfortably and smothly on amongst them, at which they did much rejoyce; but this lasted not [119] long, for both Oldom and he grew very perverse, and shewed a spirite of great malignancie, drawing as many into faction as they could; were they never so vile or profane, they did nourish and back them in all their doings; so they would but cleave to them and speak against the church hear; so as ther was nothing but private meetings and whisperings amongst them; they feeding themselves and others with what they should bring to pass in England by the faction of their friends their, which brought others as well as them selves into a fools paradise. Yet they could not cary so closly but much of both their doings and sayings were discovered, yet out wardly they still set a faire face of things. At lenght when the ship was ready to goe, it was observed Li- ford was long in writing, and sente many letters, and could not forbear to comunicate to his intimates shuch things as made them laugh in their sleeves, and thought he had done ther errand 1624 Plimmoth Plantation 383 sufficiently. The Gov[erno]r and some other of his freinds knowing how things stood in England, and what hurt these things might doe, tooke a shalop and wente out with the ship a league or -2- to sea, and caled for all Lifords and Oldums letters.1 Mr. William Peirce being m[aste]r of the ship, (and knew well their evill dealing both in England and here,) afforded him all the assistance he could. He found above • 20 • of Lyfords letters, many of them larg, and full of slanders, and false accusations, tending not only to their prejudice, but to their ruine and utter subversion. Most of the letters they let pas, only tooke copys of them, but some of the most materiall they sent true copyes of them, and kept the originalls, least he should deney them, and that they might produce his owne hand against him. Amongst his letters they found the coppyes of tow letters which he sent inclosed in a leter of his to Mr. John Pemberton, a minster, and a great op posite of theirs. These -2- letters of which he tooke the coppyes were one of them write by a gentle-man in England to Mr. Brewster here, the other by Mr. Winslow to Mr. Robinson, m Holand, at his coming away, as the ship lay at Gravsend. They lying sealed in the great cabin, (whilst Mr. Winslow was bussie 1 The governor could have cited good authority for his tampering with the letters. Gorges in 1607 desired the Earl of Salisbury "to sende downe present commaunde, to intercept all letters whatsoever, and to whomesoever, and to cause them to bee sent up, for I know in whose possession these letters ar yet, and I thinke I shall finde the meanes to keepe them from being delivered in haste." The letters were from Ralegh Gilbert, of the Popham colony. Gorges, in. 159. In the instructions issued to Gates, the first governor of Virginia under the charter of 1609, "to prevent false and un favorable reports concerning the plantation reaching England, the governor should inform himself, so far as possible, as to the substance of all letters and messages which were sent home, and transmit his knowledge to the royal council." Osgood, American Colonies in the Seventeenth Century, 1. 62. The Lords of the Council wrote to Nicholas Ferrar, December 30, 1623, "for some causes knowne unto us wee do hereby require you to seaze upon all the letters aswell publique as private that come in the said ship [from Virginia], and to bringe or cause them to bee safely brought unto us unopened with as much expedition as you can." Va. Hist. Mag., x. 134. 384 History of 1624 aboute the affairs of the ship,) this slye marchante * takes and opens them, takes these coppys, and seals them up againe; and not only sends the coppyes of them thus to his friend and their adversarie, but adds theitoo in the margente many scurrilous and flouting annotations. This ship went out towards ev[e]ning, and in the night the Gov[erno]r returned. They were somwaht blanke at it, but after some weeks, when they heard nothing, they then were as briske as ever, thinking nothing had been knowne, but all was gone currente, and that the Gov[erno]r went but to dispatch his owne letters. The reason why the Gov[erno]r and rest concealed these things the longer, was to let things ripen, that they [120] might the better discover their intents and see who were their ad herents. And the rather because amongst the rest they found a letter of one of their confederates, in which was writen that Mr. Oldame and Mr. Lyford intended a reformation in church and com mone wealth;2 and, as soone as the ship was gone, they intended to joyne togeather, and have the sacrements, etc. • For Oldame, few of his leters were found, (for he was so bad a scribe as his hand was scarce legable,) yet he was as deepe in the mischeefe as the other. And thinking they were now strong enough, they begane to pick quarells at every thing. Oldame being called to watch (according to order) refused to come, fell out with the Capten, caled him raskell, and begerly raskell, and resisted him, drew his knife at him; though he offered him no wrong, nor gave him no ille termes, but with all fairnes required him to doe his duty. The Gov[erno]r, hearing the tumulte, sent to quiet it, but he 1 The word is used in its obsolete meaning of "a fellow" or "chap." Examples of this use are given in the New English Dictionary. 2 It was impossible to divide the church from the state, and to propose a change or reformation in church was to propose a change in the commonwealth. From the Lyford-Oldham incident through the Colonial and into the Provincial period, a charge of sedition lay against all innovations in church government or in matters of doctrine. Such a belief made it simple to suppress what threatened existing conditions, as the state was concerned equally with the church. 1624 Plimmoth Plantation 385 ramped more like a furious beast then a man, and cald them all treatours, and rebells, and other shuch foule language as I am ashamed to remember; but after he was clapt up a while, he came to him selfe, and with some slight punishmente was let goe upon his behaviour for further censure.1 But to cutt things shorte, at length it grew to this esseue, that Lyford with his complicies, without ever speaking one word either to the Gov[erno]r, Church, or Elder, withdrewe them selves and set up a publick meeting aparte, on the Lord's day;2 with sun dry shuch insolente cariages, too long here to relate, begining now publikly to acte what privatly they had been long plotting. It was now thought high time (to prevent further mischeefe) to calle them to accounte; so the Gov[erno]r called a courte and sum moned the whole company to appeare. And then charged Lyford 1 "They injoyne him to come to their needeles watch howse in person, and for refusinge give him a cracked Crowne for presse money, and make the blood run downe about his eares; a poore trick, yet a good vaile, though Luscus may see thorough it." Morton, New English Canaan (Prince Soc), 263. Luscus was a cognomen of the Annia, Aufidia, and Furia gentes, derived from a physical imperfection — blear-sight. 2 Morton in his New English Canaan, written to attract the attention of Laud, seeks to place the dislike of the planters to Lyford and Oldham on religious grounds, and especially on their rejection of the Book of Common Prayer and the ritual there imposed. By this means the two "cancelled theire good opinion amongst the num ber of the Separatists, that stay they must not, lest they should be spies." Hence the charge of scandalous life against Lyford and of hot-temper against Oldham. It is evident that Morton seeks to make out a case in favor of the two, by dwelling upon their conformity as against the Separatists. In Morton's statement (p. 396, infra) it is asserted that Lyford followed the prac tices of the Church of England, and must, therefore, have used the Book of Common Prayer. In another chapter of his New English Canaan (Prince Society), 260, Morton gives words and phrases that bear every evidence of being authentic. "The booke of common prayer, sayd they, what poore thing is that, for a man to reade in a booke? No, no, good sirs, I would you were neere us, you might receave comfort by instruc tion: give me a man hath the guiftes of the spirit, not a booke in hand. I doe prof esse sayes one, to live without the meanes is dangerous, the Lord doth know." Morton wrote his book twelve years after the events he describes, and with a clear purpose to discredit the authorities in New England and secure his own ends in England. 386 Plimmoth Plantation 1624 and Oldam with shuch things as they were guilty of. But they were stiffe, and stood resolutly upon the deneyall of most things, and required proofe. They first alledged what was write to them out of England, compared with their doings and p[r]actises hear; that it was evident they joyned in plotting against them, and disturbing their peace, both in respecte of their civill and church state, which was most injurious; for both they and all the world knew they came hither to injoye the libertie of their conscience and the free use of Gods ordinances; and for that end had ventured their lives and passed throwgh so much hard shipe hithertoo, and they and their freinds had borne the charg of these beginings, which was not small. And that Lyford for his parte was sent over on this charge, and that both he and his great family was maintained on the same, and also was joyned to the church, and a member of them; and for him to plote against them and seek their ruine, was most unjust and perfidious. And for [121] Oldam or any other that came over at their owne charge, and were on ther perticuler, seeing they were received in curtesie by the plantation, when they came only to seeke shelter and protection under their wings, not being able to stand alone, that they, (according to the fable,) like the hedghogg whom the conny in a stormy day in pittie received into her borrow, would not be content to take part with her, but in the end with her sharp pricks forst the poore conny to forsake her owne borrow; so these men with the like injustice indevored to doe the same to thos that entertained them. Lyford denyed that he had anything to doe with them in England or knew of their courses, and made other things as strange that he was charged with. Then his letters were prodused and some of them read, at which he was struck mute. But Oldam begane to rage furiously, because they had intercepted and opened his letters, threatening them in very high language, and in a most audacious and mutinous maner stood up and caled upon the people, saying, My maisters, wher is your harts? now shew your courage, you have 388 History of 1624 oft complained to me so and so; now is the time, if you will doe any thing, I will stand by you, etc. Thinking that every one (knowing his humor) that had soothed and flattered him, or other wise in their discontente uttered any thing unto him, would now side with him in open rebellion. But he was deceived, for not a man opened his mouth, but all were silent, being strucken with the injustice of the thing. Then the Gov[erno]r turned his speech to Mr. Lyford, and asked him if he thought they had done evill to open his letters ; but he was silente, and would not say a word, well knowing what they might reply. Then the Gov[erno]r shewed the people he did it as a magistrate, and was bound to it by his place, to prevent the mischeefe and ruine that this conspiracie and plots of theirs would bring on this poor colony.1 But he, besides his evill dealing hear, had delte trecherusly with his freinds that trusted him, and stole their letters and opened them, and sent coppies of them, with disgracefull annotations, to his freinds in England. And then the Gov[erno]r produced them and his other letters under his owne hand, (which he could not deney,) and caused them to be read before all the people; at which all his freinds were blanke, and had not a word to say. It would be too long and tedious here to inserte his letters (which would almost fill a volume), though I have them by me. I shall only note a few of the cheefe things collected out of them, with the answers to them as they were then given; and but a few 1 The definition of the office of the Governor contained in the Plymouth Col. Rec, xi. 7, probably dates from 1636, but the essential features must have been settled at a very much earlier period. In the form of 1636 it is stated that it shall be lawful for the Governor "to examine any suspicious persons for evill against the Colony, as also to intercept or op[pose] such as he conceiveth may tend to the overthrow of the same." In the Book of Laws of 1658 the second clause was so modified as to read "to interupt or oppose such letters as he," etc. Plymouth Col. Rec, xi. 82, 158. It is safe to say that the word interupt should read intercept in both instances. The laws and orders of Massachusetts Bay contained no like provision; but the oath of the Governor in New England will be found in Mass. Col. Rec, 1. 351; that of a freeman, known only in its later form of 1634, in lb. 117. 1624 Plimmoth Plantation 389 of those many, only for instance, by which the rest may be judged of. [121] l 1. First, he saith, the church would have none to live hear but them selves. 2ly. Neither are any willing so to doe if theyhad company to live els-wher. Ans : Their answer was, that this was false, in both the parts of it; for they were willing and desirous that any honest men may live with them, that will cary them selves peac[e]ably, and seek the commone good, or at least doe them no hurte. And againe, ther are many that will not live els wher so long as they may live with them. 2. That if ther come over any honest men that are not of the seperation, they will quickly distast them, etc.2 A. Ther answer was as before, that it was a false callumniation, for they had many amongst them that they liked well of, and were glad of their company; and should be of any shuch like that should come amongst them.3 1 121 is repeated in the paging of the original. 2 This charge was made in a letter from some of the Adventurers, December 18, 1624, and as it stood first in order, the gravity of the offence was thus emphasized. " 1st. A distaste of you there, for that you are (as they affirm) Brownists, condemning all other churches, and persons but yourselves and those in your way, and you are con tentious, cruel and hard hearted, among your neighbors and towards such as in all points both civil and religious, jump not with you." Bradford Letter Book, 29. 3 Replying to a charge of the same nature, made by Samuel Gorton, Winslow pointed out that the church at Plymouth had received some of the Dutch church, like Godbert Godbertson and Moses Symonson; some of the French church, as Mrs. Francis Cooke, a Walloon, and Philip Delanoy. "For the truth is, the Dutch and French Churches either of them being a people distinct from the world, and gathered into an holy communion, and not National Churches, nay, so far from it, as I verily believe the sixth person is not of the Church, the difference is so small (if moderately pondered, between them and us) as we dare not for the world deny communion with them." Hypocrisie Unmasked, *g6. The church at Leyden "made no Schisme or sepa ration from the Reformed Churches, but held communion with them occasionally: For we ever placed a large difference between those that grounded their practise upon the Word of God (tho differing from us in the exposition, or understanding of it) and those that hated such Reformers and Reformation, and went on in Antichristian 390 History of 1624 3 . That they excepted against him for these ¦ 2 • doctrines raised from '2' Sam.: 12. 7. First, that ministers must sume times per ticulerly apply their doctrine to spetiall persons ; 2ly, that great men may be reproved as well as meaner.1 A. Their answer was, that both these were without either truth or colour of the same (as was proved to his face), and that they had taught and beleeved these things long before they knew Mr. Liford. 4. That they utterly sought the ruine of the perticulers; as ap- peareth by this, that they would not suffer any of the generall either to buy or sell with them, or to exchaing one commoditie for an other. Ans : This was a most malicious slander and voyd of all truth, as was evidently proved to him before all men; for any of them did both buy, sell, or exchaing with them as often as they had any occation. Yea, and allso both lend and give to them when they wanted ; and this the perticuler persons them selves could not deney, but freely conf est in open court. But the ground from whence this arose made it much worse, for he was in counsell with them. When one was called before them, and questioned for receiving powder and bisket from the gunner of the small ship, which was the companys, and had it put in at his window in the night, and allso for buying salt of one, that had no right to it, he not only stood to back him (being one of these perticulers) by excusing and extenuating his fake, as long as he could, but upon this builds this mischee[v]ous and most false slander : That because they would opposition to it, and persecution of it, as the late Lord Bishops did, who would not in deed and truth (whatever their pretences were) that Christ should rule over them." Hypocrisie Unmasked, *94. 1 "Then Nathan said to David, Thou art the man. Thus saith the Lord God of Israel, I anoynted thee King over Israel, and delivered thee out of the hand of Saul." This involved the question of church discipline and of excommunication. The sepa ratists believed that excommunication should be exercised by the church, and not by officers, as was practised in the English establishment. Robinson, Works, 11. 238. 1624 Plimmoth Plantation 391 not suffer them to buy stolne goods, ergo, they sought their utter ruine. Bad logick for a devine. 5. Next he writes, that he chocked them with this; that they turned [122] men into their perticuler, and then sought to starve them, and deprive them of all means of subsistance. A. To this was answered, he did them manifest wrong, for they turned none into their perticuler; it was their owne importunitieand ernest desire that moved them, yea, constrained them to doe it. And they apealed to the persons them selves for the truth hereof. And they testified the same against him before all present, as allso that they had no cause to complaine of any either hard or unkind usage.1 6. He accuseth them with unjust distribution, and writeth, that it was a strang[e] difference, that some have bene alowed 16U. of meale by the weeke, and others but 4H.2 And then (flout ingly) saith, it seems some mens mouths and bellies are very litle and slender over others. Ans: This might seeme strange indeed to those to whom he write his leters in England, which knew not the reason of it; but to him and others hear, it could not be strange, who knew how things stood. For the first commers had none at all, but lived on their corne. Those which came in the Anne, the August before, and were to live • 13 • months of the provissions they brought, had as good alowance in meal and pease as it would extend too, the most part of the year; but a litle before harvest, when thay had riot only fish, but other fruits began to come in, they had but 4/i.3 having their libertie to make their owne provissions. But some of these which came last, as the ship carpenter, and sawiers, the sake-men and others that were to follow constante imployments 1 See p. 352, supra. 2 See p. 323, supra. Meal was brought from England, and it was estimated that eight bushels for each man a year, with other provision, would be a sufficient allowance. 3 From this point to the "4/t" below was dropped by the copyist for Mr. Deane's text, and was omitted in his edition. 