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TRAVELS IN INDIA

BY

JEAN BAPTISTE TAVERNIER
BARON OF AUBONNE

-S-

JEAN BAPTISTE TAVERNIER
BARON OF AUBONNE
At the age of 74
1676

Vol. I, Plate I

TRAVELS IN INDIA

BY

JEAN BAPTISTE TAVERNIER
BARON OF AUBONNE

TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL FRENCH EDITION OF 1676
WITH A
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF THE AUTHOR,
NOTES, APPENDICES, ETC.

BY
V. BALL, LL.D., F.R.S., F.G.S.
DIRECTOR OF THE SCIENCE AND ART MUSEUM, DUBLIN
AUTHOR OF 'JUNGLE LIFE IN INDIA,' 'THE ECONOMIC GEOLOGY OF INDIA,' ETC.

IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. I

fLonHon
MACMILLAN AND CO.
AND NEW YORK
1889
All rights reserved

Printed by R. & R Clark, Edinburgh

CONTENTS

Preface ....
Introduction — Life of J. B. Tavernier
Bibliography
Title Page of Original Edition .
Dedication to the King .
Design of the Author . .
Table of the Books and Chapters
' Avis ' to the Reader
Travels in India —
Book I, Chapters I to XX
Book II, Chapters I to XI
Appendix

PAGE vii

xlvii xlix li
Ixvii Ixxi
• I-3I7
319-410
4H

ILLUSTRATIONS

Portrait of Tavernier .... Frontispiece
Map of India, with Tavernier's Routes*. At end of Volume

PREFACE
Tavernier's name, owing to its frequent mention in
histories and in works on precious stones, has long
been known as that of one of the most renowned
travellers of the seventeenth century. Possibly it
would not be incorrect to speak of Tavernier as in
some respects the most renowned traveller during that
period when so much was done to bring home to the
people of Europe information about countries which
had previously been but little known.
Such being the case, it is not only somewhat sur
prising that there should be so much error in the
published accounts of his life, but also that his Travels,
although they have been frequently issued in various
languages, have not, as a whole, been subj'ected to
critical examination and elucidation with the aid of our
modern knowledge of the countries which they describe.
Of Tavernier's life and work Prof. Charles Joret
has given an exhaustive survey in a recently -published
monograph. In the present volumes it is sought to pre
sent an approximately literal translation of the portion
of the Travels which refer to India, accompanying it
by such identifications of localities with modern sites,

PREFACE

and such elucidation of obscure points, as have been
possible under the circumstances.
As will be explained more particularly in the
biographical sketch, the chief faults in Tavernier's
encyclopaedic volumes consist in a want of systematic
arrangement of the subjects, a fuller and more care
fully correlated chronology, and a reconciliation of
really or apparently contradictory statements ; such
work, in short, as should have been done by the
editors whom he employed, but which they appear to
have either wilfully shirked or omitted to recognise as
a part of their duty.
Upwards of two hundred years have elapsed since
an English translation, that by John Phillips, has
appeared ; but owing to that translator's misconception
of the author's meaning, through want of local know
ledge, and to serious abridgment, it gives a very
inadequate idea of the true merits of the work, which,
except to those who have read it in the original, have
therefore been practically unknown to English readers.
A word of explanation is due to the readers of
these volumes as to how it has happened that the
present editor came to undertake the onerous task
of translation and annotation.
For a long time I have been well acquainted with
the portions of Tavernier's works which deal with the
economic mineral resources of India, and although I
have published some accounts of these, having suc
ceeded in identifying the sites of the diamond mines
described by him, which were for a long time supposed

PREFACE

by authors to be beyond the reach of recognition, I
have felt that in order to truly represent him a new
English edition, at least of the Indian travels, was
much wanted, which would give his facts in their own
setting and substantiate, by means of modern illustra
tion, the strong claim which he has to be regarded as a
veracious and original author.
Being fully mindful of my deficiencies as a philo
logical and historical critic, I had, when further
acquainted with the work, determined not to under
take the task myself, as I felt that such qualifications
as I possessed, which were mainly derived from a long
experience of travelling in India in connection with the
Geological Survey of that country, would not make up
for the lack of special knowledge in the subjects just
alluded to.
Acting, however, under the advice of Colonel Yule,
I commenced the translation and annotation in the
year 1886, and have devoted the greater portion of
my spare time since then to this work.
In speaking of the aid which Colonel Yule has ever
been most ready to afford, I must guard against imply
ing that the work has been completed in any way
under his supervision ; that for various reasons has
not been possible, and it would be an ill return for
so much assistance as I have received to lay upon
him any responsibility for opinions which he has not
had an opportunity of considering. At the same time
the direct acknowledgments of his advice which are
made in the footnotes by no means cover the extent of

x PREFACE
my indebtedness, and I regret the impossibility of
doing more now than to give expression to my grati
tude to him for his labour and advice in these some
what general terms.
To Mr. V. A. Smith of the Bengal Civil Service I
am indebted for much assistance and advice while
passing this first volume through the press. His
departure for India has deprived me of a continuation
of his valuable aid in connection with the second
volume.

INTRODUCTION1
LIFE OF J. B. TAVERNIER
Jean Baptiste Tavernier was born in Paris in the
year 1605. This has been ascertained from the state
ment in the volume of his Relations, namely that in
1679 he was seventy-four years old. But there is no
direct evidence as to the exact month or day of his
birth, and they cannot now be ascertained owing to
the disappearance of the registers of the Church at
Charenton, where he was baptized.
Not very much is known of the family of his father
Gabriel, of whom, however, it is recorded that he fled
from Antwerp to Paris in 1575, together with his
brothers Melchior and Nicolas, in order to avoid
religious persecution, they being Protestants. They
readily accepted French nationality, and it is suggested
by M. Joret that their ancestors may have originally
migrated from France to Belgium. Melchior became
famous as an engraver and printer to the King ; he
was born, in 1544, and died in 1641, at the age of
ninety-seven years. Of Nicolas the record is more
scanty, it being only known that he was married to
Claudine le Bert, by whom he had a son named
1 Largely based on the excellent life of /. B. Tavernier by Prof.
Charles Joret, Paris, Plon, 1886.

INTRODUCTION

Jacques. Of Gabriel it is known that like Melchior
he was a geographer, but he appears to have been
rather a merchant than an artist. He married Suzanne
Tonnelier, by whom he had three sons — Melchior,
baptized in 1594; Jean-Baptiste, who, as already
stated, was born in 1605 ; and Gabriel, born in 16 13.
As will be seen hereafter, Tavernier mentions a brother
Daniel1 who died at Batavia in the year 1648, and there
also appears to have been a brother named Maurice,
whose son accompanied Tavernier on his sixth voyage.
The possibility of Gabriel being identical with either
Daniel or Maurice has been discussed, but there would
be no advantage in retailing the various opinions here,
as none of them are conclusive. Melchior, like his
uncle, became distinguished as a chartographer ; he
died in 1665, during the last of Jean Baptiste's voyages
to the East.
The geographical surroundings of Jean Baptiste,
and the discussions which learned men held with his
father, and to which he listened with avidity, served
to inflame in his mind from his earliest years a strong
desire to see foreign countries ; but minute as are his
descriptions of his travels, he, so far as his own auto
biographical account is concerned, ignores the events
of his early youth ; and indeed it may be said that
throughout he sinks his personality to such an extent
that the actual period at which some of his adventures
took place can only be arrived at by the casual mention
of incidents and dates which are scattered about
through his works, while with regard to others there
are no indications whatever, and in reference to some
1 See Book III, chap. xxvi. The name Daniel is printed on the
map of Tonquin in Tavernier's account of that Kingdom.

INTRODUCTION

periods of his life we are left in complete darkness as
to where and how they were spent.
By the age of twenty-two he had, he states in his
"Design," seen the best parts of France, England,
Holland, Germany, Switzerland, Poland?1 Hungary,
and Italy, and had acquired a fair knowledge of the
most useful European languages. It would appear
from M. Joret's estimate that these rambles must have
commenced when he was only fifteen years old. It is
not necessary to follow the details of these European
travels here, as they are fully set forth on following
pages in "The Design of the Author."
First Voyage. — Contrary to those writers who
have stated that Tavernier started on his first voyage
to the East in 1636, M. Joret has, I think, very clearly
proved, by reference to the easily ascertained dates of
historical events which took place while he was in
Constantinople, that his departure cannot have been
later than January or February 1631 ; and that, in
1633, after visiting Persia, he returned to Europe by
Aleppo and Alexandretta to Malta, from whence he
made his way to Italy, bringing with him some Persian
turquoises as articles of trade. During the next five
years his occupation is unknown, the record being
almost blank.
Second Voyage. — On the 13th of September 1638
we find him again starting from Paris for the East,
taking ship at Marseilles for Alexandretta, with a
following consisting of a young Artist, a Surgeon,
and his brother Daniel. He was, moreover, on this
occasion well equipped as a merchant. After spending
1 Poland, as pointed out by M. Joret, does not appear to have been
visited till he was twenty-five years old.

introduction

six weeks at Aleppo he left it on the 27th December1
with a caravan, and passing through Meshed, Bassora,
and Shiraz, reached Ispahan at the end of April or
beginning of May 1639. Here he visited the King,
Shah Safvi, grandson of Shah Abbas. Our next
record of him shows him to have been in Hindustan
early in 1641, but as to the route which he followed,
whether by sea or by land, and at what date he tra
versed it, there is no direct- evidence. M. Joret
suggests that he left Ispahan at the end of 1639, that
he paid his first visit to Dacca in 1640, and that he
remained in Agra during the winter of 1640-41. In
1 64 1 he tells us that he was at Burhanpur on the
journey from Agra to Surat, and elsewhere that he
was at Goa at the close of the same year. His journey
up from Surat to Agra in 1640, unlike the journey back
via Burhanpur, was probably made by the Ahmadabad
route which is described on pp. 66-89. At Agra he
found Shah Jahan enjoying a peaceable reign. From
Goa he appears to have visited Golconda and made full
inquiries and perhaps visited the diamond mines —
returning to Surat by the land journey throughout, in
the spring of 1642. How he occupied himself during
the remainder of this year is uncertain ; but he states
that he paid a visit to Ahmadabad, probably while
awaiting the season for sailing towards the end of the
year 1642 or the beginning of 1643, when he states
he was in Bandar Abbas.
Third Voyage. — We do not know when he
reached Paris nor what route he followed ; but we find
1 I do not think it necessary to enter into any discussion here as to
the enigmas presented by the incompatibility of some of his statements
with these dates. (See Joret, p. 48.)

introduction

him towards the close of 1643, namely on the 6th of
December, starting thence on his third voyage to the
East, arriving as before at Alexandretta. On the 6th
of March 1644 he started from Aleppo in the
company of two Capuchin monks, arriving at Ispahan
on the 3d of May, where M. Joret considers he must
have remained for some months, reaching Surat in
January 1645, most probably by the Bandar Abbas
route. On the 19th of January he started via Dau-
latabad and Nander for Golconda, whence he visited
the diamond mines, regarding which he had ascertained
particulars, if he had not actually seen them, on the
occasion of his previous journey. After visiting the
mine of Raolconda, i.e. the modern Ramulkota, 18
miles south of Karnul, he appears to have returned
to Golconda and afterwards proceeded to the mine
which he called Gani or Coulour ; this, it will be seen,
stands for Kan-i-Kollur on the Kistna, at seven days'
journey eastwards, or more correctly south-eastwards,
from Golconda. (See p. 172.) How the remainder of
this year and the whole of 1646 were employed we
cannot say. In connection with the descriptions of the
above-named mines he also describes one at Soumel-
pour (see Book II, chap, xvii), which was situated on
the Koel river, an affluent of the Sone, in the District
of Lohardaga in Western Bengal, but as to when
he visited it, if ever, he gives no certain indication.
There are some grounds for supposing that in 1647
he visited Persia, indeed he actually states (Book I,
chap, viii) that he was in Ispahan towards the end of
that year. Be this as it may, we find him on the 1 ith
of January 1648 at Mingrela, that is to say Vengurla,
on the west coast of India, where he had arrived from

introduction

Surat in the Dutch vessel called Mcestricht. After
nine days spent there, during which time he enjoyed
the hospitality of the Dutch, who had a factory there,
he embarked on an armed vessel for Goa, where he
arrived on the following day, and was much struck
with its decadence since his previous visit in 1641.
During the two months which he spent in Goa he was
on the most friendly terms with the Viceroy — the
wealthy Dom Philippe de Mascarenhas, — the Arch
bishop, and the Inquisitor-General, by all of whom
he was treated with much kindness, the latter having
first satisfied himself that he had left his Bible behind
him at Vengurla. On the nth of March he returned
to Vengurla, where he remained for more than a
month, or till the 14th of April, when he embarked for
Batavia, for the ostensible reasons of seeing so famous
a place, and of rendering a service to the Dutch by
conveying to them information about the discovery
of a new port in Africa which had been made by the
Portuguese. M. Joret probably rightly concludes that
he was anxious to seek for and meet with his brother
Daniel, whom he had not seen for ten years.
On this voyage Tavernier narrowly escaped ship
wreck off the coast of Malabar, but at length suc
ceeded in reaching the harbour of Point de Galle, in
Ceylon, where, as usual, he was well received by the
Dutch authorities. On the 25th of June, the mer
chandise having been transhipped to another vessel,
the voyage was continued, and on the 17th of July the
coast of Sumatra was sighted, and on the 2 2d Taver
nier reached Batavia. On the following day he went
to pay his respects to the General, Vanderling, and
the Director- General, Caron, by whom he was at first

introduction

well treated. Subsequently, however, he was involved
in tedious investigations in reference to his relations
with M. Constant, the Commander at Bandar Abbas,
for whom he had purchased diamonds at the mines.
These inquiries suddenly collapsed when Tavernier
disclosed the fact that he possessed a very consider
able amount of compromising information concerning
the illicit transactions of the very members of the
Council at Batavia who proposed to try him.
His stay at Batavia was interrupted by two short
visits to Bantam, where he was well received by the
King, of whom his brother was a boon companion ; and
he also experienced much kindness from the English
Resident, who offered him a free passage to England,
which he at first accepted, but subsequently declined in
favour of a similar offer made by the Dutch. There
upon followed a serious contention about certain Dutch
pay-bills which he had purchased at a considerable dis
count, intending to sell them at par in Holland, and so
employ his capital during the voyage. This traffic
having been prohibited, those who had bought bills
were all, with the exception of Tavernier, both com
pelled to give up what they had purchased, and other
wise severely mulcted and punished. Tavernier held
out to the last moment, but finally handed up the bills
on promise of an order for payment of his outlay in
Holland. Ultimately he sailed without this promise
being fulfilled, and it was only after several years
and the institution of an action against the Com
pany in Holland that he, or rather his brother
for him, received part of the sum due. From all
these circumstances he, perhaps naturally enough,
became a bitter enemy of the Dutch, and availed
vol. I b

introduction

himself of every opportunity for manifesting his
hostility.1 After his second return to Batavia from Bantam he
was about to visit certain Kings in Sumatra, when his
brother Daniel arrived in a dying state from Bantam ;
and shortly afterwards died, in spite of all that could
be done to cure him.
Somewhere about the month of October, according
to M. Joret's estimate, Tavernier sailed for Holland in
a ship called the Provinces, which having passed the
Sunda Straits, and failed to make the Cocos Islands,
steered for the Cape of Good Hope, where it arrived
in fifty-five days ; and the fleet, after remaining there
twenty-two days for the recovery of the sick, etc., pro
ceeded to St. Helena, which was reached in eighteen
days ; and then halted for a further twenty -two days,
when the crews and passengers of the several vessels
in the port entertained one another. Ultimately, after
some delays on account of contrary winds, the fleet
reached Holland, where the Directors treated Tavernier
with much politeness and hospitality ; as regards his
claim against them, they denied all knowledge of it at
first, but finally offered to give him a free passage back
to Batavia in order that he might get it paid there :
this offer he declined to accept.
There is no precise intimation in the text as to
when he arrived in Holland. M. Joret concludes that
the voyage must have taken six months, and that,
allowing for delays in Holland, he could not have
reached Paris till the spring of 1649.
Fourth Voyage. — Two years having been spent in
Europe, which were occupied in the sale of the precious
1 See his Histoire de la Conduite des Hollandois in Asia.

introduction

stones brought by Tavernier from India, and in repeated
efforts to recover his debt from the Dutch Company,
he again started for the East, leaving Paris on the
18th June 1651. It was not till the 25th of August,
however, that he sailed in the St. Crispine from Mar
seilles ; and after touching at Malta and Larnaca in
Cyprus, reached Alexandretta on the 4th of October,
and Aleppo on the 7th. Owing to disturbances in the
country he was unable to resume his journey eastwards
till the last day of the year. It is needless here to
detail his adventures in Persia from this time forwards
till the nth of May, when he embarked at Bandar
Abbas on a ship belonging to the King of Golconda,
which was bound for the port of Masulipatam, on the
east coast of India. After narrowly escaping shipwreck
he reached Masulipatam on the 2d of July — or perhaps
for 2d we should read 12th, and on the 21st of July,
together with M. du Jardin, he set out to march to
Gandikot via Madras, which latter place he reached on
the 13th of August. The description of this march
will be found in Book I, chap, xviii. Here it need
only be pointed out that conformably to his custom
he made friends with the English who were residing
in Fort St. George, and visited the Portuguese
Governor and Catholic brotherhoods at St. Thome.
On the 2 2d of the same month he started by the valley
of the Pennair River for Gandikot, which he might
have reached from Masulipatam by a more direct and
shorter route had he not desired to visit Madras. On
the 1 st of September he reached Gandikot, which Mir
Jumla, on behalf of the King of Golconda, had just
taken possession of. As Mir Jumla was not only the
General of the troops but also Prime Minister, Tavernier

introduction

had gone to him in order to show him — as he was bound
to do, not merely as an act of courtesy but because it
was the custom — the pearls and precious stones which
he proposed to sell to the King. Several interviews
which he had with Mir Jumla served to impress him
with a high opinion of that General's abilities. On the
15 th Tavernier took leave after receiving his assurance
that he had recommended him to his son at the Gol
conda court. His march northwards lasted till the 2d
of October, when he reached Golconda. After some
delay negotiations were opened with reference to the
sale of the precious stones, but in consequence of a
remark by a eunuch that the prices asked by Tavernier
were too high, he took offence, and, together with M.
du Jardin, left at once for Surat, following the same
route as he had come by to Golconda in 1643.
In some of the editions the date of his showing the
precious stones is given as the 25th (of October), but
in the 1676 edition the 15th is mentioned; and as he
started on the following day, and the distance was
twenty-one1 days or five days journey less than by
the Aurangabad route, which was twenty -six days, he
reached Surat either on the 5th or the 15th of Nov
ember. Shortly afterwards his companion, M. du
Jardin,2 died, and Tavernier then set out for Ahmada
bad, where he had been invited to bring his jewels by
Shaista Khan, who was then Governor of Gujarat.
Thence he returned to Surat, and set out for Gol
conda on the 6th of March 1653 by the Aurangabad
route, arriving at Golconda on the 1st of April.

1 In Book I, chapter ix, p. 147, he says, however, twenty-seven days.
2 As will be seen there is some uncertainty about the identification
of this M. du Jardin. (See Index for references.)

introduction

He then paid another visit to the mines, regarding
which, as he gives no details, we must only conclude
that any observations of importance made by him on
this occasion are incorporated in the account of his
previous visit in 1645, which has been above alluded to.
He appears to have returned to Surat during the same
year, as in Book III, chap, xiii, he refers to having, in
the year 1653, when on the return journey from Gol
conda to Surat, encountered a troop of pilgrims. H e says
M. d'Ardilliere was with him, to which M. Joret objects
that he had died in 1652. But had he ? We know his
father, M. du Jardin, had, but of himself there is, so far
as I know, no such record. Tavernier next refers to
being back at Surat, where he heard that war had been
declared between the English and Dutch. On the 8th
of January 1654 he sailed in one of a fleet of five
Dutch vessels of war which were despatched from
Surat to intercept the English fleet, which was then
expected to be on its way back from Hormuz. After a
naval engagement, in which the English were beaten,
and various delays, the Dutch fleet proceeded to
Bandar Abbas, arriving there on the 7th of March.
Tavernier then started for Ispahan, visiting Kerman
en route, where he purchased a large quantity of the
beautiful wool of that country for transport to France.
After a protracted stay in Persia, where he visited
many places which he had not previously seen, he
returned to Paris apparently in the autumn of the year
1655, but the information he gives on this point is very
vague. Fifth Voyage. — In February 1657 Tavernier
started from Paris on his fifth voyage. Shortly after
leaving Marseilles, the vessel in which he had

introduction

embarked was chased by pirates, and was com
pelled to take refuge in a port near Toulon, from
whence he returned by land, carrying on his person
the jewels which he was taking with him to sell in
the East, but allowing his heavier merchandise to
proceed in the same vessel. At Marseilles he again
took ship in an English vessel for Italy. In Italy
he spent a short time, and visited Ferdinand II of
Tuscany, who treated him with kindness and distinc
tion. He then sailed for Smyrna in a Dutch ship,
and, while awaiting the departure of the caravan, sent
one of his servants to buy some pearls in Constanti
nople, which he heard that a Jew residing there had
for sale, because, he remarks, pearls were the best
articles of trade which could be taken to India. At
this time, according to him, Smyrna was the principal
entrepot for all kinds of goods which passed from
Europe to Asia, and from Asia to Europe. From the
vague indications given by Tavernier Prof. Joret con
cludes that he started with the caravan from Smyrna
in June 1657. The journey was made by Erivan
and Tabriz to Ispahan, without any event happening
worthy of particular record. Owing to the accounts
which reached him of the disturbed condition of India,
in connection with the usurpation by Aurangzeb of his
father's throne, Tavernier appears to have prolonged his
stay in Ispahan till the beginning of 1659 ; but before
starting for Surat, which his letter addressed to Shaista
Khan proves him to have reached in May of that year,
he despatched to Masulipatam, in charge of one of his
servants for safety, and perhaps to evade dues, the
bulk of the beautiful objects and rare curiosities which
he had collected for Shaista Khan in Europe. Shaista

introduction

Khan's reply to his letter was an invitation to visit him
at Jahanabad, sending him a passport to enable him
to do so with ease and safety. Delayed by the rains,
Tavernier had not started before he received other
letters, first asking him to come to Burhanpur, and
then to Aurangabad. When he went to take leave of
the Governor of Surat, named Mirza Arab, he was in
formed by him that until instructions came from Aurang-
zeb, who had been informed of his arrival, he would
not be allowed to depart. He then wrote to Shaista
Khan, asking him to send an order to the Governor
to let him go ; this was done, and at length, after six
months' delay at Surat, he set out and found Shaista
Khan laying siege to Sholapur (Choupar) in the Deccan.
As will be seen on pp. 31 and 409, there are some dis
crepancies in Tavernier's two accounts of the sale of
and payment for his goods. It is inferred from a casual
statement that, having concluded this transaction, he
pursued his course farther southwards in order to visit
the diamond mines at Golconda again, from whence
probably he returned to Surat about the end of 1660 or
beginning of 166 1. In his Persian Travels he says
(Book V, chap, ii) that he was in Persia in 1662, and
during the same year he returned to Paris, his age be
ing then fifty-six years. It was thought that, as he had
by this time amassed a considerable fortune, and was
married in the same year for the first time in his life,
he would settle down and rest from his travels, which,
as we have seen, commenced when he was only fifteen
years of age. His wife was named Madeline Goisse,
a daughter of Jean Goisse, a jeweller, with whom he
had had some business transactions, and who was a
connection by marriage of his brother Melchior.

introduction

Sixth Voyage. — Tavernier's original intention, ex
pressed shortly after his marriage in 1662, was, how
ever, to make a short journey to the East in order to
close up his affairs there. As months passed in pre
paration, this intention expanded, and on the 27th of
November 1663 he started from Paris, and did not
return again for five years. On this occasion he took
with him a young nephew, son of Maurice Tavernier,
and four attendants of different professions, including a
surgeon. His stock of precious stones, goldsmith's
work, etc., was valued at 400,000 livres, which at
is. 6d. would be equal to ,£30,000. On the 10th of
January 1664 he embarked at Marseilles for Leghorn,
and after passing through many misadventures, includ
ing a narrow escape of being drowned, he ultimately
reached Smyrna on the 25th of April, where he
remained till the 9th of June, when he left with the
caravan for Tabriz. After three months' marching
the caravan reached Erivan on the 14th of Septem
ber, and Tabriz on the 9th of November, where two
of the attendants, one a watchmaker and the other
a goldsmith, died of sickness brought on by the
fatigues of the journey. Here also Tavernier left
his nephew Pierre in the charge of the Superior of the
Capuchin Convent. On the 2 2d of November, having
beforehand despatched his principal goods, he left with
a small party for Ispahan, and arrived there on the
14th of December. Three days afterwards the King,
Shah Abbas II, who in 1657 had bought a quantity
of jewels from him, summoned him to his palace, where
he went in state accompanied by all the Franks, and
bearing with him his most precious treasures, Father
Raphael acting as interpreter. The Shah first in-

introduction

quired to whom he had sold the jewels which he had
with him on the occasion of his last voyage, and he
informed him that it was to Shaista Khan, and that
the price he received was 120,000 rupees, though he
mentions no sum in the account of the transaction itself.
His present to the Shah consisted of a large
metallic mirror, which distorted the face of any one
looking into it. All the jewels, with the exception of
the. pearls, were bought, after prolonged negotiation,
at the high prices which Tavernier demanded. The
Shah being well pleased, however, Tavernier besought
his protection for his nephew, and that he himself
should be allowed to sell his goods in Persia, free of
duty, both of which requests were granted, and he was
further complimented by the bestowal of a robe of
honour, and by being appointed jeweller in ordinary.
Further, out of regard for him a good reception was
promised to all Franks arriving in Persia. A portrait
of Tavernier prefixed to the. Recueil, published in 1679,
and reproduced in Vol. ii, represents him clothed in
this robe, with the addition of the mantle which was
further conferred upon him by the express order of
the Shah. The total value of the sales made on this
occasion was 3900 tomans, or ,£i3,455> allowing
£$ : 9s. for the toman. The Shah gave him several
designs for ornaments, made by himself, which he
desired to have executed in gold, enamel, and precious
stones. Curiously enough, Chardin relates that a
similar order was given to himself in 1666.
At length Tavernier left Ispahan for India on the
24th of February 1665, and reached Bandar Abbas
about the end of the first week of April, having made
several halts on the road. On the 5th of May we find

introduction

him once more at Surat. On the occasion of this
voyage an injury happened to him at the hands of
the Dutch, which, added to what had previously
been done to him in Batavia, served to perpetuate his
enmity and contempt. Having been entrusted by the
English Resident with an important packet of letters
for Surat, which it was believed contained information
of the outbreak of war in Europe, it was stolen by the
Dutch, a parcel of blanks being put in its place. The
English in Surat were naturally indignant when,
instead of their letters, they received these blanks, and
it is said that Tavernier was threatened with assassina
tion, in consequence of which all the plans he had
made for his Indian tour were thrown into confusion.
He sent a strong protest against this scandalous
treachery to the General at Batavia, and stated that
if satisfaction were not rendered, he would, on his
return to France, carry the matter further, and
would also inform the Shah of Persia. He does not
appear to have received any direct satisfaction,
and this probably led him to write his exposures
contained in The History of the Conduct of the Dutch
in Asia} On arrival at Surat the Governor told him that
Aurangzeb wished to be the first to see his jewels ;
and he further learnt that Shaista Khan was in
Bengal, so that although, in pursuance of his promise
given on the last occasion, he desired to visit him first,
he was compelled to go to Jahanabad, travelling prob-
1 Described by Chardin, Amsterdam Ed., 17 11, vol. iii, p. 154, as
"a collection of the adventures of insignificant people, mostly Dutch;
published out of a spirit of flattery, or on account of French animosity
at the time.''

introduction

ably by Burhanpur, Sironj, Gwalior, and Agra, and
arriving at Jahanabad in September. On the 12th of
the same month he went to salute the Great Mogul,
to whom, as well as to the nobles of the Court and
others, he made presents amounting in all to the value
of 23,187 livres. He then sold to the Mogul Aurang-
zeb a number of his most precious stones ; and Zafar
Khan, the Mogul's uncle, also bought several, but dis
puted the price of a large pearl, which he sought to
buy at 10,000 rupees less than Tavernier demanded.
Subsequently, it was bought by Shaista Khan, who
was then in Dacca, but with him too it became the
subject of a serious dispute.
Tavernier remained two months at Jahanabad, and
on the 1st of November, when he went to take leave,
Aurangzeb pressed him to remain in order to witness
his annual festival, which was then close at hand,
promising him, if he would do so, that he would allow
him to see all his jewels after it was over. So tempt
ing an offer was at once accepted by Tavernier, and to
this we owe some of the most interesting chapters in
the whole of his travels.
The fete having concluded on the 9th of Novem
ber, he was on the following day shown the jewels,
including the great Mogul diamond. Shortly after
wards he left for Agra, and on the 25th (not the 15th,
as an obvious though frequently repeated misprint has
it in various editions) he started for Bengal, being
accompanied by the celebrated French physician
named Bernier and another friend named Rachepot.
They reached Allahabad on the 7th of December,
where they found Claude Maille of Bourges installed
as physician and surgeon to the Governor, but no hint

introduction

is given as to whether he was the same person or not
whom Tavernier mentions under the same name in
the capacity of gun-founder at Gandikot for Mir Jumla.
Having obtained permission to cross the Ganges, they
followed its left bank and arrived at Benares on the
nth, where they remained for two days, and then pro
ceeded along the right bank to Patna, which they
reached on the 20th. It is clear that on this occasion
Tavernier did not turn down the valley of the Sone to
Rohtas and the diamond mine at Soumelpur, and it is
uncertain whether he ever went there ; but he may
have done so on his return and prolonged stay at
Patna, or during his first journey to Dacca in 1640.
After eight days spent at Patna he embarked on the
29th December (not January, as by an obvious mis
print it is given in several of the editions), and passed
down the Ganges, reaching Rajmahal on the 4th of
January 1666. On the 6th M. Bernier left him to go
to Kasimbazar, while he proceeded to Dacca, which
he reached on the 13th, and on the following day went
to visit the Nawab, Shaista Khan, to whom he made a
valuable present. After selling him the goods which
he had brought for him, and having received an order
for payment on Kasimbazar, he started for that place
on the 29th, and reached it on the 12th of February,
being well received by Van Wachtendonk, the Direc
tor of all the Dutch factories in Bengal. On present
ing his order for payment to the Mogul's Treasurer,
he was informed by him that three days previously
he had received an order not to pay it. Subse
quently this Treasurer, acting under Shaista Khan's
instructions, offered to pay him the debt, less by 20,000
rupees. Tavernier enlarges on the causes which led

introduction

to this treatment, attributing it to the machinations of
Aurangzeb's officers to spite him for not having sold
the jewels to them, in order that they might resell them
to their master at an enhanced rate. There is no
direct record of his subsequent movements, but he
appears to have spent June and July in Patna, where,
on the second day of the last-named month, he wit
nessed an eclipse of the sun. In August he probably
reached Agra, where he seems to have met the repre
sentatives of the French company "for establishing
commerce in Persia and India." He ultimately
reached Surat on the ist of November, and met
there M. Thevenot, who was returning from Madras
and Golconda, and of whose travels the published
account serves to elucidate some points in Tavernier's
narratives. Early in the year 1667 Tavernier left
Surat — -probably, as ingeniously calculated by M.
Joret, in the month of February — for Bandar Abbas,
where he met, among other Europeans, the famous
traveller Chardin. At Ispahan he remained for some
months, probably till the end of 1667. In the early
part of the year 1668 he reached Constantinople, and
made a prolonged stay there, finally reaching Paris on
the 6th of December ; and being then sixty-three years
old, he resolved to enjoy the riches he had acquired
and rest from his labours. His first care, he tells us,
was to render thanks to God, who had protected him
through all perils by sea and land during the space of
forty years. His life after this period for sixteen
years cannot be followed out in detail here from want
of space. Those who desire details are referred to M.
Joret's excellent volume. It is only possible to mention
here a few of the principal events.

introduction

Soon after his arrival in France he had an inter
view with Louis XIV, who was anxious to see so
famous a traveller ; and the distinguished traveller
did not forget his business as a merchant, for he
sold the King a large number of diamonds and other
precious stones, and in February 1669, in consideration
of his eminent services to France, he was granted
letters, which conferred upon him a title of nobility ;
this was the full complement of his success. In
April 1670 he purchased the barony of Aubonne, near
Geneva, and in the following month he took the
oaths, and was received by their Excellencies of Berne
as "Seigneur Baron d' Aubonne." He restored the
Castle, and orientalised its decorations, and it was here
he prepared his notes for publication. It is commonly
said that the Voyages were written from Tavernier's
dictation by a French Protestant named Samuel Chap-
puzeau, but it is evident from many remarks scattered
through the volumes, and, indeed, is sufficiently proved
from the nature of the facts recorded, that many
pages must have been written at or shortly after the
time when the events took place, and by Tavernier
himself. Chappuzeau, who had obtained considerable
reputation as an historian and writer of theatrical plays,
was prevailed on to edit Tavernier's notes, or, as he
afterwards described it, to give form to the chaos, as
the confused memoirs of the six voyages might be
called. The statement attributed to Chappuzeau by
Bayle, that the only written portions were by Father
Gabriel, Capuchin, seems to be somewhat inconsistent
with this. Chappuzeau states that it was with the
greatest repugnance he undertook the work, and then
only in consequence of Tavernier's having used his

INTRODUCTION

interest to get the King to prevail upon him to do so.
His friendship for Tavernier was completely broken
under the "mortification if not martyrdom" which he
suffered, as he says, for the space of a year, while
exposed to the rough humour of Tavernier and the
ridicule of his wife. I agree completely with M.
Joret in the opinion that the internal evidence is too
strong to admit of the supposition that Tavernier was
not personally the author of the larger part of the
memoirs, and that from their very nature they could
not have been written from mere verbal dictation.
Chappuzeau doubtless edited them, and did his work
very badly, as the numerous omissions and contra
dictions prove.
In the year 1675 Tavernier's first publication
appeared under the title, "Nouvelle Relation du Serrail
du Grand Signior." His magnum opus, the Six
Voyages, appeared in the following year ; x and the
"Design of the Author" which is prefixed conveys
the idea that the whole was his own handiwork. The
interest aroused in these works was considerable, and
the number of editions which appeared in rapid succes
sion (see Bibliography) amply attest the popularity of
the work. In 1679 he published another volume, the
Recueil de plusieurs Relations. In the preparation of
this work he received the assistance of M. de la
Chapelle, Secretary to M. de Lamoignon, M. Chap
puzeau having refused to aid him further ; but to what
extent this assistance went it is impossible to say.
This latter volume contains two portraits of Tavernier,
one a bust, which is a work of high art, and is here
reproduced, as also are the dedicatory verses by
1 Paris, Gervais Clouzier, 1676, 2 vols. 4to.

xxxii INTRODUCTION
Boileau printed underneath it. The other is a full
figure representing Tavernier in the robe of honour
given him by the Shah of Persia, to which reference
has already been made on a previous page. Transla
tions of these works soon appeared in English, German,
and Italian, as will be seen in the Bibliography.
Some who were jealous of Tavernier's success
did not hesitate to contrast his works with those of
Thevenot, Bernier, and Chardin — who were perhaps
better educated men and of a more philosophical turn
of mind than he was, but it cannot be maintained that
their works met with equal success ; and it is apparent
that the reading public preferred his facts and personal
observations to the philosophic speculations which were
added to the facts recorded by his rivals. Voltaire
and others, though they wrote somewhat contemptu
ously of the value of Tavernier's work, did not influ
ence the tide of opinion which had set strongly in his
favour. It is noteworthy, however, that Tavernier, in his
references to the above-named travellers, speaks of
them all with the utmost courtesy, when referring
to his having met them, while they are either silent
about him, or, like Chardin, mention him only to
abuse him.
In the footnotes to the present work it will be seen
that while obscurity and contradiction are not absent
from the text, and the effects of careless editing of the
original are much to be deplored, the general accuracy of
the recorded facts, when submitted to critical examina
tion in the light of our modern knowledge of India, is
much greater than it was ever believed to be, even by
his greatest admirers, who supposed them to be beyond

INTRODUCTION

the reach of elucidation or confirmation. Gemelli
Careri 1 speaks of Tavernier as a dupe rather than a
liar ; but as I have met with no indications of either
of these characteristics, I have not troubled to follow
up his charges of error, as they refer chiefly to Persia,
and M. Joret affirms that they have for the most part
no foundation. In a certain sense, to a limited degree, Tavernier
may have been a plagiarist, but he openly avowed his
endeavours to obtain information wherever he could.
His historical chapters, for instance, may have been
derived from Bernier's writings, or, what is more prob
able, from conversations with him when they travelled
together down the Ganges ; while the chapters on
places he had not himself visited were, of course,
founded on information collected from various sources,
but principally from persons who gave him their own
personal experiences of the countries. Thus, probably,
is to be explained the resemblance noted by Dr. Hyde3
between a passage by Tavernier and one by Louis
Morera in a work published at Lyons in 167 1, which
was founded on papers by Father Gabriel de Chinon.
We know that Tavernier saw much of Father Gabriel
in Persia, and he may have learned the facts from him
if he did not himself observe them.
M. Joret gives an interesting account of the
controversies and polemical literature which were
roused in the seventeenth century by the publica
tion of Tavernier's volumes ; and in discussing the
published biographies of Tavernier he points out that
1 Voyage Autour du Monde, translated from the Italian. Paris,
1727. i2mo.
2 See Rose's Biographical Dictionary, Art. " Tavernier."
VOL. I

INTRODUCTION

they are all founded on the erroneous and amplified
statements of Henrick van Quellenburgh,1 Jurieau,2
Chappuzeau,3 Bayle, and others. M. Joret asserts that
the article on Tavernier in theFnglishCyclopczdia, alone,
of all the biographies, does full justice to his character.
During the period which elapsed from the publica
tion in 1679 of his last volume up to 1684, there is
reason for believing that Tavernier lived an active,
commercial, though somewhat retired life. In 1684
he started from Paris for Berlin, being called thither
by Frederick William, Elector of Brandenburg, to
advise with him on his projects of colonisation and
commercial enterprise in the East, and to undertake to
open up negotiations on his behalf with the Great
Mogul. M. Joret maintains that there is no foundation
for the view that Tavernier had been ruined at this
time by the misconduct of his nephew, to whom he en
trusted a valuable cargo for the East. On the contrary,
he went to Berlin, en veritable grand seigneur, at the age
of seventy-nine years, attracted by the offer of becom
ing the Elector's ambassador to India, being still full of
bodily energy and possessing an enterprising spirit. M.
Joret, by means of an unpublished manuscript, has been
enabled to trace his circuitous journey through the
principal countries of Europe. Many interviews took
place with the Elector, at which the arrangements for
the Embassy and the formation of the trading company
were discussed. Three armed vessels were to convey
1 Vindicia Batavica ofte Refutatie -van het Tractact van J. B.
Tavernier, etc. Amsterdam, 1684. 4-to. '
2 L 'Esprit de M. Arnaud tire de sa conduite et des Merits de lui et
de ses disciples, etc. Deventer, 1684. i2mo.
3 Ddfense du Sr. Samuel Chappuzeau contre un satire intitulee V Esprit
de M. Arnaud.

INTRODUCTION

it, and Tavernier, besides being nominated Ambas
sador, was appointed to the honorary offices of Cham
berlain to the Elector and Counsellor of Marine. Soon
afterwards he resolved to sell his estate at Aubonne,
probably to obtain capital for his own speculations.
After six weeks spent in Berlin, he left on the 15th
of August for Hamburg, and then paid a number of
visits to different towns in Germany, Holland, etc.,
finally returning to Aubonne in November. In January
1685 he was again in Paris, when he sold the land and
barony of Aubonne to the Marquis Henri du Quesne
for 138,000 livres of French money, with 3000 livres
more for the horses and carriages, the actual transfer
being made by his wife Madeline Goisse, as he himself
was at the time still in Paris. This sale completed, he
would have been free to go to Brandenburg, but was
delayed, as M. Joret suggests, in order to realise the
46,000 dcus provided for in the letters patent constitut
ing the Company, and which were to cover the costs of
equipment of the vessels required for the first voyage.
The prejudice which existed against Protestants before
the revocation of the Edict of Nantes accounts for some
of the difficulties he experienced in settling his affairs.
M. Joret is disposed to treat as unfounded the story that
Tavernier was at this time imprisoned in the Bastille as
one of those who suffered from the oppression practised
on the Protestants. It is proved, however, by the
manuscript archives of the Bastille, which M. Joret
quotes, that some one of the name of Tavernier was
incarcerated there on the 13th of January 1686. If he
was not there he was probably somewhere in Paris,
for by that time the projected company of the Elector
had come to naught, and Tavernier's home at Aubonne

INTRODUCTION

in Switzerland had been sold. At upwards of eighty
years of age his commercial instincts had led him to
intrust a valuable cargo for India, worth 222,000 francs,
to his nephew, Pierre Tavernier, son of the goldsmith
of Uzes, who we have seen was left by him at Tabriz
in the year 1664 in the charge of the Superior of the
Capuchin Convent in order to learn the Persian language.
It is commonly said that this nephew settled in Persia
and defrauded him of his profits, which should have
amounted to a million of livres. On the 9th of July
1687 we hear of Tavernier again, as obtaining a passport
to Switzerland for three or four months, subject to a bail
of 30,000 livres. At this time he set out on his seventh
journey to the East in order to recover his losses, as it
is believed by some ; but be this as it may, to M. Joret
belongs the honour of having effectively followed up
the question as to where the famous traveller ended
his days. Traces of his having been in Copenhagen in
1689 (or more probably in 1688) were discovered by
Prof. Steenstrup, to whom inquiries were addressed
by M. Joret. In the Russian review, " Le Biblio-
graphie" for the month of February 1885, M. T.
Tokmakof has described how, in the year 1876, when
visiting an old Protestant cemetery near Moscow, he
discovered the tomb of Tavernier, as M. Guerrier
described it in a letter to M. Joret, with the name still
preserved in full, and a fragment of the obliterated date,
16 — . Moreover, M. Tokmakof discovered documents
proving that Tavernier, carrying with him the passport
of the King of Sweden, arrived in Russia early in
February 1689, and that instructions were sent to the
frontier to facilitate the journey of the illustrious visitor
to Moscow.

INTRODUCTION

M. Joret concludes with a well merited panegyric
on the subject of his biography — the merchant-travel
ler whose reputation no French writer has previously
attempted to protect from hostile critics, although
the anonymous writer of the article in the English
Cyclopcedia has written in strong terms of his peculiar
and unrivalled merits.
To the testimony thus given, and to that which is
afforded by the popularity of Tavernier's works in
the last century, the present writer confidently expects
that readers of the following pages will accord a liberal
and hearty confirmation.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
As I cannot find in any of the Bibliographical Dictionaries an ex
haustive treatment of the numerous editions of Tavernier's works, I
have felt it necessary to go into fuller detail here than would have
otherwise been advisable, owing to the amount of space required
for proving the distinction between various issues, which can only
be done by quoting titles. Such an analysis as that given below
should prove of use, as I have had occasion to observe that copies
have sometimes been incorrectly bound up, Tavernier's works being
in consequence not readily distinguishable from those of other
authors with which they have been mingled.
Primarily this list is based upon one by Professor Joret,1 but,
as will be seen on comparison, his catalogue has been much
modified and amplified, the number of editions and translations
being raised from twenty-six to thirty-eight.
My work having been done in Dublin, I have been interested
to find what a number of the editions of Tavernier's volumes there
are in the libraries of that city. In one which is seldom resorted
to, namely that of Archbishop Marsh, there are six, though the
library has been generally supposed to contain only ecclesiastical
literature. My thanks are due to the Bishop of Down and Connor for in
formation regarding the copies in Armagh Library, and to the
Librarians of the Bodleian and University College libraries for in
formation about editions mentioned in their catalogues regarding
which there were some statements which did not agree with other
information available to me.

1 Jean Baftiste Tavernier, Paris, Plon, 1886.

xl BIBLIOGRAPHY

I
The French Editions of the " Voyages " and " Relations "
of Tavernier. French.
. 1675. — Nouvelle \ Relation \ De I'interieur \ Du Serrail \ du \
grand Seigneur \ contenant plusieurs singularitez \ qui jusqu'ici
n'ont pas est'e mises en lumiere \ Par J. B. Tavernier ecuyer
Baron \ d Aubonne \ A Paris \ chez Olivier de Varennes \
mdclxxv [ 4to.
There is a copy of this in Marsh's Library, Dublin.
. 1676. — Les Six \ Voyages \ dejean Baptiste \ Tavernier, | Ecuyer
Baron D' Aubonne, | Qu'il A Fait \ en Turquie, en Perse, \ Et
Aux Indes, | Pendant Fespace de quarante ans, 6° par toutes les
| routes que Von peut tenir : accompagnez d'obser- | vations par-
ticulieres sur la qualite, la religion, | le gouvernment, les coutumes
6° le commerce \ de chaque pais ; avec les figures, le poids, S-3
la | valeur des monnoyes qui y ont cours \ Premier Partie | Ou
il n'est parle que de la Turquie, 6° de la Perse \ Volume II
has the same general title, save for the last two lines, which
run Seconde Partie \ Oil il est parle des Indes, &= des Isles voisines
| — A Paris, | Chez Gervais Clouzier &=c. | et \ Claude Barbin,
&yc. | au Palais mdclxxvi. 2 vols. 4to.
It is from this, the best edition, that the present trinslation
has been made. For the most part the misprints which it
contains are repeated in the subsequent editions.
j. 1677. — A reprint of the above, but the pages are, I think, smaller.
I have seen two copies.
(.. 1678. — Nouvelle relation del'interieur du serrail du Grand Seigneur,
etc. Amsterdam. J. Van Someren. i2mo. (Brandt and
M. Joret.)
j. 1678. — Les Six | Voyages \ de \ Jean Baptiste Tavernier \ Ecuyer
baron d' Aubonne | en Turquie, en Perse | et aux Indes, etc.
\Suivant la copie \ Imprimie \ a Paris \ Amsterdam, on the
engraved title] chez Johannes Van Someren Pan 1678. 2 vols.
i2mo. I have seen two copies of Vol. I and one of Vol. II of this
edition. The page and type are smaller than in No. 9 below.
There are copies in Marsh's and University College (London)

BIBLIOGRAPHY xii

Libraries, and I am informed by the Librarian of the latter
that it is incorrectly described in the catalogue as i8mo.
Brunei says the edition is rare, but neither fine nor complete.
6. 1679. — Reprint of No. 2 (according to Brunei).
7. 1679. — Recueil \ de Plusieurs \ Relations \ et | Traitez singuliers
et curieux | De \ J. B. Tavernier | Escuyer Baron di1 Aubonne |
Qui n'ont point este mis dans ses six premiers Voyages \ Divise
en cinq Parties, etc. A Paris chez Gervaise Clouzier
MDCLXXIX, 4tO.
Contains two fine portraits of Tavernier. It makes a uniform
third volume to No. 2. Facsimiles of these portraits are given
in the present edition.
8. 1681. — A reprint of No. 7 (according to Brunei).
9. 1679 (I and II), 1681 (III). — Les Six Voyages, etc. Same title
as No. 5. Suivant la copie imprimee a Paris. Engraved title in
some copies as in No. 5, therefore probably by Van Someren
of Amsterdam. 3 vols, in 12 mo. Vols. I and II are in
Trinity College Library, Dublin, and I have Vols. II and III,
but they contain no indication of printer, publisher, nor place
of publication. Brandt says there were two issues of Vols.
I and II, and I find that the two above-mentioned copies of
Vol. II vary slightly in the ornament on the title. Vol. I
contains the Persian Travels, Vol. II the Indian Travels, and
Vo... Ill the Recueil and Seraglio.
10. 1692. — Reprint of No. 9. 3 vols. nmo.
1 1. 1702 and 1703. — This edition is mentioned in the references
below. I know no more about it. Probably it was a small 8vo.
12. 1712. — Les Six Voyages de J. B. Tavernier, etc. Utrecht.
2 vols. i2mo.
Recueil de plusieurs relations et traitez, etc. Utrecht 1702
(should be 1712?). 1 vol. i2mo.
There is possibly a mistake in describing these two last as
being 1 2mo, for I am informed that the Bodleian contains an
edition as follows : — Les six Voyages, etc. Part I. Utrecht,
17 12. Small 8vo. Leaves only 6^- in. high, with engraved
title 1702. Do. do. Part II, Suivant la copie imp. a Paris,
1703. Small 8vo, as Part I. Part (Vol.) Ill, Recueil de plu
sieurs . . . avec la relation de Vinterieur du serail suivant la
copie imp. a Paris, 1702. Small 8vo.

xiii BIBLIOGRAPHY

13. 1713. — Les Six Voyages de J. B. Tavernier, etc. Nouvelle ed.,
Paris. Ribou. 5 vols. 12 mo.
Brunei says it is badly printed.
14. 1713.— Les Six Voyages de J. B. Tavernier, etc. Rouen, Machuel
(according to Joret). 6 vols. i2mo.
15. 1713. — An edition similar to the last, but differs in having the
name Eustache Herault on the title page. There is a copy
in the India Office Library.
16. 1715. — Les Six Voyages, etc. La Haye. 3 vols. nmo.
This is on the authority of M. Joret. Perhaps identical
with next.
17. 1718. — Les Six Voyages, etc. La Haye, H. Schwendler. 3
vols, (in 6 parts). Small 8vo ; pages barely exceeding 6 inches.
Utrecht 1702 on engraved title. There is a copy in the
Bodleian.
18. 1718. — Les Six Voyages, etc. Amsterdam (Rouen). 3 vols (in,
6 parts). i2mo (according to M. Joret).
19. 1724. — Les Six Voyages, etc. Rouen, Machuel le Pere. 6 vols.
1 2 mo (according to M. Joret).
20. 1724. — Les Six Voyages, etc. Rouen, Machuel le Jeune. 6
vols. 1 2 mo (according to M. Joret).
The Bodleian contains two vols, of one of the two last edi
tions or separate issues. They are described as follows : — Les
Six Voyages, etc., Nouv. Ed. Tome I. Rouen, 1724. i2mo
(leaves 6\ in. long) . . . Suite des Voyages, etc., Nouv. Ed. Tome
II. Rouen, 1724. Tome I has the engraved title, dated 17 12.
21. 1755. — Considerable extracts from Tavernier's travels are given
in the Histoire Generate des Voyages, by M. l'Abbe Prevost,
which was republished with additional notes in Holland (La
Haye) in 1755. Most of these extracts are included in Vol.
XIII of the latter edition.
2 2. 1810. — Les six Voyages de J. B. Tavernier, &c. Edition entiere-
ment refondu corrigee accoitipagnee d'eclaircissements, historiques
et critiques etc. par J. B. J. Breton, Paris, Veuve Lepetit. 7 vols.
i8mo. I regret not having had an opportunity of seeing a copy of
this edition, which may contain some useful critical infor
mation.

BIBLIOGRAPHY x\ni

23. 1882. — Les six Voyages de J. B. Tavernier en Perse et dans les
Indes pendant quarante annes. Et par toutes les routes que Von
peut tenir, Racontes par lui meme, Reduits et annotfc par Maxime
Petit. Dreyfus, Paris. 12 mo.
This edition is in a popular and abridged form ; it contains
no critical information of importance. II
Translations of Tavernier's Travels into
Different Languages.
A. — English.
1. 1677. — A New \ Relation \ of \ the Inner Part \ of the \ Grand
Seignors \ Seraglio \ containing \ Several Remarkable Particu
lars never before ex \ pos'd to publick View \ by J. B. Tavernier
Baron of Aubonne \ London \ Printed and Sold by R(obert)
Hittlebury) and Moses Pitt | 1677 |
2. 1677. — The Six \ Voyages \ of \ John Baptiste Tavernier Baron
of Aubonne \ through \ Turky into Persia \ and the \ East
Indies \ for the Space of Forty Years \ giving an \ Account of the
Present State of those countries, viz. of tlie Religion, Government
| Customs and Commerce of 'every country ,- and | the figures weight
and value of the money \ currant all over Asia \ To which is
added \ The Description of the Seraglio \ made English by lJ(ohn)
P(hillips) | Added likewise \ A voyage into the Indies &c. By
an English Traveller never before printed | London | Published
by Dr. Daniel Cox \ London \ Printed by William Goodbid for
Robert Littlebury at the King's Arms in Little Britain 6° Moses
Pitt at the Angel in St. Pauls Churchyard 1677. 1 vol. fol.
There is a copy of this in Marsh's Library, Dublin.
3. 1678. — This edition differs from the preceding in the title and
date having after the word London — Printed and sold by
Robert Littlebury at the King's Arms in Little Britain and
Moses Pit2 at the Angel in St. Paul's Church Yard 1678.
1 vol. fol.
There is a copy of this edition in the India Office Library.
1 The J is printed like an F, and is sometimes erroneously quoted as such
(see Professor Joret's list). I can find no confirmation of the existence of an
edition by Phillips dated 1676, which is given by Professor Joret.
2 M. P., or Moses Pitt, was not particular as to the spelling of his name, as
we have Pitt, Pit, and Pytt.

xliv BIBLIOGRAPHY

Both titles contain a blunder about the " Voyage into the
Indies by an English Traveller," as the paper referred to, itself
bears the title a " Description of all the Kingdoms which en
compass the Euxine and Caspian seas," and contains no men
tion of India ; it is signed ' Astrachan,' and the writer says he
was an Irishman. It is dated 1677 on its own title.
4. 1678. — The Six \ Voyages \ of \ John Baptista \ Tavernier \ A
nobleman of France now living \ through \ Turky into Persia |
and the \ East- Indies \ Finished in the year 1670 | Giving
etc. etc. 1 vol. Fol.
The blunder just referred to is corrected in this title, and
there is some variation in the names of the printers, etc.
Both the last editions contain a letter to Sir Thomas Davies,
Lord Mayor of London, and in the last there is also a dedica
tion by J. Phillips to Dr. Daniel Cox. There are two copies of
this edition in Trinity College Library, Dublin.
5. 1680. — A | Collection | of Several \ Relations and Treatises \
singular and curious | of | John Baptista Tavernier | Baron of
Aubonne | not printed among his first six voyages, | etc. etc.
Published by Edmund Everard Esq. | Imp. etc. | London \
Printed by A. Goodbid, and J. Playford for Moses Pitt at the
| Angel in St. Paul's Churchyard. 1680. Folio.
This contains a dedication to Sir Robert Clayton, Lord
Mayor elect, and it consists of five parts.
There are copies in Trinity College, Dublin (2), the Bod
leian, Marsh's, and the Armagh Libraries.
6. 1684. — Collections | of \ Travels \ Through \ Turkey into Persia
&y the East Indies | Giving an account of the \ Present State of
these countries \ as also \ A full relation of the Five years wars be
tween | Aurengzebe S- his Brothers, etc. . . . | Being | the Travels
of Monsieur Tavernier, Berniez | and other great men, Adorned
with many copper Plates | The First Volume \ London \ Printed
for Moses Pitt at the Angel in St. Paul's Churchyard | mdclxxxiv.
This contains a preface by Edmund Everard, who says that
"In this work was employed the Help of another Worthy Gentle
man} who labour din the first Volum of Tavernier' s Translation ;
1 The worthy gentleman was presumably John Phillips, the translator of the
previous editions. Whether his character justified this description is' doubtful.
He was a nephew of John Milton, his mother having been Milton's sister.

BIBLIOGRAPHY xlv

but it was brought to an end & perfection by me, who had the
occasion to be more particularly acquainted with Monsieur
Tavernier himself, his Native Tongue, and other Particularities
abroad." Vol. II contains the same general title, it includes, together
with Tavernier's Relations, etc., the paper on the Euxine,
etc., referred to above, which is prefixed by a special " Publisher
unto the Reader," pp. 95-100, but the writer's name is not
given : perhaps he was John Phillips or Dr. Cox. The latter
part of the Volume consists principally of translations of
Bernier's books and letters.
There are copies of this edition in the India Office and
Marsh's Libraries, and I possess one which was obtained a few
years ago from Mr. Quaritch.
'. 1688. — An issue of this year has the same general title-page as
the preceding, and the pagination is identical throughout, but
the following is different : — The first Part \ London Printed for
Mioses) P(ilt) and are to be sold by George Monke at the White
Horse I without Temple Bar and William Elevey at the Golden
Lyon and Lamb \ over against the Middle Temple Gate
mdclxxxviii. There is a copy of this in the King's Inns Library, Dublin.
It contains no dedication.
8. 1764. — Harris, in his Voyages and Travels, gives large extracts
from Tavernier.
9. 1811.— Pinkerton {Travels, Vol. VIII, pp. 235-257), gives
Tavernier's Book II, chaps, xv, xvi, xvii, xviii, xix, xx, xxi,
and Baron's animadversion on Tavernier's account of Tonquin
is in Vol. IX, pp. 656 and 692.

B. — German.
Tavernier J. B. Beschreibung der seeks Reisen in Turkey Persien
und Indien nebenst der Beschreibung des Turkischen serails und
der Kronung des Kcenigs Soliman in Persien, herausgegeben von
J. H. Widerhold, 3 Theile mit Portraits, Karten, und Abbildun-
gen. Genf. 1681. Folio.
Kurtzer Begriff, etc. Genf, J. H. Widerhold. 1681. Folio.

xlvi BIBLIOGRAPHY
3. The Nouv. Biog. Generate mentions a German edition of 1684,
perhaps a mistake for the English Ed. of that year.
4. John B. Tavernier weyl Ritters und Freyherrn von Aubonne in der
Schweiz, Beobachtungen iiber das Serrail des Grossherrn. Auf
seiner sechsmaligen Reise nach der Turkey gesammelt. Nebst
vielen eingestreuten Bemerkungen iiber die Sitten und Ge-
wohnheiten der Tiirken. Memmingen 1789 bei Andreas
Seiler. In i2mo. 179 pages. (According to Joret.)
C. — Dutch.
1. An edition in Dutch in 1682. 4to. According to Nouv. Biog.
Gejierale.
D. — Italian.
1. Tavernier J. B. Viaggi nella Turchia nella Persia e nell India
stampati in lingua francese ed ora tradotti da Giovanni Luetti,
Roma 1682. 2 vols, in 4to.

LES SIX
VOYAGES DE JEAN BAPTISTE
TAVERNIER* ECUYER BARON DAJJBONNE,
QJJ'IL A FAIT
EN TURQUIE, EN PERSE,
ET AUX INDES,
Pendant l'efpace de quarante ans , & par toutes le?
routes que Ton peut tenir : accompagnez d'obfer.
vations particulieres fur la qualite , la religion ,
le gouvernement; les coucumes & le commerce
de chaque pais 5 avec les figures, le poids, &cl&
valeur des monnoyes qui y one cours.
SECONDE PARTIE,
Ou il ej? parle des Indes, ^ des IJles voifines.

A PARIS,
'Gervais C l o u z i e r , fur les degrez^
en montant pour aller a la Ste Chapelle,
a l'Enfeigne du Voyageur. J au
Chcz<j " ET Calais
j Claude Barb in ,iur le (econd Perron j
I de la fainte Chapelle. J
M. D. C. LXXV1.
AVEC PRIVILEGE DV ROY.

DEDICATION TO THE KING
SIRE—
The zeal which I have for the service of your Majesty, and
for the honour of France, does not permit me to enjoy the repose
which I believed had come to me after such prolonged labours.
My age not permitting me to undertake new voyages, I have experi
enced a kind of shame at finding myself of no use to my country,
and at not acquitting myself of all which it expects from me. I
have thought it to be my duty to it to render an account of my
observations upon that which I have seen, and have not been
able to excuse myself from making public. I hope, Sire,
that these exact and faithful accounts which I have written, since
my return, from the notes which I have collected, will not be less
useful to my country than the valuable articles of merchandise which
I have brought back from my travels. For my object in this work
is not merely to assuage public curiosity. I have proposed for
myself a more noble and more elevated aim in all my deeds. As the
hope of legitimate gain alone has not made me traverse these regions,
so the sole desire of placing my name in this book has not caused
me to-day to have it printed. In all the countries which I have
traversed, my strongest desire has always been to make known the
heroic qualities of Your Majesty, and the wonders of your reign,
and to show how your subjects excel by their industry and by their
courage all other nations of the earth. I venture to say to Your
Majesty that I have done so with more boldness, and even more
success, than those who had a title and an authority to speak. My
method of action, hostile to deception, and possibly somewhat too free,
has exposed me to many risks among the nations jealous of our
prosperity, who defame us as far as they can in order to exclude us
from trade. I have often risked both my fortune and my life by
VOL. I d

1 DEDICATION TO THE KING
exalting Your Majesty by my words above all the monarchs of Europe
and these Kings of the East — even in their very presence. I have
emerged with honour from all these dangers by impressing a respect
for your name in the hearts of these barbarians. Under the shadow
of this august name, respected throughout the world, I have travelled
more than 60,000 leagues by land in perfect safety. I have six
times traversed Turkey, Persia, and the better part of India, and
was the first to attempt to go to the famous diamond mines. Too
happy to have brought precious stones which Your Majesty has
condescended to join to the jewels of your throne, but still more
happy to have made observations in all these places, to which Your
Majesty will possibly not deem it unworthy to devote some moments,
as you will find there many details of three of the most powerful
Empires of Asia. You will see the manners and customs of the
people dwelling there at present. I have interposed in certain
places stories, which may relieve the mind after a tedious march
of caravans, imitating in that the Orientals, who establish caravan-
sardis at intervals in their deserts for the relief of travellers. I am
principally devoted to the description of the territories of Turkey,
Persia, and the Mogul, in order to point out on the five different
routes which one may take to go to them certain common errors with
reference to the positions of the places. Although these accounts
may be wanting in grace and in politeness of language, I hope that
the diversity of the curious and important matters which they con
tain, and more particularly the veracity which I have scrupulously
observed, will nevertheless cause them to be read, and possibly to
be esteemed. I shall consider myself well repaid for my work if
it has the good fortune to please Your Majesty, and if you accept
this evidence of profound respect.
With which I am,
Sire, Your Majesty's
Very humble, very obedient, and very faithful
Servant and Subject,
J. B. TAVERNIER.

DESIGN OF THE AUTHOR1
Wherein he gives a brief account of his first travels in the fairest parts
of Europe up to Constantinople.
If the first education is, as it were, a second birth, I am able to say
that I came into the world with a desire to travel. The interviews
which many learned men had daily with my father upon geographical
matters, which he had the reputation of understanding well, and to
which, young as I was, I listened with pleasure, inspired me at an
early age with the desire to go to see some of the countries shown
to me in the maps, which I could not then tire of gazing at.
At the age of twenty-two years I had seen the best parts of
Europe, France, England, Holland, Germany, Switzerland, Poland, ,
Hungary, and Italy, and I spoke fairly the languages which are the
most necessary, and which have the greatest currency.
My first sortie from the Kingdom was to go to England, where
the reigning monarch was James I., Sixth King of Scotland, who
caused himself to be called King of Great Britain, to satisfy both the
English and Scotch by a name common to these two nations. From
England I passed into Flanders, to see Antwerp, my father's native
land. From Flanders I continued my journey to the United
Provinces, where my inclination to travel increased on account of
the concourse of so many strangers, who came to Amsterdam from
all parts of the world.
After having seen all that was most important throughout the
Seventeen Provinces, I entered Germany, and having arrived at
Nuremburg by Frankfort and Augsburg, the noise of the armies
which were marching to Bohemia to retake Prague made me desire
to go to the seat of war, and acquire something of the art, which
would be of service to me in the course of my travels. I was but
1 From Vol. I, Persian Travels. Paris 1676.

Hi DESIGN OF THE AUTHOR
one day's distance from Nuremburg when I met a colonel of cavalry,
named Hans Brener, son of Philip Brener, Governor of Vienna, who
engaged me to follow him into Bohemia, being glad to have a young
Frenchman' with him. My intention is not to speak here of what
happened at the battle of Prague ; the discourse would be long, and
the history of this century speaks sufficiently of it. Some years after
wards I followed this colonel to Vienna. He presented me to the
Governor of Raab, his uncle, to whom belonged the title of Viceroy
of Hungary. This Governor received me into his house to be one .
of his pages. It is usual to serve in this position in Germany up to
the age of twenty-five years, and one never quits the service without
being prepared to carry arms, and without obtaining a Cornetcy
or an Ensign's Commission. I had been four and a half years
with the Viceroy when the Prince of Mantua arrived at Vienna to
urge the Emperor to the designs which the Duke his father desired,
but he was unable to accomplish anything ; and even the negotia
tion of M. de Sabran, Ambassador of the King to his Imperial
Majesty, for the arrangement of the investiture which was the sub
ject of his mission, was also fruitless. During the years I spent in
Hungary I had time to learn something of war, having been with
the master whom I served on many noteworthy occasions. But I
shall say nothing of the affairs which we had with the Turks, because
so many have treated of the subject, and because they have nothing
to do with the subject pf my travels. The Viceroy had espoused,
on his second marriage, a sister of Count d'Arc, Prime Minister of
State of the Duke of Mantua, and Envoy at Vienna with the Prince
his son, and this Count was a relative of the Empress, who was of the
House of Gonzague. The Count having come to see the Viceroy, I
was ordered to attend on him during his sojourn at Javarin, and
when about to depart he told the Viceroy that the Prince of Mantua
having no one with him who knew the language, he would please
him by permitting me to attend on him while he remained at the
Emperor's court. The thing was readily granted to the Count d'Arc,
who took me to Vienna, and as I had the good fortune to be not
unpleasing to the Prince, he assured me on his departure that he
would be much pleased to see me at Mantua, where, as he believed
the war would end satisfactorily, he would remember the service
which I had done him. This was sufficient to arouse in me straight
way a desire to pass into Italy, and continue the travels which I
meditated. I sought to obtain the Viceroy's approval of my design, who at

DESIGN OF THE AUTHOR Iiii

first consented with reluctance, but at length, pleased with my ser
vice, granted me permission with a good grace, and presented me,
according to custom, with a sword, a horse, and a pair of pistols, add
ing to them a very handsome gift of a purse full of ducats. M. de
Sabran then left for Venice, and as he wished to have in his company
a Frenchman who knew how to speak German, I availed myself of
the opportunity, and we reached Venice in eight days. M. le Comte
d'Avaux was then Ambassador of France to the Most Serene Re
public, and he gave a grand reception to M. de Sabran, who visited
him by order of the King. As the Venetians had no less an interest
in the war of Mantua than the House of Gonzague, the Republic
received M. de Sabran very well, and presented him with eight
great basins of confections, upon one of which there was a heavy
golden chain, which he placed on his neck for a moment, and then
in his pocket. M. le Due de Rohan was then in Venice with his
family, and two of these basins having been distributed to those
present in the hall, M. de Sabran directed me to convey the six
others, on his account, to Mademoiselle de Rohan, who received
them with a very good grace. During some days which we remained
at Venice I studied with pleasure this town, so celebrated and so
unique among all others in the universe ; and as it has many things
in common with Amsterdam — the site, the size, the splendour, the
commerce, and the concourse of strangers — it contributed no less to
increase the desire which I had of becoming thoroughly acquainted
with Europe and Asia.
From Venice I went to Mantua with M. de Sabran, and the
Prince, who testified his joy at beholding me again, gave me at first
the choice of an Ensigncy or a commissson in the Artillery Regi
ment of the Duke his father. I accepted the latter offer, and was
well pleased to be under the command of M. le Comte de Guiske,
who was its Captain, and is at present Mareschal de Grammont.
A long sojourn at Mantua did not agree with the desire which I
had for travelling, but the Imperial army having laid siege to the
town, before thinking of my departure I wished to see what would
be the issue of the war. We at length compelled the Imperialists
to raise the siege. This they did one Christmas Eve, and on the
following day some troops were sent out to see if it was not a feint,
and whether they had entirely withdrawn.
The siege did not last long, and no considerable action took
place — nothing which could instruct young soldiers. I shall only
say that one day eighteen men having been commanded to go to

liv DESIGN OF THE AUTHOR
reconnoitre the width and depth of the ditch which the enemy had
made by cutting a dyke for the defence of a small fort from whence
he had driven us ; and eight troopers of our company being of this
number, I obtained from the Prince, with great trouble, permission
to be one of these eight, he having had the goodness to say to me
privately that a heavy fire would have to be faced. In short, of the
eighteen of us who went out but four returned, and we having gone
the length of the dyke among the reeds, as soon as we appeared on
the border of the ditch the enemy fired so furious a discharge that
they did not give us time to make observations. I selected in the
magazine a very light cuirass, but of good material. This saved my
life, having been struck by two bullets, one of which struck the left
breast and the other below, the iron being indented in both places.
I suffered some pain from the blow which had struck the breast, and
when we went to make our report, M. le Comte de Guiske, who
perceived the good quality of my cuirass, had it decorated, and
retained it, so that I have not seen it since.
Some time after I obtained my discharge from the Prince, who
had promised to give it to me whenever I desired, and he accom
panied it with an honourable passport, by reason of which six
troopers came with me to Venice, where I left them. From Venice
I went to Loretto, from thence to Rome, and from Rome to
Naples, from whence, retracing my steps, I spent ten or twelve days
more at Rome. Afterwards I went to see Florence, Pisa, Leghorn,
and Genoa, where I embarked for Marseilles. As for the remainder
of Italy, I have had opportunities of seeing it on other journeys
which I have made ; and I say nothing of this beautiful country,
nor of its fine towns, because there are plenty of people who have
written about them.
From Marseilles I came to Paris, where I did not remain long,
and wishing to see Poland, I entered Germany by Switzerland. After
having traversed the principal cantons, I descended the Rhine in
order to reach Brisac and Strasburg, then ascending by the Swabe
I passed to Ulm and Augsburg to go to Munich. I saw the mag
nificent palace of the Dukes of Bavaria, which William V had
commenced and Maximilian his son accomplished during the heat
of the wars which troubled the Empire. From thence I went, for
the second time, to Nuremburg and to Prague, and going from
Bohemia, I entered Silesia and crossed the Oder to Breslau. From
Breslau I went to Cracow, one of the largest towns of Europe, or
rather one composed of three, towns, and the ancient abode of the

DESIGN OF THE AUTHOR lv

Kings of Poland. I then went to Warsaw, on the left bank of the
Vistula, and saw the tomb of King Sigismund, which was beautiful
and magnificent.
From Warsaw I returned to Breslau, and took the route to
Lower Silesia, to visit one of the principal officers of the Emperor's
household whom I knew very well. But at two leagues from
Glogau I was turned from my intention by meeting, and the press
ing invitation of, Colonel Butler, a Scotchman, who commanded
a regiment of cavalry for the Emperor, and who since killed
Wallenstein on account of the order which he received. His
wife, who was with him, was fond of the French, and both of them
having treated me with much kindness, accompanied by some pre
sents, to induce me to remain with them, I was unable to resist
such evidences of kindness. The King of Sweden at that time was
invading Pomerania, and the army of the Emperor marched towards
Stettin to prevent his entry. We were not more than four leagues
off when we heard that the Swedes were in it. This news caused
great disorders in the Imperial army, of which Tureste-Conte was
the General, and out of 40,000 men, of which it was composed, he
disbanded 9000 or 10,000, which compelled the remainder to with
draw themselves to Frankfort-on-the-Oder and its environs.
It was then that I heard that the Emperor was going to Ratis
bone with his son, Ferdinand III, in order to have him crowned
King of the Romans. I had witnessed the crowning of the
Kings of Hungary and of Bohemia, and being desirous to witness
this third ceremony, which should be finer than the others, I
took leave of my Colonel and came quickly to Ratisbone. All
took place with much magnificence, and many young gentlemen
showed their skill in the tournaments. In front of the course
where they tilted the ring there were two platforms. The
grandest was for the Emperor and the Empress, and all the ladies
of the Court; the other resembled a large shop, where were sus
pended many jewels of great price. They made parties of seven or
eight cavaliers, who with a lance touched the object for which they
wished to run ; and there were some of the jewels worth 10,000 ecus
and more. He who had the good fortune to win had nothing to
pay, it was the others who had competed with him who had to
pay the merchant for it. The conqueror received it from the hands
of the Prince of Ekemberg, First Minister of State of the Emperor,
and having placed it at the end of his lance went to present it to
the Empress, who would not receive it ; this allowed him to offer

lvi DESIGN OF THE AUTHOR
it to that one of the ladies of the Court for whom he had the most
esteem. There came then to Ratisbone jewellers from different places,
and one of them perished unfortunately on his arrival by an adven-
venture so tragic that all the Court was moved to compassion. He
was the only son of the 'richest merchant in Europe, who dwelt. at
Frankfort, and his father had sent him to the coronation to sell
precious stones. Through fear of his being robbed on the way his
father sent them by a safe means to a Jew at Ratisbone, who was his
correspondent, with an order to place them in the hands of his son.
This young man on his arrival at Ratisbone went to find the Jew,
who told him that he had received a small box full of precious
stones, and that he might take possession of them whenever he
wished. At the same time he invited him to drink, and took him
to the house of the Dauphin on the quay at Ratisbone, where they
enjoyed themselves till one o'clock at night, when the Jew, taking the
young man by a street where there were no shops, and where there
were no passers, stabbed him in the stomach eight or ten times
with a knife, and left him lying on the pavement. The miserable
Jew thought that he would escape by writing to the jeweller in
Frankfort that he had handed over the small box to his son, and
that no one would suspect him of the murder. But by God's will,
on the very same evening the crime was discovered, the guilty one
was in the hands of justice.
The matter was discovered thus. Immediately after this cruel
murder a herald of the Emperor, named Jean Marie, passing through
this obscure street, struck his feet against the body of this young man,
who still breathed, and fell on top of him. Feeling some moisture on
his hand, he at first thought that he was a drunken man who had been
ill and was unable to stand. But on second thoughts it occurred
to him that it might be a wounded man. He ran for a light to an
office of the Marshal at the corner of the street. The Marshal and
his companions took a lantern, and on arriving at the place with the
herald saw the melancholy spectacle of a young man bathed in his
own blood, who had but few moments to live. The Marshal would
not allow them to carry him to his office, in order not to embarrass
justice, and they found nowhere more suitable for prompt aid than
the house of the Dauphin, which was not far off. He was at once
taken there, and as soon as they had washed his face, which was
covered with blood and dust, the mother and daughter of the house
at once recognised him as the person who came to drink there with

DESIGN OF THE AUTHOR lvii
the Jew. He expired a moment afterwards, without having been
able to speak or to give any sign of consciousness, and it was in this
way that they discovered the murderer, who was taken in his own
house the same evening, and straightway confessed his crime. The
enormity of the deed justified that the guilty one should be con
demned to a very severe sentence, and the judgment provided that
he should be hung to a gallows, head downwards, between two
large dogs, suspended close to him, so that in their rage they should
eat out his vitals, and so make him suffer more than one death by
the protraction of the torment. It is the sentence provided by the
Imperial law for a Jew who has killed a Christian, and the method
of this assassination had about it something more horrible than
ordinary murders. However, the Jews of Ratisbone made such large
presents to the Empress and to the two Princesses that they ob
tained an alteration in the sentence, and the culprit was condemned
to a shorter execution, but which was not less rigorous. He was
torn with hot • irons in various parts of the body and in different
quarters of the town, and as the pincers tore out the flesh molten
lead was poured into the openings, after which he was taken outside
Ratisbone and broken on the wheel at the place destined for the
execution. The coronation ceremony having been accomplished, I heard that
the Empress was sending the Sieur Smit as Resident to the Porte of
the Grand Seigneur. From the information which my friends gave
me I hoped that he would be gracious enough to allow me to accom
pany him. I was unwilling to be a cause of expense to him, and I
had, in order to make the voyage, a sufficient number of ducats,
which I had saved while I served under Colonel Butler, who showed
me much affection. I was about to leave Ratisbone when Father
Joseph, who was in the service of the King, and who had known
me at Paris, proposed to me to accompany M. Bachelier, whom his
Majesty was sending to the Duke of Mantua, or to accompany M.
l'Abbe de Chapes, brother of the late M. le Mareschal d'Aumont,
and M. de St. Liebau in the voyage which they had designed to
make to Constantinople and even to Palestine. I liked this latter
proposition, having no intention to return to Italy, and wishing to
see new countries. Without hesitating about the selection, I told
Father Joseph how indebted I was to him for the offer which he made
me, and I joined these two latter gentlemen, from whom I did not
part till they were about to leave Constantinople for Syria. Before
quitting Germany these gentlemen desired to see the court oi

lviii DESIGN OF THE AUTHOR
Saxony, where we arrived in a short time. You pass through Frei
burg on this route, a small town, but well worthy of being seen,
because it contains the tombs of the Electors, which, whether as
regards material or form, are the finest in Europe. From thence
we went to see the splendid Castle of Augustburg, which is on a
high mountain, wherein there are many remarkable things. There
is a hall which, for sole decoration from top to bottom, has a
multitude of horns of all kinds of animals hung on the walls, and you
see the head of a hare with two small horns, which was sent to the
Elector as a great curiosity by the King of Denmark. There is in
one of the courts of this castle a tree of such enormous size, and the
branches of which are so extended, that one can place underneath
it a great number of tables. I did not count them, but the con
cierge told us that there were as many as there are days in the year.
That which makes this tree more wonderful is that it is a birch,
which it is rare to see attain to such a size. There is also in this
castle a well so deep that one cannot draw water from it in less
than half an hour, and considering the altitude of the place, one
cannot sufficiently admire the boldness of the designer.
All Germany is so well known that I shall not delay to describe
Dresden, which is the residence of the Elector. I shall merely say
that the town is not large, but that it is very beautiful and well forti
fied, and that the Elbe, over which there is a fine stone bridge,
separates the old and the new towns. The palace of the Elector is
one of the largest and most beautiful in Germany, but it lacks an
open space in front, and its principal gate is at the bottom of a cul
de sac. The treasure-rooms,1 to the number of sixteen, are open to
all strangers of distinction ; and there are catalogues, both in
German and in other languages, of all that is beautiful and rare
in each. MM. l'Abbe de Chapes and de Saint Liebau were very
well received by the Elector — father of him who reigns to-day ; he
kept them to supper, and treated them with much kindness. A grand
buffet had been arranged this evening, upon which all the pieces
were of a perfectly beautiful and shining stone, which was obtained
in the silver mines of Saxony, and on a lower shelf there were several
goblets of silver gilt of different sizes. The Elector, wishing to give
the health of the King to these gentlemen, allowed them to select
of these goblets the one from which they wished to drink, on condi
tion of drinking it full, according to the custom of the country. M.
l'Abbe de Chapes caused one to be brought which did not appear to
1 The famous green vaults.

DESIGN OF THE AUTHOR lix

be large, and M. de Saint Liebau asked for another which held a
little more. But l'Abbe de Chapes was much surprised when, having
taken the goblet which he had chosen, it expanded in his hands
when he touched a spring, like a tulip which opens to the sun, and
it became forthwith a large cup capable of containing nearly a pint.
He was not forced to drink it full, and the Elector forgave him, con
tenting himself with a laugh at his surprise.
From Dresden we went to Prague, and it was for the third time
that I saw this grand and beautiful town, or, if you wish it, these
three towns, separated by the Molde, which falls into the Elbe 5 or
6 leagues below. Having traversed Bohemia through the middle,
and touched an angle of Moravia, we entered Austria, and came to
Vienna, intending to embark at once, the cold beginning to make
itself already felt. These gentlemen confiding on me the arrange
ments of the journey, I went to ask the Governor of Vienna to write
in their favour to the Viceroy of Hungary, his brother, to give us
necessary passports ; this he granted with a good grace, and he also
gave two boats to these gentlemen, one for themselves, which had
a good room, and the other for the kitchen. We remained one
day at Presburg, to see the great church and a quantity of relics
which they had to show there, and from thence we descended to
Altemburg. Altemburg is a town and county which belong to Comte d'Arach.
It was the property of a Queen of Hungary, who presented it when
dying to a noble of her court, on condition that he and his successors
should always keep in this castle a certain number of peacocks,
which this Queen was very fond of; and that if any one omitted to
do so the county should revert to the throne.
We arrived at Sighet after midday, and immediately I took a small
boat and went quickly to Raab, formerly called Javarin, which is only
two hours distant. I gave the Viceroy the letter which his brother
had given me, and I informed him of the arrival of MM. le Chapes
and de Saint Liebau. As I had had the honour of being some years
in his service, he told me he was glad to see me again, and that he
would do everything to satisfy those whom his brother recommended.
On the following day he ordered 300 cavalry and two carriages to
go and bring them to Javarin. He received them very politely, and
during the sojourn which they made the principal officers sought to
make them pass the time agreeably. It was necessary to wait eight or.
ten days to receive the reply of the Bacha of Buda, a message having
been sent to the Governor of Comorre to ascertain if he would grant

Ix DESIGN OF THE AUTHOR
a passage to two French gentlemen and their suite. In order to
facilitate the matter they were represented to be relatives of M. de
Cessy, Ambassador of France at the Porte, and the reply of the
Bacha having come in the affirmative, we descended to Comorre,
where the Governor gave us other boats. They conveyed us half
way to Buda, where we found others, which, on the receipt of the
notice of our departure, came from Buda to meet us. These
boats are a kind of brigantines well armed and very convenient, and
they make, by force of oars, much way in little time, because they
are very light. It is between Comorre and Buda on the frontiers of
the two Empires, where the Ambassadors relieve one another, which
happens on both sides every six years, and in the same time the
alliance is renewed, and -it is necessary that the number of persons
on each side shall be equal.
From Vienna to Javarin we were three days on the water, because
the Danube makes a great circuit, though one can make the land
journey in two hours. From Javarin one goes to Comorre, and
from Comorre we descended to Buda in less than two days. The
journey from Raab to Buda is seldom taken by land, because the
country being on the frontier there are brigands on both sides whom it
is dangerous to meet. In the fine season one can go from Buda to
Belgrade in less than eight days ; but we took eight, the cold and snow
delaying our progress. We took an equal time up to Constantinople,
where we did not arrive till the 29th day after our departure from
Belgrade, because the days were short and the way bad.
It is the custom in Hungary, especially on routes little frequented
by strangers, to take no money from travellers ; a householder lodges
them and treats them well, and the mayor of the place repays him
at the end of the year out of the public revenue for the expense
which he has incurred. But it should be remembered that they are
not charged with a great number of travellers, and that in Hungary,
which is one of the best countries in Europe, food is so cheap that
we did not expend at Belgrade for fourteen mouths as much as two
crowns a day.
Buda is on the right of the Danube, distant from the river about
half an hour. As soon as the Bacha had news of our arrival he sent
his equerry with horses led by well-dressed slaves for our conduct to
the town. Among these slaves were two Parisians, and our gentle
men knowing their families, offered unavailingly up to 800 crowns
for their ransom.
We remained twelve days at Buda before we could have audience

DESIGN OF THE AUTHOR lxi
of the Bacha, who was unwell. He sent us our food daily — a sheep,
fowl, butter, rice, and bread, with two sequins for other fresh supplies ;
and on the day upon which he granted an audience to MM. de Chapes
and de Saint Liebau, they presented him with a watch, the case of
which was covered with diamonds. The Bacha is a man of good
figure and pleasing countenance ; he received them with much
civility, and on their departure for Belgrade, which was on the
fourteenth day of their arrival at Buda, he sent them six chariots
with two soldiers to conduct them, and an order to defray their
expenditure for food throughout, of which they did not wish to avail
themselves. On our arrival at Belgrade we entered an old caravansardi, but
four of the principal merchants of Ragusa, who do a large trade in
this place, took us from this poor inn to convey, us to the house of
a good citizen. The Ragusans carry cloth to Belgrade, and take
wax in exchange, and quicksilver, which they obtain from Upper
Hungary and from Transylvania.
If we had reason to congratulate ourselves on the good reception
of the Bacha of Buda, we had also reason to complain of the rude
manner which the Sangiac of Belgrade displayed towards us, as he
compelled us to contest for fifteen or sixteen days the ridiculous
demand that he at first made of 200 ducats per head. The mer
chants of Ragusa went to speak to him, and all they could obtain
was that we should each give him fifty ducats. The Sangiac con
tinuing to act badly, -I went to see him with our interpreter, and at
first spoke to him with civility. But seeing that he paid no attention
to me, and that it was necessary to address him otherwise, I intimated
so well by threats that I would send an express to the Porte to com
plain of his rude conduct towards two gentlemen, relatives of the
French Ambassador, that notwithstanding the 200 ducats which he
demanded per head, he contented himself with fifty for all, which
were forthwith given to him. During this fifteen days' detention we
had the small consolation of enjoying good fare. The bread, the
wine, and the meat are all excellent and cheap in this place ; and
Belgrade being built on a point of land where two great rivers — the
Danube and Save — join, so large a quantity of large pike and fine
carp were caught that we only used the livers and milts, giving the
fish to the poor. Two Jesuit Fathers, chaplains of the merchants of
Ragusa, contributed much to dissipate the annoyance which these
gentlemen experienced from the delay of their journey, caused by
the injustice of the Sangiac. The merchants, too, did not limit

lxii DESIGN OF THE AUTHOR
themselves to the good services which they rendered on several
occasions, they added a magnificent banquet to which they invited
them on Christmas Eve, after which they went to the midnight mass,
accompanied by music and instruments, with which they were
pleased. We took saddle horses and chariots at Belgrade for Adrianople,
each selecting the mode of conveyance he considered most comfort
able. As for me, I preferred a chariot, wherein, covering myself with
straw, my body being clad in a good sheep skin, I did not feel the
cold. We came to Sophia, a large and populous town, the capital of
the old Bulgarians, and the residence of the Bacha de Romeli.1 You
see there a beautiful mosque, which was once a Christian church,
with a tower so artfully made that three persons can ascend it at the
same time without seeing one another.
From Sophia we came to Philippopolis, and between this last
town and Adrianople we met two well -mounted companies of
Tartars. They come to make raids on this side of the Danube,
and indeed farther into the portion of Hungary which belongs to the
house of Austria. As soon as they saw us they hastily ranged them
selves in two lines on either side, to allow us to pass through
them, designing, doubtless, to attack us, being without hope of van
quishing us except by numbers and surprise. They had for sole
arms a poor sort of sabre, and we on our side had wherewithal to
prevent their approach, each having a musket and a pair of pistols, and
the majority good sporting guns also. For fear they should come to
attack us if we neglected to defend ourselves, we stood our ground
and made a barricade of our chariots. However, our two guards
with our interpreter were sent to the chief of these Tartars to tell
him that we should not move till they decamped, and that being
soldiers like them, they would obtain nothing from us. The chief
replied that he had only drawn up his men in order to honour us,
and that, as we wished it, they would pass on if we gave them some
thing to buy tobacco. We speedily satisfied them ; and our inter
preter having taken them four sequins, they drew off and left our
passage open.
We reached Adrianople on the twenty-third day after our depar
ture from Belgrade, and we hired other horses and chariots for
Constantinople. Adrianople derives its name from the Emperor
Adrian, who enlarged and embellished it ; it was previously called
Oreste. It is pleasantly situated at the mouths of three rivers,
1 Pasha of Roumelia.

DESIGN OF THE AUTHOR lxiii
which debouch together in the Archipelago. The old town is not
very large, but the Turks have added splendid suburbs, and it is
one of the residences of the Ottoman Emperors, who often come
there, whether called by business or for the pleasure of the chase,
especially of ducks and herons. When these three rivers overflow
the marshes and neighbouring fields they make, as it were, a sea,
which one sees covered by a multitude of these birds, as also cranes
and wild geese, and the Grand Seigneur takes them with the eagle
and the falcon, which are very well trained to this kind of sport.
On the fifth day after our departure from Adrianople, and the
fifty-second after we left Vienna, we arrived happily at Constanti
nople, at eight o'clock in the morning. Having traversed the town
and passed to Galata, they led us to the house of the French
Ambassador, which we did not leave till after dinner, and in the
evening we went to take possession of a house belonging to a Greek
close to that of the Ambassador. MM. de Chapes and de St.
Liebau remained two months at Constantinople, where they ex
pended a large sum, always keeping open house. We made during
the winter a small trip to the Dardanelles and the ruins of Troy,
where we only saw stones, which was assuredly not worth the
trouble of going there.
Curiosity to see a room furnished in the French fashion, of
which they gave us a great account, led us to go to the serrail at
Scutari. Two eunuchs who guarded it made much fuss about
permitting us to enter, for which we had to pay well, and we saw
nothing but a bed after our pattern, of rich material, with the chairs
and carpets, which constituted the whole lot. On another day we
took boats with our friends to go to Chalcedonia, which is on the
margin of the sea. There is a very ancient church there, in which
one sees the council hall, with the original chairs still preserved.
It is to-day a monastery, and two bishops who were there, after
having conducted us all through, civilly presented us with a
collation. We then went to see Pompey's Pillar, at the mouth of the Black
Sea, and going from serrail to serrail, which are the royal houses
of the Grand Seigneur, we occupied eight days upon this pleasant
outing. But one might do it in two, if content to see the pillar
without stopping anywhere. We met in one of these serrails an
old French eunuch, who was delighted to see us, and gave us all
possible good cheer.
I shall make here a remark about the Black Sea canal. There

lxiv DESIGN OF THE AUTHOR

is no strait of the sea without a current, and this has two opposite
ones. That from the European side carries vessels towards the
Black Sea, and that which is from the Asiatic side brings them back
towards the Mediterranean. Thus in the trip which one often
makes from Constantinople to the mouth of the canal, both in going
and returning you find the stream favourable, and you have but to
cross from one bank to the other.
The rigour of winter being over, MM. de Chapes and de St.
Liebau continued their journey, and accompanied by two guards,
engaged two brigantines for the journey to Alexandretta. I have since
heard that they saw all that is most remarkable in the Archipelago
and along the coasts of Natalie ; that from Alexandretta they went
to Aleppo, from thence to the Euphrates, and that, retracing their steps
to Aleppo, they went to Damascus, and from thence to Jerusalem.
As for me, having another journey in view, and wishing to see
Persia, I remained at Constantinople, awaiting a caravan which I was
encouraged to hope for from one month to another. But without
that it often happened that eight or ten merchants, joining together,
made the journey in safety to Ispahan. My ignorance was the
reason for my making a much longer stay at Constantinople than
I had contemplated. I remained eleven months, during which
time I saw M. de Marcheville arrive, who came to relieve M. de
Cesi. He had an audience of the Grand Seigneur as Ambassador
of France, but M. de Cesi, who did not wish to retire, intrigued so
well with the grand Vizir that he remained Ambassador at the
Porte, while M. de Marcheville was compelled to return to France.
I was in his cortege on the day when he had audience with his
Highness, as I have stated in my account of the Serraglio.
At length, after eleven months delay, a well -equipped and
numerous caravan left Constantinople for Ispahan, and I joined it
on the road, for my first journey to Asia.1 It has been followed by
five others, and I have thus had time to observe the nature of the
country well, and the genius of the populations. I have pushed
the three last beyond the Ganges and to the island of Java ; and
during the space of forty years I have traversed more than 60,000
leagues by land, only having once returned from Asia to Europe by
sea. Thus I have seen at my leisure in my six journeys, and by

1 M. Joret, by means of the incident about the Ambassadors just referred to,
has fixed this date as January or February 1631. Those who give it as 1636 are
therefore clearly in the wrong.

DESIGN OF THE AUTHOR lxv
different routes, the whole of Turkey, all Persia, and all India, and
especially the famous mines of diamonds, where no European had
been before me.1 It is of these three grand Empires that I propose
to give a full and exact account, and I shall commence with the
different routes which one may take to go from Paris to Persia.
1 As elsewhere pointed out in the following pages, there were European
visitors before Tavernier's time, as Csesar Frederick before 1570, Methold before
1622, and also some others.

VOL. I

TABLE OF THE BOOKS AND CHAPTERS

BOOK I
Concerning routes which one may take to go from Ispahan to
Agra, and from Agra to Delhi and Jahanabad, where the
court of the Great Mogul is at present ; as also to the court
of the King of Golconda and to that of the King of Bijapur,
and to several other places in India Page i
Chapter I. — Route from Ispahan to Agra by (way of) Gombroon
(Bandar Abbas), where particular mention is made of the
navigation from Hormuz to Surat . 3
Chapter II. — Concerning the customs, the money, the exchange,
the weights, and the measures of India . . 8
Chapter III. — Concerning carriages and the manner of travelling
in India ... . 39
Chapter IV — Route from Surat to Agra by Burhanpur and
SironJ . .... 48
Chapter V. — -Route from Surat to Agra by AhmadabAd . 66
Chapter VI. — Route from Ispahan to Agra by Kandahar 90
Chapter VII. — Sequence of the same route from Delhi up to
Agra . . . . 104
Chapter VIII. — Route from Agra to Patna and Dacca, towns of
the Province of Bengal ; and the quarrel which the Author
had with Shaista Khan, uncle of the King . 113
Chapter IX. — Route from Surat to Golconda . . 142

lxviii TABLE OF THE BOOKS AND CHAPTERS
Chapter X. — Of the Kingdom of Golconda, and the wars which
it has carried on during the last few years Page 150
Chapter XL — Route from Golconda to Masulipatam 172
Chapter XII. — Route from Surat to Goa, and from Goa to
Golconda by Bijapur . . . . 176
Chapter XIII. — Remarks upon the present condition of the town
ofGoA ... . .186
Chapter XIV. — Concerning what the Author did during his sojourn
at Goa on his last journey in 1648 . . . .200
Chapter XV. — History of Father Ephraim, Capuchin, and how
he was cast into the Inquisition at Goa . 220
Chapter XVI. — Route from Goa to Masulipatam by Cochin,
described in the history of the capture of that town by the
Dutch . . .234
Chapter XVII. — Route by sea from Hormuz to Masuli
patam . . . 255
Chapter XVIII. — Route from Masulipatam to Gandikot, a town
and fortress in the Province of Carnatic, and the Author's
transactions with Mir Jumla, who commanded the army of
the King of Golconda ; in which also there is a full descrip-
tiori of Elephants . 260
Chapter XIX. — Route from Gandikot to Golconda . 294
Chapter XX. — Return from Surat to Hormuz, and how the
Author found himself engaged in a very rough and dangerous
naval combat, from which he escaped without accident . 310

BOOK II
Historical and political description of the Empire of the Great
Mogul .... . . ¦^Ig
Chapter I. — Account of the last wars in Hindustan, in which
is set forth the present condition of the Empire and the Court
of the Great Mogul . . . . -321

TABLE OF THE BOOKS AND CHAPTERS lxix
Chapter II. — Concerning the sickness and supposed death of
ShAh JahAn, King of India, and the rebellion of the Princes,
his sons . . . Page 325
Chapter III. — Concerning ShAh JahAn's prison, and how he was
punished by Aurangzeb, his third son, for the injustice he had
done to Prince BolAki his nephew, grandson of JahAngir,
to whom, since he was the son of the firstborn, the Empire of
the Moguls belonged . -334
Chapter IV. — Concerning the flight of DArA ShAh to the Kingdoms
of Sind and GujarAt ; his second battle with Aurangzeb ; his
capture and death . . . 346
Chapter V. — How Aurangzeb seated himself upon the throne and
had himself declared King; and concerning the flight of
Sultan ShujA . -355
Chapter VI. — Concerning the prison of Sultan Muhammad, son
of Aurangzeb, and of Sultan Suliman Sheko, eldest son of
DArA ShAh . . . . 360
Chapter VII. — Concerning the beginning of Aurangzeb's reign,
and the death of ShAh JahAn, his father . . 3 7 1
Chapter VIII. — Concerning the preparations which are made for
the festival of the Great Mogul, when he is solemnly weighed
every year ; of the splendour of his thrones and the magnifi
cence of his Court . . . . -379
Chapter IX. — Concerning other details of the Great Mogul's
Court . . . 388
Chapter X. — The Great Mogul orders all his jewels to be shown
to the Author . . . . 394
Chapter XL — Terms of the passport which the Nawab ShAistA
KhAn sent to the Author, with some letters which he wrote
to him and the replies to them, in which the style of these
countries manifests itself 401

Appendix. — On the values of Coins, Weights, and Measures referred
to by Tavernier ... . 411

lxx TABLE OF THE BOOKS AND CHAPTERS

TABLE
Illustrations contained in the portion of the original work
included in this volume I, but not reproduced here —
Numerical figures — French and Indian
Touchstones of the money changers for testing silver
Seals or monograms of the Kings who have reigned

AVIS
TO THE READER
It is almost impossible in a work of this sort, containing so many
proper names of officers, Princes, towns, mountains, and rivers, that
many faults should not occur ; because these names being entirely
unknown to us, and little conformable to our pronunciation and
manner of writing, it need not be wondered at if the printer has
often erred. But among other faults one important one has been
detected, which it is desirable to remove and to notify, that in place
of coste, which means nothing, cosse should be read throughout, which
in the language of the country means league {lieue) in India.

ERRATA ET CORRIGENDA.
Page 1 6, note 2, for Assen read Asen.
,, 92, omit note 3.
,, 143 and 144 n, for Kurum read Khurram.
,, 184, note 2, for Cardamons read Cardamoms.
,, 203 and 269, for Augustines read Augustins.
,, 205, headline, for Mascaregnas read Mascarehnas.
„ 217, for elephants' teeth read tusks.
,, 250 n and 280 n, for Tennant read Tennent.
,, 251, line 2, for which read whom.
,, 288 n, for Jalmudugu read Jamalmudugu.
,, 326, line (>,for Roushenara read Raushenara.
,, 400 n,forp. 372 n, readVoi. ii, p. 129.
„ 415, last paragraph, for Tun read Tonne.
„ 416, line 26, for 1 33 \ read 133*.
,, 416 and 417, for corrected values of carat and rati, see Index.
,, 417, note l, for 1.27 read 0.127.

BOOK I
Concerning routes which one may take to go from
Ispahan to Agra, and from Agra to Delhi and
Jahanabad,1 where the Court of the Great
Mogul is at present ; as also to the Court of the
King of Golconda and to that of the King of
Bijapur,2 and to several other places in India.

1 Dehly and Gehanabat in the original. Shah Jahin rebuilt Delhi,
and called the new city Shihjahanibdd, which retains its form and
fortifications to the present time, and is the Delhi of to-day.
2 Visapour, in the original, was an early corruption of the name
Bijapur (Vijayapura). It is the principal town of what is now the
Kal£dgi District of the Bombay Presidency. An account of its buildings
is given in Fergusson's History of Indian and Eastern Architecture.

VOL. I

TRAVELS IN INDIA

CHAPTER I
Route from Ispahan to Agra by {way of) Gombroon,1
where particzdar mention is made of the navigation
from Hormuz2 to Surat.8
I shall follow in this account of my Indian travels the
same order as I have observed in that of my Persian
travels, and I shall commence with the description of
the routes by which one can go from Ispahan to
Delhi and JahanAbAd, where the Great Mogul at
present resides.
Although India presents a frontier towards Persia
of more than 400 leagues, extending from the ocean
up to that long chain of mountains which traverses the
centre of Asia from west to east, and has been known
to antiquity under the name of Mount Taurus or
Mount Caucasus,4 there are, notwithstanding, not so
1 Gomron in the original, for Gombroon, the modern Bandar Abbds,
in the Persian Gulf.
2 Ormus in the original, the modern Hormuz, more properly Hur-
muz, formerly a city and kingdom near the mouth of the Persian Gulf.
s Surate in the original, the modern Surat, spelt Suratte in the
French edition of 17 13.
4 Mount Taurus or Mount Caucasus. The former name was used
by some of the ancient geographers for a supposed continuous range
from west to east, through the whole of Asia, and embracing the real

TRAVELS IN INDIA

many ways for passing from Persia into India as
there are for passing from Turkey into Persia, because
between Persia and India there are only sands and
vast deserts where one finds no water at all. Thus,
in order to go from Ispahan to Agra there are but two
routes to select from — one partly by land and partly
by sea, by taking ship at Hormuz ; and the other
altogether by land, passing through Candahar. The
first of these routes has been fully described up to
Hormuz towards the end of the last book of my
travels in Persia,1 and I have now to speak of the
navigation from Hormuz to Surat.
Navigation in the Indian seas is not carried on at
all seasons, as it is in our European seas, and it is
necessary to take the proper season, outside the limits
of which no one ventures to put to sea. The months
of November, December, January, February, and
March, are the only months in the year in which one
embarks at Hormuz for Surat, and at Surat for
Hormuz : with this difference, however, that one rarely
leaves Surat later than the end of February,2 but for
leaving Hormuz one may wait till the end of March,
Taurus of Asia Minor, the Persian Elbruz, the Hindu Kush, and the
Himalayas. " The boundaries of India on the north, from Ariana to
the Eastern Sea, are the extremities of Taurus, to the several parts of
which the natives give, besides others, the names of Paropamisus,
Emodus, and Imaus (Himalaya) ; but the Macedonians call them
Caucasus," etc. (Strabo, Bk. XV, c. i, § 1 1 ; Bohn's ed., trans, by
Falconer and Hamilton, vol. iii, p. 78.)
1 Book V, chaps, xx, xxi, xxii, p. 653 et seq. The second route up
to Candahar is described in Book V, chap, xxiv, p. 693, Persian Travels,
Paris edition of 1676.
2 This indication of the periods of the monsoons is of interest. It
is availed of by M. Joret, in hisy. B. Tavernier, Paris, 1886, p. 64, as
a factor in determining the dates of Tavernier's journeys, regarding
which his direct statements are so few, vague, or even contradictory.

NAVIGATION IN THE INDIAN SEAS

and even till the 1 5th of April, because then the west
ern wind which brings the rains to India begins to
blow. During the first four months a wind from the
north-east prevails with which one may sail from
Surat to Hormuz in fifteen or twenty days ; after
wards, veering by degrees to the north, it serves equally
the vessels which go to Surat and those which are
coming from it, and during this period the merchants
generally reckon on spending thirty or thirty-five days
at sea ; but when you wish to go from Hormuz to
Surat in fourteen or fifteen days, you must embark in
the month of March or at the beginning of April, because
then you have the western wind astern all the way.
Vessels leaving Hormuz steer for Muscat,1 on the
coast of Arabia, in order not to approach too near to
that of Persia, and to give it a wide berth. Those
which are coming from Surat do the same, in order
to find the entrance to the gulf, but neither the one nor
the other ever touch at Muscat, because custom dues
have to be paid to the Arabian Prince who took this
place from the Portuguese.
Muscat is a town on the sea-coast, opposite to
three rocks, which render the approach to it very
difficult, and it lies at the foot of a mountain upon
which the Portuguese had three or four forts. It may
be remarked that Muscat, Hormuz, and BAssoRA2are
the three places in the East where the heat is most
unbearable. Formerly the English and Dutch mono
polised this navigation ; but for some years past the
1 Mascate in the original, the modern Muscat, or more properly
Maskat, the capital of Oman, in North-East Arabia.
2 Balsara in the original, Balsora of the Arabian Nights, the
modern Bassora (Basra), in the Persian Gulf.

TRAVELS IN INDIA

Armenians, Muhammadans of India, and Banians1 also
have vessels, upon which, however, one does not feel
so safe as on those of the Franks,2 because necessarily
the Indians do not understand the sea so well, and have
not such good pilots.
Vessels sailing for Surat, which is the only port in
the whole empire of the Great Mogul, steer for Diu
and Point St. Jean,3 and then anchor in the roads at
Suwali,4 which is only four leagues distant from Surat,
and but two from the mouth of the river, bearing from
it northwards. They carry the merchandise from one
place to the other either by cart or by boat, because
large vessels cannot enter the river at Surat, until after
they are unloaded, on account of the sandbanks which
are at the mouth. The Dutch return after having
landed their goods at Suwali, and the English did the
same, neither being permitted to enter into the Surat
river ; but since, some time back, the King has granted
to the latter a place to winter 5 in during the rainy season.
Surat is a city of moderate size, with a poor
fortress, which you must pass, whether approaching it
by water or by land. It has four towers at its four
1 Banianes in the original, see Book III, chap, iii, and Index.
2 Francs in the original, and Franguis on p. 59, names in the East
for all Europeans except Greeks ; Pers. Farangi.
3 Diu and Point St. Jean. Diu is on an island (from which fact
the name is derived — dvipa, Sanskrit for an island) off the southern
extremity of Gujarat. It occupies an important position in the history
of the Portuguese, and still belongs to them. St. Jean is the port in
Gujarat called Sajan or Sanjan, the Sindin of Arab writers, corrupted
by the Portuguese into San Gens and the English into St. John's. (See
Yule and Burnell, Anglo-Indian Glossary, s. v. St. John's, p. 591.)
i Souali in original, a roadstead near the mouth of the Tapti (op.
c, p. 671).
5 The term winter (hiver) is used by several early writers on India
to indicate the rainy season, viz. June to October.

THE CITY OF SURAT

angles ; and as the walls are not terraced, the guns are
placed upon scaffoldings. The Governor of the fortress
merely commands the soldiers of the garrison, and
possesses no authority in the city, which has its own
separate Governor to receive the customs and the other
revenues of the King throughout the extent of his
Province. The walls of the city are of earth, and the
houses of private persons are merely barns, being built
of nothing but reeds, covered with cow-dung mixed with
clay to fill the interstices, and to prevent those outside
from seeing between the reeds that which is done inside.
In the whole of Surat there are only nine or ten well-
built houses, and the Shdh-bandar} or chief of the
merchants, has two or three of them. The others be
long to the Muhammadan merchants, and those of the
English and Dutch are not the least fine, every presi
dent and commander taking care to keep them in repair,
the cost of which they charge against the accounts of
their companies. These dwellings are, nevertheless,
only hired houses, the King not permitting any Frank
to possess a house of his own, fearing that he would
have that of which he might make a fortress. The
Reverend Capuchin Fathers have built a very com
modious one upon the model of the houses of Europe,
with a beautiful church, and I myself furnished a large
portion of the money which it cost ; but the purchase
had to be made under the name of a Maronite merchant
of Aleppo 2 named Chelebi, of whom I have spoken in
my account of Persia.
1 Cha-bander in original, Shdh-bandar, i.e. Governor of the port
or harbour and customs master.
2 Alep in original, for Aleppo, described Book II, cap. ii, p. I34> °f
the Persian Travels, Paris, 1876.

CHAPTER II
Concerning the Customs, the Money, the Exchange, the
Weights, and the Measures of India.
In order to avoid repetition, which one cannot escape
in the course of a long journey, it is desirable to make
the reader acquainted from the first with the practice
in India in reference to customs, money, exchange,
measures, and weights.
As soon as merchandise is landed at Surat it
has to be taken to the custom-house, which adjoins
the fort. They are very strict and search persons
with great care. Private individuals pay as much as 4
and 5 per cent duty on all their goods ; but as for
the English Company and the Dutch Company, they
pay less. But I believe likewise that, taking into
account what it costs them in deputations and in
presents, which they are obliged to make every year
at court, the goods cost them scarcely less than they do
private persons.
Gold and silver pay 2 per cent, and as soon as they
have b?bn counted at the custom-house the Mintmaster 1
comes to take them, and coins them into money of the
1 The Mintmaster was called Darogha (of the mint) ; the assays
were made by the Sairafij other officials in the mints were the Amin,
who was a kind of spy on the others ; the Mushrif, to keep the accounts,
etc. (See Ain-i-Akbdti, Blochmann's transl., vol. i, p. 18.)

chap, ii THE GREAT MOGUL'S MINTS 9
country, which he hands over to you, in proportion to
the amount and standard of your silver. You settle
with him, according to the nature of the amount, a day
when he is to give the new coins, and for as many
days as he delays to clo so beyond the term agreed
upon he pays interest in proportion to the silver which
he has received. The Indians are cunning and exact
ing in reference to coin and payments ; for when
money has been coined for three or four years it has
to lose \ per cent, and it continues in the same
proportion according to age, not being able, they
say, to pass through so many hands without some
diminution. You may carry all sorts of silver into the Empire of
the Great Mogul, because there is a mint in each of
the frontier towns, where it has to be refined to the
highest standard,1 as is all the gold and silver in India,
by order of the King, and it is coined into money of
the country. Bar silver, or old silver plate which has
been bought without payment for the workmanship, is
that which has the least to lose, for on coined silver
one cannot avoid the loss on coinage. Sales are in
general conditional on payment being made in money
coined during the current year ; and if one pays in old
pieces it is necessary to submit to loss, according to
the time they have been coined, as I have said above.
In all places at a distance from towns, where the
common people do not understand silver wffll, and
where there are no Changers, they will not receive a
piece of silver till they put it into the fire to ascertain
1 The method of assaying which was practised in India is described
in the Ain-i-Akbdri, and upon it there are some important remarks and
explanatory notes to be found in Percy's Metallurgy of Gold and Silver

10 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
if it is good ; and this is practised especially at the
river crossings.1 As their boats are made of osiers,
covered only with oxhide, and are consequently very
light,2 they keep them in the woods, and will not take
them on their shoulders for crossing the water before
they have received their payment.
In so far as regards gold, the merchants who import
it use so much cunning in order to conceal it, that but
little of it comes to the knowledge of the customs'
officers. They do all they can to evade paying the
customs, especially as they have not so much risk to
run as in the custom-houses of Europe. For in those
of India, when any one is detected in fraud, he is let
off with paying double, 10 per cent instead of 5, the
King comparing the venture of the merchant to a
game of hazard, where one plays double or quits.
However, for some time back this is somewhat
changed, and it is to-day difficult to settle with the
customs' officers on that condition. The King has
conceded to the English Captains that they shall not be
searched when they leave their vessels to come on
shore ; but one day an English Captain, going to
Tatta,3 one of the largest towns of India, a little above
Sindi,4 which is at the mouth of the river Indus,5 when
1 Only a few years ago I found the people in a remote part of the
District of Raipur, in the Central Provinces, most unwilling to accept
any payment in silver ; they would take copper, but preferred cowries.
2 Coracles. See Book I, chap, xviii, and Index for further references
to them. 3 Tata in the original, the modern Tatta, in Sind (see p. 17), a
taluk in the Karachi District.
4 Scimdi in the original, sometimes written Simdi by Tavernier 
e.g. p. 17 — for Sindi, the Province of Sind, derived from the River
Sind, i.e. Indus.
6 River of Indou in the original, i.e. Hindi'i or SindA — the Indus river.

chap, it AN ENGLISHMAN'S REVENGE 11
about to pass, was arrested by the customs' guards,
from whom he could not defend himself, and who
searched him in spite of anything he could say. They
found gold on him, he having already conveyed some
in sundry journeys between his vessel and the town ;
he was let off on payment of the ordinary duty. The
Englishman, vexed by this affront, resolved to have
his revenge for it, and he took it in a jocose manner.
He caused a sucking-pig to be roasted, and to be
placed with the grease in a china plate, covered with a
napkin, and gave it to a slave to carry it with him
to the town, anticipating exactly that which would
happen. As he passed in front of the custom-house,
where the Governor of the town, the Shdh-bandar,
and the Master of the mint were seated in a divan,
they did not fail to stop him, and, the slave still
advancing with his covered plate, they said to the
master that he must needs go to the custom-house, and
that they should see what he carried. The more the
Englishman protested that the slave carried nothing
which should pay duty, the less was he believed ; and
after a long discussion he himself took the plate from
the hands of the slave, and proceeded to carry it to the
custom-house. The Governor and the Shdh-bandar
asked him forthwith, in a sharp tone, why he was
unwilling to obey orders, and the Englishman, on his
part, replying in a rage that what he carried was not
liable to duty, rudely threw the plate in front of them,
so that the sucking-pig and the grease soiled the whole
place, and splashed on their garments. As the pig is an
abomination to the Muhammadans, and since by their
law they regard as defiled whatever is touched by it,
it became necessary for them to change their garments,

12 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
to remove the carpet from the divan, and to make a
new structure, without daring to say anything to the
Englishman, because the Shdh-bandar and the Master
of the mint have to be particular with the Company,
from which the country derives so much profit. As
for the Chiefs of the Companies, both English and
Dutch, and their associates, they have so much respect
for them that they never search them when they come
from the vessels ; but they, for their part, do not
attempt to convey gold in secret as the private mer
chants do, considering it beneath them to do so. The
commerce of Tatta, which was formerly considerable,
is beginning to decrease rapidly, because the entrance
to the river becomes worse from day to day, and the
sands which accumulate almost close the passage.
The English, seeing that they had adopted the
custom of searching them, had recourse to little strata
gems in order to pass the gold, and the fashion of
wearing wigs having come to them from Europe, they
bethought themselves of concealing the Jacobuses, rose
nobles, and ducats in the nets of their wigs every time
that they left their vessels in order to go on shore.1
There was a merchant who desired to take into Surat
some boxes of coral without its coming to the knowledge
of the customs' officers. The vessel being ready to
enter the river, he had the boxes tied to the stern, and
being two or three feet under the water, those who
came to examine the goods on the vessel were unable
to see them. Several days passed before the goods
1 Frauds were committed on the customs regarding exports, too as
will be seen on subsequent pages. M. Thevenot also mentions that he
knew people who had conveyed away, with the aid of the Dutch com
mander, numerous precious stones and other costly articles without
paying any custom dues. (Voyage des Indes, Paris, 1684, p. 5.)

COINS CURRENT IN INDIA 13

were unladen, and before it became possible to convey
the boxes in safety into the town without the customs'
officers having wind of it. The thing was at length
cleverly accomplished, but the merchant had cause to
repent of it, and he found himself on the wrong side of
the account ; for, since the river at Surat is always
disturbed and thick, there attached itself to the coral,
which had been a long time in the water, a sort of
slime like a crust, and a white skin, which they had
much trouble to remove, and after it was cleaned the
loss to the merchant exceeded 1 2 per cent.
I now come to the coins which are current in India
throughout the territories of the Great Mogul, and to
all the kinds of gold and silver, which should be carried
in ingots, rather than in coin, in order to secure most
profit there.
In the first place it should be remarked that it is
advantageous to purchase gold or silver which has
been worked, in order to make it into ingots, and to
cause it to be refined up to the highest standard ; for,
being refined, you do not pay for the carriage of the
alloy which was mixed with it before, and not carrying
the gold or silver in coin, you do not pay what the
prince and the mint have taken for their coinage dues.
If you take coined gold, the best pieces are rose
nobles,1 old Jacobuses,2 Albertuses,3 and other ancient
pieces, both of Portugal and other countries, and all
sorts of gold coins which have been coined in the last
century. On all these old pieces there is always some
1 Rose nobles : a noble was an English coin, worth 6s. 8d.
2 Jacobus, an English coin of James I, worth about 25 s.
3 Albertuses. The Alberts Dutch dollar, a silver coin, was worth
in exchange something less than the rix-dollar, or 4s. 6d. ; I have failed
to identify any gold coin with the above name.

14 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
profit for the merchant. Among the good gold coins
which one may carry to India all the ducats of Germany,
both those of princes and those of imperial towns, as
also the ducats of Poland, Hungary, Sweden, and
Denmark must be included; and all these kinds of ducats
are taken at the same standard. The golden ducats of
Venice formerly passed as the best, and were each
valued at four or five of our sols1 more than all the
others ; but, since twelve years or thereabouts, it seems
that they altered them, so that they are not valued now
save at the same price as the others. There are still
the ducats which the Grand Seigneur coins at Cairo,2
and those of Salee3 and Morocco,4 but these three
coins are the least valuable of all, and are generally
worth four sols less than the others.
Throughout the Empire of the Great Mogul all
the gold and silver is weighed by a weight called tola,
which amounts to 9 deniers 8 grains of our weight.5
When one has a quantity of gold or silver to sell, the
Indians have brass weights, with the King's stamp, to
avoid fraud ; and with these weights they weigh all the
gold or silver at a time, provided it does not exceed
one hundred tolas. For all the weights of the Changers
only range from one tola up to one hundred, and these
hundred tolas are equivalent in our weight to 38 onces
2 1 deniers 8 grains. As for the gold or silver which
1 5 sols = 4-|d. (See Appendix.)
2 Caire in the original.
3 Sale' in the original, the ancient Sala and modern Salee, on the
north-west coast of Africa.
4 Maroc in the original.
6 Tolla in the original. Tola therefore = 224 French grs. = 187.5
grains Troy. The present British tola= 180 grains Troy, i.e. the weight
of the rupee.

chap, ii METHOD OF WEIGHING GOLD 15
is not coined, if there is much, they put it to the test,
and the test having been applied, they bid for it as
highly as they can, out of jealousy of one another.
As there are merchants who have sometimes up to
forty and fifty thousand ducats1 and more, the Indians
weigh them with a weight which is exactly that of one
hundred ducats, and also bears the King's stamp. And
should it happen that the hundred ducats weigh less
than this weight, they add small stones till the weights
are equal, and when the whole amount is weighed you
make good to the Changer the value of the weights
of these same stones. But before weighing these
golden coins, be they ducats or be they other coins,
they place the whole in a large charcoal fire, where the
pieces become red-hot, after which they put out the
fire by throwing on water, and then they withdraw
them. This is done for the purpose of ascertaining
which of them are false, and in order to burn the wax
or gum which they sometimes attach adroitly, in order
that they may weigh more. But since some of the
pieces are so well forged that they cannot detect them
even after they have been in the fire, in order to dis
cover such the Changers take them one after the other,
to bend them, and by bending them they know if the
coin is good, and they cut all those which are not.
After having seen all, they cause to be refined those
which they believe to be not good ; and for so much
of good that they have found in this refining they pay
as for good ducats. Of all this gold they make coins,
which they call golden rupees,2 with the exception of
i 50,000 ducats at 9s. 4d. =.£23,500.
2 Golden rupees (mohur Hin). These were of different values ; but
those with which Tavernier had to do averaged, as will be seen further

16 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
the ducats which have a face on one side ; these they
seldom melt, because they sell them to the merchants
who come from Tartary and the other countries of
the North, as the kingdoms of Bhutan,1 Assam,2 and
others more distant. It is of this kind of ducat that
the women in these countries make their principal
ornament : they hang them in their hair, and they rest
on their foreheads. As for the other ducats which are
without faces, they are not esteemed by the merchants
of the North.
With reference to all the other gold coins, they
sell many to the goldsmiths, to the gold-drawers, and
in general to all those who employ gold in their work.
For if they can dispose of them without making them
into rupees, they do not coin them ; this indeed they
seldom do, except when they place the kings on the
throne, in order to make largesse of them to the people,
together with silver rupees, and in order to sell them
to the Governors of Provinces who require quantities,
as also to the other nobles of the kingdom, to present
to the King on the day when he enters into possession
of his territories. For they do not always find jewels
or other things worthy to be presented to him, not
only on this day, but also at the grand ceremonial, of
which I shall speak elsewhere, when they weigh the
King every year. They are, I say, very glad to obtain
golden rupees on these occasions, and they require
on, from 14 to 14^ silver rupees in value, say 31s. 6d. to 32s. (See
p. 19 n.)
1 Boutan in the original. But the limits of the region referred to
by Tavernier, extended far beyond those of the modern Bhutan. (See
Index for further references.)
2 Assam. Assen in the original appears to be an unusual spelling
of Assam. (See Index for further references.)

chap, ii THE VIRTUE OF GOLDEN RUPEES 17
them also in order to make presents to the courtiers,
by whose interest they hope to obtain higher appoint
ments and more considerable offices of government.
In one of my journeys I saw by an example, which
I had before my eyes, wherein the virtue of these golden
rupees lay. Shah-Jahan,1 the father of Aurangzeb,
who reigns at present, had given to one of the nobles
of his court the government of the province of Tatta,
of which Sindi is the capital town.2 Although from the
very first year of his government there were serious
complaints against him of the tyranny with which he
treated the people, and of his great extortions, the King
allowed him to govern the Province for close on four
years, after which he recalled him. All the people of
Tatta rejoiced, supposing that the King had only re
called him to put him to death. But it happened quite
otherwise, for he was well received by the King, who
conferred upon him the government of Allahabad,3
much more considerable than that of Tatta which he
had just quitted. This good reception which he re
ceived from the King arose from this, that before he
arrived at Agra he sent to him secretly as a present
50,000 golden rupees, which amount to i05,ooo4of our
livres, and about 20,000 more golden rupees, both for
the Begum Sahib, who then governed the whole king
dom, and for other ladies, and for some courtiers who
were able to aid him with their support. All these
1 Cha Gehan in the original.
2 Tatta and Sindi (see p. 10 n.). The chief town was known as
Dewal or Diul Sindi, a name sometimes transferred in later days to
Larry Bunder (L&ri bandar), etc. (See Anglo-Indian Glossary.)
3 Halabas in the original, elsewhere spelt Hallabas.
4 This is wrong, as, at 21 livres to the golden rupee, the figure
should be 1,050,000.
VOL. I C

18 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
courtiers are very glad to obtain in that way plenty of
gold, not only because it occupies small space, and they
are able to conceal it easily, but also because they hold
it honourable to leave to their wives and children, at
their deaths, large sums, of which the King could not
have any knowledge : for, as I shall say further on,
when a great noble dies the King inherits his property,
and his wife only remains mistress of her jewels.
To return to the golden rupees. It should be
stated that they are not current among the merchants ;
for although one is not worth more than 14 silver
rupees, which are equal to 2 1 livres of our money, at
30 sols to the rupee,1 and that these golden rupees are
scarcely ever to be met with save in the houses of the
nobles, still when it happens that they make any pay
ment with them they always desire to estimate them at
a silver rupee, or at least at a quarter more than they
are worth, by which the merchant cannot make his
profit. Shaista Khan,2 uncle of the King, to whom I
sold commodities for 96,000 rupees,3 when it came to
the question of payment, asked me in what money I
wished that he should make it to me, whether in gold
or silver coin. Before I replied, he added that if I
would believe him I would take it in golden rupees,
and that he did not give this advice but under the
belief that it would turn to his own advantage. I told
1 30 sols = 2s. 3d. = one rupee, and the livre therefore = is. 6d.
(See Appendix to this volume.)
2 Cha Est Kan in the original, Shaist& Khan, for a long time
Subadar of Bengal.
3 This was at Ahmadabid, at the end of 1652. (See Book I, chap.
xix.) A second sale to Shaisti. Khan took place in 1660, at Choupar
(Sholapiir) in the Deccan (see p. 31); and a third at Dacca in 1666.
(See Book I, chap, viii.)

chap, n THE VALUE OF GOLDEN RUPEES 19
him that I would follow his advice, and he immediately
ordered them to count out golden rupees to the amount
which was due to me ; but he claimed to give the
golden rupee for 14^ of silver,1 although among the
merchants they only pass for fourteen. I was not
ignorant of that, but I thought it would answer better
to receive my payment as this Prince wished to make
it to me, in the hope of recompensing myself otherwise
to the extent of what he wished to make me to lose, or
at least of a part of it. I allowed two days to pass,
after which I went to see him in order to say that I
had endeavoured to dispose of these rupees for the
price at which I had received them, but that I had
done so unavailingly ; and that accordingly, upon the
payment which he had made me of 96,000 rupees, I
should lose 34283-%-, the golden rupee which he wished
me to take at 14^ rupees not being worth more than
fourteen ; whereupon he flew into a passion, and told
me that he would give so many strokes of the slipper
to the Dutch Changer or Broker, which he would
remember (for in India they never speak of blows with
a stick), believing that he was the cause of what I had
come to say to him, for not having been willing to take
the golden rupees at the price which he had given
them to me, and that he would teach these people to
understand money, and that these were all old rupees,
and that they were worth ^th of a silver rupee more
than those that were made then. As I knew the
humour of Asiatic princes, with whom it is useless to
excite oneself, I allowed him to say all he wished, and
observing that he became quieter and began to smile,
1 If we take the gold mohur at 31s. 6d., the value of the rupee at 14
would be 2s. 3d., and at 14-^ would be 2s. 2d. (See pp. 16 n. and 18 n.)

20 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
I asked him to permit me to bring back on the follow
ing day the amount which he had caused to be counted
out to me, or that he would give me the balance of my
payment which was still due, and that I would take the
golden rupee at I4XV rupees, as he had told me that it
was value for so much.1 The Prince then regarded
me askance for some time without saying a word to
me, and then he asked me whether I had with me that
pearl which he had not been willing to buy. I replied
that I had, and thereupon drew it from my bosom and
gave it to him. It was a large pearl of good water,
but badly shaped ; this had prevented him from taking
it before. After I had given it to him, " Say no more about
it," said he. " In a word, how much do you want for
this pearl." I asked him 7000 rupees for it, and it is
true that rather than carry it back to France I would
have taken 3000. " If I give you," he replied, " 5000 2
rupees for this pearl, you will be well repaid for the
loss which you say you have sustained on the golden
rupees. Come to-morrow and I shall pay you 5000
rupees. I desire that you should leave contented, and
you shall have in addition a khil'at* and a horse." I
then made him a bow, and besought him to give me a
young horse, fit for work, as I had a long journey to
make. I accordingly received, on the following day,
1 In Book I, chap, xix, alluding to the same transaction, he says he
received them at I4^th rupees. M. Joret, p. 158 n., has, I think, mixed
up this transaction with the one which took place at Sholapur, as
mentioned on p. 18 n., in the year 1660. (See also p. 31.)
2 In the earliest edition this figure is by an obvious misprint given
as 7000. In the 1679 edition it is 5000, which is adopted here.
3 Calaat in the original, for killut, properly khil'at, Hin., a robe
of honour.

A GIFT HORSE 21

as he had promised, the robe, mantle, two waistbands,
and the turban, which constitute, as I have elsewhere
remarked, the complete suit which these princes are
accustomed to give to those whom they desire to
honour. The mantle and the robe were of gold
brocade, the two waistbands striped with gold and
silver, the turban of cotton cloth was of fire colour
striped with gold, and the horse, without a saddle, was
covered by a housing of green velvet, with a small
fringe of silver round it. The bridle was very narrow,
and it had silver coins attached in some parts. I
believe the horse had never been mounted, for as soon
as it had arrived at the house of the Dutch, where I
lodged on this occasion, a young man having mounted
it, it began to jump in so strange a manner and to
shake him so that having fallen in jumping over the
roof of a hut which was in the court, the Dutchman
barely escaped being killed. Having seen that this
impetuous steed was not suitable for me, I returned it
to Shaista Khan, and telling him what had happened,
I added that I believed that he did not wish me to
return to my country, as he had asked me to do, in
order to bring him some rarity. During my discourse
he only laughed, and having ceased, he ordered them
to bring the horse which his father used to ride. It
was a large Persian horse, which had formerly cost
5000 e'cus1 when young, but it was then more than
twenty-eight years old.2 They brought it, ready saddled
1 ^1125, at 4s. 6d. the ecu.
2 Here there are irreconcilable discrepancies between this account
of the transaction and that in Book I, chap, xix, as our author gives the
original cost of the horse there at upwards of 3000 e'cus, and states that
he sold it for 400 rupees, as he did not require it for his journey, to a
Frenchman, whom he at the same time placed in Shaista Khan's service.

22 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
and bridled, and the Prince desired me to mount it in
his presence. It still had as good paces as any horse
I had ever seen, and when I was mounted, he said,
" Well, are you content ? He will not give you a fall."
I thanked him, and at the same time took my leave of
him ; and the following day, before my departure, he
sent me a large basketful of apples. It was one of six
which ShAh JahAn had sent him, and which had come
from the kingdom of Kashmir,1 and there was also in
the basket a large Persian melon. All taken together
might be value for ioo rupees, and I presented it
to the wife of the Dutch Commander. As for the
horse, I took it to Golconda, where I sold it for 500
rupees, old as it was, because it was still able to render
good service.
To return to the discourse on coins, I shall add to
what I have already said of the gold pieces, that it
does not do to carry to India neither Louis d'or, Span
ish nor Italian pistoles, nor other gold pieces coined
of late years, because there is too much to be lost by
them. The Indians, who have no knowledge of them
as yet, refine all, and it is upon this refining that they
make their profit. For the rest, each strives to pass
his gold without the master of the customs knowing it ;
and when the merchant has skill sufficient to conceal
it, it gains for him the value of five or six of our sols
on every ducat.
I come to the silver coins, which it is necessary to
distinguish as coins of the country and foreign coins,
and I shall speak first of the latter.
The foreign silver coins which they take to India
1 Kachemir in the original.

chap, ii rix DALERS AND REALS 23

are German rix dalers1 and Spanish reals} The
first are brought by the merchants who come from
Poland, from little Tartary, and from the direction of
Moscovie ; the others by those who come from Con
stantinople, Smyrna, and Aleppo, and the principal
part by the Armenians who have sold their silks in
Europe. All the merchants strive to pass their silver
through Persia without being discovered, because, if
the customs' officers have wind of it, it would be neces
sary that the silver should be carried to the masters of
the mint to be coined into abdsis1 which is the coinage
of the King, and these abdsis on arrival in India are
again coined into rupees, in which there is a loss to
the merchant of \o\ per cent, both on account of the
coinage and on account of the King's dues, which he
must pay in Persia.
In order to know in a few words how one loses
this \o\ per cent between Persia and India, and
sometimes more, according to the nature of the reals
which are generally taken to Persia, it is necessary to
remember what I have said of the coins and exchange
of Persia in the preceding volume.4 I have remarked
that the real in Persia passes for 13 shdhis,5 which
1 Richedales in the original, for rix daler, properly reichs thaler ;
according to Sir Isaac Newton's tables, most of the varieties were worth
in sterling 4s. 7d. Tavernier's equivalent of 100 = 216 rupees gives,
with the rupee at 2s. 3d., a value of 4s. iojd. As in other cases, the
sterling value may have been somewhat less than the exchange value ;
hence the difference.
2 Reale in the original, for real, or "piece of 8 reals" of Seville,
varied from about 4s. to 4s. iod., the rupee being taken at 2s. 3d., and
the ecu at 4s. 6d., to which latter it was on the average equal.
3 Abassis in the original, for 'abdsis = from is. 5d. to is. 6d.
4 Persian Travels, Paris edition, 1676, p. 120.
5 Chaez in the original, for shdhi, Pers. = 4d. to 4§d. At present
about 2-J-d. only.

24 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
are equal to 3^ abdsis, and that sometimes, when silver
is scarce, they give half a shdhi more ; that the abdsi
is worth 4 shdhis, and the toman 1 50 abdsis or 200
shdhis. Thus, the real passing for 13 shdhis, you
receive 6\ tomans for 100 reals. If you take 6\ tomans
to India you receive for each toman 29^ rupees, and,
consequently, for 6\ tomans 191! rupees. But if you
take to India Sevillian reals, of which I shall speak
further on, for 100 you receive from 213 to 215 rupees ;
and for Mexicans for 100 you receive only 212.
When, then, for the 100 reals you receive only 212
rupees, you gain on these 100 reals \o\ reals, and on
the Sevillians you make a profit up to 11 per cent.
It should then be remarked that there are three or
four kinds of Spanish real, and that they give for 100,
according to their standard, from 208 up to 214 and
215 rupees. The best of all are the Sevillians, and
when they are good weight you receive for 100, 213
rupees, and at certain times up to 215, according to
whether silver is scarce or plentiful.
The Spanish real should weigh 3 gros2 and *]\
1 Toman. In Fryer's time (1677) = £3 '¦ 6 : 8. P. Delia Valle's
estimate, sixty years earlier, was about £4 : 1 os. ; Sir T. Herbert's
valuation, ,£3:8:4; at present only worth 7s. 6d. (Yule and Burnell,
Anglo-Indian Glossary.) Fifty abdsis, as above, equal £3 : 10s. to
£3 :15s. Forty-six livres and ii denier (at is. 6d.), the equivalent
given by Tavernier in Book III, chap, xxix = £3 : 9s., while 29^ rupees
at 2s. 3d. = ^3:6 :6£ only, and 15 e'cus at 4s. 6d. =,£3:7:6. But
Tavernier, in his account of Persian coins, expressly says that the value
given in livres is the most exact. (See Persian Travels, p. 122, Paris
edition of 1676.)
2 The gros= 60.285 grains Troy, and the French grain = .837 grs.
Troy .-. 3 gros 7I grs. = 187 grains Troy. The weight of the piastre,
or Seville piece of eight, was 17 dw. 12 g^rs., and that of two rupees,
both, according to Sir Isaac Newton, = 14 dw. 20 grs., the difference
being, therefore, 2 dw. 16 grs. or 64 grs. ; I therefore conclude that the

chap, ii GERMAN RIX DALERS 25

grains more than 2 rupees, but the silver of the rupees
is much better, for the rupee is of the standard of 1 1
deniers and 14 grains, and the Sevillian real, like our
white e'en, is of the standard of only 1 1 deniers. The
Mexican real is of but 10 deniers and 21 grains. For
the Spanish real which weighs 73 vals you receive \\
mahmudis, and a mahmudi is worth 20 paisd, and thus
for the Spanish real you receive 90 paisd, but they
must be good,1 and, as I have said, weighing 73 vals ;
81 vals2 making an ounce, and the val being of 7
deniers (standard).
As for the German rix dalers, as they are heavier
than the reals, you give for 100 up to 1163 rupees;
upon which it should be remarked that, in giving for
the 100 reals and the 100 rix dalers up to 215 and 216
rupees, it appears as if every rupee should consequently
be worth less than 30 sols. But, on the other hand, if
the merchant counts the cost of carriage of the silver
3 gros above must either be a misprint for 1 , or that the value given to
the gros is three times too great ; however the 62 J grs. so deduced as
the difference is slightly less than the 64 grs. deduced from Sir Isaac
Newton. The absolute weight of the real is given by Tavernier at 73
vals, or say 438 grs. Troy ; and the weight of two rupees, according to
him also, was 18 deniers 2 grs. = 454 French grs. = 380 Troy grs., and
the difference = 5 8 grs., also too little.
1 Pecha in the original, for paisd. Taking the paisd at .54 of a
penny (see Appendix), 90 of them would be equal to 4s. o|d., i.e. the
value of a Spanish real; but this is too low, and therefore these paisds
must have been worth .6 of a penny, or "good!" as Tavernier
remarks. 2 Val. The French " once," being equal to 482.312 grs. Troy,
would give a value of nearly 5.95 grs. to the val. The tola is said, on
p. 34, to be = 32 vals, and therefore the val = 7 French grs. = 5.86
grs. Troy. Thevenot gives the value at 3 gongy (ght'inchi), and this
with the ghunchi at 1.79 grs. = 5.37 grs. Troy. See Appendix to this
volume. 3 This must be a misprint for 2 1 6.

26 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
and the duties, he will find that each rupee costs him
more. All these reals and rix dalers are weighed by
the ioo, and when the weight is short they add small
stones as when they weigh gold, as I shall presently
relate. But, in order that the merchant obtains value
he must take care that all the reals of Mexico and the
Sevillians1 weigh 21 deniers and 8 grains, i.e. 512
grains ; and as for our white dcu} it ought to weigh
2 1 deniers and 3 grains, which are equal to 509 grains}
I pass on to the coins of the country. The Indians
have for their silver money the rupee, the half, the
quarter, the eighth, and the sixteenth. The weight of
the rupee is 9 deniers and 1 grain, and the standard of
the silver 1 1 deniers and 1 4 grains. They have also
a silver coin which they call mahmildi} but it is only
current in Surat and in the province of GujarAt.5
The small coin of India is of copper, and is called
paisd, which is worth about two of our Hards. There
1 The piastre, or Seville piece of eight, weighed, according to Sir
Isaac Newton, 17 dw. 12 gr. = 420 grs. Troy, and its sterling value in
silver was 54d. = 4s. 6d.
2 The old ecu of France, of 60 sols Tournois, weighed also, according
to Sir Isaac Newton, 17 dw. 12 gr. = 420 grs. Troy, and its sterling
value was also 4s. 6d.
3 The 509 grs. of Tavernier is a misprint for 507 ; it is repeated in
the edition of 17 13. The equivalent of 507 French grains is 424.5
Troy grains, or 4.5 grs. more than Sir Isaac Newton's figure in pre
ceding note.
4 Mamoudi in the original, for mahmudi = 20 paisd, or two-fifths
of a rupee .-. = io.8d., the rupee being 2s. 3d. Other relations
given by our author in his account of Persian money give a less value
for the mahmudi, namely, one-sixteenth of the Venetian sequin, and one-
eighth of the Spanish dollar, or 7d. and 6Jd. The value as deduced
from the abdsi would seem, however, to be the mean of these, or from
8Jd. to 9d. nearly. Several writers give to the Surat mahmi'idi a value
of one shilling. It was subject to constant variation.
0 Guzerate in the original.

INDIAN COINS 27

are some of them of a half paisd, of two paisd, and of
four. According to the province you are in, you
receive for the silver rupee more or fewer of these
paisd. On my last journey the rupee at Surat was
at 49 paisd, but there are times when it is worth 50,
and others when it falls to 46.1 At Agra and at
JahAnAbAd it is worth 55 and 56 paisd, and the reason
of that is, that the nearer you approach to the copper
mines 2 the more paisd you receive for the rupee. As
for the mahmudi, it is always at 20 paisd. There are still
two other kinds of small money in the empire of the
Great Mogul : these are small bitter almonds and
shells. In the province of GujarAt alone they use as
small change these bitter almonds, which they bring from
Persia, as I have remarked in the first part of my
history. They grow in dry and arid places between
rocks, and the tree which produces them closely
resembles our broom. They call these almonds
baddm} and they are so bitter that colocynth is not
more so, and there is no need for fearing that children
will amuse themselves by eating them. They some
times give 35, sometimes 40, of them for the paisd}
The other small money consists of shells called
cowries, which have the edges inverted, and they are
1 Fifty paisd at . 54d. (see p. 25) = 2s. 3d. Thevenot, although
he says that the rupee = 29-30 sols, adds that it equalled 32J to 33J
paisd only. {Voyages, Paris, 1684, p. 52.)
2 There is no further indication as to the position of these copper
mines ; probably they were those now known at Singhaha and other
localities in Rajputana. Full accounts of the ancient mines there will
be found in the Economic Geology of India, p. 259.
3 Baden in the original, for baddm (Pers. and Hin.), fruit of Amyg-
dalus communis, L., var. amara, D.C.
4 Thevenot says 68 ; perhaps he meant a double paisd. {Voyages,
P- 53-)

28 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
not found in any other part of the world save only in
the Maldive Islands.1 It is the principal source of
revenue of the King of these Islands, for they export
them to all the States of the Great Mogul, to the
kingdoms of Bijapur and Golconda, and even to the
islands of America,2 to serve as money. Close to the
sea they give up to 80 for the paisd, and that diminishes
as you leave the sea, on account of carriage ; so that at
Agra you receive but 50 or 55 for the paisd. Finally,
according to the manner of counting by the Indians —
100,000 rupees make a lekke}
100,000 lekkes „ kraur?
100,000 kraurs ,, padan}
100,000 padans „ nil.
In India a village must be very small if it has not
a money-changer, whom they call Shroff} who acts as
banker to make remittances of money and issue letters
of exchange. As, in general, these Changers have an
understanding with the Governors of Provinces, they
enhance the rupee at their will for paisd and the paisd
1 This is incorrect, as money cowries {Cyprcea moneta) have a much
wider distribution, though the Maldives have furnished a large proportion
of the supply for currency. The name is cori in the original.
2 A trade in these cowries to the West Coast of Africa and the
West Indies still exists, I believe.
3 Lack or Ldkh, Hin.
4 A crore, or more properly karor (Hin.), is ioo lakhs, or 10,000,000
(ten millions). Tavernier is wrong in stating it to be one thousand
times more. However, Thevenot makes a similar statement {Voyage,
p. 52); and it maybe remarked that there are to be found similar
contradictory statements, by different authorities, as to the values of
our billions, trillions, etc. Comp. Ain-i-Akbdri, Gladwin, ed. 1800, vol.
ii, p. 391.
5 The value of the padam is variously given as 10 to 1000 billions.
6 For Cherafm the original, Shroff, from Ar. Sarrdf, a money-changer
or banker.

chap, ii SPURIOUS MONEY 29
for these shells. All the Jews who occupy themselves
with money and exchange in the empire of the Grand
Seigneur pass for being very sharp ; but in India they
would scarcely be apprentices to these Changers.1
[Here follows, in the original, a table giving the
letters used as numbers, which need not be reproduced}]
They have a very inconvenient custom for
payments, and I have already remarked upon it in
reference to golden rupees when one makes a payment
in that coin. They say that the longer time that a
rupee of silver has been coined the less is it worth than
those coined at the time, or which have been coined a
short time, because the old ones having often passed
by hand, it wears them, and they are in consequence
lighter. Thus, when you make a sale, it is necessary
to say that you require to be paid in ShAh-JahAni 2
rupees, i.e. in new silver, otherwise they will pay you
in rupees coined fifteen or twenty years or more, in
which there may be up to 4 per cent of loss. For, for
those which have not been coined within two years
they already demand \ per cent, or at least \th ; and
the poor people who do not know how to read the year
when they coined these rupees or paisd are subject to
be cheated, because they always deduct something
from them, one paisd or half a paisd on a rupee, and
on the paisd three or four cowries.
As for false silver, but little is met with. If by
chance there should be a false rupee in a bag given by
a private merchant, it pays better to cut it and to lose
it than to say anything about it, because if they hear
1 This remarkable testimony to the sharpness of the natives is
applicable also at the present day.
2 Cha Jenni in the original, i.e. coined in the reign of Shah Jahan.

30 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
of it one has to run some risk, the order of the King
being that you must return the bag to him who has
given it, and it goes thence from one to another until
they are able to discover the false coiner, and when
one is detected, for sole punishment they merely lop
off a finger. If it happens that they are unable to find
the false coiner, and that they pronounce him who has
given the silver to be not guilty, he is freed on payment
of some fine. It is this which yields such large profits
to the Changers, for when one receives or when one
makes any payment he shows them the silver, and they
receive for their commission -J^th of a rupee per cent.
As for the silver which goes out from the sarquet 1 or
treasury of the King, there is never anything base in
it, for all that goes into it is carefully examined by the
Changers of the King, and the great nobles also have
their own. Before the silver goes into the treasury
they throw it into a large charcoal fire, and when the
rupees are red they extinguish the fire by means of
water, after which they withdraw them. If any one is
found which is not perfectly white, and has the slightest
trace of alloy, it is immediately cut. Whenever these
rupees enter the treasury they strike them with a punch,
which makes a small hole without piercing ; and there
are some of them which have seven or eight holes of this
kind, i.e. which have entered the treasury seven or
eight times. They are all placed by the thousand in
sacks with the seal of the grand treasurer, to which is
added the number of years since they have been coined.
It is in this that the profit consists which the treasurers
1 Sarquet, possibly for zakhira, Hin., i.e. treasure or treasury, but
it more probably represents sarkdr, an abbreviation for mdl-i-sarkar
or khazdna-i-sarkdr, i.e. the Government Treasury.

SHAISTA KHAN 31

make, both those of the King and those of the nobles
of the kingdom. When one makes a sale it is in new
rupees, coined in the same year ; but when one comes
to receive payment the treasurers desire to make it in
old rupees, by which one stands to lose up to 6 per
cent ; and if one wishes to have new silver, he must
resolve to compound with them. On my fifth journey
I went to see ShAistA KhAn,1 as I had promised him
to do so on the preceding occasion, having pledged
myself that he would be the first who should see what
I had brought. Immediately on my arrival at Surat I
let him know, and I received a command to go to meet
him at Choupart, a town of the Deccan 2 to which he
had laid siege. Having reached him in a short time,
I sold him with but few words the greater part of what
I had brought from Europe, and he told me that he
awaited from day to day the money which they should
send him from Surat to pay the army and to pay me
at the same time for that which he had bought from me.
I was unable to believe, however, that this Prince was
with so large an army without having much money with
him, and I rather thought that he desired to make me
lose something on the gold or silver pieces which I
should receive for my payment, as he had done on my
previous journey. The thing happened as I had fore
seen ; but for my sustenance and that of my people
and cattle, he ordered that they should bring me food
1 Shaista Khan. See p. 1 8 n.
2 In Book II, chap, xi, this place is spelt Choupar. It was probably
Sholapur, in the Deccan. The sale was made in 1660, during Tavernier's
fifth visit to India. In his Persian Travels, he states (Book IV, p. 467)
that on his sixth journey, when at Ispahan, in 1664, he told the King
that he had sold the jewels, which he had shown to him on the previous
occasion, to Shaista Khan for 120,000 rupees.

32 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i

in abundance, both evening and morning, and on most
days he sent to invite me to eat with him. Ten or
twelve days passed, during which I heard no mention
of the money for which he waited, and being resolved
to take leave of him, I went to his tent. He appeared
somewhat surprised, and, regarding me with a sullen
countenance, "Wherefore," said he to me, "do you
wish to leave without being paid ? and who would pay
you afterwards if you went away without receiving your
money ? " At these words, assuming a look as proud
as his: "My King," I replied, "will cause me to be
paid ; for he is so generous that he will pay all his
subjects when they have not had satisfaction for what
they have sold in foreign countries." "And in what
manner would thy King recoup himself ? " replied
he, as in a rage. "With two or three good vessels of
war," I replied, " which he will send to the port of
Surat or towards its coasts, to await those coming
from Mocha." He appeared stung by this reply, and,
not daring to carry his ill-humour further, he at once
commanded his treasurer to give me a letter of exchange
on AurangAbAd. At which I was very glad, because
it was a place through which I had to pass in order to
go to Golconda,1 and which, moreover, spared me
carriage and the risk to my money. The following
day I received my letter of exchange, and took my
leave of the Prince, who was no longer angry, and he
requested me if I returned to India not to omit to go
1 There appears to be no other indication of Tavernier's destination
at this time ; he probably spent, according to M. Joret, the latter part
of this year (1660) in this journey to Golconda and the return to Surat,
embarking for Bandar Abbas at the end of the same year or the
beginning of 1661.

chap, ii TAVERNIER'S PAYMENT 33
and see him ; which I did on my sixth and last journey.1
When I arrived at Surat he was in Bengal, where 1
went to seek him, and he bought from me the residue
of my goods which I had not been able to sell either to
the King of Persia or to the Great Mogul.
To return to my payment, having arrived at
AurangAbAd, I went to seek the Grand Treasurer,
who had never previously seen me, but he told me
that he knew wherefore I had come to see him, that
three days previously he had received notice, and that
he had already drawn from the treasury the money
which he was to pay me.2 When all the bags
required for my payment had been brought, I caused
one of them to be opened by my Changer, who saw
that it contained rupees on which 2 per cent would
be lost. Upon which I thanked the Treasurer, and told
him that I did not understand that sort of thing, that I
would send one of my people to complain to ShAistA
KhAn and ask him to order that I should be paid in
new silver, or I would go to reclaim my goods : this I
straightway did. But having sent a man to him, and
getting no reply by the time that I might have received
one, I went to tell the Treasurer that since I had no
news from the Prince I was going myself to take back
what I had sold. I believe that he had already received
instructions as to what he should do, for seeing that I
was resolved to start he said he would be grieved by
the trouble I was taking, and it would be better that
1 In 1666. (See Book I, chap, viii.)
2 Elsewhere (Book II, chap, xi) he says the payment was made at
Dultabat (DaulataLiid) by the Treasurer, who, four days previously, had
received an advice of his coming. In that passage, so far from alluding
to difficulties, he praises the exactitude of the Indians in reference to
matters of trade.
VOL. I D

34 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
we should agree with one another. In short, after
several discussions concerning the 2 per cent which
they desired I should lose, I obtained 1 per cent of
it ; and I would have lost the other except for the
fortunate meeting with a Shroff who had to receive
payment of a letter of exchange on Golconda ; for this
Shroff, not having money at hand, was very glad to
accommodate himself with mine, causing me to receive
the same sum in new silver at Golconda at fifteen
days' sight.
Finally, these Changers, in order to test silver, make
use of thirteen small pieces, one half of copper and the
other of silver, which are the "touches."1
These thirteen pieces, being all of different stand
ards, are not used by them except when a small
quantity of silver or some worked silver is in question ;
for in the case of a large amount they carry it to the
refiner. All this silver is bought by the weight called
tola, which weighs 9 deniers and % grains, or 32 vals,
and 81 vals make, as I have said, one once;2 so that 100
tolas makes 38 onces 21 deniers and 8 grains.
The following are the different values of the 13
standards of silver.
The first and lowest standard they take at 1 5 paisd
the tola, which make of our money . . 9 sols 2 deniers}
The 2d at 18 paisd, which are equal to 10 ,, 2
3d » 2° » „ „ 12 „ 6 „
4th „ 23 „ „ „ I4 n 6 >t
1 The French original contains a figure of the touchstones. A
¦description of them will be also found in the Ain-i-Akbdri.
2 See p. 25.
3 As the sol was the sixtieth part of the icu of 4s. 6d., its value was
.9 of a penny, and the ordinary paisd of Tavernier was consequently
worth .54 of a penny. See p. 25 n. and Appendix.

CHAP. II

PARSIMONY OF THE SHROFFS

35

The 5 th at 26 paisd, which are equal to 1 5 sols 10 deniers.

6th ,, 29
7th „ 33
3th „ 35
9th „ 38
10th ,, 40
nth „ 43
1 2th ,, 46
13th „ 49

17 » 6
19 „ 2
20 ,, 10
22 ,, 6
24 >, 2
25 » 10
27 „ 6
29 » 2

I must not forget to remark here on the extreme
parsimony both of these Shroffs, or Changers, and of
all Indians in general ; and it will suffice to give an
example of it which is very special, and of which
Europeans are not as yet aware. It is, that of all the
gold which remains on the touchstone when an assay
has been made, and of which we here make no account,
far from allowing so small a thing to be lost, they
collect it all by means of a ball, made half of black
pitch, and half of wax, with which they rub the stone
which carries the gold, and at the end of some years
they burn the ball and find the gold which it has
accumulated'. This ball is about the size of our tennis-
court balls, and the stone is like those which our
goldsmiths commonly use.
This is all that I have been able to remark of
special importance with regard to the customs and
coins of India, and there only remains for me to speak
of the exchange.
As all goods produced in the Empire of the Great
Mogul, and a portion of those of the Kingdom of
Golconda and the Kingdom of Bijapur, reach
Surat to be exported by sea to different places of

36 TRAVELS IN INDIA book I
Asia and Europe, when one leaves Surat to go for
the purchase of these goods in the towns from whence
they are obtained, as at Lahor, Agra, Amadabat,
Seronge, Brampour, Daca, Patna, Banarou, Gol
conda, Decan, Visapour, and Dultabad,1 one takes
silver from Surat and disposes of it at the places
where one goes, giving coin for coin at par. But
when it happens that the merchant finds himself short
of money in these same places, and that he has need
of it to enable him to pay for the goods which he has
bought, it is necessary for him to meet it at Surat,
when the bill is due, which is at two months, and by
paying a high rate of exchange.
At Lahore on Surat the exchange goes up to 6^
per cent.
At Agra from \\ to 5.
At AhmadAbAd from 1 to \\.
At Sironj to 3.
At BurhAnpur from 2\ to 3.
At Dacca to 10.
At Patna from 7 to 8.
At Benares to 6.
At these three last places they only give letters of ex
change on Agra, and at Agra they give others on Surat,
the whole only amounting to the sum I have stated.
At Golconda from 4 to 5.
And on Goa the same.
At Deccan to 3.
At Bijapur to 3.
At DaulatAbAd from 1 to 1^.
1 Lahore, Agra, Ahmadabad, Sironj, Berhampur or Burhanpur,
Dacca, Benares, Golconda, Deccan, Bijapur, and Daulatabad. These
spellings will be used on subsequent pages.

chap, n MERCHANTS' RISKS 37
In some years the exchange rises from i to 2 per
cent, when there are Rajas, or petty tributary Princes,
who interfere with trade, each claiming that the
goods ought to traverse his territory and pay him
custom. There are two in particular between Agra
and AhmadAbAd, one of whom is the Raja of Antivar,1
and the other the Raja of Bergam,2 who disturb the
merchants much in reference to this matter. One
may, however, avoid passing the territories of these
two Princes by taking another route from Agra to
Surat by way of Sironj and BurhAnpur3; but these
are fertile lands intersected by several rivers, the
greater number of which are without bridges and with
out boats, and it is impossible to pass until two months
after the rainy season. It is for this reason that the
merchants who have to be at Surat in the season for
going to sea, generally take their way through the
country of these two Rajas, because they are able to
traverse it at all seasons, even in the time of the rains,
which consolidate the sand with which nearly the
whole country is covered.
Besides, it is not to be wondered at that the ex
change is so high, for those who lend the money run,
for their part, the risk that if the goods are stolen the
money is lost to them.
When you arrive at Surat, to embark, you find
there also plenty of money. For it is the principal
trade of the nobles of India to place their money
in vessels in speculations for Hormuz, Bassora, and
1 A misprint, probably, for Dantivar (see Book I, chap, v), i.e.
Danta, or Dantawar, a State in Gujarat.
2 Probably the Bargant of Book I, chap. v. In the edition of 17 13
it is given as Bergant. The proper name is possibly Wungaon.
3 For description of Sironj and Burhanpur see chap. iv.

_ 38 TRAVELS IN INDIA

Mocha, and even for Bantam, Achin, and the
Philippines. For Mocha and Bassora the exchange
ranges from 22 to 24 per cent, and for Hormuz from
16 to 20 ; and for the other places which I have
named the exchange varies in proportion to the dis
tance. But if the goods happen to be lost by tempest,
or to fall into the hands of the Malabaris,1 who are the
pirates of the Indian seas, the money is lost to
those who have risked lending it.
I have but one word to say, in addition, regarding
the weights and measures. Here, in the margin, is
the 5 th part of the ell of Agra, and the 4th of the ell
of AhmadAbAd and Surat. As for the weights, the
ordinary mand is 69 livres, and the livre is of 1 6 onces ;
but the mand, which is used to weigh indigo, is only
53 livres. At Surat you speak of a seer, which is
if livres} and the livre is 16 onces.
1 Malavares in the original.
2 This must mean one |ths of a livre, as elsewhere in this volume ;
that is about the relation, roughly speaking, namely, 12 French onces.
The present authorised British weights are —
80 tolas (or rupee's weight) = 1 seer = i\ lbs. Troy.
40 seers = 1 mand or maund = . 100 ,, „

CHAPTER III
Concerning carriages and the manner of travelling in
India
Before setting out for Agra, it is appropriate to
speak of the carriages and of the manner of travelling
in India, which, in my opinion, is not less convenient
than all that they have been able to invent in order that
one may be carried in comfort either in France or in
Italy. Different from (the custom in) Persia, one
does not employ in India in caravans or journeys
either asses, mules, or horses, all being carried there
on oxen or by waggon, as the country is sufficiently
level.1 If any merchant takes a horse from Persia he
only does it for show, and to have him led by hand,
or in order to sell him advantageously to some noble.
They give an ox a load weighing 300 or 350
livres, and it is an astonishing sight to behold caravans
numbering 10,000 or 1 2,000 oxen together, for the trans
port of rice, corn, and salt — in the places where they
exchange these commodities — carrying rice to where
corn only grows, and corn to where rice only grows,
1 The English translation of this passage by John Phillips, in 1677
and 1684, is, like many others, curiously inaccurate, and, as a sample,
it may be given here : " Quite otherwise it is in Persia, where they
neither make use of asses, mules, nor horses, but transport all their wares
to the Indies upon oxen or in wains, their countries being so near to
one another !"

40 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
and salt to the places where there is none. They use
camels also for caravans, but rarely, and they are
specially reserved to carry the baggage of the nobles.
When the season presses, and they wish to have the
goods quickly at Surat, in order to ship them, they
load them on oxen, and not on carts. As all the
territories of the Great Mogul are well cultivated, the
fields are enclosed by good ditches, and each has its
tank or reservoir for irrigation. This it is which is so
inconvenient for travellers, because, when they meet
caravans of this description in narrow roads, they are
sometimes obliged to wait two or three days till all
have passed. Those who drive these oxen follow no
other trade all their lives ; they never dwell in houses,
and they take with them their women and children.1
Some among them possess 100 oxen, others have
more or fewer, and they all have a Chief, who acts as a
prince, and who always has a chain of pearls suspended
from his neck. When the caravan which carries corn
and that which carries rice meet, rather than give way
one to the other, they often engage in very sanguinary
encounters. The Great Mogul, considering one day
that these quarrels were prejudicial to commerce and
to the transport of food in his kingdom, arranged that
the Chiefs of the two caravans should come to see
him. When they had arrived, the King, after he had
advised them for their mutual benefit to live for the
future in harmony with each other, and not to fight
1 The well-known Brinjards perform most of this carrying trade in
India at present. In the Central Provinces, South- Western Bengal, and
the northern districts of Madras, I have met with large numbers of
them ; and in Sambalpur I have seen their fixed depots, where the infirm
are left while the others are on their journeys. Railways have driven
them from many of the routes which they used to follow.

CARRIER TRIBES 41

any more when they met, presented each of them
with a lakh, or 100,000 rupees,1 and a chain of
pearls. In order to enable the reader to understand this
manner of carrying in India, it should be remarked that
among the idolaters of this country there are four tribes,
whom they call Manaris} of which each numbers
about one hundred thousand souls. These people
dwell in tents, as I have said, and have no other trade
but to transport provisions from one country to another.
The first of these tribes has to do with corn only, the
second with rice, the third with pulse, and the fourth
with salt, which it obtains from Surat, and even from
as far as Cape Comorin. You can also distinguish
these tribes in this manner — their priests, of whom I
shall elsewhere speak, mark those of the first with a
red gum, of the size of a crown, on the middle of the
forehead, and make a streak along the nose, attaching
to it above some grains of corn, sometimes nine, some
times twelve, in the form of a rose. Those of the
second are marked with a yellow gum, in the same
places, but with grains of rice ; those of the third with
a gray gum, with grains of millet, and also on the
shoulders, but without placing grains there. As for
those of the fourth, they carry a lump of salt, suspended
from the neck in a bag, which weighs sometimes from
8 to 10 livres (for the heavier it is the more honour
they have in carrying it), with which, by way of penance
before praying, they beat their stomachs every morning.
1 See p. 28 n.
2 Manaris; PMundaris or Mundas, with whom, however, the Brin-
jiras or Liibh^nas cannot be identified. See Anglo-Indian Glossary,
P- 333-

42 TRAVELS IN INDIA

All have in general a string, or tress, round the
shoulders, from which hangs a small box of silver in
the form of a reliquary, of the size of a good hazel nut,
in which they keep a superstitious writing which their
priests have enclosed in it. They place them also on
their oxen, and on the other animals born in their
herds, for which they entertain a special affection,
loving them as dearly as they do their children,
especially when they have none of the latter.1
The dress of the women is but a simple cloth, white
or coloured, which makes five or six turns like a
petticoat from the waist downwards, as if they had
three or four one above the other. From the waist
upwards they tatoo their skin with flowers, like as
when one applies cupping glasses, and they paint these
flowers divers colours with the juice of roots,2 in such
a manner that it seems as though their skin was a
flowered fabric.
While the men load their animals in the morning
and the women fold up their tents, the priests who
follow them elevate, in the most beautiful parts of the
plain where they are encamped, an idol in the form of
a serpent, entwined about a staff of six or seven feet
in height,3 and each one in file goes to make reverence
to it, the girls turning round it three times. After all
have passed, the priests take care to remove the idol
and to load it on an ox allocated for that purpose.
The caravans of waggons do not ordinarily consist
of more than one hundred or two hundred at the most.
1 Tavernier here seems to perpetrate something very like a " bull."
2 The English translation of John Phillips has it juice of "grapes ;"
but the original word is racines, not raisins.
3 This cannot fail to suggest the brazen serpent which Moses lifted
up in the wilderness. Here the allusion is to ndg, or snake worship.

chap, in TRAVELLING IN INDIA 43
Each waggon is drawn by ten or twelve oxen, and
accompanied by four soldiers, whom the owner of the
merchandise is obliged to pay. Two of them walk on
each side of the waggon, over which there are two cords
passed, and the four ends are held by the soldiers, so
that if the waggon threatens to upset in a bad place,
the two soldiers who are on the opposite side hold the
cords tight, and prevent it turning over.
All the waggons which come to Surat from Agra
or from other places in the Empire, and which return
by Agra and JahAnAbAd,1 are compelled to carry lime,
which comes from Broach, and which, as soon as it is
used, becomes as hard as marble.2 It is a great source
of profit to the King, who sends this lime where he
pleases ; but, on the other hand, he takes no dues from
the waggons.
I come to the manner of travelling in India, where
oxen take the place of horses, and there are some
of them whose paces are as easy as those of our
hacks. But you should take care when you buy or
hire an ox for riding that he has not horns longer than
a foot, because, if they are longer, when the flies sting
him, he chafes and tosses back the head, and may
plant a horn in your stomach, as has happened several
times. These oxen allow themselves to be driven like
our horses, and have for sole bridle a cord, which
passes through the tendon of the muzzle or the nostrils.
In level tracts, where there are no stones, they do not
shoe these oxen, but they always do so in rough places,
both on account of the pebbles and because of the
heat, which may injure the hoof. Whereas in Europe
1 Janabat in the original.
2 Coral or shell lime probably, which make the best chundm.

44 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
we attach our oxen by the horns; those of India have
a large hump on the neck,1 which keeps in position
a leather collar about four fingers wide, which they
have only to throw over the head when they harness
them. They have also, for travelling, small, very light
carriages, which can contain two persons ; 2 but usually
one travels alone, in order to be more comfortable,
being then able to have his clothes with him ; the
canteen of wine and some small requisites for the
journey having their place under the carriage, to which
they harness a pair of oxen only. These carriages,
which are provided, like ours, with curtains and
cushions, are not slung ; but, on the occasion of my
last journey, I had one made after our manner, and the
two oxen by which it was drawn cost me very nearly
600 rupees.3 The reader need not be astonished at
this price, for there are some of them which are strong,
and make journeys lasting 60 days, at 12 or 15 leagues
a day, and always at the trot. When they have ac
complished half the journey, they give to each two
or three balls of the size of our penny rolls, made of
wheaten flour, kneaded with butter and black sugar,
and in the evening they have a meal of chick-peas,
1 The hump on the shoulders was unknown to John Phillips, the
author of the English translation of 1677 and 1684, so he renders this
passage, " the Indians only put a thick truss upon their necks, that
keeps," etc. This is a good example of the kind of mistake many trans
lators have fallen into when, in ignorance of local facts, they have
strained their author's words in order to make sense, as they conceive it.
2 The vehicle known as a tonga in India.
3 I believe as much as Rs.500, and perhaps more, is sometimes
given now in Bombay and the Central Provinces for a good pair of
trotting bullocks. The pace they can keep up has to be experienced
in order to be properly realised.

chap, iii PALLANKEENS 45
crushed and steeped in water for half an hour. The
hire of a carriage amounts to about a rupee a day.
The journey from Surat to Agra occupies thirty-five
or forty days' journey by road, and you pay for the
whole journey from 40 to 45 rupees. From Surat to
Golconda it is nearly the same distance and the same
price, and it is in the same proportion throughout the
whole of India.
Those who can afford to take their ease make use
of a pallankeen} in which they travel very comfortably.
It is a kind of bed, of 6 or 7 feet long and 3 feet wide,
with a small rail all round. A sort of cane, called
bamboo,2 which they bend when young, in order to
cause it to take the form of a bow in the middle,
sustains the cover of the pallankeen, which is of satin
or brocade ; and when the sun shines on one side,
an attendant, who walks near the pallankeen, takes
care to lower the covering. There is another, who
carries at the end of a stick a kind of basket-work
shield, covered with some kind of beautiful stuff, in
order to promptly shelter the occupant of the pallan
keen from the heat of the sun when it turns and strikes
him on the face.3 The two ends of the bamboo are
attached on both sides to the body of the pallankeen
between two poles, joined together in a saltier, or St.
Andrew's Cross, and each of these poles is 5 or 6 feet
1 Pallanquin in the original. Palki and Pallankeen are the terms
now used in India.
2 Bambouc in the original. Bamboo {Bambusa arundinacea, etc.)
It is not necessary to grow bamboos to a particular shape, as by means
of fire they can be made to bend into the required forms. Still, they
are so trained sometimes during growth, I believe.
3 The English translation of 1684 says, "when he turns and lies on
his face."

46 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
long. Some of these bamboos cost as much as 200
e'cus, and I have paid 125 for one. Three men, at
most, place themselves at each of these two ends, to
carry the pallankeen on the shoulder, the one on the
right and the other on the left, and they travel in this
way faster than our chairmen in Paris, and with an
easier pace, being trained to the trade from an early
age. When you wish to make haste, and travel up to
1 3 or 14 leagues a day, you take 1 2 men to carry the
pallankeen, so that they may relieve one another from
time to time. You pay each, for everything, only 4
rupees a month, but you pay up to 5 rupees when the
journey is long, and when it is required to travel for
more than sixty days.
Whether by carriage or pallankeen he who desires
to travel with honour in India ought to take with him
20 or 30 armed men, some with bows and arrows and
others with muskets, and you pay them as much per
month as to those who carry the pallankeen. Some
times, for greater show, you carry a flag. This is
always done by the English and Dutch, for the honour
of their Companies. These attendants not only con
duce to your honour, but they watch also for your
protection, and act as sentinels in the night, relieving
one another, and striving to give you no cause of
complaint against them. For it should be mentioned
that in the towns where you hire them they have a
head man who answers for their honesty, and when
you employ them, each one gives him a rupee.1
In the large villages there is generally a Muham
madan Governor, and there you find sheep, fowl,
and pigeons for sale ; but in the places where there
1 A custom still common in India.

chap, iii MEASURES OF DISTANCE 47
are only Banians, you only find flour, rice, vegetables,
and milk.
The great heats of India compel travellers who are
not accustomed to it to travel by night, in order to rest
by day. When they enter towns which are closed
they must leave by sunset, if they wish to take the
road. For night being come, and the gates closed,
the Governor of the place, who has to answer for
thefts which occur within his jurisdiction, does not
allow any one to go out, and says that it is the King's
order, which he must obey. When I entered such
places I took provisions, and left early, in order to
camp outside under some tree in the shade, waiting till
it was the hour to march.
They measure the distances of places in India by
gos and by coss. A gos 1 is about four of our common
leagues, and a coss 2 about one league.
It is time now to leave Surat for Agra and
JahAnAbAd, in order to see what is remarkable on that
route.
1 The gos, or gau, is equal to about 8 miles in Southern India, but
in Ceylon, according to Sir Emerson Tennent, it is only from 3J to
4 miles. 2 In the original edition this word is spelt coste by mistake, as
explained in the " Avis;" in subsequent editions it is cosse. It has
been thought better to substitute the ordinary Anglo-Indian term coss
throughout in this translation. While here definitely, and elsewhere
inferentially, Tavernier gives the coss an equal value with the league,
Thevenot says the coss was only half a league. The old French " lieue
de poste" = 2 miles 743 yards, and Akbar's coss =2 miles 1038 yards.
But the coss was and is a most variable unit, as, indeed, Tavernier
himself remarks. In some parts of India it exceeds 3 miles, and the
Bengal coss of 4000 cubits or 2000 yards =1 m. 1 f. 3 p. 3 \ y. (See
Appendix to this volume.)