392 History of 1624 and had not an howers time, from their hard labours, to looke for any thing above their alowance; they had at first, l6li alowed them, and after wards as fish, and other food could be gott, they had abatemente, to • 14 • and • 1 2 • yea some of them to • 8 • as the times and occasions did vary. And yet thos[e] which followed planting and their owne occasions, and had but 4H. of meall a week, lived better then the other, as was well knowne to all. And yet it must be remembered that Lyford and his had allwais the highest alow ance. Many other things (in his letters) he accused them of, with many aggravations ; as that he saw exseeding great wast of tools and ves- seles; and this, when it came to be examened, all the instance he could give was, that he had seen an old hogshed or too fallen to peeces, and a broken how or tow lefte carlesly in the feilds by some. Though he also knew that a godly, honest man was appointed to looke to these things.1 But these things and shuch like was write of by him, to cast disgrace and prejudice upon them; as thinking what came from a [123] minister would pass for currente. Then he tells them that Winslow should say, that ther was not above • 7 • of the adventurers that souight the good of the collony.2 That Mr. Oldam and him selfe had had much to doe with them, and that the faction here might match the Jesuits for politic With many the like greevious complaints and accusations.3 1. Then, in the next place, he comes to give his freinds coun- 1 It was charged that they "are negligent, careless, wasteful, unthrifty, and suffer all general goods, and affairs to go at six and sevens and spend your time in idleness and talking and confering, and care not what be wasted and torn out, whilst all things come so easily, and so cheap unto you." Letter of some of the Adventurers, December 18, 1624. Bradford Letter Book, 30. 2 Winslow's statement may have been a reflection of Robinson's, p. 370, supra. 8 The charge was made by some of the Adventurers of "a distaste and personal contempt of us for taking your parts and striving to defend you, and make the best of all matters touching you, inasmuch as it is hard to say whether you or we are least loved of them," Letter of some of the Adventurers, December 18, 1624. Bradford Letter Book, 30. 1624 Plimmoth Plantation 393 sell and directtion. And first, that the Leyden company (Mr. Robinson and the rest) must still be kepte back, or els all will be spoyled. And least any of them should be taken in privatly some- wher on the coast of England, (as it was feared might be done,) they must chaing the m[aste]r of the ship (Mr. William Peirce), and put another allso in Winslows stead, for marchante, or els it would not be prevented. 2. Then he would have shuch a number provided as might oversway them hear. And that the perticulers should have voyces in all courts and elections, and be free to bear any office. And that every perticuler should come over as an adventurer, if he but be a servante; some other venturing io/z., the bill may be taken out in the servants name, and then assigned to the party whose money it was, and good covenants drawn betweene them for the clearing of the matter; and this (saith he) would be a means to strengthen this side the more.1 1 Here was the first move towards extending the suffrage in the Plantation so as to include others than the first comers. Certain to come at some time, it made itself felt in this year by the increase in the number of people, and an increase in their troubles and occasions. (P. 3 52, supra.) The right to vote was confined to a few, for it was still a community under common interests and liable for a common debt. The first list of freemen, comprising sixty-eight persons, made in 1633, will be found in Plymouth Col. Rec, 1. 1. To be a "freeman of the incorporation of New Plymouth" gave a voice in the conduct of affairs and a necessary qualification to hold office. In the session of the General Court of July, 1668, it was enacted, that "none shall voate in Towne meetings but Freemen or Freeholders of twenty pound ratable estate and of good conversation haueing taken the oath of fidelitie." Plymouth Col. Rec, xi. 223. In Massachusetts Bay the freemen were always church members, but all church members were not freemen. Winthrop, History (Savage), 11. 208. After 1654, to be elected a Deputy in the General Court, it was necessary to be orthodox on the main points of Christian religion.' Book of the General Lawes and Libertyes (1660), 25. The suggestion, if adopted, for making voters by including adventurers and their articled servants would have tended to disrupt the settlement in a very short time. Oldham, for example, would have ten voices, assuming he still held under him those for whom he drew land in 1624, and that would have represented one-sixth of the total vote of the freemen in February, 1633. The question is beset with difficulties because of the absence of records; but the patents gave to the "adventurers and associates" to 394 History of 1624 3. Then he tells them that if that capten they spoake of should come over hither as a generall,1 he was perswaded he would be chosen capten; for this Captaine Standish looks like a silly boy, and is in utter contempte.2 4. Then he shows that if by the formentioned means they can not be sterngthened to cary and over-bear things, it will be best for them to plant els wher by them selves; and would have it ar- tickled by them that they might make choyse of any place that they liked best within -3- or -4- myls distance, shewing ther were farr better places for plantation then this.3 5. And lastly he concludes, that if some number came not over to bear them up here, then ther would be no abiding for them, but by joyning with these hear. Then he adds : Since I begane to write, ther are letters come from your company, wherin they would give sole authoritie in diverce things unto the Gov[erno]r here; which, if it take place, then, Ve nobis. But I hope you will be more vigi lante hereafter, that nothing may pass in shuch a manner. I sup pose (saith he) Mr. Oldame will write to you further of these things. I pray you conceall me in the discovery of these things, etc. Thus I have breefly touched some cheefe things in his leters, and shall now returne to their procceeding with him. After the govern, and the extension of the body was by formal admission of freemen by an act of the General Court. 1 "That is, on 'the generall,' — as one of the company? " Deane. 2 "Captain Standish had been bred a soldier in the Low Countries, and never entered the school of our Savior Christ, or of John Baptist, his harbinger, or, if he was ever there, had forgot his first lessons, to offer violence to no man [Luke, in. 14], and to part with the cloak rather than needlessly contend for the coat [Math. v. 40], though taken away without order. A little chimney is soon fired ; so was the Plymouth Captain, a man of very little stature, yet of a very hot and angry temper. The fire of his passion soon kindled and blown up into a flame by hot words, might easily have consumed all, had it not been seasonably quenched." Hubbard, History, 1 11. 3 To have made another settlement, under an independent authority, within three or four miles of New Plymouth might have been fatal to both settlements. The trade with the Indians could not have been divided without hopelessly involving the first comers, who had assumed the debts of the community. 1624 Plimmoth Plantation 395 reading of his leters before the whole company, he was demanded what he could say to these things. [124] But all the answer he made was, that Billington1 and some others had informed him of many things, and made sundrie complaints, which they now deneyed. He was againe asked if that was a sufficiente ground for him thus to accuse and traduse them by his letters, and never say word to them, considering the many bonds betweene them. And so they went on from poynte to poynte; and wisht him, or any of his freinds and confederates, not to spare them in any thing; if he or they had any proofe or witnes of any corrupte or evill deal ing of theirs, his or their evidence must needs be ther presente, for ther was the whole company and sundery strangers. He said he had been abused by others in their informations, (as he now well saw,) and so had abused them. And this was all the answer they could have, for none would take his parte in any thing; but Bill ington, and any whom he named, deneyed the things, and pro tested he wronged them, and would have drawne them to shuch and shuch things which they could not consente too, though they were sometimes drawne to his meetings. Then they deltewith him aboute his dissembling witfl them aboute the church, and that he professed to concur with them in all things, and what "a large confession he made at his admittance, and that he held not him selfe a minister till he had a new calling, etc. And yet now he con tested against them, and drew a company aparte,2 and sequestred him selfe; and would goe minister the sacrements (by his Epis- copall caling) without ever speaking a word unto them, either as magistrates or bretheren.3 In conclusion, he was fully convicted, 1 Billington (probably the elder John) had a grievance against Robert Cushman. "Billington still rails against you, and threatens to arrest you, I know not wherefore; he is a knave, and so will live and die." Bradford to Cushman, June 9, 1625. Bradford Letter Book, 37. 2 Bradford first wrote "against them." 3 The other side of the story is given by Morton, and in what is for him unusually clear terms, with the evident design of creating a prejudice against the planters in 396 History of 1624 and burst out into tears, and "confest he feared he was a repro bate, his sinns were so great that he doubted God would not par don them, he was unsavorie sake, etc. ; and that he had so wronged them as he could never make them amends, confessing all he had write against them was false and nought, both for matter and manner." And all this he did with as much fullnes as words and tears could express.1 After ther triall and conviction, the court censured them to be expeld the place; Oldame presently, though his wife and family had liberty to stay all winter, or longer, till he could make pro- vission to remove them comfortably.2 Lyford had liberty to stay -6- months. It was, indeede, with some eye to his release, if he caried him selfe well in the meane time, and that his repentance proved sound. Lyford acknowledged his censure was farr less then he deserved.3 the minds of Laud and his following. "But the Brethren, before they would allow of it, would have him first renounce his calling to the office of the Ministery, received in England, as hereticall and Papisticall, (so hee confest,) and then to receive a new callinge from them, after their fantasticall invention: which he refused, alledging and maintaining that his calling as it stood was Iawfull, and that hee would not re nounce it; and so John Oldam, his opinion was one the affirmative; and both together did maintaine the Church of England to be a true Church, although in some particu lars, (they said,) defective; concludinge so against the Tenents there: and by this meanes cancelled theire good opinion amongst the number of the Seperatists, that stay they must not, lest they should be spies." New English Canaan (Prince Society), 262. 1 Passing over any reference to the discovery of Lyford's letters, and the for bearance shown to him by not enforcing the first decree of banishment Morton relates his view of the case thus: "And to fall fowle on this occation the Brethren thought it would betray their cause, and make it fall under censure, therefore against Master Layford they had found out some scandall to be laid on his former corse of life, to blemish that; and so, to conclude, hee was a spotted beast, and not to be allowed where they ordained to have the Passover kept so zealously: as for John Oldam, they could see hee would be passionate and moody, and proove himselfe a mad lack in his mood, and as soone mooved to be moody, and this impatience would Minister advan tage to them to be ridd of him." New English Canaan (Prince Society), 263. 2 Nothing is certainly known about Oldham's family. 3 Bradford gave an account of these troubles to his father-in-law, Henry May, 1624 Plimmoth Plantation 397 Afterwards, he confest his sin publikly in the church, with tears more largly then before. I shall here put it downe as I find it recorded by some who tooke it from his owne words, as him selfe utered them. Acknowledging [125] "That he had don very evill, and slanderously abused them; and thinking most of the people would take parte with him, he thought to cary all by violence and strong hand against them. And that God might justly lay innocente blood to his charge, for he knew not what hurt might have come of these his writings, and blest God they were stayed. And that he spared not to take knowledg from any, of any evill that was spoaken, but shut his eyes and ears against all the good; and if God should make him a vacabund in the earth, as was Caine, it was but just, for he had sined in envie and malice against his brethren as he did. And he confessed • 3 • things to be the ground and causes of these his doings : pride, vaine glorie, and selfe love." Amplifying these heads with many other sade expressions, in the perticulers of them. So as they begane againe to conceive good thoughts of him upon this his repentance, and admited him to teach amongst them as be fore; and Samuell Fuller (a deacon amongst them), and some other tender harted men amongst them were so taken with his signes of sorrow and repentance, as they professed they would fall upon their knees to have his censure released. But that which made them all stand amased in the end, and may doe all others that shall come to hear the same, (for a rarer presi dent can scarse be showne,) was, that after a month or • 2 • notwith standing] all his former conffessions, convictions, and publick which produced some hesitation among those at Leyden about going. Roger White speaks of "the fear of some amongst us (the which if that hinder not, I think will come unto you) occasioned partly by your letter to your father in law, Mr. May, wherein you write of the troubles you have had with some, who it is like (having the times and friends on their sides) will work you what mischiefs they can; and that they may do much, many here do fear." To Bradford, December 1, 1625. Bradford Letter Book, 43. 398 History of 1624 acknowledgments, both in the face of the church and whole com pany, with so many tears and sadde censures of him selfe before God and men, he should goe againe to justifie what he had done. For secretly he write a 2d. leter to the adventurers in England, in which he justified all his former writings, (save in some things which tended to their damage,) the which, because it is brefer then the former, I shall here inserte. Worthy Sirs: Though the filth of mine owne doings may justly be cast in my face, and with blushing cause my perpetuall silence, yet that the truth may not herby be injuried, your selves any longer deluded, nor in[j]urious dealing caried out still, with bould out facings, I have adventured once more to write unto you. Firest, I doe freely confess I delte very indiscreetly in some of my perticuler leters which I wrote to private freinds, for the courses in coming hither and the like; which I doe in no sorte seeke to justifie, though stired up ther unto in the be holding the indirecte courses held by others, both hear, and ther with you, for effecting their designes. But am hartily sory for it, and doe to the glory of God and mine owne shame acknowledg it. Which leters being intercepted by the Gov[erno]r, I have for the same undergone the censure [126] of banishmente. And had it not been for the respecte I have unto you, and some other matters of private regard, I had re turned againe at this time by the pinass for England; for hear I pur pose not to abide, unless I receive better incouragmente from you, then from the church (as they call them selves) here I doe receive. I purposed before I came, to undergoe hardnes, therfore I shall I hope cherfully bear the conditions of the place, though very mean ; and they have chainged my wages ten times allready. I suppose my letters, or at least the coppies of them, are come to your hands, for so they hear reporte; which, if it be so, I pray you take notice of this, that I have writen nothing but what is certainly true, and I could make so apeare planly to any indifferente men, whatsoever colours be cast to darken the truth, and some ther are very audatious this way; besides many other matters which are farre out of order hear. My mind was not to enlarge my selfe any further, but in respecte of diverse poore souls heere. 1624 Plimmoth Plantation 399 the care of whom in parte belongs to you, being here destitute of the means of salvation. For how so ever the church are provided for, to their contente, who are the smalest number in the collony, and doe so apropriate the ministrie to them selves, houlding this principle, that the Lord hath not appointed any ordinary ministrie for the conversion of those that are without, so that some of the poor souls have with tears complained of this to me, and I was taxed for preaching to all in generall. Though in truth they have had no ministrie here since they came, but shuch as may be performed by any of you, by their owne pos- sition, what soever great pretences they make; but herin they equivo cate, as in many other things they doe. But I exceede the bounds I set my selfe, therfore resting thus, untill I hear further from you, so it be within the time limited me. I rest, etc., Remaining yours ever, John Lyford, Exille. Dated Aug: 22. Ano: 1624. They made a breefe answer to some things in this leter, but referred cheefly to their former. The effecte was to this purpose: That if God in his providence had not brought tliese things to their hands (both the former and later), they might have been thus abused, tradused, and calumniated, overthrowne, and undone; and never have knowne by whom, nor for what. They desired but this equall favoure, that they would be pleased to hear their just defence, as well as his accusations, and waigh them in the balance of justice and reason, and then censure as they pleased. They had write breefly to the heads of things before, and should be ready to give further [127] answer as any occasion should re quire; craving leave to adde a word or tow to this last. I. And first, they desired to examene what filth that was that he acknowledgeth might justly be throwne in his face, and might cause blushing and perpetuall silence; some great mater sure! But if it be looked into, it amounts to no more than a poynte of in discretion, and thats all; and yet he licks of that too with this 4-oo History of 1624 excuse, that he was stired up therunto by beholding the indir[e]cte course here. But this point never troubled him here, it was counted a light matter both by him and his freinds, and put of with this, — that any man might doe so, to advise his private freinds to come over for their best advantage. All his sorrow and tears here was for the wrong and hurt he had done us,1 and not at all for this he pretends to be done to you: it was not counted so much as indiscretion. 2. Having thus payed you full satisfaction, he thinks he may lay load of us here. And first complains that we have changed his wages ten times. We never agreed with him for any wages, nor made any bargen at all with him, neither know of any that you have made. You sent him over to teach amongst us, and desired he might be kindly used; and more then this we know not.2 That he hath beene kindly used, (and farr beter then he deserves from us,) he shall be judged first of his owne mouth. If you please to looke upon that writing of his, that was sent you amongst his leters, which he cals a generall relation, in which, though he doth other wise traduse us, yet in this he him selfe clears us. In the latter end therof he hath these words. / speak not this (saith he) out of any ill affection to the men, for I have found them very kind and loving to me. You may ther see these to be his owne words under his owne hand. 2ly. It will appere by this that he hath ever had a larger alowance of food out of the store for him and his then any, and clothing as his neede hath required; a dwelling in one of our best houses, and a man wholy at his owne command to tend his private affairs. What cause he hath therfore to complaine, judge ye; and what he means in his speech we know not, except he aludes to that of Jaacob and Laban.3 If you have promised him more or other wise, you may doe it when you please. 3. Then with an impudente face he would have you take no tice, that (in his leters) he hath write nothing but what is cer tainly true, yea, and he could make it so appeare plainly to any ; l Bradford had first written "them." 2 Page 357, supra. 3 Genesis, xxix. 1624 Plimmoth Plantation 401 indifferente men. This indeed doth astonish us and causeth us to tremble at the deceitfullnes [128] and desperate wickednes of mans harte. This is to devoure holy things, and after voues to enquire.1 It is admirable that after shuch publick confession, and acknow- ledgmente in court, in church, before God, and men, with shuch sadd expressions as he used, and with shuch melting into teares, that after all this he shoud now justifie all againe. If things had bene done in a corner, it had been some thinge to deney them; but being done in the open view of the cuntrie and before all men, it is more then strange now to avow to make them plainly appear to any indifferente men; and here wher things were done, and all the evidence that could be were presente, and yet could make nothing appear, but even his freinds condemnd him and gave their voyce to his censure, so grose were they; we leave your selves to judge herein. Yet least this man should triumph in his wikednes, we shall be ready to answer him, when, or wher you will, to any thing he shall lay to our charg, though we have done it sufficently allready. 4. Then he saith he would not inlarge, but for some poore souls here who are desti[t]ute of the means of salvation, etc. But all his soothing is but that you would use means, that his censure might be released that he might here continue; and under you (at least) be sheltered, till he sees what his freinds (on whom he depends) can bring about and effecte. For shuch men pretend much for poor souls, but they will looke to their wages and conditions; if that be not to their content, let poor souls doe what they will, they will shift for them selves, and seek poore souls some wher els among richer bodys. 5. Next he fals upon the church, that indeed is the burthensome stone that troubles him. First, he saith they hold this principle, that the Lord hath not apointed any ordinarie ministrie for the 1 "It is a destruction for a man to devoure that which is sanctified, and after the vowes to enquire." Prov. xx. 25. 402 History of 1624 converssion of those without. The church needs not be ashamed of what she houlds in this, haveing Gods word for her warrante; that ordinarie officers are bound cheefly to their flocks, Acts 20. 28. 1 and are not to be extravagants, to goe, come, and leave them at their pleasures to shift for them selves, or to be devoured of wolves. But he perverts the truth in this as in other things, for the Lord hath as well appoynted them to converte, as to feede in their severall charges; and he wrongs the church to say other wise. Againe, he saith he was taxed for preaching to all in gen erall. This is a meere untruth, for this dissembler knows that every Lords day some are appointed to visite suspected places, and if any be found idling and neglecte the hearing of the word, (through idlnes or profanes,) they are punished for the same. Now to pro cure all to come to hear, and then to blame him for preaching to all, were to play the madd men.2 [129] 6. Next (he saith) they have had no ministrie since they came, what soever pretences they make, etc. We answer, the more is our wrong, that our pastor is kept from us by these mens means, and then reproach for it us when they have done. Yet have we not been wholy distitute of the means of salvation, as this man would make the world beleeve; for our reve[ren]d Elder hath laboured diligently in dispencing the word of God unto us, before he came; and since hath taken equalle pains with him selfe in preaching the same; and, be it spoaken without ostentation, he is not inferriour to 1 "Take heede therefore unto yourselves, and to all the flocke, whereof the holy Ghost hath made you Overseers to feede the Church of God which hee hath purchased with that his owne blood." 2 It will be noticed that no mention is made in any of these charges of the Book of Common Prayer, although Thomas Morton made much of the neglect to use it. No acceptable evidence is available to prove that any difficulty arose between the Plymouth people and Lyford because he used or failed to use the prayer-book, and the absence of any record of persecution for difference in belief or practice at New Plymouth is against Morton's relation. The charge he made was an afterthought on his part, and intended to serve his individual purposes in 1633. Winthrop, History, I. *I02. 1624 Plimmoth Plantation 403 Mr. Lyford (and some of his betters) either in gifts or lerning, though he would never be perswaded to take higher office upon him.1 Nor ever was more pretended in this matter. For equivocating, he may take it to him selfe; what the church houlds, they have mani fested to the world, in all plaines, both in open confession, doc trine, and writing. This was the sume of ther answer, and hear I will let them rest for the presente. I have bene longer in these things then I desired, and yet not so long as the things might require, for I pass many things in silence, and many more deserve to have been more largly handled. But I will returne to other things, and leave the rest to its place. The pinass that was left sunck and cast away near Damarins- cove, as is before showed, some of the fishing maisters said it was pitie so fine a vessell should be lost, and sent them word that, if they would be at the cost, they would both directe them how to waygh her, and let them have their carpenters to mend her. They thanked them, and sente men aboute it, and beaver to defray the charge, (without which all had been in vaine) . So they gott coopers to trime, I know not how many tune of cask, and being made tight and fastened to her at low-water, they boyed her up; and then with many hands hald her on shore in a conveniente place 1 Brewster, who would not accept the office of minister, but preferred to remain a ruling Elder, taught when occasion required. "Besides also several of his people were well gifted, and did spend part of the Lord's day in their wonted prophesying, to which they had been accustomed by Mr. Robinson. Those gifts, while they lasted, made the burden of the other defect more easily borne, yet was not that custom of the prophesying of private brethren observed afterwards in any of the churches of New England besides themselves, the ministers of the respective churches there not being so well satisfied in the way thereof, as was Mr. Robinson." Hubbard, History, 65. He also attributes the ability of the church at New Plymouth to carry on public worship of God without suitable officers to their being "a serious and religious people that knew their own principles, not like so many of their followers in some parts of the country, properly termed Seekers; of whom it may be said, as our Savior Christ sometimes said of the Samaritans, 'ye worship ye know not what.'" 404 History of 1624 wher she might be wrought upon; and then hired sundrie carpenters to work upon her, and other to saw planks, and at last fitted her and got her home.1 But she cost a great deale of money, in thus 1 Of the salvaging the pinnace Altham wrote: "After my cominge to our ship and seinge how al things stoode and that although the ship were much spoiled and bruised insomuch that some of our neighbors very dishonestly intised our men to leve f w CLcfa /(^Jj/7 f l^e S^'P ant^ to see^e out f°r there f-AA/LctMU, ^\}i -fc^nM^t/Mf • / victals shewinge them that the ship I / / £ ' wasunrecoverableandusingemany ^^X \_J arguments of diswation (to them) god knoweth whoe were willinge to intertaine any thinge against us before but now laiyinge hold one of this oportunite reioycing or I here departed. But at my coming home I got them all together and sought farr and nere for helpe to recover our ship if it were possible, which to doe seemed difficult but by the helpe of one Mr Cooke of Bastable and divers of his frends and my acquaintance, weighed her out of the water and soe by the helpe of many hands wee got the ship into a place nere by convenient to see what possibility there was of saving the ship. Soe having viewed her, there was broken of her star- bord side 6 or 7 plancke and some timbers which wee mended with helpe and one her larbord side halfe her plancke timbers and knes were broken in such sort that then she was thought impossible to hold together by reson of the hurt she had receved outward and the shaking of the beames and timbers inwardly but blessed be god by the helpe and meanes that I have got of carpenters shee is now made up as strong and sufficient for the sea as ever she was, and if not one of our company come in her yet by the helpe of god we beinge fitted with a sufficient man master I will come in her and doe not doubt but through gods mercies to doe well in her. although for this time we shall not make soe good a vioge as is expected for whereas we thought to have got 10 or 12 000 fish we had scarce 1000 and some of that was lost and all our salt for the ship beinge beate ashore brake downe our stages and there we lost both the salt and fish that was in it and all the rest of the salt, powder, provision, and many other things which if god spare my life I will give account of were lost, the rest of the things that wee saved shall safely and truly be delivered by mee to you with an account of all our mens cariages and behaviors that soe you may reward some and reprove others. "And now, Lovinge Sir, since that I have trobled you with writtinge thus fair par don mee if I bee to tedious, for it makes mee continually be the more larger to you in writtinge, because I know both you and many other good men have laide out much mony upon Plimoth plantation and especially as for the goods upon this ship, soe do I conceve and know your eyes are upon us in a more especiall manner, and for that 1624 Plimmoth Plantation 405 recovering her, and buying riging and seails for her, both now and when before she lost her mast; so as she proved a chargable vessell to the poor plantation. So they sent her home, and with her Lyford sent his last letter, in great secrecie; but the party in trusted with it gave it the Govternojr.1 this vioage hath not begun nor ended soe well as ether you or I could wish yet I pray pardon mee for a while in the same untill I shall come to speake with you and the rest of the Company, For untill then I will nether comend my care and deligence, nor dis- comend the want of ether of them, for full sone may a man err, but as my labor and care was never wanting heretofore so untill I shall make a full accomplishment of this troblesome vioage and then to deliver all things in to your owne hand I will continue the same, and as at this time I have noe man to assist mee that I can trust (the master beinge gone) soe will I straine to the uttermost of my knowledge to bring every thing to the same order it was, and then to come for England if our governor pleseth and he hath sent me word that he will provide mee a sufficient man for master not withstanding Richard Gardiner hath earnestly requested it claiming it as his due by place, but some say not by sufficiency. I will say noe more concerninge him because I know you shall understand it by others, only thus much I must nedes say that soe farr as he could he was willing to helpe us with the ship and now he takes it somewhat unkindly that seing the Company have sent our ships company assurance for there wages that he is not intimated therein, soe much for that which is to be left to your and the Companies wisdome." 1 " The pinnace probably sailed about the 22d of August, the date of Lyford's letter, and Prince (i. 150) conjectures that Mr. Winslow went in her." Deane. It is difficult to interpret the general statements of White in his Planters Plea in such a manner as to avoid confusion of dates. He states that the vessel of his Dor chester Company, the Charity, returned to New England "the next year," that is the year after the unfortunate adventure described on p. 374, supra. The difference in the number of men left at Cape Ann precludes the possibility of his having confused the two voyages, and yet the description hardly permits the identification of the ship, or its companion, with that sent out by the adherents of Lyford and Oldham in 1625 (p. 420, infra). White says that with the Charity came a Flemish Fly-boat of 140 tons, a description of vessel used generally in coastwise traffic. She was found so unseaworthy that extensive alterations were made, and the voyage again proved too late for good fishing. "When she arived in the Country, being directed by the Master of the smaller vessel [the Charity] (vpon the successe of his former yeares Voyage) to fish at Cape Anne not far from Mattachusets Bay, sped very ill, as did also the smaller Ship that led her thither." By the two ships thirty-two men were left behind at the Cape. White, The Planters Plea, *70. Captain Levett, who was on the coast in the summer of 1624, marks a little unrest 40 6 History of 1624 The winter was passed over in ther ordinarie affairs, without any spetiall mater worth noteing; saveing that many who before stood something of from the church, now seeing Lyfords unrighteous dealing, and malignitie against the church, now tendered them selves to the church, and were joyned to the same; proffessing that it was not out of the dislike of any thing that they had stood of so long, but a desire to fitte them selves beter for shuch .a state, and they saw now the Lord cald for their help.1 [130] And so these troubles prodused a quite contrary effecte in sundrie hear, then these adversaries hoped for. Which was looked at as a great worke of God, to draw on men by unlickly means; and that in reason which in the Plymouth Colony, as if the planters were not wholly content, and would seek another location. He mentions "a new plantation" at Cape Ann, which had been overpraised. " I am told there is a good harbor which makes a fair invitation, but when they are in, their entertainment is not answerable, for there is little good ground, and the ships which fished there this year, their boats went twenty miles to take their fish, and yet they were in great fear of making their voyages, as one of the masters con fessed unto me who was at my house." Voyage, in 3 Mass. Hist. Collections, vm. 180. Levett never visited New Plymouth or Cape Ann. Altham related to Sherley his plans about the Little James, concerning which the decision apparently rested with Bradford: "Att this time I doe expect news from our governor Mr Bradford and as I thinke he will determine that we shal bring home Mr Perce his cor fish and traine, but I thinke it will fall out otherwaies, for I have at this present receved a letter from one of my acquainetance that is owner of a ship in this Country and he proffers me for to hire our ship and to take our men out and to put them in to his owne ship which goeth for the streights and soe by this meanes I hope to get a good fraught and to save wages and provisions for some of my owne company and this answere I have returned him that I demand 140/i for our ship and to come for England presently soe that then we shall be defrayed of all charge and have our ship brought home for nothinge, and indede w^ must be forced to come for England very sone because we have noe pro visions nor have any meanes to get any, but of all thes thinges I write in what I thinke, for I have and ever wil doe reffer all thes matters concerninge your ship to the gover nor and his assistants directions, and if good suffer mee they shall be followed." 1 "The Lord hath so graciously disposed, that when our opposites thought that many would have followed their faction, they so distasted their palpable dishonest dealings, that they stuck more firmly unto us, and joined themselves to the Church." Bradford to Cushman, June 9, 1625. Bradford Letter Book, 37. aT^Uffft &;fotrf4\3l«-ti,Je!JHr«Z* fret* ft *£_?&{£«! aJ ]£*¦ gitis ¦'p(%i frpt\,& fltlP&#P%ttfi f°*£t>^ pSat^k>tttv - S?/ ^JL-/2fSJ.. .L ^-xs...^^^.^-' ^{»i(ioipS*, t^ to c*it ('ftaio- dt 1 624 Plimmoth Plantation 407 might rather have set them further of. And thus I shall end this year.1 PATENT FOR CAPE ANNE This Indenture made the First day of January Anno Dni 1623, And in the Yeares of the Raigne of our Soveraigne Lord James by the grace of God King of England France and Ireland Defender of the Faith &c the One and Twen- tyth And of Scotland the Seaven and Fyftyth Betweene the right honorable Edmond Lord Sheffeild Knight of the most noble Order of the Garter on thone part And Robert Cushman and Edward Winslowe for them selves, and theire Associates and Planters at Plymouth in New England in America on thother part. Wytnesseth that the said Lord Sheffeild (As well in consideracon that the said Robert and Edward and divers of theire Associates haue already ad ventured them selves in person, and have likewise at theire owne proper Costs and Charges transported dyvers persons into New England aforesaid And for that the said Robert and Edward and their Associates also intend as well to transport more persons as also further to plant at Plymouth aforesaid, and in other places in New England aforesaid As for the better Advancement and furtherance of the said Planters, and encouragement of the said Vndertakers) Hath Gyven, graunted, assigned, allotted, and appointed And by these p[rese]nts doth Gyve, graunt, assigne, allott, and appoint vnto and for the said Robert and Edward and their Associates As well a certaine Tract of Ground in New England aforesaid lying in Forty-three Degrees or thereabout of North erly latitude and in a knowne place there comonly called Cape Anne, To- 1 Smith gave this picture of the Plymouth Plantation in 1624: "There is about an hundred and fourescore persons, some Cattell, but many Swine and Poultry: their Towne containes two and thirty houses, whereof seven were burnt, with the value of five or six hundred pounds in other goods, impailed about halfe a mile, within which within a high Mount, a Fort, with a Watch-tower, well built of stone, lome, and wood, their Ordnance well mounted, and so healthfuU, that of the first Planters not one hath died this three yeares." Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters, *i8. "It appears from Prince that on the 17th of June of this year there was 'born at Plymouth to Governor Bradford, his son William [1624-1704], who afterwards be comes Deputy-Governor of the Colony.' Annals, 1. 147." Deane. '"August 5th. The ninth marriage at New Plymouth is of Mr. Thomas Prence with Mrs. Patience Brewster.' Ibid. 1. 1 50. Morton records, in his Memoriall, the death of his father, George Morton, which took place in the month of June of this year." Deane. 