CHAPTER IV
Route from Surat to Agra by BurhAnpur and Sironj
All the routes by which one can travel to the principal
towns of India are not less well known to me than are
those of Turkey and of Persia, and, for six journeys
which I have made from Paris to Ispahan, I have
made double the number from Ispahan to Agra, and
to several other places in the Empire of the Great
Mogul. But it would weary the reader to cause him
to pass more than once by the same roads while giving
him an account of these different journeys, and of
sundry small adventures with which they have been
accompanied ; therefore it is that, without indicating
for him the times at which I have made them, it will
suffice to give him an exact description of each route.
There are but two roads from Surat to Agra, one
by BurhAnpur and Sironj, and the other by Ahmad-
AbAd, and the first will form the subject of this chapter.
From Surat to Barnoly (Bardoli1), 14 coss.
Bardoli is a large town where you cross a river
by a ford, and traverse in this first march a country of
mixed character, sometimes meeting woods, and some
times fields of wheat and rice.
1 Bardoli, or Panoli of some maps. The distance from Surat as
the crow flies is only about 1 8 miles. In chap. ix. it is said to be 1 2
coss only.

chap, iv THE BEGUM'S CARAVANSARAI 49
From Barnoly to Balor (Ballor), io coss.
Ballor is also a large village, and is situated on a
tank which has about a league in circuit, upon the edge
of which you see a good fort, which, however, they
neglect to keep in repair. Three-quarters of a league on
this side of the village you pass a rivulet by a ford, but
with much difficulty, because there are many rocks and
stones under the water which are liable to overturn a
carriage. You travel this second day nearly altogether
in woods. From Balor to Kerkoa,1 or, as they now call it, the
Begum's caravansardi, 5 coss.
This caravansardi is large and spacious, and it is
Begum -Sahib, the daughter of ShAh JahAn, who
caused it to be built as a work of charity. For for
merly the stage from Ballor to NawapurA was too
long, and this place being on the frontier of the
country of those Rajas who are generally unwilling to
recognise the Great Mogul, whose vassals they are,
scarcely a caravan passed there which was not ill-
treated ; moreover, it is a forest country. Between
the caravansardi and NawapurA you pass a river by
a ford, and another close to NawapurA.2
From Kerkoa to Navapoura (NawapurA), 15 coss}
NawapurA is a large village full of weavers, but
rice constitutes the principal article of commerce in the
place. A river passes by it, which makes the soil excel-
1 The site of Kerkoa, or the Begum's caivansera {sic in orig.), is
probably near Behahi. (See Book I, chap, ix.)
2 These rivers are tributaries of the Tapti.
3 From Bardoli (Panoli) to Nawapiird the distance as the crow
flies is 42 miles ; here it is given as 30 coss, and in chap. ix. as 28 coss.
This and the preceding stage indicate a value of something less than
1^ mile for the coss. (See Book I, chap, ix.)
VOL. I E

50 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
lent, and irrigates the rice, which requires water. All
the rice which grows in this country possesses a
particular quality, causing it to be much esteemed.
Its grain is half as small again as that of common rice,
and, when it is cooked, snow is not whiter than it is,
besides which, it smells like musk, and all the nobles
of India eat no other. When you wish to make an
acceptable present to any one in Persia, you take him
a sack of this rice. It is the river which passes
Kerkoa, and the others of which I have spoken,
which combine to form the Surat river.1
From NAVAPOURAto Nasarbar(NandurbAr) gcoss.
,, Nasarbar to Dol-Medan (?) . . 14 ,,
,, Dol-Medan to Senquera (Sindkeir) 7 ,,
,, Senquera to Tallener (TAlneir) . 10 ,,
At TAlneir you cross the river which goes to
Broach, where it is very wide, and from thence it flows
into the Gulf of Cambay.2
From Tallener to Choupre (ChoprA) . 15 coss.
„ Choupre to Senquelis (Sankli) . 13 „
,, Senquelis to Nabir (RAver?) . 10 ,,
,, Nabir to Baldelpoura (BalledA) 93 ,,
It is at BalledA that loaded carts pay the BurhAn
pur customs dues, but the carts which only carry pas
sengers paynothing. Between NawapurA and BurhAn
pur it is all a good country for wheat, rice, and indigo.
From Baldelpoura to Brampour4 (BurhAnpur),
5 coss. 1 The Tdpti.
2 This is a mistake, as the river at TaJneir is the Tapti. It is the
Narbadd which goes to Broach.
3 These distances appear to be too great.
4 Burhanpur or Berhampur, now a station on the Great Indian Penin
sular Railway.

BURHANPUR 51

Burhanpur is a large, much-ruined town, of which
the houses are for the most part covered with thatch.
It has a large castle still standing in the middle of the
town, and it is there that the Governor resides. The
government of this province is so important that it is
conferred only upon a son or an uncle of the King, and
Aurangzeb, who now reigns, was for a long time
Governor of BurhAnpur during the reign of his father.
But since they have realised what can be yielded by
the province of Bengal, which formerly bore the title
of kingdom, as I shall elsewhere indicate, its govern
ment is now the most considerable in the Empire of
the Great Mogul. There is a large trade in this
town, and both at BurhAnpur itself and in all the
province an enormous quantity of very transparent
muslins are made, which are exported to Persia,
Turkey, Muscovie, Poland, Arabia, Grand Cairo,
and other places. Some of these are dyed various
colours and with flowers, and women make veils and
scarfs of them ; they also serve for the covers of beds,
and for handkerchiefs, such as we see in Europe with
those who take snuff. There are other fabrics, which
they allow to remain white, with a stripe or two of
gold or silver the whole length of the piece, and at
each of the ends, from the breadth of one inch up to
twelve or fifteen — in some more, and in others less —
it is a tissue of gold, silver, and of silk with flowers,
whereof there is no reverse, one side being as beau
tiful as the other. If those which they export to
Poland, where they are in great demand, have
not at both ends, at the least, three or four inches
of gold or silver, or if this gold and silver become
black when crossing the ocean between Surat and

52 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
Hormuz, and from Trebizonde to Mangalia,1 or other
ports of the Black Sea, the merchant cannot dispose
of them except at great loss. He ought to take great
care that the goods are well packed, and that damp
cannot enter : this, for so long a voyage, requires much
care and trouble. Some of these fabrics are all
banded, half cotton and half gold or silver, and such
pieces are called ornis.2 They contain from fifteen to
twenty ells, and cost from one hundred to one hundred
and fifty rupees, the cheapest being not under ten or
twelve. Those which are only about two ells long
serve ladies of rank for the purpose of making scarfs
and the veils which they wear on their heads, and they '
are sold in abundance in Persia and in Turkey. They
make, besides, at BurhAnpur other kinds of fabrics,
and there is hardly another province in the whole of
India which has a greater abundance of cotton.
In leaving the town of BurhAnpur there is another
river to be crossed besides the large one 3 of which I
have above spoken ; as it has no bridge, when the
water is low you cross by a ford, and by boat in the
rainy season.
The distance from Surat to BurhAnpur is 132 coss,
and these coss are the smallest in India, a cart being
able to traverse one in less than an hour.
I remember here a strange commotion which arose
at BurhAnpur in the year 1 64 1,4 when I was returning
1 Mingrelia ? in Transcaucasia, now Russian territory.
2 Ornis. This word may perhaps represent orhni. Hind., a
woman's mantle. In Book II, chaps, xii and xiv, it is spelt ormis, and
in the 1679 edition ormus.
3 The larger river is the Tapti, and the other, one of its tributaries.
4 In reference to this casual mention of a date, M. Joret remarks
that Tavernier has been lost sight of from the spring of 1639, when he

chap, iv A MURDER AT BURHANPUR 53
from Agra to Surat. In a few words, the origin of it
was as follows. The Governor of the Province, who
was the nephew of the King on his mother's side, had
among his pages a young man of handsome appearance
and fairly good family, who had a brother who lived as
a Dervish} and for whom all the town entertained much
veneration. One day . . . the page, observing that
he was about to commit an offence, stabbed him three
times in the stomach, and slew him before he could
open his lips to cry aloud. This being done, the page
left the palace without allowing any sign of emotion to
appear on his face, and the guards at the gate thought
that the Governor had sent him on some message.
The Dervish having learnt from his brother how the
affair had passed, in order to preserve him from the
fury of the people, and to disclose at the same time the
infamy of the Governor, caused all the other Dervishes,
his comrades, to seize the banners of Muhammad which
were planted about the mosque, and at the same time
they cried out that all the Dervishes and Fakirs and
others, who were good Muhammadans, should follow
them. In less than an hour a multitude of rabble
assembled, and the Dervish, taking the lead with his
brother, went straight to the palace, crying out with all
their might, " Let us die for Muhammad, or let them give
to us that infamous person in order that dogs may eat
was at Ispahan, till he turns up thus in India in 1641. Towards the
end of the same year he says he went to Goa (Book I, ch. xii). It is
probable, M. Joret adds, that he spent the winter of 1640-41 at Agra,
and in the same journey paid his first visit to Dacca in Bengal, which
he revisited in 1666-67. In Book III, ch. xiv, he says, however, he was
in Agra in 1642, which M. Joret thinks may be a misprint for 1641.
{Jean Baptiste Tavernier, par C. Joret, Paris, 1886, pp. 54-6o ; see also
the Introduction to this volume.)
1 Deruich in original, for Dervish.

54 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
him after his death, as he is not worthy to be interred
amongst Mussulmans!' The guard of the palace was
not in a condition to resist such a multitude, and would
have yielded to them, if the Darogha x of the town with
five or six nobles had not found an opportunity of
making themselves heard, and of appeasing them, by
representing to them that they should have some
respect for a nephew of the King, and by obliging
them to withdraw. The same night the body of the
Governor was carried to Agra, together with his harem,
and ShAh JahAn, who reigned then, having heard the
news, was not in the least distressed, because he in
herited the property of all his subjects, and he even
bestowed on the page a small appointment in Bengal.
From Brampour to Piombi-sera(P), 5 coss.
Before proceeding further, it should be remarked
that throughout, wherever the word sera occurs, it
means that it is a great enclosure of walls or hedges,
within which are arranged all round 50 or 60 huts
covered with thatch. There are some men and women
there who sell flour, rice, butter, and vegetables, and
who take care to prepare bread and cook rice. If by
chance any Muhammadan should come there, he goes
to the village to seek for a piece of mutton or a fowl,
and. those who supply the food to the traveller clean
out for him the house that he wishes to take, and place
in it a small bed of girths,2 upon which he spreads the
mattress that he carries on the road.
From Piombi-sera to Pander (Mandwa) . 3 coss.
1 Deroga in original.
2 A charpoy {charpdi, Hind.), with plaited tape {newdr) stretched
across the frame. Such beds are still to be found in the Government
Rest Houses or Dawk Bungalows.

chap, iv HINDIA 55

From Pander to Balki-sera (BalwArA ?) . 6 coss.
Balki-seri to Nevelki-sera(P) . 5
NEVELKI-SERA to COUSEMBA (?) . 5
Cousemba to Chenipour (Chainpur) 3
Chenipour to Charoua (CharwA) . 8
Charoua to Bich-ola (BicholA) . 8
Bich-ola to Andy (HindiA) . . 4
At H indiA1 you cross a river which discharges it
self into the Ganges between Benares and Patna.
From Andy to Onquenas(?) . . .4 coss.
Onquenas to Tiquery (?) . . 5
TlQUERY tO TOOLMEDEN (?) .4
Toolmeden to Nova-sera (?) . . 4
Nova-sera to Ichavour (IchAwar) . 4
Ichavour to Signor (Sehore) . 5
Signor to Chekaipour 2 (SheikhpurA) 3
Chekaipour to Dour-ay (DurAhA) . 3
Dour- ay to Ater-kaira (HatiAkherA) 3
Ater-kaira to Telor (Dilod) . 4
1 Andy. Owing to the position of this place being given as on a
river which joined the Ganges, I endeavoured to see if it could possibly
be identified with Chandia' on the Sone, but its position is quite off the
route, and the distance is too great, while the distance to Hindis, or
Handid, on the Narbadd., in the Hoshangdbdd District, is right ; and as I
find Rennell has suggested the same conclusion, we must accept the
consequence that Tavernier was thinking of the course of the Sone when
he was writing of the Narbada, as the latter was often crossed by him,
and he must have known its course well. Under the rule of Akbar,
Hindid, as a fortified position on the route from Agra to Surat and Gol
conda, was of considerable importance ; to some extent this is testified
by the ruins. In confirmation of the above, I have just observed on a
map dated 1752, in the Histoire Generale des Voyages, that both Chandid
on the Sone and Hindid on the Narbadd are called Andi, which, there
fore, explains the confusion and mistake of Tavernier.
2 Chekaipour can scarcely have been Shikarpur, as it lies to the
south of Sihore and to the east of Ichawar. It appears to have been an
unimportant village called Sheikhpurf, which is on the line of route.

56 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
From Telor to San-kaira (SingatoriA ?) 3 coss.
San-kaira to Seronge (Sironj) 1 .12 ,,
Sironj is a large town, of which the majority of the
inhabitants are Banian merchants and artisans, who
have dwelt there from father to son, which is the reason
why it contains some houses of stone and brick. There
is a large trade there in all kinds of coloured calicoes,
which they call chites, with which all the common people
of Persia and Turkey are clad, and which are used in
several other countries for bedcovers and tablecloths.
They make similar calicoes in other places besides
Sironj, but the colours are not so lively, and they dis
appear when washed several times. It is different with
those of Sironj ; the more they are washed the more
beautiful they become. A river2 passes here, of which
the water possesses the property of giving this vivacity
to the colours ; and during the rainy season, which lasts
four months, the workers print their calicoes according
as the foreign merchants have given them patterns,
because, as soon as the rains have ceased, the water of
the river is more disturbed, and the sooner the calicoes-
are washed the better the colours hold, and become
more lively.3
There is also made at Sironj a description of muslin
which is so fine that when it is on the person you see
all the skin as though it were uncovered. The mer
chants are not. allowed to export it, and the Governor
1 Sironj is a town in the State of Tonk, Rajputana. It is now much
diminished from its former importance, which was largely due to the
muslins and chites or chintzes which were produced there. Whether
San-Kaira be rightly identified with Singatorid or not, the distance
from Dilod to Sironj is understated at 3 4- 12 = 15 coss, as it amounts
to upwards of 5 1 miles.
2 A tributary of the Betwah river. 3 See Book II, chap. xiii.

BurhAnpur TO SIRONJ 57

sends all of it for the Great Mogul's seraglio, and for
the principal courtiers. This it is of which the sultanas
and the wives of the great nobles make themselves
shifts and garments for the hot weather, and the King
and the nobles enjoy seeing them wearing these fine
shifts, and cause them to dance in them.
From BurhAnpur to Sironj there are 101 coss,
which are greater than those between Surat and
BurhAnpur, for a cart takes an hour, and sometimes
up to five quarters of an hour, to travel one of these
coss. In these ioo leagues1 of country you march for
whole days among fertile fields of wheat and rice, which
strongly resemble our fields at Beausse,2 for one rarely
meets with woods, and between Sironj and Agra
the country is of much the same character. As the
villages are very close to one another you travel in
comfort, and make the day's journey as you please.
From Seronge to Magalki-sera (Mogul-
sarAi) s  6 coss.
Magalki-sera to Paulki-sera (?) . 2 ,,
,, Paulki sera to Kasariki - sera
(Kachner) . . . . 3 „
,, Kasariki -sera to Chadolki-sera
(ShAdorA) . . . . . 6 ,,
,, Chadolki-sera to Callabas (KAlA-
bAgh) . . . . . 6 ,,
1 Here, as elsewhere, the league is used as the equivalent of the
coss, and the fact pointed out on p. 52 and in the Appendix that the
coss near Surat is a short one is referred to.
2 La Beauce or Beausse, an ancient division of France in Orleanais.
Its capital town was Chartres ; it formed an extensive and very fertile
plain ; it is now comprised in the Department of Eure et Loire.
3 Mogulsardi, or Moghal Sardi, in Tonk State, about 14 miles from
Sironj, is not to be mistaken for a place of the same name on the E.I.
Railway, near Benares.

58 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
KAlAbAgh is a large town, where formerly a great
Raja resided who paid tribute to the Great Mogul.
Generally, when caravans passed it, the merchants were
robbed, and he exacted from them excessive dues.
But since Aurangzeb came to the throne he cut off
his head, and those of a large number of his subjects.
They have set up towers near the town on the high
road, and these towers are pierced all round by several
windows, where they have placed in each one the head
of a man at every two feet. On my last journey, in
1665, it was not long since this execution had taken
place when I passed by KAlAbAgh ; for all the heads
were still entire, and gave out an unpleasant odour.
From Callabas to Akmate (Akai ?) . 2 coss.
„ Akmate to Collasar (KolAras x) . 9 ,,
KolAras is a small town, of which all the inhabit
ants are idolaters. As I was entering it, on this final
journey, there arrived there also eight large pieces of
artillery, some forty-eight pounders, the others thirty-
six pounders, each gun being drawn by twenty -four
pairs of oxen. A strong and powerful elephant was
following this artillery, and whenever there was a bad
spot from which the oxen had difficulty in drawing it,
they made the elephant advance, and push the gun
with his trunk.
Outside the town, for the whole length of the high
road, there are a number of large trees which they call
mengues2 and in several places near these trees you
see small pagodas, each of which has its idol at the
1 Kokiras, or Kailaras, a well-known town in Gwalior, though not
mentioned in the Imperial Gazetteer oj India. The total distance from
Mogulserai to Koldras, measured on the map, is about 62 miles.
2 Mangoes, the fruit of Mangifera Indica.

chap, iv AN ICONOCLASTIC ELEPHANT 59
entrance. This elephant, passing in front of one of
these pagodas, near to which I was encamped, and
where there were at the door three idols of about five
feet in height, when he was close by took one with
his trunk and broke it in two ; he then took the next,
and threw it so high and so far that it was broken in
four pieces ; while as for the third, he knocked off the
head with a blow of his trunk. Some thought that the
driver of the elephant had ordered him to do so, and
had given him the signal ; this I did not observe.
Nevertheless, the Banians regarded it with an evil eye,
without daring to say aught, for there were more than
2000 men to conduct the guns, all of them in the king's
service, and Muhammadans, with the exception of the
chief gunners, who were Franks, — French, English,
and Dutch. The King was sending this artillery to
the province of Deccan, where his army was opposed
to the Raja Siva-ji, who had pillaged Surat the
previous year, as I shall have occasion for describing
elsewhere. From Collasar to Sansele (Sipri) . . 6 coss.
„ Sansele to Dongry (Dongri)1 . 4 »
„ Dongry to Gate . . • • 3 »
Gate 2 is a pass in the mountains, which is half a
quarter of a league long, and which you descend when
going from Surat to Agra. You can still see at the
entrance the ruins of two or three castles, and the road
is so narrow that chariots can only pass one another
with the greatest difficulty.
1 Dongri of Atlas Sheet, 8 miles from Sipri, which is 15 miles from
Kolaras ; Dungri-Ghat is represented on some maps near Narwar.
2 Gate stands perhaps for some separate ghdt or pass, probably near
Gopalpur on the Sind river, about 6J- miles from Dongri.

60 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
Those who come from the south, en route to Agra,
as from Surat, Goa, Bijapur, Golconda, and Masu
lipatam, and other places, cannot avoid traversing this
pass, not having any other road except by taking that
through AhmadAbAd. There were formerly gates at
each end of the pass, and at that which was on the
Agra side there are five or six shops of Banians, who
sell flour, butter, rice, herbs, and vegetables. On my
last journey I halted at one of these shops while await
ing the coaches and carts, all having descended from
them for this transit. Close by them was a large store
full of sacks of rice and corn, and behind these sacks
there was concealed a snake of thirteen or fourteen feet
in length, and of proportionate girth. A woman while
taking some grain from the sacks was bitten on the
arm by this snake, and, feeling herself wounded, left
the shop, crying "Ram, Rami" that is to say, "Oh
God ! Oh God ! " Immediately several Banians, both
men and women, ran to her aid, and they tied the arm
above the wound, thinking that that would prevent the
poison from ascending higher. But it was unavailing,
for immediately her face swelled, and then became blue,
and she died in less than an hour. The Rajputs} who
are considered to be the best soldiers in India, consti
tute the heathen soldiery, and make no scruple of
killing when it is a question of attacking or defending.
As this woman was on the point of death, four of these
cavaliers arrived, and, having learnt what had happened,
entered the store each with a sword and a short pike in
his hand, and slew the serpent. The people of the
place then took it and threw it outside the village, and
immediately a great number of birds of prey pitched on
1 Ragipous in the original, Rajputs, the warrior caste.

NARWAR 61

the carcase, which was devoured in less than an hour.
The relatives of the woman took her body and carried
it to the river to wash it, after which they burnt it. I
was compelled to remain two days in this place, because
there is a river1 to cross, which, instead of lowering
itself, increased from hour to hour on account of the
rains which had fallen during three or four days, so that
I had to cross it half a league lower down. One always
strives to cross this river by ford, because in order to
reach the boats it is necessary to unload the carts and
coaches, and even to take them to pieces, so that they
may be carried by hand for the whole of this half-league
of road, which is the worst that it is possible to con
ceive. It is all covered with great rocks, and confined
between the mountain and the river, so that when the
waters are in flood they cover the whole road, there
being none but the people of the country who are able
to traverse it. They obtain their livelihood from the
passengers, from whom they take the most that they
can; but for that it were easy to facilitate the passage
by making a bridge, since there is no lack of either
wood or stone.
From Gate to Nader (NarwAr2), 4 coss.
NarwAr is a large town on the slope of a mountain,
1 The Sind river, a tributary of the Jumna.
2 Narwar or Ladara, in Gwalior, on right bank of Sind river, Lat.
25° 39' 2" N., Long. 77° 56' 57" E., 44 mile's S. of Gwalior. According to
Ferishta, Narwar was founded in the middle of the thirteenth century.
(See Imperial Gazetteer of India for history, etc.) It is called Nurwur
on the Atlas Sheet.
The distance is given as 17 coss from Kolaras to Narwar, and the
true distance is 35 miles, and the stages given between Mogulserai and
Kolaras amount to 28 coss, while the true distance is about 63 miles.
Taken together, 45 coss = 98 miles, would give nearly the usual average
of 2 miles = 1 coss.

62 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
above which there is a kind of fortress, and the whole
mountain is surrounded by walls. The majority of
the houses, as is the case in the other towns of India,
are covered with thatch, and have only one storey ;
and those of the wealthy have but two, and are
terraced. You see around the town several large
tanks, which were formerly lined with cut stone, and
which they have neglected to maintain ; but at about
one league off there are still some beautiful tombs.
The same river which one has crossed the day before,
and which one re-crosses four or five coss beyond
NarwAr, surrounds the three sides of the town and of
the mountain, of which it makes a sort of peninsula,
and after a long and tortuous course it discharges
itself in the Ganges. They make at NarwAr a
quantity of quilted coverlets, some white, others
embroidered with flowers in gold, silver, and silk.
From Nader to Barqui-sera (BArki SarAi) . 9 coss.
„ Barqui-sera to Trie (Antri) . . 3 ,,
,, Trie to Goualeor (Gwalior1) . . 6 ,,
Gwalior is a large town, ill-built like others, after
the manner of India, and it is passed by a small river.
It is built along the side of a mountain which lies to
the west, and towards the top it is surrounded by walls
with towers. There are in this enclosure several ponds
formed by the rains, and what they cultivate there is
1 Gwalior. The chief town of the State of the same name, and the
residence of Maharaja Sindhia, situated in Lat. 26° 13' N., and Long. 78°
12' E., 65 miles south of Agra. The fort stands on an isolated hill of
sandstone 342 feet high, i£ mile long, and 300 yards wide. On its
eastern side there are several colossal figures, sculptured in bold relief,
as is mentioned by our author. The Jain and Hindu antiquities have
been described by Mr. Fergusson. (See Imperial Gazetteer of India.)
The distance from Narwar to Gwalior is nearly 50 miles, here it is given
as 18 coss, hence the coss would exceed 2 J miles.

GWALIOR 63

sufficient to support the garrison ; this it is which causes
this place to be esteemed one of the best in India.
On the slope of the mountain which faces the north
west, Shah Jahan caused a pleasure-house to be built,
from whence one sees all the town, and it is fit to serve
as a fortress. Below this house there are to be seen
several images in bas-relief, sculptured in the rock, all
of which have the forms of demons, and there is one,
among others, of an extraordinary height.
Since the Muhammadan kings have taken possession
of these countries, the fortress of Gwalior has become
the place where they send princes and great nobles
when they wish to be sure of their persons. ShAh
JAhan having ascended the throne by treachery, as I
shall relate1 in the course of my narrative, caused to
be arrested, one after the other, all the princes and
nobles whom he believed to be able to injure him, and
sent them to Gwalior, but he allowed them all to live
and to enjoy the revenues of their property. Aurang
zeb, his son, does just the contrary ; for when he sends
any great noble there, at the end of nine or ten days
he causes him to be poisoned, and he makes this use
of it so that the people may not say that he is a
sanguinary monarch. As soon as he had in his power
Prince MurAd Baksh,2 his younger brother — who was
the one whom he encouraged to take arms against his
father, ShAh JAhAn, and who, being Governor of the
Province of GujarAt, had caused himself to be called
King — he had him placed in this fortress, where he
died. They have made him in the town an appro
priately magnificent tomb, in a mosque which they built
for the purpose, with a great court in front, all sur-
1 See Book II, chap. ii. 2 Morat Bakche in original.

64 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
rounded by vaults under which there are several shops.
It is the custom in India, when they build a public
edifice, to make around it a large place for holding
markets, with an endowment for the poor, to whom
they give alms daily, and who pray to God for him
who has caused the work to be done.
At 5 coss from Gwalior you cross, by ford, a river
which is called Lanike.1
From Goualeor to Paterki-sera(?) . 3 coss.
,, paterki-sera to quariqui-sera
(KuAri-sarAi) . . . . 10 ,,
There is a bridge at Paterki-sera,2 with six large
arches, and the river which flows under it is called
Quarinadi. 3
From Quariqui-sera to Dolpoura (Dholpur4), 6
coss.
At Dholpur there is a great river called Chammel-
nadi 6 — you cross it in a boat, and it discharges itself
in the Jumna,6 between Agra and Allahabad.
From Dolpoura to Minasqui-sera (ManiA), 6
coss.
At (? Beyond) Mania (-ki-sarAi) there is a river

1 This probably stands for Sanike, i.e. Sank river, a tributary of the
Kuan river.
2 This is an obvious misprint for Quariqui-sera, where the bridge
really was, namely, over the Kuarf river.
3 Kiiari river, it joins the Sind river near its junction with the
Jumna. 4 Dholpur, the chief town of the State of the same name. It is 34
miles south of Agra, and 37 miles north-west of Gwalior. The value of
the coss as deduced from this would be very nearly two miles, 27 coss =
71 miles. The Chambal river lies three miles to the south of this town,
which was built by Rajah Dholan Deo, in the eleventh century, and
surrendered to the Emperor Bdbar in 1526.
5 Chambal river. 6 Gemena in the original.

chap, iv BRIDGE OVER THE JAJOU 65
called Iagou-nadi x — you cross it by a very long bridge
built of cut stone, and called Iaoulcapoul.2
From Minasqui-sera to this bridge, 8 coss.
It is not far from this bridge that they examine
goods, so that when you reach Agra3 you are not
able to evade the dues ; but it is particularly to see if
among the number of cases full of fruits preserved in
vinegar, in glass pots, there are not any cases of wine.
From the bridge of Iaoulcapoul to Agra, 4 coss}
Thus from Sironj to Agra is 106 coss, which are
common coss, and from Surat to Agra 339.
1 Jajou on the Utangan river, a tributary of the Jumna.
2 Iaoulcapoul, for Jajou k£ pul, or the bridge of the Jajou.
3 For description of Agra, see Book I, chap. vii.
4 There is a good deal of error in the distances as above stated.
From Dholpur to Mani£ it is 9 miles, from Mania1 to Jajou on the
Utangan river 6 miles, from Jajou to Agra about 20 miles ; total, say
35 miles, as against 16 coss wrongly divided.

VOL. I

CHAPTER V
Route from Surat to Agra by AhmadAbAd
From Surat to Baroche (Broach),1 22 coss.
All the country between these two towns is one
of corn, rice, millet, and sugar-canes. Before entering
Broach, you cross, by ferry, a river which runs to
Cambay and discharges itself afterwards into the gulf
of the same name.
Broach is a large town, containing an ancient for
tress which they have neglected to maintain ; but it has
been widely renowned from all time on account of its
river, which possesses a peculiar property for bleaching
calicoes, and they bring them for this reason from all
quarters of the empire of the Great Mogul, where
there is not the same abundance of water. In this
place there is made a quantity of baftas2 or pieces
of long and narrow calico ; these are very beautiful
and closely woven cloths, and the price of them ranges
from 4 up to 100 rupees. Custom dues have to be
paid at Broach on all goods, whether imported or ex
ported. The English have a very fine dwelling there ;
and I remember that, on arrival one day when return -
1 Broach, chief town of district of same name in Gujarat, situated
on the right bank of the Narbada, 30 miles from its mouth.
2 Baftas, one of the numerous varieties of fine calico, which were
formerly largely exported to Europe from India. (See Anglo-Indian
Glossary, p. 35-)

chap, v JUGGLERS AT BROACH 67
ing from Agra to Surat1 with the President of the
English, some jugglers immediately came to ask
him if he desired that they should show him some
examples of their art, these he was curious to see.
The first thing they did was to kindle a large fire, and
heat iron chains to redness ; these they wound round
their bodies, making believe that they experienced some
pain, but not really receiving any injury. Next, having
taken a small piece of stick, and having planted it in
the ground, they asked one of the company what fruit
he wished to have. He replied that he desired
mangoes} and then one of the conjurers, covering him
self with a sheet, stooped to the ground five or six
times. I had the curiosity to ascend to a room in
order to see from above, through an opening of the
sheet, what this man did, and I saw that he cut him
self under his arm-pits with a razor, and anointed the
piece of wood with his blood. At each time that he
raised himself, the stick increased under the eye, and
at the third time it put forth branches and buds. At
the fourth time the tree was covered with leaves, and
at the fifth we saw the flowers themselves. The
President of the English had his clergyman with him,
having taken him to AhmadAbAd to baptize a child of
1 In the English translation of 1684, by John Philips, these names
are transposed.
2 Mango trick. Also described by Bernier, who, however, did not
personally witness the performance. See Yule and Burnell, Anglo-
Indian Glossary, for other early accounts of this famous trick. On the
only occasion I myself witnessed it, I was not much impressed with
it as an example of sleight of hand ; but the juggler was not of the first
class. It seems probable that the above-mentioned juggler knew he was
being watched by Tavernier, and therefore distracted his attention by
means of the razor. Chardin speaks of the incident contemptuously,
and also of Tavernier for being deceived by it. ( Voyages, Amsterdam,
ed. 171 1, vol. iv, p. 133.)

68 TRAVELS IN INDIA

the Dutch Commander, of whom he had been asked to
be the godfather, for it should be remarked that the
Dutch have no clergymen save in those places where
they have both merchants and soldiers together. The
English clergyman had at first protested that he was
unable to consent that Christians should be present at
such spectacles, and when he beheld that from a piece
of dry wood these people in less than half an hour had
caused a tree of four or five feet in height to appear,
with leaves and flowers, as in springtime, he made it
his duty to break it, and proclaimed loudly that he
would never administer the communion to any one of
those who remained longer to witness such things.
This compelled the President to dismiss the jugglers,
who travel from place to place with their wives and
children, like those whom we in Europe commonly call
Egyptians or Bohemians ; and having given them the
equivalent of ten or twelve e'cus,1 they withdrew very
well satisfied.
Those who wish to see Cambay, in order to reach
it, do not go out of their way for more than about five
or six coss, or thereabouts ; and when you are at
Broach, instead of going to Baroda, which is the
ordinary route, you make directly for Cambay, from
whence afterwards you reach AhmadAbAd. Except for
business, or out of curiosity, you do not take this route,
not only because it is longer, as I have said, by five or
six leagues,2 but principally on account of the danger
which there is in passing the end of the gulf.
Cambay 3 is a large town at the end of the gulf
1 —£2 '¦ 5s- t0 £2 '¦ I4s-i at 4s- 6d. per dcu.
2 Here again leagues and coss are treated as synonymous terms.
3 Cambaya in the original. Cambay, chief town of the State of Cambay,
Province of Gujarat, Bombay Presidency, 52 miles south of Ahmadabad.

CAMBAY 69

which bears its name. It is where they cut those
beautiful agates which come from India as cups,
handles of knives, beads, and other objects of work
manship.1 There is made, also, in the vicinity of the
town, indigo 2 of the same kind as that of Sharkej 3 ;
and it was celebrated for its traffic at the time when
the Portuguese flourished in India. You still see
to-day, in the quarter close to the sea, many fine
houses, which they built and furnished richly, after
the manner of Portugal ; but at present they are
uninhabited, and they decay from day to day. They
maintained at that time such good order in Cambay,
that at two hours after dark every street was closed by
two gates, which are still to be seen, and they even now
close some of the principal of them, especially those
of the approaches to the market-places. One of the
principal reasons why this town has lost a part of her
commerce is, that formerly the sea came close to
Cambay, and small vessels were able to approach it
easily ; but for some years past the sea has been reced
ing day by day, so that vessels are unable to come
nearer than four or five leagues to the town.
There is an abundance of pea-fowl in India, and
especially in the territories of Broach, Cambay, and
Baroda. The flesh of the young bird is white and of
good flavour, like that of our turkeys, and you see them
1 A full account of this industry will be found in the Economic
Geology of India, p. 506.
2 The cultivation of indigo has much diminished of late in that part
of India. 3 Sarquesse in the original, this is Sharkej, the Surkeja of Major
Scott's Madras route map, to south-west of Ahmadabad. Tieffenthaler
calls it Sarke"s, G/og. de I'Ind., par Bernoulli, Berlin, 1791, p. 377-
See for further information Anglo-Indian Glossary, p. 22, n. (See p. 72.)

70 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
throughout the day in flocks in the fields ; for during
the night they perch in the trees. It is difficult to
approach them by day, because if they see the sports
man they fly before him more rapidly than a partridge,
and enter the jungle, where it is impossible to follow
them, one's garment being torn at every step. Hence,
you are only able to capture them easily at night ; and
this, in a few words, is the method. You approach
the tree with a kind of banner, on which are painted
life-like peacocks, on each side.1 On the top of the
stick there are two lighted candles, the light of which
alarming the peacock, causes him to stretch out his
neck almost to the end of the stick, where there is a cord
with a running noose, which he who holds the banner
draws when he sees that the peacock has placed his
neck in it. However, you must be careful not to
kill a bird, or any other animal, in the countries of
Rajas, where the idolaters are the masters ; it is not
dangerous in the parts of India where the rulers of
the country are Muhammadans, and permit sport to be
free. It happened one day that a rich merchant of
Persia, passing by the territory of the Raja of
Dantivar,2 slew a peacock on the road by a shot from
his gun, either out of bravado or from not knowing
the customs of the country. The Banians, enraged
by an act which is regarded among them as a horrible
1 I have seen peacocks successfully approached by day by a native
sportsman, who carried before him a cloth screen, on which a rude
representation of a peacock was painted. One bird actually made a
charge towards the screen.
2 Danta, or Dantawara, a State under the Political Agency of Mahi
Kantha, in the Province of Gujardt, Bombay. The Chief is a Hindu.
It has been pointed out already that the Antivar of p. 37 is probably a
misprint for Dantivar.

chap.v WOMEN'S PAGODA 71
sacrilege, seized the merchant themselves, and also the
money he had with him, which amounted to 300,000
rupees, and having tied him to a tree, whipped him
for three days so severely that the poor man died
of it. From Cambay you come to a village which is only
three coss distant, where there is a pagoda to which
the majority of the courtesans of India come to make
their offerings. This pagoda contains numerous nude
figures, and among others a large figure like an Apollo,
which has the private parts all uncovered. When the
old courtesans have amassed a sum of money in their
youth, they buy with it young slaves, to whom they
teach dances and lascivious songs, and all the tricks
of their infamous trade. When these young girls
have reached the age of eleven or twelve years their
mistresses take them to this pagoda, and they believe
that it will be good fortune to them to be offered and
abandoned to this idol.
From this pagoda to Chiidabad 1 it is 6 coss.
It is one of the most beautiful houses of the Great
Mogul, and a vast enclosure, where there are extensive
gardens and large tanks, with all the embellishments
of which the genius of the Indians is capable.
From Chiidabad to AhmadAbAd it is but 5 coss.
I return to Baroche and the ordinary route.
From Baroche to Broudra (Baroda)2 . 22 coss.
Baroda is a large town on a good soil, where there
is a considerable trade in calicoes.
1 Sayyidabad ? I have not found this place on any of the maps
available to me.
2 Baroda, the chief town of the territory of the Gaekwar. From
Broach to Baroda, the distance measured on the map is about 48 miles.

72 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
From Broudra to Neriade (Nadiad) . 18 coss.
N ERIADE tO AMADAB AT ( AHMADAB Ad) X 2 O
AhmadAbAd is one of the largest towns in India,
and one where there is a considerable trade in silken
stuffs, gold and silver tapestries, and others mixed with
silk ; saltpetre, sugar, ginger, both candied and plain,
tamarinds, mirabolans,2 and indigo cakes, which are
made at three leagues from AhmadAbAd, at a large
town called Sharkej.
There was a pagoda in this place, which the Muham
madans took possession of in order to turn it into a
mosque. Before entering it you traverse three great
courts paved with marble, and surrounded by galleries,
and you are not allowed to place foot in the third
without removing your shoes. The exterior of the
mosque is ornamented with mosaic, the greater part of
which consists of agates of different colours, obtained
from the mountains of Cambay, only two days' journey
from thence. You see many tombs of ancient idol
atrous kings, which are like so many small chapels of
mosaic, with columns of marble sustaining a small
vault by which the tomb is covered. A river3 flows
past AhmadAbAd on the north - west, and during
the rainy season, which lasts in India three or four
months, it becomes very wide and rapid, and does
great injury every year. It is the same with all the
rivers of India, and when the rains have ceased, one
must generally wait six weeks or two months before it
is possible to ford that at AhmadAbAd, where there is
1 Ahmadabad, the chief town in the District of the same name, in
the Province of Gujarit, Bombay Presidency. Tieffenthaler calls the
town itself Guzarat.
2 The dried unripe fruit of Terminalia ckebula, Retz.
3 The Sabarmati.

chap, v A STRANGE STORY 73
no bridge. There are two or three boats, but one
cannot make use of them, save when the water ceases
to be so rapid, and it takes much time to cross. The
peasants do not stand on ceremony, and in order to
go from one bank to the other only make use of the
skin of a goat,1 which they fill with air and tie on
between the chest and the abdomen. It is thus, by
swimming this river, that the poor, both the men
and women, cross, and when they wish to take their
children across also they employ certain round earthen
pots, which have mouths four fingers in width, and
having placed their child in one of these pots they
push it before them while swimming. This brings to
mind a circumstance which happened at AhmadAbAd,
while I was there in the year 1642,2 which is too
remarkable to pass by in silence.
A peasant and his wife were crossing the river one
day in the manner I have just described, and having
an infant of about two years, they placed him in one
of these pots, so that only his head, which was outside,
could be seen. Having reached the middle of the river,
they encountered a small bank of sand where there
was a large tree, which the water had carried down,
and the father pushed the pot containing the infant on
to this place, to rest himself a little. As he approached
the foot of the tree, the trunk of which was somewhat
elevated above the water, a snake came out from be
tween the roots, and jumped into the pot where the
1 This is the so-called mussuck {mashak, Hind.) or deri, consisting
of the inflated skin of a goat ; sometimes, as on the Sutlej, in the
Himalayan regions, the skin of a buffalo is used for the same purpose.
2 This casual reference to a date is of use as confirmation of
Tavernier having been in this part of India in that year. (See Joret,
J. B. Tavernier, Paris, 1886, p. 64.)

74 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
infant was. The father and mother, startled by this
occurrence, and having lost their wits, let the pot go,
which the river carried away, and they remained some
time half dead at the foot of the tree. About two
leagues lower down a Banian and his wife, with a
little child, were washing themselves in the river
before going to take their meal. They beheld from
afar the pot upon the water, and half the head of a
child, which appeared outside the mouth. The Banian
immediately went to rescue it, and having reached it,
pushed it ashore. The woman, followed by her child,
came presently to take the other which was in the pot,
in order to withdraw it. And at the same moment the
snake, which had done no injury to the first child, left
the pot, and entwined itself about the body of the
other child which was close to its mother, bit it, and
injected its poison, which caused its immediate death.
This extraordinary adventure did not much dis
tress these poor people, as they believed that it had
happened by a secret dispensation of their god, who had
taken from them one child in order to give another,
by which they were soon consoled. Some time after,
the report of this adventure having come to the ears
of the first peasant, he came to the other in order to
tell him how it had happened, and to demand from him
his child. This caused a considerable dispute between
them, the second peasant maintaining that the child
was his, and that his god had given it to him in the
place of the one who was dead. In a word, the matter
made a great noise, and was at length laid before the
King, who ordered that the infant should be returned
to its father.
About the same time there happened a somewhat

FISH DIET 75

amusing matter in the same town of AhmadAbAd. The
wife of a rich Banian merchant, named Saintidas, not
having any children, and causing it to be well known
that she wished for some, an attendant of the house
one day took her apart, and said to her that if she was
willing to eat what he would give her, she might feel
certain that she would have a child. The woman
desiring to know what she ought to eat, the attendant
added that it was a little fish, and that she need only eat
three or four.1 The religion of the Banians forbidding
them, as I have elsewhere said, to eat anything which
has had life, the woman was at first unable to bring
herself to do that which he suggested ; but the attend
ant having said that he knew how to disguise it so well
that she would not know that what she was eating
was fish, she resolved at length to try the remedy,
and she lay the night following with her husband,
according to the instruction she had received from the
attendant. Some time after, the woman perceiving
that she was enceinte, her husband died, and the rela
tives of the defunct wished to take possession of his
effects. The widow objected, and told them that they
should have patience till they knew if the infant which
she carried would arrive safely.
The relatives, surprised by this news, which they
had not expected, treated it as a lie and a joke, the
woman having been fifteen or sixteen years with her
husband without bearing. When she found that these
people tormented her, she threw herself at the
feet of the Governor, to whom she related what had
1 In the East surprising effects are often attributed to a fish diet.
See Adjaib Al-Hind. {Les Merveilles de ITnde) for a remarkable in
stance. Paris, Lemere, 1878.

76 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
happened, and he ordered that the relatives should
wait till the woman was delivered of her offspring.
Some days after her confinement the relatives of the
defunct, who were persons of position, and who
desired to have so considerable a succession, main
tained that the infant was not legitimate, and that this
woman had not had it by her husband. The Governor,
in order to know the truth, assembled the doctors, who
decided that it was necessary to take the infant to the
bath, and that if the remedy which the mother had
adopted was genuine, the infant would smell of fish ; this
was done and the thing happened accordingly. After
this experiment the Governor ordered that the effects of
the defunct should be reserved for the infant, since he
had been proved by this to be the father ; but the
relatives, being annoyed that so good a morsel was.
escaping from them, appealed from this judgment, and
went to Agra to tell the King. In consequence of
what they stated, his majesty caused an order to be
written to the Governor that he should send the
mother and the infant, to make the same experiment
in his presence ; this having turned out as on the first
occasion, the relatives of the defunct withdrew, and the
effects were kept for the mother and infant.
I remember also another amusing thing which was
told me at AhmadAbAd — where I have been tenor twelve
times — during the sojourn which I made there on one of
my journeys, on my return from Delhi.1 A merchant
with whom I often dealt, and who was much loved by
ShAistA KhAn, Governor of the Province and uncle of
1 Joret (/. B. Tavernier, Paris, 1886, p. 47) supposes that this
was in the early part of 1667, but says the passage is too obscure
to admit of any definite conclusion.

chap, v A MAN WHO NEVER LIED 77
the King, had the reputation of never having lied.
ShAistA KhAn having completed the three years of
his government, according to the custom of the Empire
of the Great Mogul, and Aurangzeb, son of ShAh
JahAn, having succeeded him, he withdrew to Agra,
where the court then was. One day, when he con
versed with the King, he said that he had seen many
uncommon things in all the governments with which
his majesty had honoured him, but one thing alone
surprised him, which was to have discovered a rich
merchant who had never told a lie, and who was up
wards of seventy years old. The King, surprised on
his own part with so extraordinary a fact, told ShAistA
KhAn that he desired to see the man of whom he had
told him, and ordered him to send him forthwith to
Agra, which was done. This much distressed the old
man, both on account of the length of the road, which
is from twenty-five to thirty days, and because it was
necessary for him to make a present to the King.
In fact, he made him one valued at 40,000 rupees, and
it was a gold box for keeping betel, ornamented with
diamonds, rubies, and emeralds. After he had saluted
the King, and had made his present to him, the King
merely asked his name, to which he replied that he
called himself the man who had never lied. The King
asking him further what his father's name was : " Sire,"
replied he, "I know not." His majesty, satisfied with
this reply, stopped there, and, not desiring to know
more, ordered them to give him an elephant, which is
a great honour, and 10,000 rupees for his journey.
The Banians have a great veneration for monkeys,
and they even feed them in some pagodas where they
go to worship. There are in AhmadAbAd two or three

78 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
houses which serve as hospitals,1 especially for cows
and oxen, for monkeys, and other sick and disabled
animals, and they convey there all that they are able to
find, in order to feed them. It should be stated that
on every Tuesday and Friday all the monkeys in the
neighbourhood of AhmadAbAd, of their own instinct,
come together to the town, and ascend the houses, each
of which has a small terrace where the occupants sleep
during the great heat. On each of these days they do
not fail to place upon these little terraces rice, millet,
sugar-canes in their season, and other similar things ;
for if by chance the monkeys did not find their food on
the terraces, they would break the tiles with which the
rest of the house is covered, and cause great damage.
It should be remarked that the monkey eats nothing
which he has not first well smelt, and before swallowing
anything he makes his store for future hunger, filling
his two cheeks with provisions, which he keeps for the
following day.2
I have said that the Banians have an especial
veneration for the monkey, and this is an example
in point among several others which I could quote.
Being one day at AhmadAbAd, at the dwelling of the
Dutch, a young man of that nation, who had arrived
but a few days to serve in the office, and who was
ignorant of the customs of the country, having per
ceived a large monkey upon a tree which was in the
courtyard, wished to give an example of his skill, or
rather of his youth, by slaying it with a shot from his gun.
I was at the time at table with the Dutch Commander,
1 Hospitals for sick animals are still to be found in some of the
towns of Western India.
2 The retention of food in the pouch only lasts for a short time, I
believe.

chap, v MONKEYS AT AHMADABAD 79
and we had scarcely heard the shot before we heard a
great uproar among the Banians in the service of the
Dutch Company, who came to complain bitterly of him
who had slain the monkey. They all wished to resign,
and it was with much trouble and many apologies that
they appeased them and induced them to remain.
In the neighbourhood of AhmadAbAd there are a
great number of monkeys, and it may be said that in
the places where there are many of these animals there
are few crows. For when the latter have built their
nests and laid their eggs, the monkeys climb the trees
and throw the eggs down on the ground. One day,
returning from Agra, and having left AhmadAbAd with
the Chief or President of the English, who had come
there for some business, and was returning to Surat,
we passed, at four or five leagues from AhmadAbAd, a
small grove of those trees which they call mangoes.
We saw overhead numbers of large monkeys, male and
female, and several of the latter carried their young
ones in their arms. We each had our carriage, and the
English President stopped his in order to tell me
that he had an excellent and curious gun which the
Governor of Daman had presented to him, and, know
ing that I was a good shot, he asked me to prove it
upon one of these monkeys. One of my attendants,
who was of the country, having signed to me not to
risk it, I sought to dissuade the President from his
intention, but it was impossible, and taking his gun he
slew a female monkey, which remained extended
between two branches, letting her young ones fall
to the ground. There followed at once what my
attendant, who had signed to me, had foreseen. All
the monkeys which were on the trees, to the number

80 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
of more than sixty, descended immediately, in a rage,
and jumped on the carriage of the President, and would
have strangled him, but for the prompt assistance that
some gave by closing the windows, and the crowd
of attendants who were present drove them off.
Although they did not come to my carriage, which
followed at some paces distant from that of the Presi
dent, I nevertheless feared for myself the fury of these
monkeys, which were both large and powerful, and they
pursued the carriage of the President for nearly a
league, so much were they enraged.
Continuing our route from Surat to Agra.
From Amadabat to Panser (Paunsir) . 13 coss.
,, Panser to Masana (MesAna) . . 14 ,,
„ Masana to Chitpour (Sidhpur) 1 . 14 „
Sidhpur is a fairly good town, so named on account of
the great trade which it does in those coloured cottons
which they call chites,2 and at four or five hundred
paces on the south side there flows a small river.
Arriving at Sidhpur, on one of my journeys, I was
encamped under two or three trees at one of the ends
of a great open space which is near the town. A short
time afterwards I saw four or five lions3 appearing,
which they brought to train, and they told me it
generally took five or six months, and they do it in
this way. They tie the lions, at twelve paces distance
1 Sidhpur. Chitpour is given on the map in Bernier's History.
2 Chites (see p. 56 and Index), from Mahr. chit and Port. chita =
chintz. 3 It is very probable that these were true lions, and not chetahs, or
hunting leopards, as lions are known to have been so tamed, and
the region is one in which they may very possibly have been obtained.
In a recent number of the Graphic there was a representation of a
tamed lion being led by hand through the crowded bazaar of a Moorish
town.

chap, v LION-TAMING AT SIDHPUR 81
from each other, by their hind feet, to a cord attached
to a large wooden post firmly planted in the ground, and
they have another about the neck which the lion-master
holds in his hand. These posts are planted in a straight
line, and upon another parallel one, from fifteen to twenty
paces distant, they stretch another cord of the length
of the space which the lions occupy, when arranged as
above. These two cords which hold the lion fastened
by his two hind feet, permit him to rush up to this long
cord, which serves as a limit to those outside it, beyond
which they ought not to venture to pass when harassing
and irritating the lions by throwing small stones or little
bits of wood at them. A number of people come to
this spectacle, and when the provoked lion jumps to
wards the cord, he has another round his neck which
the master holds in his hand, and with which he pulls
him back. It is by this means that they accustom the
lion by degrees to become tame with people, and on
my arrival at Sidhpur I witnessed this spectacle with
out leaving my carriage.
The following day I had another experience, which
was a meeting I had with a party of Fakirs, or Muham
madan Dervishes} I counted fifty-seven of them, of
whom he who was their Chief or Superior had been
master of the horse to ShAh JahAngir,2 having left
the court when Sultan BolAki, his grandson, was
strangled by order of ShAh JahAn, his uncle, as I shall
relate elsewhere. There were four others who, under
the Superior, were Chiefs of the band, and had been the
first nobles of the court of the same ShAh JahAn. The
only garment of these five Dervishes consisted of three
1 Dervichs in original, for Dervishes.
2 Cha Gehan guir in original, for Shah Jahangir.
VOL. I G

82 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
or four ells of orange-coloured cotton cloth, of which
they made waistbands, one of the ends passing between
the thighs and being tucked between the top of the
waistband and the body of the Dervish, in order to
cover what modesty requires should be concealed,
both in front and behind. Each of them had also a
skin of a tiger upon the shoulders, which was tied under
the chih. They had eight fine horses, saddled and
bridled, led by hand before them, three of which had
bridles of gold and saddles covered with plates of gold;
and the five others had bridles of silver, and the saddles
also covered with plates of silver, and a leopard's skin
on each. 'The other Dervishes had for their sole gar
ment a cord, which served as a waistband, to which
there was attached a small scrap of calico to cover, as
in the case of the others, the parts which should be
concealed: Their hair was bound in a tress about their
heads, and made a kind of turban. They were all well
armed, the majority with bows and arrows, some with
muskets, and the remainder with short pikes, and a
kind of weapon which we have not got in Europe. It
is a sharp iron, made like the border of a plate which
has no centre, and they pass eight or ten over the
head, carrying them on the neck like a ruff.1 They
withdraw these circles as they require to use them, and
when they throw them with force at a man, as we make
a plate to fly, they almost cut him in two. Each of them
had also a sort of hunting horn, which he sounds, and
makes a great noise with when he arrives anywhere, and
also when he departs, and also a rake, or instrument of
1 These are the chakars, thin sharp-edged metal quoits, which can
be flung with marvellous accuracy and effect against an enemy. The
Sikhs are especially proficient in their use.

chap, v MUHAMMADAN DERVISHES 83
iron, made something like a trowel. It is with this
instrument, which the Indians generally carry in their
journeys, that they rake and level the places where they
wish to halt, and some, having collected the dust in a
heap, make use of it as a mattress and bolster in order
to lie more comfortably. There were three of these Der
vishes armed with long rapiers, which they had received,
apparently, from some Englishman or Portuguese.
Their baggage consisted of four boxes full of Arabian
and Persian books and some cooking utensils, and they
had ten or twelve oxen to carry those among the troop
who were invalids. When these Dervishes arrived at
the place where I was encamped with my carriage, hav
ing then with me fifty persons, both people of the coun
try, whom one engages, as I have said, for travelling,
as also my ordinary servants, the Chief or Superior of
the troop, seeing me well accompanied, inquired who
that Ago1 was ; and asked me subsequently to give up to
him the position I occupied, it being more commodious
than any other about the place for camping with his
Dervishes. As they informed me of the quality of this
Chief and the four Dervishes who followed him, I was
willing to do them a civility, and to yield that which
they asked with a good grace ; and so I ceded the
place to them, and took another which suited me as
well as it. Immediately the place was watered with a
quantity of water, and made smooth and level, and, as
it was winter and was somewhat cold, they lighted two
fires for the five principal Dervishes, who placed them
selves between them in order to warm themselves both
before and behind. During the same evening, after
they had supped, the Governor of the town came
1 Agha, Hind, and Pers., means lord or master.

84 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i

to pay his respects to these principal Dervishes, and
during their sojourn in the place sent them rice and
other things which they were accustomed to eat.
When they arrive in any place the Superior sends some
of them to beg in the towns and villages, and whatever
food they bring, which is given them out of charity, is
immediately distributed to all in equal portions, each
being particular to cook his own rice for himself.
Whatever they have over is given every evening to the
poor, and they reserve nothing for the following day.
From Chitpour to Balambour (PAlanpur) . 12 coss.
„ Balambour to Dantiuar (DAntawAra)1 ii ,,
,, Dantiuar to Bargant (WungAon ?) . 17 „
Bargant 2 is the territory of a Raja, where one has
to pay customs. On one of my journeys to Agra, when
passing by Bargant, I did not see the Raja, but only
his lieutenant, who treated me with great civility, and
presented me with rice, butter, and fruits of the season.
In return I gave him three waistbands of calico, gold,
and silk, and four handkerchiefs of coloured cotton,
and two bottles, one of brandy and the other of Spanish
wine. On my departure he ordered me to be escorted
for 4 or 5 coss by twenty horsemen.
When returning from the same journey I sent
before me my heavier goods by waggon, and to shorten
the road I purposed to repass by the same route. I
had with me sixty Peons or people of the country, and
seven or eight attendants who ordinarily waited on
me. One evening, being encamped on the frontiers of
1 Danta, or Dantawara, the chief town of the State of the same
name (see p. 70, n.) It is 136 miles north of Baroda. The Antivar of
p. 37 is apparently the same place.
2 Probably the same as Bergam, on p. 37, n., the proper name may
perhaps be Wungaon, in Jodhpiir.

chap, v REFRACTORY PEONS 85
the territory of the Raja of Bargant, all my Peons1
assembled about me in order to tell me that by taking
the route through Bargant we should run the risk of
being all strangled, and that the Prince of that country
spared no one, and lived by robbery alone. That at
the least, if I did not engage one hundred other Peons,
there was no possibility of escaping the hands of the
runners, whom he would send from both sides, and
that they were obliged, as much for my safety as
their own, to give me this advice. I spent some
time disputing with them, and reproaching them with
their cowardice ; but from fear lest they should not also
reproach me for my temerity, I resolved to employ
fifty more, and they went to search for them in the
neighbouring villages. For traversing the territories
of the Raja during three days, only, they asked four
rupees each, which is as much as one gives them for a
month. On the following day, when I wished to start,
my Peons, showing themselves to be obstructive and irre
solute, came to tell me that they would leave me, and
that they did not wish to risk their lives, asking me not
to write to their Chief at Agra, who was answerable
for their not leaving me against my wish. There were
three of my personal servants who also treated me
as the others had done, and there remained with me
he who led my horse, my coachman, and three other
attendants only, with whom I started under the pro
tection of God, who has always particularly aided me
in my journeys. At about a coss from the place from
whence I started I perceived, on turning round, some
of these Peons, who followed me at a distance. Having
1 Pion in the original for Peon, Port., a foot soldier; whence the
name "pawn" in chess.

86 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
ordered my carriage to stop to await them, I told the
first who advanced that if they wished to come with
me they should march around my carriage and not
follow at a distance ; and seeing them to be still timid
and irresolute, I said that I did not require cowards
in my service, and dismissed them for the last time.
When I had travelled another coss, I perceived on the
side of a mountain about fifty horsemen, of whom four
separated to advance towards me. Immediately when
I saw them I got out of the carriage, and having thir
teen firearms, I gave a gun to each of my people. The
horsemen approaching, I placed the carriage between
them and me, and got ready to fire, in case they pre
pared to attack me. But they at once made me a sign
that I had nothing to fear, and one of them having said
that it was the Prince who was hunting, and who had sent
them to ask what stranger passed through his territory,
I replied I was the same Frank 1 who had passed five or
six weeks previously. By good fortune, the same lieu
tenant of the Raja, to whom I had presented the brandy
and Spanish wine, followed close behind these four horse
men, and after having assured me how rejoiced he was
to see me again, asked me forthwith if I had any wine.
I told him that I never travelled without it ; and in fact
I was provided, the English and Dutch having pre
sented me at Agra with several bottles. Immediately
on the lieutenant returning to the Raja, he himself
came to meet me, and assuring me that I was welcome,
told me that he wished me to halt at a place which he
indicated under certain trees, a coss and a half from
where we were, and that he would not fail to come to
drink with me. He came towards evening, and we
1 Franguy in the original.

chap, v JALOR 87
remained there two days together to amuse ourselves ;
the Raja having caused the Baladines 1 to come, with
out whom the Persians and Indians do not think they
can enjoy themselves properly. On my departure, the
Raja gave me two hundred horsemen to accompany
me for three whole days to the frontiers of his country,
and I was quitted for three or four pounds of tobacco,
which was all the present I made them. When I
arrived at AhmadAbAd it was scarcely believed that I
had received such good treatment from a Prince who
had the reputation of ill-treating all strangers who
passed through his country.
From Bargant to Bimal (BheenmAl) 15 coss.
„ Bimal to Modra (ModrA) . 15 ,,
Modra to Chalaour (JAlor) . 10 ,,
JAlor2 is an ancient town upon a mountain sur
rounded with walls, and difficult of access ; formerly
it was a strong place. There is a tank on the top
of the mountain, and another below, between which
and the foot of the mountain is the road to the
town. From Chalaour to Cantap (Khandap) 12 coss.
,, Cantap to Setlana(SutulAna) . 15 ,,
„ Setlana to Palavaseny (?) . . 14 ,,
,, Palavaseny to Pipars (PipAr) . 11 ,,
,, Pipars to Mirda (MertA) . . 16 ,,
1 Baladines, from the Portuguese Baladeira; the more usual form is
Bayadere among authors ; but it is never heard, and is practically un
known in India, as a name for Ndchnis or dancing girls. (See Yule and
Burnell, Anglo-Indian Glossary, s.v. Bayadere, for examples of its
use.) 2 Jalor, a town in the State of Jodhpur or Marwar in Rajputana.
The fort, 800 yards long by 400 yards wide, is on an eminence 1200
feet high, and commands the town. It is of considerable strength, and
still contains two tanks.

TRAVELS IN INDIA

From DAntawAra to MertA it is three days'
journey,1 and it is a mountainous country belonging
to semi-independent Rajas or Princes, who pay some
tribute to the Great Mogul. But in return, the
Great Mogul appoints them to important posts in
his armies, from which they derive much more than
the tribute which they are obliged to pay him.
MertA 2 is a large town, but badly built. When I
arrived there, during one of my journeys in India, all
the caravdnsardis were full of people, because the aunt
of ShAh JahAn, wife of ShAistA KhAn, was then on
her way, taking her daughter to marry her to Sultan
ShujA, second son of ShAh JahAn. I was obliged to
order my tent 3 to be pitched upon a bank where there
were large trees on both sides, and two hours after
wards I was much surprised to see fifteen or twenty
elephants, which came to break off as much as they
could of these great trees. It was a strange thing to
see them break large branches with their trunks, as
we break a piece of faggot.4 This injury was done by
order of the Begum to avenge herself of an affront by
the inhabitants of MertA, who had not received her,
and had not made a present as they ought to have
done. From Mirda to Boronda (BarundA) . 12 coss.
„ Boronda to Coetchiel (?) . .18
1 This statement is somewhat inconsistent with the route given, which
represents 9 stages and 125 coss.
2 Merta or Mirta in Jodhpur, is situated on high ground, and is
surrounded by a wall, partly of masonry and partly of clay. It contains
numerous temples and a mosque.
3 This is the obvious meaning, tante being in the original a misprint
for tente. 4 The mahouts of the present day sometimes, for similar reasons,
make their elephants do injuries of this kind. (See p. 59.)

FATEHPUR SIKRI 89

From Coetchiel to Bander- Sonnery
(Bandar-Sindri) . . .14 coss.
BANDER-SoNNERYtoLADONA(LuDANA)1 1 6 ,,
Ladona town to Chasou (Chaksu) 12 ,,
Chasou to Nuali (LawAli ?) . . 17 ,,
Nuali to Hindoo (Hindaun)2 . 19 ,,
Hindoo to Baniana (BiAnA)3 . 10 „
These two last places are towns where, as in all the
surrounding country, round indigo cake is made, and
being the best of all the varieties of indigo it is also
twice as dear.
From Baniana to Vettapour (Fatehpur Sikri),4
14 coss.
Fatehpur Sikri is a very old town where they
make woollen carpets.
From Vettapour to Agra . . .12 coss.
,, Surat to Agra there are in all 415 ,,
If one were able to make regular stages of 13 coss
each, he would accomplish the journey in thirty-three
days ; but, since one rests and halts in certain places, the
journey lasts generally from thirty-five to forty days.
1 Ludan£, or Ladoni on Bandi river in Jaipur, Rajputaha.
2 Hindaun, in Jaipur State, 7 1 miles from Agra. Once an extensive
city, but the ramparts are now in ruins.
3 Biani, in Bhartpur State, Rajputaha. It is 50 miles south-west of
Agra. It is of great antiquity, and among remains of large buildings
there is a stone pillar, Bhim lat. The Emperor Bah>ar described it
in 1526 as being one of the most famous forts in India. It is a place
of great sanctity in the eyes of Muhammadans. See Cunningham,
Archaol. Reports, vol ii, p. 54 ; vi, p. 50; xx, p. 61.
4 Vettapour, i.e., Fatehpur Sikri, 23 miles from Agra and 26 from
Biahd. See Book II, chap. xii.

CHAPTER VI
Route from Ispahan to Agra by Kandahar.1
I have given an exact description of a part of this route,
and I have conducted the reader as far as KandahAr.2
It remains for me now to take him from KandahAr to
Agra, to which one can go by two routes only, either
by KAbul or by MultAn. This last is shorter than
the other by ten days, but the caravan scarcely ever
takes it, because from KandahAr to Mult An there is
nothing but deserts almost all the way, and because
one marches sometimes for three or four days without
finding water. Hence the most common and the most
beaten track is by KAbul. From KandahAr to
KAbul they count it 24 stages ; from KAbul to
Lahore, 22 ; from Lahore to Delhi or JahAnAbAd, 18;
and from Delhi to Agra, 6 : this, with the 60 stages
from Ispahan to Farah,3 and the 20 from Farah to
KandahAr, make in all, from Ispahan to Agra, 150
stages. But those merchants who have urgent business
sometimes join in parties of three or four on horseback,
and accomplish the journey in half the time, that is to
say in 60 or 75 days.
MultAn i is a town where quantities of calicoes are
made, and they used to carry them all to Tatta before
1 Candahar in original. See p. 4.
2 Persian Travels, Bk. V, chap, xxiv, p. 693, Fr. ed., 4to. 1676.
3 Farat in the original. 4 Multan, on the Chenab river.

MULTAN 91

the sands had obstructed the mouth of the river ; but
since the passage has been closed for large vessels they
carry them to Agra, and from Agra to Surat, as well
as a portion of the goods which are made at Lahore.
As this carriage is very expensive, but few merchants
go to make investments either at MultAn or Lahore,
and indeed many of the artisans have deserted ; this
also causes the revenues of the King to be much
diminished in these provinces. MultAn is the place
from whence migrate all the Banians who come to
trade in Persia, where they follow the same occupation
as the Jews, as I have elsewhere said, and they surpass
them in their usury. They have a special law which
permits them on certain days to eat fowls, and to take
only one wife between two or three brothers, of whom
the eldest is regarded as the father of the children.
Numerous Baladins and Baladines, who hail from
this town, spread themselves in divers parts of Persia.
I come to the route from Kandahar to Agra by
Kabul and Lahore.
From Candahar to Charisafar (Shahr-i-SafA)1 iocoss.
Charisafar to Zelate (KalAt-i-GhilzAi) 12 „
Z elate" to Betazy (Ab-i-tAzi) . . 8 „
Betazy to Mezour (Mansur) . 6 ,,
Mezour to Carabat (KArAbAgh) . .17,,
Carabat to Chakenicouze" (ShigAnu ?) . 17 „
Between KandahAr and ChakenicouzeZ on the
1 Shahr-i-safa = city of purity. (See Macgregor's Central Asia, p.
672, and Baber's Memoirs by Erskine, p. 226.)
2 Colonel Yule suggests that this may have been the Shiganu of
Broadfoot and Sekaneh of Baber's Memoirs by Erskine, p. 220. If
not identical with Ghazni, it was probably in or near its latitude.
Ghazni is 85 miles south-west of Kabul, and 145 miles north-east of
Kalat-i-Ghilzai.

92 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
frontier of India, there is a country where many small
Chiefs rule and render some allegiance to the King of
Persia. From Chakenicouz£ to CAboul (KAbul) 40 coss.1
In these forty coss of road you only find three poor
villages, where they have seldom got bread and barley
for the horses, and the safest plan is to carry a supply
with you. In the months of July and August a hot
wind prevails in these quarters, which suffocates and
kills suddenly, being of the same kind as the wind of
which I have spoken in my accounts of Persia, which
prevails also in certain seasons near Babylon and
Mosul. KAbul is a large town, fairly well fortified, and it
is there the people of Usbek 2 come every year to sell
their horses ; they estimate that the trade in them
amounts annually to more than 6o,ooo.3 They take
there from Persia also, many sheep and other cattle,
and it is the great meeting-place for Tartary, India,
and Persia. You can obtain wine there, and articles
of food are very cheap.
Before passing further it is necessary to note here
a curious fact concerning the people called Augans}
who inhabit (the country) from KandahAr to KAbul,
towards the mountains of Balch,5 and are powerful
men, and great thieves at night. It is the custom
1 The total distance here given from Kandahar to Kahml is 1 10 coss.
The distance in miles is 318, which would indicate a coss of 3 miles
nearly. Tieffenthaler gives the stages from Kibul to Ghazni as follows :
— Kabul to Argandi (Urghandi) 1 2 milles, thence to Jadussia 1 2 milles,
thence to Scheschgaon (Shashgdo) 12 milles, thence to Gasni (Ghazni)
10 milles, total 46 milles. {Geog. de I'Ind., Bernoulli, Berlin, 1791
p. 69.) 2 For Tartars of Turkestan. 3 Rupees ? 4 Afghans.
5 Balkh, an ancient city of Turkestan, south of the Oxus.

chap, vi HABITS OF THE AFGHANS 93
of these Indians to clean and scrape the tongue every
morning with a small curved piece of a particular root.
This causes them to throw up a quantity of foul matter,
and excites them to vomit. And those who inhabit the
country on these frontiers of Persia and India practice
the same thing, nevertheless they vomit but little in the
morning ; but instead, when they take their meals, as
soon as they have eaten two or three mouthfuls, their
heart is disturbed, and they are obliged to vomit,
after which they return to eat with appetite. If they
do not do so they only live to the age of thirty years,
and they become dropsical.
From Caboul to Bariabe (BarikAb)1
,, Bariabe' to Nimela (NimlabAgh) .
,, Nimela to Alyboua (AlibaghAn and
IlAhibaghA, in Akbar's time) .
,,. Alyboua to Taka (Dakka) .
Taka to Kiemry (KhAibari ?)
Kiemry to Chaour (PeshAwur) 2 .
Chaour to Novichaar (Nowshera)
„ Novichaar to Atek (Attock)3 .
1 I am informed by Col. Yule that Barikab is often mentioned by
writers (Baber's Memoirs by Erskine, pp. 275, 278, 290, and Moorcroft,
ii P- 373)- There are caves hollowed in a bank there for the accommo
dation of travellers (Vigne, Narrative of a Visit to Ghuzni, etc., 1840,
pp. 239-240).
2 Tieffenthaler mentions two three-day itineraries between Peshawur
and Attock as follows, the total distance being 30 so-called Indian milles
— Peschaver to Schahabad 6 milles, to Akora 12 miles, to Attak 12
milles. The second is more detailed: Peschaver to Djouigousar 3
miles, Djouigousar to Schahabad 4 milles, Schahabad to Noschera
(Nowshera) 8 miles, Noschera to Girdab 4 milles, Girdab to Akora 4
milles, Akora to Neri 4 milles, Neri to Kherabad 3 milles, thence
across' the Indus to Attak. {Geog. de I'Indoustan, par J. Bernoulli,
Berlin, I79I-)
3 Attock is situated near the junction of the Indus and Kabul rivers.

19

coss.

17

J }

19

) 1

17

>>

6

),

M

1 )

H

J J

19

>>

94 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
Attock is a town situated on a promontory where
two great rivers meet. It is one of the best fortresses
of the Great Mogul, and they do not permit any
stranger to enter it if he does not hold a passport from
the King. The Reverend Jesuit Father Roux, and
his companion, wishing to go by this route to Ispahan,
and not having obtained a passport from the King, were
sent back from thence, and returned to Lahore, where
they embarked upon the river to go to Sind, from
whence they passed into Persia.
From Atek to Calapane" (KAlA ki sarAi?) 16 coss.
„ Calapane" to Roupat£ (Raw At) 1 . 16 ,,
,, ROUPATE tO TOULAPEXA (TuLPURl) . 1 6 ,,
,, Toulapexa to Keraly (KariAlA or
SarAi alamgir) . . . . 19 ,,
,, Keraly to Zerabad (WazirAbAd) . 16 „
„ Zerabad to I miabad (Emin AbAd) 2 . 18 „
Imiabad to Lahor (Lahore) . . 18 „
Lahore is the capital of a kingdom, and is built on
one of the five rivers 3 which descend from the moun
tains of the north to go to swell the Indus, and give
the name of Penjab 4 to all the region which they water.
This river at the present day flows at a quarter of a
league distant from the town, being liable to change
its bed, and the neighbouring fields often sustain much
damage from its great overflowings. The town is
1 It has been suggested to me by Mr. A. B. Wynne, who knows this
country well, that Roupate should be identified with Rawat, near the
Manikyala tope, 16 miles south of Rawalpindi. It is the Seraie Roobat
of Elphinstone's map, probably derived from the Arabic ribdt or robdt
a caravansardi. 2 Eminabad is 32 miles south of Lahore.
3 Lahore on the Ravi.
4 Penj-ab = Panj db, Pers., 5 waters or rivers — the Panjab.

LAHORE 95

large, and extends more than a coss in length, but the
greater part of the houses, which are higher than those
of Agra and Delhi, are falling into ruins, the excessive
rains having overthrown a large number. The palace
of the King is rather fine, and is no longer, as it was
formerly, on the margin of the river, which has with
drawn, as I have said, about a quarter of a league.
One can obtain wine at Lahore.1
I shall remark, en passant, that after leaving
Lahore, and the kingdom of Kashmir which adjoins
it on the north, all the women are naturally unprovided
with hair on any part of the body,2 and the men have
very little of it on the chin.
From Lahor to Menat-Kan (AmAnat KhAn) 12 coss.
Menat-Kan to Faty-abad (Fateh
pur)  15 »
Faty-abad to Sera-dakan (DekhAn) . 15 ,,
,, Sera-dakan to Sera-balour (Phil-
lAur)  15 »
Sera-balour to Sera-dourai (Dour-
AhAi)  12 „
Sera-dourai to Serinde (Sirhind) . 17 ,,
Serinde town to Sera Mogoul (Mo-
gulsarAi) . . • • 15 »
Sera Mogoul to Sera Chabas (ShAh-
AbAd)  14 »
„ Sera Chabas to Dirauril (TarAwari) 17 ,,
„ Dirauril to Sera-Crindal (KurnAl) 14 „
1 No inconsiderable recommendation in the eyes of Tavernier, who
makes frequent references to the wine which he carried with him on his
journeys, and with which he delighted to entertain his friends.
2 Our author does not intend, I suppose, to convey that they have
none on their heads.

96 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
From Sera-Crindal to Ginenaour (Gannaur) 21 coss.
„ Ginenaour to Dehly (Delhi) . . 24 „
Before proceeding further it should be remarked
that nearly all the way from Lahore to Delhi, and from
Delhi to Agra, is like a continuous avenue planted
throughout with beautiful trees on both sides, which is
very pleasant to the view -1 but in some places they
have been allowed to perish, and the people have not
taken care to plant others.
Delhi is a large town, near the river Jumna,2 which
runs from north to south, then from west to east, and
after having passed Agra and Kadioue,3 loses itself in
the Ganges. Since ShAh JahAn has caused the new
town of JahAnAbAd to be built, to which he has given
his name, and where he preferred to reside rather than
at Agra, because the climate is more temperate, Delhi
has become much broken down and is nearly all in ruins,
only sufficient of it remaining standing to afford a habita
tion to the poor. There are narrow streets and houses
of bamboo as in all India, and there are but three or
four nobles of the court who reside at Delhi, in great
enclosures, in which they have their tents pitched.
It is also where the Reverend Jesuit Father who was
at the court had his dwelling.
JahAnAbAd, like Delhi, is a great straggling town,
and a simple wall separates them. All the houses of
1 On the map which accompanies the French edition of 1713 this
avenue is represented.
2 Delhi, on the Jumna, here Gemna, and elsewhere spelt Gemene".
The distance from Gannaur, or Gunour of the Atlas Sheet, is only about
36 miles. 3 Kadioue. Can this mean Etawah ? I am not aware whether any
other author has mentioned this name, and think it probable that it was
due to some mistake in catching the true sound. In chap. VIII, p. 113,
Estanja appears, however, to represent Etawah.

JAHANABAD 97

private persons are large enclosures, in the middle of
which is the dwelling, so that no one can approach the
place where the women are shut up. The greater part
of the nobles do not live in the town, but have their
houses outside, so as to be near the water. When enter
ing JahAnAbAd from the Delhi side, a long and wide
street is to be seen, where, on both sides, there are
arches under which the merchants carry on their busi
ness, and overhead there is a kind of platform. This
street leads to the great square, where the King's palace
is ; and there is another very straight and wide one,
which leads to the same square near another gate of
the palace, in which there are the houses of the principal
merchants who keep no shops.
The King's palace is a good half league in circuit.
The walls are of fine cut stone, with battlements, and
at every tenth battlement there is a tower. The fosses
are full of water and are lined with cut stone. The
principal gate of the palace has nothing magnificent
about it, nor has the first court, where the nobles are
permitted to enter on their elephants.
From this court one enters a long and wide passage
which has on both sides handsome porticoes, under
which there are many small chambers where some of
the horse-guards lodge. These porticoes are elevated
about two feet from the ground, and the horses, which
are fastened to rings outside, take their feed on the edge.
In certain places there are large doors which lead to
different apartments, as to that of the women, and to
the quarter where justice is administered. In the
middle of this passage there is a channel full of water,
which leaves a good roadway on either side, and forms
little basins at equal distances. This long passage
VOL. I h

98 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i

leads to a large court where the Omrahs1 i.e. the great
nobles of the kingdom, like the Bachas2 in Turkey,
and the Khdns in Persia, constitute the bodyguard.
There are low chambers around this court for their
use, and their horses are tethered outside their doors.
From this second court a third is entered by a
large gate, by the side of which there is, as it were, a
small room raised two or three feet from the ground. It
is where the royal wardrobe is kept, and from whence
the khWat2, is obtained whenever the King wishes to
honour a stranger or one of his subjects. A little further
on, over the same gate, is the place where the drums,
trumpets, and hautboys are kept, which are heard some
moments before the King enters his throne of justice,
to give notice to the Omrahs, and again when the
King is about to rise. When entering this third court
you face the divan where the King gives audience. It
is a grand hall elevated some four feet above the ground
floor, and open on three sides. Thirty-two marble
columns sustain as many arches, and these columns
are about four feet square with their pedestals and some
mouldings. When ShAh JahAn commenced the build
ing of this hall he intended that it should be enriched
throughout by wonderful works in mosaic, like those in
the chapel of the Grand Duke in Italy; but having
made a trial upon two or three pillars to the height of
1 Omerahs and Omrahs in the original for Umara, Arb. PI. of Amir.
(See Yule and Burnell, Anglo-Indian Glossary, s.v.)
2 Bachas for Pachas. Chardin quaintly says of the two modes of
spelling that bacha means Head of the King ; and pacha, Feet of the
King. ( Voyages, Amsterdam, ed. 1 7 1 1, vol. i, p. 35.) The true explana
tion being, as Colonel Yule informs me, that as Arabic has no p, they
have substituted b, which the Turks have adopted.
8 KhiFat. (See p. 20.)

chap, vi THE MOGUL'S THRONE 99
two or three feet, he considered that it would be im
possible to find enough stones for so considerable a
design, and that moreover it would cost an enormous
sum of money ; this compelled him to stop the work,
contenting himself with a representation of different
flowers. In the middle of this hall, and near the side over
looking the court, as in a theatre, they place the throne
when the King comes to give audience and to render
justice. It is a small bed of the size of our camp
beds, with its four columns, the canopy, the back, a
bolster, and counterpane ; all of which are covered with
diamonds. When the King takes his seat, however, they spread
on the bed a cover of gold brocade, or of some other
rich quilted stuff, and he ascends it by three small steps
of two feet in length. On one side of the bed there
is a parasol elevated on a handle of the length of a
short pike,1 and to each column of the bed is attached
one of the King's weapons, to one his shield, to another
his sword, next his bow, his quiver, and his arrows,
and other things of that nature.
There is in the court below the throne a space
twenty feet square, surrounded by balustrades, which at
certain times are covered with plates of silver, and at
others with plates of gold. It is at the four corners of
this space that the four Secretaries of State are seated,
who for civil as welLas criminal matters also fulfil the
roles of advocates. Several nobles place themselves
around the balustrade, and here also the music is
located, which is heard while the King is in the divan.
This music is sweet and pleasant, and makes so little
1 .Demi pique in the original.

100 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
noise that it does not disturb the thoughts from the
serious occupations with which they are engaged.
When the King is seated on his throne, some great
noble stands by him, most frequently his own children.
Between eleven o'clock and noon the Nawdb} who is the
first Minister of State, like the Grand Vizir in Turkey,
comes to make a report of whatever has passed in the
chamber where he presides, which is at the entry of
the first court, and when he has finished speaking, the
King rises. But it must be remarked that from the
time the King seats himself on his throne till he rises,
no one, whosoever he may be, is allowed to leave the
palace ; though I am bound to say that the King was
pleased to exempt me from this rule, which is general
for every one — and here, in a few words, is how it
occurred. Wishing one day, while the King was in the divan,
to leave the palace on urgent business, which could not
by any means be deferred, the Captain of the guard
caught me by the arm, and told me roughly that I should
not pass out. I argued with him some time, but at
length, seeing that he would treat me with violence, I
put my hand to my canjare2 and would have struck him
in the rage I was in if three or four guards, who saw
my action, had not restrained me. Happily for me the
Nawdb, who was uncle of the King, passed at the
moment, and being informed of the subject of our
quarrel, ordered the Captain of the guards to let me
go out. He reported to the King in due course how
the matter had occurred, and in the evening the Nawdb
1 Nabab in original, for Nawib.
2 Canjare for Khanjar, Hind., a kind of dagger. (See Book II,
chap, xxiv.)

THE DIVAN 101

sent one of his people to tell me that his majesty had
notified that I might enter and leave the palace as I
pleased while he was in the divan, for which I went
on the following day to thank the Nawdb.
Towards the middle of the same court there is a
small channel which is about six inches wide, where,
while the King is on his seat of justice, all strangers
who come to the audience must stop. They are not
allowed to pass it without being called, and even am
bassadors themselves are not exempted from this rule.
When an ambassador has arrived at the channel, the
officer in charge of the introductions calls out towards
the divan, where the King is seated, that such an
ambassador wishes to speak to his majesty. Then a
Secretary of State repeats it to the King, who very
often does not appear to hear, but some time after he
lifts his eyes, and throwing them upon the ambassador,
makes through the same Secretary a sign that he may
approach. From the hall of the divan you pass on the left to a
terrace from whence you see the river, and from thence
the King enters a small chamber from which he passes
into his harem. It was in this little chamber where I
had my first audience with his majesty, as I shall else
where relate.
To the left of this same court where the divan is,
there is a small well-built mosque, the dome of which
is entirely covered by lead, and so thoroughly well gilt
that some indeed believe that the whole is of massive
gold. This is where the King goes daily to pray,
save on Friday, when he goes to the Grand Mosque,
which is very magnificent, and is situate on a lofty
platform higher than the houses of the town, and it is

102 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i

ascended by many grand flights of stairs. On the day
upon which the King goes to the mosque, a large net
of five or six feet in height is stretched round these
stairs from fear lest the elephants might approach
them, and out of the respect with which the mosque is
regarded. The right side of the court is occupied by porticoes
which form a long gallery, elevated about half a foot
above the ground, and it is the whole extent of these
porticoes which constitute the King's stables, which
one may enter by several doors. They are always full
of very fine horses, the least valuable of which has cost
3000 e'cus, and there are some which are worth up to
10,000 e'cus. In front of each door of the stables there
is hung a kind of screen made of bamboos split like our
osiers ; but, unlike the way in which we weave our
little twigs of osier with osier itself, the bamboo is
woven with twisted silk which represents flowers, and
the work is very tedious and requires much patience.
These screens serve to prevent the flies from torment
ing the horses, but that is not considered sufficient,
for two grooms are appointed to each horse, one of
whom is generally occupied in fanning it. There are
also screens stretched before the porticoes, as before
the doors of the stables, and they are lowered and
elevated according to necessity ; and the floor of the
gallery is covered with beautiful carpets, which are
taken up in the evening in order to spread the bedding
of the horses. This bedding is made of the horse's
own droppings dried in the sun, and afterwards some
what crushed. The horses imported into India,
whether from Persia or Arabia, or the country of the
Usbeks, have a complete change of food, for in India

THE JUMNA 103

they are given neither hay nor oats. Each horse
receives for its portion in the morning two or three
balls made of wheaten flour and butter, of the size of
our penny rolls. There is much difficulty in accus
toming them to this kind of food, and often four or
five months pass before it can be accomplished. The
groom is obliged to hold the horse's tongue in one
hand, and with the other he has to force the ball down
the throat. In the sugar-cane or millet season they
are given some of them at mid-day ; and in the even
ing, an hour or two before sunset, they receive a
measure of chick-peas which the groom has crushed
between two stones and steeped in water. It is these
which take the place of hay and oats. As for the
other stables of the King, where he has also some fine
horses, they are poor places, badly built, and do not
deserve to be mentioned.
The Jumna is a fine river which has large boats
upon it, and, after having passed Agra, it loses its
name in the Ganges at Allahabad. The King keeps
many small brigantines at JahAnAbAd for pleasure, and
they are highly decorated after the manner of the
country.