4° 8 History of 1624 gether with the free vse and benefitt as well of the Bay comonly called the Bay of Cape Anne, as also of the Islands within the said Bay And free liberty, to Fish, fowle, hawke, and hunt, truck, and trade in the Lands thereabout, and in all other places in New England aforesaid; whereof the said Lord Sheffeild is, or hath byn possessed, or which haue byn allotted to him the said Lord Sheffeild, or within his Jurisdiccon (not nowe being inhabited, or hereafter to be inhabited by any English) Together also with Fyve hundred Acres of free Land adioyning to the said Bay to be ymployed for publique vses, as for the building of a Towne, Scholes, Churches, Hospitalls, and for the mayntenance of such Ministers, Officers, and Magistrates, as by the said vndertakers, and theire Associates are there already appointed, or which here after shall (with theire good liking,) reside, and inhabitt there And also Thirty Acres of Land, over and besides the Fyve hundred Acres of Land, before menconed To be allotted, and appointed for every perticuler person, Young, or old (being the Associates, or servantes of the said vndertakers or their suc cessors) that shall come, and dwell at the aforesaid Cape Anne within Seaven yeares next after the Date hereof, which Thirty Acres of Lande soe appointed to every person as aforesaid, shall be taken as the same doth lye together vpon the said Bay in one entire place, and not stragling in dyvers, or remote par- celles not exceeding an English Mile, and a halfe in length on the Waters side of the said Bay Yeldyng and Paying forever yearely vnto the said Lord Shef feild, his heires, successors Rent gatherer, or assignes for every Thirty Acres soe to be obteyned, and possessed by the said Robert and Edward theire heires, successors, or associates Twelve Pence of Iawfull English money At the Feast of St. Michaell Tharchaungell only (if it be lawfully demaunded) The first payment thereof To begynne ymediately from and after thend and expir- acon of the first Seaven yeares next after the date hereof And the said Lord Sheffeild for himself his heires, successors, and assignes doth Covenant, pro mise, and graunt to and with the said Robert Cushman, and Edward Winslow theire heires, associates, and assignes That they the said Robert, and Edward, and such other persons as shall plant, and contract with them, shall freely and quyetly, haue, hold, possesse, and enioy All such profitts, rights, previlidges, benefittes, Comodities, advantages, and preheminences, as shall hereafter by the labor, search, and diligence of the said Vndertakers their Associates, ser vantes, or Assignes be obteyned, found out, or made within the said Tract of Ground soe graunted vnto them as aforesaid; Reserving vnto the said Lord Sheffeild his heires, successors, and assignes The one Moyety of all such Mynes as shall be discovered, or found out at any tyme by the said Vndertakers, or 1624 Plimmoth Plantation 409 any theire heires, successors, or assignes vpon the Groundes aforesaid And fur ther That it shall and may be Iawfull to and for the said Robert Cushman, and Edward Winslowe theire heires, associates, and assignes from tyme to tyme, and at all tymes hereafter soe soone as they or theire Assignes haue taken pos session, or enterd into any of the said Landes To forbyd, repell, repulse and resist by force of Armes All and every such persons as shall build, plant, or inhabitt, or which shall offer, or make shew to build, plant, or inhabitt within the Landes soe as aforesaid graunted, without the leave, and licence of the said Robert, and Edward or theire assignes And the sayd Lord Sheffeild doth fur ther Covenant, and graunt That vpon a Iawfull survey hadd, and taken of the aforesaid Landes, and good informacon gyven to the said Lord Sheffeild his heires, or assignes, of the Meates, Boundes, and quantity of Landes which the said Robert, and Edward their heires, associates, or assignes shall take in and be by them their Associates, Servantes, or Assigns inhabited as aforesaid ; he the said Lord Sheffeild his heires, or assignes, at and vpon the reasonable request of the said Vndertakers, or theire Associates, shall and will by good and suffi cient Assurance in the Lawe Graunt, enfeoffe, confirm and allott vnto the said Robert Cushman and Edward Winslowe theire Associates, and Assignes All and every the said Landes soe to be taken in within the space of Seaven yeares next after the Date hereof in as larg, ample, and beneficiall manner, as the said Lord Sheffeild his heires, or assignes nowe haue, or hereafter shall have the same Landes, or any of them graunted vnto him, or them; for such rent, and vnder such Covenantes, and Provisoes as herein are conteyned (mu tatis mutandis) And shall and will also at all tymes hereafter vpon reasonable re quest made to him the said Lord Sheffeild his heires, or assignes by the said Ed ward and Robert theire heires, associates, or assignes, or any of them graunt, procure, and make good, Iawfull, and sufficient Letters, or other Grauntes of Incorporacon whereby the said Vndertakers, and theire Associates shall haue liberty and Iawfull authority from tyme to tyme to make and establish Lawes, Ordynnces, and Constitucons for the ruling, ordering, and governing of such persons as nowe are resident, or which hereafter shalbe planted, and inhabitt there And in the meane tyme vntill such Graunt be made It shalbe Iawfull for the said Robert, and Edward theire heires, associates and Assignes by con- sentes of the greater part of them to Establish such Lawes, Provisions and Or dynnces as are or shalbe by them thought most fitt, and convenient for the gov- ernementof the said plantacon which shall be from tyme to tyme executed, and administred by such Officer, or Officers, as the said Vndertakers, or their As sociates or the most part of them shall elect, and make choice of Provyded 41 o Plimmoth Plantation 1624 allwaies That the said Lawes, Provisions, and Ordynnces which are, or shall be agreed on, be not repugnant to the Lawes of England, or to the Orders, and Constitucons of the President and Councell of New England Provyded fur ther That the said Vndertakers theire heires, and successors shall foreuer ac knowledg the said Lord Sheffeild his heires and successors, to be theire Chiefe Lord, and to answeare and doe service vnto his LoPP or his Successors, at his, or theire Court when vpon his, or theire owne Plantacon The same shalbe es tablished, and kept In wytnes whereof the said parties to these present Inden tures Interchaungeably haue putt their Handes and Seales The day and yeares first aboue written. E. Sheffeyld. Seal pendent. On the back of the parchment is the following attestation: "Sealed and del'd in the presence of John Bulmer, Tho: Belweeld, John Fowller." Anno Dom: -1625 AT the spring of the year, about the time of their Election Court, Oldam came againe amongst them; and though it was a part of his censure for his former mutinye and miscariage, not to returne without leave first obtained, yet in his dareing spirite, he presumed without any leave at all, being also set on and hardend by the ill counsell of others. And not only so, but suffered his unruly passion to rune beyond the limits of all reason and modestie; in so much that some strangers which came with him were ashamed of his outrage, and rebuked him; but all rep rofes were but as oyle to the fire, and made the flame of his coller greater. He caled them all to nought, in this his madd furie, and a hundred rebells and traytors, and I know not what. But in conclusion they com mited him till he was tamer, and then apointed a gard of musketers which he was to pass throw, and ever one was ordered to give him a thump on the brich, with the but end of his musket,1 and then was conveied to the water side, wher a boat was ready to cary him away. Then they bid him goe and mende his maners. Whilst this was in doing, Mr. William Peirce and Mr. Winslow came up from the water side, being come from England; but they were so busie with Oldam, as they never saw them till they came thus upon them. They bid them not spare either him or Liford, 1 Morton remarks upon this "solemn invention" for enforcing a decree of banish ment. Oldham went to Hull (Morton says to Wessagusset), whither Lyford and some of his adherents followed. After a year's stay in that place, Lyford passed over to Cape Ann, and in another year turned towards Virginia. While still on the Bay ac cording to Morton, he "freely executed his office and preached every Lords day, and yet maintained his wife and children foure or five upon his industry there, with the blessing of God and the plenty of the Land, without the helpe of his auditory, in an honest and laudable manner; till hee was wearied and made to leave the Country." New English Canaan (Prince Society), 264. 412 History of 1625 for they had played the vilanes with them. But that I may hear make an end with him, I shall hear once for all relate what befell concerning him in the future, and that breefly. After the removall of his familie from hence, he fell in to some straits, (as some others did,) and aboute a year or more afterwards, towards winter, he intended a vioage for Virginia ; but it so pleased God that the barke that caried him, and many other passengers,1 was in that danger, as they dispaired of life; so as many of them, as they fell to prayer, so also did they begine to examine their consciences [131] and con fess shuch sins as did most burthen them. And Mr. Ouldame did make a free and large confession of the wrongs and hurt he had done to the people and church here, in many perticulers, that as he had sought their ruine, so God had now mette with him and might destroy him; yea, he feared they all fared the worce for his sake; he prayed God to forgive him, and made vowes that, if the Lord spard his life, he would become otherwise, and the like. This I had from some of good credite, yet living in the Bay, and were them selves partners in the same dangers on the shoulds of Cap-Codd, and heard it from his owne mouth. It pleased God to spare their lives, though they lost their viage; and in time afterwards, Ouldam caried him selfe fairly towards them, and acknowledged the hand of God to be with them, and seemed to have an honourable respecte of them; and so farr made his peace with them, as he in after time had libertie to goe and come, and converse with them, at his pleasure. He went after this to Virginia, and had ther a great sicknes, but recovered and came back againe to his familie in the Bay, and ther lived till some store of people came over. At lenght going a trading in a smale vessell among the Indians, and being weakly mand, upon some quarell they knockt him on the head with a hatched, so as he fell downe dead, and never spake word more. ¦ 2 • litle boys that were his kinsmen were saved, but had some hurte, and the vessell was strangly recovered from the 1 Bradford wrote " passengengers." 1625 Plimmoth Plantation 413 Indeans by another that belonged to the Bay of Massachusets; and this his death was one ground of the Pequente warr which followed.1 1 After his second expulsion Oldham had some thoughts of returning to England. Bradford, in a letter to Cushman dated June 9, gave this warning: "We have rid our selves of the company of many of those who have been so troublesome unto us, though I fear we are not yet rid of the troubles themselves. I hear Ouldham comes himself into England, the which, if he do, beware of him, for he is very malicious, and much threatens you." Bradford Letter Book, 36. He remained at Nantasket, and becom ing reconciled to New Plymouth, was to take charge of Thomas Morton, of Ma-re Mount, when the latter was sent prisoner to England in the summer of 1628. Return ing to New England late in 1629 or early in 1630, Oldham was admitted a freeman of Boston in 163 1, and settling at Watertown, engaged in a trade with the Indians. He had returned with a grant obtained from John Gorges, brother of Robert Gorges, under which he and his associate, John Dorrell, claimed lands lying between Charles and Abousett rivers, embracing most of the territory now occupied by Charlestown, Cambridge and Somerville. This same territory was granted by the Council for New England to the Massachusetts Company, which regarded Oldham's grant as "void in Lawe, yett his Clayme being to this, you may in your Discretion prevent him by causing some to take Possession of the cheife Part thereof." The restlessness and speculative leanings of Oldham were shown in his negotiations with the Massa chusetts Company, to whom he caused no little distraction and delay in business, "through the Varyetie of his vast Conceipts of extraordinary Gaine of 3 for one pro pounded to us, to be made and raised in 3 Yeares, if hee might haue the Managinge of our Stock, preferring to bee contented for his owne Employment, soe hee might have the overplus of the Gaines; with whom, after long Tyme spent in sundry Treatyes, finding him a Man altogeathervnfit for us to deale with, wee have at last left him to his owne Way: And as we are informed, hee, with some others, are pro- vyding a Vessell, and is mynded, as soon as he can despatch, to come for New Eng land, pretending to settle himselfe in Mattachusetts Bayjclayming a Title and Right, by a Grant from Sir Ferdinando Gorges Sonne, which wee are well satisfyed, by good Councell, is voyde in Lawe. He will admit of noe Tearmes of Agreement, vnless wee will leaue him at libertie to trade for Beavor with the Natives, which wee deny to the best of our owne Planters; nether is hee satisfyed to trade himselfe with his owne Stock and Meanes, which wee conceive is so small that it would not much hinder us, but hee doth interest other men, who for ought wee knowe are never likely to be bene- ficiall to the planting of the country, their owne Particular Profitts (though to the overthrowe of the generall Plantacon) being their cheife Ayme and Intent. . . . We feare, that as he hath bin obstinate and violent in his Opinions heere, so he will persist, and bee ready to drawe a Partie to himselfe there, to the great Hindrance 414 History of 1625 I am now come to Mr. Lyford. His time being now expired, his censure was to take place. He was so farre from answering their hopes by amendmente in the time, as he had dubled his evill, as is before noted. But first behold the hand of God concejrning him, wherin that of the Psalmist is verified. Psa: 7. 15. He hath made a pitte, and digged it, and is fallen into the pitte he made. He thought to bring shame and disgrace upon them, but in stead therof opens his owne to all the world. For when he was delte with all aboute his second letter, his wife was so affected with his doings, as she could no longer conceaill her greefe and sorrow of minde, but opens the same to one of their deacons and some other of her freinds, and after uttered the same to Mr. Peirce upon his arrivall.1 of the comon Quiett; wee have therefore thought fitt to give you Notice of his Dis- posicon, to the end, you may beware how you meddle with him, as also that you may vse the best Meanes you can to settle an Agreement with the old Planters so as they may not harken to Mr. Oldham's dangerous though vaine Propositions: Wee fynde him a Man soe affected to his owne Opinion as not to be removed from it, neither by Reason nor any Perswasion; and, vnless he may beare sway, and haue all Things carryed to his good Likinge, we haue little Hope of Quiett or comfortable Subsistance where hee shall make his Aboad; and, therefore, if you shall see iust Cause, wee hereby require you and the Councell there, to exercise that Power wee haue, and our Previledges will beare vs out in it, to suppress a Mischiefe before it take too great a Heade, not that wee would wrong him, or any Man that will live peaceably within the Limitts of our Plantacon. But, as the Preseruacon of our Preuiledges will cheifly depend (vnder God) vpon the first Foundacon of our Gouernment, soe if we suffer soe great an Affront as wee fynde is intended towards vs, by the Proceedings of Mr. Oldham, and his Adherents, in our first Beginnings, wee may be sure they will take Hart and bee emboldned to doe us a farr greater iniurie hereafter." Massachusetts Bay Company to John Endecott, April 17/1629. Mass. Col. Rec, 1. 386. Oldham was chosen delegate to the Court, from Watertown, and on April I, 1634, was granted five hundred acres "neare Mount Feakes, on the north-west of Charles Ryver," perhaps under some agreement by which he relinquished his claims under the Gorges patent. Mass. Col. Rec, 1. 95, 114. A patent was issued by the Council for New England, February 12, 1630, to Rich ard Vines and John Oldham, for a tract of territory on the Saco River, at its mouth. Oldham took no active part in the settlement. York Deeds, 11. f. 7. It is not known in what year he went to Virginia. As to his death, see vol. 11. p. 234. 1 Lyford's wife was named Sarah. She was married at Charlestown, October 10. Gi A Proclamation for fetling the Plantation of Virginia. Hereasthe Colonie of Virginia , Planted by the hands of Our mod beare yatljerfifbleffebmemojip.fwtrje propagation of CDzifltan Kcllsfon,tt)e mcreafe of Xcaoc , ano tljc enlarging of hfe ffioyaii eav ptrchatljnotlxtljertopjofpeKofobappflv.asffiaseopeDaiiDDefitcl),% great or taftou ibljcreof Ijis late sjstaiefty conceineb to be , fo? that tjje gouernment of tljat Colony n>as conimtttcb to tfte Company of vir- ginu. encozpojateb of a mnltttubc of pecfonsof fcuerall bifpoOtions, amongfttbljomtljeaffairesofgrcatea moment mere ,anbmaQbent' icbby tljc greater number of 3Eotcsanb aioytcs ; 2lnb tbcrcfon Dfs lateiBaiettic , onreflMS great SBtfebome.anb beptlj of 3ubgemcnt, bid ueftre to rcfumi tJ)a$ popular gouernment, anb accoiomglp tljc fetters patents of tljat fncojpowtfon , ibere bp ftfe ^igftneffe bttection in a fLcgall courfe QtitOtontD, anD tftcmipoti tuwcutfip repeaicb, anb atrtubgcb to becbopbe; n)6ercmtjisS0atota!icaW)l.s',oMmpcatijtl3cpa«(tular5ntcreaofanypjtHatepiatHoj,o?3lbuentaret,no? to after tljc famcotljer unfc tljcn Cnoulb be of ncceflitp fc; tDe goob of tljc pubUqne : Tint ttrfjetas adc continue tljc nuc care of tijofc Colonics anb plantations, as S>av late beare jftftjet bib, anb bpon Deliberate abuiteanbton(ibcratfon,accoftljefame3nbgcmcnttl)at 4Dur faib f atljer lbas of, fonlje goueniment of tljat Colon? of Virginia; j!3ott) left tijcappjcDenGon of fojmer pcrfonau oifferenr cs,ift)ljtelj Dane Ijcretofojc IJappcncb (tftc tcuiuing anb continuing ttljcrtof B9ee bttctly btfalioib.anbfictctlpfMbib) migljt bfftract the minbes of tOe^lantojsanb ^buentuters, ojrfte opmmn,tt)ati©ctboulDncBlccttl)ore^lantattons,migfitDiftouragementogoco?fcnbtb(tliei:,* fo fjinbce tDe perfecting of tljat U)o?&e,ibljcrtn B9e Doio tDe bono? of €>ut beare 3? atrjer bcreafeb, ano ©at oibne rjonotrc to be Deeply cngageb; naeDaue tfjougUt fit to beelare,anb by Dm Hiopal l^joclaniatfon to publi CI) 5D ur ottme 31ubgcment,anb tcfolntion in tljcfe tbmgs.tbtjfclj bp <®oos affillancc tore pnrpofc conftantly to purfur. 3lnb tljcrcfoze UJecboc by fbcfcpJcfcntspubltCtjanO Declare to all Om lotting Subiects, anb to tlje Kbjjole llwib , that nacc &olb tDofe Xerritojtes of Virginia anb tljc somm«-ibnds,as alfo tljat of New Engiand.inijcre iDur Colonics arc alreabp plan* tea , tnnttjm tDe limits 9 bounbs ti)Derof,£>ur late beate f atncv,by$is!lcttcrs}&atents,bnbts ijis gecat Scale of E»-Und,tematnitig of 13eto?b,ljath gincii leaue ano liberty to $ts Subiects to piatit aim mtjabite, to be a part of £>ur JSoyall empirc,ocftcnbcb, bpon Sis anb bnboubteolpbe* longing aubappcttainmg bnto 2te;3lnb tljat aaeljolb £>ur fclfcafmellbonnD bp £)ut 38egalo& ficc , to protect , mamtaine, ano fuppojt tlje fame, ano arc fo rtfoluto to ooe , as anp oth« part of Out Dominions : 2f tib that Out full rcfolution is, to tlje enb tljat tljcrc may be one bnifomtc coutfe of (BotteOf went, tri, anb though all £>uc roljolc fiPonarcljie, Sljat tljc isoncrnmcnt of tDe Colonltof Vir- gmialbaHtmrmtHatlybtpenbbpon ©ut Selfe; anb not be rommittco-tomiy iompanyo? Co?