CHAPTER VII
Sequence of the same Route, from Delhi up to Agra
From Dehly to Badelpoura (Budurpur) . 8 coss.
,, Badelpoura to Peluel-ki-sera
(Pulwal) . . . • 1 8 „
,, Peluel-ki-sera to Cotki-sera
(KotwAn ?) . . . . . 15 ,,
Cotki-sera to Cheki-sera1 (Sheikh-i-
sarAi?) . . . . . . 16 ,,
At Cheki-sera there is one of the grandest pagodas
in India with an asylum for apes, both for those com
monly in the place and for those which come from the
neighbouring country, where the Banians provide
them with food. This pagoda is called Mathura ;2
formerly it was held in much greater veneration by the
idolaters than it is at present. That was because the
Jumna then flowed at the foot of the pagoda, and
because the Banians, both those of the place and
those who came from afar in pilgrimage to perform
their devotions there, were able to wash themselves in
the river before entering the pagoda, and on coming
1 This probably stands for Sheikh-i-sarai, the name of some halting-
place near Matura of the original {i.e. Mathura).
2 Mathura, or Muttra, on the right bank of the Jumna, about 30
miles above Agra. It was a centre of the Buddhist faith about the year
a.d. 400, when visited by the Chinese pilgrim, Fa-Hian. Its antiquities
have been fully described by Mr. Growse. Monkeys still swarm in the
city, where they are fed by the inhabitants. In 1669-70 Aurangzeb
visited the city, and destroyed many of its temples and shrines.

chap, vii AGRA 105
out of it before preparing to eat, which they must not
do without being washed ; besides, they believe that
by washing themselves in running water their sins are
more effectually removed. But for some years back
the river has taken its course to the north, and flows
at a good coss distance from the pagoda ; this is the
reason why so many pilgrims do not visit it now.
From Cheki-sera to Goodki-sera (?) . 5 coss.
„ Goodki-sera to Agra . . . 6 ,,
Agra is in 270 31' latitude,1 in a sandy soil ; which
is the cause of excessive heat in summer. It is the
largest town in India, and was formerly the residence
of the Kings. The houses of the nobles are beautiful
and well built, but those of private persons have nothing
fine about them, no more than in all the other towns of
India. They are separated from one another, and are
concealed by the height of the walls, from fear lest
any one should see the women ; so it is easy to under
stand that all these towns have nothing cheerful about
them like our towns in Europe. It should be added
to this that, Agra being surrounded by sands, the heat
in summer is excessive, and it is, in part, this which
induced ShAh JahAn not to make his ordinary dwelling
there any more, and to remove his court to JahAnAbAd.
All then that is remarkable at Agra is the palace
of the King,2 and some beautiful tombs both near the
town and in the environs. The palace of the King is
a considerable enclosure with a double wall, which is
1 The true latitude of Agra is 27" 10' 6". The Handbook to Agra,
by Mr. H. G. Keene, may be referred to for an account of this city by
those who desire to learn of its present condition and past history.
2 The palace was commenced during the reign of Ibrahim Lodi ;
but the chief architectural monuments are due to ShaJi JaMn. {Arch.
Reports, vol. iv, p. 12.)

106 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
terraced in some places, and above the wall small dwell
ings have been built for certain officers of the court.
The Jumna flows in front of the palace ; but between
the wall and the river there is a large square where the
King makes his elephants fight. They have purposely
selected this spot near the water, because the elephant
which has been victorious being enraged, they would
not be able to pacify him for a long time if they did
not urge him into the river, to effect which it is neces
sary to use artifice, by attaching to the end of a hand-
pike fuses and petards, which are set on fire to drive
him into the water ; and when he is two or three feet
deep in it he forthwith becomes appeased.
There is a large square on the side of the town in
front of the palace, and the first gate, which has nothing
magnificent about it, is guarded by some soldiers.
Before the King had given up his residence at Agra
for that at JahAnAbAd, whenever he went to the coun
try on a visit he entrusted the custody of the palace,
where his treasure was, to one of the principal and
most trustworthy of his Omrahs, who, until the return
of the King, never moved, neither day nor night, from
this gate where his lodging was. It was during such
an absence that I was permitted to see the palace at
Agra. The King having left for JahAnAbAd, where
all the court followed, and even the women too, the
government of the palace was conferred on a noble
who was a great friend of the Dutch, and, in general,
of all the Franks}
M. Velant, chief of the Dutch factory at Agra, as
soon as the King had left, went to salute this noble
and to make him a present, according to the custom.
1 Franguis in the original, Franks, i.e. Europeans. (See pp. 6 and 86.)

chap, vii THE PALACE AT AGRA 107
It was worth about 6000 1 e'cus, and consisted of spices,
Japanese cabinets, and beautiful Dutch cloths. He
invited me to go with him when he went to pay his
compliments to the Governor ; but this noble was
offended at being offered a present, and obliged him to
take it back, telling him that, in consideration of the
friendship he had for the Franks, he would only take
one small cane out of six which formed a part of the
gift. They were those Japanese canes which grow in
short nodes ; it was even necessary to remove the gold
with which it had been embellished, as he would not
receive it except in its unadorned condition. Compli
ments having passed on both sides, the Governor asked
M. Velant what he desired him to do to serve him ;
and he having prayed him to have the goodness, as
the court was absent, to permit him to see the interior
of the palace, it was granted him, and six men were
given to accompany us.
The first gate, where, as I have said, the dwelling of
the Governor of the palace is situated, is a long and dark
arch, after which you enter a large court surrounded with
porticoes, like the Place Royale or Luxembourg at
Paris. The gallery which is opposite is larger and
higher than the others, and is sustained by three rows
of columns, and under those, on the three other sides
of the court, which are narrower and lower, there are
several small chambers for the soldiers of the guard.
In the middle of the great gallery you see a niche in
the wall to which the King obtains access from his
harem by a small concealed staircase, and when seated
there he looks like a statue. He has no guards about
him then, because he has nothing to fear ; and because
1 About ,£1350.

108 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
neither before nor behind, from the right nor from the
left, can any one approach him. During the great
heat he keeps only one eunuch by him, and most fre
quently one of his children, to fan him. The nobles of
the court remain below in the gallery under this niche.
At the end of the court there is, on the left hand,
a second gateway which gives entrance to another
great court, which is also surrounded by galleries,
under which there are also small rooms for some
officers of the palace. From this second court you
pass into a third, where the King's apartments are
situated. ShAh JahAn had intended to cover the arch
of a great gallery which is on the right hand with
silver, and a Frenchman, named Augustin de Bor
deaux, was to have done the work. But the Great
Mogul seeing there was no one in his kingdom who
was more capable to send to Goa to negotiate an
affair with the Portuguese, the work was not done,
for, as the ability of Augustin was feared, he was
poisoned on his return from Cochin. This gallery
is painted with foliage of gold and azure, and the floor
is covered over with a carpet. There are doors under
the gallery giving entrance into very small square
chambers. I saw two or three of them which were
opened for us, and we were told that the others were
similar. The three other sides of the court are alto
gether open, and there is but a simple wall to the height
of the support. On the side overlooking the river
there is a projecting divan or belvedere, where the King
comes to sit when he wishes to enjoy the pleasure of
seeing his brigantines, and making his elephants fight
In front of this divan there is a gallery which serves as
a vestibule, and the design of ShAh JahAn was to cover

TOMBS AT AGRA 109

it throughout by a trellis of rubies and emeralds, which
would represent, after nature, green grapes and those
commencing to become red ; but this design, which
made a great noise throughout the world, and which
required more wealth than he had been able to furnish,
remains unfinished, only having two or three wreaths
of gold with their leaves, as all the rest ought to be,
and enamelled in their natural colours, emeralds, rubies,
and garnets making the grapes. About the middle of
the court you see a great tank for bathing, of forty feet
in diameter, and of a single piece of sandstone, with
steps cut in the stone itself, both within and without.1
As for the tombs which are in Agra and its environs,
there are some which are very beautiful, and there is
not one of the eunuchs in the King's harem who is not
ambitious to have a magnificent tomb built for himself.
When they have amassed large sums they earnestly
desire to go to Mecca, and to take with them rich
presents ; but the Great Mogul, who does not wish
the money to leave his country, very seldom grants
them permission, and consequently, not knowing what
to do with their wealth, they expend the greater part
of it in these burying-places, in order to leave some
monument to their names.
Of all the tombs which one sees at Agra, that of
the wife of ShAh JahAn 2 is the most splendid. He pur
posely made it near the Tasimacan,3 where all foreigners
come, so that the whole world should see and admire
its magnificence. The Tasimacan is a large bazaar,
- 1 This should take rank as one of tbe most remarkable monoliths ever
extracted from a quarry and dressed by stone-cutters' chisels. See p. 1 53.
2 The Taj Mahal was erected by Shah Jahdn in memory of his
queen, Mumtaz-i-Mahal. His own remains lie there too.
3 Probably Tdj-i-mukdm , i.e. The camp of the Taj.

110 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
consisting of six large courts all surrounded with porti
coes, under which there are chambers for the use of
merchants, and an enormous quantity of cottons is sold
there. The tomb of this Begum, or sultan queen, is at
the east end of the town by the side of the river in
a great square surrounded by walls, upon which there
is a small gallery, as on the walls of many towns in
Europe. This square is a kind of garden divided into
compartments like our parterres, but in the places where
we put gravel there is white and black marble. You
enter this square by a large gate, and at first you see,
on the left hand, a beautiful gallery which faces in the
direction of Mecca, where there are three or four niches
where the Moufti1 comes at fixed times to pray. A
little farther than the middle of the square, on the side
of the water, you see three great platforms elevated,
one upon the other, with four towers at the four
corners of each, and a staircase inside, for proclaiming
the hour of prayer. There is a dome above, which is
scarcely less magnificent than that of Val de Grace at
Paris. It is covered within and without with white
marble, the middle being of brick. Under this dome
there is an empty tomb, for the Begum is interred under
a vault which is beneath the first platform. The same
changes which are made below in this subterranean
place are made above around the tomb, for from time
to time they change the carpet, chandeliers, and other
ornaments of that kind, and there are always there
some Mollahs 2 to pray. I witnessed the commence
ment and accomplishment of this great work, on
which they have expended twenty-two years, during
1 Mufti, a Turkish title applied to the supreme exponent of the
law. 2 More correctly Mulld.

chap, vii TOMB OF JAHANGIR ill
which twenty thousand men worked incessantly ; this
is sufficient to enable one to realise that the cost of it
has been enormous. It is said that the scaffoldings
alone cost more than the entire work, because, from
want of wood, they had all to be made of brick,
as well as the supports of the arches ; this has en
tailed much labour and a heavy expenditure. ShAh
JahAn began to build his own tomb on the other
side of the river, but the war which he had with
his sons interrupted his plan, and Aurangzeb, who
reigns at present, is not disposed to complete it. An
eunuch in command of 2000 men guards both the
tomb of the Begum and the Tasimacan, to which it is
near at hand.
On one side of the town the tomb of King Akbar 1
is to be seen ; as for those of the eunuchs they have
but a single platform with small chambers at each of
the four corners.
When you reach Agra from the Delhi side you
meet a large bazaar, close to which there is a garden
where the king JahAnGir, father of ShAh JahAn, is
interred. Over the gate of this garden you see a
painting which represents his tomb covered by a great
black pall with many torches of white wax, and two
Jesuit Fathers at the ends. One is much astounded
at seeing that ShAh JahAn, contrary to the practice of
the Muhammadans, who hold images in abhorrence,
has allowed this painting to remain, and it can only be
in consequence of the fact that the King his father and
he himself had learnt from the Jesuits some principles of
mathematics and astrology. But he had not the same
indulgence for them in another matter, for on going
1 This was built by Shah Jahangir at Sikandrf.

112 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii
one day to see a sick Armenian, named Cotgia,1 . . .
whom he much loved, and whom he had honoured with
splendid appointments, and the Jesuits, who had their
house close to that of the Armenian, happening to ring
their bell just then, the noise proved displeasing to the
King, and as he thought it might inconvenience the sick
man, in a rage he commanded it to be removed and
hung on the neck of his elephant ; this was promptly
done. Some days after, the King seeing the elephant
with this heavy bell suspended from its neck, he thought
that so great a weight might injure it, and he therefore
ordered it to be carried into the office of the Couteval}
which is a sort of barrier where a provost administers
justice to those of the quarter, and it has remained there
ever since. This Armenian had been brought up with
ShAh JahAn, and, as he was very clever and was an
excellent poet, he was high in the good graces of the
King, who had given him valuable governorships, but
had never been able, either by promises or threats, to
induce him to become a Muhammadan.
1 There is a hiatus here in the original, probably Tavernier was
uncertain as to the name, Cotgia (for Khojeh) being a title.
2 Kotwdl, i.e. police-magistrate or provost.

CHAPTER VIII
Route from Agra to Patna and Dacca, towns of the
Province of Bengal ; and the quarrel which the
author had with ShAistA KhAn, uncle of the King.
I parted from Agra for Bengal on the 25th of
November 1665 1 and lay the same day at a poor cara
vansardi distant from Agra 3 coss.
The 26th [Nov.] I reached Beruzabad (Fero-
zAbAd), 9 coss.
It is a small town, where, on my return, I received
8000 rupees of the balance of the money which Zafar
KhAn owed me for the goods which he had bought
from me at JahAnAbAd.2
The 27th [Nov.] to Serail Morlides (?) . 9 coss.
28th „ „ Estanja (EtAwah 3) . 14 „
29th ,, „ Haii-Mal (Ajit-MAl) .12 ,,
30th ,, „ Sekandera (Sikandra) .13 ,,
1st of Dec. to Sanqual (near Musanagar) 14 ,,
I met on this day no waggons, each drawn by 6
oxen, and there was upon each waggon 50,000 rupees.
1 Tavernier, in Book I, chap, x, describes how he witnessed the
Mogul's festival on the 4th to the 9th of November, and then saw the
jewels. Soon afterwards he must have left Delhi so as to reach Agra
for this start. {See Joret, op. tit., p. 193.)
2 See for account of this purchase, p. 137.
3 Elsewhere I have suggested that by Kadioue, Etawah was also
intended. (See pp. 96, 1 1 5.) The name is, I find, mentioned by Bernier.
VOL. I I

114 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
It was the revenue of the Province of Bengal, of which
all charges being paid and the purse of the Governor
well filled, amounted to 5,500,000 rupees.1 At one
league on this side of Sanqual you cross a river called
SengAr,2 which flows into the JumnA, which is only
half a league distant. You cross this river SengAr by
a stone bridge, and when you arrive from the Bengal
side, to go to Sironj and Surat, if you wish to shorten
the journey by ten days, when quitting the road to
Agra you must come as far as this bridge, and cross
the river JumnA by boat. Nevertheless the route
by Agra is generally taken, because by the other
there are five or six days' stony marches, and because
one must pass through the territories of Rajas where
there is danger of being robbed.
The 2d [December] I came to a caravansardi called
Cherourabad,3 12 coss.
Halfway you pass JahAnAbAd,4 (?) a small town
near which, about a quarter of a league on this side,
you pass a field of millet, where I saw a rhinoceros
eating stalks of this millet, which a small boy of nine
or ten years 6 presented to him. On my approaching
1 Tieffenthaler places the revenue of Bengal at 13,006,590 rupees
in Akbar's time, and he says that it was 40,000,000 rupees according
to " Manouzzi," i.e. Manouchi, in the time of Shah Jahan, subsequently
it fell to 8,621,200 rupees. (GSog. de. VInd., p. 443.)
2 Saingour in the original. 3 Not identified.
4 Gianabad in the original, to west of Kord.
5 Tame rhinoceroses, to which a good deal of freedom was allowed,
were formerly not uncommonly kept by the Rajas. Sometimes, as at
Baroda, they were performers in the fighting arena, and on such' occa
sions were commonly painted with divers bright colours. Elsewhere I
have shown that the Kartazonon of Megasthenes and the "Horned
Ass" of Ktesias were probably this animal; in the latter case the
colours which have puzzled so many commentators were, I believe,
artificial pigments applied to the hide of the rhinoceros seen by Ktesias^

chap, viii M. BERNIER 115
he gave me some stalks of millet, and immediately the
rhinoceros came to me, opening his mouth four or five
times ; I placed some in it, and when he had eaten
them he continued to open his mouth so that I might
give him more.
The 3d [December] I came to Serrail Chageada
(SarAi ShAhzAdA), io coss.
The 4th, to Serrail Atakan (HutgAon), 13 coss.
The 5th, to AurangAbAd,1 a large town, 9 coss.
Formerly this town had another name, and it is the
place where Aurangzeb, who reigns at present, gave
battle to his brother Sultan ShujA, who held the
government of the whole of Bengal. Aurangzeb
having been victorious gave his name to the town,
and he built there a handsome house with a garden and
a small mosque.
The 6th [December] to Alinchan (Alum Chand),
9 coss.
About two leagues on this side of Alum Chand
you meet the Ganges. Monsieur Bernier,2 Physician
to the King, and a man named Rachepot, with whom
I was, were surprised to see that this river, of which
they make so much talk, is not larger than the Seine
as they are on elephants at the present day. {Proceed. Roy. Irish
Academy, 2d Ser., vol. ii, No. 6, 1885.) Chardin describes and figures
a rhinoceros from Ethiopia which he saw at Ispahan. He says he did
not know whether the animal was found in India. ( Voyages, Amsterdam
ed., 171 1, vol. viii, p. 133.)
1 Aurangdbdd, not now on the maps. Perhaps same as Kadioue.
See pp. 96 and 113.
2 M. Bernier, the well-known historian of the Mogul Empire, was
born at Joue-Etian, in Angers, in September 1620. In 1654 he went
to Syria and Egypt, and from Cairo, where he remained for a year, he
went to Suez and embarked for India, where he took service as physician
to the Great Mogul {Voyages, t. i, p. 9). In 1668 he returned to France,
and died in 1688.

116 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i

in front of the Louvre, it being perhaps thought that
it equalled in width, at the least, the Danube below
Belgrade. There is actually so little water from the
month of March to the month of June or July, when
the rains commence, that boats are not able to ascend
it. On arrival at the Ganges, we each drank a glass
of wine which we mixed with water — this caused
some internal disturbance; but our attendants who
drank it alone were much more tormented than we
were. The Dutch, who have a house on the banks
of the Ganges, never drink the water of the river,
except after it has been boiled ; as for the native in
habitants, they have been accustomed to it from their
youth ; the King even and all his court drink no other.
You see every day a large number of camels which do
nothing else but fetch water from the Ganges.
The 7th [Dec] we came to Halabas 1 (AllAhAbAd),
8 coss.
AllAhAbAd is a large town built on a point of land
where the Ganges and the Jumna meet one another.
It has a fine castle built of cut stone, with a double ditch,
and it is the dwelling of the Governor. He is one of the
greatest nobles in India, and as he is troubled with
bad health he employs some Persian Physicians, and
he then also had in his service M. Claude Maille of
Bourges,2 who practised both surgery and medicine.
It was he who advised us not to drink any of the
Ganges water, which would produce disturbance of the
1 Allahabad, Ilahabas of Akbar, at the junction of the Jumna and
Ganges. 2 M. Claude Maille of Bourges. As we shall see in Book I, chap.
xviii, a man of this name, who had escaped from the Dutch service was,
in the year 1652, a not very successful amateur gun-founder for Mir
Jumla ; he had after his escape set up as a surgeon to. the Nawdb, with

chap, viii A PERSIAN PHYSICIAN 117
stomach, but to drink rather the water from wells.
The chief of these Persian Physicians whom this
Governor had in his pay, one day threw his wife down
from the top of a terrace to the ground, impelled
apparently to this cruel action by a freak of jealousy.
He thought that she was killed, but she had only two
or three ribs broken, and the relations of the woman
threw themselves at the feet of the Governor to
demand justice. The Governor summoned the Physi
cian, and commanded him to withdraw, not wishing to
keep him any longer in his service. He obeyed this
order, and, having placed his disabled wife in a pal
lankeen, he departed with all his family. He was
not more than three or four marches from the town
when the Governor, finding himself unusually ill, sent
to recall him, upon which the Physician stabbed his wife,
four of his children, and thirteen female slaves, after
which he returned to the Governor, who said nothing
to him about it, and took him again into his service.
On the 8th I crossed the Ganges in a large boat,
having waited from the morning till mid-day on the
bank of the river, till M. Maille brought a letter from
the Governor giving us permission to cross. For on
each side there is a Darogah, who allows no one to pass
without an order ; and he takes note also of the kind
of merchandise carried, each waggon being charged
four rupees, and a chariot paying but one, without
counting the boat, for which it is necessary to pay
separately.
an equipment consisting of a case of instruments and a box of ointments
which he had stolen from M. Cheteur, the Dutch Ambassador to
Golconda. Tavernier throws no light upon his identity with this
physician. He mentions that M. Cheteur left a surgeon named Pitre
de Lan with the king of Golconda. (See Book-I, chap, xix.)

118 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
This day the halt was at Sadoul Serail 1 (?) 1 6 coss.
The 9th at Yakedil-sera (Jagdis SarAi) . 10 ,,
10th at Bouraky-sera (Baboo SarAi) . 10 „
nth at Banarou (Benares) . . 10 „
Benares 2 is a large and very well-built town, the
majority of the houses being of brick and cut stone,
and more lofty than those of other towns of India ;
but it is very inconvenient that the streets are
so narrow. It has several caravansardis, and, among
others, one very large and well built. In the middle
of the court there are two galleries where they sell
cottons, silken stuffs, and other kinds of merchandise.
The majority of those who vend the goods are the
workers who have made the pieces, and in this manner
foreigners obtain them at first hand. These workers,
before exposing anything for sale, have to go to him
who holds the contract, in order to get the King's
stamp impressed on the pieces of calico or silk, other
wise they are fined and flogged. The town is situated
to the north of the Ganges, which runs the whole length
of the walls, and two leagues farther down a large river 3
joins it from the west. The idolaters have one of their
principal pagodas in Benares, and I shall describe it in
Book 1 1, where I shall speak of the religion of theBanians.
About 500 paces from the town, in a north-western
direction, there is a mosque where you see several
Muhammadan tombs, of which some are of a very beauti-
1 Possibly Sydabad, which, however, is only about 17 miles from
Allahabad ; in any case the 16 coss is too much. The subsequent stages
to Benares are 18, 18, and 22 miles.
2 Benares is 74 miles distance to the east of AllahaLdd, and 466
south-east of Delhi.
3 This must be the Barna, as the Gumti is 16 miles off. The Barnd
is not now a large river, but rather a small stream.

chap, viii BENARES 119
ful design. The most beautiful are placed each in the
middle of a garden enclosed by walls which have open
ings of half a foot square, through which the passers-
by can see them. The most considerable of all is like
a great square pedestal, each face of which is about
forty paces long. In the middle of this platform
you see a column of 32 to 35 feet in height, all of a
piece, and which three men could with difficulty
embrace.1 It is of sandstone, so hard that I could not
scratch it with my knife. It terminates in a pyramid,
and has a great ball on the point, and below the ball it
is encircled by large beads. All the sides of this tomb
are covered with figures of animals cut in relief in the
stone, and it has been higher above the ground than
it now appears ; several of the old men who guard
some of these tombs having assured me that since fifty
years it has subsided more than 30 feet. They add that
it is the tomb of one of the kings of BhutAn, who was
interred there after he had left his country to conquer
this kingdom, from which he was subsequently driven
by the descendants of Tamerlane. It is from this
kingdom of BhutAn that they bring musk, and I shall
give a description of it in Book III.
I remained at Benares on the 1 2th and 1 3th, and
during these two days there was continual rain ; but it
did not prevent me from resuming my journey, and on
the evening of the 13th I crossed the Ganges with the
passport of the Governor. They examine all travellers'
baggage before embarking in the boat, personal pro
perty pays nothing, and it is only on merchandise that
one must pay duty.
1 This was probably the Asoka pillar, known as the Ldt Bhairo,
which is believed to have been erected in the third century B.C.

120 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i

The 13th [December] I halted at Baterpour
(BahAdurpur) .... 2 coss.
14th at Satragy-sera (SadrAzA-ki-
sarAi on old map) 1 . ¦ . 8 „
15th at MONIARKY-SERA (MOHANlA-
ki-sarAi)2 . . . . . 6 ,,
During the morning of this day, after having
travelled two coss, I crossed a river called Carn-
asar sou,3 and at three coss from thence one crosses
another named Saode-sou,4 and both are crossed by
fords. The 1 6th at Gourmabad (KhurmAbAd) . 8 coss.
It is a town on a river called Goudera-sou,5 and
you cross it by a stone bridge.
The 17th at Saseron (SAsserAm)6 . . 4 coss.
SAsserAm is a town at the foot of the mountains,
near to which there is a large tank. You see a small
island in the middle, where there is a very beautiful
mosque, in which there is the tomb of a Nawdb named
Selim- KhAn, who had it built during the time he
was Governor of the Province. There is a fine stone
bridge to cross into the island, which is all flanked
and paved with large cut stones. On one of the sides
of the tank there is a large garden, in the middle
of which is another beautiful tomb of the son of
the same Nawdb, Selim- KhAn, who succeeded his
1 Sedradje of Tieffenthaler. 2 Mohonia of Tieffenthaler.
3 Sou for su, Turkish for river. This appears to have been the
Karamnasar river.
4 The Durgouti river ? 6 Koodra river.
6 Sasseram, in Behar. Tieffenthaler gives the distance as thirty-
five milles from Benares to Sasseram. The tomb of the Afghan, Sher
SMh, who became Emperor after his conquest of Humayun, rightly so
named by Tieffenthaler, is in the middle of the tank with that of his son
Selim, otherwise known as Islim Shah.

chap, vm PATNA 121
father in the government of the Province. When you
wish to go to the mine of Soulmelpour,1 of which I
shall speak in the last book of this narrative, you leave
the main road to Patna, and turn straight southwards
by Ekberbourg2 and the famous fort of Rhodas
(Rohtas), as I shall say in the same place.
The 1 8th [December] I crossed, in a boat, the river
Sonsou,3 which comes from the mountains of the south ;
and, after crossing it, those who have goods have to
pay a certain duty.
This day my halt was at Daoud-Nagar-Sera
(Doudnagar), where there is a fine tomb . 9 coss.
The 19th to Halva-sera (Arwal)4 . 10 ,,
20th to Aga-sera (?) . . . 9 ,,
In the morning I met 130 elephants, both large and
small, which they were taking to Delhi to the Great
Mogul. The 2 i st to Patna. .... 10 coss.
Patna is one of the largest towns in India, on the
margin of the Ganges, on its western side, and it is
1 Soulmelpour, a misprint for Soumelpour (see Book II, chap, xvii,
where it is shown to have been situated in Palamow). It is also men
tioned by Tieffenthaler as Sommelpour, thirty milles S.S.E. of RohtAs.
{Ge'og. de I'Ind., traduit par Bernoulli, Berlin 1791, p. 433-)
2 Ekberbourg, which is misprinted in the puzzling-looking form of
Exberbourg in the English translation by John Phillips (1684), is un
doubtedly identical with Akbdrpur, a village at the foot of the hill upon
which the remains of the old fort of Rohtas are still to be seen. A
small portion has been restored and made habitable. I have described
this neighbourhood in Jungle Life in India, p. 349. Of the substitution
of the French bourg for the Indian piir these pages furnish several
examples. 3 The river Sone or Son. It rises in the west, near Amarkantak.
4 Arwal on Sone, formerly, as stated by Tieffenthaler, famous for
its paper factory. The original village has been swept away by the
river, and a new one bears the name. It is forty-one miles distant from
Patna, so that the value of the coss is here also about two miles.

122 TRAVELS IN INDIA

not less than two coss in length. The houses are not
better than in the majority of the other towns of India,
and they are nearly all roofed with thatch or bamboo.
The Dutch company has an establishment there on
account of the trade in saltpetre,1 which it refines at a
large village called ChaprA, situated on the right bank
of the Ganges, io coss above Patna.
Arriving at Patna with M. Bernier, we encountered
some Dutchmen in the street who were returning to
ChaprA,2 but who halted their carriages in order to
salute us. We did not separate before we had emptied
together two bottles of ShirAz wine in the open street,
regarding which there is nothing to remark upon in
this country, where one lives without ceremony, and
with perfect liberty.
I remained eight days in Patna, during which time
an occurrence happened which will show the reader
that unnatural crime does not rest unpunished by the
Muhammadans. A Mimbachi5 who commanded 1000
foot disgraced a young boy who was in his service ;
. . . the boy, overwhelmed with grief, chose his time
to avenge himself, and being one day out hunting with
his master, and removed from the other attendants by
about a quarter of a league, he came behind him and
cut off his head with his sword. He then rode im-

1 An account of the manufacture of saltpetre and the decadence of
this once valuable trade will be found in the Economic Geology of
India, p. 499.
2 Choupar in the original, Chuprah, or Chapra (Scepra of Dutch
writers), headquarters of Saran District, Bengal ; owing to the recession
of the Ganges from it its importance has diminished. , At the end of the
last century the French, Dutch, and Portuguese had factories there, and
the saltpetre of the district was specially famous.
3 Mimbachi. Here Mim stands for Ming, Turkish for 1000.

chap, viii PATNA TO DACCA 123
mediately to the town at full speed, crying aloud that
he had slain his master for such a reason, and came at
once to the house of the Governor, who placed him in
prison. But he left it at the end of six months, and
although all the relatives of the defunct did what they
could to procure his execution, the Governor did not
dare to condemn him, as he feared the people, who
protested that the young man had acted rightly.
I left Patna in a boat to descend to Dacca on the
29th of January {?)} between n o'clock and noon. If
the river had been strong, as it is after the rains, I
should have embarked at AllAhAbAd, or at the least at
Benares. The same day I slept at Sera Beconcour,2 15 coss.
Five coss on this side of Beconcour you meet a
river called Pompon sou,3 which comes from the south
and flows into the Ganges.
The 30th [December] to Sera D'Eriia (Daria-
pur ?),4 1 7 coss.
On the 31st, after having gone 4 coss or there
abouts, you meet the river Kaoa, which comes from
the south ; 3 coss lower you see another called
Chanon, which falls from the north ; 4 coss farther you
discover that called Erguga, which comes from the
1 This is a mistake for December, see below.
2 Bykatpur perhaps, but it is only 13 miles from Patna. On the
whole Bar seems to correspond best.
3 Punpiin or Fatwa nala, a river of South Behdr, which rises in
the south of the Gaya district. It joins the Ganges at Fatwa, and is
crossed by the road from Bankipiir at 10 miles from that town and
5 from Bykatpur.
4 There is some uncertainty about this identification, as the distances
given are but little guide. On the Atlas Sheet the name is printed
Durgapur. Perhaps if Beconcur stands for Bar it should be Deeareh,
halfway to Mongir.

124 TRAVELS IN INDIA

south ; and again, 6 coss below that of Aquera, which
comes from the same quarter, and these four rivers lose
their names in the Ganges.1 All that day I beheld
lofty mountains 2 on the south side, and at a distance
from the Ganges some 10 coss and some 15 coss, and
I came to a halt at Monger (Mongir) town, 18 coss.
The first day of January 1666, after having sailed
two hours I saw the Gandak 3 enter the Ganges from
the north. It is a large navigable river.
This evening the halt was at Zangira (Janjira,)4
8 coss. But as the Ganges twisted much during the day it
is by water fully 22 coss.
During the 2d, between 6 o'clock in the morning
and about 1 1 o'clock, I saw three rivers enter the
Ganges, and they all three come from the north side.
The first is called Ronova, the second Tae, and the
third Chanan.5
I slept at Baquelpour (BhAgalpur),6 18 coss.
The 3d, after four hours' travelling on the Ganges,
I encountered the river Katare,7 which comes from
the north, and slept this day at a village called Pon-
gangel,8 at the end of the mountains which abut on the
Ganges, 13 coss}
1 Compare Keul and TiljugS rivers, and KargariS, Bhagmati and
Chdndu khdls. 2 Kharakpiir hills and adjoining ranges.
3 Gandet in the original. This was the Boor or Burh Gandak
river. 4 For Jahangirha of map, near Sultanganj.
6 These names probably represent sundry khdls.
6 Bhagalpur in Behdr. 1- Probably the Kosi.
8 Called Borregangel by De Graaf in 1669 (see Histoire Generate
des Voyages La Haye, 1755, vol. xiii, p. 50, and Popangel in a map of
" Indostan " in the same volume). Its position corresponds with that of
the modern Sikrigalli ghdt.
9 This distance is much understated, being about 50 miles by land.

CHAP, viii

RAJMAHAL 125

On the 4th [January], one hour below Pongangel,
I met a great river called Mart-nadi (Kalindry?),
which comes from the north, and I slept at Rage-
MEHALE (RAJMAHAL1), 6 COSS.
RAjmahAl is a town on the right bank of the Ganges,
and when you approach it by land you find that for one
or two coss the roads are paved with brick up to the
town. It was formerly the residence of the Governors
of Bengal, because it is a splendid hunting country,2
and, moreover, the trade there was considerable. But
the river having taken another course, and passing only
at a distance of a full half league from the town, as
much for this reason as for the purpose of restraining
the King of Arakan, and many Portuguese bandits 3
who have settled at the mouths of the Ganges,
and by whom the inhabitants of Dacca, up to which
place they made incursions, were molested, — the
Governor and the merchants who dwelt at RAjmahAl
removed to Dacca, which is to-day a place of consider
able trade.4
On the 6th, having arrived at a great town called
Donapour,5 at 6 coss from RAjmahAl, I left M.
Bernier, who went to KAsimbAzAr,6 and from thence
to Hugli7 by land, because when the river is low one
1 Rajmahal, a well-known town on the Ganges. Made the capital
in 1592. 2 There is still a considerable amount of sport to be had in this
neighbourhood, though the rhinoceros has become extinct since 1843.
3 Portuguese at Noakhali. (See Imp. Gaz. of India, vol. x, p. 341.)
4 This change was made in the time of Jahangir, according to
Tieffenthaler. 5 Donapour, situated on the farther bank of the Ganges at six milles
east of Bakarpour, according to Tieffenthaler.
6 Casenbazar in the original. Kasimbazar (Cossimbazar). (See p.
i2o n.) 7 Ogouli in the original. Hugli. (See p. 132.)

126 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
is unable to pass on account of a great bank of sand
which is before a town called Soutiqui.1
I lay this evening at Toutipour,2 distant from RAj
mahAl 12 COSS.
At sunrise I beheld a number of crocodiles asleep
on the sand.
The 7th I reached Acerat (HadjrApu"r),3 25 coss.
From Acerat to Dacca, by land, there are still 45
coss. All this day I beheld so large a number of
crocodiles that, at length, I became desirous to shoot
one in order to ascertain if what is commonly said is
true, namely, that a shot from a gun does not affect
them. The shot struck him in the jaw and the blood
flowed, but he did not remain where he was, but went
into the river.
On the 8th I again saw a great number of these
crocodiles lying on the bank of the river, and I fired at
two with two shots, each charge having three balls.
Immediately they were wounded they turned over on
the back, opening the mouth and dying on the spot.
This day I slept at Douloudia (?), 17 coss.
The crows were the cause of our finding a fine fish
which the fishermen had concealed on the bank of the
river in the reeds. For when our boatmen observed
that there were a great number of crows which cawed
and entered the reeds, they concluded that they must
1 Siiti or Sooty in Murshiddbdd district, where the Bhagirathi leaves
the Ganges.
2 Not identified. Tieffenthaler says two milles, probably a misprint,
as his other distances correspond with those of Tavernier. Crocodiles
of enormous size abound in this part of the Ganges.
3 Acerat appears to be Hadjrajpur, or the Hadjrapour of Tieffenthaler,
twenty-five milles from Totipour ; unlike as the two names appear when
written, the resemblance will be seen when they are pronounced. It is
called Hujrygotta on a map engraved by Whitechurch in 1776.

chap, viii JOURNEY TO DACCA 127
contain something unusual, and they searched so well
that they found sufficient to make a good meal.
On the 9th [January], at 2 p.m., we encountered a
river called Chativor(?) which comes from the north,
and our halt was at Dampour (?), 16 coss.
The 10th we slept on the margin of the river in a
place far removed from houses, and made this day 15
coss. On the nth, having arrived towards evening at
the spot where the Ganges divides into three branches,
one of which goes to Dacca, we slept at the entrance
of this channel, at a large village called Jatrapour(?),
20 coss. Those who have no baggage can proceed by land
from Jatrapour to Dacca, and they shorten their
journey very much, because the river winds about
considerably. On the 1 2th, at noon, we passed before a large
town called Bagamara(?), and slept at Kasiata(?),
another large town,1 1 1 coss.
On the 13 th, at noon, we met a river at 2 coss from
Dacca called LaquiA,2 which comes from the north-east.
Opposite the point where the two rivers join, there is
a fortress with several guns on each side. Half a coss
lower down you see another river called Pagalu,3 over
1 So many changes in the courses of the rivers and the positions of
the towns have taken place in this region, that it would require closer
knowledge of the locality than I possess, and more detailed maps than I
have had access to, to identify closely this portion of Tavernier's route.
2 The Lakia river is remarkable among Bengal rivers for its swift
current. 3 Pagla. This term, meaning " fool," is applied in deltaic regions
in Bengal to branches or loops from rivers which derive their water
not from an independent source, but from the river which they again
rejoin.

128 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
which there is a fine brick bridge, which Mir JumlA1
ordered to be built. This river comes from the north
east, and half a coss below you find another called
Cadamtali(?), which comes from the north, and which
you also cross by a brick bridge ; on both sides of the
river you see several towers, where there are as it were
enshrined many heads of men who have robbed on the
high roads.
We arrived at Dacca2 towards evening, and accom
plished this day 9 coss.
Dacca is a large town, which is only of extent as
regards length, each person being anxious to have his
house close to the Ganges. This length exceeds 2
coss; and from the last brick bridge, which I have
mentioned above, up to Dacca, there is a succession of
houses, separated one from the other, and inhabited for
the most part by the carpenters who build galleys and
other vessels. These houses are, properly speaking,
only miserable huts made of bamboo, and mud which
is spread over them. Those of Dacca are scarcely
better built, and that which is the residence of the
Governor is an enclosure of high walls, in the middle
of which is a poor house merely built of wood. He
ordinarily resides under tents, which he pitches in a
large court in this enclosure. The Dutch, finding that
their goods were not sufficiently safe in the common
houses of Dacca, have built a very fine house, and
the English have also got one which is fairly good.
The church of the Rev. Augustin Fathers is all of brick,
and the workmanship of it is rather beautiful.
1 Mirza Mola in the original. Mir Jumla. For other forms of his
name see Index.
2 Dacca in E. Bengal.

chap, viii PORTUGUESE BANDITS 129
On the occasion of my last visit to Dacca, the
Nawdb ShaistA KhAn, who was then Governor of
Bengal, was at war with the King of Arakan, whose
navy generally consists of 200 galleys together with
several other small boats. These galleys traverse the
Gulf of Bengal and enter the Ganges, the tide ascend
ing even beyond Dacca.
ShAistA KhAn, uncle of the King Aurangzeb,
who reigns at present, and the cleverest man in all his
kingdom, found means for bribing many of the officers
of the navy of the King of Abakan, and of a sudden
forty galleys, which were commanded by Portuguese,
joined him. In order to secure these new allies
firmly in his service, he gave large pay to each of
the Portuguese officers and to the soldiers in propor
tion, but the natives only received double the ordinary
pay. It is a most surprising thing to see with what
speed these galleys are propelled by oars. There are
some so long that they have up to fifty oars on each
side, but there are not more than two men to each oar.
You see some which are much decorated, where the
gold and azure have not been spared.1
The Dutch have some of them in their service in
which they carry their merchandise, and they also some
times require to hire some from others, thus affording
a means of livelihood to many people.
The day following my arrival in Dacca, which was
the 14th of January, I went to salute the Nawdb, and
presented him with a mantle of gold brocade, with a
grand golden lace of " point d'Espagne " round it, and a
fine scarf of gold and silver of the same " point," and a
1 With the aid of the Dutch and the partly enforced assistance of the
Portuguese bandits, Shaista Khan captured Chittagong in 1 666.
VOL. I K

130 TRAVELS IN INDIA

j ewel consisting of a very beautiful emerald. During the
evening, after I had returned to the Dutch with whom
I lodged, the Nawdb sent me pomegranates, China
oranges, two Persian melons, and three kinds of apples.
On the 15th [January] I showed him my goods, and
presented to the Prince, his son, a watch having a case
of enamelled gold, a pair of pistols inlaid with silver,
and a telescope. All this which I gave, both to the
father and to the young lord of about ten years of age,
cost me more than 5000 livres.
On the 1 6th I agreed with him as to the price of
my goods, and afterwards I went to his Vizir to receive
my bill of exchange payable at KAsimbAzAr.1 Not
that he was unwilling to pay me at Dacca, but the
Dutch, who were more experienced than I, warned me
that there was risk in carrying silver to KAsimbAzAr,
where one cannot go except by reascending the
Ganges, because the land route is very bad and full of
jungle and swamps. The danger consists in this, that
the small vessels which one employs are very subject
to be upset by the least wind, and when the sailors
discover that one carries money, it is not difficult for
them to make the boat upset, and to recover the silver
afterwards, at the bottom of the river, for the purpose
of appropriating it.
On the 20th I took leave of the Nawdb, who in
vited me to return to see him, and gave me a passport
1 KdsimMzar, a town in the Murshidah>£d District, was of great
commercial importance before Calcutta was founded. It was situated
on the Bhagirathi river, which has changed its course, and now flows
three miles from the town. In succession the different European nations
monopolised the trade. The first English commercial agent was appointed
in 16.58. Its proximity to Murshidibad was a cause of constant danger
to it, and it was often attacked by the Nawdbs of Bengal.

chap, viii TAVERNIER LEAVES DACCA 131
in which he described me as a gentleman of his house
hold ; this he had already previously done during the
time that he was Governor of AhmadAbAd, when I
went to the army to meet him in the Province of
Deccan, which the Raja Sivaji1 had entered, as I
.shall relate elsewhere. In virtue of these passports I
was able to go and come throughout all the territories
of the Great Mogul as one of his household, and I
shall explain their tenor in Book II.
On the 2 ist [January] the Dutch gave a great
banquet out of regard for me, to which they invited
the English and some Portuguese, with an Augustin
friar of the same nation.
On the 2 2d I went to visit the English, who had for
Chief or President Mr. Prat (? Pratt), and after that the
Reverend Portuguese Father, and some other Franks.
Between the 23d and the 29th I made some pur
chases for 11,000 rupees, and all being embarked I
went to bid farewell.
On the 29th, in the evening, I parted from Dacca,
and all the Dutch accompanied me for two leagues
with their small armed boats, and the Spanish wine
was not spared on this occasion. Having remained
on the river from the 29th of January to the nth of
February, I left my servants and goods in the boat
at HadjrApur, where I hired a boat which carried me
to a large village called Mirdapour.(?)
On the 1 2th [February] I hired a horse to carry
myself, and not finding another for my baggage, I was
obliged to employ two women, who took charge of it.
I arrived the same evening at KAsimbAzAr, where I
was well received by M. Arnoul Van Wachttendonk,
1 Seva-gi in the original, see Book I, chap. xii.

132 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
Director of all the settlements of the Dutch in Bengal,
who invited me to lodge with him.
On the 13th I passed the day agreeably with the
Dutch gentlemen, who wished to enjoy themselves in
honour of my arrival.
On the 14th [February] M. Wachttendonk re
turned to Hugli, where the principal settlement is,
and on the same day one of my servants, who had pre
ceded me, came to give me notice that the people whom
I had left in the boat with my goods had been in great
danger on account of the strong wind, which had lasted
two days, and which became stronger during the
night. On the 15th [February] the Dutch gave me a
pallankeen to go to MurshidAbAd.1 It is a great town,
3 coss from KAsimbAzAr, where the Receiver-general of
ShAistA KhAn resided, to whom I presented my bill of
exchange. After having read it he told me that it was
good, and that he would have paid me if he had not
on the previous evening received an order from the
Nawdb not to pay me in case he had not already done
so. He did not tell me the reason which caused
ShAistA KhAn to act in this manner, and I returned
to my lodging not a little surprised at this proceeding.
On the 1 6th I wrote to the Nawdb to know what
reason he had for ordering his Receiver not to pay
me. On the 17th, in the evening, I left for Hugli in a
boat with fourteen oars, which the Dutch lent me, and
that night and the following I slept on the river.
On the 19th, towards evening, I passed a large
1 Madesou Bazarki in the original. Murshidabad, then also called
Maksudabad, and by the English Muxoodabad.

chap, viii HUGLI 133
town called NadiyA,1 and it is the farthest point to
which the tide reaches. There arose so furious a wind,
and the water was so high, that we were compelled to
stop for three or four hours and draw our boat ashore.
On the 20th I arrived at Hugli, where I remained
till the 2d of March, during which time the Dutch
made me welcome, and sought to give me all the
amusement which the country could afford. We made
several excursions on the river, and we had for food all
the delicacies which are found in our European gardens,
salads of several kinds, cabbages, asparagus, peas, and
principally beans, of which the seed comes from Japan,
the Dutch desiring to have all kinds of herbs and
pulses in their gardens, which they are most careful to
cultivate, without having been able, however, to get
artichokes to grow.
On the 2d of March I left Hugli and arrived on
the 5 th at KAsimbAzAr.
The following day I went to MurshidAbAd to
know if the Receiver who had refused to pay me had
received another order from the Nawdb. For I have
above said that I immediately wrote to ShAistA KhAn
to complain of his action and to know for what reason
he did not wish my bill of exchange to be paid. The
Director of the Dutch factories added a letter to mine,
and pointed out to the Nawdb that I was too well
known to him — having, formerly at AhmadAbAd, at
the army of the Deccan, and in other places, had many
transactions with him — not to deserve favourable treat
ment ; that he ought to remember that I, being, the
only person who often brought to India the choicest
1 Nandi in the original. Nadiy£, capital town of Nadiyd District,
situated on the west bank of Bhagirathi.

134 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
rarities of Europe, it was not the way to make me wish
to return as he had invited me, if I should leave dis
contented ; besides which, owing to the credit which I
enjoyed, I should be easily able to dissuade those who
intended to come to India with rare objects, by making
them fear the same treatment as I had received.
Neither my letter nor that of the Director produced
the effect we had hoped, and I was in no wise satisfied
with the new order which the Nawdb had sent to the
Receiver, by which he ordered him to pay me with a
rebate of 20,000 rupees from the sum which I ought to
receive, and was carried by my bill of exchange, accord
ing to the price upon which we had agreed. The Nawdb
added that if I was unwilling to content myself with
this payment I might come to take back my goods.
This action of the Nawdb had its origin in an evil turn
played me by three rogues at the court of the Great
Mogul. And this is the history of it in a few words.1
Aurangzeb, who reigns at present, at the solicita-
1 In turning aside to relate what follows, Tavernier drops the thread
of his narrative, and we are left to casual remarks from which to trace
his route and his occupation from this time, namely, the beginning of
March 1666 till his return to France in December 1668. Thus, on
the 8th of April, he states he was at Maldah, and on the 1 2th of May
he reascended the Ganges (Book III, chap, xiv) ; on the 2d of July he
witnessed an eclipse of the sun at Patna, where he had probably re
mained during the month of June (Book III, chap. xiv). Towards the
end of this month, or beginning of August, we have casual mention of
his having met the deputies of the French Company for Commerce in
Agra (see Joret, op. tit., p. 201). He arrived at Surat by way of Sironj
and Burhanpur on the 1st November {Recueil, p. 117), and met there
M. Thevenot, who returned then from Golconda and Madras {Recueil,
p. 118). He makes two references to his having been in Surat in
January, or the beginning of 1667 (see Book I, chap, ix ; and vol. iii,
Recueil, p. 118), where he relates an act of brutality by M. Berber.
Shortly afterwards, or in February, i.e. within the sailing season, he
probably embarked from Surat for Bandar Abbas {Gombroon). The
above facts are partly derived from M. Joret's work, pp. 198-202

chap, viii AN INJURIOUS CUSTOM 135
tion of two Persians and a Banian, had established a
short time ago a custom very injurious to merchants
who come from Europe and other places to sell jewels
to the court. When they arrive, whether by sea or by
land, the governors of the places where they arrive
have orders to send them to the King with their goods,
either with their consent or by force ; this the Governor
of Surat did to me in the year 1665, sending me to
Delhi or JahAnAbAd where the King was. There
are in the employment of his majesty two Persians
and a Banian, whose duty it is to see and examine all
the jewels which one wishes to sell to the King. One
of these two Persians is named Nawdb Akil KhAn,
i.e. the prince of wit, and it is he who has charge of
all the precious stones of the King. The other is
named Mirza-Mauzim(?), whose duty is to tax each
piece. The Banian, called Nyalchand,1 has to see
whether the stones are false and if they have any flaw.
These three men have obtained permission from
the King that they shall see, before he does, all which
the foreign merchants bring to sell to him, and that
afterwards they shall present them to him themselves ;
and although they have sworn to take nothing from the
merchant, they do not neglect to extort all they can
in order to ruin him. When they see anything beautiful
from which there is reason to hope for a large profit,
they desire him to sell it to them for half its value, and
if he refuses to let them have it, they are malicious
enough to estimate the jewels when they are before
the King at half their value, besides which the King
Aurangzeb cares but little for stones, and loves gold
1 Akel Kan, Mirza-Mouson, and Nali Kan, in the original. (See Book
II, chap, x.)

136 TRAVELS IN INDIA book I

and silver much better. On the day of the King's
festival, of which I shall elsewhere speak, all the princes
and nobles of the court make him magnificent presents,
and when they are unable to find jewels to buy, they
present him with golden rupees, of which the King, as
I have said, makes more count than of the precious
stones, although precious stones constitute a more
honourable pre'sent than golden coins. It is at the
approach of this festival that he sends out of his
treasury numerous diamonds, rubies, emeralds, and
pearls, which he who values the jewels entrusts in the
hands of several merchants, to sell them to the nobles,
who are bound to make presents to the King, and in
this manner the King receives back both the money
and his jewels together.
There is still another disadvantage for the merchant
jeweller. It is that after the King has seen any stones,
a prince or other noble who knows of it will never buy
them, and besides, while these three men appointed to
view the jewels are considering and examining them in
their dwellings, where he is obliged to carry them, he
meets several Banians who are experts, some for
diamonds, others for rubies, for emeralds, and for
pearls, who write down the weight, quality, perfection,
and colour of each piece. And if the merchant after
wards goes to the Princes and Governors of Provinces,
these people send them a memorandum of all that he
carries, with the price, which they maliciously place at
half the true value of the things. These Banians are
in business a thousand times worse than the Jews, and
more cunning than they are in all kinds of dodges and
in malice when they wish for revenge. Observe then
the bad turn which these three personages played me.

chap, viii A LARGE PEARL 137
When I arrived at JahAnAbAd, one of them came
to me and told me that he had the King-'s order to see
o
what I brought, before being permitted to exhibit it in
his presence. They wished very sincerely that the King
was not at JahAnAbAd, because they would have sought
to buy for themselves all that I had, in order to profit
by reselling it to the King, and to the Princes when the
opportunity should occur — this, nevertheless, they had
never been able to obtain from me.
On the following day they all three came to see
me, one after the other, and they wished to get from
me amongst other things a grand bouquet of nine large
pear-shaped pearls, of which the largest was thirty carats
and the least sixteen, with another single pear-shaped
pearl of fifty -five carats. As for the bouquet, the King
took it ; but with regard to the pearl, seeing that, not
withstanding all that they could say, I was unwilling to
sell them anything, they so managed that before I had
shown my jewels to the King, Zafar KhAn, uncle of
the King, saw it, after which he did not wish to return
it, saying that he would pay me as highly for it as the
King, asking me not to mention it; for in fact he
desired to present it to the King.
After the King had selected from among my jewels
those which he desired, Zafar-KhAn bought several
pieces from me, and at the same time purchased the
great pearl. Some days afterwards he caused my pay
ment to be made according to what had been agreed
upon, with the exception of the pearl, upon which he
desired me to rebate 10,000 rupees. The two Persians
and the Banian had maliciously informed him that on
my arrival they might, if they had wished, have had the
pearl for 8,000 or 10,000 less than I had sold it to him

138 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
for ; this was wholly untrue, and Zafar KhAn having
told me that if I would not accept the money which he
offered me I might take it back, I took him at his
word, assuring him that during his life he would never
see it again. I kept to my word, and remained firm
in my resolve. That which made me so fixed was in
part because I desired to carry, if I could, something
considerable to ShAistA KhAn, and if it had been per
mitted to me on my arrival at Surat to go to him
first, I would not have gone to see the King at
JahAnAbAd, regarding which I had a great dispute with
the Governor of Surat. For when I went to salute
him, he immediately told me that it would not be as on
my other journeys, and that the King wished, absolutely,
to be the first to see all that was curious which was
brought into his kingdom.1 I was more than four
months disputing in vain with this Governor ; at last
I was obliged to go to visit the King, and from fear
lest I should take another route they gave me fifteen
horsemen to accompany me to Jalor.2
Having then started for Bengal, these three inspect
ors of jewels, incensed with spite, and urged on, no
doubt, by Zafar KhAn, who was anxious to take his
revenge for my refusal, wrote to ShAistA KhAn that I
was taking some jewels to show to him, and among
others a very beautiful pearl which I had sold to Zafar
KhAn ; but that he had returned it to me subsequently,
having ascertained that I wished to make him pay
10,000 rupees more than it was worth. They wrote
similarly regarding the other jewels which I carried,
and it was upon these false and malicious advices,
which ShAistA KhAn did not receive till after he had
1 See Book II, chap. xi. 2 See p. 87.

chap, viii PRESENTS MADE BY TAVERNIER 139
delivered to me my bill of exchange, that this Prince
wished to deduct 20,000 rupees from the total sum ;
this was reduced finally to a rebate of 10,000 rupees,
with which I was obliged to content myself.
Since I have above spoken of the present which I
made to ShAistA KhAn, I ought not to be silent
regarding those which I was also obliged to make to
the King, to the Nawdb Zafar KhAn, to the eunuch
of the Grand Begum, sister of Aurangzeb, to the
Grand Treasurer, and to the attendants of the treasury.
For it should be stated that whoever it may be who
desires to have audience of the King, they ask, before
everything else, where the present is that he has to
offer to him, and they examine it to see if it is worthy
of being offered to his majesty. No one ever ven
tures to show himself with empty hands, and it is an
honour obtained at no little cost. Having arrived at
JahAnAbAd I went to make my reverence to the King
on the 1 2th September 1665, and this is the present
which I made him. Firstly, a shield of bronze in high
relief thoroughly well gilt, the gilding alone costing
300 ducats of gold, which amount to 1800 livres} and
the whole piece to 4378 livres} In the middle was
represented the history of Curtius, who threw himself,
on horseback and fully armed, into the gulf which
opened in Rome, and from whence a mephitic vapour
emanated. On the circuit of the shield was a clever
representation of the siege of Rochelle. It was the
chef dceuvre of one of the most excellent workmen in
France, and it had been ordered by M. le Cardinal
Richelieu. All the great nobles who were then with
the King Aurangzeb were charmed with the beauty of
1 ^135. 2 ^328:73.

140 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
this work of art, and they told him that he should place
this rich piece on the grand elephant which carried the
standard before his majesty when marching.
I also presented the King with a battle mace of
rock crystal, all the sides of which were covered with
rubies and emeralds inlaid in gold in the crystal. This
piece cost 3 119 livres}
Also a Turkish saddle embroidered with small
rubies, pearls, and emeralds, which had cost 2892
livres.2 Also another horse's saddle with the housing, the
whole covered with an embroidery of gold and silver,
costing 1730 livres} The entire present which I
made to the King amounted to 12,119 livres.
Present made to Nawdb Zafar KhAn, uncle of the
Great Mogul. Firstly, a table, with nineteen pieces
to make a cabinet, the whole of precious stones of
diverse colours representing all kinds of flowers and
birds. The work had been done at Florence, and
had cost 2150 livres}
Also a ring with a perfect ruby which cost 1 300
livres} To the Grand Treasurer a watch having a golden
case covered with small emeralds, 720 livres}
To the attendants of the treasury of the King, and
to those who drew the money from the treasury, 200
rupees, which make 300 livres}
To the eunuch of the Grand Begum, sister of the
King, Aurangzeb, a watch with a painted case which
cost 260 livres}
1 ^233:i8s:6d. 2^2i6:i8s. 3 £129:155.
4^l6l:Ss. 5i;97:ios. 6 .£54.
7 £22:105. 8 ,£i9:ios.

chap, viii PRESENTS MADE BY TAVERNIER 141
All the presents which I made, to the Great Mogul,1
to ShAistA KhAn, and to Zafar KhAn, uncles of his
majesty, as also to the Grand Treasurers of the King,
to the stewards of the Khdns houses, to the Captains
of the palace gates, and further to those who on two
occasions brought me the khildt2 or robe of honour,
on the part of the King, and as often on the part of
the Begum, his sister, and once on the part of Zafar
KhAn — all these presents, I say, amounted to the sum
of 23, 187 livres}
So true is it that those who desire to do business
at the courts of the Princes, in Turkey as well as in
Persia and India, should not attempt to commence
anything unless they have considerable presents ready
prepared, and almost always an open purse for divers
officers of trust of whose services they have need.
I have said nothing in the first volume of the
present which I also made to him who brought the
khil'dt on the part of the King of Persia, to whom I
presented 200 e'cus}
1 Mogor in the original. 2 Khilat, see p. 20.
3 23,187 livres at is. 6d. =£1739 : o : 6. Trade must have been
profitable to have allowed such presents to be made.
4 £45-

CHAPTER IX
Route from Surat to Golconda
I have made several journeys to Golconda, and by
different routes, sometimes by sea, from Hormuz to
Masulipatam, sometimes from Agra, and most fre
quently from Surat, which is the great threshold of
Hindustan. I shall not speak in this chapter save of
the ordinary route from Surat to Golconda, in which
I include that from Agra, which leads to DaulatAbAd,
as I shall describe in due course, only making mention,
in order not to weary the reader, of two journeys which
I made in 1645 and 1653.
I left Surat1 on the 19th of January of the year
1645 and camped at Cambari (?) . . . 3 coss.
From Cambari to Barnoli (BArdoli) . 9 ,,
,, Barnoli to Beara (BehArA). . 12 ,,
„ Beara to Navapour (NawApurA) . 16 ,,
This is the place where, as I have said, the best
musk-scented 2 rice in the world grows.
From Navapour to Rinkula (?) . . 18 coss.
,, Rinkula to Pipelnar (Pimpalnar, or
Pimpulni) . . . 8
,, Pipelnar to Nimpour (Naunpur) . 17 ,,
,, Nimpour to Patane (PatnA). . 14 ,,
1 See for this part of the route, p. 49.
2 Scented rice, see p. 50.

DAULATABAD 143

From Patane to Secoura (SakorA ?) . 14 coss.
,, Secoura to Baquela (WaklA) . 10 „
Baquela to Disgaon (DeogAon) . 10 ,,
Disgaon to Dultabat (Daulat-
AbAd) 1 . . . . . 10 „
DaulatAbAd is one of the best forts in the kingdom
of the Great Mogul ; it is on a mountain, scarped on
all sides, the road which they have made to it being so
narrow that only one horse or one camel can pass at a
time. The town is at the foot of the mountain and has
good walls, and this important place, which the Moguls
lost when the Kings of BijApur and Golconda revolted
and threw off the yoke, was retaken under the reign of
JahAngir by a subtle stratagem. SultAn Kurum,2 who
was afterwards called ShAh JahAn, commanded the army
of the King his father in the Deccan, and Azam KhAn,3
father-in-law of ShAistA KhAn, who was one of the
generals, said something to the Prince, who was so
enraged that, sending at once for one of his paposhes or
slippers, which they leave at the door, had him given
five or six strokes with it on the head ; this in India is
the highest affront, after which it is impossible for a
man to show himself. All this was done through an
understanding between the Sultan and the general, in
1 Daulatabad. A town and fort in the Deccan, ten miles N.W. of
Aurangabad, 170 miles N.E. of Bombay, and 28 miles N.W. of
Haidarabad. Also known by the name of Deogiri or Deogar. " The
hill on which the fort stands rises almost perpendicularly from the plain
to a height of about 600 feet, and it is entirely isolated, though com
manded by several hills to the south." The history of the changes of
masters of this fort is too long for insertion here, but reference may be
made to the Gazetteer of India for information. The distance to
Daulatabad from Naunpur by these stages, measured on the map, is
94 miles — as against the 58 coss above.
2 Sultan Kurum, afterwards Shah Jahdn. 3 Ast-Kan in the original.

144 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
order better to deceive the world, and especially the
spies which the King of Bijapur might have in the
army of the Prince. The rumour of the disgrace of
Azam KhAn being quickly spread, and he himself hav
ing gone to seek refuge with the King of Bijapur, the
latter, not having sharp enough eyes to perceive the
ruse, gave him a good reception and promised him his
protection. Azam KhAn, finding himself so well re
ceived, asked the King to allow him for greater safety
to take with him ten or twelve of his wives, and about
as many servants, into the fortress of DaulatAbAd ;
this was granted to him.
He entered with eight or ten camels, the two ka-
jawas 1 which are carried on either side of the camels
being well closed, according to custom, so that one
cannot see the women who are inside. But instead of
women they had put in them good soldiers, two in each
kajawa, all men of action ;2 of the same sort was each
Chatri3 who led his camel, so that it was easy for them
to slaughter the garrison, who were not on their guard,
and to make themselves masters of the place, which
has ever since remained under the authority of the
Great Mogul. There are, moreover, in this place
numerous fine cannons,4 and the gunners are generally
English or Dutch. It is true that there is a small
mountain higher than the fortress, but it is difficult of
1 Cajavas in original, for kajawas, — panniers used for the con
veyance of women on camels.
2 Sultan Kurum {i.e. Shah Jahan) imitated, if he did not take a hint,
from the tactics of the siege of Troy.
3 Chatre in original, for Chatri= Rajput.
4 With reference to the early use of fire-arms. General Maclagan's
article on Early Asiatic Fire Weapons is full of information. (See /.
A. S. B., vol. xlv, 1876, p. 30.)

A DUTCH GUNNER 145

approach except by passing the fortress. There was
a Dutch gunner there, who after serving the King
for fifteen or sixteen years asked for his dismissal from
him, and even the Dutch Company, which had placed
him at the service of the Great Mogul, did all that it
could to help him to obtain it ; but it was never able
to achieve this desire, because he was a very good
gunner, and succeeded admirably with fireworks. The
Raja Jai Singh,1 who is the most powerful of all the
idolatrous princes of India, and who had most effect
ively aided Aurangzeb to ascend the throne, was sent as
Commander-in-Chief of the armies of that King against
the Raja Sivaji, and when passing near the fortress of
DaulatAbAd2 this Dutch gunner went to salute him, and
all the gunners of the army were Franks like himself.
The Dutchman, taking advantage of the opportunity,
told the Raja that if he agreed to give him his dismis
sal he would promise to find him a means for mounting
cannon on the mountain which commanded the fortress,
and they had already surrounded the mountain with a
wall, some soldiers having been placed within the en
closure to prevent any one taking possession of it. The
Raja, approving of the scheme, promised him that if he
should be able to accomplish it he would obtain for him
his dismissal from the King with a liberal present. The
matter having turned out successfully, to the Prince's
content, he kept his promise to the Dutch gunner,
and I saw the latter arrive at Surat at the beginning
of the year 1667, whence he embarked for Batavia.
From Dultabat to Aurengabat (AurangAbAd),3
4 coss. 1 Raja Jesseing in the original. 2 DaulataJjid,. see Book II, chap. xi.
3 Aurangabad, on the Kaum river, a tributary of the Godavari, is
VOL. I L

146 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i

AurangAbAd was formerly only a village, of which
Aurangzeb has made a town which is not enclosed.
He made this notable increase, both on account of
a lake of about 2 coss in circuit, upon which the
village was built, and in memory of his first wife, who
died there, and who was mother of his children. She
is buried at the end of the lake on the western side,
where the King has built a mosque with a splendid
tomb and a fine caravansardi. The mosque and the
tomb cost a large sum, because they are covered with
white marble, which was brought by waggon from the
neighbourhood of Lahore,1 and was on the road nearly
four months. One day, when going from Surat to
Golconda, I met, at five marches from AurangAbAd,
more than 300 waggons laden with this marble, the
smallest of which was drawn by 1 2 oxen.
From AURENGABAT tO PlPELI (PlPRl)
„ PlPELI tO AUBAR (AmbAd) 2 .
AUBAR tO GUISEMNER (?)
„ GUISEMNER tO ASTI (ASHTA)
,, Asti to Saruer (SAoli ?)
situated in the dominions of HaidardMd. It is 270 miles distant from
the capital, and 68 miles from Ahmadnagar. The mausoleum resembles
the Taj at Agra, on a small scale. The caravansardi referred to is still
to be seen, and is described as being a vast stone building. The distance
between Daulat&Md and Aurangibid is 14 miles, so that the 4 coss is
probably a misprint for 7.
1 There must be a mistake as to the source of this white marble, as
it could not have been obtained from the neighbourhood of Lahore.
I have recently seen the statement repeated in an article in the Times.
Probably it came from one of the known localities in Rajputana in the
States of Alwar, Jaipur, or Jodhpur. The Makrana quarries in the
last-named State furnished, it is said, the white marble of which the Taj
was built.
2 Thevenot {Voyage des Indes, p. 227) describes this route, and men
tions a magnificent tank at Ambad.

. 8

coss

12

t y

10

>>

12

M

. 16

chap, ix SURAT TO GOLCONDA 147
From Saruer to Lesona (LasonA) . 16 coss.
„ LesonA to Nadour (Nander)1 . 12 ,,
You must cross a river at Nander which flows
into the Ganges, and pay 4 rupees per waggon,
besides which, in order to cross, it is necessary to have
a written order from the Governor.
From Nadour to Patonta(?) . . 9 coss.
Patonta to Kakeri(?) . . . 10 ,,
„ Kakeri to Satapour (SAntApur) . 10 „
SATAPOUR tO SlTANAGA (?) . . 12 „
,, SlTANAGA tO SATANAGAR (SaTULA-
nagar)  IO ,,
It is at SatulAnagar that you first enter the terri
tories of the King of Golconda.
From Satanagar to Meluari (?) . .16 coss.
„ Meluari to Girballi (?) . . 12 ,,
,, Girballi to Golconda . . 14 ,,
This route from Surat to Golconda amounts to
324 coss.
And I made the journey in 27 days. I took 5 more
in my journey in the year 1653, having followed a
different road from Pimpalnar,2 where I arrived on the
nth of March, having parted from Surat on the 6th.
The 12th at Birgam (? Errgaum of A.S.)
„ 13th at Omberat (OomapurAnah or OomiAna
ofA.S.)
14th at Enneque-Tenque 3 — a good fortress
1 Nander, or Nandair of A.S., is situated on the north bank of the
Godavari, which flows into the Bay of Bengal, and has no connection
with the Ganges, but the name Guenga — Gange was sometimes formerly
applied to the Godavari itself. See p. 159.
2 For Pimpalnar, see p. 142.
3 Unkie and Tunkie, Unkaee and Tunkaee of A.S., are distinct
villages, the former being now a station on the Ahmadnagar railway.

148 TRAVELS IN INDIA

which bears the names of two Indian Princesses. It is
on a mountain scarped on all sides, and it has only a
small path on the eastern side for the ascent. There
is a tank inside the enclosure of this place, and they
might sow sufficient to feed 500 or 600 men, but
the King does not desire to keep it garrisoned, and
they have allowed it to fall in ruins.
The 15th [March], to Geroul. (?)
The 1 6th to Lazour (Lasoor), where there
passes a river, upon which, at a cannon's shot from
the eastern bank, there is one of the largest pagodas *
in the country, where a large number of pilgrims
resort daily.
The 17th [March] to Aurengabad (AurangAbAd).
,, 1 8th ,, PlPELGAN Or PlPLY (PlPRl).
19th ,, Ember (AmbAd).
,, 20th „ Deogan (DeogAon ?).
„ 2 1st ,, Patris (Patri).
,, 22d ,, Bargan (Paungree ?).
,, 23d „ Palam (Palling).
,, 24th „ Candear (KandahAr), a great
fort, but commanded on one side by a mountain.
The 25th [March] to Gargan. (?)
,, 26th ,, Nagouni (HingAni ?).
„ 27th „ Indove (Indore).
,, 28th ,, Indelvai (Yedalvoi).
,, 29th ,, Regivali (Reddypullay).
Between these two last places there is a small river
which separates the territories of the Great Mogul
from those of the King of Golconda.
The 30th [March] to Masapkipet (MusAibpet).
,, 31st ,, Mirel-mola-kipet(Mullanipet).
1 The famous rock temples of Ellora ?

chap, ix AGRA TO GOLCONDA 149
The ist [April] to Golconda.1
To go from Agra to Golconda it is necessary to
go to BurhAnpur by the route already described ; from
BurhAnpur to DaulatAbAd, which is not more than
five or six marches, and from DaulatAbAd to the other
places which I have mentioned.
You may take still another route to go from Surat
to Golconda, that is to say, by Goa and Bijapur, as
I shall describe in the particular account of my journey
to Goa. I come now to what I have been able to
remark of greatest interest in the Kingdom of Gol
conda, and to the late wars which it has had to under
take against the neighbouring States, during the time
that I was in India.
1 Thevenot's route between Aurangahad and Golconda, which he
traversed about the year 1666, corresponds in parts with this one of
Tavernier, but he appears to have left the regular line occasionally, to
visit Pagodas, etc. {Voyage des Indes, pp. 235, 277.)

CHAPTER X
Of the kingdom ^/"Golconda and the wars which it has
carried on during the last few years.
The Kingdom of Golconda, speaking generally, is
a rich country, abounding in corn, rice, cattle, sheep,
fowl, and other commodities necessary to life. As there
are numerous tanks, there is also an abundance of good
fish, and you find more particularly a kind of smelt,
which has but one bone in the middle, and is of very
delicate flavour.1 Nature has contributed more than art
to make these tanks, of which the country is full. They
are generally situated in somewhat elevated positions,
where it is only necessary to make a dam 2 on the side of
the plain in order to retain the water. These dams are
sometimes half a league long, and after the season of
the rains is past they open the sluices from time to time
in order to let the water run into the fields, where it is
received in divers small canals to irrigate the lands of
private individuals.
BhAgnagar is the name of the capital town of this
kingdom, but it is commonly called Golconda, from
1 Probably the so-called chela fish, which are in reality, as I am
informed by Dr. Francis Day, the fry of several different species. They
constitute the whitebait of India.
2 Band is the native and Anglo-Indian term applied to these dams
or embankments, which are thrown across valleys and hollows in order
to form collecting areas for the drainage of the country.

chap, x BHAGNAGAR AND GOLCONDA 151
the name of the fortress, which is only 2 coss distant
from it, and is the residence of the King. This
fortress is nearly 2 leagues in circuit, and maintains
a large garrison. It is, in reality, a town where the
King keeps his treasure, having left his residence in
BhAgnagar since it was sacked by the army which
Aurangzeb sent against it, as I shall relate in due
course. BhAgnagar is then the town which they commonly
call Golconda, and it was commenced by the great
grandfather of the King who reigns at present, at the
request of one of his wives whom he loved passionately,
and whose name was Nagar.1 It was previously only
a pleasure resort where the King had beautiful gardens,
and his wife often telling him that, on account of the
river, the spot was suitable for building a palace and a
town, he at length caused the foundations to be laid,
and desired that it should bear the name of his wife,
calling it BhAgnagar, i.e. the Garden of Nagar.
This town is in 160 58" of lat.2 The neighbouring-
country is a flat plain, and near the town you see
numerous rocks as at Fontainebleau. A large river3
bathes the walls of the town on the south-west side,
and flows into the Gulf of Bengal close to Masulipa
tam. You cross it at BhAgnagar by a grand stone
1 Bhagnagar, or the Fortunate City, was so called by Kutab Shah
Muhammad Kuli after a favourite mistress, whose name was, however,
Bhagmati, not, as stated by our author, Nagar, which merely signifies
town. It was built close to the banks of the Musi river, and became the
seat of Government instead of Golconda, which is 7 miles distant.
By the Persians, according to Thevenot, it was already called Haidara-
bad, and is so generally now. Bagh, a distinct word, means garden.
2 The true latitude of Golconda is 17° 22' N., the longitude being
780 26' 30" E. ¦
3 The Musi river.

152 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i

bridge, which is scarcely less beautiful than the Pont
Neuf at Paris. The town is nearly the size of
Orleans, well built and well opened out, and there are
many fine large streets in it, but not being paved — any
more than are those of all the other towns of Persia
and India — they are full of sand and dust ; this is very
inconvenient in summer.
Before reaching the bridge you traverse a large
suburb called AurangAbAd, a coss in length, where all
the merchants, brokers, and artisans dwell, and, in
general, all the common people ; the town being
inhabited only by persons of quality, the officers of the
King's house, the ministers of justice, and military men.
From 10 or 1 1 o'clock in the morning till 4 or 5 in the
evening, the merchants and brokers come into the
town to trade with foreign merchants, after which they
return home to sleep. There are in these suburbs two
or three beautiful mosques, which serve as caravansardis
for strangers, and several pagodas are to be seen in the
neighbourhood. It is through the same suburb that
you go from the town to the fortress of Golconda.
When you have crossed the bridge you straightway
enter a wide street which leads to the King's palace.
You see on the right hand the houses of some nobles
of the court, and four or five caravansardis, having two
storeys, where there are large halls and chambers,
which are cool. At the end of this street you find a
large square, upon which stands one of the walls of the
palace, in the middle of which is a balcony where the
King seats himself when he wishes to give audience to
the people. The principal door of the palace is not in
this square, but in another which is close by ; and you
enter at first into a large court surrounded by porticoes

JAMA MASJID AT GOLCONDA 153

under which the King's guards are stationed. From
this court you pass to another of the same construc
tion, around which there are several beautiful apart
ments, with a terraced roof; upon which, as upon
those of the quarter of the palace where they keep the
elephants, there are beautiful gardens, and such large
trees, that it is a matter for astonishment how these
arches are able to carry such a weight j1 and one may
say in general terms that this house has all the appear
ance of a royal mansion.
It is about fifty years since they began to build a
splendid pagoda 2 in the town ; it will be the grandest
in all India if it should be completed. The size of the
stones is a subject for special astonishment, and that
of the niche, which is the place for prayer, is an entire
rock, of so enormous a size that they spent five years
in quarrying it, and they employed 500 or 600 men
continually on this work. It required still more time
to roll it upon the conveyance by which they brought
it to the pagoda; and they told me that it took 1400
oxen to draw it.3 I shall explain why the work is
1 The idea of these elevated gardens was probably introduced by
Persian immigrants. The gardens of Golconda with their pavilions
are still famous.
2 This is the Jamd Masjid, or Cathedral Mosque, built by Muhammad
Kuli, who died in 161 1.
3 Grandpre describes how these Megalithic structures were erected
in India, and there is reason to believe the same method was followed
in Egypt. After the first course was laid a slope of earth was placed
against it up which the stones for the second course were rolled ; when
they were laid, more earth was added to raise the slope again, in order
to roll up the stones for the third course, and so on. When completed
the building was surrounded by a mountain of clay, which had then to
be removed (Comp. Voyage in the Indian Ocean, etc., vol. i, p. 169,
London, 1803). A very interesting account, with sketches and diagrams,
of the means used by the natives for moving large masses of stone will

154 TRAVELS IN INDIA

incomplete.1 If it had been finished it would have
justly passed for the noblest edifice in the whole of
Asia. On the other side of the town, from whence one
goes to Masulipatam, there are two large tanks, each
of them being about a coss in circuit, upon which you
see some decorated boats intended for the pleasure of
the King, and along the banks many fine houses which
belong to the principal officers of the court.
At three coss from the town there is a very fine
mosque where there are the tombs of the Kings of
Golconda;2 and every day at 4 o'clock p.m. bread
and paldo* are given to all the poor who present
themselves. When you wish to see something really
beautiful, you should go to see these tombs on the day
of a festival, for then, from morning to evening, they
are covered with rich carpets.
This is what I have been able to observe concern
ing the good order and the police which is maintained
in this town. In the first place, when a stranger
presents himself at the gates, they search him carefully
to see if he has any salt or tobacco, because these
yield the principal revenue of the king. Moreover, it
is sometimes necessary that the stranger should wait
for one or two days before receiving permission to
enter. A soldier first gives notice to the officer who
commands the guard, and he sends to the Darogha4' to
be found in the Rurki Professional Papers on Indian Engineering, 2d
Series, 1878, vol. iii, p. 1 ; and Selec. Rec, N. W. P. Government, New
Series, vol. v, p. 316. 1 See p. 163.
2 These massive ruins command the fort of Golconda ; they indicate
an enormous expenditure, and some of the tombs are said to have cost
£150,000. 3 Paldo or Pilldu, Hin., a dish of rice, meat, and spices.
4 The Prefect or Superintendent of Police.

CHAr. x THE COURT OF JUSTICE 155
give him notice also. But as it often happens that the
Darogha is engaged, or that he is taking exercise out
side the town, and sometimes also as the soldier whom
they have sent pretends not to have found him, in
order to have an excuse for returning, and being much
better paid for his trouble — the stranger is obliged to
await the termination of all this mystery, and sometimes,
as I have said, for one or two days.
When the King administers justice he comes, as I
stated, into the balcony which overlooks the square, and
all those who desire to be present stand below, opposite
to where he is seated. Between the people and the wall
of the palace they plant in the ground three rows of
sticks of the length of a short-pike, at the ends of which
they attach cords which cross one another, and no one
is allowed, whosoever he may be, to pass these limits
without being summoned. This barrier, which is not
put up except when the King administers justice,
extends the whole length of the square, and opposite
the balcony there is an opening to allow those who are
summoned to pass through. Then two men, who
hold by the ends a cord stretched across this opening,
have only to lower it to admit the person who is
summoned. A Secretary of State remains in the
square below the balcony to receive petitions, and when
he has five or six in hand he places them in a bag,
which a eunuch, who is on the balcony by the side of
the King, lowers with a cord and draws up afterwards,
in order to present them to his Majesty.
It is the principal nobles who mount guard every
Monday — each in his turn, and they are not relieved
before the end of a week. There are some of
these nobles who command 5000 or 6000 horse, and

156 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
they encamp under their tents around the town.
When they mount guard each goes from his home to
the rendezvous, but when they leave it they march in
good order across the bridge, and from thence by the
main street they assemble in the square in front of the
balcony. In the van you see ten or twelve elephants
marching, more or fewer according to the rank of him
who goes off guard. There are some among them
bearing cages (howdahs) which somewhat resemble the
body of a small coach, and there are others which only
carry their driver, and another man instead of the
cage, who holds a sort of banner.
After the elephants, the camels follow two by two,
sometimes up to thirty or forty. Each camel has its
saddle, upon which they place a small culverin,1 which a
man, clad in a skin from head to foot, like a sort of
pantaloon, and seated on the crupper of the camel with
a lighted match in hand, quickly turns from side to side
before the balcony where the King is.
You see coming after them the carriages, around
which the servants walk on foot, after which the led-
horses appear, and finally the noble to whom this
whole equipment belongs, preceded by ten or twelve
courtesans, who await him at the end of the bridge,
leaping and dancing before him up to the square.
After him the cavalry and infantry follow in good
order. And as all that affords a spectacle, and has
something of pomp about it, during three or four con
secutive months which I have sometimes spent at
BhAgnagar, my lodging being in the main street, I
1 Culverin, derived through Fr. Coulevrine, from Lat. Coluber, a
serpent. It is a long slender gun which throws a ball to a considerable
distance.

CHAP- * TROOPS AT GOLCONDA 157

enjoyed the amusement every week of seeing these
fine troops passing, which are more or less numerous
according to the rank of the noble who has been on
guard in his turn.
The soldiers have for their sole garment but three
or four ells of cloths, with which they clothe the middle
of the body before and behind. They wear the hair
long, and make a great knot of it on the head as
women do, having for sole head-dress a scrap of cloth
with three corners, one of which rests on the middle of
the head, and the other two they tie together on the
nape of the neck. They do not have a sabre like the
Persians, but they carry a broadsword like the Swiss,
with which they both cut and thrust, and they suspend it
from a belt. The barrels of their muskets are stronger
than ours, and the iron is better and purer ; this makes
them not liable to burst.1 As for the cavalry, they
have bow and arrow, shield and mace, with helmet and
a coat of mail, which hangs behind from the helmet
over the shoulders.
There are so many public women in the town, the
suburbs, and in the fortress, which is like another town,
that it is estimated that there are generally more than
1 The iron at Haidardb£d, at a very early period, obtained a wide
renown, being, in fact, the material which, when made into steel, afforded
the source of supply for the manufacture of Damascus blades — the raw
material having been exported to Persia and the Panjab for that pur
pose (see Jour, As. Socy. Bengal, vol. xvi, pp. 417, 666). Two villages,
situated to the north of Golconda, namely, Nirmal and Indore, are
specially mentioned in the Ain-i-Akbari as producing excellent iron and
steel. In my Economic Geology I inadvertently identified the latter
with Indore in Milwd in Central India, and the oversight was not dis
covered in time to be corrected in the proofs of the volume. According
to Thevenot, at Indelvai, i.e. Yedalvoi, four leagues from Indore, quantities
of swords, daggers, and lances were made and distributed thence through
out India {Voyages des Indes, p. 235).

158 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
20,000 entered in the Daroghds register, without which
it is not allowed to any woman to ply this trade. They
pay no tribute to the King, but a certain number
of them are obliged to go every Friday with their
governess and their music to present themselves in the
square in front of the balcony. If the King be there
they dance before him, and if he is not, an eunuch
signals to them with his hand that they may withdraw.
In the cool of the evening you see them before the
doors of their houses, which are for the most part
small huts, and when the night comes they place at
the doors a candle or a lighted lamp for a signal. It
is then, also, that the shops where they sell tdri1 are
opened. It is a drink obtained from a tree, and it is
as sweet as our new wines. It is brought from 5 or 6
coss distant in leather bottles, upon horses which carry
one on each side and go at a fast trot, and about 500
or 600 of them enter the town daily. The King
derives from the tax which he places on this tdri a
very considerable revenue, and it is principally on this
account that they allow so many public women, because
they are the cause of the consumption of much tdri,
those who sell it having for this reason their shops in
their neighbourhood.
These women have so much suppleness and are so
agile that when the King who reigns at present wished
to visit Masulipatam, nine of them very cleverly
represented the form of an elephant, four making the
four feet, four others the body, and one the trunk, and
the King, mounted above on a kind of throne, in that
way made his entry into the town.
All the people of Golconda, both men and women,
1 Tdri, Anglici toddy— the sap of Phcenix sylvestris.

chap, x ABDUL KUTAB SHAH 159
are well proportioned, of good stature, and of fair
countenances, and it is only the peasantry who are
somewhat dark in complexion. The King of Gol
conda who reigns at present is called Abdul Kutab
ShAh,1 and I will inform the reader, in a few words,
whence he derives his origin. Under the rule of
Akbar, King of India, father of JahAngir, the
Moguls only extended their authority southwards
to Narbeder, and the river which passes it and,
coming from the south, flows into the Ganges, sepa
rated their lands2 from those of the Raja of Nar-
singha,3 which extended to Cape Comorin, the other
Rajas being, as it were, his subjects, and deriving their
power from him. It is this Raja and his predecessors
who have always been at war with those who suc
ceeded Tamerlane4 in India, and they were so power
ful that the last Raja who was at war with Akbar had
1 Abdoul Coutou Cha in the original, for Abdul Kutab Shall ; he
succeeded his father Muhammad Kuli on the throne of Golconda in a.d.
1611. 2 This passage is obscure, owing to some jumble between the
names Beder or Bidar and Narbeder (for Narbada). The river of
Beder which is referred to, and formed the boundary of the Mogul's
ancient territory, was in reality the Godavari, which at one time was
supposed to join the Ganges. Its real course, however, is to the Bay of
Bengal, into which it flows below Coconada. See p. 147.
3 The name of Narsingha (a prince of Telugu origin, who died 1508
A.D.) was applied by the Portuguese to the old kingdom of Vijayana-
gara. Its capital town, though it bore the same name, was called Bis-
nagar by them. It was an enormously wealthy city, and the ruins still
to be seen on its site near the small village of Hampi, in the Bellary
District, testify to the magnificence of its buildings. See India in the
Fifteenth Century, Hak. Socy., pp. 25, 39, etc.; also Anglo-Indian
Glossary. 4 Tamerlane or Timur-lang (Temur-leng in the original), the ancestor
of the Mogul Emperors, invaded India in 1398; but Babar was the
actual founder of the dynasty (1 526-1 530).