- pajatton.to ibDomttmap be p?opcr to mitt matters of Erabe anb Commerce, bnt cannot b/e fit o? fafe to conmiumcatctbeo?bettiigof State- affaires, be tljey of newer fo meane confeauenw • 2lnb tDat tDe«fo?efl3cebauet>cccrmmcb, %ljat©ur Comniiffioncts fo? rtjofc Affaires am i p?oceeb acco?bmg;o tbe teno? of ©ur Commtffiou biccctcDDnto tljem, mum toee fhaii bttiatr ©ar furtDec plcafutc ttjerctu. ^eucctDelclTc tec boe Derby Declare, Chat ©teare rcfo vm UHtlj asmur D conucment crpeoition, as ©ac affaires of greater imuo?tauce ami gate leiti tn eUabltA) a Councell, conultmg of a fcib perfons of bntierftanbmg ano quahtic, to ibliom vat ii, 11 Bttte trail fo? tDe tmntcoiate tare of tljc affaicesof tljat Colony, anbibno mall be anfnTf rahi. to SSs fo? tbeir p:oceeomgs, anb m matters of greater. moment, Cbalibcfubb?binatc ano at en- bant bnto ©ur p?mlc Councell Deere ; 3inb tljat use mill alfo eftablifl) another Councell to br refiocntm v.rgima.tbDonjallbcrubojbmatcto ©tit Councell Deccfo? tDat Colonic anb tliatat ©bc oibne charge uae lbill maintame tljofe publique ©fficers anb fl@imftecs, ano tliat nrcnath of spen, spunittou, anb #o?tification,a3 fljall be fit anb neceffacp fo? tlje Defence of that ata t- tation, anb ibill by anycottrfc tljat Owilbe bcfireboRls.fcttieaunalTuretDcuanicttlacnaiits anbinttceasofcuecy}Diantei;anb3)bueiuurcr,pon paine of ©ut Diglj bifplcafuccaub fucD furtljer penalties anb punitljmcnts, as bp tlje fapbp?oclamationarcto beinmctebbpon tljc offenoers. ^nbsaeboeDereopabntfe all©ut lo* nittcj Subtccts.aub all otDers VbDom it may conccrnc, not to aoucnture tDe b?eaclj of our Soyail Commanbemcnt in anp of (De p?cimlTcs, tec being fully rcfolueb, bpon no impo?tunftte o? inter* ceffiontt)Datfocuer,torclcarco?rcmittDebcf«acDpunin)mcntoffucD.asfDalibaretooffettba; gainft tDe fame, feeing m IjolDc no t ©ur Selfe onelp, but ©ur people in terefJcb tDtrcm. Giuen at Our Court at White-Hall, the thirteenth day of May, in the firft yeere of Our Reigne of Great Britaine, France , and Ireland. God fiue die King. f Printed at London by Bonham Norton and IohnBill, Printers to the Kings mod Excellent Maieftie. M. Da xxv. 1625 Plimmoth Plantation 415 Which was to this purpose, that she feared some great judgment of God would fall upon them, and upon her, for her husbands cause; now that they were to remove, she feared to fall into the Indeans hands, and to be defiled by them, as he had defiled other women ; or some shuch like [132] judgmente, as God had threatened David, 2. Sam. 12. n. I will raise up evill against ye, and will take thy wives and give them, etc. And upon it showed how he had wronged her, as first he had a bastard by another before they were maried, and she having some inkling of some ill cariage that way, when he was a suitor to her, she tould him what she heard, and deneyd him; but she not certainly knowing the thing, other wise then by some darke and secrete mutterings, he not only stifly denied it, but to satisfie her tooke a solemne oath ther was no shuch matter. Upon which she gave consente, and maried with him; but after wards it was found true, and the bastard brought home to them. She then charged him with his oath, but he prayed pardon, and said he should els not have had her. And yet afterwards she could keep no maids but he would be medling with them, and some time she hath taken him in the maner, as they lay at their beds feete, with shuch other circumstances as I am ashamed to relate. The wpman being a grave matron, and of good cariage all the while she was hear, and spoake these things out of the sorrow of her harte, sparingly, and yet with some further intimations. And that which did most seeme to affecte her (as they conceived) was, to see his former cariage in his repentance, not only hear with the church, but formerly about these things; sheding tears, and using great and sade expressions, and yet eftsone fall into the like things. Another thing of the same nature did strangly concurr here with. When Mr. Winslow and Mr. Peirce were come over, Mr. Winslow informed them that they had had the like bickering with 1634, to Edmund Hobart (or Hubbard), and soon removed with him to Hingham. She died June 23, 1649. There is in Hingham a small estuary still known as Lyford's Liking or Weir River. 4i 6 History of 1625 Lyfords freinds in England, as they had with him selfe and his freinds hear, aboute his letters and accusations in them. And many meetings and much clamour was made by his freinds thereaboute crying out, a minister, a man so godly, to be so esteemed and taxed they held a great skandale, and threated to prosecute law against them for it. But things being referred to a further meeting of most of the adventure[r]s, to heare the case and decide the mat ters, they agreecf to chose -2- eminente men for moderators in the bussines. Lyfords faction chose Mr. White, a councelor at law, the other parte chose Reve[rend] Mr. Hooker, the minister,1 and many freinds on both sides were brought in, so as ther was a great assemblie. In the mean time, God in his providence had detected Lyford's evill cariage in Ireland to some freinds amongst the com pany, who made it knowne to Mr. Winslow; and directed him to •2- godly and grave witnesses, who would testifie the same (if caled therunto) upon their oath. The thing was this; he being gott into Ireland, had wound him selfe into the esteeme of sundry goodly and zelqus professours in those parts, who, having been burthened with the ceremonies in England, found ther some more liberty to their consciences; amongst whom were these -2- men, which gave [133] this evidence. Amongst the rest of his hearers, ther was a godly yonge man that intended to marie, and cast his affection on a maide which lived their aboute; but desiring to chose in the Lord, and preferred the fear of God before all other things, before he suffered his affection to rune too farr, he resolved 1 If this was Rev. Thomas Hooker, later of New England, he was at this time rector of the parish of Esher, in Surrey, about sixteen miles from London. Already a non conformist in opinion Hooker accepted this modest charge, and exerted great influ ence in the household of one Francis Drake, in whose gift the living lay. Walker, Thomas Hooker, 34-38. It is suggestive that the adherents of Lyford should place his case in the hands of a lawyer, while his opponents rested on a clergyman, and, if the identification suggested be a true one, on a non-conforming clergyman, who would have been most objectionable to the authorities before whom the question might have been carried. 1 6zs Plimmoth Plantation 417 to take Mr. Lyfords advise and judgmente of this maide, (being the minister of the place,) and so broak the matter unto him; and he promised faithfully to informe him, but would first take better knowledg of her, and have private conferance with her; and so had sundry times; and in conclusion commended her highly to the yong man as a very fitte wife for him. So they were maried togeather; but some time after mariage the woman was much troubled in mind, and afflicted in conscience, and did nothing but weepe and mourne, and long it was before her husband could get of her what was the cause. But at length she discovered the thing, and prayed him to forgive her, for Lyford had overcome her, and defiled her body before marriage, after he had comended him unto her for a husband, and she resolved to have him, when he came to herin that privateway. The circumstances I forbear, for they would offend chast ears to hear them related, (for though he satisfied his lust on her, yet he indea[v]oured to hinder conception.) These things being thus discovered, the womans husband tooke some godly freinds with him, to deale with Liford for this evill. At length he confest it, with a great deale of seeming sorrow and re pentance, but was forct to leave Irland upon it, partly for shame, and partly for fear of further punishmente, for the godly with drew them selves from him upon it; and so comming into England unhapily he was light upon and sente hither. But in this great assembly, and before the moderators, in handling the former matters aboute the letters, upon provocation, in some heate of replie to some of Lyfords defenders, Mr. Winslow let fall these words, That he had delte knavishly; upon which on of his freinds tooke hold, and caled for witneses, that he cald a minister of the gospell knave, and would prosecute law upon it, which made a great tumulte, upon which (to be shorte) this matter broke out, and the witnes were prodused, whose persons were so grave, and evidence so plaine, and the facte so foule, yet delivered in shuch modest and chast terms, and with shuch circumstances, as strucke 4i 8 History of 1625 all his freinds mute, and made them all ashamed; insomuch as the moderators with great gravitie declared that the former matters gave them cause enough to refuse him and to deal with him as they had done, but these made him unmeete for ever to bear ministrie any more, what repentance soever he should pretend; with much more to like effecte, and so wisht his freinds to rest quiete. Thus was this mater ended. From hence Lyford wente to Natasco, in the Bay of the Mas sachusets, with some other of his freinds with him, wher Oldom allso lived.1 P'rom thence he removed to Namkeke, since called 1 It is not known when Roger Conant came to New England, possibly in the Jona than of Plymouth, in which David Thomson was a passenger. According to his peti tion of 1671, he was in New Plymouth, in March, 1623, though he is not named in the land allotment of 1624. Deane conjectures that he may have been one of the ten joined to Oldham, whose names do not appear. He is believed to have followed Ly ford to Nantasket, and about the year 1625 was invited, with Lyford and Oldham, to join the settlement made in 1623-24 at Cape Ann, by the Dorchester Company. Conant was to be the overseer or governor of the settlement, Lyford the minister, and Oldham, the trader with the Indians. One John Conant, of Lymington, a brother of Roger and an uncle of John Conant rector of Exeter College, Oxford (Diet. Nat. Biog., xi.465), was of the Dorchester Company, and this accounted for the appoint ment. Roger Conant, described by Hubbard as "a religious, sober and prudent gentleman," was born (as is supposed in 1591) at Budleigh, a market-town of Devon shire, near the sea, and claimed to have been the first to have a house in Salem (Naum- keag), whither he removed in 1626; and "when, in the infancy thereof, it was in great hazard of being deserted, I was the means, through grace assisting me, to stop the flight of those few that then were here with me, and that by my utter denial to go away with them who would have gone either for England, or mostly for Virginia, but, there upon, stayed to the hazard of our lives." With him the adventurers employed John Balch, John Woodberry, and Peter Palfrey, and White promised Conant and these three men, "whom he knew to be honest and prudent men," that if they would stay at Naumkeag, "he would provide a Patent for them, and likewise send them whatever they would write for, either men, or provision, or goods wherewith to trade with the Indians. Answer was returned that they would all stay, on those terms, entreating that they might be encouraged accordingly. Yet it seems before they received any return according to their desires, the three last mentioned began to recoil, and re penting of their engagement to stay at Naumkeag, for fear of the Indians and other inconveniences, resolved rather to go all to Virginia, especially because Mr. Lyford, their minister, upon a loving invitation, was thither bound." Hubbard means that ¦ o fig- pono^ ->r^^McJt ifMt ^ry>«x^w-*f u* W, &~JLvJ- \J> U\3v^y^ Md ^tf&£y $¦«•*> ¦ S-f^ fju~*if> <*«3jt>~t ^j#^V^ */>~tvv, Hl-fu^a yiJ^a^i^yofi'^-vr^cKy^h^ 'h^o^Tfh: ', f~>/£^ oyy^ "r^f** fa£****rV~>A fivjvt^ Sworn PETITION OF ROGER CONANT, 1671. 1 62s Plimmoth Plantation 419 Salem; but after ther came some people over, wheather for hope of greater profite, or what ends els I know not, he left his freinds that followed him,1 and went from thence to Virginia, wher he shortly after dyed, and so I leave him to the Lord. His wife after wards returned againe to this cuntry, and thus much of this matter. [134] This storme being thus blowne over, yet sundrie sad effects followed the same; for the Company of Adventurers broake in peeces here upon, and the greatest parte wholy deserted the colony in regarde of any further supply, or care of their subsistance.2 And not only so, but some of Lyfords and Oldoms freinds, and their the settlers at Cape Ann went with Lyford, for the three remained with Conant, and sent Woodberry to England to obtain supplies. He did not succeed in his wish, and "about this time" the Council for New England granted the patent to the Massa chusetts Bay Company. Hubbard, History, 107, 108. See vol. 11. p. 5. If his dates are correct, Conant remained at Naumkeag about two years. White complained of the conduct of his "land men" (infra, p. 422), some forty-six in number. Weston in his stay left his only child Elizabeth with Moses Maverick, of Marble- head, and it was from Maverick's house that Roger Conant married her after 1644. Conant took his wife to Ireland, where she joined a church at Cork, and thence returned to New England before 1661. 1 Hubbard intimates that these followed Lyford "out of dislike of the rigid prin ciples of Separation that were maintained" in New Plymouth. History, 116. 2 We, wrote Bradford, "are now left and forsaken of our adventurers, who will neither supply us with necessaries for our subsistence, nor suffer others that would be willing; neither can we be at liberty to deal with others, or provide for ourselves, but they keep us tied to them, and yet they will be loose from us; they have not only cast us off, but entered into particular course of trading, and have by violence, and force, taken at their pleasure, our possession at Cape Ann. Traducing us with unjust, and dishonest clamours abroad, disturbing our peace at home ; and some of them threatening, that if ever we grow to any good estate they will then nip us in the head. Which discouragements do cause us to slack our diligence, and care to build and plant, and cheerfully perform our other employments, not knowing for whom we work, whether friends or enemies." He asked that the Council would take such order "as we may be free from them; and they come to a division with us, that we and ours may be delivered from their evil intents against us." To the Council for New Eng land, June 28, 1625. Bradford Letter Book, 38. The results of the uncertainty are also described in Bradford's letter to Cushman, June 9, 1625. lb. 36. 420 Plimmoth Plantation 1625 adherents, set out a shipe on fishing, on their owne accounte, and getting the starte of the ships that came to the plantation, they tooke away their stage, and other necessary provisions that they had made for fishing at Cap-Anne the yeare before, at their great charge, and would not restore the same, excepte they would fight for it. But the Gov[erno]r sent some of the planters to help the fisher men to build a new one, and so let them keepe it.1 This shipe also brought them some small supply, of little value; but they made so pore a bussines of their fishing, (neither could these men make them any returne for the supply sente,) so as, after this year, they never looked more after them.2 1 This stage was the property of the Dorchester adventurers, but the Plymouth people doubtless retained some interest in it. For in the following year it became a matter of controversy, as Hubbard relates: "In one of the fishing voyages about the year 1625, under the charge and command of one Mr. Hewes, employed by some of the West Country merchants, there arose a sharp contest between the said Hewes and the people of New Plymouth, about a fishing stage, built the year before about Cape Anne by Plymouth men, but was now, in the absence of the builders made use of by Mr. Hewes's company, which the other, under the conduct of Captain Standish, very eagerly and peremptorily demanded : for the Company of New Plymouth, hav ing themselves obtained a useless Patent for Cape Anne about the year 1623, sent some of the ships, which their Adventurers employed to transport passengers over to them, to make fish there; for which end they had built a stage there, in the year 1624. The dispute grew to be very hot, and high words passed between them, which might have ended in blows, if not in blood and slaughter, had not the prudence and moderation of Mr. Roger Conant, at that time there present, and Mr. Peirse's interposition, that lay just by with his ship, timely prevented. For Mr. Hewes had barricadoed his com pany with hogsheads on the stagehead, while the demandants stood upon the land, and might easily have been cut off; but the ship's crew, by advice, promising to help them build another, the difference was thereby ended." History, 1 10. 2 In 1625 the Dorchester Company sent out at heavy cost the Flemish fly-boat, the Charity, and a third boat, "a small Vessell of fortie tons which carried kine with other provisions. . . . The great ship being commanded by a uery able Master, hau- ing passed on about two hundred leagues in her Voyage, founde her selfe so leake by the Carpenters fault, (that looked not well to her Calking) that she bare up the Helme and returned for Waymoutk, and having unladen her provisions and mended her leake, set her selfe to Sea againe; resolving to take aduice of the Windes whether to passe on her former Voyage or to turne into New-found-land, which she did, by reason that the time was so far spent, that the Master and Company despaired of doing 422 History of 1625 Also by this ship, they, some of them, sent (in the name of the rest) certaine reasons of their breaking of from the plantation, and some tenders, upon certaine conditions, of reuniting againe.1 any good in New-England ; where the Fish falls in two or three months sooner then at New-found-land. There she tooke Fish good store and much more then she could lade home: the overplus should have beene sold and deliuered to some sacke [smack?] or other sent to take it in there, if the Voyage had beene well managed. "But that could not be done by reason that the ship before she went was not cer taine where to make her Fish; by this accident it fell out that a good quantitie of the Fish she tooke was cast away, and some other part was brought home in another Ship. At the returne of the Ships that yeare, Fish by reason of our warres with Spainc falling to a very low rate; the Company endevoured to send the greater Ship for France : but she being taken short with a contrary Winde in the West-Country, and intelli gence given in the meane time that those Markets were over-laid, they were enforced to bring her backe againe, and to sell her Fish at home as they might. Which they did, and with it the Fish of the smaller Ship, the New-England Fish about ten shillings the hundred by tale or there about; the New-found-land Fish at six shillings foure pence the hundred, of which was well nigh eight pence the hundred charge raised vpon it after the Ships returne: by this reason the Fish which at a Market in all likely-hood might have yeelded well nigh two thousand pounds, amounted not with all the Provenue of the Voyage to above eleaven hundred pounds. "Vnto these losses by Fishing were added two other no small disaduantages, the one in the Country by our Land-Men, who being ill chosen and ill commanded, fell into many disorders and did the Company little seruice: The other by the fall of the price of Shipping, which was now abated to more then the one halfe, by which meanes it came to passe, that our Ships which stood vs in little lesse then twelue hun dred pounds, were sold for foure hundred and eighty pounds. "The occasions and meanes then of wasting this stocke are apparently these. First, £he ill choice of the place for fishing; the next, the ill carriage of our men at Land, who having stood vs in two yeares and a halfe in well nigh one thousand pound charge, never yeelded one hundred pound profit. The last the ill sales of Fish and Shipping. By all which the Aduenturers were so far discouraged, that they abandoned the further prosecution of this Designe, and tooke order for the dissoluing of the Company on Land, and sold away their Shipping and other Provisions." White, The Planters Plea, *72. 1 The effect of such letters on the planters led Bradford to write to Cushman, June 9, 1625 : "Our people will never agree, any way again to unite with the Company; who have cast them off with such reproach and contempt; and also returned their bills, and all debts upon their heads. But as for those our loving friends, who have, and still do stick to us, and are deeply engaged for us, and are most careful of our goods, for our parts we will ever be ready to do any thing, that shall be thought equal and mete." Bradford Letter Book, 36. 1625 Plimmoth Plantation 423 The which because they are longe and tedious, and most of them aboute the former things allready touched, I shall omite them; only giving an instance in one, or tow. i. reason, they charged them for dissembling with his majestie in their petition, and with' the adventurers about the French discipline, etc.1 2ly, for receive[ing] a man2 into their church, that in his conffession re- nownced all, universall, nationall, and diocessan churches, etc., by which (say they) it appears, that though they deney the name of Brownists, yet they practiss the same, etc. And therfore they should sinne against God in building up shuch a people. 1. Then they adde: Our dislikes thus laid downe, that we may goe on in trade with better contente and credite, our desires are as followeth. First, that as we are partners in trade, so we may be in Gov[ernmen]t ther, as they [the] patente doth give us power, etc. 2. That the French discipline may be practised in the plantation, as well in the circumstances theirof, as in the substance; wherby the scandallous name of the Brownists, and other church differences, may be taken away. 3. Lastly, that Mr. Robinson and his company niay not goe over to our plantation, unless he and they will reconcile them selves to our church by a recantation under their hands, etc. Their answer in part to these things was then as foioweth. Whereas you taxe us for dissembling with his majestie and the adventurers aboute the French discipline, you doe us wrong, for we both hold and practice the discipline of the French and other reformed churches, (as they have published the same in the Har mony of Confessions,3) according to our means, in effecte and sub- 1 Supra, p. 80. 2 This was Lyford himselfe. — Bradford. This is wholly inconsistent with Mor ton's statement as to Lyford's use of the Book of Common Prayer. 3 "An Harmony of the Confessions of the Faith of the Christian and Reformed Churches, with verie shorte Notes, translated out of Latine into English. Issued in 1586, it was reprinted in 1643." Deane. The student may consult Harmonia Confessionum. The Harmony of Protestant 424 Plimmoth Plantation 1625 stance. But wheras you would tye us to the French discipline in every circumstance, you derogate from the libertie we have in Christ Jesus. The Apostle Paule would have none to follow him in any thing but wherin he follows Christ, much less ought any Christian or church in the world to doe it. The French may erre, we may erre, and other churches may erre, and doubtless doe in many circumstances. That honour therfore belongs only to the infallible word of God, and pure Testamente of Christ, to be pro pounded and followed as the only rule and pattern for direction herin to all churches and Christians. And it is too great arro- gancie for any man, or church [135] to thinke that he or they have so sounded the word of God to the bottome, as precislie to sett downe the churches discipline, without error in substance or circumstance, as that no other without blame may digress or differ in any thing from the same. And it is not difficulte to shew, that the reformed churches differ in many circumstances amongest them selves. The rest I omitte, for brevities sake, and so leave to prosecute these men or their doings any further, but shall returne to the rest of their freinds of the company, which stuck to them. And I shall first inserte some part of their letters asfolloweth; for I thinke it best to render their minds in ther owne words.1 Confessions. Translated from the Latin by Peter Hall. A new edition was published in 1842. It contains the Confessions from that of Augsburg, 1530, to the Judgment of the Synod of Dort, 1619. Some of the differences in practice are named on p. 80, supra. 1 The letter which follows is introduced in the Letter Book by Bradford with the following note: "Now follows the first letters we received after the breach; for Mr. Thornell and the rest never replied nor writ more unto us, being partly ashamed of what they had done and written." This may give the name of the first signer of the letter of complaint from the faction of the Company that broke with those of New Plymouth. Of Matthew Thornhill nothing is known beyond his connection with New Plymouth as an adventurer. This letter is given in greater fulness in Bradford Letter Book, 29. Marks of omis sion [. . .] are inserted to show the notable differences, and the omitted matter is inserted in the notes. •A IVST tAND NEeesSeARlE APOLOGIE OF CERTAIN CHRISTIANS, no lefle conrumelioufly then commonly called BroDpntfls or TSaffltoifts. By Mr. IOHN ROBINSON, Pallor of the Eng- lifh Church at Ley den>fir(cpublifhed in Latin in his and the Cburchcs name over which he was fee, after tronflated info- -Englifh byhimfelf . and now republifhed for the fpeciall and common good of our ownCoumtimen, Pfal. 41. 2. O BUffe d is he that prudently attendtth to thepoore- Vftakjittg. Printed in the yeere ofourLonl /Ll i;> I TV A w*w 426 History of 1625 To OUR LOVING FREINDS, etC. Though the thing we feared be come upon us, and the evill we strove against have overtaken us, yet we cannot forgett you, nor our freind- ship and fellowship which togeather we have had some years ; wherin though our expressions have been small, yet our harty affections to wards you (unknown by face) have been no less then to our nearest freinds, yea, to our owne selves. And though this your freind Mr. Winslow can tell you the state of things hear, [ . . .] 1 yet least we should seeme to neglecte you, to whom, by a wonderfull providence of God, we are so nearly united, we have thought good once more to write unto you, [ . . . ] 2 to let you know what is here befallen, and the resons of it; as also our purposes and desires toward you for hereafter. The former course for the generalitie here is wholy dissolved from what it was; and wheras you and we were formerly sharers and part ners, in all viages and deallings, this way is now no more, but you and we are left to bethinke our sellves what course to take in the future, that your lives and our monies be not lost. [ . . . ] 3 The reasons and causes of this allteration have been these. First and mainly, the many losses and crosses at sea, and abuses of sea-men, which have caused us to rune into so much charge, debts, and ingage- mentes, as our estates and means were not able to goe on without im poverishing our selves, [ . . . ] 4 except our estates had been greater, and our associates cloven beter unto us. 2ly, as here hath been a fac tion and siding amongst us now more then • 2- years, so now there is an utter breach and sequestration amongst us, and in tow parts of us full dissertion and forsaking of you, without any intente or purpose of medling more with you. And though we are perswaded the maine 1 "and what hath befallen us;" 2 "and the arguments of our letter must consist of these three points, first to shew you what is here befallen; 2dly, the reason and cause of that which is fallen, 3dly, our purposes," etc. 3 "And this, as ourselves first saw, so have we begun to practice, as we thought best for your and our safety for hereafter; and it standeth you no less in hand seriously to consider what is best to do, that you may both continue good conscience with God and procure your best safety in this world." 4 "and much hindering if not spoiling our trades and callings here." 1625 Plimmoth Plantation ^27 cause of this their doing is wante of money, (for neede wherof men use to make many excuses,) yet other things are pretended, as that you are Brownists, etc. [ . . . ] 1 Now what use you or we ought to make of these things, it remaineth to be considered, for we know the hand of God to be in all these things, and no doubt he would admonish some thing therby, and to looke what is amise.2 And allthough it be now too late for us or you to prevent and stay these things, yet is it not to late to exercise patience, wis dom, and conscience in bearing them, and in caring [carrying] our selves in and under them for the time to come. [136] And as we our selves stand ready to imbrace all occasions that may tend to the furthrance of so hopefull a work, rather admiring of what is, then grudging for what is not; so it must rest in you to make all good againe. And if in nothing else you can be approved, yet let your hon- estie and conscience be still approved, and lose not one jote of your in- nocencie, amids your crosses and afflictions. And surly if you upon this allteration behave your selves wisly, and goe on fairly, as men whose hope is not in this life, you shall need no other weapon to wound your adversaries; for when your righteousnes is revealled as the light, they shall cover their faces with shame, that causlesly have sought your overthrow. [ . . . ] 3 1 " condemning all other churches and persons, but yourselves and those in your way, and you are contentious cruel and hard hearted, among your neighbors and towards such as in all points both civil and religious, jump not with you. And that you are negligent, careless, " etc. The rest of the omitted part is given in the two notes on p. 392, supra. 2 "admonish us of something which is not yet looked to and taken to heart as it should." Letter Book. 3 "And although (we hope) you need not our council in these things, having learned of God how to behave yourselves, in all estates in this world, yet a word for your advice and direction, to spur those forward, which we hope run already. "And first, seeing our generality here is dissolved, let yours be the more firm; and do not you like carnal people (which run into inconveniencies and evils by examples) but rather be warned by your harms, to cleave faster together hereafter; take heed of long and sharp disputes and oppositions, give no passage to the waters, no not a tittle; let not hatred or heartburning be harboured in the breast of any of you one moment, but forgive and forget all former failings and abuses, and renew your love and friendship 428 Plimmoth Plantation 1625 Now we thinke it but reason, that all shuch things as ther [these] apertaine to the generall, be kept and preserved togeather, and rather increased dayly, then any way be dispersed or imbeseled away for any together daily. There is often more sound friendship and sweeter fellowship in afflic tions and crosses than in prosperity and favours; and there is reason for it, because envy flieth away when there is nothing but necessities to be looked on; but it is always a bold guest where prosperity shews itself. "And although we here which are hedged about with so many favours and helps in worldly things and comforts; forget friendship and love and fall out often times for trifles; yet you must not do so, but must in these things turn a new leaf and be of an other spirit. We here can fall out with a friend and lose him today, and find another tomorrow, but you cannot do so, you have no such choice, you must make much of them you have, and count him a very good friend, which is not a professed enemy. We have a trade and custom of tale bearing, whispering and changing of old friends for new, and these things with us are incurable. But you which do as it were begin a new world and lay the foundation of sound piety and humanity for others to follow, must suffer no such weeds in your garden, but nip them in the head, and cast them out forever; and must follow peace and study quietness, having fervent love amongst yourselves as a perfect and entire bond to uphold you when all else fails you. And al though we have written much to you heretofore to provoke to union and love as the only way to make you stand, and without which all would come to nothing; so now you are much more to be provoked thereunto, since you are left, rather to be specta tors to the eye than objects to the hand, and stand most need one of another, at home when foreign help is so much decayed and weakened. "And if any amongst you, for all that, have still a withdrawing heart, and will be all to himself, and nothing to his neighbour, let him think of these things. 1st, The Providence of God in bringing you there together. 2d, His marvellous preserving you from so many dangers, the particulars whereof you know and must never forget. 3d, The hopes that yet are of effecting somewhat' for yourselves and more for your pos terity if hand join in hand. 4th, The woful estate of him which is alone, especially in a wilderness. 5th, The succour and comfort which the generality can daily afford, hav ing built houses, planted corn, framed boats, erected salt works', obtained cattle, swine, and pulling, together with the diverse varieties of trades and faculties employed by sea and land, the gains of every one stretching itself unto all whilst they are in the general: but such as withdraw themselves tempting God and despising their neigh bours, must look for no share or part in any of these things; but as they will be a com monwealth alone, so alone they must work, and alone they must eat, and alone they must be sick and die, or else languishing under the frustration of their vain hopes, alone return to England, and there to help all cry out of the country and the people; counting the one fruitless and the other merciless; when indeed their own folly, pride, and idleness is the cause of all which never weigh either the providence of God, the ^•fBy the King. A Proclamation for agenerall and publil^eThanket giuing to Almighty God,for his great mercy in ftayihg his hand, and afl waging the late fearefull Vtfitation of the Plague, I Rereas the Kings mofl Excellent Maiefty , vpon the fearefufi !jntMare,anarp;taWn8of t&eiate gjnftttionof tlje,piagut,ui ttjcgjnu perial City of t|)ts mtngbome, anb places aotneent ,ano from tljcnce ftt tbeniojc remote places of the8.atu>, out of ijtsm'ofUfUligiousconfi-- oetatton of tljef mmeotate brnit) of ©oo tl)eretit,bfjolel3eAtmet tlioulbbp faQtngf pjapee IjnmW'e tQemtelues tonto aimigotp (Boo , ano bp time true repeutance ano Ijuiniiiatton feelte to Quiett lj(s llijatl) , ano fearefull Wttatton ; 2lnb his epaicOp ftltiifetfe tu $is ottne petfon mo giue a mcmozaWc _J tjcampie tDereof to all bis people , na&itl) Seligious buetp .being atto^ Singl? obfetueb, ant fo; bitters nionetljseonttnueb . tttjatb plcafcb ©ob of his abunbant mettle ano goobn efle to (lap tjis Danb, ano bepono toe poiictt anb Dopes of man , to lbul)b;aia> D© Sob, anb almoft ujfeoftp to temoue tlje fame. Uorb t be Bings fipaicftie , n>« ft ad poffible lUanftes .aclmoitoicbgmg fte grartottsmertte of ll)t ©wine ©attfhe ,totbntbs ©unfelfe anb Dis ptoplcanb arftnolbltbging alfb.tljat tftcp are not luo.z t Ijp of futnrefauotn;S,u)ljo ace not tculp tljanafol fw benefits altcaop teteltteb,1&afft tljougljt fit, toat, bp l&ls £opai au t (witp. tljece fhoulb be a generall anb publilte SDan&cfgnitng to (Son to/ougftouttfttS uiftole mingbouie, fo; Co great $ gracious a beltotrante. anb tperefoic tycbotli Ijcrebp comm anb,ano pnbltfft «nQp,tt)U& ttjat otuotionlbDitDappertauitJftta ft piousa ioo;Bt, fbau roltmnijc tftcfame. Ciucn at Our Court at White-Hall, the two and twentieth day of Ianuarv.in che nVft yeett of Oui Reigoe of Great Britaine, France and Ireland. God faue the King, 1 Imprinted at London by Bonham Norton and lohn BilI,Printers to the Kings mod Excellent Maicftic. m. 0 c. xxv . 430 History of 1625 private ends or intents whatsoever. And after your necessities are served, you gather togeather such commodities as the cuntrie yeelds, and send them over to pay debts and clear ingagements hear, which are not less then 1400/i. [ . . . ] * And we hope you will doe your best to free our ingagements, etc. [ . . . ]2 Let us all indeavor to keep a faire and conscience of their duty, nor care for their neighbours, or themselves, further than to grate upon their friends; as if other men owed them all things, and they owed no man any thing. 6th, The conscience of making restitution, and paying those debts and charges which hath befallen to bring you there, and send those things to you which you have had, must hold you together; and for him that withdraws himself from the general; we look upon him, as upon a man, who, having served his turn, and fulfilled his desire, cares not what becomes of others, neither maketh conscience of any debt, or duty at all, but thinketh to slide away under secret colours, to abuse and deceive his friends; and against whom we need say little, seeing the Lord will never cease to curse his course. "And albeit, the company here as a company hath lost you ; you know when Saul left David, yea, and pursued him, yet David did not abuse his allegiance and loyalty to him, no more should you; the evil of us here, cannot justify any evil in you, but you must still do your duty, though we neglect ours. 2ndly, Indeed we are persuaded, it is in the most of the adventurers rather want of power, than will, that maketh them break off; they having gone as far as they can in the business, and are as sorry that they cannot go forward as you are offended that they do not go forward, yea, and the pretences of those which have the most colours, we are persuaded, proceed more from weakness of the purse, than fear of any thing else; and the want of money is such a grievous sickness now a-days, as that it makes men rave and cry out, they cannot tell for what. 3dly, And in a word we think," etc. 1 "All which debts, besides adventures, have been made about general commodi ties and implements, and for which divers of us stand more or less, engaged. And we dare say of you, that you will do," etc. 2 "that you will do the best you can to free us, and unburden us, that for your sakes, and help, are so much hazarded in our estates, and names. Sthly, If there be any that will withdraw himself from the general, as he must not have, nor use any of the gen eral's goods, so it is but reason that he give sufficient security for payment of so much of the debts as his part cometh to; which how much it will come to, upon a person, or family is quickly counted; and since we require but men's faithful endeavours, and cannot obtain them, let none think much if we require other security than fair words and promises, of such men as make no more conscience of their words and ways. "If any amongst you shall object against us, either our long delays in our supplies heretofore, or our too much jollity in spending sometimes at our meetings more than perhaps needed; that will prove but trifling, for we could also find fault with the idle- 1625 Plimmoth Plantation 431 honest course, and see what time will bring forth, and how God in his providence will worke for us. We still are perswaded you are the peo ple that must make a plantation [ . . . ] J in those remoate places when all others faile and returne. And your experience of Gods providence and preservation of you is shuch as we hope your harts will not faile you, though your freinds should forsake you (which we our selves shall not doe whilst we live, so long as your honestie so well appereth). Yet surly help would arise from some other place whilst you waite on God, with uprightnes, though we should leave you allso. [ . . . ] 2 And lastly be you all intreated to walke circumspectly, and carry your selves so uprightly in all your ways, as that no man may make just ex ceptions against you. And more espetially that the favor and counte- ness and sloth of many amongst you, which have made all the rest go forward slowly, as also we could find fault with your liberality, and largeness also, when it might have been otherwise; but all such matters must still be left to the discretion and conscience of either side, knowing that where many have a hand in such business, there will not want some, that are too timerous and slack; as also that in matters of note, something must be done for form and credit. And for ourselves we think there hath hardly in our days; been a business, of this note, and fame, carried by Londoners, with twice the expence in by matters that this hath been; and therefore let each man rather seek to mend himself, than hastily to cast in objections against others. "In a word, since it thus still falleth out, that all things between us, are as you see, let us," etc. 1 "and erect a city." 2 "To conclude, as you are especially now to renew your love one to another, so we advise you, as your friends in these particulars. First let all sharpness, reprehensions, and corrections, of opposite persons, be still used sparingly, and take no advantage against any, for any by respects; but rather wait for their mending amongst you, than to mend them yourselves by thrusting them away, of whom there is any hope of good to be had. 2d. Make your corporation as formal as you can, under the name of the Society of Plymouth in New England, allowing some peculiar privileges, to all the members thereof, according to the tenure of the patents. 3d. Let your practices and course in religion in the church, be made complete, and full; let all that fear God amongst you, join themselves thereunto without delay; and let all the ordinances of God be used completely in the church without longer waiting upon uncertainties, or keeping the gap open for opposites. 4ly. Let the worship and service of God be strictly kept on the Sabbath, and both together, and asunder let the day be sanctified; and let your care be seen on the working days every where and upon all occasions to set forward the service of God." 43 2 History of 1625 nance of God may be so toward you, as that you may find abundante joye and peace even amids tribulations, that you may say with David, Though my father and mother should forsake me, yet the Lord would take me up.1 We have sent you hear some catle,2 cloath, hose, shoes, leather, etc., but in another nature then formerly, as it stood us in hand to doe; we have committed them to the charge and custody of Mr. Allerton and Mr. Winslow, as our f actours,3 at whose discretion they are to be sould, and commodities to be taken for them, as is fitting. [...]