160 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
on foot four armies, commanded by as many generals.
The most powerful of the four had his quarters in the
territories which to-day constitute the kingdom of Gol
conda,1 the second held his in the country of Bijapur,
the third in the Province of DaulatAbAd, and the
fourth in the region of BurhAnpur.2 The Raja of
Narsingha dying without children, these four generals
established themselves each in the country which he
held with his army, and caused themselves to be recog
nised as kings — one of Golconda, another of Bijapur,
another of BurhAnpur, and the other of DaulatAbAd.
Although the Raja was an idolater, these four generals
were Muhammadans, and he of Golconda was of the
sect of Ali,3 descended from an ancient family of
Turcomans, who inhabit the country of Hamadan in
Persia.4 He was, as I have said, the most powerful of
all ; and a few days after the death of the Raja of
Narsingha they achieved a notable victory over the
Mogul, after which there was nothing to prevent them
from making themselves sovereigns. But since that
time JahAngir, son of Akbar, conquered the kingdom
of the new King of BurhAnpur ;5 ShAh JahAn, son of
JahAngir, that of the King of DaulatAbAd;6 and
1 The Bahmani dynasty; it lasted from 1347-1525.
2 Bijapur, Daulatabad, and Burhanpur. A full account of these
dynasties will be found in Elphinstone's India, vol. ii, p. 179 et seq.
3 Haly in original, for Ali, i.e. he was a Shia.
4 He was the first of the Kutab Shahi Kings. He reigned for
thirty years, and was assassinated at the instigation of his sons.
5 Not quite correct as regards Burhanpur, as there were eleven
Princes of the Farukhi dynasty, from its foundation by Nasir Khan in
1400 A.D. till 1600 A.D., when it was taken possession of by Akbar.
6 Daulatabad, or Deogiri, was taken possession of in the year 1632
by Mahabat Khan, Shah Jahan's general.

chap, x THE KING OF GOLCONDA'S DAUGHTERS 161
Aurangzeb, son of ShAh JahAn, a part of the territory
of Bijapur.1 As for the King of Golconda, neither
JahAngir nor ShAh JahAn made war upon him, and
they left him undisturbed, on the condition that he
should pay to the Moguls an annual tribute of 200,000
pagodas. These pagodas are gold pieces which are
worth from 6 to 7 J- francs2 of our money, some
times more and sometimes less. To-day the most
powerful of the Rajas of this great peninsula south
of the Ganges is the Raja of Velow,3- who ex
tends his authority as far as Cape Comorin, and who
has succeeded to a part of the states of the Raja of
Narsingha ; but, as there is no trade in his country,
this Prince makes but little noise, and strangers hardly
ever go to it. The present King of Golconda has
no son ; he has only three daughters, who are all
married. The eldest is married to one of the relatives of
the Grand Sheikh of Mecca,4 and the circumstances
which preceded this marriage are sufficiently curious
to occupy a place in my observations. The Sheikh
having arrived at Golconda in the garb of a mendi
cant, remained for some months at the gate of the
1 Bijapur was not finally taken possession of by Aurangzeb till 1686,
or subsequently to the date at which our author wrote, but he had par
tially subdued it some thirty years before.
2 Here we should read livres for francs, as in Book II, chap, xviii,
the value of the new pagoda is stated to be 3 J rupees or 5 J livres, i.e.
7s. io|d. ; and in Book II, chap, xxiv, the old pagoda is said to be
equal to 7 J livres, or lis. 3d. Independent testimony (see Appendix)
gives about the same values ; so that 200,000 pagodas would be equal
to about £100,000, more or less, in exchange value.
3 Velow appears to have been identical with Vellore in North
Arcot. 4 Chek of Mecque in the original; called Mirza Muhammad on
p. 168. VOL. I M

162 TRAVELS IN INDIA BOOK l

palace, refusing to reply to sundry people of the Court
who inquired why he had come. At length the
matter being reported to the King, he sent his senior
physician, who spoke Arabic well, to ascertain from
the Sheikh what he wanted, and the reason of his
coming. The physician, and some nobles of the Court
who also spoke to him, immediately saw that he was a
man of intelligence, and took him to the King, who
was much pleased with his appearance and his pre
liminary conversation. But at length the Sheikh
having declared that he had come to marry the
Princess, this proposition very much surprised the
King, and was received by some of the Court as
coming from a man who was not altogether in his
senses. At first they merely laughed, but when they
observed that he persisted in his demand, even
threatening the country with a great calamity which
would befall it if they did not give him the Princess in
marriage, he was cast into prison, where he remained
for a long time.
The King, at length, considering that it would be
better to send him back to his own country, made
him embark at Masulipatam on one of the vessels
which carry goods and pilgrims to Mocha, from whence
they travel by land to Mecca. About two years after
wards the same Sheikh returned to Golconda, and
managed so well on this occasion that he espoused the
Princess and acquired great credit in the kingdom,
which he now governs, and where he is all-powerful.
It was he who prevented the King from yielding up
the fortress of Golconda, where he had taken refuge
when Aurangzeb and his son entered BhAgnagar, as
I shall presently relate — throwing himself upon him,

FATHER EPHRAIM 163

and threatening to kill him if he did not resolve to hold
out without thinking more of delivering the keys to the
enemy. This bold action was the reason why the
King loved him the more thereafter, and made use of
his counsel in all important affairs ; and thus, not only
as son-in-law of the King, but as Prime Minister, he is
now the principal personage in the Court of Gol
conda. He it is who is the cause why the Great
Pagoda of BhAgnagar1 has remained unfinished,
having threatened the kingdom with a great calamity
if they persisted in completing it.
This Prince passionately loves all those who are pro
ficient in mathematics, and he understands them fairly
well ; it is the reason why, although a Muhammadan, he
favours all Christians who are learned in this science,
as he particularly showed with regard to the Rev.
Father Ephraim, a Capuchin, when he was passing
through Golconda to go to Pegu, whither he was sent
by his Superiors. He did all he could to induce him
to remain in his country, and offered to build for him,
at his own cost, a house and a church, representing
to him that he would lack neither occupation nor
parishioners, since there were then some Christian
Portuguese and many Armenians who came every year
for trade. But Father Ephraim, who had his orders
to proceed onwards to Pegu, was unable to accept his
offer, and when he went to take leave of the Sheikh he
bestowed upon him a khil'at of the most honourable
kind possible, since it included the whole suit, namely,
the cap, the cabaye or grand robe, the arcalou2 or
1 Pagoda at Bhagnagar ; see p. 153.
2 Cabaye, for Kaba {e-Shdhi), i.e. Royal Robe. Arcalou. I cannot
make any suggestion as to the derivation of this word.

164 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
cassock, two pairs of drawers, two shirts, and two
girdles, with a scarf to be worn round the neck and
upon the head for protection against the heat of the
sun. The Reverend Father was astonished at this
present, and made known to the Sheikh that he could
not wear it, the latter nevertheless desired that he
should take it, and told him that he might bestow
it on one of his friends. Two months afterwards I
received this present from Father Ephraim when I
was at Surat, and I thanked him for it on the occasion
of our first meeting.
The Sheikh, seeing that he could not detain the
" Father," and not wishing to allow him to travel on
foot from Golconda to Masulipatam, as he intended,
compelled him to accept an ox which he gave him,
with two attendants to conduct him ; and not being
able to force him to accept 30 pagodas1 in addition, he
directed the two attendants that on arrival at Masu
lipatam they should leave with the Capuchin Father
both the ox and the pagodas. This order they did not
fail to carry out in every particular, for otherwise on
their return to Golconda it would have cost them
their lives. I shall complete the history of Father
Ephraim, who afterwards experienced many misfor
tunes, when I describe Goa, which is the principal
place which the Portuguese have in India.
The second daughter of the King of Golconda was
espoused to Sultan Muhammad, eldest son of Aurang
zeb. What led to the marriage was this— Mir Jumla,2
1 Say £15.
2 Mir Jumla. Tavernier writes this name in five different ways—
Mir Gimola, Mirza Mola, Mirgimola, Amir Jemla, and Mir Jemla. See
Index for references. His son's name was Muhammad Amin.

chap, x MIR JUMLA 165
Commander-in-Chief of the army of the King of Gol
conda, who had received from him much good service
towards the establishment of his throne, on going in the
direction of Bengal to regulate some Rajds affairs, left
in hostage with the King, according to custom, his wife
and children as pledge of his fidelity. He had many
daughters, but only one son, who had a considerable
following and made a great figure at Court. The credit
and the wealth which Mir Jumla had acquired made
him enemies, who, jealous of such good fortune, sought
to destroy it in his absence, and to injure him in the
esteem of the King. They told him that the power of
Mir Jumla should cause him to be suspected ; that all
his actions tended towards dethroning him and securing
the kingdom of Golconda for his son ; that he ought
not to wait till the evil was without remedy ; and that
in order to rid himself of an enemy — the more danger
ous because he concealed himself — the shortest way
was to poison him. The king, being easily persuaded,
gave these same persons an order to accomplish
the deed ; but having taken their measures clumsily
three or four times in succession without being able
to accomplish their object, the son of Mir Jumla at
length heard of it, and at once gave notice of it to his
father. It is not known exactly what command he got
from his father ; but after he had received his reply he
went to the King, to whom he spoke out with boldness,
taxing him with the services which his father had ren
dered him, and with the fact that without his aid he
would never have come to the throne. This was true ;
but there was a court intrigue which would take too
long to describe. This young noble, somewhat carried
away from his ordinary demeanour, used such sharpness

166 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
of expression to the King that his Majesty, offended by
his insolence, rose in a rage, whilst the nobles of the
Court, who were present, threw themselves on him and
handled him roughly. At the same time, by order of
the King, he was arrested and put in prison, with his
mother and sisters ; and this affair, which made a great
commotion at Court, so much enraged Mir Jumla, who
soon had news of it, that, having forces at hand, and
being beloved by the soldiers, he at once resolved to
make use of these advantages to revenge himself for
the injury. He was then, as I have said, in the direc
tion of Bengal, for the purpose of bringing to their
allegiance some Rajas possessing territories on the
Ganges ; and Sultan Shuja, the second son of ShAh
JahAn, who was then Governor of Bengal, was the
one whom he considered it to be most suitable to ad
dress as the wisest Prince with whom he might join
forces against the King of Golconda, whom he no
longer regarded as his master, but as the greatest of
his enemies. He accordingly wrote to this Prince that
if he was willing to join him he would afford him the
means of taking possession of the whole of the kingdom
of Golconda, and that he ought not to lose so good
an opportunity of increasing the Mogul Empire, the
succession to which affected him as well as the other
Princes, his brothers. But he did not receive a favour
able reply from Sultan Shuja, who let him know that
he did not trust the word of a man who, being capable
of betraying his King, might readily betray a strange
Prince whom he had attracted to his interests in order
to accomplish his own revenge, and consequently he
need not expect him. On receipt of this refusal of
Sultan Shuja, Mir Jumla wrote to Aurangzeb, who

chap, x SIEGE OF GOLCONDA 167
was then in his government of BurhAnpur, who, not
being so scrupulous as his brother, accepted the offer
which was made to him. Whilst Mir Jumla advanced
his troops towards BhAgnagar, Aurangzeb marched
with his by long stages towards the Deccan, and the
two armies being conjoined, they reached the gates of
BhAgnagar before the King had had time to put his
affairs in order. He only had time to take refuge in the
fortress of Golconda, where Aurangzeb, after he had
pillaged the town of BhAgnagar 1 and removed all that
was of much value from the palace, came at once to
lay siege. The King, seeing himself so hard pressed,
believed that he would soon have to yield ; and in
order to seek to turn this hurricane, which threatened
his complete ruin, sent to Mir Jumla both his wife and
children with every honour. There is both virtue and
generosity in India as in Europe ; and I shall give a
noteworthy example of it in the person of the King of
Golconda. Some days after the enemy had laid siege
to the fortress, a gunner perceiving Aurangzeb upon
his elephant visiting the outworks, whilst the King was
on the bastion, he said to the latter that if his Majesty
wished he could destroy the Prince with a shot of the
cannon, and at the same moment he put himself in
position to fire. But the King, seizing him by the arm,
told him to do nothing of the sort, and that the lives of
Princes should be respected. The gunner, who was
skilful, obeyed the King, and instead of firing at
Aurangzeb, he killed the General of his army, who
was farther in advance, with a cannon shot. This
stopped the attack which he was about to deliver, the
whole camp being alarmed by his death. Abdul Zabar
1 Bhagnagar, the modern Haidarahidd. See p. 151.

168 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
Beg,1 general of the army of the King of Golconda, who
was close by with a flying camp of 4000 horse, having
heard that the enemy were somewhat disordered by the
loss of their General which they had sustained, at once
took advantage of so favourable an opportunity, and
going at them full tilt, succeeded in overcoming them ;
and having put them to flight he followed them vigor
ously for 4 or 5 leagues, till nightfall. A few days
before the death of this General, the King of Golconda,
who had been surprised, seeing himself pressed, and
supplies being short in the fortress, was on the point of
giving up the keys ; but, as I have above related,2
Mirza Muhammad, his son-in-law, tore them from his
hands, and threatened to slay him if he persisted any
longer in such a resolution ; and this was the reason
why the King, who previously had but little liking for
him, thenceforward conceived a great affection for him,
of which he daily gave him proofs. Aurangzeb having
then been obliged to raise the siege, halted some days
to rally his troops and receive reinforcements, with
which he set himself to besiege Golconda. The
fortress was as vigorously attacked as it was vigorously
defended; but Mir Jumla, who still retained some
regard for the King, and had it, as some persons say
with good reason, without proclaiming it openly, did
not wish to allow Aurangzeb to proceed to extremities,
and by his diplomacy secured a suspension of hostilities
for some weeks. ShAh JahAn, father of Aurangzeb,
had formerly received kind treatment from the King
of Golconda, with whom he had taken refuge when he
had lost the battle with his elder brother against the
King JahAngir, their father, with whom they had gone
1 Abdul Jaber Beg in the original. 2 See p. 163.

PEACE DECLARED 169

to war. JahAngir, having got the elder brother into his
power, caused his eyes to be put out ; but Shah JahAn,
the younger brother, being better advised, took to flight,
and the King of Golconda having received him with
kindness, they bound themselves together in close
friendship — ShAh Jahan swearing to his host that he
would never fight with him whatever cause might arise.
Mir Jumla, who knew that it would not be difficult to
bring to an understanding two Kings who were friends,
little as Aurangzeb was inclined to give way, and wish
ing, moreover, that that Prince should find it advan
tageous to himself, communicated underhand to both
one and the other what he planned in order to secure a
lasting peace. He managed that the King of Golconda
first wrote to ShAh JahAn in very civil terms, praying
him to become arbitrator between himself and Aur
angzeb, placing his interests entirely in his hands, and
promising to sign a treaty in whatever terms he pleased
to frame it. By the same address of Mir Jumla, ShAh
JahAn, on his side, was advised, by way of reply to the
letter of the King of Golconda, to propose to him the
marriage of his second daughter with Sultan Muham
mad, son of Aurangzeb, on condition that after the
death of the King, the father of the Princess, his son-
in-law should inherit the kingdom of Golconda. This
proposition having been accepted and the articles signed
by the two Kings, both the peace and the marriage were
celebrated at the same time with much magnificence.1
As for Mir Jumla, he quitted the service of the King
of Golconda, and went to BurhAnpur with Aurangzeb.
1 The fine inflicted on the King of Golconda amounted, it is said, to
£1,000,000 as a first instalment of an annual tribute, but was in part
remitted by Shah Jahan (Elphinstone's India, vol. ii, p. 412)-

170 TRAVELS IN INDIA

Soon afterwards ShAh JahAn made him first Minister
of State and Commander-in-Chief of his armies, and it
was he who so powerfully aided Aurangzeb to ascend
the throne by defeating Sultan Shuja. For Mir
Jumla was a man of great intelligence, who understood
equally well both war and the affairs of State.1 I have
had occasion to speak to him several times, and I have
admired the firmness and the promptitude with which
he responded to requests presented to him, giving his
orders in every direction, and signing several despatches
as if he had but one sole matter to attend to.
The third Princess of Golconda was promised to
Sultan Said, another Sheikh of Mecca,2 and the matter
had so far advanced that the day was named for the
marriage. But Abdul Zabar Beg, general of the army,
went to the King of Golconda, with six other nobles,
to turn him from his design ; and they so managed it
that the marriage was broken off, and the Princess was
given to Mirza Abdul Hasan,3 a cousin of the King,
by which marriage there are two sons. This has en
tirely destroyed the claims of the son of Aurangzeb,
1 He understood other matters also, for Thevenot says he possessed
20 mans, or 408 Dutch livres, weight of diamonds. He had acquired
these riches when, at the head of the army of Golconda, he made war
with the King of Bijapur against Bisnagar {Voyage des Indes, p. 306).
And Bernier states that he acquired wealth in many ways, and " caused
the diamond mines, which he alone had farmed under many borrowed
names, to be wrought with extraordinary diligence, so that people dis
coursed of nothing but of the riches of Emir Jemla, and of the plenty of his
diamonds, which were not reckoned but by sacks " {Hist, of the Last
Revolution, etc., vol. i, p. 33). ,
2 Sultan Said, or Saiyid. Meaning a descendant of Muhammad.
3 Mirza Abdul Cosing in the original. Called Miersa Abou-il-Hassan
by Havart, who makes him out to have been a lineal descendant of
Ibrahim, the second King of the dynasty. Quoted in Hist. Gen. des
Voyages, vol. xiii, p. 425 n.

THE SECT OF ALI 171

whom the father now keeps in prison in the fortress of
Gwalior, for having betrayed his side, in favour of
Sultan Shuja, his uncle.1 This Princess would have
been given at first and with no difficulty to Mirza
Abdul Hasan if he had not been a debauchee, the
King not having then any regard for him, and making
no account of him ; but since the marriage he has
reformed.2 At the present time the King of Golconda does
not so much fear the Moguls, because, following their
example, money does not leave his country, and he has
amassed much to carry on war. Besides, he is greatly
attached to the sect of Ali, to the extent of not wear
ing a cap (or turban?) like the other Muhammadans,
because they say that Ali did not wear one, but
another kind of head-dress ; and it is this fact which
causes the Persians, who arrive in India in great
numbers to seek their fortunes, to go by preference
to the King of Golconda rather than to the Mogul.
It is the same with the King of Bijapur, whom the
Queen, sister of the King of Golconda, has been
careful to bring up in the same sect of Ali, which also
attracts many Persians to his service.
1 See Book II, chap. vi.
2 Ovington, on the authority of Sheldon, an English traveller, gives
a different account of the marriages of these three Princesses. Quoted
in Hist. Genl. des Voyages, vol. xiii, p. 425.

CHAPTER XI
Route from Golconda to Masulipatam1
From Golconda to Masulipatam it is counted to be
i oo coss by the straight road ; but when you wish to go
by way of the diamond mine called Coulour in Persian,
and Gani in the Indian language,2 it is 112 coss, and
this is the route which I have ordinarily taken.
From Golconda to Tenara,3 4 coss.
Tenara is a fine place, where there are four very
beautiful houses, each having a large garden. That
one of the four which is on the left of the high road is
incomparably more beautiful that the three others. It
1 Masulipatam. Thevenot gives the distance as 53 leagues. The
true distance is about 210 miles, and from Madras 285 miles.
2 Kollur is the modern name by which this famous site is known ; it
is situated on the Kistna rb/er in Lat. 16° 42' 30", Long. 80° 5'. The
identification was first traced out by means of the routes to it given by
Tavernier here and in Book II, chap, xviii. Although all memory was
lost of the true position of this mine until it was recently rediscovered,
and very wild suggestions have been made on the subject, its position is
correctly indicated on several maps of the beginning of the eighteenth
and end of the seventeenth centuries. The question of this identification
has been fully discussed in the Economic Geology of India, p. 16. Gani
is not a name, though so often quoted as such in works on precious
stones. It is simply a Persian prefix, signifying " Mine of" {Kdn-i), and
is known to have been used in connection with other mines. {Vide
Index for further references.)
3 This place appears to be the same as Atenara, mentioned in Book
I, chap. xix. It is not given on modern maps. It is also mentioned by
Thevenot as Tenara.

chap, xi THE QUEEN'S HOUSE 173
is all built of cut stone and in two storeys, containing
large galleries, beautiful halls, and fine rooms. In front
of the house there is a large courtyard, somewhat like
the Place Royale in Paris. On each of the three
other sides there is a large entrance, and from one side
to the other a fine veranda, elevated about 4 or 5 feet
above the ground and well arched over, and here
travellers of the superior classes are accustomed to
lodge. Above each entrance there is a grand balus
trade, and a small chamber for ladies. When persons
of position do not wish to occupy these dwellings, they
can have their tents pitched in the gardens ; and it
should be remarked that only three of these houses
may be occupied, for the grandest and most beautiful
one is reserved for the Queen. When she is not there
one may see it and walk through it, for the garden is very
beautiful and contains many fine pieces of water. The
whole area is laid out in this manner. There are
small chambers destined for poor travellers, and every
day towards evening they receive a dole of bread, rice,
or vegetables already cooked ; and to the idolaters, who
eat nothing which has been prepared by others, they
give flour to make bread and a little butter, for, as soon
as their bread is baked like a cake, they cover it on
both sides with melted butter.
From Tenara to Jatenagar (Hyatnagar) . 12 coss.
Jatenagar to Patengy (PuntAngi) . 12 ,,
,, Patengy to Pengeul (Pungul) . 14 ,,
Pengeul to Nagelpar (NagulpAd) . 12 ,,
NAGELPARtoLAKABARON(LAKKAWURRUM) II „
Lakabaron to Coulour or Gani (Kol-
lur) (of which I shall speak in the
account of the mines) . . . 11 ,,

174 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
The greater part of the road from LakkAwurrum
to Kollur, especially as you approach Kollur, is
rocky, and in two or three places I was obliged to take
my carriage to pieces ; this can be quickly done.
Wherever there is a small quantity of good soil
between the rocks you see cassia trees,1 (the cassia
produced by them) being the best and most laxative in
all India, this I know from the effect produced on my
servants, who ate it as they walked along.
There passes along the whole length of the town
of Kollur a great river 2 which flows into the Bay of
Bengal near Masulipatam.
From CouLOURor Gani to Kah Kaly (KAkAni) 12 coss.
„ Kah Kaly to Bezouar (BezwAda3) . 6 „
Close to Bezouar you recross the river.
From Bezouar to Vouchir (Weeyur) . . 4 ,,
„ Vouchir to Nilimor(?) . . . 4 ,,
Between Weeyur and Nilimor, about halfway, you
cross a great river upon a raft,4 there being no boat
there. From Nilimor to Milmol5 (Nedumulu) . 6 coss.
„ Milmol to Maslipatan (Masulipatam) 4 ,,
1 Cassia fistula (Hind. Amaltds) affords a valuable laxative, its long
pods are familiar objects in Indian jungles ¦ one of the native names for
them is Bandar Idthi, or monkey's stick.
2 The Kistna.
3 Bezwida on the Kistnd, in Lat. 16° 30' 50", Long. 80° 39', a place
of much archasological interest, owing to its Buddhist and Hindu remains
(see Book I, chap, xviii). It is now the site of the chief works for the
irrigation of the delta of the Kistnd.
4 One of the deltaic branches of the Kistnd.
6 In Book I, chap, xviii, the distance of this place, which is there
spelt Nilmol, from Masulipatam, is given as 3^ leagues, and from thence
to Wouhir (Weeyur) 6 leagues, making 9J leagues as against the 14 coss.
This would give a proportion of 2 : 3, though elsewhere the two measures
of distance are treated as equivalents. But on the same page the distance

MASULIPATAM 175

Masulipatam is a straggling town (villace), in which
the houses are built of wood, and are detached from
one another. This place, which is on the seashore, is
only renowned on account of its anchorage, which is the
best in the Bay of Bengal, and it is the only place
from which vessels sail for Pegu, Siam, Arakan, Ben
gal, Cochinchina, Mecca, and Hormuz, as also for the
islands of Madagascar, Sumatra, and the Manillas.
It should be remarked that wheel carriages do not
travel between Golconda and Masulipatam, the roads
being too much interrupted by high mountains, tanks,
and rivers, and there being many narrow and difficult
passes. It is with the greatest trouble that one takes
a small cart. This I have done to the diamond mines,
and I was obliged to take mine to pieces frequently
in order to pass bad places. It is the same between
Golconda and Cape Comorin. There are no waggons
in all these territories, and you only see oxen and
pack-horses for the conveyance of men, and for the
transport of goods and merchandise. But, in default
of chariots, you have the convenience of much larger
pallankeens than in the rest of India ; for one is
carried much more easily, more quickly, and at less
cost.
between the last-named place and Bezwida is given as 6 hours, to a poor
village called Patemet (Patamata), and i£ league on to Bezwada, while
here the distance is given at 4 coss. Thus if we add in both cases we
find from Masulipatam to Bezwida is in the one case 1 1 leagues and 6
hours, or say about 6 leagues =17 leagues in all ; and in the other 1 8
coss. The true distance is 40 miles.

CHAPTER XII
Route from Surat to Goa, and from Goa to
Golconda by Bijapur
You may go from Surat to Goa partly by land and
partly by sea, but the road is very bad by land,
especially from DAman to RAjapur. Most travellers
take the route by sea, and taking an almadier} which
is a row-boat, they go from point to point up to Goa,
notwithstanding that the Malabaris, who are the
pirates of India, are much to be feared along these
coasts, as I shall presently say.
The route from Surat to Goa is not counted by
coss, but by gos, which are about equal to 4 of our
common leagues.
From Surat to Daman (DamAn) . . 7 gos.
Daman to Bassain (Bassein) . 10
Bassain to Chaoul (Chaul) . 9
Chaoul to Daboul (Dabhol) . 12
Daboul to Rejapour (RAjApur) . 10
REJAPOUR tO MlNGRELA (VENGURLA) 9
Mingrela to Goa a

This makes in all from Surat to Goa . 61 gos.
The great danger which has to be encountered on
1 Almadier — from Arab. EV maadiah, a ferry-boat. Tavernier in
his Persian Travels defines it as a small vessel of war.

chap, xii MALABAR PIRATES 177
these coasts is, as I have said, the risk of falling into the
hands of the Malabaris, who are strict Muhammadans
and very cruel towards Christians. I have seen a
Barefoot Carmelite Father who had been captured by
these pirates. In order to obtain his ransom speedily,
they tortured him to such an extent that his right arm
became half as short as the other, and it was the same
with one leg. The commanders only pay wages to
the value of two e'cus to each soldier for the six months
which they generally spend at sea, and do not share
with them the prizes taken ; but they are allowed to
keep the garments and the food of those whom they
have captured. It is true that the soldiers are permitted
to leave then, and if the commanders desire them to
remain they are obliged to pay them afresh. They
seldom venture farther to sea than from 20 to 25
leagues, and whenever the Portuguese capture any of
these pirates they either hang them straight off or they
throw them into the sea. These Malabaris number
200 and sometimes as many as 250 men in each vessel,
and they go in squadrons of from ten to fifteen vessels
to attack a big ship, and they do not fear cannon.
They at once come alongside and throw numbers of
fire-pots on the deck, which cause much injury if care
is not taken to provide against them. For as they
know the habits of the pirates, immediately they see
them they close all the scuttles on deck, and cover it
with water, so that these pots, which are full of fire
works, cannot take effect.
An English Captain named Mr. Clerc, when
coming from Bantam to Surat, met, in the latitude of
Cochin, a squadron of Malabaris, consisting of twenty-
five or thirty vessels, which came forthwith and attacked
vol. 1 N

178 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
him vigorously. Seeing that he could not withstand
their first fury, he set fire to some barrels of gun
powder which he had had time to prepare, and the
deck being blown up, he also blew into the sea a great
number of pirates who were on it. Notwithstanding
this, the others did not lose courage, and did not cease
to come on board. The English Captain, seeing no
other resource left, sent all his crew into two boats
and remained alone in his cabin, where the pirates
were unable to reach him ; he then set fire to a train
which he had prepared, and which led to a magazine
containing a large quantity of powder. At the same
time he threw himself into the sea, where he was
picked up by his crew, and the vessel being on fire,
all the Malabaris who were on it jumped into the sea ;
but that did not prevent the two boats, which con
tained about forty Englishmen, being taken by the
remaining Malabaris ; and I was at breakfast at Surat
with the English President, named Fremelin,1 when he
received a letter from Captain Clerc, which informed
him that he was enslaved by the Zamorin2 who is the
most powerful King on the Malabar coast. This
Prince would not leave them in the possession of these
savages, because they were in danger of their lives, on
account of upwards of 1200 widows whose husbands
were left behind on the two occasions that the ship
was on fire. He was enabled to appease them by
1 In the year 1639, according to Mandelslo, Mr. Metwold, who was
probably the same as Mr. Methold, whose visit to the diamond mines
preceded Tavernier's (see Book II, chap, xvi), resigned the President
ship at Surat, and was succeeded by Mr. Fremling {sic) {Travels into
the East Indies, English Trans., London, 1669, p. 71).
2 Samorin in the original. The title of the Hindu King of Calicut,
etc.

DAMAN 179

promising them two piastres each 1 on account of the
death of their husbands ; this amounted to above
2400 e'cus, besides 4000 more required for the
ransom of the Captain and the other Englishmen.
The President immediately sent the money, and I
saw them return, some of them in good health, and
others broken down by fever. The Malabaris are
such superstitious people that they touch nothing dirty
or unclean with the right hand ; this they reserve for
the left, allowing the nails on it, which serve as a
comb, to grow, because they have long hair like
women, which they twist round the head with a small
cloth having three points tied above.
Since I have mentioned DamAn,2 I shall describe
in a few words how this town was besieged by Aurang
zeb, who reigns at present. Many believe that ele
phants have a great effect in war ; this is undoubtedly
true, but not always in the way which is imagined, for
it often happens that, instead of ravaging the ranks of
the enemy, they turn upon those who drive them, and
who are expecting an altogether different result, as
Aurangzeb experienced at the siege of this city. He
had been twenty days before DamAn, and had arranged
to make the assault on a Sunday, believing that Christ
ians, like Jews, would not defend themselves on their
Sabbath. The Commandant in DamAn was an old
soldier who had served in France, with three of his
1 Piastre = 4s. 6d. ; the compensation for a husband was therefore
about 9s.
2 Daman is situated in Lat. 22° 25' N., Long. 720 53' E., and is
about 100 miles north of Bombay. It was sacked by the Portuguese
first in the year 1531, but was rebuilt by the natives, and was sub
sequently retaken in 1558 by the Portuguese, since which time up to
the present it has remained in their possession.

180 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
sons whom he had with him then. There were in
the place 800 men, both gentlemen and other brave
soldiers, who had come from many places to take part
in the defence and show their valour. For although
the army of the Great Mogul consisted of more than
40,000 men, he was unable to prevent relief entering
DamAn from the sea, because he had no vessels and
could not invest the place except by land. On the
Sunday that he intended to make the assault, the
Governor of DamAn, in accordance with what had
been settled at the council of war, caused mass to be
said immediately after midnight, and then ordered a
sortie to be made with all the cavalry and a part of the
infantry, who were at first to attack on the side where
there were 200 elephants. They threw a quantity of
fireworks among them, which frightened them so
much in the darkness of the night that, without know
ing whither they went, and their drivers not being able
to restrain them, they turned against the besiegers
with such fury that in two or three hours half the
army of Aurangzeb was destroyed, and three days
after the siege was raised. Since that time this Prince
has not wished to have anything more to do with
Christians.1 I have made two journeys to Goa — the first was at
the end of the year 1641, the second at the beginning
of the year 1648. The first time I only remained
seven days, and I returned to Surat by land. From
1 Orientals have been known to complain of the want of observance
by Europeans of the methods in warfare practised by themselves ; thus,
I remember to have read somewhere, I think in one of Sir Victor
Brooke's books, of the indignation in Malayan countries at their
stockades being carried by assault, instead of being gradually approached
with due deliberation by means of other stockades.

BIJAPUR 181

Goa I went to Bicholly,1 which is upon the mainland ;
from thence to Bijapur, then to Golconda, AurangA
bAd, and Surat. I could have gone to Surat without
passing through Golconda, but I was obliged to go
there on business.
From Goa to Visapour (Bijapur2), which one generally
accomplishes in eight days . -85 coss.
,, Visapour to Golconda, which I did in
nine days ..... 100 ,,
From Golconda to AurangAbAd the stages are
not so definite, for sometimes it takes sixteen, some
times twenty, and up to twenty-five.
From AurangAbAd to Surat one does the journey
sometimes in twelve days, but sometimes one is not
able to accomplish it in less than fifteen or sixteen.
Bijapur is a large town which has nothing re
markable about it, either as regards public edifices
or trade. The palace of the King is large enough
indeed, but badly built, and what causes the ap
proach to it to be difficult is, that in the moat
which surrounds it, and which is full of water, there
are many crocodiles. The King of Bijapur has three
good ports in his kingdom ; these are RAjApur,3
1 This is the same as the Bicholi of Book III, chap, ix, where it is
stated to be on the Bijapur-Goa frontier. At present Bicholim is the
name of a district or subdivision of Goa territory.
2 Bijapur, in Lat. 16° 49' 45" N., and Long. 75" 46' 5" E., is on the
site of the ancient Vijayapura, which was called Visapour by early
European travellers. Recently it has been made the headquarters of
the Kaladgi District. It was taken possession of by Aurangzeb after
Tavernier's time, namely in 1686. A full description of the ancient
buildings which abound in Bijapur will be found in Fergusson's History
of Indian and Eastern Architecture.
3 Rajapur, chief town in the subdivision of the same name in the
Ratnagiri District of Bombay. As a port it has deteriorated, and
vessels of any size cannot come within 3 miles of the quay {Vide

182 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i

Dabhol,1 and Kareputtun.2 This last is the best of
all, and the sea washes the foot of the mountain,
where, close to land, there is from 14 to 15 fathoms
of water. On the top of the mountain there is a fort
with a supply of water, and although it is commanded
by nothing and is by nature impregnable, since the
King has made peace with the Portuguese he has
abandoned it.
Kareputtun is only five days journey from Goa to
the north, and Raibagh,3 where the King of Bijapur
disposes of his pepper, is distant from Kareputtun
about the same to the east. The King of Bijapur,
like the King of Golconda, was a tributary of the
Great Mogul, but is so no longer.
This kingdom has been in trouble for some time
on account of the rebellion of Nair Sivaji,4 who was,
on the establishment of the King of Bijapur, what we
call in France, Captain of the Guards. He had been
guilty of misconduct, for which the King arrested him
and put him in prison, where he remained for a long
time till he died. The young Sivaji, his son, there
upon conceived such a strong hatred against the King
that he became a chief of bandits, and as he was
Imp. Gaz.) Mandelslo describes it as one of the chief maritime cities of
the kingdom of Konkan.
1 Dabhol or Dabul, a port in the Konkan, in Lat. 17° 34'. It is
described by Mandelslo as being on the river Kalewacka {Travels into
the East Indies, Eng. Trans., London, 1669, p. 74). See for early
references, Anglo-Indian Glossary.
2 Crapaten in the original, Kareputtun of Map.
3 Rabaque in the original ; Raibagh, in Belgaum District.
4 The original founder of the Maratha Confederacy was Shahji ; he
was succeeded by his son, Nair Sivaji; born in 1627, died in 1680.
By his valour and treachery he won for the Marathas the suzerainty of
Southern India. See for his life, Grant Duff's History of the Mara
thas, etc.

BIJAPUR 183

both courteous and liberal he had as many supporters
as he wished for, both cavalry and infantry, and in a
short time he got together an army, the soldiers, on
the report of his liberality, coming to seek him from
all sides. He was in a position to undertake some
enterprise, when the King of Bijapur died without
children, and it was thus that, without any great diffi
culty, he became master of a portion of the Malabar
coast, including Rajapur, Rasigar,1 Kareputtun,
Dabhol, and other places. It is said that during the
demolition of the fortifications of Rasigar he found
immense treasure, and that it was with this that he
supported his forces, by whom he was well served
because they were always very well paid.
Some years before the death of the King, the
Queen, as she had no children, adopted a young
boy, upon whom she had bestowed all her affection,
and whom she brought up, as I have already said,
with the greatest care in the doctrines of the sect
of All On the death of the King she caused this
adopted son to be declared King, and Sivaji, as he
then possessed an army, continued the war, and for
some time caused trouble to the regency of this Queen.
But at last he made the first proposals for peace, and
the treaty was concluded on the condition that he
should retain all the country which he had taken, as a
vassal of the King, who should receive half the revenues ;
and the young King, having been established on the
throne by this peace, the Queen, his mother, undertook
the pilgrimage to Mecca, and I was at Ispahan when
she passed on her return.
Returning now to the journey to Goa. When I
1 Probably Rakshasagudda in Kanara District.

184 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
left Surat for my second visit to Goa I embarked
on a Dutch vessel called the " Maestricht," which car
ried me to Vengurla, where I arrived on the nth
of January 1648.
Vengurla1 is a large town, half a league from the
sea, in the kingdom of Bijapur. It is one of the best
anchorages in all India, and it is where the Dutch
came to get supplies on all occasions when they
blockaded Goa, and they take in supplies there still for
the vessels which they employ to trade in many parts
of India, for there is at Vengurla excellent water
and very good rice. This town is also much renowned
on account of its cardamons} which the orientals
esteem as the best of spices, and is only found in this
country, which causes this commodity to be very scarce
and dear. Coarse cotton cloths for home consumption
are made there too, as also a sort of matting which
they call toti} which is only used for wrapping up
merchandise. Thus it is not so much for commerce as for supplies
which can be got at Vengurla, that the Dutch Com-
1 Mingrela in the original is Vengurla, a town and seaport, head
quarters of a subdivision of the same name in the Ratnagiri District of
Bombay. The Dutch settlement was founded in 1638; in 1660 the
town was garrisoned by Sivaji, and in 1664 it was burnt by him in
consequence of a revolt; it was again burnt by Aurangzeb in 1675. A
British settlement was established there in 1772, and in 1812 the town
was ceded to the British.
2 Cardamons — the dried fruit of Elettaria cardamomum (Maton),
a shrub belonging to the ginger family, much esteemed in the East
as a spice, and largely exported to Europe for medicinal and other
purposes. Called Cargatnon in the original.
3 Tat or Tant, perhaps, i.e. the fibre known as jute, with which
gunny bags are made. It is produced by Corchorus capsularis (Linn).
Or it may be that this refers to the coarser kinds of cotton, or to hemp,
such as the so-called Deccani hemp produced by Hibiscus cannabinus.

chap, xii BLOCKADE OF GOA 185
pany maintain an establishment there. For, as I have
said, not only all the vessels which come from Batavia,
Japan, Bengal, Ceylon, and other places, and those
which sail for Surat, the Red Sea, Hormuz, Bassora,
etc., both in going and returning, anchor in the roads
at Vengurla, but also when the Dutch are at war with
the Portuguese, and are blockading the bar at Goa,
where they ordinarily keep eight or ten vessels, they
send their small boats to Vengurla to obtain provisions.
For they hold the mouth of the river during eight
months of the year, and nothing can enter Goa by sea
during that time. It should be remarked in connection
with this subject that this bar at Goa is closed for a
part of the year by sand, cast up here by the south and
west winds which precede the great rains, and to such
an extent that there is only from a foot to a foot and
a half of water for the passage of very small boats.
But when the great rains begin to fall, the waters, which
increase every hour, remove the sands and open the
passage to large vessels.

CHAPTER XIII
Remarks upon the present condition of the town of Goa
Goa is situated in latitude 15" 32", in an island of six or
seven leagues circuit, upon the river Mandavi,1 which
two leagues farther down discharges itself into the sea.
The island abounds in corn and rice, and produces
numerous fruits, as mangues,. ananas, figues d'Adam,
and cocos;2 but certainly a good pippin is worth more
than all these fruits. All those who have seen both
Europe and Asia thoroughly agree with me that the
port of Goa,3 that of Constantinople, and that of
Toulon, are the three finest ports of our great Con
tinent. The town is very large, and its walls are
of fine stone. The houses, for the most part, are
superbly built, and this is particularly the case with the
palace of the Viceroy. It has numerous rooms, and
1 Mandoua in the original. It rises in the Parvar Ghdt, in the
District of Satari, and is 38 J miles long. It is the most important
stream in the territory.
2 Mangoes, pine-apples, plantains, and cocoanuts. Most persons
acquainted with Indian fruits will agree with Tavernier, though some
might make an exception in favour of the mango.
3 It is not perhaps necessary to say ' here more than that Goa,
Daman, and Diu, are the sole remaining possessions of the Portuguese in
India. A very interesting account of Goa will be found in the recently
published Imperial Gazetteer of India, and accounts of Goa as it was
at the end of the sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth centuries
will be found in the recent issues of the Hakluyt Society, viz. Linschoten
and Pyrard de Laval.

chap, xiii GOA 187
in some of the halls and chambers, which are very
large, you see many pictures representing separately
the vessels which come from Lisbon to Goa, and those
which leave Goa for Lisbon, each with the name of the
vessel and that of the captain, and the number of guns
with which it is armed. If the town were not so shut
in by the mountains which surround it, it would without
doubt be more numerously inhabited, and residence
there would be more healthy. But these mountains
prevent the winds from refreshing it ; this is the cause
of great heat. Beef and pork afford the ordinary food
of the inhabitants of Goa. They have also fowls, but
few pigeons, and although they are close to the sea
fish is scarce. As for confectionery, they have many
kinds, and eat a large quantity. Before the Dutch
had beaten down the power of the Portuguese in
India, one saw at Goa nothing but magnificence and
wealth, but since these late comers have deprived them
of their trade in all directions, they have lost the sources
of their gold and silver, and are altogether come down
from their former splendour. On my first journey to
Goa I saw people who had property yielding up to
2000 e'cus of income, who on my second journey came
secretly in the evening to ask alms of me without
abating anything of their pride, especially the women,
who, coming in pallankeens, remained at the door of the
house, whilst a boy, who attended them, came to present
their compliments. You sent them then what you
wished, or you took it yourself when you were curious
to see their faces ; this happened rarely, because they
cover all the head with a veil. Otherwise when one
goes in person to give them charity at the door, they
generally offer a letter from some religious person who

188 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
recommends them, and makes mention of the wealth
which the person formerly had, and the poverty into
which she has fallen. Thus you generally enter into
conversation with the fair one, and in honour bound
invite her in to partake of refreshment, which lasts
sometimes till the following day.
If the Portuguese had not been so much occupied
with guarding so many fortresses on land, and if, in
the contempt they had for the Dutch at first, they had
not neglected their affairs, they would not be to-day
reduced to so low a condition.
The Portuguese who go to India have no sooner
passed the Cape of Good Hope than they all become
Fidalgos1 or gentlemen, and add Dom to the simple
name of Pedro or Jeronimo which they carried when
they embarked ; this is the reason why they are com
monly called in derision "Fidalgos of the Cape of
Good Hope." As they change in their status so also
they change in their nature, and it may be said that
the Portuguese dwelling in India are the most vindict
ive and the most jealous of their women of all the
people in the world. As soon as they entertain the
least suspicion about their women they will, without
scruple, make away with them by poison or the dagger.
When they have an enemy they never forgive him.
If they are of equal strength and dare not come to a
struggle, they have black slaves, who will blindly obey
their master's order to go and kill any one ; and this is
done generally with a stroke of a dagger, or the shot
of a blunderbuss, or by felling the man with a large
stick of the length of a short pike which they are accus
tomed to carry. If it should happen that they spend
1 Fidalgues in the original.

chap, xiii GOA 189
too long a time in finding the man whom they wish to
murder, and are unable to meet with him in the fields
or in the town, then without the slightest regard for
sacred things they slay him at the altar ; and I have
myself seen two examples of this — one at DamAn, and
the other at Goa. Three or four of these black slaves
having perceived some persons whose lives they wanted
to take, and who were attending mass in a church, dis
charged blunderbusses at them through the windows,
without reflecting whether they might not wound
others who had no part in the quarrel. It happened
so at Goa, and there were seven men slain near the
altar, the priest who was saying mass having been
seriously wounded. The law takes no cognisance of
these crimes, because generally their authors are the
first in the land. As for trials, they never come to an
end. They are in the hands of the Kanarins,1 who are
natives of the country, who practice the professions of
solicitors and procurators, and there are no people in
the world more cunning and subtle.
To return to the ancient power of the Portuguese
in India, it is certain that if the Dutch had never come
to India you would not have found to-day a scrap of
iron in the majority of the houses of the Portuguese ;
all would have been gold or silver, for it required them
to make but two or three voyages to Japan, to the
Philippines, to the Moluccas,2 or to China, to acquire
riches, and to gain on their return five or six fold, and
even up to tenfold on the more important articles.
Private soldiers as well as governors and captains
1 Canarins in the original, sometimes called Kanarese, the inhabit
ants of Kanara. See Anglo-Indian Glossary, Art. Canara.
2 Moluques in the original.

190 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
acquired great wealth by trade. It is only the Viceroy
who does not trade, or if he does, it is under the name
of another ; and, moreover, he has a sufficient income
without it. It was formerly one of the most splendid
posts in the world for a noble to be Viceroy of Goa,
and there are few monarchs who are able to bestow
governments worth so much as are those which depend
upon this Viceroy. The first of these Governments is
that of Mozambique, and the appointment is for three
years. In these three years the Governor makes a
profit of 400,000 or 500,000 crowns,1 and sometimes
more, if during the time they have no losses with the
Cafres.2 These Cafres are the black people who come
from many quarters of Africa to obtain cotton goods
and hardware from the Commandant, who dwells on
the Rio de Saine, and who is merely the agent of the
Governor of Mozambique. These Cafres bring gold
for the goods which they carry away, but if one of them
happens to die when going or returning, what has been
entrusted to him is lost beyond remedy. The Governor
of Mozambique trades also with the Negroes who
inhabit the length of the coast of Melinda,3 and they
generally pay for the goods which they take with ivory
or with ambergris.
On my last voyage to India the Governor of
Mozambique, who returned to Goa after having com
pleted the three years of his government, had a parcel
of ambergris which was alone worth about 200,000
e'cus? without counting the gold and ivory, which
amounted to a larger sum.
1 I.e. from £90,000 to £112,500. 2 Or Kaffir.
3 Melinda. An Arab town and kingdom on the east coast of Africa,
from whence Vasco da Gama, on the occasion of his first voyage, struck
across the sea to India. 4 £45,000.

chap, xiii HORMUZ 191
The second Government was formerly that of
Malacca, on account of the dues which had to be paid
there. For it is a strait where all the vessels which
leave Goa for Japan, China, Cochinchina, Java,
Macassar, the Philippines, and other places must
pass. They are indeed able to pursue another route
along the western coast of the island of Sumatra, and
either traverse the Strait of Sonde,1 or leave the island
of Java to the north ; but when the vessels return to
Goa they are required to show the free pass of the
Malacca custom-house — this compels them to follow
that route.
The third Government was that of Hormuz,2 on
account of its great trade, and of the dues which all
vessels had to pay, whether entering or leaving the
Persian Gulf. The Governor of Hormuz also levied
considerable dues from those who were going to the
island of Bahren to the pearl fishery, and if they did
not obtain a passport from him he sent their vessels
to the bottom by means of his galeasses} The Persians
receive this tax at present with the English, who share
a small part of it, as I have said in my accounts
of Persia ; but although they treat the merchants
roughly, nevertheless they do not derive from this
revenue nearly as much as the Portuguese did. It is
the same with the Dutch at Malacca, who experience
difficulty in raising sufficient to pay for the garrison
which they keep there.
The fourth Government was that of Muscat, which
1 Sunda Strait, to which the attention of the world was especially
directed, in the year 1883, by the violent explosive eruption of the
volcano of Krakatau or Krakatoa. 2 Hormuz, see p. 3.
3 Galeasses, a form of galley. See Yule-Burnell, Anglo-Indian
Glossary, Art. Gallevat ; see also Index for references.

192 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i

was also one with a considerable income. For all the
vessels coming to India from the Persian Gulf, the
Red Sea, and the coasts of Melinda have to make
the point of Muscat, and generally take in water there.
If any vessels did not come to an anchor, the Governor
sent to claim the custom, which was 4 per cent, and
if they made any resistance they ran the risk of being
sent to the bottom by his galeasses.
The fifth Government was that of the island of
Ceylon, to which were subject all the places which the
Portuguese had both on the coast of Malabar and on
the Gulf of Bengal and other parts of India, and the
least of these petty Governments yielded 10,000 e'cus
per annum.1
Besides these five principal Governments which
were at the disposition of the Viceroy, he had also the
patronage of a number of offices in Goa and other
towns of India. The day upon which he makes his
entry into Goa, his Captain of the Guards receives
nearly 4000 dcus2 of profit. The three offices of
Engineer Major, of Inspector of the Fortresses, and of
Grand Master of Artillery yielded 20,000 pardos2, per
annum, and the pardo is worth 27 sols of our money.
The Portuguese were then all rich — the nobles on
account of the governments and other offices, and the
1 £2250. 2 £900.
3 Pardao, a Portuguese name for a gold coin originally, afterwards
applied to silver coins. If the sol may be taken as representing -9
of a penny (see p. 34), then the pardao of Tavernier's time was 2s.,
being less in value than the rupee of 30 sols, which has been shown to
have been 2s. 3d. Kelly, in the Universal Cambist, gives the value of
the pardao at 2s. 6d., and Colonel Yule estimates it at the same figure in
1676, vide Anglo-Indian Glossary, Supplement, p. 840. This latter
value would,' however, proportionally raise the sol to upwards of a
penny in value, and the rupee consequently to more than 2s. 9d.

chap, xiii MERCHANTS AT HORMUZ 193
merchants by the trade which they engaged in, before
the English and Dutch came to cut the ground from
under their feet. During the time they held Hormuz
they did not allow any merchant to travel to India by
sea, and all were therefore compelled to take the
route by land through KandahAr. When the Turkish,
Persian, Arab, Moscovite, Polish, and other merchants
arrived at Bandar- Abbas, they constituted but one united
body, and from it four of the most experienced were
deputed to go and see all the different kinds of mer
chandise, and to ascertain the quality and price.
After having made their report to the others the
price was settled and the goods removed, which were
then distributed to each nation in proportion to the
number of merchants who had come from these different
countries. It is the custom throughout Asia that
nothing is sold except in the presence of a broker, and
each class of goods has its own separate one. These
brokers pay the money to those who have sold, and
receive it from those who have bought ; there are
certain classes of goods for which the fee due to
them is i per cent, others for which it amounts to
i£ and even to 2 per cent. The Portuguese then
in those times made great profits, and suffered no
losses from bankruptcies. As to the pirates, the
Viceroy took effectual steps, for when the rains were
over and the season for embarkation had arrived,
according to the number of vessels laden with goods,
he gave a sufficient number of galiotes Y to escort them
1 This name is derived from Galeota of the Portuguese. In India
it took the form Gallevat, which has been Anglicised into Jolly-boat,
as is explained by Colonel Yule and Mr. Burnell in the Anglo-Indian
Glossary. The Calcutta boatmen pronounce it Jallybote. See p. 191.
VOL. I O

194 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
to sea for from 25 to 30 leagues — the Malabaris not
going farther from the coast than 15 or 20. The
captains of the galiotes and even the marines did
some little trade during the voyage, and as they paid
no customs, they were able to acquire something to
maintain themselves in comfort during the rains, when
they had to remain in quarters. There was also a good
arrangement for the military, by which the soldiers
were promoted, for all those who had come from
Portugal, after nine years of service, received some
appointment at sea or on land, and if they did not
wish to accept of it they were permitted to travel as
merchants. If there happened to be among them any
one of intelligence, he did not fail to acquire a fortune,
having all the credit he could desire, and he found num
bers of people very willing to employ their money, giving
it to him on the chance of 100 per cent profit on his
return from a journey. If the vessel was lost, those
who had lent lost their money or their goods, but, when
it arrived safely, for one dcu they received three or four.
The people of the country called Kanarese do not
hold any offices under the Portuguese save in reference
to law as agents, solicitors, or scribes, and they are
kept in subjection. If one of these Kanarese or black
men struck a white or European, there was no pardon
for him, and he had to have his hand cut off. Both
Spaniards and Portuguese, especially the Spaniards,
use them as receivers and men of business, and in
the islands of Manilla or Philippines there are blacks
so rich that some of them have offered the Viceroy
up to 20,000 croisats1 for permission to wear hose and
1 Croisart (of Genoa), so called on account of the cross on it ; it
was worth about 6s. 6d., and 20,000 =£6500.

chap, xiii IDOLATERS AT GOA 195
shoes — this was not allowed them.1 You see certain
of these blacks with bare feet, though followed by thirty
slaves, and superbly clad ; and if the Portuguese had
been pleased to allow them to equip vessels, and to
appoint the captains and other officers according to
their own wishes, the former would not have made so
many conquests in India, or at least would not have
made them so easily.
These blacks have much intelligence and are good
soldiers, and the clerics have assured me that they
learn more in the colleges in six months than the
Portuguese children do in a year, whatever the science
may be to which they apply themselves.2 It is for
this reason that the Portuguese keep them down.
The natives of the country about Goa are idolaters,
and do homage to many kinds of idols, of which I
have given likenesses in this book,3 saying that the idols
resemble those who have done good works in former
times, to whom they should offer homage by adoring
their portraits. There are many of these idolaters who
worship monkeys, and also, in many parts of India, as I
have elsewhere said,they have built pagodas, which have
been endowed in order to feed a certain number, besides
others from outside, which come twice a week in order
to obtain food.4 In a village of the island of Salsette,5
1 The shoe question, we see, was in these early times as in latter
days a burning one.
2 The same may be said of the native youth of the present, who
far outstrip those of European parentage in the acquirement of learning
before man's estate is reached.
3 These portraits are not to be found in any of the editions of
Tavernier with which I am acquainted. 4 See p. 104.
5 This is apparently not the island north of Bombay called Salsette,
famous for its caves in the trap rock, and for the possession of a tooth
of Buddha, but a district of the same name in Goa territory.

196 TRAVELS IN INDIA book l
there was a pagoda in which the idolaters kept, in a
kind of tomb made of silver, the bones and nails of a
monkey which, they said, had rendered great services
to their gods by the diligence with which he conveyed
news and advice from one to the other,1 when per
secuted by some hostile princes, even to the extent of
traversing the sea by swimming. People came from
many parts of India in procession to this idol to make
offerings to this pagoda ; but the clergy of Goa, and
especially the Inquisitor, went one day to carry away
this tomb and brought it to Goa, where it remained
some time on account of the dispute which it gave
rise to between the ecclesiastics and the people. For
when the idolaters offered to give a large sum to ransom
their relics, the people were of opinion that it should
be accepted, because they said it could be used to make
war against their enemies or for assisting the poor ;
but the clergy held a contrary opinion, and maintained
that for no reason whatever should this idolatry be per
mitted. At length the Archbishop and the Inquisitor
of their own authority removed the tomb, and, having
put it on a vessel which went out about 20 leagues
from land, it was thrown into the sea. They would
have burned it, but that the idolaters would have been
able to collect the ashes, which would have served as
material for some new superstition.
There are in Goa numbers of people connected
with the Church, and besides the Archbishop and his
clergy you see Dominicans, Augustins, Cordeliers,
Barefoot Carmelites, Jesuits, and Capuchins, who are
like the Recollects, with two houses of nuns, of which
the Augustins are the Directors. The Carmelites, who
1 This refers to Hanumdn and the traditions of the Rdmdyana.

chap, xiii THE JESUITS AT GOA 197
are the last comers, are the best situated of all, and, if
they are a little removed from the heart of the town,
they have otherwise the advantages of enjoying fresh
air, and of having the most healthy house in all Goa.
It is on a fine elevation, where the wind blows about
it, and is well built, with two galleries, one above the
other. The Augustins, who were the first comers in
Goa, were well situated at the base of a small elevation,
their church being on the main street with a handsome
square in front. But the Jesuits, having built a house,
begged the Augustins to sell them the elevated ground,
which was then unoccupied, under pretext of wishing
to make a garden for the recreation of their scholars ;
and, having at length purchased it, they built a splendid
college, which shut out the convent of the Augustins,
and prevented it from receiving any fresh air. They
have had great disputes with one another over this
matter, but the Jesuits have at length gained their case.
The Jesuit Fathers are known at Goa by the name
of Paulists, on account of their grand church dedicated
to St. Paul. They do not wear hats nor three-cornered
caps as in Europe, but a kind of cap which resembles,
in form, a hat from which the brim has been removed,
and it is somewhat like the caps of the slaves of the
Grand Seigneur, which I have described in my account
of the Seraglio. They have five houses in Goa, which
are, the College of St. Paul, the Seminary, the Monks'
House, the Noviciate, and the Bon Jesus. The
paintings of the ceiling of this last church are admir
able. In the year 1663 the greater part of the College
was burnt by an accident which happened in the night,
and it cost them near 60,000 e'cus to rebuild it.
The hospital at Goa was formerly renowned

198 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
throughout India ; and, as it possessed a considerable
income, sick persons were very well attended to.
This was still the case when I first went to Goa ;
but, since this hospital has changed its managers,
patients are badly treated, and many Europeans who
enter it do not leave it except to go to the tomb. It
is but a short time since the secret of treating by
frequent bleedings has been discovered ; and it is
practiced according to need up to thirty or forty times,
as long as bad blood comes, as was done to myself
on one occasion when at Surat ; and as soon as the
bad blood is removed, which is like an aposthume, the
sick person is out of danger. Butter and meat are to
him as poison, and if he eats of them he puts his life in
danger. Formerly some small ragouts were made for
the convalescent, but they must nowadays content
themselves with beef-tea and a basin of rice. Gener
ally all the poor people who begin to recover their
health cry out from thirst, and beg for a little water to
drink ; but those who wait upon them, who are at present
blacks or Mestifs1- — avaricious persons, and without
mercy — do not give a drop without receiving some
thing, that is to say, unless some money is placed in
their hands, and to give colour to this wickedness they
give it in secret, saying that the physician forbids it.
Sweets and confectionery are not wanting, but this
does not contribute much to the establishment of health,
which in a hot country rather requires nourishing
food. I forgot to make a remark upon the frequent bleed
ings in reference to Europeans — namely, that in order
to recover their colour and get themselves into perfect
1 For Mestigos = Half-castes (see p. 206).

chap, xiii A DISAGREEABLE DOSE 199
health, it is prescribed for them to drink for twelve
days three glasses of . . . — one in the morning, one
at midday, and one in the evening ; but, as this drink
cannot but be very disagreeable, the convalescent
swallows as little of it as possible, however much he
may desire to recover his health. This remedy has
been learnt from the idolaters of the country, and
whether the convalescent makes use of it or not, he
is not allowed to leave the hospital till the twelve
days have expired during which he is expected to take
this drink.

CHAPTER XIV
Concerning what the Author did during his sojourn at
Goa on his last journey in 1648.
Two days before my departure from Vengurla for Goa
I wrote to M. de Saint Amant, the chief engineer,
to beg him to arrange to have an armed boat sent
for me, on account of the Malabaris who infest these
coasts ; this he immediately did. I departed from
Vengurla on the 20th of January 1648, and arrived at
Goa on the 21st. As it was late, I postponed till the
morrow going to pay my respects to the Viceroy Dom
Philippe de Mascarehnas, who had formerly been
Governor of Ceylon. He received me well, and during
nearly two months which I spent at Goa, on five or six
occasions he sent a gentleman to conduct me to the
Powderhouse, outside the town, where he very often
resided. He took pleasure in showing me guns and
other things of that nature, regarding which he asked my
opinion ; and, among several presents which I made to
him on my arrival, he was specially pleased with a pistol
very curiously and richly decorated. When passing
Aleppo, the French Consul had given it to me as a pre
sent, its fellow having been unfortunately lost. It was a
present which the nation intended to make to the Pasha,
who would have been able to boast the possession of a
pair of the most beautiful and best made pistols in all

chap, xiv THE INQUISITION AT GOA 201
Asia. The Viceroys of Goa do not permit any one,
whoever he may be — not even their own children — to
sit at their table ; but in the hall where they take their
meals there is a small space partitioned off, where covers
are laid for the principal officers, as is done in the Courts
of the Princes of Germany. On the following day I went
to pay a visit to the Archbishop, and I set apart the
day after for that which I owed to the Inquisitor. But
when I went to his house he sent one of his gentlemen
to say that he much regretted that he was unable to
see me upon that day on account of the despatches
which he was preparing for Portugal, and which were
waited for by two vessels that were about to sail.
Nevertheless, if it was in reference to a matter of con
science, he would leave everything in order to speak to
me. Having informed the gentleman that I had only
come to pay my respects, and wishing to withdraw at
once, he begged me to tarry a moment ; and after he
had reported what I had said to him to the Inquisitor,
he returned to assure me, on the part of his master,
that the latter was much obliged to me, and that as
soon as the vessels had started he would send to let me
know, so that we might have our interview at leisure.
As soon as the vessels had left, the same gentleman
came, on the part of the Inquisitor, to tell me that the
latter would expect me at about two or three p.m. in
the house of the Inquisition, for he dwelt in another,
and both houses are very magnificent. I did not fail
to be at the place indicated at the prescribed hour ; and
on my arrival a page appeared, who conducted me into
the great hall, where, after I had walked up and down
for about a quarter of an hour, an officer came to con
duct me into the room where the Inquisitor was. After

202 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
having passed through two grand galleries and some
suites of rooms, I entered a small chamber where the
Inquisitor awaited me, seated at the end of a large
table, made like a billiard table, and both the table
and all the furniture of the room were covered with
green cloth brought from England.
As soon as I entered he told me that I was welcome,
and after I had presented my compliments he asked
me what my religion was. I replied that I professed
the Protestant religion. He then asked me whether
my father and mother were also of the same religion,
and having replied that they were, he repeated that I
was welcome, calling out to some persons who were
close by that they might come in. At the same moment
a corner of the curtain was lifted, and I caught sight of
ten or twelve persons who were in a small chamber at the
side. The first who entered were two Augustin friars,
who were followed by two Dominicans, two Barefoot
Carmelites, and some other ecclesiastics, to whom the
Inquisitor straightway explained who I was, that I had
no forbidden books with me, and that, being aware of
the order to that effect, I had left my bible at Vengurla.
We conversed together for more than two hours con
cerning many things, and particularly regarding my
travels, all the company telling me that they enjoyed
hearing the recital. Three days afterwards the Inqui
sitor sent to invite me to dine with him at a fine house
which is situated at half a league from the town, and be
longs to the Barefoot Carmelites. It is one of the most
beautiful buildings in India, and I shall relate in a few
words how these monks acquired possession of it. There
was in Goa a nobleman whose father and grandfather
had made much by trade, who built this house, which

chap, xiv A LEPER'S WILL 203
might be regarded as a splendid palace. He did not
desire to marry, and, not caring for anything but religion,
he was most frequently with the Augustines, for whom
he manifested such affection that he made a will by
which he bequeathed them all his wealth, provided that
on his death they would inter him on the right side of the
great altar, where they were to make him a splendid
tomb. According to common report this gentleman
was a leper — a report which some persons diligently
spread, seeing that he had given all his goods to the
Augustines. It was said that the place on the right
side of the altar was for a Viceroy only, and that it was
not proper to place a leper there, to which the public
generally and some even of the Augustines assented.
Some Fathers of the convent having gone to speak to
him in order to beg him to select some other place in the
Church, the gentleman was so annoyed by the sugges
tion that he never returned to the Augustines, and
went to his devotions with the Barefoot Carmelites,
who received him with open arms, and accepted the
conditions which the others had refused.
He did not live long after he had made friends
with these monks, who buried him with magnificence,
and succeeded to all his property, including this superb
mansion, where we were splendidly entertained with
music during the repast.
I remained at Goa from the 21st of January to the
nth of March, on the evening of which day I quitted
it, after taking leave of the Viceroy. I also begged
leave for the departure of a French gentleman named
Du Belloy, which was granted me ; but by his im
prudence, this gentleman, who had not told me why
he was at Goa, had a very narrow escape of being

204 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
brought back, and I of being carried along with him,
before the Inquisition. The following is the way in
which he came to India, and his history as he told it
to me : He had left his father's house in order to
visit Holland, where, having spent more than he
ought, and not meeting any one who would lend him
money, he resolved to go to India. He enlisted under
the Dutch Company as a common soldier, and arrived
at Batavia at the time when the Dutch were fighting
with the Portuguese in the island of Ceylon. As
soon as he had arrived he was included among the
recruits who were being sent to that island, and the
General of the Dutch troops, seeing a reinforcement
of brave soldiers commanded by a French captain
named St. Amant, full of courage and experience,
resolved to lay siege to Negumbo,1 one of the towns
in the island of Ceylon. Three successive assaults
were made upon it, in which all the Frenchmen bore
themselves bravely, especially St. Amant and Jean de
Rose, who were both wounded.
The Dutch General, recognising in these two, men
of courage, promised them as a reward that if Negumbo
were taken one of them would be made Governor of it.
The place having been taken the General kept his
promise to St. Amant, but the news of it having
been sent to Batavia, a young man who had only
recently arrived from Holland, and who was a relative
of the General, was appointed Governor of Negumbo,
to the prejudice of St. Amant, and came, bringing
orders from the Council at Batavia to displace him.
St. Amant, finding himself thus treated, deserted with
1 Negumbe in the original, it is Negumbo, a town and fort about 20
miles north of Colombo in Ceylon.

chap, xiv DOM PHILIPPE DE MASCAREGNAS 205
fifteen or twenty soldiers, the majority of whom
were French, and among them MM. Belloy, Des
Marests, and Jean de Rose, and went over with
them to the Portuguese army. This small number
of brave men gave courage to the Portuguese, who
advanced to the attack of Negumbo, from whence
they had been driven, and took it at the second
assault. At this time Dom Philippe de Mascareh
nas was Governor of the island of Ceylon, and of all
the places dependent on Portugal. He lived in the
town of Colombo, and having received letters from
Goa which informed him of the death of the Viceroy,
with an invitation from the Council and all the nobility
to take the vacant place, before leaving he desired to
see St. Amant and those whom he had brought over
in order to reward them. Dom Philippe was a gallant
gentleman, and when he had seen them he resolved to
take them with him to Goa, either because he thought
he would have there the best opportunity of promoting
them, or because he liked to have with him a body
of resolute men on account of the Malabaris, who
were lying in wait for him with about forty vessels,
whereas he had but twenty-two. When near Cape
Comorin the wind became so contrary, and so violent
a tempest arose, that the whole fleet was dispersed, and
many vessels were unhappily lost. Those who were
in that of Dom Philippe exercised all their skill to
bring it to land, but seeing that they were unable to
accomplish their object, and that it was breaking up,
St. Amant, with five or six others of his companions,
which number included Des Marests, Du Belloy, and
Jean de Rose, threw themselves into the sea with
cords and pieces of wood, and managed so well that

206 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
they saved Dom Philippe, and they themselves also
escaped together with him. To shorten this long story,
on their arrival at Goa, Dom Philippe, as soon as he
had made his entry as Viceroy, gave to St. Amant
the post of Grand Master of Artillery and Inspector-
General of all the fortresses belonging to the Portu
guese in India. He subsequently brought about his
marriage to a young girl, with whom he received a
fortune of 20,000 e'cus. Her father was an Englishman,
who had quitted the service of the Company, and had
married the illegitimate daughter of a Viceroy of Goa.
As for Jean de Rose, he asked the Viceroy to send
him back to Colombo, where, by his permission, he
married a young Mestive1 widow, who brought him
a large fortune. Dom Philippe, who had a very high
opinion of Des Marests, having witnessed the gallant
acts which he performed, and the several wounds
which he received at the siege of Negumbo, made him
Captain of his bodyguard, which was the best office
at the Court. It may be added that he was especially
indebted for his own life to him, Des Marests being
the one who saved him from the wreck by taking him
on his shoulders. Du Belloy asked to be permitted
to go to Macao, which was granted to him. He had
heard that some of the nobility retired thither after
having acquired fortunes by trade, that they received
strangers well, and that they loved gambling, which
was Du Belloy's own strongest passion. He re
mained two years at Macao, greatly enjoying himself,
and when his cash ran low these nobles lent him some
willingly. One day, after winning about 6000 e'cus2 and
going back to play, he had the misfortune to lose all,
1 Mestive, for Mestigos, half-castes, see p. 198. 2 £1350.

chap, xiv THE INQUISITION AT GOA 207
and a considerable sum besides, which his friends had
lent him. When he realised his loss, and that no one
was willing to lend him more, he began to swear at a
picture which was in the room, and which represented
some holy subject, saying, in the rage common to the
majority of players, that this picture which was before
his eyes was the cause of his loss, and that if it had
not been there he would have won. Forthwith the
Inquisitor was informed, for in all the towns in India
which belong to the Portuguese there is one of these
officials, whose power, however, is limited, for he has
only authority to arrest the person who has said or done
anything against religion, to examine the witnesses,
and to send the offender with the informations by the
first ship which starts for Goa. There the Inquisitor-
General has the power to acquit him or to condemn
him to death. Du Belloy was accordingly put on
a small vessel of ten or twelve guns with his feet in
irons, while the captain was warned that he should
watch him well, and would be personally answerable
for him. But as soon as they got to sea, the
captain, who was a gallant man, and knew that Du
Belloy was of good family, caused his irons to be
removed, and even made him eat at his table, taking
care to supply him with clean linen and the clothes
necessary for the voyage, which lasted some forty
days. They arrived at Goa on the 19th of February
1649, and the vessel had scarcely reached port when
St. Amant came on board on the part of the Viceroy,
both to receive the letters and to get news of what was
going on in China. His surprise was great on seeing
Du Belloy in this condition, and learning that the

208 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
captain would not allow him to land till he had made him
over to the Inquisitor. Nevertheless, as St. Amant
then possessed great authority, by force of his entreaties
he obtained permission from the captain for Du Belloy
to go with him to the town. Du Belloy purposely
again put on his old clothes, which were all in rags
and full of vermin, and St. Amant, who knew that it
would not do to play with the Inquisition, went first
to present him to the Inquisitor, who, seeing this
gentleman in so poor a condition, took some pity on
him, and allowed him the run of the town as his prison
till he should see what had been written regarding him,
on condition that he should return when required to do
so. After these proceedings St. Amant brought Du
Belloy to my lodging, as I was on the point of going
out to see the Bishop of Mire {i.e. Myra in Lycia),
whom I had formerly known at Constantinople when
he was guardian of the Franciscans of Galata. I
asked them to wait my return for a while, and to dine
with me, which they did, after which I offered board
and lodging to M. du Belloy, who stayed with me,
and I ordered three suits of clothes and whatever linen
was necessary for him. I remained eight or ten days
longer at Goa, during which it was impossible for me
to induce M. du Belloy to put on the new clothes.
But he would never tell me why, whilst from day to
day he promised me to put them on. Being on the
point of departure I told him I was about to take leave
of the Viceroy, and he besought me earnestly to try to
obtain permission for him to go too. I did so willingly
and successfully. We left the same evening in the
vessel in which I had come, and immediately M. du
Belloy began taking off his old clothes and putting

chap, xiv THE INQUISITION AT GOA 209
on the new ones, threw his old ones into the sea, and
continued swearing against the Inquisition without my
knowing the reason, for I was still unaware of what had
passed. In my amazement at hearing him swear in
this manner, I told him that he was not yet out of the
hands of the Portuguese, and that he and I, with my
five or six servants, would never be able to defend
ourselves against the forty men who rowed our
boat. I asked him why he swore in this way against
the Inquisition, and he replied that he would tell me
the whole story from beginning to end ; this he did
when we reached Vengurla, where we arrived at
eight o'clock in the morning. Having landed, we found
some Dutchmen with the Commander, who had come
to the seashore to eat oysters and drink Spanish wine.
They asked me at once who it was whom I had with
me. I told them that he was a gentleman, who, having
come with the French Ambassador to Portugal, had
embarked for India with four or five others, who were
still at Goa, and that, as neither his residence in the
town nor the manners of the Portuguese were pleas
ing to him, he had asked me to help him to get back
to Europe. Three or four days later I bought him
a country mount, i.e. an ox, to enable him to go to
Surat, and I gave him an attendant to serve him, with
a letter to the Capuchin, Father Zenon, begging the
Father to give him, through my broker, 10 e'cus a
month for his expenditure, and to obtain from the
English President permission for him to embark on
the first opportunity. This, however, did not come
about, for Father Zenon took him back to Goa when
he went thither on the business of Father Ephraim
his comrade, of which I shall speak in the next chapter,
vol. i p

210 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
Father Zenon thought, no doubt, that Du Belloy,1 by
showing himself to the Inquisition and asking pardon,
would obtain it easily. It is true that he did obtain
it, but only after being two years in the Inquisition,
and coming out of it wearing a brimstone-coloured
shirt with a great St. Andrew's cross on the front
of it. He had with him another Frenchman called
Maitre Louys de Bar-sur-Seine, who was treated
in the same fashion, and they both had to go in pro
cession with those who were led to torture. M. du
Belloy had done ill in returning to Goa, and did
much worse in showing himself at Vengurla, where
the Dutch, who had learnt that he had previously
escaped from their service, by the advices which they
had received from the Commander at Surat, seized him
immediately, and placed him on a vessel which was
going to Batavia. They said that they had sent him
to the General of the Company to be disposed of as
that officer should think proper. But I know on good
authority that when the vessel was a short distance
from land they put this poor gentleman into a sack
and threw it into the sea. This, then, was the end
of M. du Belloy, but that of M. des Marests had
nothing tragical about it, as will be seen from his
history, which I shall relate in a few words.
M. des Marests was a gentleman of Dauphin^,
from the neighbourhood of Loriol, who, having fought
a duel, and having killed his man, fled into Poland,
where he did some gallant acts, which secured for him
the esteem and affection of the General of the Polish
1 M. de la Boullaye le Gouz is referred to on p. 224 as the person
who accompanied Father Zenon to Goa, but the occasion was appar
ently different from this one.

chap, xiv M. DES MARESTS 211
army. At this time the Grand Seigneur kept two
Polish Princes as prisoners at Constantinople in the
Castle of the Seven Towers, and this General, knowing
the valour and skill of Des Marests, who was enter
prising, and a good engineer into the bargain, proposed
to him to go to Constantinople to see if by any means
he could manage to get the Princes out of prison. Des
Marests accepted this commission very willingly, and
he would no doubt have had the good fortune to
succeed if he had not been discovered by certain Turks,
who accused him of having been seen examining the
Seven Towers with too much attention, and with pencil
in hand making a plan in order to accomplish after
wards some evil design. It had been sufficient to
cause the destruction of this gentleman if M. de Cesi,
the Ambassador of France, had not so arranged that
the matter was promptly stifled by a present (this is in
Turkey the most sovereign remedy in such trouble
some matters), and by representing that he was a
young gentleman who was travelling for his pleasure,
and proposed going to Persia by the first opportunity
he could meet with. It was not, however, the intention
of the Sieur des Marests to go farther, and he was
waiting his opportunity to return to Poland after
having done all that was possible to get the Princes
out of prison ; but to escape from the hands of the
Turks it was necessary to say that he was going to
Persia, and to act in such a manner that he did in
fact go thither.
The Grand Seigneur had resolved never to give
liberty to these Princes, but they were lucky enough at
length to find means of winning over a young Turk,
son of the Captain of the Seven Towers, to whom the

212 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i

father generally entrusted the keys to open and close
the doors of the prison. On the night destined for
their flight this young man pretended to lock certain
doors, but left their padlocks open, afterwards taking
the keys to his father ; but he did not dare to do the
same to the two principal doors — at one of which the
captain with the main guard was stationed — for fear of
being discovered. This young man, who was entirely
devoted to these Princes, having well considered his
plans, had made timely provision of rope-ladders in
order to get over two of the walls. But for that pur
pose it was necessary to have some correspondence
outside, and also some one inside who shared this
important secret. As the severest rigour was not
observed towards these Princes they were allowed to
receive some dishes from the kitchen of the French
Ambassador, and the groom of the kitchen, who was in
the plot, having sent them on different occasions some
pastry filled with ropes, they made ladders to aid them
in their escape. The matter was so well planned and
so well carried out that it succeeded, and the young
Turk followed the Princes into Poland, where he
became a Christian, and received an ample reward
in appointments and money. It was the same in
proportion with the others who had aided in the escape
of the Princes, and the latter, when they reached
Poland, made ample acknowledgment of the services
which had been rendered to them by each individual.
In due course M. des Marests arrived at Ispahan,
and having first addressed himself to the Rev.
Capuchin Fathers, they brought him to my lodging,
where I offered him a room, with a place at my table.
He made some sojourn at Ispahan, during which he

chap, xiv THE LADIES' BATH 213
made acquaintance with the English and Dutch, who
manifested a high regard for him, as he well deserved.
But it happened one day that, his curiosity having made
him undertake too rash an adventure, he nearly brought
destruction on himself, and with himself on all the
Franks at Ispahan. Near the caravansardi where we
lodged is a large bath to which men and women go by
turns on certain days, and where the Queen of Bijapur,
during her sojourn at Ispahan on her return from
Mecca,1 was very fond of going to talk with the wives
of the Franks, because the garden of her house was
in contact with the bath where they generally went.
The Sieur des Marests, passionately desiring to see
what passed there amongst these women, satisfied his
curiosity by means of a crevice which he had observed
in the roof of the bath, where he went sometimes ; and
mounting from outside upon this roof, which was flat,
and such as I have described in my accounts of the
Seraglio and of Persia — by a hidden way which
adjoined the caravansardi where we were dwelling,
he lay down on his stomach and saw by this crevice,
without being himself perceived, that which he so
much desired to behold. He went in this way ten or
twelve times, and not having been able to restrain
himself from telling me one day, I warned him against
returning, and told him that he was risking his own
destruction, and with himself the destruction of all the
Franks. But instead of profiting by my advice, he
went again two or three times, and on the last occasion
he was discovered by one of the women of the bath,
who had charge of the sheets, and who in order to dry
them upon the poles which project from the roof, had
1 See p. 183.

214 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
ascended by a small ladder which led to the top.
Seeing a man thus stretched out she seized his hat and
began to cry aloud ; but the Sieur des Marests, to
extricate himself from so dangerous a scrape, and to
hinder the woman from making more noise, made a
sign to her to be silent, and promptly placed in her
hands two tomans? which by good luck he had with
him out of the money which I had given him for .his
expenses. When he returned to the caravansardi I saw
he had a scared appearance, and concluding that some
thing unpleasant had happened to him, I pressed him
to say what it was. He told me with some reluctance,
and at length admitted that he had been discovered by
this woman, but had sought to silence her with money.
He had no sooner made this confession than I told
him he must at once take flight, and that the danger
was very much greater than he supposed. The Dutch
Commander, whom it was desirable to inform how the
matter had occurred, in order to apply a quick remedy
to an evil of which we feared the too prompt results,
advised his immediate departure, and we gave him a
mule and as much money as he required to enable him
to reach Bandar,2 and to embark there on the first
vessel which sailed for Surat. I gave him a letter of
recommendation to the English President, who was a
friend of mine, and whom I asked to advance him up
to 200 e'cus if he should require them. I spoke very
well of him in my letter, and I made mention of the
offer which the Dutch Commander had made him at
Ispahan, to send him to Batavia with letters to the
1 Toman, £3 : 9s. ; see p. 24. The toman was not a coin, as might
be inferred from this, but a money of account.
2 I.e. Bandar Abbas, or Gombroon ; see p. 3.

chap, xiv M. DES MARESTS 215
General, who would not fail to give him employment
according to his merit ; and, as a matter of fact, at this
time, the Dutch being at war with the Portuguese in
the island of Ceylon, a man of courage and intelli
gence like M. des Marests would be very useful
to them. He was therefore strongly pressed to
accept employment from them, and they showed him
great kindness, caressed him much, and made him
presents during his sojourn at Ispahan. But at length
he told them that, not being of their religion, he felt
some scruple in serving them against the Portuguese,
and that it was the only reason that prevented him
from accepting the offers which they so kindly made
him. The letters which I gave him for the English
President contained all this account ; and the Sieur
des Marests wishing to go to serve the Portuguese,
the President, who wrote in his favour to the Viceroy,
by whom he was much liked, laid stress to him upon
the offer of the Dutch, in order to render this gentle
man more acceptable. The Viceroy also gave him a
good reception, and the Sieur des Marests making
known to him that he desired to go to the island of
Ceylon and take service in the Portuguese army, he
left by the first opportunity with very favourable letters
from the Viceroy for Dom Philippe de Mascarehnas,
who was then still Governor of all the places which the
Portuguese possessed in the island and its neighbour
hood. He arrived three days after they had lost
Negumbo, and when the Portuguese retook the place,
as I have above said, the Sieur des Marests was one
of those who received most wounds and acquired most
glory. It was he also who did most to save Dom
Philippe from the shipwreck; and Dom Philippe,

216 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
having become Viceroy, thought that he deserved no
less a recompense than the office of Captain of his
Guards, in which he died three or four months after
wards. He was deeply regretted by the Viceroy, by
whom he was much loved, and he left all his property
to a priest with whom he had established a very close
friendship, on condition that he paid me 250 e'cus
which I had lent him ; this I had nevertheless much
difficulty in obtaining from the hands of the priest.
During my sojourn at Goa they told me the history
of a caravel1 which had arrived a short time previ
ously, having come from Lisbon. When she was about
to make the Cape of Good Hope she was caught by a
storm which lasted five or six days, and this so much
upset the sailors that they knew not where they were.
At length they entered a bay 30 leagues away from
the Cape,2 where they found numerous dwellings, and
as soon as they had anchored they beheld all the beach
lined with men, women, and children, who showed
their astonishment at seeing white people, and a vessel
like the caravel. The difficulty was that they could
only understand one another by signs, and after the
Portuguese had given to these Cafres tobacco, biscuits,
and spirits, they brought on the following day numerous
ostriches and other birds which resembled large geese,
but which were so fat that they had scarcely any lean
upon them.3 The feathers of these birds are very
1 " The Portuguese caravel is described by Bluteau as a round vessel
{i.e. not long and sharp like a galley) with lateen sails, ordinarily of 200
tons burthen " (Yule-Burnell, Anglo-Indian Glossary).
2 In Book II, chap, xiv, it is stated that this voyage was made in 1648,
and that the distance was 18 or 20 leagues from the Cape !
3 It seems probable that these were penguins, of which one if not
two species are still found near the Cape of Good Hope. See Book III,
chap, xxvii.

chap, xiv AFRICAN GOLD 217
handsome, and those of the belly good for stuffing
beds. One of the Portuguese sailors who was in
this vessel sold me a large cushion of these feathers,
and told me all that had happened in the bay, where
they remained twenty-seven days. They made some
presents to the Cafres from time to time, such as knives,
hatchets, false coral, and false pearls, in the hope of
finding if any trade could be established, and particularly
if gold was to be obtained, — for they saw some among
these people who had pieces of it in their ears, hammered
on both sides, like nails (rivets) of a lock. They took
two of these Cafres to Goa, as I shall presently relate,
and I saw one who had these pieces of gold in each ear in
five or six places. This sailor told me that there were
also some of the women who wore them at the tip of
the chin and in the nostrils. Eight or nine days after
the Portuguese had arrived in the bay the Cafres brought
them small pieces of ambergris, a little gold, and some
elephants' teeth — but very small — ostriches and other
birds, and some deer.1 As for fish, they had a great
quantity. They did all that they could by signs to ascer
tain where they obtained this ambergris, which was very
choice. The Viceroy showed me a small piece which
did not weigh half an ounce, but he told me he had
never seen any so good. They also tried hard to dis
cover from whence the gold was obtained, — for as
regards the elephants' teeth they had no difficulty,
seeing, as they did every morning, numerous elephants
which came to drink at a river that discharged itself
into this bay. At length the Portuguese, after a sojourn
of three weeks,2 seeing that through inability to under-
1 Cerfs. These must have been antelope, as there are no deer in
that part of Africa. 2 In Book II, chap, xiv, fifteen days.

218 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
stand one another it was impossible for them to dis
cover anything, resolved to make sail with the first
favourable wind. There being always some of these
Cafres on the vessel, because the crew were liberal to
them with tobacco, biscuit, and spirits, two were carried
off to Goa, in the hope that they would be able to
learn Portuguese, or that some child who might be
placed with them would acquire their language. The
sailor told me that when they had set sail, the Cafres,
observing that they carried off two of their people,
who apparently were persons of consequence, tore their
hair, striking themselves on the stomach like people in a
frenzy, yelling and howling in a horrible manner. But,
having arrived at Goa, they were never able to learn
the Portuguese language, and thus nothing was ever
ascertained from them regarding the special knowledge
which it was hoped would be obtained of the country
from whence the Portuguese carried away only about
two pounds of gold and three pounds of ambergris,
with thirty-five or forty elephants' teeth. One of these
Cafres survived only six months, and the other but
fifteen, both having died of sorrow and pining. All
that I have ascertained of this history was by means
of M. de St. Amant, Engineer and Inspector-General
of all the Portuguese fortresses in India, who had in
his service this same sailor who told me of this new
discovery. From Goa I returned to Vengurla, from whence
I went to Batavia, as I shall elsewhere relate,1 wish
ing to give a full account of all that occurred to me
during the voyage, and on my return by sea from
Batavia to Europe. But I should not forget one
1 See Book III, chaps, xxvii. and xxviii.

chap, xiv

A SUTTEE 219

thing which happened at Vengurla during the nine
days I spent there, before I departed for Goa in the
vessel which was sent to me by M. de Saint Amant.
An Idolater having died, and the fire being ready in
the pit to burn the body according to their custom,
his wife, who had no children, having obtained the
permission of the Governor, went to the pit with the
priests and her relatives in order to be burnt with the
body of her husband. While they made the three
circuits which they are accustomed to make round the
pit, there fell suddenly such heavy rain that the priests,
wishing to withdraw, threw the woman into the pit.
But the rain was so heavy and of such long duration
that it put out the fire, and the woman was not burnt.
Having risen at midnight, she knocked at the house
of one of her relatives, where several Dutchmen
and the Capuchin Father Zenon went to see her.
She was in a frightful condition, hideous and dis
figured, but the pain she had already suffered did not
prevent her from going, attended by her relations, to
be burnt two days later. I shall speak fully of this
barbarous superstition in the discourse on the religion
and the ceremonies of the Idolaters.1
1 See Book III, chap. ix.

CHAPTER XV
History of Father Ephraim, Capuchin, and how he
was cast into the Inquisition at Goa
The Sheikh1 who had married the eldest of the Prin
cesses of Golconda not having been able, as I have
said, to induce the Rev. Father Ephraim to stay at
BhAgnagar, where he offered to build him a house and
church, gave him an ox and two servants to convey
him to Masulipatam, where he expected to embark
for Pegu, according to the order which he had received
from his Superiors. But not finding any vessel by
which he could go, the English managed so well that
they attracted him to Madras, where they have a fort
named Fort St. George,2 and a general office for all
dependencies on the kingdom of Golconda and the
countries of Bengal and Pegu. They represented to
him that he would have a greater harvest to reap there
than in any other part of India to which he could pro
ceed, and they built him a good house and a church.
But in reality the English were not so much seeking
1 See pp. 161-164.
2 Madraspatan in original, Madras and Fort St. George. The first
British settlement dates from 1639, when a site for a factory was granted
to Mr. Francis Day by Sri Ranga Rayal, Raja of Chandagiri. Up to
1653 the settlement was subordinate to the Chief of Bantam in Java;
but it was then raised to the rank of a Presidency. For its subsequent
growth and development reference may be made to the Imperial Gazetteer
and "Madras in the Olden Times," by Talboys Wheeler, Madras, 1882.

chap, xv FATHER EPHRAIM, CAPUCHIN 221
the good of Father Ephraim as their own ; and you
must know why they wished to keep him among them.
Madras is only half a league from St. Thome,1 a small
maritime town on the Coromandel coast, fairly well
built, and belonging at that time to the Portuguese.
Its trade was considerable, especially in cottons,
and it possessed many artisans and merchants, the
majority of whom would have been very glad to dwell
with the English at Madras, but for the fact that they
had no opportunities at that time for the exercise of their
religion in that place. But since the English built this
church and kept Father Ephraim, there were many of
these Portuguese who left St. Thom£, attracted princi
pally by the great care which this devout man took to
instruct the people, preaching to them every Sunday
and on all festivals, both in Portuguese and in the
language of the country — a thing which was very un
usual to them when they dwelt at St. Thome. Father
Ephraim came from Auxerre,2 and was a brother of
M. de Chateau des Bois, Counsellor of the Parliament
of Paris, and he had a happy genius for all kinds of
languages, so that in a short time he acquired both
English and Portuguese in perfection. The Eccle
siastics of St. Thome, seeing that Father Ephraim
enjoyed a high reputation, and that he attracted by
his teaching a large number of their flock away to
Madras, conceived so much jealousy towards him that
1 Saint Thome" now forms a part or suburb of Madras city, and is
known as Little Mount by the English, and Mylapore, or the city of
peacocks, by the natives. It is about three miles from the fort ; pro
bably Tavernier meant to say a league and a half instead of half a
league. 2 Auxerre, in the northern part of the province of Burgundy, on the
banks of the Yonne.

222 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
they resolved to ruin him ; and the following is the
means which they made use of to accomplish their
object : — The English and Portuguese being such close
neighbours, they naturally had occasional differences,
and generally both nations employed Father Ephraim to
settle these, because he was a man of peace and of good
sense, and knew both languages perfectly. One day
the Portuguese purposely picked a quarrel with some
English sailors, whose ship was in the St. Thome' roads,
and who were well beaten. The English President
' demanding satisfaction for this insult, strife began to
kindle between the two nations, and would have
ruined all the trade of the country if the merchants on
both sides had not set themselves to arrange the affair,
knowing nothing of the vile plot which some individuals
were weaving to catch Father Ephraim. But all the
goings and comings of these merchants availed nothing,
and by the intrigues of the Portuguese ecclesiastics, it
was so managed that the Father got mixed up in the
matter, became the mediator, and undertook to con
duct the negotiations between both sides — a part which
he very readily undertook. But he had no sooner
entered St. Thome than he was seized by ten or twelve
officers of the Inquisition, who placed him in a small
armed frigate, which at once set sail for Goa. They put
irons on his feet and hands, and they were twenty-two
days at sea without once permitting him to land, although
the majority of those on the frigate slept on shore
nearly every night, because they sail from place to
place along these coasts. When they arrived at Goa,
they waited till dark to land Father Ephraim and con
duct him to the house of the Inquisition, for they
feared lest by landing him in the daytime the people

chap, xv FATHER EPHRAIM, CAPUCHIN 223
might have wind of it, and might come to release a
person so venerated in all that part of India. The
report spread in many directions that Father Ephraim
the Capuchin was in the hands of the Inquisition,
and as there arrived daily at Surat many people
from the Portuguese territories, we were among the
first to receive this news, which astonished all the
Franks who were there. He who was most surprised
and most annoyed of all was Father Zenon the Capu
chin, who had formerly been a companion of Father
Ephraim ; and after having consulted regarding the
affair with his friends, he resolved to go to Goa at the
risk of himself falling into the hands of the Inquisition.
It was in truth to risk it ; for after a man is shut up in
the Inquisition, if any one has the hardihood to speak
for him to the Inquisitor, or to any member of his
Council, he is himself immediately placed in the Inqui
sition, and is regarded as more criminal than him for
whom he wished to speak. Neither the Archbishop of
Goa nor the Viceroy himself dare interpose, and these
are the only two persons over whom the Inquisition
has no power. But if it happens that they do anything
which gives offence, the Inquisitor and his Council
write to Portugal,1 and, if it be so ordered by the
King and the Inquisitor-General, when the answers
arrive, proceedings are taken against these dignitaries,
and they are remanded to Portugal.
Father Zenon was therefore not a little embarrassed,
and knew not how to make the journey, having no
1 This passage has been rendered intelligible by collation with the
French edition of 17 13. In that of 1676 it is evidently incomplete, in
consequence of the omission of a word. " L'lnquisiteur et son Conseil
en Portugal," should be "l'lnquisiteur et son Conseil ecrivent en
Portugal," etc.

224 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
companion to leave in his place nor to take with him,
for it was then the season of contrary winds, and the
attacks of the Malabaris are always to be feared. He at
length set out, having to go twenty-five or thirty days
by land, and took as companion M. de la Boullaye le
Gouz,1 of whom I have spoken in my account of Persia.
The Father paid his expenses to Goa, for his purse
had been empty for a long time, and he would never
have reached Surat without the aid of the English
and Dutch and other Franks, who gave him money at
Ispahan. Having arrived at Goa, Father Zenon was at first
visited by some friends whom he had there, who, know
ing of the object of his journey, advised him to be
careful not to open his mouth on behalf of Father
Ephraim, unless he wished to go to keep him company
in the Inquisition. Every one knows the strictness of
this tribunal, and not only is it not permitted, as I
have said, to speak for one whom they hold prisoner,
but moreover they never confront the accused with
those who give evidence against him, nor even allow
him to become acquainted with their names. Father
Zenon perceiving that he was unable to accomplish
1 On p. 210 Tavernier has mentioned M. du Belloy as the person
whom Father Zenon took with him to Goa from Surat, when he went
there to obtain the release of Father Ephraim. His visit to Goa, when
he was accompanied by Francis de la Boullaye le Gouz, was a different
occasion. From Goa they went to Rajdpur, where they were im
prisoned, and it was only on their return to Surat, or rather to Souali
{i.e. Swally), that Father Zenon heard of the imprisonment of Father
Ephraim. Tavernier writes the name Boulaye le Gout.
Tavernier's statement about the poverty of le Gouz is also possibly
incorrect, as the latter records that he refused an offer of money from
the Viceroy of Goa. See his Voyages, Paris, 1653, and the Biographic
Universale, s.v. Gouz {Francois de la Boullaye le).

chap, xv FATHER ZENON 225
anything at Goa, advised M. de la Boullaye to return
to Surat, and made over to him 50 e'cus which he was
to give at Paris to the widow of M. Forest who had
died in India. Accordingly, he left for Surat by the
first opportunity, and Father Zenon went straight to
Madras to find out more exactly all that had passed
in connection with the arrest of Father Ephraim.
When he had ascertained the treachery which had
been practised upon Father Ephraim at St. Thome",
he resolved to get to the bottom of it, and went
without the knowledge of the English President to
confide his plan to the captain who commanded in the
fort, and who, like the soldiers, was much enraged at
the outrage which had been perpetrated on Father
Ephraim. Not only did the captain strongly approve
of the plan of Father Zenon, but he promised to give
it his support and to back him in its execution. The
Father, by means of the spies whom he had placed in
the country, ascertained that the Governor of St.
Thome went every Saturday, early in the morning, to
say his prayers in a chapel half a league from the town,
and situated on a small hill, which is dedicated to the
holy Virgin. He caused three iron gratings to be placed
on the window of a small room in the convent, with
two good locks on the door and as many padlocks,
and having taken all these precautions he went
to the captain of the fort, an Irishman1 of great
personal bravery, who kept the promise he had
made him to aid in the ambuscade which had been
laid for the Governor of St. Thome\ He himself
headed thirty of his soldiers, and accompanying Father
1 Possibly the name of this Irish captain appears in the records of
the period, but to these I have not had access.
VOL. I Q-

226 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
Zenon they all went out of the fort together towards
midnight, and concealed themselves till daylight in a
part of the mountain upon which this chapel of the
holy Virgin was situated, where they could not be seen.
The Governor of St. Thom£ did not fail, according to
his custom, to go to the chapel shortly after sunrise,
and having got out of his pallankeen and ascended
the hill, which was rough, on foot, he was imme
diately seized by the Irish captain and his soldiers,
who emerged from the ambuscade with Father Zenon,
and carried him off to Madras to the convent of the
Capuchins, and put him in the chamber which had been
prepared for him. The Governor, much surprised to
find himself carried off in this manner, protested strongly
against Father Zenon, and threatened him with the
resentment which the King of Portugal would evince
when he heard what he had dared to undertake against
a Governor of one of his towns. This was his
daily discourse during the time he was kept in the cell,
and Father Zenon simply replied that he believed he
was much more gently treated at Madras than Father
Ephraim was in the Inquisition at Goa, whither he, the
Governor, had sent him ; that he had only to cause the
Father to be brought back, and they would replace him
at the foot of the hill where he had been seized, with
as much right as the others had little to carry off Father
Ephraim. However, for five or six days the St. Thome
road was crowded with people who came to beseech
the English President to exercise his authority and
release the Governor. But the President would not
make any other reply than that he was not in his hands,
and that after their action towards Father Ephraim he
was unable in common justice to compel Father Zenon

chap, xv ESCAPE OF THE GOVERNOR 227
to release a person who was one of the authors of the
injury which had been done to his companion. The
President contented himself with asking the Father to
have the goodness to permit his prisoner to come to eat
at his table, with a promise to hand him over into his
hands whenever he wished ; this request he obtained
easily, but was unable afterwards to keep his promise.
The drummer of the garrison, who was a Frenchman,
and a merchant of Marseilles named Roboli, who
was then in the fort, two days after the Governor of
St. Thome had entered it, offered him their services
to aid him to escape, provided that they were well
rewarded for it ; this he promised them, and also that
they should have a free passage on the first vessel
which went from Goa to Portugal. The agree
ment being made, on the following day the drummer
beat the reveille at an earlier hour than usual, and
with great noise, and at the same time the merchant
Roboli and the Governor, with their sheets tied
together, let themselves down by the corner of the
bastion, which was not high. The drummer at the
same time left his drum and followed them nimbly, so
that St. Thome being only a good half league 1 from
Madras, they were all three inside it before anything
was known of their departure. The whole population
of St. Thome made great rejoicings at the return of
the Governor, and immediately despatched a boat
to Goa to convey the news. The drummer and the
merchant Roboli set sail forthwith, and when they
reached Goa bearing the letters of the Governor of
St. Thom£ in their favour, there was not a convent
nor a wealthy house which did not make them presents,
1 See p. 221 n.

228 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
and even the Viceroy himself, Dom Philippe de
Mascarehnas, treated them kindly, and invited them
to embark on his vessel in order to take them to
Portugal with him ; but all three, namely, the Viceroy
and the two Frenchmen, died at sea.
I shall say in passing that there never was a
Viceroy of Goa half so rich as Dom Philippe de
Mascarehnas. He possessed a quantity of diamonds
— all stones of great weight, from 10 to 40 carats ;
two notably, which he showed me when I was at Goa.
One of them was a thick stone, weighing 57 and the
other 6i\ carats, both being fairly clear, of good water,
and Indian cut. The report was that this Viceroy
was poisoned on the vessel, and it was added that
it was a just punishment for his having made away
with many persons in the same manner, especially
while he was Governor in the island of Ceylon. He
always kept some of the most subtle poison to use
when he wished that his vengeance should be prompt ;
and having on that account made many enemies,
whom the fate of those he had murdered caused
to fear for themselves a similar treatment, he was one
morning hung in effigy at Goa, when I was there
in the year 1648.
In the meantime the imprisonment of Father
Ephraim made a great sensation in Europe. M. de
Chateau des Bois, his brother, complained of it to the
Portuguese Ambassador, who not feeling too sure of
his position, wrote promptly about it to the King
his master ; so that, by the first vessels which left
for Goa, it was ordered that Father Ephraim should
be released. The Pope also wrote saying that if he
were not set free he would excommunicate all the

chap, xv RELEASE OF FATHER EPHRAIM 229
clergy of Goa. But all these letters were of no avail,1
and Father Ephraim had only the King of Golconda,
who loved him and who had done all he could to
induce him to remain at BhAgnagar, to thank for his
liberty. The King had learnt from him some mathe
matics, like the Arab Prince, his son-in-law, who had
offered to build a house and church for the Father at
his own expense.2 This he had since done for two
Augustin clerics who had come from Goa. The King
was then at war with the Raja of the Province of Car-
natica, and had his army close to St. Thome, and as
soon as he had heard of the evil trick which the Por
tuguese had played on Father Ephraim he sent an
order to Mir Jumla, the General of his troops, to lay
siege to St. Thome, and to kill and burn all if he
could not obtain a definite promise from the Governor
of the place that in two months Father Ephraim would
be set at liberty. A copy of the order of the King
was sent to the Governor, and the town was so alarmed
that there was to be seen nothing but boat after boat
setting forth for Goa in order to urge the Viceroy to
take measures that Father Ephraim should be promptly
released. He was accordingly, and messengers came
to him to tell him, on the part of the Inquisitor,
that he might leave. But although the door was open
to him he refused to quit the prison till all the clerics
of Goa came to bring him forth in procession. This
they at once did, and after he had come out he went
to pass fifteen days in the Convent of the Capuchins,
who are a kind of Recollects. I have heard Father
1 The Pope's mandates were often disobeyed by Jesuits in the East.
(See Memoirs of the Christian Church in China, by Rev. R. Gibbings,
•B.D., Dublin 1862.) 2 Seep. 163.

230 TRAVELS IN INDIA book I

Ephraim say many times that that which distressed
him most during his imprisonment was to witness the
ignorance of the Inquisitor and his council when they
examined him, and he believed that not one of them
had ever read the Holy Scriptures. They had placed
him in a cell with a Maltese, who was one of the greatest
criminals under heaven. He did not speak two words
without scoffing at God, and he passed all the day and
a part of the night in smoking tobacco, which could
not have been otherwise than most unpleasant to
Father Ephraim.
When the Inquisition seizes any person he is at once
searched, and all that is found in his house in the way of
furniture and effects, belonging to him, is inventoried
to be returned to him should he be found innocent.
But as regards anything of the nature of gold, silver,
or jewels, it is not written down, and is never seen
again, being taken to the Inquisitor for the expenses of
the trial. The Rev. Father Ephraim when entering the
Inquisition was searched, but there were only found, in
the pocket which these monks have sewn to their
cloaks, and is situated in the middle of the back, a
comb, an inkhorn, and some pocket handkerchiefs.
It was not remembered that the Capuchins have also
a small receptacle in the mantle under the armpit,
where they place some small requisites, and Father
Ephraim was not searched in that direction. This left
him four or five lead pencils which are covered with
wood, for fear lest they should be broken, and as
the pencil is used you pare off the wood to uncover it.1
1 This description shows the rarity of lead pencils at the time.
Possibly they were of metallic lead, not of graphite, the former having
been first used, and having bequeathed its name to the latter.

chap, xv FATHER EPHRAIM'S PRISON 231
These pencils afforded a means whereby Father
Ephraim was less wearied during his imprisonment
than he otherwise would have been, and that, squint-
eyed as he was, he went out with a vision in which
there appeared to be scarcely any defect. It is the
custom in the Inquisition to go every morning to ask
the prisoners what they wish to eat that day, and it
is then given to them. The Maltese cared for little
besides tobacco, and he asked for it at morning, noon,
and night, which were the times when their food was
taken to them. This tobacco was all cut and packed in
white paper nearly of the size of a quarter of a page,
for throughout all the East tobacco in powder, and all
drugs and other wares which can be so treated, are
wrapped in white paper ; this tends to the profit of the
seller, who weighs the paper and the goods together.
It is for this reason that so much paper is used in Asia,
and it is the principal article of trade of the people of
the provinces,1 who send theirs even to Persia. I
make these remarks in reference to Father Ephraim,
who carefully collected all these pieces of white paper
in which the tobacco was packed, which was brought
to the Maltese, and it was upon them he wrote with his
pencil his daily thoughts in the prison. This was partly
the cause that his sight lost much of its natural defect,
and when I beheld him again I had at first a difficulty
in believing that he was the same Father Ephraim
who had been much squint-eyed previously, as he
appeared to be so no longer. The cell where he was
confined had for sole window a hole of 6 inches square,
with bars of iron, this hole was so placed that when
1 The word in the original is provencaux, and is, accordingly,
somewhat obscure.

232 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
Father Ephraim wished to write he could only have
light on the side which was opposite to that where
he ordinarily directed his sight ; and so it was that
by degrees it became right ; thus he derived by this
fact some advantage from his imprisonment.1 The
Inquisitor was unwilling either to lend him a book or
to give him the end of a candle, and treated him as
sternly as he did a criminal who had already twice gone
out of the Inquisition with a sulphur-coloured shirt and
the cross of St. Andrew on the front in order to ac
company to execution those who were to die, but who
had entered it for the third time. It may be said to
the glory of Father Ephraim that much patience as
he had in his prison so much had- he of discretion
and charity after he went out of it ; and whatever
evil the Inquisition had done to him, he was never
heard to speak ill of it, nor even to make the least
complaint, much less had he ever thought of writing
anything about it, which would have made public many
things not tending to the glory of what the Portuguese
call La Sanctissima Casa. Moreover, as I have said,
all those who leave the Inquisition are made to swear
to say nothing of what they have seen, nor of what
has been asked them, and, without breaking their
oaths, they cannot speak or write of it.
Father Ephraim having passed fifteen days at Goa
in the Convent of the Capuchins, to regain some
strength, after fifteen or twenty months spent in prison,
then set out to return to Madras ; and, when passing
1 The interesting point in this story is altogether lost by the
inaccuracy of the English translation of 1684 by John Phillips, which
says that " he lost the sight of one of his eyes through the darkness of
the chamber."

chap, xv FATHER EPHRAIM VISITS GOLCONDA 233
Golconda, went to thank the King and the Arabian
Prince, his son-in-law, for the kindness they had shown
in interesting themselves so much on account of his
freedom. The King again begged him to stop alto
gether at BhAgnagar, but perceiving that he wished to
return to his convent at Madras, he gave him, as on
the first occasion, an ox, attendants, and money for his
conduct thither.1
1 Ample testimony exists of the good repute in which these two
French Capuchins, Fathers Ephraim and Zenon, lived in Madras-
In the consultations of the Council, dated 4th April 1678, reference
having been made to the troubles caused by Portuguese Popish priests,
who meddled in the affairs of the town and were a cause of disturbance,
it was resolved to remove some of them and to confirm the authority of
Fathers Ephraim and Zenon, they being " men that have ever behaved
themselves with all due respect to the Government of the place and the
English interest."
Again, on Monday the 12th December 171 5, the President, Edward
Harrison, Esq., published a categorical statement of charges made in
France against these Capuchins and others, and to the first article
charging them with misbehaviour, etc., he replies : — " We are obliged
to declare that the Capuchin Fathers above-named, who have had the
care of this Mission in the city of Madras, from the first establishment
thereof to the present time, by permission of our Right Honourable
Masters, have always demeaned themselves in so humble a manner, both
in spiritual and temporal affairs, as to give no just cause of complaint
to us their representatives ; their conduct has been regular and agreeable
to their profession, nor have we ever heard of or remarked any action
of theirs that could occasion the least scandal to their order." (See Madras
in the Olden Times, by Talboys Wheeler, pp. 59 and 338.)

CHAPTER XVI
Route from Goa to Masulipatam by Cochin, described
in the history of the capture of that town by the Dutch.
After the Dutch Company had despoiled the Portu
guese of all they possessed in the island of Ceylon,
they cast their eyes on the town of Cochin, in the terri
tory of which the variety of cinnamon called bastard1
grows, as it had injured the sale of that of Ceylon.
The merchants, finding that the Dutch valued their cin
namon at so high a price, began to buy that of Cochin
instead, which they obtained very cheaply ; and this
cinnamon, as it gained a reputation, was carried to
Gombroon, where it was distributed among the mer
chants who came from Persia, Great Tartary, Mos-
covie, Georgia, Mingrelia, and all the neighbourhood
of the Black Sea. There was also a large quantity
of it taken by the merchants of Bassora and Bagdad,
which supplied Arabia, and by those of Mesopotamia,
Anatolia, Constantinople, Roumania, Hungary, and
Poland. In all the countries which I have named much
cinnamon is consumed, for it is put either in pieces
or in powder into the majority of dishes to heighten
the flavour. When a dish of rice is served on the table,
1 This is the wild cinnamon {Cinnamomum iners), which is common
in the forests of the Konkan and Travancore.

chap, xvi SIEGE OF COCHIN 235
especially in Lent among the Christians, it is so covered
with powdered cinnamon that one cannot recognise
what it is, and the Hungarians exceed in this respect
all other nations. As for the Turks and other Asiatics,
they place the cinnamon in small pieces in their pillaus.
The army which was sent from Batavia to the
siege of Cochin disembarked at a place called Belli-
Porto,1 where there was a fort which the Dutch had
made with palms. It is close to Kranganur,2 a small
town which the Dutch had taken the previous year,
without having conquered Cochin, upon which they had
made some attempt. When the army landed it advanced
within range of the guns of Cochin, and there was a
river between it and the town. The place where the
Dutch encamped was called Belle Epine,3 and having
entrenched themselves as far as the nature of the place
permitted, they put some batteries in position which
could not injure the town, because they were too far
from it. They remained in this position until reinforce
ments came, for three ships only had arrived, and he who
commanded these first troops was one of the bravest
captains of his time. A few days after the Governor
of Amboyna 4 arrived with two ships, and afterwards a
Dutch captain brought a number of Chinglas} who
are the people of the island of Ceylon. For the forces
1 This Col. Yule informs me is probably for Vaipur or Beypiir.
2 Cranganore in the original ; Kranganur or Kodungulur, see p.
237. Both Cranganore and Kodungaloor are given on the A.S., as
though they applied to different towns 2 or 3 miles apart.
3 This Col. Yule identifies with the Vaypine of Baldasus. It is
Vaipion, or Vyepu of A.S., an island close to Cochin.
4 Amboina in the original, Amboyna, an island in the Molucca Sea,
with, according to Dutch returns, a population of about 30,000. (See
Crawford's Dictionary.) 5 Singalese.

236 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
of the Dutch in India would not be so considerable as
they are if they did not make use of the people of the
country, with whom they augment the troops which
are brought from Europe. Those of the island of
Ceylon are good for the trenches, but for an attack
they are useless. Those of Amboyna are good soldiers,
and 400 of them who came were left at Belle
Epine. The bulk of the army re-embarked, and landed
near Cochin in the vicinity of a church dedicated
to St. Andre, where the Portuguese with some
Malabaris awaited the Dutch with resolution. When
they saw that the enemy landed without any fear they
fired a discharge and then fled, but as they only aimed
at the boats the Dutch did not lose many men. The
Dutch seeing some companies of Portuguese marching
on the sea-coast, and others farther inland in the direc
tion of a church which was called St. Jean, ordered
some horsemen to go to reconnoitre them, but the Por
tuguese had fled and had set fire to the church, aban
doning all to the Dutch. The latter then approached
the town, and a French soldier named Christofle,
who was in their pay, seeing a basket attached to a
rope which was hung from a bastion, went boldly to
see what it had inside, without fearing musket shots.
But he was much surprised when he found that it was
a poor famished infant which the mother had placed
there in order to escape the sorrow of seeing it die of
hunger,— for already some time had elapsed since the
Dutch had commenced the siege of Cochin, and since
any food had entered the town. The soldier, smitten
with compassion, took the infant and gave it of what
ever he had to eat, at which the General of the army
was so indignant, saying that the soldier should have

chap, xvi SIEGE OF COCHIN 237
left the infant to die, that he assembled the council of
war, and proposed that he should be shot. This was
very cruel, and the Council, moderating the sentence,
only condemned him to the lash.
The same day ten men of each company were
ordered to go to one of the houses of the King of
Cochin, but they found no one there, and the previous
year it had been pillaged. The Dutch then slew four
kings of the country and 1600 blacks, and there
escaped only one old Queen, who was taken alive by a
common soldier named Van Rez, whom the General
of the army promoted to be a captain at once, as a
reward. They left a company in this house, but the
Queen remained there only six days, as she was given
into the custody of the Zamorin,1 who is the most
powerful of the petty Kings of this coast, to whom the
Dutch had promised that if they took the town of
Cochin they would give him that of Kranganur,2
provided he was faithful to them.
The Dutch then began to entrench themselves
and to erect batteries, taking shelter under small
forts made of palms, one laid upon another together
with earth. They made one of them in the direction
of the Church of St. Jean, which is near the sea, with
1 Samarin in the original ; Zamorin, or King of Calicut, see p. 178.
It comes through a local vernacular rendering of Samundri, the Sea-king.
(See Yule-Bumell, Anglo-Indian Glossary, p. 745.)
2 Kranganur, or, more properly, Kodungalur, occupied by the Por
tuguese in 1523. They were expelled by the Dutch in 1661-62. The
place has a remarkable history. According to tradition it was here
that St. Thomas commenced his labours, A.D. 52 ? The Jews claim to
hold grants of land made to them there as early as a.d. 378, and the
Syrian Church was firmly established there before the ninth century.
The fort is now deserted. (See for further history Imperial Gazetteer,
Art. " Kodungalur.")

238 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
a battery of four pieces of cannon ; and another in the
direction of St. Thomas, where there was the hospital
for the wounded, and close by that for the sick. They
also made a battery of seven pieces of cannon and two
mortars in a quarter called Calvetti.1 Sometimes
they threw bombs, sometimes stones, and the stones
did by far the most injury to the besieged. This was
the spot where the Dutch lost most men, especially at
a small river where they tried to make a bridge with
sacks full of clay, in order to be able to pass under
cover, on account of a point of the bastion which
impinged directly upon the river. The " Pepper
House" is a large store surrounded by the sea, and
there was no one then inside it. But when the Portu
guese perceived that the enemy entertained the design
of assaulting it they placed some men there with two
guns ; this resulted in the bridge scheme being given up,
and resort being had to other measures. Five weeks
passed without anything important being accomplished,
and the Dutch delivering an assault at night were
vigorously repelled, and lost many soldiers through the
fault of the Governor of Kranganur, who commanded
them, and who was drunk when the attack was made.
He was also among the prisoners taken by the
Portuguese, and the Dutch General promptly caused
the withdrawal in a boat of those soldiers who had
survived the assault. Two months later he resolved
to make another assault on the same place where
the last attack had been made ; and in order to have
more men he sent a large frigate to fetch those who
were in the direction of Belle Epine. But by
1 Calivete in the original ; Calvetti Bazaar, a quarter of Cochin
inhabited by Moplas.

chap, xvi SIEGE OF COCHIN 239
accident the frigate struck on a bank of sand and
foundered, by which he lost many men. Those who
knew how to swim landed near Cochin, not being able
to land elsewhere ; they were only about ten men, both
soldiers and sailors, and the Portuguese made prisoners
of them all. The General did not on this account
relinquish his desire to deliver an assault, and having
disembarked all the sailors, he gave to some short
pikes, to others hand grenades, and to some swords,
with the intention of making an attack on the fol
lowing night. But a French lieutenant, named St.
Martin, representing that if they made the assault by
night they might in the darkness fall into the holes
which the besieged might have made in the ramparts,
and that by day they would run much less risk, his
advice was followed and the General postponed the
affair till the following day. As soon as the sun had
risen he ranged his troops in battle order, and at about
ten o'clock began the assault with four companies,
each being of about 150 men. The Dutch lost many
men in this last attack, and the Portuguese still more,
for they defended themselves bravely, being aided by
200 soldiers of the Dutch army who had joined their
side in revenge for having been kept out of six and
a half months' pay, in consequence of the loss of
Touan •} this made them unwilling to serve the Dutch
army longer. Without these soldiers, who constituted
an important aid to the enemy, the town would not
have held out for two months ; and he who defended it
best was a Dutch engineer, who, on account of the bad
1 Tuban, a town in Java, now included in the Netherlands Province
of Rembang. It is described by Mandelslo {Travels, Eng. Trans.,
London 1669).

240 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
treatment which he had received on his own side, was
constrained to pass over to that of the enemy.
The Dutch, who had entered Cochin on the Cal
vetti side, and were already masters of a rampart,
remained all night under arms ; and on the following
day the town capitulated, and was given up. The
Portuguese came to carry off the bodies of some clerics
who were dead ; but as for the others, the Dutch had
them all dragged to the river by the Chinese who were
in their service — both the bodies of the Dutch as well
as those of the Portuguese. The wounded were taken
to the hospital, and those who had yielded embarked
during the night with the engineer, passing without
much noise between the ships of the Dutch, replying
to those who asked them whence they came that they
were commanded by the Dutch, and that they had
orders for the ships to maintain a good look-out. This
ruse served them well, and though the ships fired some
cannon shots after them that did not prevent them
from making their escape. The Portuguese, according
to the terms of the capitulation, left Cochin with arms
and baggage, but as soon as they were outside the
gate of the town, where the Dutch troops were in order
of battle, they were obliged to give up their arms and
to place them at the feet of the General, with the
exception of the officers, who kept their swords.1 The
General had promised the soldiers the loot of the town,
but not being able to keep his promise for reasons
1 The capture of Cochin by the Dutch took place in the year 1653.
The English factors who resided there retired to Ponani. The Dutch
subsequently improved the place by erecting quays, building houses, etc.
The Portuguese cathedral was made into a warehouse, and their
churches were used for Protestant worship {Imperial Gazetteer, vol.
iv, p. 1 2).

chap, xvi PORAKAD 241
which he explained to them, he led them to hope that
he would pay them six months' wages ; this a few days
afterwards was reduced to eight rupees each. The
Zamorin asked for the town of Kranganur, in accord
ance with the promise made to him, and it was given
to him ; but first the General demolished all the fortifica
tions and left him only the walls, at which the Zamorin
was much displeased. The majority of those who were
well were commanded to go to one of the petty Kings
of this coast known as the King of PorakAd 1 to treat
with him, and it was on this occasion that the Dutch
General, who had formerly been, as I have said, a menial
servant, showed himself to be of a cruel and barbarous
nature. Four days had elapsed, during which the soldiers
had been unable to obtain any food for money, and two
of them having stolen a cow and slaughtered it, the
General, as soon as he knew of it, hung one of them
forthwith, and intended to shoot the other, but the
King of PorakAd saved his life.
The treaty having been concluded with the King
of PorakAd, the Dutch General held a review of all
the survivors both of the sailors and the soldiers, and
the number amounted to about 6000 persons, all the
rest having died of disease or having been slain. A
few days after he commanded some companies to go
to lay siege to the town of Cannanore, which yielded
at once without any resistance. When they returned
1 Porca in the original stands for Porakad or Poracaud, formerly
an important port in Travancore. The remains of a Portuguese fort
and factory are now covered by the sea, being visible at low water. It
is called Porcai by Varthema, who regarded it as an island, and the
haunt of pirates in his time— 1 503-1508. So also Barbosa. (See
Travels of Ludovico de Varthema, edited by the Rev. Percy Badger,
Hakluyt Society, p. 154O
VOL. I R

242 TRAVELS IN INDIA

the General had a crown made to place on the head of
a new .King of Cochin, the other having been driven
away ; and on the day which he selected for this grand
performance he seated himself on a kind of throne, at
the foot of which a Malabari called Montani, con
ducted by two or three captains, placed himself on his
knees to receive the crown from his hand and to take
possession of a kingdom of very limited extent — that is
to say, some small territories in the neighbourhood of
Cochin. This General when coming from Holland
had been ship's cook, and this crowning of a miserable
Malabari by the hands of a man who had more fre
quently brandished a pot -ladle than a sword, was
without doubt a brilliant spectacle.
In the meantime the ships which had carried to
Goa the Portuguese who had surrendered Cochin,
returned laden with spoil. This was contrary to the
terms of the capitulation, which provided that they
should leave the place with arms and baggage, and be
conducted to Goa without anything being taken from
them. But as soon as they were at sea the Dutch took
all that these poor people had, and having strictly
searched both men and women, without any respect for
sex, returned laden with booty.
The General of the Dutch troops which came to the
siege of Cochin having returned to Batavia, every one
withdrew, and there remained only a sufficient number
of men for the protection of the town. A Governor
was sent from Batavia who overworked the soldiers
in order to fortify the place, and he cut off the town
from the gate of St. John to the Church of St. Paul,
as also the whole quarter named Calvetti, because it
was too extensive to be guarded. A short time after the

chap, xvi THE DUTCH GOVERNOR OF COCHIN 243
siege, food became very cheap in Cochin, but that did
not last long, for the Governor at once placed a duty
on tobacco and various comestibles, so that there was
only one man who dealt in them, and he fixed the
price as he pleased. This Governor exercised great
severity towards the soldiers ; he kept them shut up
in the town, where they were, so to speak, in a prison ;
and they could drink neither wine nor suri1 nor
brandy, because the duties were excessive. This suri
is a drink obtained from palms. When the Portuguese
held Cochin one could live better on 5 sols than under
the Dutch with 10 sols, because the Portuguese did not
burden the town with taxes. This Governor, I say,
was so severe that for the least fault he banished a man
to the island of Ceylon, to a certain place where bricks
were made, sometimes for five or six years, and some
times for life. But most frequently, when one is sent
to this place, although the committal is only for a few
years, he never leaves it again. There was in the
garrison of Cochin a soldier of Aix in Provence
named Rachepot, who, for having failed to reply to
his name at roll-call, and for having delayed half a
quarter of an hour longer than he should, was sentenced
to mount the wooden horse for three days. It is a
common punishment for soldiers who are guilty of
an offence, and is a very severe one. This horse is
so sharp on the back that, with the great weight of the
spurs which they place on the feet of the victim, at the
end of three or four hours he is altogether torn and
mutilated. The poor Provengal, knowing that he had
been sentenced to this punishment not for three hours
1 From Sanskrit sura, a synonym with tdri, i.e. toddy, palm wine.
(Seep. 158.)

244 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
but for three days, fearing that he would succumb,
instead of giving himself up at the guard-house, con
cealed himself at the house of a Frenchman, one of
his friends, who had been but a short time married.
The married soldiers sleep three times a week at their
own houses, but the others are obliged to sleep every
night at the barracks. The Governor, seeing that the
Provengal did not appear, ordered a drum to be beaten
throughout the town, and proclamation to be made
that whoever would disclose the place where he was
concealed would receive 100 piastres as his reward,
and also that whoever kept him concealed without.
making a declaration would be certainly hung with
him. The Provengal having received intimation of this
threat, not wishing to ruin the Frenchman with whom
he lodged, and having found means to entice five or
six of his companions, who were not able to stand any
more than he the severity of the Dutch General,
escaped successfully on the following night, which was
dark and rainy. They passed very close to a sentry,
by whom they were not seen, the darkness and the
rain being very favourable to them, and if he had said
a word they were resolved to kill him. Having
travelled all the night, they came to a small river near
PorakAd, but when the tide ascends this river it is
wide and deep ; this obliged these poor soldiers to throw
away their clothes, and to retain only their drawers,
in order to swim across quickly, as they feared pur
suit. Hunger beginning to oppress them, they realised
at their leisure, which they had not done when taking
flight, the danger they were in of dying ; for not only
did they not know the language of the country, but
what was more vexatious, they had always to stay in

chap, xvi ADVENTURES OF RACHEPOT 245
the open, as the idolaters who inhabit all this part of
India would not allow them even to touch the walls of
their houses, through fear of being in consequence
obliged to -throw them down. The superstition of
these idolaters goes so far that they dare not touch one
another, except in time of war. When by accident
they touch any one they are obliged to go at once and
wash the body and dip three times in the water, other
wise they dare not eat, drink, nor enter their houses.1
The Provengal and his companions met a Portuguese
Jesuit Father, who asked them whence they came, and
they told him all their misfortunes. Rachepot was
more inconvenienced than all the others, having
received a musket-shot in the thigh on the occasion of
the last assault on Cochin, and the wound, which
had not fully healed, having reopened on the road, it
was impossible for him to travel without being cured
of this wound, which had been insufficiently dressed ;
and the Jesuit Father could give him no other aid than
to write a word on his behalf in the Malabar language
to the King of Godorme,2 upon a piece of palm leaf,
1 In my own experience I have met this dread of defilement in its most
intense form in Orissa, where, as also in parts of the Madras Presidency,
it exists to an extent hardly to be realised by those whose knowledge of
the natives does not extend south of the valley of the Ganges. There
are, however, few parts of India in which an European would be allowed
to take shelter in an ordinary Hindu house. The dwellings of Rajas
and wealthy men are sometimes provided with an antechamber to which
an European may be invited ; and of course there are some, but rare,
individual exceptions to the rule which makes travelling in India so
different from what it is in Persia.
2 I venture to suggest that this place, having been probably in
Travancore, was Kotayam, which was a town and State of some note,
and the centre of the Syrian Christians. It is in Lat. 9° 36' N., Long.
760 34' E. A very full account of these Christians is given in the
Imperial Gazetteer of India, vol. vi, p. 230.

246 TRAVELS IN INDIA

whom the Dutch had driven from his country before
they took Cochin. Rachepot, followed by his com
panions, went to him by the road which the Jesuit
Father had indicated, and he was well received by
him, and found there a Malabari who understood
Portuguese. The King asked Rachepot if he would
like to remain with him, and he replied that he was
content to serve him, and that his companions, of
whom he was, as it were, the chief, would serve him
also, not wishing to be parted from one another. The
King gave orders that the Provengal 's wound should be
carefully dressed, and a preparation of oil and butter
was immediately applied, from which he experienced
relief. The King made him come to him two or three
times every day, sometimes to fire a musket, some
times to wield a hand-pike, asking him much regarding
the way they make war in Europe. Sometimes he took
pleasure in making him sing, but the unhappy Provengal
could sing but sadly in consequence of the poor cheer
which he received ; the King having ordered so little for
the support of himself and his companions, that it scarce
sufficed to buy rice, and that of the blackest kind. But
he was obliged to be patient, both to await the healing
of his wound and in order to learn something of the
Malabar language, without which it would be very
difficult for them to traverse the country in order to
reach Madras. For from Cochin up to the place
where they were, they had experienced much difficulty
in making themselves understood by signs, and in their
greatest hunger the people of the country offered them
nothing to eat but cocoanuts, which were insufficient
to satisfy them. On the day of one of the local festivals
the King summoned Rachepot and his companions,

chap, xvi ADVENTURES OF RACHEPOT 247
and in consequence of the festival presented them
with four figs 1 each, which he desired them to eat in
his presence. The Malabaris told them that the King
did them a great honour ; but the poor people, who had
so little for their subsistence, would have preferred a
measure of rice instead of these four figs. The people of
that country go about quite naked, only wearing a cloth
which covers their private parts. The King himself
is in that respect like the least of his subjects, save
that he wears a little gold in his ears. Rachepot
having been completely cured at the end of forty days,
resolved to pass on with his companions, and they left
one night without saying farewell to any one. They
took their road to the south-east for Madras,2 where
they wished to go ; and it is easy to believe that, being
without money and only knowing a few words of the
language, they suffered much during their journey.
They lived on the charity bestowed upon them, and
often when they arrived in the villages some of the
idolaters fled from fear, because in these mountains
they are not accustomed to see white men ; others, who
were less timid, came near them and gave them the
wherewithal to drink and eat ; and those who were
most friendly took them into the neighbourhood in
order to let their relatives and friends see them.
When they had passed these mountains 3 and began to
enter the plain, they travelled in the woods for two and
1 Probably Plantains, or so-called Bananas. The fruit of Musa
sapientum, commonly called Adam's figs by the Portuguese (see Book
II, chap, xii.)
2 Their position was probably to the south-west of Madras, hence
they should have directed their course rather to the north-east. Had
they done so they would not have reached so far to the south as they
appear to have done (see p. 250).
3 Probably the hilly region between Travancore and Madura.

248 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
a half days without seeing any one ; and were con
vinced that they must die. To increase their misery
they were attacked in these woods by great numbers
of leeches which abound there, so that it became a
necessity for them to run in order to give the leeches
less time to attach themselves to their legs and thighs,
where they assumed proportions sometimes larger
than the hand. Thus they dared not rest in any place,
but when they met a stream they plunged into the
water, and removed the leeches which were attached
to their bodies, from whence there flowed much blood
in all directions ; this made them weak and feeble,
added to which, as I have said, they found no one to
give them food. The leeches of this country are small
and slender, and do not take to the water, but live in
the grass. These poor people having walked in the
woods the first day till two or three hours after night
fall, found a small river which had in the middle a
small dry island, where they went to rest till day, not
having to fear the leeches then, because they were
surrounded by water. On the following day they
pursued their journey with the same persecution from
leeches, and slept at night close to a tree, where
they found a kind of platform,1 made of wood and
elevated about 4 or 5 feet from the ground, which,
without doubt, some one had made to protect himself
from the attacks of the leeches. This platform served
them as camp for this second night, and, day having
come, they were again on the road, and at length
arrived by midday at a Pagoda,2 where there were
1 Known in India as a machdn, Hin.
2 Possibly Trichinopoli, but more probably Madura, or some place
still farther south (see p. 250).

chap, xvi ADVENTURES OF RACHEPOT 249
many Brahmins or Banian priests, who, pitying their
miserable condition, and having learnt from them that
they had found nothing to eat for three days, gave
them rice, fruit, and vegetables dressed with butter.
But they gave it all from a distance, making a sign to
them not to approach, as we do in Europe with the
plague-stricken, to whom one throws charity on a hand
kerchief spread on the road, from which they stand
aloof. As the soldiers had been nearly three days with
out eating they forthwith took so much food that they
all had fever on the following day, so that to cure them
selves they had to fast afterwards, dieting being in
India the sovereign remedy for all kinds of ills. After
they had eaten they wished to pursue their way, but
the Brahmins made them understand that the forest
extended very far, and that the leeches would take
their lives if they did not find some place to protect
themselves from these insects,1 and advised them to
remain there the whole night, and that the following day
they should start early. This they did, according to
their advice. This night heavy rain fell, and one of the
Banian priests made a sign to them to follow him to
his house. Having arrived there he made them enter
a hole under the house, which he besought them not
to touch ; and though he brought them food, they were
unwilling to eat it for fear of increasing the fever with
which they were attacked. When it was quite dark
these poor people came out of the hole, and went
out upon the terrace of the house in order to sleep
more at their ease. To avoid being caught there
they did not fail to return to the hole at break of
1 This was written long before naturalists had separated leeches
from insects, and placed them in the class of the annelids.

250 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i

day, and the Brahmin, master of the house, took them
again to the Pagoda, where he ordered them to be
given food. He also made them rub their legs with a
certain plant 1 the odour of which the leeches could not
bear, and gave to each a cloth which contained a
kind of chalk of the size of an egg, telling them that
when the leeches attached themselves to their legs
they need only touch them with this cloth, and that
they would fall immediately. It has been proved that
salt and fire have the same effect, and the natives of
the country, when passing through the places where
they know there are leeches, always have a lighted
brand in their hands. The soldiers, with the pre
ventative which was thus given to them, travelled with
more comfort, and were not tormented by leeches as
before. They reached open country at 4 p.m., and
passed close to a fortress which belonged to the Banians,
who gave them vegetables to eat and whey to drink,
— for no water is drunk in this country, as it is very
unwholesome. The Banians directed them, as well as
they could, on the road to Madras, which they had left
in consequence of their having kept too much towards
the south. By going more to the east they shortened
their journey, and traversed a mountainous country,
1 What this plant was I have not been able to discover — not
improbably it is still used for the same purpose. Friar Odoric in 1320
says the gem finders in Ceylon used lemon juice {Hakluyt Voyages,
vol. ii, p. 58). Sir Joseph Hooker, who says he repeatedly took a
hundred leeches at a time from his legs, and that they even found their
way to his eyelids, adds : " Snuff and tobacco leaves are the best
antidote, but when marching in the rain it is impossible to apply this
simple remedy. The best plan I found to be rolling the leaves over
the feet, inside the stockings, and powdering the legs with snuff"
{Himalayan Journal, vol. ii, p. 42). Sir Emerson Tennant says the
natives of Ceylon smear their bodies with oil, tobacco ashes, and lemon
juice, to keep off the leeches {Natural History of Ceylon, p. 481).

chap, xvi CHRISTIANS OF ST. JOHN 251
inhabited by Christians of St. John,1 of the religion of
which I have spoken in my account of Persia when
describing Bassora.2 In the year 1643 these Chris
tians, both those of these mountains and those of
Bassora, sent ambassadors to the Viceroy of Goa to
obtain permission from him to go to dwell in the
island of Ceylon. They undertook to drive out the
inhabitants of the country. But the Viceroy not pro
mising to grant what they asked except on condition
that they became Catholics, and they being unwilling
to agree, the arrangement which they proposed did
not come to pass. A Jesuit Father was sent from
Goa to these Christians to work for their conversion,
but as he made no progress he preferred to devote his
cares to the idolaters, whose language he acquired so
perfectly that he spoke it as if he had been born in the
country. From time to time he converted some of them,
whom he sent to Goa. This he was never able to
accomplish with the Christians of St. John, who are
thoroughly fixed in their views ; and, having passed
nearly forty years with the idolaters, who were un
willing that any one should touch either their persons
or their houses, it is easy to conclude that he had
suffered much during that time, and that no kind of
life could be more austere than his. For he had to
live like the idolaters, who eat nothing which has had
life; and as he travelled from one place to another
the food of these countries was insufficient to give him
the strength necessary for the fatigues which he had
to undergo. 1 Syrian Church — probably colonies from the central headquarters
in Malabar (see p. 245 n.)
2 Persian Travels, Book II, chap, viii, p. 222.

252 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
Rachepot and his companions had the good fortune
to meet, on their road one evening, this Jesuit Father,
who for his part was much pleased to see them, and
having asked them whence they came, they told him
all that had happened at the siege of Cochin, the cruel
treatment which they had received from the Dutch,
and the misadventures of their journey. The Father
advised them to go back to Goa, where they might
find opportunities to return to Europe by taking
service on Portuguese vessels ; but seeing that they
had resolved to go to Madras, he wrote down the
route, not being able to indicate their stages beyond
Gingi,1 a small town inhabited by Muhammadans,
except by the miserable hamlets which exist on this
route. On the following day, at their departure, he ex
horted them to be of good courage, and gave them
24 measures of rice, which was sufficient for five or six
days. Having arrived at Gingi, which is but two or
three stages from the place where they left the Jesuit
Father, they met four Portuguese who had escaped
from Cochin, when they were about to make the
capitulation, and to hand over the town to the Dutch.
These four unfortunates, who had become renegades,
invited the newcomers to join the Muhammadans of
Gingi, who asked them if they would serve them, offering
them each three pagodas a month. In the extremity of
their misery necessity would have compelled them to
1 Guinchy in the original, Gingi, Jinjee, or Chenjee, a ruined hill-
fort and village 50 miles south of Arcot. It was taken by Sivaji in
1677, from the Muhammadan Governor appointed from ;Bijapur. It
was for a time garrisoned by the French, 1750 to 1761. The place
is now deserted, and has the reputation of being one of the most
unhealthy in the Karnatic.

chap, xvi RACHEPOT REACHES MADRAS 253
accept this offer, if they had not spoken at the same time
of their being circumcised, and denying their faith ; and
from fear that they would be kept against their wills,
they left quietly, and followed their journey bravely to
Madras, which is ten days' march from Gingi.1 They
still suffered much during so long a journey, living on
the charity bestowed upon them, and not being able
to communicate save by signs. They were received
hospitably at Madras by the Rev. Fathers Ephraim
and Zenon, French Capuchins, and as their bodies
were all black and burnt by the sun, after five or six
days of rest all the skin peeled off them, from which
they suffered much.
The English had the kindness to offer them a
passage upon one of their vessels which was returning
to Europe, but Rachepot allowed his companions to
go, and decided to return by land himself, after having
rested nearly two months at Madras. During this
time the Capuchin Fathers found a means to enable
him to earn more than 100 e'cus, and three suits of
clothes with the necessary linen, by the sale of little
rings of horse-hair, which he knew how to make very
skilfully. He worked devices and letters on them, and
these rings were much approved of by the Mestive2
Portuguese, who never see anything of great value, so
that some of them gave a gold ducat for each ring.
Rachepot having saved money, as I have said,
went by land from Madras to Surat, from Surat to
Agra, and from Agra to Delhi, where I arrived some
time after on my last voyage to India. As I saw he
was in want, I took him into my service, and I lent
1 The distance from Gingi to Madras is 82 miles.
2 See pp. 198 and 206.

254 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
him, too, some money on my departure, which has
never been repaid to me. It is from him that I learnt
all the details of the voyage which I have recounted,
but I have also known fifteen or twenty other persons
who have taken the same route when going from Goa
to Cochin, and from Cochin to Madras.
It is fairly short, and there is no lack of food and good
water, but it has otherwise, as I have said, many incon
veniences, which are, that it is very little frequented ;
the almost inevitable persecution by the leeches is one
of the principal, and the superstition of the Banians,
not allowing any one to touch their persons nor their
houses, is one of the most troublesome, and even if
one takes water from their tanks they destroy them
immediately, and do not use them any more; this is
the reason why some of the priests always guard them.

CHAPTER XVII
Route by Sea from Hormuz to Masulipatam
I left Gombroon for Masulipatam on the nth of
May 1652, having embarked on a large vessel be
longing to the King of Golconda, which every year
goes to Persia laden with muslins and chites or
coloured calicoes, the flowered decoration of which is
all done by hand, — which makes them more beautiful
and more expensive than when it is printed. The
Dutch Company is in the habit of supplying a pilot
and a sub-pilot and two or three gunners to the vessels
which belong to the Kings or Princes of India, neither
the Indians nor the Persians having the least know
ledge of navigation.1 Upon the vessel upon which I
embarked there were six Dutch, and about one hundred
sailors of the country. We left the Persian Gulf with
a soft and favourable wind ; but we made but little way
before meeting a rough sea and south-west winds so
violent, though good for our course, that it was impos
sible to carry more than a small sail. On the day
1 The Chinese, who were better navigators, not only visited India
in early times, but continued to visit Hormuz up to the middle of the
fifteenth century. Ships of Tchin, Matchin (South China), and Khan-
balik (Pekin) are specifically referred to by Abd-er|-Razzak {vide
Hakluyt Society, vol. i, p. 6).

256 TRAVELS IN INDIA

after, and those which followed it, the wind became
more furious, and the sea more disturbed, so that, when
we arrived at the 16th degree, which is the latitude of
Goa,1 the rain, thunder, and lightning increased the
hurricane, and we were unable to carry any sail except
the simiane,2 and that half furled, and thus we drove
before the tempest for many days. We passed the Mal-
dive islands without being able to see them, and our
vessel made much water. For it had remained nearly
five months in the roads at Gombroon during the hot
season, for if care is not then taken to wet the timbers
which are exposed above water they open ; this is the
reason why vessels make so much water when laden.
The Dutch do not fail to throw water all over theirs
both morning and evening in order to preserve them,
because without this precaution one runs the risk of
being lost in a tempest. We had in our vessel fifty -five
horses which the King of Persia was sending as a
present to the King of Golconda, and about ioo mer
chants, both Persians and Armenians, who were going
to India for trade. During the whole of a day and night
a cross wind blew with such violence that our vessel took
in water on all sides, and the worst was that our pumps
were no good. It fortunately happened that there was
a merchant on board who was taking to India two
bales of cow-hides, which we call Russian leather ;
these skins are much valued, because they are cool,
for covering small beds on which one throws oneself
during the day to sleep for an hour or two. There
1 The latitude of Goa is 15" 30' N.
2 Simiane. This word may be connected with the Persian
shdmiyand, which, however, signifies an awning, or a kind of tent with
out walls.

chap, xvii ADVENTURES AT SEA 257
were also on board four or five shoemakers or saddlers,
who understood how to stitch these skins, and they
did a good service to all in the vessel, and likewise to
themselves, for we were in danger. They made great
buckets, each consisting of four skins, and five large
holes were cut in diverse parts of the lower deck, where
some of the ship's company filled the skins, which
were then hauled up through the holes. These skins
held about a pipe of water each, and, in order to hoist
them, a thick cable was extended from the mainmast to
the foremast, to which as many pulleys were attached
as there were buckets. To each bucket a sufficient
number of passengers were allotted to hoist it, and so
in less than an hour or an hour and a half we baled all
the water out of the vessel. On this same day while
the storm was so severe a strange thing occurred.
Three thunderbolts struck our vessel. The first fell
on the foremast, which it split from top to bottom, then
leaving the mast at the level of the deck, it ran along
the length of the vessel, killing three men in its course.
The second fell two hours later, and, running from
stem to stern, killed two more men on the deck. The
third followed soon after, the pilot, sub -pilot, and
I being together near the mainmast ; and the cook
coming to ask the pilot if he wished him to serve
the supper, the thunderbolt made a small hole in
the cook's stomach, and burnt off all his hair, as one
scalds a pig, without doing him any other injury.
But it is true that when this small hole was anointed
with cocoanut oil he cried aloud and experienced
acute agony.
On the 24th of June we perceived land in the
morning, and when sufficiently near we recognised that
vol. 1 s

258 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
we were off Point de Galle,1 the principal town of
the island of Ceylon, which the Dutch took from the
Portuguese. From this up to Masulipatam roads we
had fairly good weather, and we arrived there on the
2d of July, one or two hours after sunrise. Our pilot
at once went on shore to salute the Dutch Commander,
and having told him that I was in the vessel, with M.
Louis du Jardin,2 of whom I have spoken in my
Persian narrative, he sent two horses to the landing-
place, in order that we should visit him, for from thence
to the house of the Dutch it is a good half-league's
distance. The Commander and the Dutch merchants
received us with much civility, and having prepared
two rooms for us, strongly pressed us to remain with
them, which we accepted for this first night only. The
following day we went to lodge with M. Hercules, a
Swede by nationality, who was in the service of the
Dutch Company, and who, being married, had a house
of his own in the town. In order to be free we lived en
pension with him, and the Dutch Commander asked us
often to go to dinner at his house, where he very much
pressed us to stay. We went two or three times to
amuse ourselves with him in a beautiful garden which
the Dutch have at half a league from the town, and
three of them being married, their wives generally took
part in our amusements. We regaled them in our turn
with many kinds of excellent fruits and good wine
which we had brought from Persia ; and M. du
Jardin, who danced well and played the lute, strove
on his own account to give them some amusement.
1 Ponte de Galle in the original. On another occasion Tavernier
landed there (see Book II, chap, xx.)
2 See Book II, chaps, xx and xxv.

chap, xvii DEPARTURE FROM MASULIPATAM 259
The English also were present at our small parties.
And they entertained us two or three times as
pleasantly as they could, having baladines} of whom
there is no lack in this country, always present after
the repast.
On the 1 8th and 19th of June2 we bought a
pallankeen, three horses, and six oxen, to carry us with
our attendants and our baggage. We had settled to
go straight to Golconda to the King, to sell him some
of the pear-shaped pearls, of which the least weighed
34,3 and the largest 35 carats ; and some other jewels,
the majority of which were emeralds. But the Dutch
having told us that we should make a useless journey,
and that the King would buy nothing rare nor of high
price which Mir Jumla, who commanded his army
and was the Prime Minister of his Court, had not first
seen, and as he was then at the siege of Gandikot,4
in the Province of Carnatic,5 we resolved to go in
search of him, and the following is the route which
we took in this journey.
1 Dancing-girls (see p. 87 n.)
2 As they arrived at Masulipatam on the 2d of July, it is clear that
the month should be July both in this passage and also in the next
chapter. 3 Probably a misprint for 24 (see p. 287).
4 Gandicot in the original, for Gandikot (see p. 284).
5 Carnatica in the original, for Carnatic or Karnatik. Its geographi
cal limits have varied, at one time it corresponded with the Kingdom of
Vijayanagra, including Mysore and part of Telingana, it is now restricted
to a region below the Ghats. (See Anglo-Indian Glossary and Imperial
Gazetteer.)

CHAPTER XVIII
Route from Masulipatam to Gandikot, a town and
fortress in the Province of Carnatic ; and the
Author s transactions with Mir Jumla, who com
manded the Army of the King of Golconda ; in
which also there is a full description of Elephants.
We left Masulipatam on the 20th of June1 at 5 p.m.,
and slept at a garden — which is, as I have said, only
half a league from the town, and belongs to the Dutch,
the chief of whom accompanied us, and we amused
ourselves pretty well during a good part of the night.
The following day being the 21st, after having
taken leave of the Dutch we travelled 3 leagues, and
slept at a place called Nilmol.2
On the 2 2d [July] we travelled 6 leagues to
Wouhir,3 another village, and before arriving there we
crossed a river4 on a raft.
On the 23d [July], after a march of six hours, we
halted at Patemet,5 which is but a poor village, and on
account of the rains we were obliged to remain there
on the 24th, 25th, and 26th.
1 This should be July (see preceding note). On p. 265 the succeed
ing month is given as August, the year being 1652.
2 Nedumulu (see p. 174 n.) 3 Weeyur (see p. 174 n.)
4 One of the mouths of the Kistn5.
6 Patamata (see p. 175 n.)

chap, xviii BEZWADA 261
On the 27th [July] we arrived at a large village
called BezwAda,1 not having been able to accomplish
this day more than a league and a half, on account of
the quantity of water which flooded all the roads. We
were obliged to halt till the 31st, as the rains had so
much flooded the river that the boat could not hold
its own against the swift current of the water, and they
had not the intelligence to stretch ropes across the
river. Besides which it required some time to enable
the horses which the King of Persia was sending to
the King of Golconda to cross over ; they were then
reduced to fifty, because five had died at sea.2
They were being taken to Mir Jumla, who was the
Nawab or Grand Vizir, because anything that he has
not seen, or which has not been approved by him, is not
shown to the King, who buys nothing and receives no
present except with the advice of his Prime Minister,
who consequently must have the first view ; and this,
as I have said, was the reason which compelled us to
go to the Nawab at Gandikot.3
During the sojourn which we made at BezwAda4
we went to see many pagodas, the country being full
of them, and there are more there than in any other
1 Bezouart in the original (see p. 174 n.)
2 I have been told by a Calcutta horsedealer that the intelligent
Arab hprses adapt themselves much better to the sea-passage to India
than do the rough and often unbroken Australian horses, which some
times arrive in a very wretched condition, while in rough weather many
are lost owing to injuries inflicted on one another in their excitement.
3 The preceding paragraph is omitted in John Phillip's translation
of 1684. 4 Bezwida is noted for its antiquities, both of the Buddhistic and
Hindu periods, the former consisting of rock-cut temples, and the latter
of pagodas. By some authorities it is identified with Dhanakaketa of
Hwen Thsang, which others place at Amaravati ; see p. 174 n. (See
Imperial Gazetteer of India, Art. " Bezwada.")

262 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
part of India, because, with the exception of the
Governors of the place and some of their servants,
who are Muhammadans, all the people are idolaters.
The pagoda of the town of BezwAda is very fine, and
is not enclosed by walls. You see fifty-two columns of
20 feet in height or thereabouts, which support a flat
floor of large cut stones. They are ornamented by
many figures in relief, which represent fearful demons
and numerous animals — some of them being figures
of demons having four horns, others with many legs
and many tails, others which protrude their tongues,
and others in more ridiculous attitudes. There are
similar figures carved in the stones of the floor, and in
the intervals between each pair of columns the statues
of the gods are elevated on pedestals. The pagoda is
in the middle of a large court, longer than it is wide,
and the court is surrounded by walls which are enriched,
inside and out, with the same figures as the pagoda.
A gallery supported by sixty -six pillars, like a sort
of cloister, runs all round the wall inside. You enter
this court by a great gate, above which there are two
large niches, one over the other, the first of which is
supported by twelve pillars, and the second by eight.
At the base of the columns of the pagoda there are
old Indian inscriptions, which the priests of these
idolaters have much difficulty in deciphering.
We went to see another pagoda, built on an eleva
tion, and it is ascended by a staircase with 193 steps,
each being 1 foot high. The pagoda is square, with
a dome on top ; there are figures in relief around
the wall like those in the BezwAda pagoda. There is
an idol seated in the middle, after the manner of the
country, with crossed legs, and in this position it is

chap, xviii BEZWADA 263
about 4 feet in height. Its head is covered by a
triple crown, from whence proceed four horns, and it
has the face of a man turned towards the east. The
pilgrims who come for devotion to these pagodas, when
entering, join their hands together and carry them to
their foreheads, then they approach the idol waving
them and repeating many times (the words) Ram,
Ram, i.e. God, God. When they are close they sound
a bell thrice, which is suspended from the idol itself,
of which they have previously smeared different parts
of the face and body with various colours. Some
carry bottles of oil, with which they anoint the idol, and
they offer it sugar, oil, and other articles of food — the
richest adding money. There are sixty priests who
attend this pagoda, and live with their wives and
children on the offerings which are brought to the idol.
But in order that the pilgrims may believe that the
god takes them, the priests leave them before the
image for two days, and on the evening of the third
they appropriate them. When a pilgrim goes to the
pagoda in order to be cured of some malady, he takes,
according to his means, a representation in gold,
silver, or copper, of the diseased member, which he
presents to his god ; he then begins to sing, this all
the others do also after their offerings. Before the
door of the pagoda there is a flat roof supported by
sixteen pillars, and opposite is to be seen another
supported by four, where food is cooked for the priests
of the pagoda. Towards the south a great platform
has been cut in the mountain, where there is shade
afforded by numerous beautiful trees, and you see also
a very fine well. The pilgrims come there from great
distances, and if there are any poor among them the

264 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
priests feed them with the alms which they receive
from the rich who come there out of devotion. The
principal festival of this pagoda is in the month of
October, at which time there is a great assemblage of
people from all quarters. When we were there there
was a woman who had been three days in the temple
without once leaving it, asking the idol from time to
time, since she had lost her husband, what she should
do to bring up her children and feed them. Having
inquired from one of the priests wherefore this woman
had received no reply, and if she would receive one,
he said that it was necessary that she should await the
will of their god, and that he would then answer what
she asked. I immediately suspected some deception,
and, in order to discover what it was, resolved to enter
the pagoda, especially as all the priests were absent,
having gone to dinner, there being but one only at the
door, of whom I freed myself by asking him to go to
fetch me some water at a fountain, which was two or
three musket shots away from the place. During this
time I entered the temple, when the woman, on catch
ing a glimpse of me, redoubled her cries, for, as no
light entered the pagoda except by the door, it was
very dark. I entered, feeling my way in order to ascer
tain what took place behind the statue, where I found
there was a hole through which a man could enter,
and where, without doubt, the priest concealed himself
and made the idol speak by his mouth. I was not
able to accomplish this so quickly but that the priest
whom I had begged to go to obtain water for me
returned and found me still in the pagoda. He cursed
me because I had profaned, as he said, his temple, but
we soon became friends by means of two rupees which

chap, xviii PAGODA AT KAKANI 265

I placed in his hands, and he at the same time offered
me betel.1
On the 31st we left BezwAda and crossed the
river,2 which goes to the mine of Gani or Kollur.3 It
was then nearly half a league in width, on account of
the heavy rains which had lasted during eight or nine
days. After having travelled 3 leagues on the other
side of the river, we found a great pagoda built on a
platform to which one ascended by fifteen or twenty
steps. There was an image there of a cow 4 in black
marble, and numerous idols of 4 or 5 feet in height,
which were all deformed, one having many heads,
another many arms and many legs, another many
horns, and the most hideous are the most adored and
receive most offerings. At a quarter of a league from
this pagoda there is a large village. On this day
we marched 3 leagues farther, and slept at another
village called Kah Kali,5 near which there is a small
pagoda where there are five or six idols of marble
fairly well made.
The first day of August, after a march of seven
hours, we arrived at Condevir,6 a large town with a
double ditch, and the bottom of the trench lined with
1 Betle in the original. — The leaf of Chavica betel, together with
chopped areca nut and lime, constitutes what is here called betle, for
chewing. (See p. 286.) 2 I.e. the Kistnd.
3 See for explanation of Gani or Kollur, p. 172, also Book II,
chap, xviii. 4 Siva's bull.
5 This is Kakani, about 4 miles north of Guntur, and 16 from
Bezwcida. It is also mentioned on p. 174, being on the route from
Golconda to Masulipatam via the mine at Coulour {i.e. Kollur).
6 This is Konavaidu or Kondavir. The fort, which is at an eleva
tion of 1050 feet on a ridge of hills, is described by Mr. Boswell in the
Indian Antiquary, vol. i. p. 182. The town was built in the twelfth
century by the Orissa Rajas.

266 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
cut stone. It is entered by a road which is enclosed
on both sides by strong walls, where at intervals there
are round towers which afford but small defence. This
town touches on the east a mountain which is about a
league in circuit, and is surrounded above by high walls.
At every 150 paces there is, as it were, a half moon ;
and within, in the walled enclosure, there are three
fortresses, which they have neglected to keep in
repair. On the 2d [August] we travelled only 6 leagues,
and halted at a village called Copenour.1
On the 3d [August], after having made 8 leagues,
we reached Adanquige,2 a fairly good village, where
there is a very grand pagoda, with numerous chambers
which were made for the priests of the Banians, but
to-day it is all in ruins. There are still some idols in
the pagoda, but all mutilated, and these poor people
do not cease to adore them.
On the 4th [August] we made 8 leagues, and
slept at the village of Nosdrepar.3 Half a league
on this side there is a large river, which then
contained but little water — the rains not having
commenced. On the 5 th [August], after 8 leagues of road, we
slept at the village of Condecour.4

1 Not identified.
2 This is Addanki (Ardinghy), a town in the Ongole taluk of the
Nellore district, Lat. I 50 48' 42", Long. 80° o' 52" E. " The temple of
Singarikonda and the ruined fort of Hari Palakuda are in the neighbour
hood " {Imperial Gazetteer).
3 Probably Nootalapaud, about 18 miles south of Addanki. The
French edition of 1 7 1 3 has Nodrespar.
4 Kandukur — Cundacoor of A.S. — in the Nellore district. The
French edition of 1 7 1 3 has Gondecour.

chap, xviii PULICAT 267

On the 6th [August] we marched seven hours and
halted at another village called DakijeZ
On the 7th [August], after having travelled 3
leagues, we came to a town called Nelour,2 where
there are many pagodas, and having crossed a great
river a quarter of a league farther on, we marched
for 6 leagues and came to a village called Gandaron.8
On the 8th [August], after a march of eight hours,
we slept at SerepelE",4 which is only a small village.
On the 9th [August] we travelled 9 leagues, and
slept at a good village called Ponter.5
On the 10th [August] we marched eleven hours and
halted at Senepgond,6 another good village.
On the 1 1 th [August] we only went as far as Pali-
cate,7 which is but 4 leagues from Senepgond, and of
these 4 leagues we marched more than one in the sea,
our horses in many places having the water nearly to
the saddle. There is also another road, but it is longer
by 2 or 3 leagues. Pulicat is a fort belonging to the
Dutch, who occupy the whole length of the coast of
1 Not identified on A.S.
2 Nellore. There is a temple on a hill near the town called
Narasinha Kondu. Nellore is on the south bank of the Penner or
Pennair River, which, therefore, must have been crossed before the town
was reached.
3 Not identified, probably misplaced.
4 Sarvapali probably, but if so the distance and time mentioned
must be incorrect, as it is only 1 2 miles south of Nellore.
5 Pundi — Poondy of A.S. — to W. of Pulicat Lake.
6 I have failed to identify Senepgond.
7 Pulicat, in the Chingleput District of Madras. The town is on an
island which separates the sea from a considerable lagoon or salt lake.
It was the site of the first Dutch settlement on the mainland of India.
In 1609 the fort referred to by Tavernier was built. The town was
subsequently transferred to the English and back to the Dutch several
times in succession. Orme gives a plan of this as well as of many of
the other forts and towns mentioned by Tavernier.

268 TRAVELS IN INDIA book 1
Coromandel ; and it is where they have their factory,
and where the Chief of all those living in the territory
of the King of Golconda resides. There are gener
ally about 200 soldiers in garrison in this fort, besides
many merchants who reside there for trade, and other
persons who, after having served the Company for their
full term, are in retirement in this place. There are
also some natives of the country, who by degrees have
congregated here, so that Pulicat is to-day like a
small town. Between the town and the fort a large
open space is left, so that the fort is not incon
venienced by the town. The bastions are furnished
with good guns, and the sea washes at the foot, but
there is no port, it being only a roadstead. We re
mained in the town till the evening of the following
day, and the Governor would not allow us to eat else
where but at his table. He was the Sieur Pite,1 a
German of the town of Bremen. We received all kinds
of attention from him, and he took us three times round
the fort on the walls, where one could easily walk.
The manner in which the inhabitants procure the water
which they drink is somewhat remarkable. When the
tide is out they go on the sand as near to the sea as
possible, and they make holes there, where they find
sweet water, which is excellent.2
On the 1 2th [August] at sunset we left Pulicat,
and on the following day, at 10 o'clock a.m., we arrived
at Madras, otherwise called Fort St. George, which
belongs to the English, and of which I have elsewhere
1 The French edition of 1 7 1 3 has Pitre.
2 This method of obtaining fresh water is still followed in certain
parts of the coast of India, and in the Persian Gulf by diving down to a
considerable depth and then filling corked bottles. (See Book II, chap.
xx, and Chardin, iv, p. 69 ; and Persian Travels, Ed. 1676, p. 233.)

chap, xviii ST. THOME 269
spoken1 — having travelled only 7 or 8 leagues this
day. We went to stay at the Convent of the Capu
chins, where the Rev. Father Ephraim of Nevers and
the Rev. Father Zenon of Bange were, of whom I
have also spoken in preceding chapters.2
On the 14th [August] we went to the fort to visit
the English President, and we dined with him.
On the 15th [August] M. du Jardin3 and I left in
the morning to go to St. Thome,4 which, as I have
said, is only a good half league from Madras. We
first went to see the Governor, who received us with
much civility and kept us to dinner. The time after
dinner was employed in going to see the Church of
the Augustine Fathers and that of the Jesuit Fathers,
in the first of which there is the head of a lance, which
they regard as being that with which St. Thomas 5 was
martyred ; and we also went to visit some Portuguese,
who received us very well. In the cool of the evening
we returned to Madras.
On the 1 6th [August] the Governor of St. Thome"
and the Portuguese whom we had been to see sent us a
quantity of presents, such as hams, ox tongues, sausages,
fish, water melons, and other fruits of the country.
There were nine or ten men to carry these presents,
and as we lodged with the Capuchins it was always
believed that M. du Jardin was a bishop, and that,
1 Madras, see p. 220, 22 miles from Pulicat. As will have been
observed several of the stages from Masulipatam have not been identified.
2 See Book I, chap. xv.
3 See Book II, chaps, xx and xxv.
4 St. Thome, now a suburb of Madras (see p. 221 n, where the
distance has been shown to be about a league and a half).
5 For a full discussion of this tradition, see Imperial Gazetteer of
India, vol. vi, p. 230, et seq.

270 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
not wishing to make himself known, he had come to
see the country in disguise. What confirmed them in
this belief was that they knew that the Governor of
Pulicat had treated us with great civility, and that he
of Madras had done no less. Moreover, six months
after our departure, it was impossible for any one to
remove this belief, so strongly was it engrafted.
On the 17th and 18th [August] we went again to
dine with the English President, and we passed the
time with all the amusements which he was able to
devise to remove from our bodies and minds the pains
and fatigues which we had incurred during so trouble
some a journey.
On the 19th [August] we went to visit some native
Christians who dwell at Madras and live in tolerable
comfort. They received us very well, and we heard
that they are very generous to the Reverend Capuchin
Fathers. On the 20th [August] the Christians whom we
went to see also sent presents of some fruits of the
country. On the 2 1 st [August] we went to take leave of the
English President and the chiefs of the nation, who
had regaled us so well.
On the 2 2d [August], in the morning, we left
Madras, and, after having travelled 6 leagues, arrived
at a large village called Serravaron.1
On the 23d [August], having travelled 7 leagues,
we came to Oudecot.2 This is a day's march through a
1 This appears to be Seravarumbode, near Arnee, 20 miles from
Madras. 2 Woodecotah, north of the Narnaveram river, about 15 miles
from the last stage.

chap, xviii MONKEY FIGHTS 271
flat and somewhat sandy country. On both sides there
is nothing but groves of bamboo.1 It is a kind of cane
which is very tall, sometimes equalling in height our
loftiest forest trees. There are some of these forests
so thick that it is impossible for a man to enter them,
and there are an enormous number of monkeys in them.
Those on one side of the road are so hostile to those
on the other, that none can venture to pass from one
side to the other without running the risk of being at
once strangled. While at Pulicat, the Governor told
us that when we passed through these woods we should
enjoy the opportunity, as he had done, of making the
monkeys fight,2 and this is the way which is employed
to bring it about. Throughout all this country at
every league the road is closed by gates and barricades,
where a strict watch is kept, and all passers by are
questioned as to whence they come and whither they
go, so that a traveller is able without danger and in
all safety to carry his gold in his hand. In all these
places you find rice to buy, and those who wish to
enjoy the amusement of making the monkeys fight,
place five or six baskets of rice in the road at forty or
fifty paces distant the one from the other, and close to
each five or six sticks, two feet long and an inch thick.
The baskets being thus placed and uncovered, every
one withdraws a short distance, and immediately the
monkeys are to be seen on both sides descending
from the bamboos and leaving the woods to approach
the baskets which are full of rice. They spend half
an hour showing their teeth to one another before
1 Bambou in the original. See Index for references.
2 A remarkable account of a battle between two troops of monkeys,
which was witnessed by Mr. T. W. H. Hughes, F.G.S., will be found in
the Proc. As. Society, Bengal, for September 1884, p. 147.

272 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
approaching the baskets, and sometimes they advance,
sometimes they retire, all fearing to come to close
quarters. At length the females, which are bolder
than the males, particularly those having young ones,
which they carry in their arms as a woman carries
her child, approach the baskets, and when about to
stretch forward their heads to eat, immediately the
males of the other side of the wood advance to prevent
them and to bite them. Those of the other side
advance then, and both the one and the other becom
ing furious take the sticks which they find near the
baskets, upon which a fierce combat ensues. The
weakest being compelled to give way, withdraw into
the wood, some with broken heads, others maimed in
some member, while those who remain masters of the
field eat their fill of rice. It is true, however, that when
they begin to be replete they allow some of the females
of the opposition to come to eat with them.
On the 24th [August], after having accomplished
9 leagues by a road similar to that of the preceding
day, we arrived at Naraveron.1
On the 25th [August], after a march of eight hours
in a country of the same kind, finding gates at every
two leagues, we arrived in the evening at Gazel.2
On the 26th [August] we travelled 9 leagues,
and halted at Courua,3 and found nothing, neither for
1 Narnaverum on the river of the same name. The stages from
Madras above given amount to 22 leagues ; the distance measured on
the map is about 56 miles ; but the first stage is too short.
2 Gazellymundum, 14 miles as the crow flies from Narnaverum.
3 The pagoda was undoubtedly that of Tripatty or Tirupati, 80
miles from Madras. In Book III, chap, xii, which see, Tavernier
mentions that he visited it on this very journey. It is possible that a
place called Ontimon Koorva, about 12 miles N.W. of Tripatty, may
be our author's Courua.

chap, xviii A CAPTAIN OF MIR JUMLA'S ARMY 273
the men nor the mounts, whether oxen or horses, and
ours had to content themselves with a little grass which
was cut for them. Courua is a somewhat renowned
pagoda, and having arrived there we saw several
companies of military passing, some with handpikes,
others with guns, and others with sticks, who were
going to join one of the principal captains of Mir
Jumla's army, on a hill near Courua, where he had
pitched his tent. The place is very pleasant, and
derives its coolness from numerous trees and fountains.
As soon as we learnt that this captain was so near at
hand, we set out in order to go to salute him, and we
found him in his tent with many nobles who were chiefs
of the country, all being idolaters. After we had
saluted him and made a present of a pair of pocket
pistols decorated with silver, and two yards of Dutch
flame -coloured cloth, he asked why we had come into
the country, and we replied that we came to see Mir
Jumla, Commander-in-Chief of the King of Golconda,
on account of some business which we had with him.
At this reply he treated us kindly, and having observed
that he regarded us as Dutchmen, we said we were
not of their country, but were Frenchmen. The
captain not having any previous knowledge of our
nation, detained us a long time in order to acquaint him
self with our forms of government, and the greatness of
our King. While he kept us in this way the sufra1 was
spread, and then all the idolatrous nobles withdrew, as
they do not eat anything cooked by Muhammadans.
Having ascertained that we had not the same scruples,
he invited us to supper, but we declined, because it was
late, and we wished to rejoin our people. But we had
1 Sofra in the original = tablecloth (see Book II, chap. xii).
VOL. I T

274 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
scarcely arrived at our tent when we saw three men,
each with a large dish of pilldu J on his head, which
the captain had sent us. Before we left him he
begged us to remain for the following day to enjoy
elephant-hunting, but as we did not wish to lose time we
excused ourselves, and told him that our business com
pelled us to proceed. Six or seven days previously they
had captured five elephants, three of which had escaped,
and it was these which they were pursuing, and ten or
twelve of the poor peasants who assisted in capturing
them had been killed. We informed ourselves of the
manner in which they hunt, and this is what we then
ascertained. Certain passages are cut in the woods,
which are hollowed out into holes, and covered with
branches with a little earth on top. The hunters, by
means of shouts and the noise of drums, to which they
add fire-darts, drive the elephant into these passages,
when meeting with the holes it falls into them and is
unable to get out again. They then place ropes and
chains on it, which they pass under the belly, and
bind the trunk and the legs, afterwards they employ
special machines to hoist it up. Nevertheless, out
of five which they had taken three escaped, as I
have said, although they had still some chains and
cords about their bodies, and even on their legs.
These people told us an astonishing thing, which is
wonderful if one could only believe it. It is, that
elephants which have once been caught and have
escaped, if driven into the woods are always on their
guard, and tear off a large branch of a tree with their
trunks, with which they go along sounding everywhere
before putting down their feet, to see if there are any
1 Pilldu (see p. 154).

chap, xviii WILD ELEPHANTS 275
holes, so as not to be caught a second time. It was
this which made the hunters, who gave us this descrip
tion, despair of being able to recapture the three
elephants which had escaped from them. If we had
been certain of being witnesses of this wonderful pre
caution of the elephant, no matter how pressing our
business, we should have willingly waited for two or
three days. This captain who had received us so well
was a sort of Brigadier, and commanded 3000 or 4000
men who were stationed half a league off.
On the 27th [August], after having marched two
hours, we came to a large village, where we saw the
two elephants which had been captured. Each of these
wild elephants was between two tame ones, and around
the wild ones there were six men with fire-darts, who
spoke to the animals when feeding them, saying in
their language, " Take that and eat it." They were
small wisps of hay, pieces of black sugar, of rice cooked
in water, and pounded peppercorns. When the wild
elephant would not do what was ordered, the men told
the tame elephants to beat him ; this they immediately
did, one striking him on the forehead and head with
his trunk, and if he made as though to revenge him
self, the other struck him from his side, so that the
poor elephant knew not where to turn ; this educated
him to obey.
As I have insensibly drifted into a history of
elephants, I shall add here some other remarks which
I have made on the nature of these animals. Although
the elephant does not approach the female after having
been captured,1 it happens nevertheless that he becomes
1 This is still widely believed, but is not true ; not only are there
well-authenticated instances of the birth of elephants in India, both the

276 TRAVELS IN INDIA

in season sometimes. One day when ShAh JahAn was
out hunting upon his elephant with one of his sons,
who sat with him in order to fan him, the elephant
became so much in heat that the driver, not being
able to control it any longer, told the King that in
order to arrest the rage of the elephant, which might
crush them among the trees, it was necessary that
one of the three who was on the elephant should offer
himself up, and that with all his heart he sacrificed his
life for the King and for his son, begging his majesty
to take care of the three children whom he was leaving.
Having said so, he threw himself under the elephant,
and immediately the animal took him with his trunk,
and having crushed him under his feet, became
mild and tractable as before. The King, for this
wonderful escape, gave 200,000 rupees to the poor,
and promoted at court each of the sons of the man
who had so generously given his life for the safety
of his Prince.
I have to remark still that, although the skin of the
elephant is very hard during life, when dead it feels
like bird-lime in the hands.
Elephants come from many places in Asia — from
the island of Ceylon, where they are the smallest,
but the most courageous of all ; from the island of
Sumatra, the Kingdom of Cochin, the Kingdom of
.Siam, and the frontiers of the Kingdom of Bhutan
parents having been in captivity, but recently elephants appear to have
been successfully bred in America. Some of the Indian instances just
referred to are given in the Asian for the 5th of June 1883, and a case
of congress was not only witnessed by a number of officers at Thaetmyo
in Burmah, but was actually photographed. A lithograph taken from
this photograph will be found in the manual of The Elephant, by Mr. J.
H. Steel, VS., Madras, 1885.

chap, xviii THE CAPTURE OF ELEPHANTS 277
towards Great Tartary. They come also from the
coast of Melinda,1 on the East coast of Africa, where
they must be very abundant, according to a report which
was made to me at Goa by a Portuguese captain who
came from that region to make some complaint against
the Governor of Mozambique. He told me that
throughout that coast there are many enclosures fenced
with elephants' tusks only,2 and that some of them are
more than a league in circuit. He added that the
blacks of the country. hunt the elephants, and that they
eat the flesh, but for each elephant which they slay
they have to give one of the tusks to their Chief. I
have described how elephants are captured in the
territory of the King of Golconda ; the following is
the method employed in the island of Ceylon in the
capture of these animals. A long passage, enclosed
on both sides, is prepared, so that when an elephant
has entered he cannot turn either to the right or to the
left. This passage is wide to begin with, but narrows
gradually to the end, where there is only room for
a female elephant, which is in season, to lie down.
Although tame she is nevertheless bound with chains
and strong cords, and by her cries she attracts the
male, who comes to her along the passage up to
where it becomes narrow, which, when he has passed,
the men who are concealed close that portion of the
passage by a strong barricade which they have in
readiness ; and when the elephant is advanced a short
distance farther, and is not far from the female, another
1 This statement is of special interest if intended to mean that the
African elephant was domesticated and exported, to India.
2 I think I have seen somewhere a statement by a comparatively
recent African traveller that elephants' tusks are known to have been
formerly so used for fences. (See vol. ii, p. 161.)