* And by how much the more they will be chargable unto you, [ . . . ] s the bet ter] they had need to be husbanded, etc. [ . . . ] 6 Goe on, good freinds, comfortably, pluck up your spirits, and quitte your selves like men in all your difficulties, that not withstanding all displeasure and threats of men, yet the work may goe on you are aboute, and not be neglected. Which is so much for the glorie of God, and the furthrance of our countrie-men, as that a man may with more comforte [137] spend his life in it, then live the life of Methusala, in wasting the plentie of a 1 Ps. xxvn. 10. 2 Among the cattle was a heifer, a gift from Mr. Sherley to the plantation, "to begin a stock for the poor," of which more will be learned in later years. Also a bull and three or four jades, "to be sold unto you." This is the first mention of the sending of a horse to New England. Cushman to Bradford, December 22, 1624. Bradford Letter Book. 3 Cushman enigmatically wrote to Bradford, "It was fitter for many reasons to make them factors than yourself, as I hope you will easily conceive." When Cushman came to New Plymouth in 162 1 he brought with him a son, Thomas, then aged four teen, whom he entrusted to Bradford, under whose care he was brought up, to suc ceed to the Eldership in 1649. He married Mary, a daughter of Isaac Allerton. 4 "And it standeth you in need the more carefully to look to, and make much of all your commodities," etc. 6 " and though we hope you shall not want things necessary, so we think the harder they are got, the more carefully they will be husbanded." 6 "Good friends, as you buy them, keep a decorum in distributing them, and let none have varieties, and things for delight, when others want for their mere necessities, and have an eye rather on your ill deservings at God's hand, than upon the failings of your friends towards you; and wait on him with patience, and good conscience; rather admiring his mercies, (than repining at his crosses,) with the assurance of faith, that what is wanting here shall be made up in glory a thousand fold." 1625 Plimmoth Plantation 433 tilled land, or eating the fruite of a growne tree. Thus [ . . .] 1 with harty salutations to you all, and harty prayers for you all, we lovingly take our leaves, this • 18 • of Des: 1624. Your assured freinds to our powers, J. S. W. C. T. F. R. H. etc.2 By this leter it appears in what state the affairs of the plantation stood at this time. These goods they bought, but they were at deare rates, for they put • 40 • in the hundred upon them, for profite and ad venture, outward bound ; and because of the venture of the paiment homeward, they would have .30 • li 3 in the • 100 • more, which was in all -70- per cent; a thing thought unreasonable by some, and too great an oppression upon the poore people, as their case stood. The catle were the best goods, for the other being ventured ware, were neither at the best (some of them) nor at the best prises. Sundrie of their freinds disliked these high rates, but comming from many hands, they could not help it. They sent over also • 2 • ships on fishing on their owne acounte ; the one was the pinass that was cast away the last year hear in the 1 "having not time to write further unto you, leaving other things to the relation of our friends;" 2 The Letter Book of Bradford gives four of the signers, " James Sherley (sick), William Collier, Thomas Fletcher and Robert Holland," but adds, "This letter was wrote with Mr. Cushman's hand; and it is likely was penned by him at the others' request." Sherley was said to be at the point of death, which led Cushman, in a letter to Bradford, to speak of his character. "If God does again raise him up, he will be more for you (I am persuaded) than ever he was. His unfeigned love towards us hath been such as I cannot indeed express; and though he be a man not swayed with pas sion, or led by uninformed affections, yet hath he cloven to us still amidst all persua sions of opposites; and could not be moved to have an evil thought of us, for all their clamours. His patience and contentment in being oppressed hath been much; he hath sometimes lent £800 at one time, for other men to adventure in this business, all to draw them on; and hath indeed by his free-heartedness been the only glue to the com pany. And if God should take him now away, I scarce think much more would be done, save as to enquire at the dividend what is to be had." Bradford Letter Book, 34. 3 If I mistake not, it was not much less. — Bradford. 434 History of 1625 cuntrie, and recovered by the planters, (as was before related,) who, after she came home, was attached by one of the company for his perticuler debte, and now sent againe on this accounte. The other was a great ship, who was well fitted with an experienced m[aste]r and company of fisher-men, to make a viage, and to goe to Bilbo or Sabastians 1 with her fish; the lesser, her order was to load with cor-fish,2 and to bring the beaver home for England, that should be received for the goods sould to the plantation. This big ger ship made a great viage of good drie 3 fish, the which, if they had gone to a market with, would have yeelded them (as such fish was sould that season) 1800U. which would have enriched them. But because ther was a bruite of warr with France,4 the m[aste]r neg lected (through timerousnes) his order, and put first into Plimoth, and after into Portsmouth, and so lost their opportunitie, and came 1 San Sebastian, capital of the province of Guipuzcoa, and lying on the Bay of Biscay. 2 A corrupt form of corved. "The Corved Herrings, which are to make red Her rings, are those that are taken in the Yarmouth seas, provided that they can bee carried on shore within 2 or 3 dayes after they be taken, otherwise they must be pickled. The Corved Herrings are never gipped [disemboweled] but rowed in salt, for the better preservation of them, till they can be brought a shore, and if any be pre served for to make Red-herrings, they are washed out of the pickle before they be hanged up in the Red-herring houses." S. Smith, Herringbusse Trade (1641), 7. * Bradford had written "ship." 4 King James died March 27, 1625, and the relations of England with Europe did not promise to be of advantage to the new monarch. After breaking off the negotia tions for the Spanish marriage, a bride for Charles was sought in France, and Henrietta Maria, daughter of Henry IV, became Queen Consort of the new king. On June 16 she entered London with the king, and two days after Parliament met at Westminster. The session proved to be a short one, as an adjournment came on July 1 1, leaving the king without the means of performing his pledges to France. His leanings towards aiding the French Huguenots, and the known intention of forming a Protestant alli ance against Spain to which France could give only a half-hearted if any adherence, threatened to produce differences between the two countries, not to speak of the domestic quarrel between Charles and his consort. It was in this period of uncer tainty that the ships from New Plymouth reached Europe. Actual war did not exist, but rumors of coming trouble prevailed. 1625 Plimmoth Plantation 435 by the loss. The lesser ship had as ill success, though she was as hopfull as the other for the marchants profite; for they had fild her with goodly cor-fish taken upon the banke, as full as she could swime; and besides she had some 8ooli. weaight of beaver, besides other furrs to a good value from the plantation. The m[aste]r seeing so much goods come, put it abord the bigersship, for more saftie; but Mr. Winslow (their factor in this busines *) was bound in a bond of 500/1. to send it to London in the smale ship; ther was some con tending between the m[aste]r and him aboute it. But he tould the m[aste]r he would follow his order aboute it; if he would take it out afterward, it should be at his perill. So it went in the smale ship, and he sent bills of lading in both. The m[aste]r was so carfull be ing both so well laden, as they went joyfully home togeather, for he towed the leser ship at his sterne all the way over bound, and they had shuch f ayr weather as he never cast her of till they were shott deep in to the English Chanell, almost within the sight of Plimoth ; and yet ther she was unhaply taken by a Turks man of warr, and carried into Saly, wher the m[aste]r and men were made slaves, and many of the beaver skins were sould for ^d. a peece.2 [138] Thus was all their hopes dasht, and the joyfull news they ment to 1 The more usual term for the person in whose charge the cargo lay was cape- merchant. His authority did not extend to any branch of navigation. 2 Such instances were not unusual at that period. Tunis, Tripoli, and Algiers attracted to themselves the outlawed and the lawless who found a profit and a career in preying upon the commerce of Europe. The rulers of these communities shared in the plunder, and in reality owed their election to the hordes who flocked to have a part in the open piracy. In 1617 a fleet of seventy ships were engaged in this form of adventure, and, as a vessel rarely returned to port without a prize, the cargoes of which were confiscated and the crews enslaved, the losses on commerce were great. Attempts had been made to agree upon an attack upon the well fortified city of the pirates by the combined fleets of England, Spain, and Holland, but political reasons interfered and destroyed any hope of united policy. An expedition under Sir Rob ert Mansell in 1 62 1 failed, and depredations continued practically unpunished. At this very time English vessels had been taken by these pirates but eight leagues from the Land's End, and so active were the rovers that merchant vessels scarcely ven tured from port to port. Gardiner, History of England, v. 428. 436 Plimmoth Plantation 1625 cary home turned to heavie tidings.1 Some thought this a hand of God for their too great exaction of the poore plantation, but Gods judgments are unscerchable, neither dare I be bould therwith; but however it shows us the uncertainty of all humane things, and what litle cause ther is of joying in them or trusting to them. In the bigger of these ships was sent over Captine Standish from the plantation, with leters and instructions, both to their freinds of the company which still clave to them, and also to the Honourable Counsell of New England. To the company to desire that seeing that they ment only to let them have goods upon sale, that they might have them upon easier termes, for they should never be able to bear shuch high intrest, or to allow so much per cent; also that what they would doe in that way that it might be disburst in money, or shuch goods as were fitte and needfull for them, and bought at best hand; and to acquainte them with the contents of his leters to the Counsell above said,2 which was to this purpose, to desire their favour and help; that shuch of the adventurers as had thus for saken and deserted them, might be brought to some order, and not to keepe them bound, and them selves be free. But that they might either stand to ther former covenants, or ells come to some faire end, by dividente, or composition. But he came in a very bad time, for the Stat was full of trouble, and the plague very hote in London, so as nobussiness could be done ;3 yet he spake with some of the Hon- ourd Counsell, who promised all helpfullnes to the plantation which lay in them. And sundrie of their freinds the adventurers were so weakened with their losses the last year, by the losse of the ship 1 This capture of the Little James proved the undoing of one of the adventurers, Thomas Fletcher, who had the larger interest in the cargo. See Bradford Letter Book. 2 See p. 419, supra. 3 The dreaded plague made its appearance in London in April of this year; by the middle of June the weekly mortality was one hundred and sixty-five, and by the first of July, three hundred and seventy. It is estimated that thirty-five thousand died in London. The visitation appears to have been most severe in Leyden, Denmark, and Italy. A FORME OF PRAYER, Neceffary to bee vfcdin thefedange roui times, oflVarre andfPeflilence, for the fafecy and preferuation of his M a i e s t y and hisRcalmcs, Set forth byzAuihoritie* LONDON Printed byBotfHAM Norton, and lohn Bit, Printers to the Kings moft Excellent, M A IE STIH. 16 26. 43 8 History of 1625 taken by the Turks, and the loss of their fish, which by reason of the warrs they were forcte to land at Portsmouth, and so came to litle; so as, though their wills were good, yet theyr power was litle. And thir dyed shuch multitudes weekly of the plague, as all trade was dead, and litle money stirring. Yet with much adooe he tooke up 150/i.1 (and spent a good deal of it in expences) at • 50- per cent. which he bestowed in trading goods and such other most needful! comodities as he knew requiset for their use; 2 and so returned pas senger in a fhishing ship, haveing prepared a good way for the com- possition that was afterward made. In the mean time it pleased the Lord to give the plantation peace and health and contented minds,3 and so to blese ther labours, as they had corne sufficient, (and some to spare to others,) with other 1 Bradford had first written "200." 2 In the accounts of payments made in 1628 by Allerton are the following items, which probably constituted this loan obtained by Standish: "Paid to Mr. Elbridg for £125 taken up at £50 p. c. "Paid to John Pocock for £20 taken up at £30 p. c. for 2 years "Paid to Edward Basse for £5. taken up at 6s. p. £. for 2 years "Paid to Timothy Hatherley for £10 taken up at 6s. p. £. for 2 years "Paid to Mr. Linge for £5 at 6s. per £. for 2 years Here was a loan for £175 which was paid off in two years by £251.10. Elbridge alone was not among the signers to the agreement of November 15, 1626 (vol. 11. p. 6). While the rise of opportunities for using capital in commercial ventures increased, the mediaeval restrictions upon interest, or usury, broke down, and the merchant was free to borrow at almost any rate he considered fair for his particular purpose. The moral objections against usury had given place to commercial reasons in its favor. The advantage taken of Standish's necessity is apparent. In 1624 an act, 21 Jac. 1. c. 17, had been passed against excessive rates, and eight per cent was named as the limit beyond which "usury" should not go. The lending of money at interest led the way to two important economic changes in this century: the privi leged trading companies felt the competition of interlopers who traded on borrowed capital, and were gradually broken down by that competition; and the ground was prepared for the beginnings of banking. 3 Bradford wrote to Cushman, June 9, 1625, that the planters "never felt the sweet ness of the country till this year; and not only we but all planters in the land begin to do it." Letter Book, 36. 187. 10. 0 32. 0. 0 8. 0. 0 16. 0. 0 8. 0. 0' 1625 Plimmoth Plantation 439 foode; neither ever had they any supply of foode but what they first brought with them. After harvest this year, they sende out a boats load of corne -40- or ¦ 50- leagues to the eastward, up a river called Kenibeck; it being one of those -2- shalops which their carpenter had built them the year before; for bigger vessell had they none. They had laid a litle deck over her midships to keepe the corne drie, but the men were faine to stand it out all weathers without shealter, and that time [139] of the year begins to growe tempestious. But God preserved them, and gave them good success, for they brought home yooli. of beaver, besides some other furrs, having litle or no thing els but this corne, which themselves had raised out of the earth. This viage was made by Mr. Winslow and some of the old standards,1 for seamen they had none.2 1 " First written as in the text, then altered to standerss." Deane. 1 This voyage, the promise of future profits in like adventures, and the possibility of being shut out entirely from the Kennebec by the people of Piscataqua induced New Plymouth to take out a patent for a trading station there. Vol. 11. p. 18. Anno Dom: *i6i6' ABOUT the begining of Aprill they heard of Captain Standish his arriyall, and sent a boat to fetch him home, and the things he had brought. Welcome he was, but the news he broughte was sadd in many regards ; not only in regarde of the former losses, before related, which their freinds had suffered, by which some in a maner were undon, others much disabled from doing any further help, and some dead of the plague, but also that Mr. Robinson, their pastor, was dead, which struck them with much sorrow and sadnes, as they had cause. His and their adver saries had been long and continually plotting how they might hin der his coming hither, but the Lord had appointed him a better place; concerning whose death and the maner therof, it will appere by these few lines write to the Gov[erno]r and Mr. Brewster.1 1 Of Robinson Hubbard said: "He was, as it seemed, highly respected of his people, (now dispersed into two companjes, further asunder than was Dothan and Hebron,) as they were also of him. That which was the principal remora that detained him with the rest in Holland is not mentioned by any of his friends here, yet may it easily be supposed, viz., the sad difficulties, and sore trials, that his friends in New England had hitherto been encountered withal; so as those that were here could not seriously advise him and the rest to follow them, till things were brought to some better settle ment in this their new Plantation, together with some back friends that did all they could to obstruct his coming over. The temptations of a wilderness, though not in vincible, yet may be very hard to overcome; witness the experience of Israel of old, who were only to pass through it, and not first plant it, as were those here. The small hopes these had of their pastor's coming over to them, being heretofore revived by the new approach of the shipping every spring, possibly made them more slow in seeking out for another supply, as also more difficult in their choice of any other." History, 96. Hubbard (History, 42) gives an account of Robinson that is "intended as rather matter of commendation than reflection " upon him or any of the Christian brethren of his church. "The said Robinson, to give him his due, was a man of good learning, of a polished wit, and ingenious disposition and courteous behavior, yet not without too great tinctures of the sensorious spirit of their rigid separation; " but as ESSAYE& OBSERVATIONS DIVINE AND MORALL. COLLECTED OVT OF holy ScripturcSj Ancient and Moderne Writersaboth di* vine .nod humane. As aTfojOutof thegseat volume of mens manners: Tend ing to the* furtherance of knowledge and vertue; BydOHtfKOBI N son. The fecond Edition) with two Tabl«;,'thc one of thtAmhours quoted The other of the m«« tcrs conuined lathe Obfavauons. PiCp-viis 9.9. <7«;c inflrucltoti ta a wife man, and le •a'lllltmfir, teach a Rigbtcoui -mm, and hee will intmft in lear ning. Printed by r.D. for i.BeRamie, at the three golden Lyons in Cornhill ueefc the Rovall Exchange. 1638. 