278 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
barricade closes the passage in that direction. It is
then that, with chains and ropes, which they have
thrown on the elephant, they bind his trunk and legs,
and enclose him in the trap so that he is unable to
escape from it. A nearly identical method is followed
in the Kingdoms of Siam and Pegu, the only difference
being that the peasants mount the female and go to
the forests in search of the male. When they have
found him, they tie up the female in the most con
venient place which they can find, after which they lay
snares for the elephant, who approaches slowly on
hearing her cries.
It is especially remarkable of the female elephant
that at certain seasons she collects all kinds of leaves
and grass, with which she makes for herself a bed
with a kind of bolster, elevated 4 or 5 feet from the
ground, where, contrary to the nature of all other
beasts, she lies to await the male, whom she calls by
her cries.1
It is, moreover, peculiar to the elephants of Ceylon
that it is only the first male produced by the female
which has tusks.2 It is to be remarked also that the
ivory which comes from the islands of Ceylon and
1 This is a fable, though there appears to be some foundation for
the belief that natural inequalities in the ground are availed of during
the act of congress.
2 "While in Africa and India both sexes have tusks, with some
slight disproportion in the size of those of the females, not one elephant
in a hundred is found with tusks in Ceylon, and the few that possess
them are exclusively males." (Sir E. Tennent, Nat. Hist, of Ceylon, p.
78.) The same authority states that the desire for ivory is so great in
Ceylon that when a tusker is known to be in a herd he is hunted till shot.
This may have been going on for a very long period, and may account
for the tuskless character of the breed. Thus the action of man may
have prevented the operation of the law of the survival of the fittest, as
those having tusks would otherwise hold possession of the herds of females.

chap, xviii ELEPHANTS 279
Acheen1 has the peculiarity when it is worked that it
never becomes yellow like that which comes from
the Peninsula and the West (sic) Indies ;2 this
causes it to be more esteemed and dearer than the
other. When merchants are taking elephants anywhere
to sell, it is amusing to see them pass. As there
are generally both old and young, when the former
have passed the children run after the little ones which
follow behind, playing with them and giving them
something to eat. Whilst these young elephants,
which are then alone, are occupied in taking what is
given, the children jump upon them, and it is then that
the fun begins. For the young elephants which have
remained to eat, since their mothers have been all
the time marching, being then some distance off,
double their pace, and by flourishing the trunk
throw on the ground the children who are upon them,
without all the time doing them any harm. This does
not in the least repel this little crowd, which continues
to follow them for some time, offering them food as
before. Notwithstanding all the researches which I have
made with much care, I have never been able to
ascertain very exactly how long an elephant lives, and
this is all the information one can obtain from those
who tend these animals. They cannot say more than
that such an elephant has been in the charge of their
father, grandfather, and great - grandfather, and by
estimating the time that these people may have lived,
1 Achen in the original, it here stands for Sumatra.
2 Tavernier makes a slip if he alludes to ivory from elephants, as
there are no elephants in the West Indies.

280 TRAVELS IN INDIA

it is found that an elephant's age sometimes amounts
to 1 20 or 130 years.1
I observe that the majority of those who have
written accounts of India say boldly that the Great
Mogul keeps 3000 or 4000 elephants. When at
JahAnAbAd, where the King at present resides, I
often inquired from the person who has charge ol
them, and who shows much friendship for the Franks,
in order to know what the number of elephants
was which he feeds for the service of the King,
and he assured me that he had but 500,2 which are
called elephants of the household, because they are
only employed to carry the women and the tents with
all the rest of the baggage, and for war only 80 or at
most 90. The most courageous of these last has to
be supported by the eldest son of the King, and is
allotted, both for food and for all other necessary ex
penses, 500 rupees a month, which amount to 750 livres.
There are some that have only 50, others but 40, others
30, others 20 rupees ; but the elephants which have 100
or 200 or 300 or 400 rupees a month have under them
their horsemen to support, who live on this pay, and

1 Mr. Sanderson says, " I think it by no means improbable, looking
to their peculiar dentition and other circumstances, that elephants live
to 150 or 200 years." Sir Emerson Tennant gives evidence regarding
a particular elephant, that it was found in the stables in Ceylon by the
Dutch when they expelled the Portuguese in 1656, that it served the
Dutch for upwards of 140 years, and passed into the hands of the
British in 1799. The Ain-i-Akbdri gives the natural duration of an
elephant's life at 120 years.
2 The Ain-i-Akbdri does not mention the number of elephants kept
by the Great Mogul, but it gives a marvellous amount of details as to
the classification, food, harness, capacities, and characteristics of the
elephants in the establishment kept by Akbar. (See Gladwin's trans
lation, vol. i, pp. 1 13-130.)

chap, xviii WUNTIMITTA PAGODA 281
also two, three, and up to six young elephants, who
have to fan them during the great heat of the day.
All these elephants do not remain in the town, as the
majority go every morning to the country, where those
who tend them take them into the jungles, where they
eat branches of trees, sugar-canes, and millet, by which
the poor peasants suffer much loss. This is profit
able to those who tend these animals, because the
more they eat in the country, the less food they con
sume in the town — the saving goes into the purse of
these persons.
This same day, the 27th of August, we travelled
6 leagues farther, and slept at a large town called
Ragiapeta.1 On the 28th, after having made 8 leagues, we came
to Oudecour.2 On the 29th, after a march of nine hours, we
arrived at Outemeda,3 where there is one of the
grandest pagodas in the whole of India. It is all
built of large cut stones, and it has three towers where
there are many deformed figures cut in relief. It is
surrounded by many small chambers for the dwelling
of the priests of the pagoda, and 500 paces off there is
a great tank, upon the borders of which there are many
1 Ragiapeta — perhaps Rajahpully — must be near Codoor of A.S.
2 Oodcoor or Ootkoor of A.S., is close to Rajumpett, a station on
the Madras and Bombay railroad, not to be mistaken for a place of the
same name near Cuddapah station.
3 Wuntimitta, Vontimitta, or Wintemetta, in the Cuddapah District,
is a station on the Madras and Bombay railroad, Lat. 14° 24' N.,
Long. 79° 5' E., 18 miles from Ootkoor. "The pagoda is dedicated to
Kodandaramaswami, and is said to have been built by one of the
Chitvail Rajas 300 years ago. If, however, the inscriptions of Gandi
kot are to be believed, it must have been built by a member of the
Vijayanagar dynasty in the fourteenth century." {Imperial Gazetteer.)

282 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
small pagodas of 8 or 10 feet square, and in each an
idol in the form of a demon, with a Brahmin} who
takes care that any stranger who is not of their faith
does not come to wash or take water from the tank.
If a stranger wishes for water they carry him some in
earthen pots, and if by chance their pot touches the
vessel of the stranger they break the pot. I am told,
also, as I have elsewhere remarked, that if any one
not being of their faith washes in the tank it becomes
necessary for them to let out all the water which
is then in it. As for charity, they are very liberal, for
no one passes who is in want and who asks, to whom
they do not give to eat and drink of whatever they
may happen to have. You meet many women on
these roads, some of whom always keep fire to light
the tobacco of passers, and even to those who have
not tobacco they give a pipe. The others go there to
cook rice with quicheri} which is a grain like our
hemp-seed ; others, too, cook beans, because the water
in which they are cooked never causes pleurisy to
those who are overheated. There are among these
women some who have vowed .to perform this charity
for- travellers during seven or eight years ; others for
more or less time according to their convenience, and
they give each traveller bean water and rice water to
drink, and two or three handsful of this cooked rice to
eat. Other women are to be seen on the highroads
and in the fields following horses, oxen, and cows ;
these have vowed to eat nothing but what they find
1 Bramere in the original, Brahmin.
2 For khichri, Hind., a term applied to a dish of boiled rice and ddl,
a kind of pulse {Cajanus indicus), flavoured with spices and onions ; it is
therefore not the name of a seed itself. (See Book II, chap, ix.)

chap, xviii HORSES' FOOD IN INDIA 283
undigested in these animals' droppings. As neither
barley1 nor oats are to be had in this country, the
cattle are fed on certain large and hard peas,2 which
are first crushed between two grindstones and then
allowed to steep for half an hour, for they are very
hard and consequently difficult of digestion. The
horses are given some of these peas every evening,
and in the morning they receive about two pounds of
coarse black sugar, which is almost like wax, kneaded
with an equal weight of flour and a pound of butter, of
which mixture the grooms make pellets or small balls,
which are forced down the horses' throats, otherwise
they would not eat them. Afterwards their mouths
are washed, especially the teeth, which are covered
with the paste, this gives them a dislike to this kind of
food. During the day the horses are given some grass
which is torn up in the fields, roots and all, and is most
carefully washed so that no earth remains.3
On the 30th [August] we made 8 leagues, and
halted at Goulapali.4
On the 31st, after a march of nine hours, we
stopped at Gogeron.5
On the first day of September we made only 6
1 I do not know when barley was first introduced, but it is certainly
now largely grown in India.
2 Gram, the seed of Cicer arietinum, Linn., or of Dolichos uni-
florus, Lam.
3 This is the kind of fodder still given to horses in India, but the
clay is removed by beating not by washing. The daily preparation of
this is the principal duty of the second attendant on a horse — the
Ghasiydra or grasscutter.
4 Goulapali is not given on the atlas sheet, it must have been near
Chennur, close to a number of diamond mines (see vol. ii, p. 450).
Possibly it may be identical with Ganganapally.
5 Not identified. Must be near Moodanoor station if south of the
Pennair, but if north of it, it may be Goriganoor.

284 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
leagues, and we came to a halt at Gandikot.1 It was
only eight days since the Nawdb had taken this town
after a three months' siege, and he would not have
taken it but for the aid of some Frenchmen who had
quitted the Dutch service on account of the treatment
which they had received. He also had as gunners
many English and Dutch, with two or three Italians,
who gave him great aid in the capture of the place.
Gandikot is one of the fortified towns which are in
the Kingdom of Carnatic2 It is built on the summit
of a high mountain, and the sole means of access to it
is by a very difficult road, which is only 20 or 25 feet
wide, and in certain parts only 7 or 8 ; the Nawdb was
then commencing to improve it. On the right of the
road, which is cut in the mountain, there is a fearful
precipice, at the base of which runs a large river.
When on the mountain you see a small plain about
a quarter of a league wide and half a league long.
It is sown with rice and millet, and is watered by
many small springs. At the level of the plain to the
south, where the town is built on a point, the limits
are formed by precipices, with two rivers which bound
the point at the base ; so that, in order to enter
the town, there is but one gate on the plain side,
and it is fortified in this direction with three good
1 Gandikot, a fort at an elevation of 1670 feet above the sea in the
Yerramalai Mountains of the Kadapa (Cuddupah) District, Lat. 14° 48'
N., Long. 78° 20' E. According to Ferishta it was built in 1589.
It was captured by the British under Captain Little in the first war with
Tipu in 1 79 1, and was thus again proved not to have been impreg
nable, having first yielded, as here related, to Mir Jumla.
2 The Carnatic or Karnatic embraced Mysore and parts of Telingana,
and corresponded with the Kingdom of Vijayanagar. (See p. 259 n.
and for use of the name at various periods, Yule-Burnell, Anglo-Indian
Glossary.) 3 pennair r;ver.

chap, xviii SIEGE OF GANDIKOT 285
walls of cut stone, with the ditches at their bases faced
with the same stone. Consequently, during the siege,
the inhabitants had only to guard a space of 400 or 500
paces wide. They had only two iron guns— one being
a 1 2 -pounder, the other 7 to 8 ; the first was placed on
the gate, and the other on the point of a kind of
bastion. Until the Nawdb found a means to mount
guns above he lost many men from the frequent sorties
made by the besieged. The Raja who was in the
town was considered to be one of the best and bravest
commanders among the idolaters, and the Nawdb,
seeing at length that the place could not be taken
unless guns were carried up to the heights, ordered all
the Franks who were in the service of the King as gun
ners to come to him, and promised to each four months'
wages more than their ordinary pay if they could find
some means of conveying guns to the heights. In
this they were successful. They mounted four guns,
with which they bombarded the place, and they were
so fortunate as to direct them against the gun which
was on the gate, which they rendered useless. When
they had battered down half the gate of the town the
besieged capitulated ; they evacuated the place under
honourable conditions. On the day upon which we
arrived the whole army was encamped at the base of
the mountain in a plain, where there is a very fine
river,1 and the Nawdb was just ending the review
of the cavalry, which were very smart. An English
gunner, with his comrade, an Italian, seeing M. du
Jardin2 and myself pass, and recognising us to be
Franks, as it was late politely came to meet us, and
invited us to spend the night with them. It was
1 Pennair. 2 See p. 258 and Index.

286 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
from them that we heard that there was a French
gunner then in the town, named Claude MaillS of
Bourges,1 and that he was engaged in casting some
cannon which the Nawdb wished to leave in the place.
On the following day, being the 2d of the month,
we ascended to the town and stopped at the house of
MaillE", whom I had known at Batavia, where he
was in the service of the Dutch, serving them as
gardener to the General. He received us with much
joy, and having at first notified the Nawdb of our
arrival, he ordered them to provide us lodging and
necessary food immediately, not only for ourselves, but
also for our horses and oxen, during the stay that we
were going to make at Gandikot.
On the 3d [September] we went to see the Nawdb,
who had caused his tents to be pitched on the summit
of the mountains, in the quarter bordering the road cut
in the rock. He received us well, asking us if we were
comfortably housed, and if we had been given the food
which he had ordered for ourselves and horses. Sub
sequently he inquired the cause which had brought us
thither, and we replied that we had brought some goods
sufficiently choice for the King, but that we had not
wished to go to his majesty before showing them to
him — well knowing that the King bought nothing of
high price without his advice, and that, in any case,
we considered such deference to be due to him. The
Nawdb assured us that our compliment had not dis
pleased him, and after he had caused betle 2 to be pre-
1 For further particulars regarding this gun founder and surgeon,
see pp. 116, 289, and 301.
2 Betel, Port. The leaf of Chavica betel, used as a masticatory
together with areca nut and lime. In some parts of India, and by
Europeans in India generally, it is called pawn. (See p. 265.)

chap, xviii MIR JUMLA 287
sented to us we took our leave and returned to the
town. We found all the gunners awaiting us, and we
all assembled at Maille' s house for supper, where the
Nawdb sent us two bottles of wine — one Spanish, the
other of Shiraz — which is rare in this country. As
for brandy, they have no lack of it, for they make it of
rice and also of sugar, of which there is an abundance
in all these parts of India.
On the 4th we again visited the Nawdb, and showed
him the jewels which we hoped to sell to the King.
They consisted of some pear-shaped pearls1 of a weight,
beauty, and size which were unusual — the least exceed
ing 24 carats. After having examined them well, and
shown them to a number of nobles who were with him,
he asked us the price; which having heard, he returned
them to us, and at the same time said he would consider
it. He made us dine with him, and after the repast
we withdrew to the town, where we remained till the
10th without seeing the Nawdb.
On the morning of the 10th [September] he sent
to summon us, and as soon as we were seated in his
tent, close to him, the attendants brought him five
small bags full of diamonds, and each bag contained
about as many as one could hold in the hand. They
were all lasques? but of very dark water and very
small, and for the most part were only 1 carat or half
a carat in weight, but otherwise very clear. There
were very few which amounted to 2 carats. The
Nawdb, when showing us these stones, asked if such
o-oods were saleable in our country. We replied that
1 The principal pearl was afterwards sold to Shdisti Khan (see
ante, p. 20).
2 Lasques, a term applied by jewellers to flat and oval stones, such
as are used in Indian jewellery.

288 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
one might sell them provided the water was white,
because in Europe we do not esteem diamonds if they
are not clear and white, and that we made no account
of other kinds of water. When he first began to con
template the conquest of this Kingdom for the King of
Golconda, he was told that it had diamond mines, and
he sent 12,000 men to work them, who in the space of
a year only found those which he had in the five bags.
The Nawdb, seeing that they only found stones of very
brown water, tending much more to black than white,
rightly considered that it was loss of trouble, and for
bidding further mining, sent all these poor people
back to tillage.1 After the Nawdb had closed up his
diamonds again, and we had dined with him, he
mounted his horse, accompanied by many nobles, to
go hunting, and desired to take us with him ; but we
begged him to excuse us, and we left without his
speaking to us of our pearls.
On the nth [September] all the Frank gunners
went to the Nawdb' s tent, crying out that they had not
been paid the four months' wages which had been
promised, and that if they were not paid they would
go to take service elsewhere, upon which the Nawdb
put them off till the following day.
On the 1 2th, the gunners not having omitted to
repair to the tent of the Nawdb, he ordered them to be
paid for three months, and promised them at the close
1 The exact position of these mines (or washings ?) is unknown, but
they were probably situated in the neighbourhood of the Pennair river.
The nearest of the Kadapa (Cuddapah) sites known in modern times was
at Jalmudugu, which is only 5 or 6 miles E. of Gandikot. There are a
number of mines near Kadapa (see Economic Geology of India, p. 9).
In Book II, chap, xvii, Tavernier says there were six of them. The
mine at Wadjra-Karur, in Bellary, was also taken by Mir Jumla.

chap, xviii M. CLAUDE MAILLE OF BOURGES 289
of the current month to pay the fourth. They had no
sooner received this money than they treated one another,
and the baladines1 carried off more than half of it.
On the 13th the Nawdb went to the town to see
the foundry which Maille had erected by his orders.
Maille, as I have said, was from Bourges, and enlisted
at Amsterdam for India. Having reached Batavia,
the General, perceiving that he was skilful and very
intelligent, kept him in his personal service to make
some grottoes and fountains in his garden. But
Maille, being neither satisfied with this employment
nor with the rough treatment of the General, found
means to place himself in the suite of M. Cheteur,
who was sent from Batavia to the Nawdb, then
engaged in the siege of Gandikot. This Envoy
having accomplished his business with the Nawdb,
and Maille" knowing that he would be leaving on the
following day, took possession of the case and box of
ointments belonging to the Ambassador's surgeon, and
concealed himself till such time as the Envoy departed,
without being able to find Maille, in spite of all the
search he could make, which had obliged him to delay
his departure for some days. As soon as Maille
heard that the Envoy was gone, he was appointed to
the service of the Nawdb as surgeon ; and some time
after, having informed him that he was a good gunner
and founder, he entered his service in that capacity.
The Nawdb having taken Gandikot, and desiring to
have some cannon inside the fort, where it was very
difficult to carry them, proposed to Maille2 to cast
1 Dancing-girls (see p. 87).
2 In 1665 Tavernier met a man with the same name installed as
physician to the Governor at Allahabad, but does not allude to him
expressly as being the same person. (See p. 1 16.)
VOL. I U

290 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
twenty pieces — ten of 48 pounds, and ten others of 24
pounds ; this Maille undertook to do. He was
supplied with copper for this purpose from all quarters,
and the Nawab collected a quantity of idols which had
been removed from the pagodas which his army had
visited. There is in Gandikot a pagoda which is
considered to be one of the principal in India, where
there are many idols, some being of gold and others of
silver. Among these idols there were six of copper,
three of which were seated on their heels, and the three
others were about 10 feet high. After Maille" had
made all preparations to melt these metals and the
idols which had been brought from different places, he
accomplished the melting of all except the six large
idols of the famous pagoda of Gandikot.1 It was
impossible for him to melt them, no matter how much
the Nawdb expended ; and he even threatened the
priests of the pagoda, whom he accused of having
bewitched the idols. In short, Maille^ never accom
plished making a single cannon, one being split, another
incomplete ; and so he relinquished all the work he
had undertaken, and sometime afterwards quitted the
service of the Nawdb.
On the 14th we went to the tent of the Nawdb
to take leave of him, and to hear what he had to say
regarding the goods which we had shown him. But
we were told that he was engaged examining a
number of criminals, who had been brought to him
for immediate punishment. It is the custom in this
country not to keep a man in prison ; but immediately
1 Possibly these idols were made of iron and not of copper ; this
would account for the difficulty in melting them. Cast-iron was known
in India in early times. The story may, however, be mythical.

chap, xviii MIR JUMLA 291
the accused is taken he is examined and sentence is
pronounced on him, which is then executed without any
delay. If the person whom they have seized is found
to be innocent he is released at once ; and whatever
the nature of the case may be, it is promptly concluded.
Moreover, we were told that it would be difficult for us
to see the Nawdb on that day, because he intended
to descend to the plain to review the greater part
of his army. We did not omit, however, to meet him
at the door of his tent in the evening, where, having
dismounted, and M. du Jardin and I having saluted
him, he invited us to come to see him early on the
following day.
On the 15th, at seven o'clock in the morning, we
went to the Nawdb, and immediately we were announced
he asked us to enter his tent, where he was seated
with two of his secretaries by him. According to the
custom of the country — where one goes with naked
feet in slippers, without stockings, because wherever
you enter you walk on a carpet, and sit in this country
as in Turkey, and as our tailors do here, — the Nawdb
had the intervals between his toes full of letters,
and he also had many between the fingers of the left
hand. He drew them sometimes from his feet, some
times from his hand, and sent his replies through his
two secretaries, writing some also himself. After the
secretaries had finished the letters, he made them read
them ; and he then took them and himself affixed his
seal, giving some to footmen, others to horsemen. For
it should be remarked that in India all the letters which
the Kings, Generals of Armies, and the Governors of
Provinces send by footmen go much faster than by
horsemen. The reason is that at every two leagues

292 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
there are small huts, where two or three men employed
for running live, and immediately when the carrier
of a letter has arrived at one of these huts he
throws it to the others at the entrance, and one of
them takes it up and at once sets off to run. It is
considered unlucky to give a letter into the hand
of the messenger ; it is therefore thrown at his feet,
and he must lift it up. It is still to be remarked
that throughout India the greater part of the roads are
like avenues of trees, and those which have not trees
planted, have at every 500 paces small pieces of stone
which the inhabitants of the nearest villages are bound
to whiten from time to time, so that the letter carriers
can distinguish the road on dark and rainy nights.
While we were with the Nawdb he was informed that
four prisoners, who were then at the door of the tent,
had arrived. He remained more than half an hour
without replying, writing continually and making his
secretaries write, but at length he suddenly ordered
the criminals to be brought in ; and after having
questioned them, and made them confess with their
own mouths the crime of which they were accused,
he remained nearly an hour without saying anything,
continuing to write and to make his secretaries write.
Then there entered into his tent many officers of the
army who came to pay their respects with great
humility, and to whose salute he replied only by an
inclination of the head.
Among these four prisoners who were brought
into his presence there was one who had entered a
house and had slain a mother and her three infants.
He was condemned forthwith to have his feet and
hands cut off, and to be thrown into a field near the

chap, xviii MIR JUMLA 293
high road to end his days. Another had stolen on
the high road, and the Nawdb ordered him to have his
stomach slit open and to be flung in a drain. I could
not ascertain what the others had done, but both their
heads were cut off. While all this passed the dinner
was served, for the Nawab generally eats at ten o'clock,
and he made us dine with him. The sufra1 being
removed, we took leave of the majority of the nobles
who had also eaten with the Nawdb ; and when only
two or three persons remained with him, we inquired
through his interpreter if he had any commands for
us, and whether he thought that our goods should be
shown to the King. He replied that we might go to
Golconda, where he would communicate with his son,
to whom he would write on our behalf, and that his
letter would arrive before us. He ordered sixteen
horsemen to conduct us, and provide for us on the
road whatever we required, up to a river 1 3 leagues
from Gandikot, where no one is allowed to cross
without having the Nawdb's passport, so that the
soldiers may not be able to desert.
1 Sufra, Hin., tablecloth.

CHAPTER XIX
Route from Gandikot to Golconda
On the morning of the 16th x [September 1652] we left
Gandikot, accompanied by the majority of the gunners,
who came with us to the first halt, carrying plenty of
food with them ; and this day we only made 7 leagues,
and slept at Cotepali.2
On the 17th, after having breakfasted with the
gunners, who then returned to Gandikot, we pursued
our way with the sixteen horsemen of the Nawdb, and
having travelled 6 leagues we slept at a village named
Coteen,3 beyond the river, which was then very full.
As soon as we had crossed it the sixteen horsemen took
leave of us ; and having offered their chief some rupees
to buy tobacco and betel, we could not induce him to
accept anything. The boats employed in crossing this
river are like large baskets,4 covered outside with ox
hides, at the bottom of which some faggots are placed,
upon which carpets are spread to put the baggage
1 M. Joret has been misled by a misprint of 26th for 16th, and is
therefore wrong in his argument founded on the supposition that Taver
nier left Gandikot on the 26th {J. B. Tavernier, p. 131).
2 Cottapilly in A.S. No. 76 ; it is, however, 24 miles from Gandikot.
Cotalpully and Gopalpilly are about 4 miles nearer.
3 Not identified on the map. The exact route followed by Tavernier
from Gandikot up to Goodymetta is very uncertain.
4 Coracles. (See p. 299, and Book II, chap, xv.)

chap, xix RIVER FERRIES 295
and goods on, for fear they should get wet. As for
the coaches and carts, they are tied by the pole and
wheels between two of these baskets, but the horses
are made to swim across, a man driving his horse from
behind with a whip, and another in the basket holding
it by the halter. As for the oxen, which, according
to the custom of the country, carry the baggage, as
soon as they reach the bank of the river and have been
unloaded, they are driven in, and they cross the water
without assistance. There are four men to each basket,
one at each corner, who stand and row with paddles.
Should one of them fail to keep equal stroke with the
others, or that they do not all keep time, the basket
turns three or four times round, and the current carry
ing it down, it descends much lower than the spot where
it was intended to land.
On the 1 8th [September], after a march of five
hours, we arrived at Morimol.1
On the 19th we made 9 leagues, and halted at
Santesela.2 On the 20th we made 9 leagues more, and slept at
Goremeda3 (Goodymetta).
On the 2 1 st, after six hours of marching, we passed
the night at Kaman.4 It was a frontier town of the
kingdom of Golconda, before the conquest of that of
Carnatic by the army of Mir Jumla, of which I have
spoken in the preceding chapter.
1 Perhaps Porenaumla.
2 Not identified. As Tavernier does not mention the diamond
mines of Baswapur, close by, they had probably not been discovered then.
(See Economic Geology of India, p. 13.)
3 Goodymetta, 8 miles N.E. of Giddaloor.
4 Kammam, Cummum, or Cumbum. The distance from Goody
metta measured on the map is 1 2 miles.

296 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
On the 2 2d we travelled 7 leagues, and slept at
Emelipata.1 At about half way we met more than
4000 persons, both men and women, and more than
twenty pallankeens, each of which contained an idol.
They were ornamented with gold, brocade of gold and
velvet, with fringes of gold and silver, and some of
these pallankeens were carried by four men, others
by eight, and others by twelve, according to the size
and weight of the idols. On each side of the pallan
keens was a man with a large round fan of about 5 feet
in diameter, made of beautiful ostrich and peacock
feathers of different colours. The handles of these
fans were 5 or 6 feet long, and covered with gold and
silver nearly of the thickness of a French crown (e'cu).
Each one strove to carry these fans in order to serve
the idol by fanning it, to prevent the flies alighting on
the face. Another fan, which is somewhat larger, and
which had no handle, was carried like a shield. It
was ornamented with feathers of different colours,
ranged round little gold and silver bells. The person
carrying it walked close to the pallankeen, on the sunny
side, in order to shade the idol, for to close the curtains
of the pallankeen would have made it too hot. From
time to time the bearer of the shield shook it in order
to ring the bells, so that the idol might be amused.
All these people with their idols came from BurhAn
pur and the neighbourhood, and were going to visit
their great Ram Ram, i.e. their great god, who is in a
pagoda in the territory of K ing of Carnatic. They had
been fully thirty days on the road, and had to march
fourteen or fifteen more before reaching the pagoda.2
1 Vamulpetta, 14 miles from Cumbum.
2 In Book II, chap, xiii, Tavernier describes meeting at Daulatabad

chap, xix HINDU PILGRIMS 297
One of my attendants who was from BurhAnpur, and
of the tribe of these very people, asked me to give
him a holiday to go with them to accompany his gods,
saying that a long time ago he had vowed to make this
pilgrimage. I was obliged to give it, well knowing
that if I did not give him the holiday he would himself
take it, as he had many relatives in the troop. About
two months later he rejoined me at Surat, and as he
had served M. du Jardin and myself faithfully, I made
no difficulty about re-employing him. On asking him
some questions about the pilgrimage which he had just
made, he related to me a thing difficult to believe, but
which happened, as he said, in this manner. Six days
after having left me, all the pilgrims had contemplated
sleeping at a village ; and before reaching it they had
to cross a river, which during the summer contains
but little water and may be forded anywhere. But
when it rains in India the water falls in such quantity
that it appears like a deluge, and in less than an hour
or two, small streams rise 2 or 3 feet in depth. The
rain having surprised these pilgrims, this river in
creased so quickly that it was impossible to cross it that
day. It is not necessary that those who travel in
India should provide themselves with food beforehand,
— especially is this the case with the idolaters, who do
not eat anything which has had life — because even in the
smallest villages they always find in abundance rice,
flour, butter, milk, beans, and other vegetables, sugar
and other sweetmeats, dry and liquid. This multitude
a similar procession of 2000 persons on their way to Tripatty pagoda
from Tatta, in Sind. All the details are different. I cannot agree
with M. Joret (J. B. Tavernier, p. 131) in his identification of the two
occasions, and do not see any difficulty in taking both accounts as they
stand as being distinct.

298 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
of people, who had no food with them, were much
astonished on arrival at the bank of this river to see
it so high and swollen, and at not being able to cross
in order to go to the village, which was on the other
side, where they intended to make their halt. They
had nothing to give their children to eat, and nothing
was to be heard save lamentations among this crowd.
In this extremity the chief of their priests sat down in
the middle of them, and causing himself to be covered
with a large sheet began to call those who wished
for food to approach him. He asked each what he
wanted, whether rice or flour, and for how many per
sons ; and with a large ladle which he held, lifting the
corner of the sheet, he gave to all whatever they had
asked for ; so that this large number of people of 4000
souls was satisfied.1
It was not only my servant who related this history,
but having subsequently made many journeys to
BurhAnpur, where I was known to the principal per
sons of the town, I made inquiry of many who had
been on this pilgrimage, and all have sworn to me by
their Ram Ram that it was true, which I nevertheless
could not believe.
On the 23d [September] we arrived at Doupar,2 after
having travelled 8 leagues, and crossed many torrents.
1 It is perhaps not too much to say, that with natives of India the
more prima facie incredibility there is in a story like this, the more
likely is it to obtain credence from them. Its resemblance to a certain
Christian miracle is remarkable. In this connection we may appropri
ately quote General Sleeman's remarks {Rambles and Recollections, vol.
ii, pp. 51, 94) to the effect that — "The miracles of Christianity exercise
no influence on the imaginations of the Hindus, who can always tell
of greater ones." We may call to mind also the alleged miracles per
formed by sundry modern theosophists, and believed in by their disciples.
2 Dupad, called Dupar Fort on Major Scott's Map.

chap, xix FERRY OVER THE KISTNA 299

On the 24th we made but 4 leagues, and came to
Tripante,1 where there is a grand pagoda on a hill, the
whole circuit of which forms a staircase and is faced
with cut stone. The smallest stone of this staircase
is 10 feet long and 3 feet wide, and in the pagoda
there are many figures of demons. There is one,
among others, which resembles a Venus standing
upright, with many demons who surround her in
lascivious attitudes, and this Venus and demons are
made of a single piece of marble, but the carving is
very coarse.
On the 25th we travelled 8 leagues, and halted at
Mamli (Murrayvamla).
On the 26th we also travelled 8 leagues, and slept
at Macheli (Machurla).
On the 27th we made only 3 leagues, because we
had to cross a large river in baskets ; this generally
occupies half a day.2 For when we reached the margin
of the water we saw neither basket nor any other means
of crossing. A man came, with whom we bargained
for our passage ; and to prove if the money which we
gave was good he made a large fire, and threw it
into it.3 He did the same with that of all persons
whom he took across. If amongst the money which
he received he found a rupee which became somewhat
black, one had to give him another, which he also heated ;
then after he had proved that the money was good he
called out to his comrades to bring the basket, which is
generally concealed in some spot on the opposite side
1 Tripurantakhan, 11 or 12 miles N.E. of Dupad. It is the
Tripparanticum of the Atlas Sheet.
2 The Kistni is, I believe, still crossed by means of coracles at the
present day (see p. 294, and Book II, chap. xv).
3 See p. 30.

300 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
of the river. For these people are cunning, and seeing
from afar off on which side the travellers are coming
they send the basket to the other bank so as not to be
compelled to take across any one without being paid.
The money being counted, and the man who had
received it having called his comrades, you see them
carrying the basket on their shoulders to the edge
of the water, and having launched it they come across
to fetch those waiting on the other side.
On the 28th, having made 5 leagues, we halted at
a place called Dabir-pinta.
On the 29th, after a march of 12 hours, we slept
at Holcora.1 On the 30th we made 8 leagues, and passed the
night at Peridera.2
On Monday, the 1st day of October, after having
made 10 leagues, we slept at Atenara.3 It is one of
the houses of pleasure built by the Queen, mother of
the King who reigns at present. It has many rooms,
opening on a grand square which is in front of the
house, for the accommodation of travellers.
It should be remarked that in all the countries
which we have just passed through, both in the King
dom of Carnatic and the Kingdoms of Golconda and
of Bijapur, there are hardly any physicians except
for the Kings and Princes. As for the commonality,
when the rains have fallen and it is the season to
1 Dabir-Pinta and Holcora I have failed to identify. The former
should be looked for between Davirkondah and the river Kistnl
2 Peridera is perhaps identical with Poraigoda of modern maps. It
is about 26 miles from Golconda.
3 This appears to be the place elsewhere named Tenara (see p. 172),
where the distance from Golconda is given as being 4 coss. It is also
called Tenara by Thevenot.

chap, xix M. PITRE DE LAN 301
collect plants, in the mornings you see mothers of
families going out from the towns and villages to
collect the simples which they know to be proper for
the diseases which occur in a family. It is true that in
good towns there are generally one or two men who
have some knowledge of medicine, who seat them
selves each morning in the market-place or at a
corner of the street in order to administer remedies,
either potions or plasters, to those who come to ask for
them. They first feel the pulse, and when giving
the medicine, for which they take only the value of
two farthings, they mumble some words between
their teeth.
On the 2d of October we had only 4 leagues to
make to Golconda. We went to stop at the house of
a young Dutch surgeon of the King, named Pitre de
Lan, whom M. Cheteur, the Batavian Envoy, had
left at Golconda — the King having asked for him
from him very earnestly.1 This Prince always suffered
from a pain in the head, and the physicians had ordered
him to be bled under the tongue in four places ; but
he was unable to find any one willing to undertake
it — for, regarding surgery, the people of the country
understand nothing about it.
Before De Lan entered the service of the King
he was asked if he could bleed well, to which he
replied that it was the least difficult part of surgery.
1 Called Pieter de Lange in Histoire General des Voyages, vol. xiii,
p. 35. According to Valentyn he afforded good service to his country
as their representative at the Court of Golconda till 1656. He was
succeeded by another surgeon, who died in 1660, after which the Dutch
established a factory at Golconda. On p. 289 we have been told that
Claude Maille' of Bourges deserted M. Cheteur and set up as surgeon
to Mir Jumla.

302 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
It was with great reluctance that the Batavian Envoy
consented to leave him. But he did not wish to dis
oblige the King, and De Lan received 800 pagodas
as salary. Some days after the Envoy's departure the
King summoned this surgeon and told him that he
wished him to bleed him on the following day in four
places under the tongue, as his physicians had directed,
but that he should take care not to draw more than
eight ounces. De Lan returning to the Court on the
following day, was conducted into a room by two or
three eunuchs, and four old women came to conduct
him to a bath where, having undressed and washed him
well, especially his hands, they anointed him with drugs
and aromatics ; and in place of his own clothes, which
were of European make, they gave him a garment made
according to the fashion of the country. They then
took him to the King, where they brought basins of
gold which the physicians who were present weighed ;
these were to receive the blood. He then bled the
King under the tongue in four places, and he did it so
skilfully that, on weighing the blood with the basins, he
found that he had drawn eight ounces exactly.1 The
King was so satisfied with this operation that he gave
him 300 pagodas, which are equal to nearly 700 e'cus.
The young Queen and the Queen -dowager having
heard of it, desired that he would come to bleed them,
but I believe it was more from the curiosity they had to
see him than for any need they had to be bled, for he
was a young and well-made man, and probably in their
lives they had not seen a stranger close — for from a
distance the thing is not impossible, since from the
1 He was, therefore, successful under conditions somewhat similar
to those from which Shylock recoiled.

chap, xix THE FIRST PHYSICIAN OF THE KING 303

place where they stay they are able to see without being
themselves seen. De Lan was then brought into a
chamber, where the same women who had taken him
to the bath before he had bled the King uncovered his
arms, which they washed well, and especially his hands,
after which they anointed him with scented oil, as they
had done when he went to bleed the King. That
being done, they drew a curtain, and the young Queen
putting out an arm through a hole, the surgeon bled
her, and he afterwards did the same for the Queen
mother. The first bestowed on him 50, and the other
30 pagodas} with some pieces of gold brocade.
Two days after our arrival we went to salute the
son of the Nawdb, and were told that we could not
speak to him on that day. The following day we
returned, and as the same thing was repeated, some
one told us that we might amuse ourselves in that
manner for a long time, and that he was a young noble
who scarcely ever left the presence of the King, and
that on leaving the palace he shut himself up in his
harem with his women. The surgeon, De Lan, seeing
that our business might become protracted, offered to
speak of it to the first physician of the King, who was
also in his confidence, who, having shown much friend
ship for the Batavian Envoy and for De Lan himself
could easily find an opportunity for obliging us. In
short, as soon as De Lan had spoken to him he sent
for us, in order to inquire what service he could render
us. After he had saluted us, he caressed us a thousand
times, and, having invited us to be seated, ordered
some fruits of the country to be brought. He then
inquired whence we had come, and upon what subject
1 About £25 and £15.

304 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
we desired to speak to the King ; and having told him
that we had some choice pearls which we wished to
show to his Majesty, he asked us to show them to him
the following day — this we did. After he had seen
them, he told us to replace them in their little bags,
desiring us to close them with our seal, because all
things presented to the King should be sealed with
the seal of the merchant, and when the King has seen
it he places his, in order that there may be no fraud.
Thus we left the whole sealed packet in his hands, and
he promised to show it to the King, and render us
a good account of the service which he had undertaken
in order to oblige us.
The following morning, very early, we went to
hunt with De Lan, and on returning, at eight or nine
o'clock a.m., we went to the river's bank to see how
the elephants of the King and the great nobles are
washed. The elephant enters the water up to the
belly, and lying down on one side takes water from time
to time in its trunk and throws it upon the uncovered
portion of its body in order to wash it well. The
keeper then takes a kind of pumicestone, and rubbing
the skin cleans it of all the dirt which has accumulated
upon it. Some believe that when this animal lies on the
ground it cannot get up by itself;1 this is quite contrary
to what I have seen, for as soon as the keeper has rubbed
it well on one side he orders it to turn on the other,
which the elephant does promptly, and after it is well
washed on both sides it leaves the river and remains
for some time on the bank in order to dry itself. Then
the keeper brings a pot full of red or yellow paint,
1 This old fable, though discountenanced by Pliny, has had a
wonderfully persistent existence.

chap, xix TAVERNIER LEAVES GOLCONDA 305
and paints lines on its forehead, around the eyes, on
the chest, and on the back, rubbing it then with
cocoanut oil to strengthen the nerves, some keepers
finally adding false tinsel on the forehead.1
On the 1 5th 2 [October] the chief physician sent for
us at two o'clock p.m., and returned us our pearls, care
fully sealed with the King's seal, which his Majesty
had ordered to be placed upon them after he had seen
them. He asked us the price of each, this we told
him, and, as he had a eunuch with him who noted all
down, the latter, being astonished at seeing pearls of
such a price, remarked that we took the people of the
court of the King of Golconda for persons without
judgment or knowledge, and that he saw daily other
precious things which were brought to the King. I
replied sharply to the eunuch that I could well believe
that he knew the price of a female slave better than
that of a jewel, and so saying we shut up our pearls,
and taking leave of the physician, returned to our
lodging. We had no sooner arrived there than we sent
to hire two coaches, each of us having already a bridle
horse, and, on the following day, in the morning, we left
Golconda, and were not able to travel more than a
league and a half that day, because the Portuguese,
English, and Dutch gunners of the King escorted us,
and we spent our time in enjoying ourselves.
There is no need to repeat here what I have said at
1 This sort of decoration, like the washing, is practised in India at
the present day.
2 Thus in the edition of 1676, but in other editions this date is
given as the 25th. M. Joret {J. B. Tavernier, p. 131) concludes from the
latter that Tavernier left for Surat on the 26th. But it appears probable
that the 25th is a misprint, and that it was on the earlier date, i.e. the 1 5th.
Hence his departure for Surat would have been on the 1 6th of October.
VOL. I X

306 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
the beginning of this volume, and as we returned from
Golconda to Surat by the same route as I took from
Surat to Golconda, there being no other, — I have
nothing to say except that, having left Golconda
immediately after the reply which I made to the
eunuch, the King, who did not hear of it for two days
after our departure, sent four or five horsemen after us
with orders to bring us back to court if they found us.
We had already made five marches from Golconda, one
of them being in the territories of the Great Mogul,
when one of these horsemen came to us at sunset, his
companions having remained on the frontier of the two
kingdoms, rightly believing that as we had passed the
boundary we would not be willing to return. This horse
man showed us the order to make us return which he
had received from the King, his master, who had told
him that he would buy our pearls, and that he thought it
very strange that we had left without saying anything.
As we were no longer in the territory of Golconda the
horseman could only urge us to return with him, giving
us all possible assurances that we should be satisfied,
and M. du Jardin had almost yielded ; but I, knowing
the atmosphere of the country better, told the horse
man frankly that it was impossible, and after he had
left I made my companion comprehend my reasons
for being unwilling to return to Golconda.
Having arrived at Surat,1 where a few days after
wards M. du Jardin died of an effusion of bile, as I
1 As he left Golconda on the 16th of October, and the journey
thither took from twenty-one to twenty-six days, according to the route
travelled, he should have reached Surat either on the 7th or the 12th
of November. As stated in the previous note, M. Joret has been
misled by a misprint to the conclusion that Tavernier started for Surat
on the 26th. Further, he seems to mistake this record of the death

chap, xix NAWAB SHAISTA KHAn 307
have related in my account of Persia, I made arrange
ments to go to Agra to see ShAh JAhAn, who was
then on the throne. But the Nawdb ShAistA KhAn,
brother-in-law of the King, and Governor of the
Province of GujarAt, of whom I have elsewhere
spoken, sent to me from AhmadAbAd, where he resided,
one of the principal officers of his household, in order
to tell me that having heard I had some beautiful
jewels to sell he would be much pleased if I went to
him, assuring me that he would pay for them as
liberally as the King. I received this message during
the illness of M. du Jardin, who died on the ninth
day ; and after we had rendered him our last duties at
Surat, I went to AhmadAbAd, where I at once trans
acted some business with the Nawdb. As he under
stood all kinds of jewels perfectly well, we were at once
agreed, and there was no difference between us save
as to the nature of the payment. He gave me a
choice of coins, and only stipulated that I should take
golden or silver rupees, but this Prince giving me to
understand that he did not wish that so large a sum
should be seen leaving his house, suggested that I should
take my payment in golden rupees, which would appear
less. I agreed to what he advised, and he showed me
some very fine gold, namely, old rupees which apparently
had not seen the light for a long time. But as the current
price of the golden rupee is only 14 silver rupees,1 and
of M. du Jardin for that of M. Ardilliere his son. Tavernier's reference
to the latter as being alive in 1653 is, therefore, not inconsistent, and
further we have mention {Persian Travels, Book II, chap, x) of a Baron
d' Ardilliere being in Marseilles with our author in 1657, but I cannot
say that he was the same person. See Jean Baptiste Tavernier, by
Joret, pp. 114 and 131.
1 From this proportion, with the rupee at 2s. 3d., the gold mohur
was worth 3 is. 6d. (See Appendix.)

308 TRAVELS IN INDIA

he wished to pass his for 14^, or at the least for
145, this almost ended the transaction, as I made
him understand that upon so large a sum I could not
consent to lose a quarter upon every golden rupee.
Finally, in order to satisfy him, I was obliged to take
them at 14-g- rupees of silver ; for this Prince, who was
otherwise magnificent and generous, showed himself
a stern economist in matters of purchase.1
During my residence at AhmadAbAd he sent me
every day, to the house of the Dutch where I lodged,
four silver dishes from his table containing pillau and
choice meats, and one day when the King sent him ten
or twelve men bearing apples, which had been received
from Persia by way of KandahAr, he presented me
with two dishes of them, which would have been worth
at AhmadAbAd, on account of their scarcity, 300 or 400
rupees. I gave a part of these fine fruits to the Dutch
and to the ladies, and we amused ourselves well
during my sojourn there. Moreover, ShAistA KhAn
gave me a khilat2 complete, with sword and khan-
jar;* this was worth more than 1000 rupees; and
desiring to make me a further present of a horse, he
asked me what kind I wished for. I replied that since
he was pleased to give me my choice, I preferred a
fresh and lively horse rather than an aged one. He
gave me one from his stud, which I mounted forthwith
and took to the house of the Dutch, but not without
difficulty, for it only went by jumps, and was so
fiery, that on my allowing a young Dutchman to
1 This transaction has already been described, with considerable
difference in the details, on pp. 1 8 et seq.
2 Khil'at (see pp. 20, 98, etc.)
3 Khanjar, i.e. dagger (see p. 100, and Book III, chap. xxiv).

chap, xix TAVERNIER REVISITS GOLCONDA 309
mount it, he, who thought he could ride it better
than I, found himself promptly out of the saddle,
being unable to manage the horse. Having com
municated to ShAistA Khan that an older one would
be more suitable for me, he ordered his master of the
horse to give me one which, although it had belonged
to his father, was still fit for service, and had cost
formerly more than 3000 e'cus} As I did not require
it for my journeys I sold it for 400 rupees to a French
man, whom I was at the same time able to place in the
service of this Prince, where he might have saved much
money if he had not squandered it in debauchery.
From AhmadAbAd I returned to Surat, and from
Surat I travelled 2 to Golconda, and from thence to
the mine to make my purchase of diamonds. On
returning to Surat I arranged to go to Persia, but
experienced great difficulties, which were followed by
a voyage where I was exposed to dangers which I
might have foreseen, and which I did little to avoid,
never having feared dangers which travellers have to
run both on sea and land, when it has been actually
necessary for me to proceed forward.
1 £675. Seep. 21 for another account of this transaction, which, as
there pointed out in the footnote, varies the details.
2 This was on the 6th March 1653. (See Introduction.)

CHAPTER XX
Return from Surat to Hormuz, and how the author
found himself engaged in a very rough and dangerous
naval combat, from which he escaped without accident.
While on my return to Surat from my journey to the
diamond mine, I learned that war had been declared
between the English and Dutch, and that the latter
would not send any more vessels to Persia. The
English also said the same, because they had sent four
which they expected to return every hour, and conse
quently I found the sea closed as regards my passage
to Hormuz. I might have taken the land journey by
Agra and KandahAr ; but the road was very long, and
it was impossible, or at the least very difficult, to travel
by it on account of the KandahAr war, and because
the armies of Persia and India were in the field.
While afraid that I should be obliged to spend a long
time in a place where I had no occupation, there
arrived at Surat on the 2d of January1 five large
Dutch vessels from Batavia ; this rejoiced me exceed
ingly, being certain to obtain all I wanted from the
Dutch Commander, who was a friend of mine. I may
say, in passing, that in all my journeys there has never
been one of these commanders (it is thus they call the
chiefs of these settlements) who has not manifested
1 This was in the year 1654.

chap, xx PRIVATE TRADE IN DIAMONDS ' 311
consideration for me, and who has not been pleased
to have an opportunity of showing me kindness. I
have also sought on all occasions to serve them, and
especially when I went to the mine, by purchasing
diamonds for them with private money of which they
did not wish the Company to know anything, because
it is forbidden to them to embark in private trade,
and moreover they understood but little about the
purchase of precious stones. But although these small
services which they asked me to render them had been
without profit, that did not save me from being sub
jected one day, on account of one of them, to some
unpleasantness at Batavia, from which I did not escape
without trouble, as I shall hereafter describe in the
sequel of my history.1 I have also been very careful
in all the places where the Dutch have settlements,
and where I made any sojourn, to contribute as far
as possible to the amusement of their ladies.2 As
I never came from Persia to India without bringing
good wine and fine fruits, and always had some one
with me who understood cooking better than the
Dutch in India, and knew how to make good
soup and to bake, I entertained them often with
collations, where pigeons in pyramids, flavoured with
pistachios, were not lacking. All the amusements
of the country, which I have sufficiently described,
followed these small collations ; and the ladies gave me
to understand that they were much pleased with these
parties, to which I invited them with their husbands.
The Commander of Surat being, as I have
1 See Book III, chap. xxii.
2 One might have supposed that this received its own reward at
the time.

312 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i
said, a friend of mine, offered me a passage upon
whichever I pleased of the five vessels which had
arrived from Batavia ; but, on the other hand, pointed
out the risk which I ran of meeting the English,
and of being engaged, in that event, in a combat, which
would be unavoidable. My friends also begged me to
consider the great danger to which I exposed myself.
But all that they could say to me was of no avail, and
rather than lose the time uselessly at Surat, where I
had nothing to do, I was firmly resolved to embark.
As the Dutch vessels were men-of-war rather than
merchant craft, the Commander ordered three to be un
loaded as quickly as possible, and sent them in advance
with instructions to seek the four English vessels which
he knew ought to be on their return from Persia, laden
with goods, and consequently less in a condition to fight
than vessels which were not. The two others followed
three or four days afterwards, this interval being re
quired by them in order to ship supplies for all five.
I embarked in one of these two vessels which left
last, and having set sail on the 8th of January,1 we
arrived on the 12th before Diu,2 where we found the
three other vessels which had preceded us. Immedi
ately a council of war was held to consider what
direction we should take to meet the English, whom
we believed had already reached Persia ; but they had
gone but a short distance, only having left Diu two
days before the arrival of the three first Dutch vessels.
It was settled that we should go to Sindi,3 and that,
with anchors up, each vessel approaching Diu as
near as it could, should fire off all its cannon at
1 This was in 1654. (See Introduction.) 2 Diu (see p. 6).
3 Scimdi in the original for Sindi (see p. 10).

A NAVAL ENGAGEMENT 313

the town. As soon as the inhabitants perceived that
we were sailing towards the town they took flight, only
daring to fire two shots at us. After the discharge of
all the guns, we set our course for Sindi, where we
arrived on the 20th of the same month, and at once
a boat was sent on shore, the English and Dutch each
having a house there. Our Admiral was informed
that they daily expected the four English vessels,
which were to embark about 200 bales of goods then
ready on the seashore ; and upon these tidings it was
resolved to remain there at anchor till the 10th of Feb
ruary ; but that, if by that time they did not appear, we
should put to sea again and seek for them in Persia.
On the 2d of February, at break of day, we per
ceived some sails, but owing to their great distance were
unable to make them out, and still less to go to meet
them, the wind being contrary. Some believed at first
that they were fishing-boats, but little by little, accord
ing as they approached, having the wind astern, we
recognised that they were the English vessels, which
advanced to attack us, upon the information which they
had received, as we subsequently learned, from some
fishermen that the Dutch vessels were simple frigates,
of which they expected to make an easy capture. It
is true that they had not yet seen such small Dutch
vessels, and having been built expressly for fighting,
they had not high bulwarks, and so appeared small
externally, but were otherwise of great strength.
Our " Admiral " had forty-eight pieces of cannon, and
in case of necessity was able to accommodate up
to sixty, and had more than 120 men. Towards
nine o'clock — the English, who advanced with all sails
set, not being far off — in order not to lose time in raising

314 TRAVELS IN INDIA

the anchors, we cut cables and each one set himself
to do his duty. But the wind, as I have said, being
directly contrary, we were unable to approach them.
As they had thereby all the advantage on their side
with the aid of the wind, they came in good order, and
always stem on ; and their Admiral and Vice-Admiral1
came at length so close to the side of the Dutch
Admiral that the English Admiral was caught by an
anchor on the side of our Admiral. Not to conceal
the fact, our Admiral showed but little courage in this
encounter, for instead of boarding then and there, the
occasion being so favourable, he cut the cable in order
to free his vessel. All the ports were so well closed
that from outside one could not say how many cannon
there were. But after the English had made their
first discharge, and our Admiral had returned it,
which was much more effective, the English, seeing
the number of his guns and the crowd which appeared
on the deck, began to lose heart, and the wind proving
favourable, drew off. However, the English Vice-
Admiral having reloaded his guns, came skilfully to the
vessel on which I was. Our Captain reserved his fire
until we were nearly alongside one another, notwith
standing the loss of ten men which we had sustained.
When we were not more than a pistol-shot off we let
him have a discharge from all our guns, which broke
his foremast. The two vessels coming in contact, our
Captain was the first to board, and, accompanied by
many brave men with hatchets, they cut all the ropes.
While the two vessels were close to one another the
sub-pilot and I fired a cannon-shot so effectively into
1 These terms are used both for the ships themselves and their
commanders.

chap, xx A NAVAL ENGAGEMENT 315
the cabin of the English Captain that the bullet set
fire to some powder cartridges which had been placed
there. This unforeseen fire caused the English to fear
that the conflagration increasing would envelop all
their vessel ; and our Captain, who feared the same
thing, commanded his crew to return into our vessel,
where he ordered the English to follow ten by ten,
and then immediately drew off. The courage of the
crew being revived, they found means to put out the
fire of the English vessel, in which ten or twelve of
our sailors were left ; but our Captain, who had
acquired much glory in this action, died at the end of
two or three days of his wounds.
In the meantime another of our vessels vigorously
attacked a large English ship of about thirty guns
which held aloof, and had already damaged it badly,
when the vessel upon which I was went to assist in
sending it to the bottom, by giving it a whole broad
side, which completely disabled it from further defence.
The English Captain seeing himself lost, immediately
ran up the white flag and asked for quarter, which
was granted him. The carpenters did their best to
close up the holes made by the cannon, the vessel
having been pierced in many places ; but seeing them
selves deserted by the sailors, who rather than aid
them preferred to drink the Shiraz wine, of which they
had a quantity in the bottom of the hold before being
taken by the Dutch, they left their work and went to
drink with them. The Dutch having descended into
their boats to the number of thirty or forty, in order to
take possession of the English vessel, and not seeing
any one on deck, went below, where they found the
sailors, who, not thinking of their death, which was

316 TRAVELS IN INDIA

closer than they supposed, drank one another's health.
The Dutch being no wiser, and not knowing the con
dition of the vessel, which was on the point of founder
ing, began to drink with them, and some moments
afterwards the vessel went to the bottom. All
perished miserably together, both the victors and the
vanquished, without any one being saved except the
English Captain and two French Capuchins, who,
seizing the opportunity while these brutes made them
selves drunk, descended into a boat, and cutting the
rope by which it was attached to the vessel, came to
the one in which I was, where they were well received.
Our master pilot then took charge, the Captain, as I
have said, being badly wounded, and he at once sent
these persons to the Admiral, to dispose of them as
might seem good to him. The following day the
Admiral sent to invite me to his vessel, where all the
Captains had to assemble to render their thanks to
God for the victory which they had achieved over
their enemies. We afterwards dined with him, and
the Capuchin Fathers being of the company, he told
me that, as they were of my country, they might, if
they preferred it, go to the vessel in which I was, and
he would issue orders that they should be well treated ;
this was done, and I took them with me the same
evening, giving them, as far as I was able, whatever
was necessary for their comfort.
The vessels which go from Persia to India are
generally laden with wine and money, and that which
went to the bottom carried more than the others ; this
was the reason why it held aloof, not joinino- in
the fray. This was a great loss, which might have
been avoided if the Dutch had had more courage and

chap, xx A NAVAL ENGAGEMENT 317
more prevision ; and the English Admiral, seeing the
misfortune which had happened to one of his vessels,
joined his own with another, and they took flight to
gether. For indeed, to say the truth, the want of en
terprise on the part of the Dutch Admiral and the other
Captains caused them to miss the certain capture of
these fugitives ; and it would have been an easy victory
if they had known how to profit by their opportunities.
This combat was not finished without my life
having been in jeopardy, more particularly from a
cannon-shot which struck two Dutchmen who were
close to me, and a splinter of the vessel cut open
the head of another and carried away a part of my
coat, so that I was covered with the blood of these
Dutchmen who were slain at my side. The combat
being over, we returned to the anchorage at Sindi ;
but a strong wind having arisen, and the sea being very
high, we were obliged to go to moorings 6 leagues
higher on the eastern coast, where we remained till
the 20th of the same month1 ; we occupied this time
in the care of the sick, and many of the English died
of their wounds there. At length having reached the
anchorage at Sindi, both in order to obtain water and
some stores, and also for the purpose of raising the
anchors which we had left behind, we remained there
till the 28th, and after a pleasant cruise landed at
Gombroon on the 7th of March.-
My first cares when I was out of the vessel were to
return thanks to God for having delivered me from this
danger, and from many others which I had undergone
in my previous travels, and I still offer Him my daily
thanksgivings for the same.
1 February 1654.

BOOK II
Historical and Political description of the Empire of the
Great Mogul.

CHAPTER I
Account of the last wars in Hindustan, in which the
present condition of the Empire and of the Court
of the Moguls are set forth.
I write this history1 without any commentary, and
without describing how I became aware that these
things happened during the sojourn which I made
in the country.2 I leave it to the reader, according
to his pleasure, to make his own moral and political
reflections. It is sufficient for me to give a faithful
picture of the powerful Empire of the Moguls, in
accordance with the sketch of it which I have taken
on the spot, not wishing to increase this volume by
any useless discussion.
This great and vast Empire, which constitutes
the larger part of Hindustan,3 and extends from
the mountains upon this side of the river Indus to
1 With reference to the historical chapters contained in this Book,
there can be no attempt to correct or criticise all the author's statements,
which are in conflict with those by other authorities.
2 There is so much similarity between this account and that by
Bernier in his Histoire de la dernier revolution des Etats du Grand
Mogul, Paris, 1670, that it cannot but be supposed that that author
supplied Tavernier with information, either when they were fellow-
travellers or after Bernier had published his History.
3 Here Hindustan, or rather Indostan, is used in the European
sense as synonymous with India, not as the natives of India use it, i.e.
restricted to the valley of the Ganges.
VOL. I Y

322 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii
the other side of the Ganges, touches on the east
the Kingdoms of Arakan, Tipperah, and Assam1 ; on
the west Persia and Tartary of the Usbegs ; on the
south the Kingdoms of Golconda and Bijapur ; and
on the north it reaches to the Caucasus, having on the
north-east the Kingdom of BhutAn, from whence comes
musk, and to the north-west the country of Chegathay,2
or the Usbegs.
Many persons having Written about India itself,
and of the genius of the Indians, I pass to sub
jects of more importance, but less well known, and I
shall speak first of the family of the Kings of India,
commonly known as the Moguls, that is to say
whites, because the men who formerly conquered the
country were white, the native born Indians being
brown or olive-coloured.
Aurangzeb, who reigns at present, is the eleventh
in direct line of the descendants of the great Temur-
leng, commonly called Tamerlane, who by the extent
and renown of his conquests from China to Poland
surpassed the glory of the most renowned captains of
previous ages.
His successors succeeded in conquering the whole
of India, between the two rivers,3 thereby destroying
many Kings, and Aurangzeb has to-day under his
authority the Kingdoms of GujarAt, Deccan, Delhi,
1 Aracan, Tipra, and Assen in the original.
2 Cathay originally meant Northern China ; subsequently, in the
sixteenth century, it came to be regarded as a separate country north of
China (see Anglo-Indian Glossary). In the time of Kublai Khan " the
Chagatai Khanate, or Middle Empire of the Tartars, with its capital at
Almalik, included the modern Dsungaria, part of Chinese Turkestan,
Transoxiana, and Afghanistan " {Cathay and the way thither, by Colonel
Yule, Introduction, p. cxxi.) 3 I.e. the Indus and Ganges.

chap, i THE MOGUL EMPERORS 323
Multan, Lahore, Kashmir, Bengal, and many other
countries, without speaking of many Rajas, or Kinglets,
who are his vassals, and pay him tribute. The follow
ing is the succession of these Kings from Tamerlane
to Aurangzeb, who reigns at present : —
I. Temur-leng,1 i.e. "the cripple," because he had
one leg shorter than the other, is buried at Samarcand
in the country of Chegathay or Tartary of the
Usbegs ; it is also the place where he was born.
II. Miran-ShAh,2 son of Temur-leng.
III. Sultan Muhammad, son of Miran ShAh.
IV. Sultan Abu Sayyid Mirza,3 son of Muhammad.
V. Umr Shekh Mirza,4 son of Sultan Abu Sayyid.
VI. Sultan BAbar,6 i.e. " the brave Prince," son of
Umr Shekh, and the first of the Moguls who made
himself all powerful in India. He died in the year
1532. VII. HumAyun, which means "happy," son of
Sultan BAbar, died in the year 1552.6
VIII. Abdul Fateh Jalal-ud-din Muhammad,
commonly called Akbar, that is to say " the mighty,"
son of HumAyun, reigned fifty -four years, and died
a.h. 1014, a.d. 1605.
IX. Sultan Salim, otherwise called JahAngir
Padishah, i.e. Conqueror of the World, succeeded
Akbar, his father, and died in the year 1627. He
1 Commonly called Tamerlane, but Tavernier's rendering is closer
to the real name, viz. Taimur-lang, i.e. Taimur the lame.
2 Miram Cha in the original.
3 Abousaid in the original.
4 Hameth Schek in the original.
6 Mirza Zahir-ud-din Muhammad Babar, born 15th February 1483.
He invaded India in the winter of 1525, and died in 1530, not 1532 as
above stated. 6 Humayan died in 1556.

324 TRAVELS IN INDIA B0OK n

had four sons, the first named Sultan Khusru, the
second Sultan Khurram, the third Sultan Parwez,
fourth ShAh DAniAl.
X. Sultan Khurram, the second of the four sons,
succeeded JahAngir, his father, and was recognised
as sovereign by the nobles of the Kingdom in the
fortress of Agra, under the name of Sultan ShAh
Bedin Muhammad, but he desired to be called ShAh-
JahAn, i.e. King of the World.
XL Aurangzeb, i.e. the Ornament of the Throne, is
the King who reigns at present.
The accompanying figure x shows the form of the
coins which the Kings cause to be thrown to the people
when they ascend the throne. They bear the arms
or seals of the Kings whom I have just named. The
largest seal, in the middle, is that of ShAh-JahAn, the
tenth King, for Aurangzeb, since he became King,
has not had any of these pieces of bounty coined —
these coins are nearly all of silver, only a small
number being of gold.
The Great Mogul is certainly the most powerful
and the richest monarch of Asia ; all the Kingdoms
which he possesses constitute his domain, he being
absolute master of all the country, of which he receives
the whole revenue. In the territories of this Prince, the
nobles are but Royal Receivers, who render account of
the revenues to the Governors of Provinces, and they
to the Treasurers General and Ministers of Finance,
so that this grand King of India, whose territories are
so rich, fertile, and populous, has no power near him
equal to his own.
1 Tavernier's beautifully executed plate of these tokens is not
reproduced.

CHAPTER II
Concerning the sickness and supposed death of ShAh
JahAn, King of India, and the rebellion of the
Princes, his sons.
The revolutions which took place in the Empire of
the Great Mogul on account of the supposed death
of ShAh JahAn are full of so many important and
memorable incidents, that they deserve to be known
throughout the whole world. This great monarch
reigned more than forty years, less as a King over his
subjects than as a father of a family over his house
and children ; to such an extent was this the case
that, during his reign, the police was so strict in all
things, and particularly with reference to the safety of
the roads, that there was never any necessity for
executing a man for having committed theft. In his
old age he committed an indiscretion ; and, moreover,
used some drugs of so stringent a character that they
brought on a malady which nearly brought him to the
grave. This necessitated his shutting himself up for
two or three months in his harem with his women, and
during that time he showed himself to his people but
rarely, and at long intervals ; this caused them to
believe that he was dead. For custom requires these
Kings to show themselves in public three times every
week, or, at the very least, every fifteen days.

326 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii
ShAh JahAn had six children, four sons and two
daughters. The eldest of the sons was called DArA
ShAh ; the second Sultan ShujA ; the third Aurang
zeb, who reigns at present ; and the last MurAd
Baksh. The eldest of the two daughters was called
Begum Sahib, and the younger RoushenArA Begum.1
All these names, in the language of the country, mean
titles of honour, as the wise, the brave, the accom
plished, etc. ; and we practise nearly the same in
Europe by the (use of the) surnames which we give to
our Princes, of just, bold, and affable, with this differ
ence only, that these surnames are not given at birth,
but after certain proof has been shown (of the posses
sion) of the virtues which merit that their memories
should pass to posterity under such fine names. ShAh
JahAn loved his four sons equally well, and had estab
lished them as Governors or Viceroys of four of his
most considerable Provinces, or, if you prefer it, his
four principal Kingdoms. DArA ShAh, the eldest,
remained near the person of the King in the Kingdom
of Delhi, and had the Government of Sindi,2 where he
placed a lieutenant in his absence ; Sultan ShujA had
for his district the Kingdom of Bengal ; Aurangzeb
was sent to the Kingdom of Deccan ; and MurAd
Baksh to that of GujarAt. But much as ShAh JahAn
sought to give equal contentment to his four sons,
their ambition was not satisfied by this allotment, and
it overthrew all the projects that the good father had
made to preserve peace between his children.
ShAh JahAn being then sick, and having retired into
the women's quarter without showing himself for many
1 Called Rauchenara Begum in the original.
2 Sind or Scind (see p. io n.)

chap, ii SICKNESS OF SHAH JAHAN 327

days, the rumour spread that he was dead, and that
DArA ShAh concealed his death in order to arrange
his affairs and secure for himself the whole of the
Empire. It is certain that the King, believing that
he was about to die and was near his last hour, ordered
DArA ShAh to assemble all the Omrahs1 or nobles of
the Kingdom, and seat himself on the throne, which
belonged to him, being the eldest of all the brothers.
He also told him that if God prolonged his life for
some days he desired to see him, before he died, in the
peaceable possession of his Empire ; and this intention
which he had for his eldest son was especially right,
because he had observed for some time that the three
other Princes manifested much less respect and affection
for their father than DArA ShAh had. At this conver
sation which the King held with his son, DArA ShAh,
who honoured him extremely and loved him tenderly,
replied that he prayed to God for the life of his
majesty, which he hoped would be long, and that
while God preserved it he would never dream of
mounting the throne, but would consider himself
always happy in being his subject. Indeed, this
Prince did not absent himself for a moment from the
presence of his father, in order to be at hand to attend
upon him during his sickness ; and, wishing to be
present at all times, he slept at night close to the
King's bed on a carpet spread on the floor.
However, upon the false report of the death of
ShAh JahAn, his three other sons straightway stirred
themselves, and each laid claim to their father's
throne. MurAd Baksh, the youngest, who held the
Government of the Province of GujarAt, immediately
1 See p. 98.

328 TRAVELS IN INDIA book n
sent troops to lay siege to Surat, the largest and most
frequented port in all India. The city, which was
without protection, made no resistance, for it has only
bad walls, which are open in many places ; but the
citadel, where the treasure was stored, was defended
vigorously ; and this young, ambitious Prince, who had
need of money, used all his powers to become master
of it. ShAhbAsh KhAn,1 one of his eunuchs, was
General of his army, an industrious and energetic man,
who conducted the siege with all the skill of an old
commander. Finding that he was unable to carry the place by
main force, he had two mines made by an European,
who succeeded completely, and having fired the first
on the 29th of December 1659, it brought down a
large portion of the walls, which filled the moat, and
caused great alarm to the besieged. But they quickly
plucked up courage, and, although they were few in
number, defended themselves bravely for the space
of more than forty days, during which time they did
much injury to the army of MurAd Baksh, and slew
many of his soldiers. ShAhbAsh KhAn, irritated by
this vigorous resistance, caused search to be made for
the women and children, and also the relatives and
friends of the artillerymen in the fortress, in order to
place them in front of his soldiers during the attacks
which he made ; and he also sent one of the
brothers of the Governor of the place to parley with
him, and to make an advantageous offer to him, if he
would deliver it up into his hands. But the Governor,
a good servant of the King, not having received any
certain tidings of his death, replied that he recognised
1 Chabas Kan in the original.

chap, ii CAPTURE OF SURAT 329
no other master than ShAh JahAn, who had confided
the place to him, which he would not relinquish but to
the King himself, or to whoever he pleased to order ;
that he honoured MurAd Baksh as Prince and son of
the King his master, but not so much so as to hand the
place over to him without receiving an express order
to do so from the King.
The eunuch seeing the resolution of the Governor,
made the most stringent threats to the besieged, swear
ing that he would kill all their relatives, their women,
and their children, if they did not deliver themselves
up to him on the following day. But the considera
tion of blood was without effect upon the besieged, and
would not have had any ; and it was only the breach,
which they could not defend on account of the small-
ness of their numbers, and the fear of the second mine,
that at length obliged the Governor to give himself up
with all the honourable conditions which he was able
to demand ; these were faithfully kept by ShAhbAsh
KhAn, who seized the treasure, which he carried off
to AhmadAbAd, where MurAd Baksh was occupied in
oppressing the people in order to raise money.
The news of the capture of Surat having been
conveyed to this Prince, he immediately had a throne
prepared, and being seated upon it on the day appointed
for the ceremony, proclaimed himself to be King,
not only of GujarAt, but of all the Empire of ShAh
JahAn, his father. At the same time he had money
coined, and he despatched new Governors to all the
towns. But as his throne is badly founded it will fall
to the ground quickly ; and this Prince, the youngest of
all, for having wished to usurp a sceptre which did not
belong to him, will be confined in a close prison.

330 TRAVELS IN INDIA book n
Prince DArA ShAh was anxious to succour Surat,
but it was impossible for him (to do so), for not only was
he occupied in assisting the King, his father, during his
sickness, but he had to watch his second brother, Sultan
ShujA, who was much more powerful than MurAd
Baksh, and caused him far more trouble. He was
already advanced into the Kingdom of Lahore,1 and
had entirely subjected that of Bengal. All that DArA
ShAh was able to do was to despatch with speed his
eldest son, Suliman Sheko,2 with a powerful army
against Sultan ShujA. In short, this young Prince
defied his uncle, and having driven him into the Pro
vince of Bengal, the frontiers of which he secured by
strong garrisons, returned to DArA ShAh his father.
In the meantime MurAd Baksh, recognised as King in
the Kingdom of GujarAt, carried all his thoughts to
wards the Empire of India, to the destruction of his
brothers, and to the establishment of his throne either
in Agra or JahAnAbAd.
Meanwhile, Aurangzeb, as ambitious and more
cunning than his brothers, let them expend their first
fire, and concealed his designs from them, which he
will spring upon them, however, before long to their
great injury. He feigned to have no pretension to the
Empire, as though he had renounced the world, and
led the life of a Dervish, or solitary devotee.3 In order
to play this part with greater success he communicated
1 Lahore is here a mistake for Behar. He could not have reached
Lahore, and if he had, it would not have served his purpose. (See p. 336.)
2 Soliman Cheko in the original. He was accompanied by Raja Jai
Singh. The engagement took place at Benares.
3 As will be seen from the context, there are many striking points
of resemblance between the conduct of Aurangzeb and that of Richard
III of England.

chap, n BATTLE BETWEEN SHAH JAHAN'S SONS 331
to his younger brother, MurAd Baksh, that he per
ceived that he was desirous of reigning, and wished to
aid him in his object, and that the throne being his
desert on account of his bravery, he would aid him with
his armies and money to vanquish DArA ShAh, who was
an obstacle in the way. This young Prince, having
little judgment, and being blinded by the prospect
of his good fortune, was only too ready to believe
Aurangzeb, and having joined forces with him,1
agreed to advance with him on Agra to take posses
sion of it. DArA ShAh came to meet them, and the
battle was commenced, as unfortunately for him as it
was auspiciously for the two brothers. This Prince,
trusting too much to the principal officers in his army,
contrary to the advice of the General who commanded,
who was his Prime Minister, and was faithful to him,
believed himself to be able to secure a victory by
attacking his brothers first, without giving them time
to rest.2 The first shock was rough and bloody, and
MurAd Baksh, full of fire and courage, fighting
like a lion, received five arrows in his body, and the
elephant upon which he was mounted was covered
with them. Victory tending to the side of DArA
ShAh, Aurangzeb retired ; but quickly turned his face
when he saw coming to his aid the traitors in DArA
ShAh's army, who had basely abandoned him after he
had lost his best officers and their General. Immedi
ately Aurangzeb took courage, and returning to the
combat with DArA ShAh, the latter Prince, seeing that
1 This junction took place near Ujain in Malwa, whither Aurangzeb
had marched from Burhanpur.
2 The forces engaged, according to Bernier, were 100,000 horse,
20,000 foot, and 80 pieces of artillery on Dara's side, against 30,000 to
35,000 horse on that of Aurangzeb and Murdd.

332 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii
he was betrayed, and had no longer anything to hope
from the few people remaining with him, immediately
beat his retreat, and returned to Agra, where the
King his father was, who had already begun to amend.
He advised his son to withdraw into the fortress at
Delhi, and carry with him the treasure which was
in Agra;1 this he did without loss of time, being
accompanied by his most faithful attendants. Thus
the victory was complete on the side of Aurangzeb
and MurAd Baksh, who before the end of the battle,
being weakened by the loss of blood, had retired to his
tent to have his wounds dressed. It was easy for
Aurangzeb to gain over these traitors, not only on
account of the enormous treasure which he had acquired,
but because the Indians are ever inconstant and un
grateful. Moreover, the chiefs are generally fugitives
from Persia, people of no birth and of little heart, who
attach themselves to those who give most.
ShAistA KhAn, son of Asaf KhAn,2 who had
betrayed the King BolAki, as I shall relate, in order to
obtain the throne for ShAh JahAn, his brother-in-law ;
ShAistA KhAn, I say, uncle of these four Princes whose
mother was his own sister, ranged himself on Aurang-
zeb's side, with the greater number of the principal
officers of DArA ShAh and of MurAd Baksh, who
abandoned their masters. MurAd Baksh at last began
to realise the mistake he had made in having trusted
Aurangzeb, who, seeing himself favoured by fortune,
1 According to Bernier, Shah Jah^n's treasure never amounted to
6 crores of rupees, which, at the rate of 2s. 3d., would be about
£6,750,000. This was exclusive of the precious stones and throne.
{Hist, of the late Revolution, vol. ii, p. 63.)
2- Asaf Khan was the brother of the famous Nur Jahan, wife of
Jahdngir.

chap, ii MURAD IS TAKEN PRISONER 333
lost no time in carrying out his plans. MurAd Baksh,
who with reason entertained doubts as to his brother,
sent to him to demand half the treasure which had
been seized, in order that he might retire into GujarAt,
and Aurangzeb, by way of reply, assured him that he
desired to aid him in ascending the throne, and that
on that account he wished to consult with him ; MurAd
Baksh, finding his wounds somewhat better, went to
see Aurangzeb his brother, who received him well and
praised his courage, which merited, he said, the first
Empire in the world.
The young Prince allowed himself to be charmed
by these soft words ; but his eunuch, ShAhbAsh KhAn,
who had acquired for him the best part of the Kingdom
of GujarAt, tried to excite his distrust, and make
him realise the trap which had been set for him. But
when MurAd Baksh wished to profit by the advice of his
eunuch it was then too late, as Aurangzeb had already
taken his measures to ruin him. He invited MurAd
Baksh to a feast, and the more he excused himself the
more he was pressed to come. The young Prince,
unable to refuse any longer, resolved to go so that
he might conceal his mistrust, although fearing that
the day was to be the last of his life, and that some
deadly poison had been prepared for him. He was
mistaken, however, for Aurangzeb did not then aim at
his life, contenting himself with securing his person ;
so, in place of aiding him to ascend the throne, as he
promised, he sent him under safe custody to the for
tress of Gwalior, to give him time to be cured of his
wounds, and to take his own in order to accomplish his
designs.

CHAPTER III
Concerning ShAh JahAn's prison, and how he was
punished by Aurangzeb, his third son, for the
injustice he had done to Prince BolAki,1 his
nephew, grandson of JahAngir, to whom, since he
was the son of the eldest son, the Empire of the
Moguls belonged.
JahAngir, King of India, son of Akbar, and grand
son of HumAyun, enjoyed a very peaceable reign for
the space of twenty -three years, being equally
beloved by his subjects and his neighbours. But his
life was too long to suit the ambition of two of his
sons, already advanced in years. The eldest2 raised a
powerful army at Lahore, with the object of surprising
his father JahAngir, and seating himself by violence
on the throne. The King, becoming aware of the
insolence of his son, resolved to chastise him, and
going to meet him with a large army, took him
prisoner, with many of the chief nobles who followed
him. But JahAngir, being a generous Prince, who
dearly loved his son, although he had him in his
power was unwilling to cause him the death which he
deserved ; and contented himself with destroying his
sight, by ordering a hot iron to be passed over his
1 Bolaki, also called Dawar Baksh, son of Khusru.'
2 Namely, Khusru.

chap, iii SHAH JAHAN'S PLOTS 335
eyes1 in the manner which, as I have described, is
followed in Persia. The King resolved ever after to
keep this blind son about his person, with the intention
that his eldest son, Sultan BolAki, should some day
reign ; this Prince had already several other sons, all
being under age. But Sultan Khurram,2 who after
wards took the name of ShAh JahAn, thinking that, as
second son of JahAngir, he should be preferred to his
nephew, resolved to use every effort to keep him from
the throne, and to seat himself upon it, without wait
ing for the death of the King. He dissimulated,
however, keeping his real purpose concealed, and
appeared at first altogether submissive to the will of
his father, who always kept the children of his eldest
son beside him. It was by this submission that ShAh
JahAn more easily arrived at the attainment of his ends ;
and having in this manner gained the goodwill of his
father, obtained permission from him to take with
him the blind Prince his elder brother to his Govern
ment in the Kingdom of Deccan. He represented to
the King that it was advisable to remove from before
his eyes an object which had become distressing to
him, and that this Prince, being deprived of his sight,
would not in the future be other than a charge
and trouble to him, and would pass the rest of his
life with greater comfort in the Deccan. The King,
not penetrating the designs of Khurram, consented
1 Chardin relates how it came to pass, in the reign of Shah Abbas
II, that the custom of destroying the sight of Princes by means of a red-
hot blade of copper passed over the eyes was replaced by the actual
removal of the eyeballs themselves, in consequence of some of the
Princes who had been operated on having been found to possess partial
sight. {Voyages, Amsterdam Ed., 171 1, vol. vi, p; 27.)
2 Courum in the original.

336 TRAVELS IN INDIA book n

without difficulty to what he asked, and as soon as he
had this poor Prince in his power he knew how to rid
himself of him by the most secret means, and used the
most plausible pretexts possible, in order to conceal his
crime from the view of men, not considering that he
was unable to conceal it from the eyes of God, who
did not leave this action unpunished, as we shall
shortly see.1
After the death of this blind Prince, Sultan
Khurram caused himself to be called ShAh JahAn, i.e.
King of the World, and in order to uphold the title
raised an army to finish the task which his brother had
begun, namely the dethronement of his father JahAn
gir and the taking possession of the Empire. The
King, being much irritated by the death of his son and
the outrage against his own person, sent considerable
forces to chastise Khurram for so criminal an enter
prise, and this rebel Prince, feeling himself too weak
to resist them, quitted the Kingdom of Deccan,
wandering with some vagabonds who followed him,
sometimes in one place, sometimes in another, until he
arrived in Bengal, where he raised an army in order
to give battle to the King. Having passed the
Ganges, he directed his steps towards the Kingdom
of Lahore,2 and the King in person confronted him
with a more numerous and stronger army than his.
But JahAngir, being old and distressed by the troubles
which had been caused by his two sons, died on the
i Elphinstone throws some doubt upon this charge of murder
against Shah Jahan. {History of India, vol. ii, p. 368.)
2 As on p. 330, Lahore is here also a mistake for Behar. The only
opposition Shah Jahan met with in Bengal was from the Governor of
Rajmahal, whom he defeated in a pitched battle in 1624. (See
Elphinstone's India, vol. ii, p. 332.)

chap, iii DEATH OF JAHANGIR 337
road,1 and left ShAh JahAn free to pursue his designs.
However, before he died this good King had time to
commend the care of his grandson, Sultan BolAki, '-
to Asaf KhAn, Commander-in-Chief of his armies and
Prime Minister of State, who governed the whole
Empire. He ordered all his officers to recognise Bolaki
as King and legitimate heir of his Kingdom after his
death, declaring Sultan Khurram to be a rebel, and
as such incapable of succeeding him on the throne.
Moreover he made Asaf KhAn swear in particular
that he would never suffer BolAki to be killed, how
ever affairs might eventuate ; this oath Asaf KhAn
swore upon his thigh, which bound him religiously in
so far as that item, but not for his establishment on
the throne, where he wished to place ShAh JahAn, to
whom he had given in marriage his eldest daughter,
mother of the four Princes and the two Princesses to
whom I have referred in the preceding chapter.
On the news of the King's death being reported
at Court, all appeared to be sorely afflicted, and imme
diately the nobles of the Kingdom proceeded to give
effect to the will by recognising Sultan BolAki as
King, he being still a youth. This Prince had two
first cousins3 who, with the King's consent, had
become Christians, and had made public profession of
the same. These two young Princes, who were kind-
hearted, observed that Asaf KhAn, father-in-law of
ShAh JahAn, and father of ShAistA KhAn, of whom I
have often spoken, had evil designs against the new
1 Jahdngir died on the 28th October 1627. Tavernier's account is
incorrect, as he died on his return journey from Cabul to Lahore
(Elphinstone). 2 Otherwise known as Prince Darwar Baksh.
3 These were sons of ShaJi DaniaJ.
VOL. I Z

338 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

King, to whom they speedily gave warning, and
this warning cost them their lives and the King the
loss of his Kingdom. The young King, who did not
yet possess that prudence which can alone be acquired
by age, told Asaf KhAn ingenuously what the two
young Christian Princes, his cousins, had said to him in
private, and asked him if it was true that he designed
to make his uncle, Sultan Khurram, King, as they
had assured him. Asaf KhAn took care not to tell him
the truth ; on the contrary, he accused those who had
made the report of falseness and insolence, and pro
tested that he would be faithful to his King all his life,
and that, in order to maintain him on the throne, he
would shed his blood to the very last drop. Sultan
BolAki understood this to refer to himself, but Asaf
KhAn, when promising to be faithful to his King,
really meant his own son-in-law ShAh JahAn, whom
he desired to elevate to the throne — the considera
tion of affinity prevailing over that of justice.
Seeing that his perfidy had been discovered, he
averted the punishment which he began to appre
hend, and obtaining possession of the two Princes,
had them forthwith murdered. As he was all-
powerful both in the army and in the Empire, he had
already secured, in the interests of ShAh JahAn, the
greater number of the officers and nobility of the
Court ; and the better to conceal his game and to lull
the suspicion of the young King, who understood
these affairs but imperfectly, he spread the report that
ShAh JahAn was dead, and that, having desired to be
interred near JahAngir, his father, his body was to be
brought to Agra. The stratagem was adroitly con
ducted. Asaf KhAn himself told the King of this

chap, iii SHAH JAHAN SEIZES THE THRONE 339
pretended death, and assured him that etiquette required
that his majesty should go out of Agra to meet the
body, when it came within a league or two, such
honour being rightly due to a Prince of the blood of
the Moguls who was the brother of his father, and son
of JahAngir. Accordingly ShAh JahAn approached
incognito, and when he was in sight of the army, near
Agra, he got into a bier, where there was sufficient
air for respiration. This bier having been carried
into a tent, all the principal chiefs, who were in con
cert with Asaf KhAn, came as though to do honour to
the dead Prince, the young King, on his side, having
left Agra to be present at the meeting. It was then
that Asaf KhAn saw that the time had arrived
for the execution of his design ; he had the bier
opened, and ShAh JahAn raised himself and appeared
standing before the eyes of all the army; he was
saluted as King by all the generals and other officers,
who took their cue, and at the same moment the name
of ShAh JahAn as King was passed from mouth to
mouth ; the proclamation was made public, and the
Empire of the Moguls was assured to him. The
young King hearing this news on the road, was so
upset by it that he thought of nothing but flight, as
he saw himself deserted by almost every one ; and
ShAh JahAn, not thinking it prudent to pursue him,
allowed him to wander for a long time in India as a
sort of Fakir. But at length, wearied with that kind
of life, he took refuge in Persia, where he was magnifi
cently received by ShAh Safvi,1 who bestowed upon
him a pension worthy of a great Prince. He enjoys it
still, and I had an opportunity of conversing with him
1 Cha Sefi in the original.