44 2 History of 1626 Loving and kind frinds, etc. I know not whether this will ever come to your hands, or miscarie, as other my letters have done; yet in regard of the Lords dealing with us hear, I have had a great desire to write unto you, knowing your desire to bear a parte with us, both in our joyes, and sorrows, as we doe with you. These are therfore to give you to understand, that it hath pleased the Lord to take out of this vaell of tears, your and our loving and faithfull pastor, and my dear and Reve[ren]d brother, Mr. John Robinson, who was sick some • 8 ¦ days. He begane to be sick on Saturday in the morning, yet the next day (being the Lords day) he taught us twise. And so the weeke after grew weaker, ever[y] day more then other; yet he felt no paine but weaknes all the time of his sicknes. The phisick he tooke wrought kindly in mans judgmente, but he grew weaker every day, feeling litle or no paine, and sensible to the very last. He fell sicke the • 22- of Feb- [ruary], and departed this life the • i • of March. He had a continuall inwarde ague, but free from infection, so that all his freinds came freely to him. And if either prayers, tears, or means, would have saved he grew in years, he "grew in many excellent gifts both of nature and grace, and great moderation of spirit in regard of what he manifested in former time." Hubbard had little sympathy with the Separatists, and speaks (p. 43) of Brewster as "of a finer alloy than the ordinary sort of the Separation." See p. 444, infra. John Robinson's Observations Divine and Morall had appeared in 1625 and in two issues, a second title reading Essay es; or Observations, etc. Three years later, in 1628, an issue was made somewhat different in certain pages. "The most curious feature of the transaction is, that the obvious design of these alterations is to leave out, in the first instance, all that closing portion of the Essay on 'Religion, and the Differences and Disputations thereabout,' which touches upon Toleration; and in the second instance to drop out the whole of the Essay on 'Heresie and Schisme.'" As correct copies of this edition of 1628 are found we have "one perfect as the author left them, the other doctored for some unguessed market." Henry M. Dexter, in Mass. Hist. Proceedings, xvn. 63. Robinson was buried in St. Peter's Church, March 4, but the exact location of the place of burial is unknown. "A tradition, possibly well-founded, locates it in the bay or alcove which projects from the cathedral at the point nearest to his house." In 1891, a memorial tablet to Robinson, erected by the National Council of Congrega tional Churches of the United States, was placed in the outside wall of the church, and unveiled with appropriate ceremony on July 24. Dexter, The England and Hol land of the Pilgrims, 591, 592 »• 1626 Plimmoth Plantation 443 his life, he had not gone hence. But he having faithfully finished his course, and performed his worke which the Lord had appointed him here to doe, he now resteth with the Lord in eternall hapines. We wanting him and all Church Gov[erno]rs yet we still (by the mercie of God) continue and hould close togeather, in peace and quietnes; and so hope we shall doe, though we be very weake. Wishing (if shuch were the will of God) that you and we were againe united togeather in one, either ther or here; but seeing it is the will of the Lord thus to dis pose of things, we must labour with patience to rest contented, till it please the Lord otherwise to dispose. For [140] l news, is here not much; only as in England we have lost our old king James, who de parted this life aboute a month agoe,2 so here they have lost the old prince, Grave Maurise;3 who both departed this life since my brother Robinson. And as in England we have a new-king Charles, of whom ther is great hope, so hear they have made prince Hendrick Generall in his brothers place, etc. Thus with my love remembred, I take leave and rest, Your assured loving freind, Roger White. Leyden, Aprill 28. Anno: 1625. Thus these too great princes,, and their pastor, left this world near aboute one time. Death makes no difference. He further brought them notice of the death of their anciente freind, Mr. Cush-man, whom the Lord tooke away allso this year, and aboute this time, who was as their right hand with their freinds the adventurers, and for diverce years had done and agitated all * To this point the record was written upon every other page of the manuscript book. Every page is now written upon till folio 154, when the practice of leaving every other page blank was resumed. 2 March 27. 3 Maurice, son of William the Silent and Louise de Coligny, died April 23, 1625, five days before this letter was written, and was succeeded by his younger brother, Frederick Henry, one of the most capable of the House of Orange. 444 Plimmoth Plantation 1626 their bussines with them to ther great advantage. He had write to theGove[rno]r but some few months before, of the sore sicknes of Mr. James Sherley, who was a cheefe freind to the plantation, and lay at the pointe of death, declaring his love and helpfullnes, in all things ; and much bemoned the loss they should have of him, if God should now take him away, as being the stay and life of the whole bussines. As allso his owne purposs this year to come over, and spend his days with them. But he that thus write of anothers sick nes, knew not that his owne death was so near. It shows allso that a mans ways are not in his owne power, but in his hands, who hath the issues of life and death. Man m[a]y purpose, but God doth dispose. Their other freinds from Leyden writ many leters to them full of sad laments for ther heavie loss; and though their wills were good to come to them, yet they saw no probabilitie of means, how it might be effected, but concluded (as it were) that all their hopes were cutt of; and many, being aged, begane to drop away by death.1 1 The Leyden church after the death of Robinson did not long hold together. A part of the congregation came to New Plymouth in 1629, and another part joined the church in Amsterdam that had been under Ainsworth's teaching, and to whom John Canne succeeded, and held the position for seventeen years. It was only natural for the relations between the Leyden and the Plymouth congregations to become less close and finally completely to be broken. Robinson between the time of the sailing of the Speedwell and his death modified his views of church relations. Antonius Wal aeus, professor of theology in Leyden University, placed on record in May, 1628, the fact that Robinson had "at divers times conversed with me concerning the separation between their congregation and the other English congregations in this country, and that he has at divers times testified that he was disposed to do his utmost to remove this schism; that he was also averse to educating his son for the work of the ministry in such congregations, but much preferred to have him exercise his ministry in the Dutch churches." That Robinson desired the union of the English churches in Hol land was also asserted at the same time by Festus Hommius, rector of the Theological College at Leyden. The position of the Reformed churches may have seemed to him to be more correct than his own; but it is difficult to believe without further evidence, that he was ready to return to the Anglican church, and had, under the influence of Ames and Parker, seriously turned his thoughts in that direction, as Hoornbeeck states. Dexter, The England and Holland of the Pilgrims, 592. Canne did not agree .'¦--•¦-. r -j - ** /* ^xWl|'n//i>-' ~I625,WHENCE AT HIS PROMPTiN WENT cnoTU PILCRI, 10 SETTLE NEW ENGLAND IN 1620-v P' 'RIED UNDER THIS HOUSE OF W0RSH1R 4- MAR. AETXL1X YEARS. IN MEMORIA AETERNA ERIT JUSTUS A.D.I89L MEMORIAL TABLET, ST. PETER'S CHURCH, LEYDEN 1626 Plimmoth Plantation 447 and sustained, but their proceedings both honoured and imitated by others; as by the sequell will more appeare, if the Lord spare me life and time to declare the same. Haveing now no fishing bussines, or other things to intend, but only their trading and planting, they sett them selves to follow the same with the best industrie they could. The planters finding their corne, what they could spare from ther necessities, to be a commo- ditie, (for they sould it at 6s. a bushell,) used great dilligence in planting the same.1 And the Gove[rno]r and shuch as were de signed to manage the trade, (for it was retained for the generall good, [141] and none were to trade in particuler,) they followed it to the best advantage they could; and wanting trading goods, they un- derstoode that a plantation which was at Monhigen,2and belonged 1 In the attempted regulation of trade and industry begun in this year, prece dents, drawn from the laws of the mother country, restrictive in principle, were closely followed. An embargo was laid on produce and labor. On March 29, 1626, it was decreed: "That for the preventing of such inconveniences as do and may befall the plantation by the want of Timber. That no man of what condition soever sell or transport any manner of works as frames for houses, planks, boards, shipping, shallops, boats, cannoos, or whatsoever may tend to the distruction of timber aforesaid, how little so ever the quantity bee, without the consent, approba tion and liking of Governour and Councill." It was also decreed that "no handy- craftsman of what profession soever, as Taylors, Shoemakers, Carpenters, Joyners, Smiths, Sawyers, or whatsoever, which do or may reside or belong to this plantation of Plimouth, shall use their science or trades at home or abroade for any strangers or forreigners till such time as the nescessity of the Colony be served." A third order, for preventing scarcity and also for furthering the trade, provided, "that no corne, beans or pease be transported, imbarqued or sold to that end, to be conveyed out of the Colony, without the leave and licence of the governour and Counsill." Plym outh Colony Records, xi. 3, 4. s The settlement at Monhe gan was that of Jennens (see p. 341, supra). On learning that Jennens intended to break up his plantation, two men of Bristol, Robert Aldworth, the friend of Hakluyt, and his partner, Gyles Elbridge, despatched Abraham Shurt to buy the island, which was done for £50. Aldworth was one of those from whom 44 8 History of 1626 to some marchants of Plimoth was to breake up, and diverse usefull goods was ther to be sould; the Gove[rno]r and Mr. Winslow tooke a boat and some hands and went thither. But Mr. David Thomson, who lived at Pascataway, understanding their purpose, tooke oppertunitie to goe with them, which was some hinderance to them both; for they, perceiveing their joynt desires to buy, held their goods at higher rates; and not only so, but would not sell a parcell of their trading goods, excepte they sould all. So, lest they should further prejudice one an other, they agreed to buy all, and devid them equally between them. They bought allso a parcell of goats, which they distributed at home as they saw neede and occa sion, and tooke corne for them of the people, which gave them good content. Their moyety of the goods came to above tpoli. star ling.1 Ther was allso that spring a French ship cast away at Saca- Pring received his commission in 1603. Under the auspices of these two merchants a settlement was established on the island by Abraham Shurt. 1 So large a sum represented a well-stocked warehouse of goods, but unfortunately, no inventory of the purchase exists. In eight years the kind of goods looked upon as fit for trading purposes would not have changed materially, and we have in the Trelawny Papers (2 Maine Hist. Soc. Collections, in.) such an inventory with com ments by the agent, made in 1634. The commodities were designed for the fishermen, as well as for Indians, but it is the latter trade that is the more interesting. Winter, agent for Trelawny at Richmond Island, pointed out that the coats were good, but too short, the Indians selecting the longest, which sold the more readily; neither Englishmen nor Indians cared for the coverlets, which should be soft and warm; the waistcoats were too small; the hats being without bands or even lined in the brows, would be worn by neither class of buyers, and the shirts, shoes and stockings were suitable, save that the shoes would shrink in the snow. Aqua vitae, Indian beads and coarse woolen rugs or coverlets completed the articles offered. The figures given to certain items on p. 37 of the Trelawny Papers, refer apparently to freight or other charges ; for the value of the goods must have been greater. Yet there are reasons for believing that in trading with the Indians, quality counted but little. For skins, the French gave bread, peas, beans, prunes, tobacco, kettles, hatchets, iron arrow- points, awls, puncheons, cloaks and blankets. The natives complained that the mer chandise was often counterfeited and adulterated, and that peas, beans, prunes and bread, that were spoiled, were sold to them, corrupting the body and bringing on dysen tery and other diseases. The Indians early noticed that mingling and trading with i626- Plimmoth Plantation 449 c dahock, in which were many Biscaie ruggs and other commodities, which were falen into these mens hands, and some other fisher men at Damerins-cove, which were allso bought in partnership, and made their parte arise to above 500/i. This they made shift to pay for, for the most part, with the beaver and comodities theyhad gott the winter before, and what they had gathered up that somer. Mr. Thomson having some thing overcharged him selfe, desired they would take some of his, but they refused except he would let them have his French goods only; and the marchant1 (who was one of Bristol) would take their bill for to be paid the next year. They were both willing, so they became ingaged for them and tooke them. By which means they became very well furnished for trade; and tooke of therby some other ingagments which lay upon them, as the money taken up by Captaine Standish, and the remains of former debts. With these goods, and their corne after harvest, they gott good store of trade, so as they were enabled to pay their ingag ments against the time, and to get some cloathing for the people, and had some comodities before hand. But now they begane to be envied, and others wente and fild the Indeans with corne, and beat downe the prise, giveing them twise as much as they had done, and under traded them in other comodities allso.2 the French caused their people to die; "and they tell how one by one the different coasts, according as they have begun to traffic with us, have been more reduced by disease; adding, that the reason why the Armouchiquois do not diminish in population is because they are not at all careless. Thereupon they often puzzle their brains, and sometimes think that the French poison them." The French retorted that gorging and drunkenness were sufficient explanations. Biard's Relation, 1616 (Thwaites), in. 69, 105. 1 Possibly Abraham Shurt, who was at Pemaquid in July, 1626. 2 This competition could come from the settlements on the Maine coast or from the crews of the fishing vessels frequenting these parts. The Indians were satisfied with trifles, such as metal fishing-hooks, beads, knives and other small objects, so an extensive" supply of trading goods would not be necessary to obtain the furs they brought to the coast. A trade in corn must have been carried on by the Dutch or French, or by the fishing vessels that came up from Virginia. Bradford complained to the Council for New England of this irregular trading. "We 45° History of 1626 This year they sent Mr. Allerton into England, and gave him order to make a composition with the adventurers, upon as good termes as he could (unto which some way had ben made the year before by Captaine Standish) ; but yet injoyned him not to con- clud absolutly till they knew the termes, and had well considered of them; but to drive it to as good an issew as he could, and referr the conclusion to them. Also they gave him a commission1 under their hands and seals to take up some money, provided it exseeded not shuch a summe specified, for which they engaged them selves, and gave him order how to lay out the same for the use of the plan tation.2 cannot likewise forbear to complain unto your Lordships, of the irregular living of many in this land, who without either patent or licence, order or government, live, trade, and truck, not with any intent to plant, but rather to forage the country, and get what they can, whether by right or wrong, and then be gone: So as such as have been and are at great charge to settle plantations, will not be able to subsist, if some remedy be not provided, both with these and the inordinate course of fishermen, who begin to leave fishing, and fall wholly to trading, to the great detriment of both the small beginning here, and the state of England, by the unprofitable consuming of the victuals of the land upon these salvages : Whereas plantations might here better raise the same in the land, and so be enabled both to subsist and to return the profit thereof into England for other necessaries, which would be beneficial to the commonwealth." Letter Book, 56. 1 This commission will be found in Bradford Letter Book, 46. 2 Little is known of Isaac Allerton beyond what Bradford tells us. He was of the Leyden company, and with his wife (Mary Norris), son and two daughters, came in the Mayflower. During his residence in Holland he attracted no notice for business ability, and no reason can be found in Bradford for his being now sent upon a somewhat delicate mission, involving the future prosperity, if not indeed, the very existence of the plantation. His was one of the seven houses on the south side of "the streete" in 1620, and in the division of lands in 1623, seven acres, the largest single allotment made, fell to him, on the "south side of the Brooke to the baywards." He was one of the undertakers in the trade agreement of 1627, vol. 11. p. 29, presumably because of his ability on this mission to the English adventurers. In the tax-list of 1633 he re ceived a higher rating than any member of the community (£3. 11s), almost double that of Bradford, Church, or Jenny, who formed the next in rate (£1. 16s each), and larger than that of Winslow (£2. 5s), which is good evidence of his well-being. In 1634 he was second in the list of rate payers (£1. i6j), and was surpassed only by 1^6 Plimmoth Plantation 45 1 And finding they ranne a great hazard to goe so long viages in a smale open boat, espetialy the winter season, they begane to thinke how they might gett a small pinass j1 as for the reason afforesaid, so also because others had raised the prise with the Indeans above the halfe of what they had formerly given, so as in shuch a boat they could not [143]2 carry a quantity sufficent to answer their ends. They had no ship-carpenter amongst them, neither knew how to get one at presente; but they having an ingenious man that was a house carpenter, who also had wrought with the ship carpenter (that was dead) when he built their boats, at their request he put forth him selfe to make a triall that way of his skill; and tooke one of the bigest of ther shalops and sawed her in the midle, and so lenthened her some -5 • or -6- feete, and strengthened her with tim bers, and so builte her up, and laid a deck on her; and so made her a conveniente and wholsome vessell, very fitt and comfortable for their use, which did them servise -7- years after; and they gott her finished, and fitted with sayles and anchors, the insuing year. And thus passed the affairs of this year.3 Winslow and William Collier (£2. 5s. each). Bradford has on the whole dealt kindly with one who seems to have been unsuccessful in all his ventures. Allerton's expenses were to be met by borrowing the sum of £100 in England for the space of two years, and upon such terms as he could. He obtained £200, but was obliged to pay thirty per cent interest, by which, adds Bradford, "appears in what straits we were; and yet this was upon better terms than the goods which were sent us the year before [1625], being at forty five per cent." Bradford Letter Book, 46. See vol. 11. p. 34. 1 Pinnaces varied in size. In 1640 one was engaged for on the following lines: "thirty two foote by the keele and five foote and halfe in the hould deepe to be made proportionable according to the same with a decke and to be seeled through out." Such a vessel cost forty pounds. Lechford, Note Book, 418. s Here occurs another error in the paging of the original; 142 is omitted. 3 In November, 1626, a brief report on the colony at New Netherland was laid before the States-General of the Netherlands by Peter Schagen. The news had just come in by the ship Arms of Amsterdam. "Our people are in good heart and live in peace there; the Women also have borne some children there. They have purchased the Island Manhattes from the Indians for the value of 60 guilders; tis 1 1,000 morgens 45 2 Plimmoth Plantation 1626 in size. They had all their grain sowed by the middle of May, and reaped by the middle of August. They send thence samples of summer grain; such as wheat, rye, barley, oats, buckwheat, canary seed, beans and flax." The cargo consisted of a goodly quan tity of furs and some oak and hickory. Col. Hist, of New York , i. 37. The Dutch were the most active competitors of New Plymouth. END OF VOLUME I CAMBRIDGE • MASSACHUSETTS U • S • A 1848 ?¦-¦> \