340 TRAVELS IN INDIA

during my travels in Persia, and drank and ate with
him.1 ShAh JahAn having usurped the throne in this
way,2 in order to secure himself and to stifle all the
factions which might arise on behalf of the legitimate
King, whom he had unjustly despoiled of his Kingdom,
by degrees murdered all those who, from having shown
affection for his nephew, had made themselves suspects,
and the early years of his reign were marked by
cruelties which have much tarnished his memory.
The end of his reign was in like manner unhappy for
him, and as he had unjustly stolen the Empire from
the legitimate heir to whom it belonged, so he was,
during his lifetime, deprived of it by his own son
Aurangzeb, who kept him a prisoner in the fortress of
Agra ; and this, in a few words, is how it came to pass.
After DArA ShAh had lost the battle against his
two brothers Aurangzeb and MurAd Baksh, in the
plain of Samonguir,8 and was basely deserted by the
principal officers of his army, he retired to the King
dom of Lahore with whatever of the royal treasure
he had been able to take in the confusion of his affairs.
The King, in order to resist the impetuosity of his
victorious sons, whose only thoughts were of reigning
by depriving him of his throne, and possibly also of
his life, shut himself up in the fortress at Agra so
as not to be captured, and to see to what limits his
sons would carry their insolence. Aurangzeb having
secured the person of MurAd Baksh, as I have related
1 He was seen also, according to Olearius {Voyages and Travels,
etc., Eng. Ed., p. 190), by the Holstein Ambassadors in 1633, and

Dow's statement as to his murder by Asaf Khan is incorrect.
Shah Jahan ascended the throne
Samoghar, one march from Agra.

2 Shah Jahan ascended the throne on the 4th February of 1628.

chap, iii AURANGZEB ENTERS AGRA 341
in the preceding chapter, entered Agra and pretended
to believe that ShAh JahAn was dead, in order to have
an excuse for entering the fortress, which, as he said,
one of the Omrahs was in possession of. The more
Aurangzeb published the report that ShAh JahAn was
dead, the more ShAh JahAn strove to make public the
fact that he was alive ; but at length the King per
ceiving that he was no longer able to resist Aurangzeb,
who had all the power and all the good luck on his
side, and as the wells of the Agra fortress were dried
up, he was compelled to provide himself with the river
water by a small postern which was the weakest part
of the whole place, and which Aurangzeb had already
reconnoitred, he therefore sent Fazl KhAn, the Grand
Chamberlain, to assure Aurangzeb that he was alive,
so that he should no longer pretend to be ignorant
of it. Fazl KhAn was instructed to tell the Prince
that the King, his father, ordered him to return to
the Kingdom of Deccan, the seat of his Govern
ment, without causing any more trouble, and that by
showing this sign of obedience he would enable him
to forget all that had passed. Aurangzeb, being still
firm in his resolve, replied to Fazl KhAn that he was
convinced that the King, his father, was dead, and that
upon that ground he had fought for the throne, which
he believed he deserved equally with his brothers, who
naturally had no more right to it than he had. That if
the King was alive he had too much respect for him to
have the smallest idea of doing anything which would
displease him, but in order that he might be convinced
that he was not dead he desired to see him, and to
kiss his feet, after which he would retire to his
own Government, and obey his orders implicitly.

342 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii
Fazl KhAn conveyed this reply to the King, who
answered that he was willing to see his son, and sent
Fazl KhAn back to say he would be welcome. But
Aurangzeb, more astute than ShAh JahAn, assured
Fazl KhAn that he would not venture into the fortress
till the garrison which was in it gave place to his own
soldiers. This Prince feared, with good reason too,
that if he entered except as master he might be served
an evil turn and his person seized, and the King
having heard of his resolution, not being able to do
any better, consented to all that his son demanded of
him. Accordingly the garrison of ShAh JahAn went
out of the fortress, and that of Aurangzeb entered under
command of Sultan Muhammad, the eldest of his sons,
to whom he gave a command to secure the person of
the King his father. However, he postponed the visit
from day to day, awaiting an auspicious hour for this
interview, and his astrologers not finding one, he
withdrew to a country house 2 or 3 leagues distant
from Agra ; this displeased the people much, as they
awaited with impatience the fortunate hour, which, by
the visit of the son to the father, would terminate their
disputes. But Aurangzeb, who had no desire for this
interview, on the contrary, took a strange resolution,
which was to control his father's personal expenditure,
and assume possession of all the treasures which DArA
ShAh had been unable to carry off on the occasion
of his precipitate flight.1 He also caused Begum
SAhib, his sister, to be confined in the fortress,
that she might keep company with the King, whom
she dearly loved.1 And he also took possession of
1 See p. 344.

chap, iii SHAH JAHAN'S LAST DAYS 343
all the wealth which she had received from her
father's liberality.
ShAh JahAn, incensed at the insult of being
treated in this manner by his own son, made some
efforts to escape, and slew some of the guards who
dared to oppose him ; this caused Aurangzeb to order
closer confinement for him. It is a most surprising
thing, however, that not one of the servants of
this grand King offered to assist him ; that all his
subjects abandoned him, and that they turned their
eyes to the rising sun, recognising no one as King
but Aurangzeb — ShAh JahAn, although still living,
having passed from their memories. If perchance
there were any who felt touched by his misfortunes,
fear made them silent, and made them basely abandon
a King who had governed them like a father, and
with a mildness which is not common with sovereigns.
For although he was severe enough to the nobles when
they failed to perform their duties, he arranged all
things for the comfort of the people, by whom he was
much beloved, 'but who gave no signs of it at this
crisis. Thus this great King finished his days sadly
in prison, and died in the Agra fort about the end of
the year 1666, during the time of my last journey in
India. As during his reign he had commenced build
ing the city of JahAnAbAd, which was not yet completed,
he wished to see it once more before he died. But
for this purpose it was necessary to obtain the consent
of Aurangzeb, his son, who held him prisoner, and
was quite willing to allow him to make the journey,
and even to remain at JahAnAbAd as long as he wished,
shut up in the castle, as he was in Agra, provided that
he consented to travel by boat, ascending the river,

344 TRAVELS IN INDIA

and returning likewise in one of the small painted and
ornamented frigates which are on the Jumna at the
palace of JahAnAbAd. For Aurangzeb was unwilling
to permit him to travel by land on his elephant,
as he feared lest his father's showing himself to
the people might immediately raise a party in his
favour, and that placing himself at their head, as
people are inconstant, he might find means to remount
the throne. ShAh JahAn, perceiving the severity
of his son, who wished to hurt him in this way,
thought no more of the journey, and the great dis
pleasure he felt at such cruel treatment precipitated
his death. As soon as Aurangzeb had news of it he
came to Agra and seized all the jewels of the late King,
his father, which he had not touched during his life.
Begum SAhib also had a quantity of precious stones,1
which he had not taken from her when he placed her
in the fortress, being at that time satisfied with secur
ing the gold and silver with which her chests were full.
These jewels afforded certain evidence to Aurangzeb's
sense of propriety, as for other reasons the Princess,
his sister, had already been suspected of having had
improper relations with ShAh JahAn, and he found
means to obtain them in a manner which appeared
honest and far from criminal, by treating the Begum
SAhib with much honour and attention ; but he
removed her to JahAnAbAd,2 and I saw the elephant
pass upon which she was mounted when she left Agra
with the court, as I was entering it on my return from
1 The delivery of the precious stones by Begum Sahib to Aurangzeb
is described in Book II, chap. vii.
2 Here Jehanabad is in the original, though elsewhere generally
Gehanabat. In the 17 13 edition by a misprint it is Jehanabab.

chap, iii DEATH OF BEGUM SAHIB 345
Bengal. In a short time after news was spread of the
death of this Princess, and all the world believed that
it had been hastened by poison. Let us now see what
has become of DArA ShAh, and what has been the
result of the war between the sons of the unfortunate
ShAh JahAn.

CHAPTER IV
Concerning the flight of DArA ShAh to the Kingdoms of
Sind and GujarAt ; of his second battle with Aur
angzeb ; of his capture and death.
DArA ShAh having carried off in haste, on the advice
of his father, some of the gold and silver which
was in the fortress of Agra, and having retired to
the Kingdom of Lahore, hoped to be able to place on
foot, in a short time, a second army, in order to attack
Aurangzeb, his brother. His most faithful servants
and friends had always accompanied him in his mis
fortune, and his eldest son Suliman Sheko was with
Raja Rut1 in the territories of his Kingdom in order
to raise troops, having with him five millions of
rupees (5, 000,000), 2 which amount to seven million five
hundred thousand (7,500,000) livres of our money, in
order to attract soldiers more rapidly. But this large
sum made Raja Rup's eyes open, and he seized it
for himself by a base and infamous act of treason.
Suliman Sheko fearing he would go further and seize
his person also, withdrew promptly to the Kingdom
1 Roup in the original. Raja Riip Singh, a daughter of whom,
although a Hindu, was married to Aurangzeb's son, Mu'azzam, in the
year 1661.
2 £562,500.

chap, iv DARA SHAH 347
of Srinagar, under the protection of Raja Nakti
Rani,1 who, by a still blacker act of treason, delivered
him over to Aurangzeb some time afterwards.
DArA ShAh, having had notice of the treason of
Raja Rut, and seeing all his friends abandoning him
to join the side of Aurangzeb, left Lahore in order
to retire into the Kingdom of Sind. Before leaving
the fortress he ordered all the gold, silver, and jewels
which were in the treasury to be embarked on the river
in the care of a strong escort, in order to send them
to Bukkur,2 which is in the middle of the river Indus,
where he took possession of a fort. He left there, as
governor and guardian of his wealth, a eunuch who was
faithful to him, and six thousand soldiers, and all the
munitions necessary to sustain a siege, after which he
went to Sind, where he left many large cannons.
He then went into the country of the King of Kachna-
gana,3 who made him magnificent promises which
proved of no effect ; next he entered the Kingdom of
GujarAt, where he was received by the people with great
acclamation as the legitimate King and heir of ShAh
JahAn. He issued his commands in all the cities, and
especially in Surat, where he established a Governor ;
but the Governor of the fortress, who had been appointed
by MurAd Baksh and was a Raja, would not sub
mit to DArA Shah.4 He protested that he would
1 Sereneguer in the original. In the French edition of 1713, Sere-
nager — for Srinagar, capital of Kashmir. Nakti Rani I have not
identified. 2 Baker in the original, Bukkur or Bakhar. For the history of this
island-fortress, which has always been a position of strategical importance,
see Imperial Gazetteer. It was the principal British arsenal during the
Sind and Afghan campaigns. s Cutch (or Kachchh).
4 As already explained on page 7 the governorship of the fort at
Surat was a distinct post from that of the governor of the town.

348 TRAVELS IN INDIA , book ii
not give over charge of the place into the hands of any
one except on the express order of MurAd Baksh ;
and as he continued firm in this resolve, he was
allowed to remain peaceably in the fortress, without,
on his part, causing any trouble to the Governor of the
town. In the meantime, DArA ShAh got news at Ahma
dAbAd that Jeswant Singh,1 one of the most powerful
Rajas in all India, had detached himself from Aur
angzeb, and wished to join him. He was even
invited by this Raja to advance with his army, which
was not large, and did not exceed 30,000 men
when he arrived at AhmadAbAd. DArA ShAh, confid
ing in his promise, followed his counsel, and went to
Ajmir,2 the appointed rendezvous, where he hoped to
find him. But Jeswant Singh, who had been won by
the arguments of the Raja Jai Singh,3 who was more
powerful than he, and was wholly devoted to the
interests of Aurangzeb, did not come to Ajmir on the
day he had promised, and only got there at the last
moment, when it was for the purpose of betraying
this poor Prince. The armies of the two brothers
being opposed to one another, the combat commenced,
and the battle lasted for three days ; but during the
course of the engagement Jeswant Singh, with mani
fest treachery, passed over to the side of Aurangzeb,
which being seen by DArA ShAh's soldiers, they lost
courage and took to flight. There had been much
bloodshed on both sides ; ShAh NawAz KhAn,4 father-
in-law of Aurangzeb, remained on the field, and there
1 Jeswant Singh — Jessomseing in the original. He was Raja of
Jodhpur in Marwar, and died in 1678. 2 Emir in the original.
3 Jesseing in the original. 4 Chanavas Kan in the original.

chap, iv DARA SHAH'S FLIGHT 349
were on both sides 8000 or 9000 men slain, without
counting the wounded, the number of whom was still
greater. DArA ShAh having no other resources, and
fortune having been against him in all his enterprises,
in order not to fall into the hands of his enemies, took
flight with his wives, some of his children, and his
most faithful followers, in a pitiable conveyance. As
he approached AhmadAbAd, Monsieur Bernier,1 a
French physician, who was on his way to Agra to visit
the Court of the Great Mogul, and who is well known
to all the world as much by his personal merit as by
the charming accounts of his travels, was of great
assistance to one of the wives of this Prince who was
attacked with erysipelas in one leg. DArA ShAh,
having learnt that an accomplished European physician
was at hand, sent immediately for him, and Monsieur
Bernier went to his tent, where he saw this lady
and examined into her ailment, for which he gave a
remedy and quick relief.2 This poor Prince being
much pleased with Monsieur Bernier, strongly
pressed him to remain in his service, and he might
have accepted the offer if DArA ShAh had not received
news the same night that the Governor whom he had
left at AhmadAbAd had refused to allow his quarter
master to enter the town, and had declared for
Aurangzeb. This compelled DArA ShAh to decamp
quickly in the darkness of the night, and take the
road to Sind, fearing some new treachery, which he
could not defend himself from in the unhappy condition
in which he found himself.
1 M. Bernier. See p. 115.
2 According to Elphinstone she had been wounded. {Hist, of
India, vol. ii, p. 444-)

350 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii
DArA ShAh arrived in Sind, intending to pass into
Persia, where ShAh AbbAs II awaited him with a
magnificent outfit, being resolved to aid him with men
and money. But this Prince being unwilling to entrust
himself to the sea, and fearing that its uncertainty
would submit him to some new reverse of fortune,
believed that by going by land he would secure greater
safety to himself and his women and children. How
ever, he deceived himself, for when passing through
the country of the Pathans,1 on the road to KandahAr,
he was again shamefully betrayed by one of the
chieftains of the country named Juin KhAn, who had
been an officer of the King his father, and who, having
been condemned to death for his crimes, by the mouth of
the King, and sentenced to be thrown under the feet of an
elephant, obtained forgiveness through the intercession
of DArA ShAh, to whom, therefore, he owed his life.
To augment his affliction DArA ShAh, before reaching
the house of Juin KhAn, received by a foot messenger
the sad intelligence of the death of that one of his wives
whom he loved most, and who had accompanied him
always during his misfortunes. He learnt that she had
died of heat and thirst, not being able to find a drop of
water in the country to assuage her thirst.2 The
Prince was so affected by this news that he fell as
though he were dead, and when, by the assistance of
those who were with him, he came to himself, in the
excess of his grief he rent his garments ; this is a
custom of great antiquity in the East, as David himself
rent his at the news of the death of Absalom, his son.
1 Patanes in the original. This was the territory of Jun ox Juin on
the eastern frontier of Sind (Elphinstone).
2 According to Dow he was present at her death.

chap, iv CAPTURE OF DARA SHAH 351
This unhappy Prince had always appeared to be un
moved on all the occasions of his evil fortune, but this one
grief overwhelmed him, and he refused all the consola
tion offered by his friends. He clad himself in garments
appropriate to his affliction, and in place of a sesse
or turban wrapped round his head a piece of coarse
cloth. It was in this miserable costume that he
entered the house of the traitor Juin KhAn, where,
having laid himself down on a camp-bed to rest, a new
subject of grief appeared on his awakening. Juin KhAn
on attempting to seize Sepehr Sheko,1 the second son
of DArA ShAh, the young Prince, though but a child,
resisted the traitor with courage, and having taken up
his bow and arrow laid three men low on the ground.
But being alone he was unable to resist the number
of traitors, who secured the doors of the house, and
did not allow any one of those who might have aided
him to enter. DArA ShAh, having been awakened
by the noise which these cruel satellites made when
seizing this little Prince, saw before his eyes his son,
whom they brought in with his hands tied behind his
back. The unhappy father, unable to doubt any longer
the black treason of his host, could not restrain himself
from launching these words against the traitor Juin
KhAn: "Finish, finish," said he, "ungrateful and
infamous wretch that thou art, finish that which thou
hast commenced; we are the victims of evil fortune and the
unjust passion of Aurangzeb, but remember that I do not
merit death except for having saved thy life, and remem
ber that a Prince of the royal blood never had his hands
tied behind his back!' Juin KhAn being to some extent
moved by these words, ordered the little Prince to be
1 Sepehr Sheko ; Sepper Chekour in the original.

352 TRAVELS IN INDIA book n
released, and merely placed guards over DArA ShAh
and his son. At the same time he sent an express to
Raja Jeswant Singh and to Abdulla KhAn to give
them tidings that he had captured DArA ShAh and his
followers. On receipt of this intelligence they hastened
to take part in the spoliation of the Prince, but
they could not arrive so quickly but that Juin KhAn
had had time to seize DArA ShAh's most precious
possessions, and he also treated his wives and children
with the greatest barbarity. The Raja and Abdulla
KhAn having arrived, they made DArA ShAh and his
son leave on an elephant, and his wives and children
on others ; and with this equipage, very different from
that with which they had before appeared at JahAnA
bAd, they travelled thither, and entered it on the 9th
of September. All the people hastened to witness
this spectacle, desiring to see the Prince whom
they had wished to have as King ; and Aurangzeb
ordered him to be taken through the principal streets,
and all the bazaars of JahAnAbAd, so that no one
should entertain any doubt as to his capture, and
as though he himself were glorified by the treachery
he had shown towards his brother, to whom he
allotted the fortress of Asser1 as a prison. But of all
those who crowded to see this Prince, and were not
ignorant of the fact that he was really their legitimate
King, and even then desired to see him on the throne,
there was not one who had the courage to aid him.
There were only some generous soldiers who had
served the Prince, who, as they had received many
benefits, thought themselves bound on this occasion
to give him some mark of their acknowledgment.
1 Asser. Asirgarh, near Burh&npur, in Kh&ndesh.

chap, iv DARA SHAH'S DEATH 353
Being unable to deliver their legitimate Prince from
the hands of those who held him captive, they flung
themselves with fury on the traitor Juin KhAn, who
was indeed delivered from them for the moment, but in
a short time afterwards suffered the penalty due to his
crime, having been slain while traversing a forest when
on his return to his own country.
However, Aurangzeb, being a good politician and
extraordinary dissembler, caused it to be noised abroad
that he had not ordered the seizure of the person of
DArA ShAh, but only that he should be persuaded to
depart out of the Kingdom. As DArA had been un
willing to do so, Juin KhAn had, without authority,
unworthily seized his person, and instead of honouring
the royal blood, had shamefully tied the hands of the
young Prince, Sepehr Sheko, son of DArA ShAh,
behind his back. That this criminal action, which was
an offence against his Majesty, deserved a severe
punishment, and that it had in part been avenged by
the death of Juin KhAn and his accomplices. But this
story which Aurangzeb ordered to be spread among
the people was only for the purpose of deception ;
for if he truly had such consideration for the royal
blood and any love for his elder brother, he would not
at the same time have ordered his head to be cut off,
as was immediately done in the following manner.
DArA ShAh, having left JahAnAbAd with his guards to
go to the place of his imprisonment, when he had
reached a pleasant spot where he thought he was to
sleep, his tent in which he was to lose his head was
prepared. After he had eaten, SAif KhAn,1 who had
been in his service, came to announce to him the order
1 Seif Kan in the original.
VOL. I 2 A

354 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii_

for his death. DArA ShAh, seeing him enter, wel
comed him and said that he was rejoiced to see one of
his most faithful servants. SAif KhAn replied that it
was true that he had formerly been in his service, but
that he was now the slave of Aurangzeb, who had
commanded him to return with his head. "Am
to die then," said DArA ShAh. "It is the order of
the King," replied SAif KhAn; "and I am here to
carry it out." Sepehr Sheko, who was sleeping in an
antechamber of the tent, awakened by this conversation,
endeavoured to seize some weapons which had been
removed from him, and made an effort to aid his father,
but was prevented by those who accompanied SAif
KhAn. DArA ShAh also wished to resist, but perceiv
ing it would be useless, merely asked time for prayer,
which was granted. In the meantime Sepehr Sheko
was drawn aside, and, whilst they amused him, a
slave cut off DArA ShAh's head ; and SAif KhAn
took it to Aurangzeb, who thought that by the
blood and death of his brother he would establish his
throne. After this bloody tragedy the afflicted Sepehr
Sheko was conveyed to the fortress of Gwalior to
keep company with his uncle, MurAd Baksh.1 As for
the wives and daughters of DArA ShAh, they were
given quarters in the harem of Aurangzeb, who, in
order to fix himself firmly on the throne of the Moguls,
now only thought of the destruction of his other brother,
Sultan ShujA, who was in Bengal — where he was
assembling forces in order to come to the release of
the King his father, who still lived in the fortress at
Agra, where Aurangzeb kept him a prisoner.
1 This was in July 1659.

CHAPTER V
How Aurangzeb seated himself upon the throne and
had himself declared King ; and concerning the
flight of Sultan ShujA.
It was not difficult for Aurangzeb, after the imprison
ment of his father ShAh JahAn and of his brother
MurAd Baksh, and having cruelly decapitated his
eldest brother, to whom by right the Kingdom
belonged, to resolve to have himself declared King,
especially as fortune favoured it and all the nobles
of the Kingdom applauded him. As it is the
custom, at this ceremony, to sit upon the throne, not
much time was required to prepare it, as ShAh JahAn,
before being imprisoned, had completed the throne
which the great Tamerlane had commenced ; it is
the richest and most superb throne which has ever been
seen in the world. But as it was necessary that the
Grand Kdzi1 or Chief of the Law should proclaim
the new King, it was in this direction that Aurangzeb
encountered the first obstacle. The Grand Kdzi
openly opposed his design, and said that the law of
Muhammad and the law of nature equally prevented him
from proclaiming him King during the lifetime of his
father ; added to which, in order to ascend the throne, he
1 Cadi in the original.

356 TRAVELS IN INDIA B00K "

had murdered his eldest brother, to whom the Empire
belonged after the death of ShAh JahAn, their father.
This vigorous resistance of the Kdzi gave trouble to
Aurangzeb, and in order not to appear unjust, he
assembled the doctors of the law, to whom he
represented that his father was incapable of reigning
on account of his great age and the infirmities with
which he had been overwhelmed ; and as for DArA
ShAh, his brother, he had put him to death because
he was not zealous in obeying the law ; that he
drank wine, and favoured infidels. These reasons,
mingled with menaces, caused his " Council of Con
science" to pronounce that he merited the Empire,
and that he ought to be proclaimed King — which,
nevertheless, the Grand Kdzi persistently resisted.
There was, in consequence, no other remedy therefore
but to depose him from his office as a disturber of
the public peace, and elect another zealous for the
honour of the law and the good of the Kingdom.
This was forthwith done. The person elected by the
Council was afterwards confirmed by Aurangzeb, and
in recognition for this act of grace, he proclaimed him
King on the 20th of October 1660.1 This proclama
tion having been made in the Mosque, Aurangzeb
seated himself on the throne, where he received the
homage of all the nobles of the Kingdom, and there
were great rejoicings upon that day in JahAnAbAd.
At the same time orders were sent throughout all
the Kingdom to celebrate his coming to the throne.
1 This date appears to be incorrect. Aurangzeb's accession took
place in August 1658, when he was first proclaimed Emperor ; but he did
not put his name on the coin and was not crowned till the following year.
This has caused some confusion in the dates of his reign, but it cannot
be said to have commenced later than 1659.

MIR JUMLA 357

This was effected with great splendour, and lasted for
many days.
Aurangzeb did not consider his throne assured
nor his Empire well established so long as Sultan
ShujA, his brother, was engaged in raising a power
ful army in Bengal with the design of setting
ShAh JahAn at liberty. He thought that it behoved
him to anticipate him, and sent considerable forces
against him under the command of Sultan Muham
mad, his eldest son, to whom he gave as lieutenant the
Mir Jumla,1 one of the greatest captains who had ever
migrated from Persia to India. His good judgment
and courage would have caused him to be revered by
posterity if he had only been faithful to the Princes
whom he served. But he first betrayed the King
of Golconda,2 with whom he made his fortune, and
afterwards ShAh JahAn, under whose protection he
maintained it at so high a pitch that there was scarcely
another noble in the whole of India more powerful or
richer than he was.
Moreover, he was both feared and beloved by the
army, and he understood the art of war perfectly as it
is carried on in this country. Having then abandoned
the interests of ShAh JahAn, he attached himself to
the side of Aurangzeb, and if Sultan ShujA had not
had opposed to him so brave and able a commander
he would, no doubt, have given more trouble to his
1 Although previously called Mir Jimola or Mir Gimola, his name
is here given in the nearly correct form of Emir Jemla. (See Index).
2 His desertion of the King of Golconda seems to have been justified
by the action of that King, as described by Tavernier on page 165 et
seq., but there is some ground for the supposition that his son, Muham
mad Amin, brought the family into disgrace by his imprudence and
misconduct at the King's Court.

358 TRAVELS IN INDIA

brother, and possibly might have conquered him.
The two armies having encountered one another many
times, victory was sometimes on one side, sometimes
on the other, and Sultan Muhammad, assisted by the
advice of his lieutenant, seeing that this war was pro
tracted, resolved to change the method and to combine
ruse with force in order to accomplish the destruction of
Sultan ShujA. He treated with the majority of the
officers of his uncle's army secretly, and made them
magnificent promises, urging them so strongly to
follow the side of Aurangzeb — whom he called the
pillar and protector of the Muhammadan law — that he
secured the principals, to whom he afterwards made
considerable presents, to assure himself better of their
support. This was a mortal stroke for Sultan ShujA,
which he was unable to parry ; for those who followed
him being mercenaries, and that kind of people who
declare for those who give most, they concluded that
they had nothing more to hope from this Prince, whose
finances were expended, and would find it more profit
able to declare for Aurangzeb, whom fortune favoured
in every way, and was master of all the treasures.
Thus it was easy for Aurangzeb to bribe the whole
army of his brother, who in the last battle which was
fought found himself abandoned by all and compelled
to fly with his wives and children. The traitors,
ashamed of their baseness, did not pursue the unfor
tunate Prince, as they might have done ; and, like
mean folk, as soon as he had taken flight busied
themselves with the destruction of his tents and the
pillage of his baggage. This was allowed them by
Mir Jumla as a reward for their treachery. Sultan
ShujA, having embarked with his family in some boats,

chap, v SULTAN SHUJA FLIES TO ARAKAN 359
crossed the Ganges, and some time afterwards with
drew to the Kingdom of Arakan, on the confines
of Bengal, where we must leave him to take breath,
in order to ascertain tidings of Sultan Muhammad,
eldest son of Aurangzeb, and Sultan Suliman Sheko,
eldest son of DArA ShAh, who still caused trouble to
Aurangzeb.

CHAPTER VI
Concerning the prison of Sultan Muhammad, son of
Aurangzeb, and of Sultan Suliman Sheko, eldest
son of DArA ShAh.
Although Aurangzeb was considered a very great poli
tician, and was so in fact, still he allowed himself to
be deceived in entrusting a powerful army to his son
under the conduct of a great captain, but one who,
having already, as I have said, betrayed two Kings,
his masters,1 ought to have made Aurangzeb fear for
himself a similar treatment. This Prince, who had
mounted the throne by means of many crimes, and had
supplanted his father, whom he held a prisoner, and
also his two brothers, one of whom he had executed,
and the other of whom he had put to flight, was always
justly alarmed lest Heaven should inspire his own son
to avenge his grandfather. As it Had been reported
to him that Sultan Muhammad was extraordinarily
pensive and melancholy, he firmly believed that he was
meditating means to ruin him, and in this belief he
sought to draw some explanation from Mir Jumla.
He wrote to him that having heard that Sultan
Muhammad had had some secret communications with
his uncle, Sultan ShujA, it was advisable that he
1 Namely, the King of Golconda and ShaJi Jahan.

• chap, vi SULTAN MUHAMMAD 361
should arrest him and send him to court. The letter
having been accidentally seized by Sultan Muhammad's
guards, and afterwards brought to that young Prince,
who was a man of sense, he concealed the matter from
Mir Jumla, fearing that he might have received
other more precise orders from his father concern
ing his life, he resolved to cross the Ganges, and
throw himself into the arms of his uncle Sultan
ShujA, from whom he hoped for more kindness than
from his father.1 With this resolve he pretended to go
fishing, and, having speedily prepared some boats on
the Ganges, crossed with many of his officers to the
camp of Sultan ShujA, who was on the other side of
the river, and who had found means for assembling
some troops during the time he had been meditating
his retreat to the King of Arakan. Sultan Mu
hammad having reached his uncle's presence, threw
himself at his feet, and asked his pardon for having
taken up arms against him, to which he had been forced
by his father, adding that he was not ignorant of the
injustice with which he had seized the throne. Al
though Sultan ShujA might have thought that the
arrival of Muhammad in his camp was only a ruse of
Aurangzeb's, who had sent him to spy out his condition
and discover his weakness, nevertheless, as he was a
good and generous Prince, seeing his nephew at his
knees, he immediately raised him, and embracing him,
assured him of his protection against Aurangzeb.
Some days afterwards these two Princes made an
attempt, and recrossing the Ganges, made a long
1 The real object of his affection, and possibly the cause of his going
over, was Sultan Shuja's daughter, whom he desired to marry, and to
whom he was in fact soon after married.

362 TRAVELS IN INDIA

detour to surprise the army of the enemy, who did not
expect them. They attacked with vigour, and slew
many ; but when they saw that the enemy began to re
cover from this sudden attack, they contented themselves
with the advantage gained, and recrossed the Ganges,
being afraid of being surrounded by the multitude, and
of not being able to withdraw when they wished.
Mir Jumla had already given notice to Aurangzeb
of the flight of his son, at which the father experienced
considerable displeasure, though he dared not show it
to the Mir, for fear that it might cause him to do like
wise, and betray him as he had betrayed ShAh JahAn,
his father, and the King of Golconda. Aurangzeb
merely wrote to him that he confided entirely in his
great prudence and delicate tact to restore Sultan
Muhammad to his duty ; who was still young, and
that this fit only proceeded from an age full of
fire, which ordinarily loved change. The confidence
which Aurangzeb showed in Mir Jumla induced that
general to use all possible means to withdraw Muham
mad from the hands of Sultan ShujA. He informed
the young Prince that the King, his father, had the
best intentions regarding him, and that he was always
ready to receive him with open arms, provided he would
make good use of his retreat to Sultan ShujA, which
he might make serviceable to Aurangzeb, who would
love him the more, and would thus have an opportunity
of praising his prudence and affection. The young
Prince allowed himself to be easily persuaded ; and by
the same way as he had gone to the camp of his uncle
Sultan ShujA, he returned to that of his father Aur
angzeb, where Mir Jumla received him with honour,
and with great demonstrations of joy. He advised

chap, vi SULTAN SULIMAN SHEKO 363
him to say to his father as soon as he saw him, that
he went to Sultan ShujA merely for the purpose of
spying out his forces and the condition of his army,
and that he should repair with speed to Aurangzeb, in
order to tell him what he had done in his service, and
to receive his reward. It was also the command of
Aurangzeb that his son should be sent to him ; and
Muhammad, whether willingly or by compulsion, set out
for JahAnAbAd, where he arrived accompanied by the
guards which Mir Jumla had sent with him. Their
commander having announced to the King the arrival of
his son, his Majesty assigned a lodging for him outside
his palace, and would not allow him to come to kiss
his hands. He ordered him to be informed that he was
indisposed ; and whilst this lodging served him as a
prison until he was transferred to the fortress of
Gwalior,1 let us see what was done to Sultan Suliman
Sheko, eldest son of the unfortunate DArA ShAh,
whose head Aurangzeb had cut off.
Sultan Suliman Sheko, after having been betrayed
by Raja Rup, as I have above related,2 remained in
the country of Srinagar,3 under the protection of
Nakti Rani,4 its ruler. This Prince, who was cour
ageous as well as unfortunate, was compelled to pass a
wild life in the mountains in order not to fall into the
hands of Aurangzeb, who with all his forces was un
able to harm him there. On the other hand, Nacti
Rani assured him by an oath, accompanied by all the
1 Sultan Muhammad died in 1677, in his 38th year. His wife, the
daughter of Shuj£, was with him in prison.
2 See p. 346.
3 Serenaguer in the original, Srinagar, the capital of Kashmir.
* Dow calls the Raja, Pirti Singh. {History of Hindostan, vol.
iii, p. 246.) For Nakti Rani see p. 347.

364 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii
ceremonies which could render it solemn and inviolable,
that he would lose his Kingdom rather than allow
Aurangzeb to do him the least violence to the prejudice
of that protection which he afforded him. He went
for this purpose to a river which runs through his
country, to bathe his body as testimony of the purity of
his soul ; and being thus purified in the water, he made
his promise to Suliman Sheko never to abandon him,
took his gods as witnesses to the purity of his intentions,
and gave the young Prince no ground for doubting his
promises. Suliman Sheko, after that, thought only
of amusing himself and his followers with the chase,
and they, on their part, sought to amuse him to the
utmost of their power, while he devoted himself en
tirely to pleasure.
Aurangzeb ordered troops to advance towards the
mountains of Srinagar in order to compel Raja Nakti
Rani to put Suliman Sheko in his power. But the
Raja being able with 1000 men to defend all the
entrances to his country, which are narrow and difficult,
against 100,000, rendered all Aurangzeb's efforts futile,
who thereupon had recourse to ruse, seeing that force
availed nothing.
He sought at first to treat with the Raja, but in
vain, for the Raja would not violate his oath ; and
moreover his priests assured him that Aurangzeb
would be deprived of his Kingdom, and that Suliman
Sheko would reign in a short time; this made him
treat the young Prince with all possible kindness.
Aurangzeb seeing that his army was unable to
advance into the country of the Raja, set himself to
make another kind of war in order to obtain DArA
ShAh's son from his hands. He forbade commerce

SULIMAN SHEKO 365

between his subjects and those of the Raja ; this was
very prejudicial to the latter, who, inhabiting a country
of mountains and rocks, are constrained to provide
themselves from outside with whatever they want.
They immediately commenced to murmur at the pro
tection which he had given to Sultan Suliman Sheko,
and cried out that it was to the prejudice of the public
welfare. Their priests also began to doubt the truth
of their oracles, and to believe that it was desirable to
interpret them otherwise. At last they began to
arrange for the ruin of this poor Prince; and what
completed it was that Raja Jeswant Singh, who had
betrayed DArA ShAh, as I have above related, sent
secretly to Raja Nakti Rani to advise him that it was
for his own safety and that of his country to yield to
the will of Aurangzeb, and give up his nephew into
his hands. This advice of Jeswant Singh sorely em
barrassed the Raja, for on the one side he had made a
solemn oath, and sworn by Ram Ram to protect Suli
man Sheko at the risk of his country and his life, on
the other he feared a revolt in his Kingdom and the
prospect of losing it.
Uncertain what to do, he consulted the Brahmins,
who pronounced that he was rather bound to protect
his people and his faith, which would be destroyed if
the country became subject to Aurangzeb, who was a
Muhammadan, than to protect a Prince from whom he
could never receive any benefit. These councils having
been held without Suliman Sheko's knowledge, his
destruction was settled when he believed himself to be
in the greatest safety. The Raja Nakti Rani think
ing to shield his honour and conscience, replied to
Jeswant Singh's messenger that he was unable to

366 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii
bring himself to betray the Prince, but that Aurangzeb
might seize him, and so protect his reputation ; and
that Suliman Sheko was in the habit of going to hunt
in certain mountains in his country, taking only a few
people with him, and that it would be easy for Jeswant
Singh to send a number of soldiers to take him prisoner,
and hand him over to Aurangzeb.
Immediately on receipt of this reply, Jeswant Singh
gave orders to his son to go and execute the design as
it had been arranged, so that when on a certain day
Suliman Sheko, on going to hunt at the usual place,
was attacked by a strong party who were in am
buscade, he at once saw the treason, and put him
self in a position of defence with his followers, who
were all slain on the spot. The Prince defended him
self bravely, and alone slew nine of the assailants ; but
he was borne down by numbers, and was carried
to JahAnAbAd. When he came into Aurangzeb' s
presence, the King asked him how he felt. "As your
prisoner," replied the Prince, "who does not expect
from you different treatment from that which my father
has received." The King replied that he had nothing
to fear, that he would not put him to death, but only
assure himself of his person. Aurangzeb then in
quired what had become of the treasures which he
had carried away ; he replied that he had employed a
portion to raise troops to make war against him and
destroy him, if good fortune had been on his side ; that
another portion had been retained in the hands of Raja
Rup, whose avarice and perfidy were sufficiently well
known ; and that the traitor Raja Nakti Rani had
seized the remainder when delivering him treacherously
to his enemies, despite his promise and pledged honour.

SULTAN SHUJA 367

Aurangzeb was surprised and much moved by the
noble courage of his nephew, but ambition closed his
eyes and stifled in him all the sentiments of justice
which a proper remorse of conscience might arouse ;
and in order to secure his throne he directed that
Sultan Muhammad, his son, and Suliman Sheko,
his nephew, should be conducted to the fortress of.
Gwalior, to keep company with their uncle, MurAd
Baksh and some other Princes who were in prison.
This was done on the 30th of January 1661.
Sultan ShujA, who still lived, although in a miser
able condition, was the last thorn which remained in
the foot of Aurangzeb, and he who extracted it, and
relieved him of this unfortunate Prince whom he had
still to fear, was the King of Arakan, with whom he
had been compelled to take refuge. As ShujA saw that
there was now no more hope of aid for him, he resolved
to make a pilgrimage to Mecca, and from thence to
pass into Persia to seek an asylum with the King.
Having this intention he believed he would obtain a
ship from the King of Arakan or from the King of
Pegu to take him to Mocha, but he was unaware that
neither of these Kings had other than long and narrow
much decorated demi - galleys, which they use on
their rivers, and that they had no vessels capable of
traversing the great ocean. Consequently Sultan
ShujA was obliged to remain with the King of Arakan,
who is an idolater, and in order the better to secure
his protection, asked for one of his daughters in mar
riage, which request was granted, and he had a son
by her. But this, which should have been a strong
bond of friendship between father and son-in-law,
soon became a cause of division and hatred ; and some

368 TRAVELS IN INDIA

nobles of the country, who had already shown jealousy
of Sultan ShujA, caused him to be regarded with
suspicion by the King of Arakan, as though he desired,
in consequence of his marriage with his daughter, and
of the son which he had by her, to depose him from his
throne. This pagan King, in whose country several
Muhammadans were settled, easily believed what was
told him, namely, that this Muhammadan Prince might
readily induce all who were in his country, under the
pretext of zeal for religion, to form a conspiracy, and
place himself on the throne of Arakan, instead of that
which his own younger brother had seized upon. These
doubts were not altogether ill-founded, for in truth
Sultan ShujA, who still had quantities of golden rupees
and many jewels, easily bribed a number of these Mu
hammadans of the Kingdom of Arakan, and with about
200 men who remained of those who had followed
him from Bengal after the defeat of his army, he
arranged an enterprise of much boldness, but which
was at the same time less an indication <of bravery
than of despair.
He appointed a day with those of his own party
for forcing an entry into the palace, and after having
put to death all the royal family, he intended to have
himself at the same time proclaimed King of Arakan.
But this great plot having been discovered the day
before it was to have been executed, Sultan ShujA and
Sultan Bangue, his son, had no other resource left
but to take flight, hoping to escape to the Kingdom of
Pegu. But the high, nearly inaccessible mountains,
and the thick forests full of tigers and lions1 through
1 There are no lions in these regions, nor is there the slightest
reason for supposing that they ever ranged so far to the East as Arakan.

chap, vi DEATH OF SULTAN SHUjA 369
which they had to travel, and where there was scarcely
any road, made their flight useless, in addition to which
the enemy gave them but little time to get away before
they followed on their tracks. Sultan Bangue, who
marched last, to resist those whom he believed the
King would surely send to seize them, and to give
his father, and his family who followed him, a chance to
escape, defended himself bravely against the first who
attacked, but, being at length overcome by numbers
and thrown down, was carried off together with his
two younger brothers, his mother, and sisters. All the
members of this unhappy family were placed in prison,
where they were at first treated with great harshness ;
but some time afterwards, the King being inclined to
marry the eldest sister of Sultan Bangue, they were
given a little more liberty. They would have en
joyed it longer, but for the impatience of this young
Prince, who, having an active and ambitious spirit,
made a new plot against the King, which proved to be
the cause of their total ruin. For the plot having been
precipitated without success, the King, roused to anger,
commanded that the whole family should be straight
way exterminated, even including the young Princess
whom he had espoused, although she was enceinte.
As for what became of Sultan ShujA, who was
the most advanced of all in the flight, the accounts
of his fate are so different that one does not know
which to believe. But, if all vary in the circum
stances, they agree so far that he is no longer alive,
and that he either died by the hands of soldiers who
were sent to seize his person, or was torn to pieces
it being beyond the limits of their ascertained geographical distribution
in prehistorical, as well as in historical times.
VOL. I 2 B

370 TRAVELS IN INDIA

by the tigers or lions, which abound in the forests of
these countries.1
This, then, is what I have been able to ascertain
concerning this famous war which lasted six years, and
I have not met with any other version of it at Surat,
Agra, JahAnAbAd, or in Bengal, where I was precisely
informed by those who were present at its principal
events, having been myself a witness of -a portion of
them, as I have related in this account. Let us now
see what were the first acts of the reign of Aurangzeb,
and what was the fate of ShAh JahAn, his father.
1 He is said by some writers to have been taken out in the river in
a canoe, which was scuttled ; his captors, escaping in another canoe, left
him to drown.

CHAPTER VII
Concerning the beginning of Aurangzeb's reign, and
the death <?/"ShAh JahAn, his father.
I have mentioned in the fifth chapter that Aurangzeb
ascended the throne as soon as he had disposed of his
brother, DArA ShAh,1 and I shall add here some details
which preceded this ceremony, and are sufficiently
worthy of record. Some days previously he boldly
sent to present his compliments to ShAh JahAn, his
father, which he well knew would be displeasing to
him. He begged him, as he was about to ascend the
throne in a few days, to have the goodness to send
some of his jewels to be used on that day, so that
he might appear before his people with the same
magnificence as the other Kings, his predecessors, had
done. ShAh JahAn, at this demand of Aurangzeb,
which he regarded as an insult levelled at him in his
prison by his son, became so enraged, that for some
days he was like a madman, and he even nearly died.
In the excess of his annoyance he called frequently
for a pestle and mortar, saying that he would
pound up all his precious stones and pearls, so that
1 Aurangzeb was proclaimed Emperor on the 26th of May 1659.
But his administration of the Empire commenced on the 9th of June
1658. (Seep. 356 tz.)

372 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii
Aurangzeb might never possess them.1 But Begum
Sahib, his eldest daughter, who had never left him,
throwing herself at his feet, besought him not to pro
ceed to such an extremity, and having full power over
him in consequence of the intimate relations which
existed between them, appeased him, rather with the
object of keeping the precious stones for herself than
to give pleasure to her brother, who might one day
become their possessor, he having always been her
mortal enemy. Thus, when Aurangzeb ascended the
throne he had only one jewel on his cap (toque) ; 2
but if he had desired more he did not lack them,
as I have elsewhere said, and he only asked for the
stones from his father with the intention of retain
ing them permanently. This cap, as I have related
in my account of Persia, cannot be called a crown,

1 Shall Jahan appears to have subsequently relented, though it is
not so stated by Tavernier ; but Bernier says, " that of his own accord
he sent some of those jewels, which before he had told him of, that
hammers were ready to beat them to powder, the first time he should
again ask for them." {History of the late Revolution, etc., vol. ii, p. loo,
English translation.) Ultimately, on Shall JaMn's death, when Aurang
zeb entered the Seraglio at Agra, Begum Sahib presented him with a
large golden basin full of jewels, torn. tit. p. 1 74. ( Vide ante, p. 344,
and Book II, chap, x, p. 398.)
Thevenot relates the same story as Bernier, and adds that the
Peacock throne was in Shall Jahan's possession in prison, but this
latter statement is incorrect. {Voyage des Indes, p. 101.)
2 Possibly the topaz referred to in Book II, chaps, x and xxii, and
also by Bernier, who says, " The King appeared seated upon his throne
at one extremity of the great hall of the Am khds splendidly attired,
his garment being of white flowered satin embroidered, his turband of
gold cloth having an egret worked upon it, the feet of which were
studded with diamonds of extraordinary lustre and value, and in the
centre was a beautiful Oriental topaz of matchless size and splendour,
shining like a little sun." {Travels in the Mogul Empire, p. 179,
Calcutta Edition, English translation, 1826.)

EMBASSIES TO AURANGZEB 373

neither, consequently, can the ceremony be called a

coronation.1

From the moment that Aurangzeb took possession
of the throne, he would eat neither wheaten bread,
flesh, nor fish. He sustained himself with barley-
bread, vegetables, and sweetmeats, and would not
drink any strong liquor. This was a penance which
he imposed on himself for the many crimes which he
had committed ; but his ambition and the desire to
reign are still strong, so much so that he is resolved
not to renounce the throne during his life.
When Aurangzeb was settled on the throne, and
all Asia had heard the news, there arrived at different
times at JahAnAbAd many ambassadors, who came to
salute the new King on the part of their masters, to
offer him their service and ask for his friendship.
The Usbeg Tartars were the first,2 afterwards the
Cherif* of Mecca, the King of Hyeman,4 or Arabia
Felix, the Prince of Bassora, and the King of
Ethiopia sent theirs. The Dutch also sent M.
Adrican, Commander-in-Chief of the factory at
Surat, who was very well treated, and was quickly
received out of respect for the European nation. For
these Kings of India consider that it enhances their
1 This very trivial point as to whether the term coronation was strictly
applicable or not, was the subject of some sharp controversy between
Chardin and our author. (See Chardin, Voyages, Amsterdam Edition,
17 1 1, vol. ix, p. 85, and Persian Travels, Book V, chap, i, p. 524.)
2 A previous embassy from the Usbeg Tartars to Shah Jahan brought
him boxes of choice lapis lazuli, camels, fruit, etc. Lapis lazuli is a
product of Badakshan. (See Bernier, History of the Last Revolution,
vol. ii, p. 4.)
3 For Sharif, Arab., generally written Shereef, a descendant of
Muhammad. * The province of Oman, S.E. corner of Arabia.

374 TRAVELS IN INDIA book n

dignity for foreigners to remain at Court for a con
siderable time. All these Ambassadors made pre
sents to Aurangzeb, according to custom, of whatever
was most rare in their respective countries, and this
Prince, who desired from the first to spread a good
reputation for himself throughout Asia, took care to
send them back well satisfied.
Some months before the death of ShAh JahAn,
Aurangzeb sent an Ambassador to Persia, who was
at first magnificently received,1 as I have alluded to in
the first part of my travels. When he arrived the
talk for a month was all of feasts and hunting parties,
and every night he was entertained with fireworks.
The day upon which he was to make the present on
behalf of the Great Mogul, the King of Persia
appeared upon his throne, superbly clad, and having
accepted what the Ambassador had to give, distributed
the whole of it contemptuously among the officers of his
house, only retaining for himself a diamond weighing
nearly 60 carats. Some days afterwards he sent for
the Ambassador, from whom he inquired, after some
conversation, whether he was a Suni2 — that is to say,
of the sect of the Turks ; the meaning of this has been
1 Chardin says that Negef Coulibec (Najaf Kuli Beg) was sent by
the King of Persia as Ambassador in the year 1664, in order simply
to report the safe arrival of the Mogul's Ambassador m Persia, and to
convey a present of melons and other fruits. The Great Mogul received
him well, and sent him back with presents ; but news having arrived,
two days after his departure, of the bad treatment of the Mogul's
Ambassador by the King of Persia, the Mogul had Najaf brought back,
and ordered all the fruit to be flung into the house where he lodged.
(Chardin, Voyages, Amsterdam Edition, 171 1, vol. viii, p. 213.)
2 Sonnis in the original. The distinctive characteristics of the
Sum's and Shids are set forth in Book IV, chap, vii, of the Persian
Travels. (See also vol. ii, Book III, chap, i.)

chap, vii THE SHAH OF PERSIA 375
sufficiently explained elsewhere. The Ambassador in
his reply having allowed some smart remark to escape
him against the Prophet Ali, whom the Persians revere,
the King again asked him his name. He replied that
his Majesty ShAh JahAn had given him the name of
BaobhAk(?) KhAn,1 i.e. lord of a free heart, that he
had received great bounties from him, and had been
honoured by one of the first offices in his Court.
" Thou art then a villain," said the King with an
angry countenance, " to have abandoned thy King in
his need after so many favours, and to serve a tyrant
who keeps his father in prison, and has murdered his
brothers and nephews. How is it," continued the
King, " that he dares to assume the stately titles of
Alamgir, Aurang ShAh, of King who holds the
universe in his hand, since he has as yet conquered
nothing, and all he possesses is derived from murders
and treason ? Is it possible," added this Prince, "that
thou art one of those who have counselled him to
the shedding of so much blood, to be the executioner
of his brothers, and to hold his father in prison ; thou
who hast acknowledged to having received so much
honour and so many benefits ? Thou art not worthy,"
said the King, " to possess the beard that thou wearest,"
and straightway he ordered him to be shaved, which
is the greatest affront that can be done to a man in
that country. The Ambassador, who but little ex
pected to be so treated, at the same time received
orders from the King of Persia to return, and the
King gave him as a present for Aurangzeb, his master,
1 50 beautiful horses, with a quantity of gold and silver
carpets, pieces of gold brocade, rich sashes, and other
1 Baubec Kan in the original. Its identity with Baobhak is doubtful.

376 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii
beautiful stuffs ; this was worth much more than the
present which Aurangzeb had sent him, although that
was valued at near two millions.1
When BaobhAk KhAn returned to Agra, where
the King then was, Aurangzeb, enraged at the affront
done to himself by the King of Persia, in the person
of his Ambassador, ordered the 1 50 horses to be taken,
some to the centre of the city, and others to the
corners of the streets, and had it proclaimed throughout
the city that the followers of Ali could not mount
these horses without becoming Nagis} i.e. unclean,
since they came from a King who did not observe the
true law, and one with whom they could have no
communion. This done, he ordered the 150 horses to
be slain, and all the rest of the present to be burned,
while he used most abusive language towards the King
of Persia, by whom he considered himself to be mortally
insulted. At length ShAh JahAn dying in the Agra fort
towards the end of 1666,3 Aurangzeb had no longer
before his eyes a troublesome object which reproached
him constantly with his tyranny, and he began to
enjoy more fully the pleasure of reigning. He received
Begum SAhib, his sister, into his favour soon after
wards, restoring all her governments to her, and
commanding, moreover, that she should bear the title
of Princess Queen. It is true that she has infinite
qualities, and is capable of governing the whole
1 The coin not being mentioned, whether rupees, livres, or some
Persian coin, the statement is vague. In the English translation of
1684 the passage is judiciously rendered "to a vast value."
2 This is probably najdz, Persian for unclean. (See Vambdry's
Life, p. 57, for an example of its use.)
3 Shall Jah£n died in December 1666.

chap, vii RAUSHENARA BEGUM 377
Empire. If, at the commencement of the war, her
father and her brothers had only believed her,
Aurangzeb had never been King, and affairs would
have had a totally different aspect. As for RaushenArA
Begum, his sister, she had always taken Aurangzeb's
side, and when she heard that he had taken up
arms immediately sent him all the gold and silver
she could. He also promised her, in recognition of
her good services, that when he became King he
would give her the title of ShAh Begum, and would
seat her on a throne.1 He kept his word, and they
were always much attached. Nevertheless, the last
time I was at JahAnAbAd I heard that their friendship
had somewhat cooled. That arose, as I was assured,
in consequence of the Princess having had conveyed
into her apartments a handsome young man, and
wishing to get rid of him at the end of fifteen or twenty
days, when she was tired of him, the thing could not
be accomplished so secretly but that the King heard
of it. The Princess, in order to anticipate the disgrace
and reproach which she feared, hastened with assumed
terror to the King, saying that a man had entered the
harem even to her chamber, that she was certain it
was either to slay or rob her, that such a thing had
never before been seen, that the safety of his royal
person was involved, and that his Majesty should
severely punish all the Eunuchs who were on guard
that night. Immediately the King himself, with a
number of Eunuchs, hastened to the spot, and in this
1 Some writers consider that this amounted to a promise that he
would marry her himself, although she was his sister. Whatever truth
there may be in the reputed incest of Shall Jahan, it does not appear
that Aurangzeb was guilty of that crime.

378 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii
extremity the poor young man could not do otherwise
than leap from the window into the river which flows
below. Thereupon a crowd assembled from all
quarters to seize him, the King calling out to them to
do him no injury, but take him to the Chief Judge.
Since then no more has been heard of the matter, and
it is not difficult to imagine that strange things take
place in the enclosure where these women and girls
are shut up.

CHAPTER VIII
Concerning the preparations which are made for the
festival of the Great Mogul, when he is solemnly
weighed every year. Of the splendour of his thrones
and the magnificence of his Court.
After having completed all my business with the
King, as I have related in the first Book,1 and on going
to take leave of his Majesty on the first of November
1665, he told me that he was unwilling that I should
depart without having witnessed his fete, which was
then at hand, and that afterwards he would give orders
for me to be shown all his jewels.2 I accepted, as in
duty bound, the honour he did me ; and thus I was a
spectator of this grand festival, which commenced on
the fourth of November and lasted five days. It is on
the anniversary of the King's birthday that they
are in the habit of weighing him,3 and if he should
1 See Book I, chap, viii, p. 137.
2 See p. 394.
3 Aurangzeb evaded the custom of distributing his weight in money,
and did not have tokens coined, like his predecessors, to celebrate
the occasion of his coronation. Sir T. Roe describes the scramble for
thin pieces of silver, made to resemble different fruits, in rather con
temptuous terms. The Mogul, Jahahgir, presented a basin full of them
to him ; but while he held them in his cloak the nobles snatched most
of them from him. He estimates that the amount distributed did
not exceed £100 in value. {Journal, Calcutta Ed., p. 104.) Terry, his
chaplain, also describes the scene. {Voyage, London 1777 Ed., p. 376.)

380 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii
weigh more than in the preceding year, the rejoicing
is much greater on that account. When he has been
weighed, he seats himself on the richest of the thrones,
of which I shall speak presently, and then all the
nobility of the kingdom come to salute him and make
him presents. The ladies of the court send some also,
and he receives others from all the Governors of
Provinces and other exalted personages. In diamonds,
rubies, emeralds, pearls, gold and silver, as well as rich
carpets, brocades of gold and silver, and other stuffs,
elephants, camels, and horses, the King receives in
presents on this day to the value of more than
30,000,000 livres}
Preparations for this festival are commenced on
the 7th of September, about two months before the
five days which it lasts ; and the reader should remem
ber here the description which I have given of the
palace of JahAnAbAd in the sixth chapter of Book I.2
The first thing done is to cover in two grand courts of
the palace from the middle of each court up to the hall,
which is open on three sides. The awnings covering
this great space are of red velvet embroidered with
gold, and so heavy that the poles which are erected to
support them are of the size of a ship's mast, and some
of them are 35 to 40 feet in height ; there are
thirty-eight for the tent of the first court, and those
near the hall are covered with plates of gold of the
thickness of a ducat. The others are covered with
silver of the same thickness, and the cords which
sustain these poles are of cotton of different colours,
and some of them of the thickness of a good cable.
1 30,000,000 livres, at is. 6d. to the livre = £2,250,000.
2 See Book I, chap, vi, p. 97.

chap, viii THE MOGUL'S THRONES 381
The first court is, as I have elsewhere said, surrounded
by porticoes with small rooms connected with them,
and here it is that the Omrahs dwell while they are on
guard. For it should be remarked that one of the
Omrahs mounts guard every week. He disposes, both
in the court as also about the palace or the tent of the
King, when he is in the field, the cavalry under his
command, besides many elephants. During this week
the Onirah on guard receives his food from the King's
kitchen, and when he sees the food which is being
brought to him afar off, he makes three obeisances in
succession, which consist in placing the hand three
times on the ground, and as often on the head, at the
same time asking God to preserve the King's health,
and that He will give him long life and power to
vanquish his enemies. All these Omrahs, who are
the nobility of the kingdom and Princes of the
blood, regard it as a great honour to guard the King ;
and when they mount guard, or when they leave it,
they don their best clothes, their horses, elephants,
and camels being also richly clad, and some of these
camels carry a swivel-gun with a man seated behind
to fire it. The least of these Omrahs commands 2000
horse, but, when a Prince of the blood is on guard, he
commands up to 6000.
It should be stated that the Great Mogul has
seven magnificent thrones, one wholly covered with
diamonds, the others with rubies, emeralds, or pearls.
The principal throne, which is placed in the hall of
the first court, is nearly of the form and size of our
camp beds ; that is to say, it is about 6 feet long and
4 wide. Upon the four feet, which are very massive,
and from 20 to 25 inches high, are fixed the four bars

382 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii
which support the base of the throne, and upon these
bars are ranged twelve columns, which sustain the
canopy on three sides, there not being any on that
which faces the court. Both the feet and the bars,
which are more than 18 inches long, are covered with
gold inlaid and enriched with numerous diamonds,
rubies, and emeralds. In the middle of each bar there is
a large balass1 ruby, cut en cabuchon, with four emeralds
round it, which form a square cross. Next in succes
sion, from one side to the other along the length of the
bars there are similar crosses, arranged so that in one
the ruby is in the middle of four emeralds, and in
another the emerald is in the middle and four balass
rubies surround it. The emeralds are table-cut, and
the intervals between the rubies and emeralds are
covered with diamonds, the largest of which do not
exceed 10 to 12 carats in weight, all being showy
stones, but very flat. There are also in some parts
pearls set in gold, and upon one of the longer sides of
the throne there are four steps to ascend it. Of the
1 Balet in the original, for balass, etc. I have elsewhere referred to
this word as being probably derived from Balakshan, a form of the name
BadaksMn (see Economic Geology of India, p. 430). The Anglo-Indian
Glossary, however, establishes this view beyond question of doubt by
quotations from Ibn Batuta, iii, 59, 394, and Barbosa, etc. The stones
from this locality, which is on the banks of the Shignah, a tributary of
the Oxus, are not, however, rubies, but spinelles ; at the same time it
would appear that with some authorities the term balass has been trans
ferred to true rubies of a particular shade of colour — hence a consider
able degree of confusion has arisen in this branch of the nomenclature
of precious stones. After Ibn Batuta's testimony, derivations from
Baluchistan and Baluchin — an old name for Pegu ? — need perhaps only
be mentioned in order to be dismissed ; but with reference to the latter,
Chardin, Voyages, tome iv, p. 70, Amsterdam Ed. of 17 11, says: —
" On lappelle aussi Balacchani, Pierre de Balacchan, qui est le Pegu,
d'oujejuge qu'est venu le nom de Balays qu'on donne aux Pubis couleur
de rose."

chap, viii THE MOGUL'S THRONES 383
three cushions or pillows which are upon the throne,
that which is placed behind the King's back is
large and round like one of our bolsters, and the two
others that are placed at his sides are flat. There is
to be seen, moreover, a sword suspended from this
throne, a mace, a round shield, a bow and quiver with
arrows ; and all these weapons, as also the cushions
and steps, both of this throne and the other six, are
covered over with stones which match those with
which each of the thrones is respectively enriched.1
I counted the large balass rubies on the great
throne, and there are about 108, all cabuchons,
the least of which weighs ioo carats,2 but there are
some which weigh apparently 200 and more. As for
the emeralds,3 there are plenty of good colour, but they
have many flaws ; the largest may weigh 60 carats,
and the least 30 carats. I counted about one hundred
and sixteen (116) ; thus there are more emeralds than
rubies. The underside of the canopy is covered with
diamonds and pearls, with a fringe of pearls all round,
and above the canopy, which is a quadrangular-shaped
dome, there is to be seen a peacock with elevated tail
made of blue sapphires and other coloured stones, the
body being of gold inlaid with precious stones, hav
ing a large ruby in front of the breast, from whence
hangs a pear-shaped pearl of 50 carats or thereabouts,
and of a somewhat yellow water. On both sides of
1 See Book I, chap, vi, p. 99.
2 Rubies of good quality weighing 100 carats would be worth more
than diamonds of equal weight, but it is probable that these were not
perfect in every respect.
3 For the source whence the emeralds were obtained, see Book II,
chap. xix.

384 TRAVELS IN INDIA

the peacock there is a large bouquet of the same
height as the bird, and consisting of many kinds of
flowers made of gold inlaid with precious stones. On
the side of the throne which is opposite the court there
is to be seen a jewel consisting of a diamond of from 80
to 90 carats weight, with rubies and emeralds round it,
and when the King is seated he has this jewel in full
view. But that which in my opinion is the most costly
thing about this magnificent throne is that the twelve
columns supporting the canopy are surrounded with
beautiful rows of pearls, which are round and of fine
water, and weigh from 6 to 10 carats each. At 4
feet distance from the throne there are fixed, on either
side, two umbrellas, the sticks of which for 7 or 8 feet
in height are covered with diamonds, rubies, and
pearls. These umbrellas are of red velvet, and are
embroidered and fringed all round with pearls.
This is what I have been able to observe regarding
this famous throne, commenced by Tamerlane and
completed by ShAh JahAn ; and those who keep the
accounts of the King's jewels, and of what this great
work has cost, have assured me that it amounts to
one hundred and seven thousand lakhs of rupees,1
1 There is certainly some mistake here ; the figure should stand at
107,000,000, namely, one thousand and seventy lakhs, which at two-
thirds of the rupee to the livre would be equal to 160,500,000 livres,
or £12,037,500, the rupee being 2s. 3d., and the livre is. 6d. Thevenot
says that the throne was reported to be worth 20,000,000 in "gold"
{mohurs ?), but he adds that a true estimate could only be arrived at by
a careful examination of the precious stones with which it was adorned.
{Voyages, Paris Ed., 1684, p. 123.) Bernier says 4 crores of rupees,
or about 60,000,000 French livres, say £4,500,000. {Travels in
the Mogul Empire, Eng. Trans., Calcutta Ed., 1826, p. 179.) A recent
estimate of the value of this throne as it stands in the SMh's palace at
Teheran at present is 13,000,000 dollars, say £2,600,000. (See Persia,
by S. G. W. Benjamin, p. 73.)

chap, viii THE GREAT MOGUL'S HORSES 385
sic. (i.e. 10,700,000,000) which amount to one hundred
and sixty millions five hundred thousand livres of our
money (i.e. 160,500,000).
Behind this grand and magnificent throne there is
placed a smaller one, which has the form of a bathing-
tub. It is of an oval shape of about 7 feet in length
and 5 in breadth, and the outside is covered over with
diamonds and pearls, but it has no canopy.
When in the first court you see, on the right
hand, a special tent under which, during the King's
festival, the principal baladines of the town are obliged
to be present in order to sing and dance while the
King is on his throne. To the left there is another
place, also covered by a tent, where the principal
officers of the army and other officers of the guard
and of the King's household are in attendance.
In the same quarter, during the time that the King
remains seated on his throne, there are thirty horses,
all bridled, fifteen on one side and fifteen on the other,
each held by two men. The bridles are very narrow,
and for the most part enriched with diamonds, rubies,
emeralds, and pearls, some having only small gold
coins. Each horse has upon its head, between the
ears, a bunch of beautiful feathers, and a small cushion
on the back with the surcingle, the whole embroidered
with gold; and suspended from the neck there is a
fine jewel, either a diamond, a ruby, or an emerald.
The least valuable of these horses costs from 3000 to
5000 e'cus, and there are some worth 20,000 rupees, i.e.
10,000 e'cus.1 The young Prince, who was then only
seven or eight years old, rode a small horse, the
1 The icu being equal to 4s. 6d., the prices of the horses would be
£875 to £1125 and £2250.
VOL. I 2 c

386 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii
height of which did not exceed that of a large grey
hound, but it was a very well-made animal.
Half an hour, or, at the most, one hour after the
King is seated on his throne, seven of the bravest
elephants, which are trained to war, are brought for
inspection. One of the seven has its howdah ready on
its back, in case the King wishes to mount ; the others
are covered with housings of brocade, with chains of
gold and silver about their necks, and there are four
which carry the King's standard upon their backs ; it
is attached to a hand pike which a man holds erect.
They are brought, one after the other, to within forty
or fifty paces of the King, and when the elephant is
opposite the throne it salutes his Majesty by placing
its trunk on the ground and then elevating it above its
head three times. On each occasion it trumpets aloud,
and then, turning its back towards the King, one of the
men who is riding upon it raises the housing in order
that the King may see if the animal is in good condi
tion, and has been well fed. Each has its own silken
cord, which is stretched round its body in order to show
whether it has increased since the previous year. The
principal of these elephants, which the King is very
fond of, is a large and fierce animal which has 500
rupees per mensem for its expenses.1 It is. fed with the
best food and quantities of sugar, and is given
spirits to drink. I have spoken elsewhere of the
number of elephants kept by the King,2 to which I
1 £S6- The ordinary Government allowance for all expenses con
nected with the keep of an elephant is, or was a few years ago, about
30 rupees a month in Northern India. Saunderson gives it at only 24
rupees in Bengal, and 48 rupees in Madras {Thirteen Years, etc., p.
100). 2 See Book I, chap, xviii, p. 280.

chap, viii THE GREAT MOGUL'S THRONES . 387
add here that when he rides out on his elephant the
Omrahs follow him on horseback, and when he rides a
horse the Omrahs follow on foot.
After the King has inspected his elephants he
rises, and accompanied by three or four of his eunuchs
enters his harem by a small door which is behind the
oval-shaped throne.
The other five thrones are arranged in a superb
hall in another court, and are covered over with
diamonds, without any coloured stones. I shall not
give a minute description of them for fear of wearying
the reader, not forgetting that one becomes disgusted
with the most beautiful things when they are too often
before the eyes. These five thrones are disposed in
such a manner that they form a cross, four making a
square, the fifth being in the middle, but somewhat
nearer to the two which are furthest from the people.
After the King has remained about half an hour in
his harem, he comes out with three or four eunuchs in
order to seat himself in that one of the five thrones
which is in the middle, and during the five days that
the festival lasts, sometimes his elephants are brought,
sometimes his camels, and all the nobles of his Court
come to make their accustomed presents. All this is not
done without much magnificence, and with surroundings
worthy of the greatest monarch in the East, the Great
Mogul being in power and wealth in Asia, what the
King of France is in Europe, but having nothing
comparable with him in might if he waged war with a
valiant and clever people like our Europeans.

CHAPTER IX
Concerning other details of the Great Mogul's
Court.
Since Aurangzeb, who reigns at present, has occupied
the throne of the Moguls, which he usurped from his
father and brothers, he has imposed on himself, as I
have said, a severe form of penance, and eats nothing
which has enjoyed life. As he lives upon vegetables
and sweetmeats only, he has become thin and meagre,
to which the great fasts which he keeps have contri
buted. During the whole of the duration of the comet
of the year  } which appeared very large in India,
where I then was, Aurangzeb only drank a little water
and ate a small quantity of millet bread ; this so much
affected his health that he nearly died, for besides this
he slept on the ground, with only a tiger's skin over
him, and since that time he has never had perfect
health.2
1 This comet, if, as we may suppose, it appeared in 1665, was first
seen in Europe at Aix, on the 27th of March of that year. It lasted
four weeks, and had a tail 2 50 long. Its orbit was computed by Halley
{vide Chambers's Astronomy, " Catalogue of Comets," No. 64). Terry
refers to two great comets which appeared while he was at the Mogul's
Court in the month of November 161 8. They were followed by drought
and famine. (See A Voyage to East India, London, 1777, p. 393.) 1
2 At one period this Emperor subsisted on the proceeds of the sale
of caps which he had embroidered with his own hands. He also wrote
and sold extracts from the Koran for his daily bread. (See Chardin,

chap, ix ZAFAR KHAN AND HIS WIFE 389
I remember having seen the King drink upon
three different occasions while seated on his throne.
He had brought to him upon a golden saucer, enriched
with diamonds, rubies, and emeralds, a large cup of
rock crystal,1 all round and smooth, the cover of which
was of gold, with the same decoration as the saucer.
As a rule no one sees the King eat except his women-
kind and eunuchs, and it is very rarely that he goes to
eat at the house of any of his subjects, whether of a
Prince or even of his own relatives. While I was on my
last journey, Zafar KhAn, who was his Grand Vizier,
and besides that his uncle on his wife's side, invited
the King to visit him in order to see the new palace
which he had had built for himself. This being the
greatest honour his Majesty could do him, Zafar
KhAn and his wife, in testimony of their gratitude,
made him a present of jewels, elephants, camels,
horses, and other things, to the value of seven lakhs of
rupees (700,000), which amount to one million and
fifty thousand (1,050,000) livres of our money.2 This
wife of Zafar KhAn is the most magnificent and
the most liberal woman in the whole of India, and she
alone expends more than all the wives and daughters
of the King put together ; it is on this account that
Voyages, Amsterdam Ed., 171 1, vol. viii, p. 91.) He is said on one
occasion, when urged to found hospitals, to have replied that he would
make the country so prosperous that there would be no more mendi
cants to be seen in it. (Chardin, Voyages, Amsterdam Ed., 171 1, vol.
viii, p. 86.)
1 Vessels made of rock-crystal were much esteemed by the Emperors.
I remember to have seen some very fine examples of large size which were
found in the palace at the capture of Delhi after the Mutiny. Possibly
some of the specimens preserved in the Green Vaults at Dresden came
from India.
2 £78,750. See Book II, chap. xxii.

390 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii
her family is always in debt, although her husband is
practically master of the whole Empire. She had
ordered a grand banquet to be prepared for the King,
but his Majesty, as he did not wish to eat at Zafar
KhAn's house, returned to the palace, and the Prin
cess sent after him the dishes she had destined for
him. The King found all the dishes so much to his
taste that he gave 500 rupees to the eunuch who
brought them, and double that amount to the kitchen.
When the King goes to the mosque in his pallan
keen one of his sons follows on horseback, and all the
Princes and officers of the household on foot. Those
who are Muhammadans wait for him upon the top of
the steps to the mosque, and when he is about to come
out they precede him to the gate of the palace. Eight
elephants march in front of him, four carrying two
men each, one to guide the elephant, and the other,
seated on its back, carries a standard attached to a
hand pike. The four other elephants carry a seat or
species of throne on their backs,1 one of which is square,
another round, one covered and another closed with
glass of many kinds. When the King goes out he has
generally 500 or 600 men for his bodyguard, each man
being armed with a kind of hand pike. They attach
fireworks to the iron blade ; these consist of two rockets
crossed, each of the thickness of the arm, and a foot in
length ; when ignited these will carry the hand pike
500 yards.2 The King is also followed by 300 or 400
1 Howdah.
2 Rockets were used, and often proved most effective, in battle. It
is said that the cause of Dara Shah's descending from his elephant at
the critical moment when engaged with Murad and Aurangzeb (see
Book II, chap, ii) was that the elephant had been struck by a rocket,
which rendered it unmanageable.

INDIAN SOLDIERS 391

matchlock men, who are timid and unskilful in firing, and
a number of cavalry of no greater merit. One hundred
of our European soldiers would scarcely have any
difficulty in vanquishing iooo of these Indian soldiers ;
but it is true, on the other hand, that they would have
much difficulty in accustoming themselves to so abstem
ious a life as theirs. For the horseman as well as the
infantry soldier supports himself with a little flour
kneaded with water and black sugar, of which they
make small balls ; and in the evening, whenever they
have the necessaries, they make khichri} which consists
of rice cooked with a grain of the above name in water
with a little salt. When eating it they first dip the
ends of their fingers in melted butter, and such is the
ordinary food of both soldiers and the poor people.
To which it should be added that the heat would kill
our soldiers, who would be unable to remain in the
heat of the sun throughout the day as these Indians
do. I should say en passant that the peasants have
for their sole garment a scrap of cloth to cover those
parts which natural modesty requires should be con
cealed ; and that they are reduced to great poverty,
because if the Governors become aware that they pos
sess any property they seize it straightway by right or
by force. You may see in India whole provinces like
deserts, from whence the peasants have fled on account
of the oppression of the Governors. Under cover of
the fact that they are themselves Muhammadans, they
persecute these poor idolaters to the utmost, and if any
of the latter become Muhammadans it is in order not to
work any more ; they become soldiers or Fakirs, who
are people who make profession of having renounced
1 See p. 282.

392 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii
the world, and live upon alms ; but in reality they are
all great rascals. It is estimated that there are in
India 800,000 Muhammadan Fakirs, and 1,200,000
among the idolaters, of whom I shall speak farther on.
Once a fortnight the King goes out to hunt, and
while en route he is always mounted on his elephant,
as also while the chase lasts. All the beasts which he
shoots are driven within musket range of his elephant.
Ordinarily these are lions, tigers, deer, and gazelles —
for, as for wild boars, he as a good Muhammadan does
not wish to see them. On his return he uses a pallan
keen, and there is the same guard and the same order
as when he goes to the mosque, save that at the chase
there are 200 or 300 horsemen who ride before him
in confused ranks.
As for the Princesses, whether they are the wives
of the King, his daughters, or his sisters, they never
leave the palace except when they go to the country
for a few days' change of air and scene. Some of them
go, but rarely, to visit the ladies of the nobles, as for
example the wife of Zafar KhAn, who is the King's
aunt. This is not done except by the special permis
sion of the King. It is not here as in Persia where the
Princesses only make their visits at night, accompanied
by a great number of eunuchs, who drive away all
persons whom they meet on the road. But at the court
of the Great Mogul the ladies generally go out at nine
o'clock in the morning, and have only three or four
eunuchs to accompany them, and ten or twelve female
slaves who act as ladies of honour. The Princesses
are carried in pallankeens covered with embroidered
tapestries, and every pallankeen is followed by a small
carriage which can only contain one person. It is

chap, ix ROYAL PRINCESSES 393
drawn by two men, and the wheels are not more than
a foot in diameter. The object in taking these carriages
is, that when the Princesses arrive at the houses they
are going to visit, the men who carry the pallankeens are
only allowed to go to the first gate, where the eunuchs
compel them to retire, the Princesses then change into
the carriages, and are drawn by the ladies of honour
to the women's apartments. For, as I have elsewhere
remarked, in the houses of the nobles the women's
apartments are in the centre, and it is generally neces
sary to traverse two or three large courts and a garden
or two before reaching them.
When these Princesses are married to nobles
of the Court they become the rulers of their hus
bands, who, if they do not live as they desire, and
do not act according to their commands, as they
possess the power of approaching the King whenever
they wish, they persuade him to do what they please,
to the disadvantage of their husbands ; most frequently
asking for them to be deprived of their offices. As
it is the custom that the firstborn succeeds to the
throne, although he be the son of a slave, immediately
that the Princesses of the King's harem become aware
that there is one among them with child, they use all
conceivable methods to make her have a miscarriage.
When I was at Patna in the year 1666, ShAistA
KhAn's surgeon, who is a half-caste (mestiv) Portuguese,
assured me that the Princess, wife of ShAistA KhAn,
in one month had caused miscarriages to eight women
of his harem, not permitting any children but her own
to survive.

CHAPTER X1
The Great Mogul orders all his jewels to be shown to
the Author.
On the first day of November 1665 I went to the
palace for the purpose of taking leave of the King, but
he said that he did not wish me to depart without
having seen his jewels, and until I had witnessed the
grandeur of h\s, fite.2
The day following the great morning five or six
officers from the King, and others on behalf of Nawdb
Zafar KhAn, came to tell me that the King had sent
for me. Immediately on my arrival at the Court the
two custodians of the King's jewels, of whom I have
elsewhere spoken,3 accompanied me into the presence
of his Majesty ; and after I had made him the ordinary
salutation, they conducted me into a small apartment,
which is at one of the ends of the hall where the King
was seated on his throne, and from whence he was
1 This very important chapter and the next are altogether omitted
in the English translation by John Phillips, 1684.
2 Joret (/. B. Tavernier, p. 190) sees an inconsistency between this
statement and that at the beginning of chap, viii, p. 379. The words
as he quotes them support this view, but they are not Tavernier's. To
me the two, as I understand Tavernier, appear perfectly consistent with
one another. Prof. Joret quotes, it should be added, as from chap, ix,
but that is a misprint for chap. x.
3 See Book I, chap, viii, p. 135.

chap, x THE GREAT MOGUL'S JEWELS 395
able to see us. I found in this apartment Akil KhAn,
chief of the jewel treasury, who, when he saw us,
ordered four of the King's eunuchs to go for the
jewels, which were brought in two large wooden trays
lacquered with gold leaf, and covered with small cloths
made expressly for the purpose — one of red velvet and
the other of green brocaded velvet. After these trays
were uncovered, and all the pieces had been counted
three times over, a list was prepared by three scribes
who were present. For the Indians do everything
with great circumspection and patience, and when they
see any one who acts with precipitation, or becomes
angry, they gaze at him without saying anything, and
smile as at a madman.
The first piece which Akil KhAn placed in my
hands was the great diamond, which is a round rose,
very high at one side.1 At the basal margin it has a
small notch and a little flaw inside. Its water is beau
tiful, and it weighs three hundred and nineteen and a
half (3 19 J) ratis, which are equal to two hundred and
eighty (280) of our carats — the rati being |th of our
carat. When Mir JumlA, who betrayed the King of
Golconda, his master, presented this stone to ShAh
JahAn, to whose side he attached himself,2 it was then
1 A resume of all the information regarding this important stone,
the so-called " Great Mogul," will be found in an appendix. It may be
mentioned here that this allusion to the form of the stone as a " rose "
appears to have given rise to the erroneous idea with one author, and
those who have followed him, that it had a roseate tinge.
2 Bernier"s reference to this incident is as follows : " At first he (Mir
Jumla) presented to him (Shah Jahan) that great diamond which is
esteemed matchless, giving him to understand that the precious stones
of Golconda were quite other things than those rocks of Kandahar ;
that there it was where the war ought to be made, to get the possession
of and to go as far as Cape Comorin." {History of the Late Revolution,
etc., vol. i, p. 44-)

396 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii
in the rough, and weighed nine hundred (900) ratis,
which are equivalent to seven hundred and eighty-
seven and a half (787^) carats ; and it had several
flaws. If this stone had been in Europe it would have
been treated in a different manner, for some good
pieces would have been taken from it, and it would
have weighed more than it does, instead of which it has
been all ground down. It was the Sieur Hortensio
Borgio,1 a Venetian, who cut it, for which he was
badly rewarded ; for when it was cut he was reproached
with having spoilt the stone, which ought to have
retained a greater weight ; and instead of paying him
for his work, the King fined him ten thousand (10,000)
rupees, and would have taken more if he had possessed
it. If the Sieur Hortensio had understood his trade
well, he would have been able to take a large piece
from this stone without doing injury to the King, and
without having had so much trouble grinding it ; but
he was not a very accomplished diamond cutter.2
1 Bernier mentions but does not name a jeweller who took refuge at
the Mogul's Court after having cheated all the monarchs of Europe with
his " doublets." He was, however, a Frenchman, while Hortensio was
an Italian, and therefore King is probably mistaken when he suggests
their identity.
2 I cannot understand this statement in the light that Mr. King
seems to have done, namely, that Hortensio might have defrauded the
Mogul by taking off a large piece. It simply means, I think, that
Hortensio might with advantage have cleaved the stone instead of
grinding it ; the pieces so cleaved would then have been the property of
the Mogul, not the perquisite of Hortensio. (See Natural History of
Precious Stones, Bohn's Ed., 1870, p. 78 n.) In an appendix I have
dealt with the stories which, to have any reasonable possibility, must
have referred to the breaking up of the original large stone, as, after
Tavernier's time, the stone of 280 carats could not, as is often stated,
have been made to break up into three whose united weights were equal
to nearly twice that amount ; but the statement in the text here is

chap, x THE GREAT MOGUL'S JEWELS 397
After I had fully examined this splendid stone, and
returned it into the hands of Akil KhAn, he showed
me another stone, pear-shaped, of good form and fine
water, and also three other table diamonds, two clear,
and the other with little black spots. Each weighed
fifty-five (55) to sixty (60) ratis, and the pear sixty-two
and a half (62^). Subsequently he showed me a jewel
of twelve diamonds, each stone of 15 to 16 ratis, and
all roses. In the middle a heart-shaped rose of good
water, but with three small flaws, and this rose weighed
about 35 or 40 ratis.
Also a jewel with seventeen diamonds, half of them
table and half rose, the largest of which could not
weigh more than seven (7) or eight (8) ratis, with the
exception of the one in the middle, which weighed about
sixteen (16). All these stones are of first-class water,
clean and of good form, and of the most beautiful kind
ever found.
Also two grand pear-shaped pearls, one (weighing)
about seventy (70) ratis, a little flattened on both sides,
and of beautiful water and good form.
Also a pearl button, which might weigh from fifty-
five (55) to sixty (60) ratis, of good form and good
water. Also a round pearl of great perfection, a little flat
on one side, which weighs fifty-six (56) ratis. I
ascertained that to be the precise weight, and that
ShAh AbbAs II, King of Persia, sent it as a present
to the Great Mogul.
clearly against the supposition that the large stone was otherwise treated
than by grinding down from 787J to 280 carats. That the natives
knew how to cleave diamonds is abundantly proved in Book II, chap.
xv, where Tavernier says they understood the art better than Europeans.

398 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii
Also three other round pearls, each of twenty-five
(25) to twenty-eight (28) ratis, or thereabouts, but the
water of which tends to yellow.
Also a perfectly round pearl of thirty-six and a
half (36^) ratis, of a lively white, and perfect in every
respect. It is the only jewel which Aurangzeb, who
reigns at present, has himself purchased on account
of its beauty, for the rest either came to him from
DArA ShAh, his eldest brother, and which he had
appropriated, after he had caused his head to be cut
off,1 or they were presents made to him after he
ascended the throne. I have elsewhere remarked
that this King has no great regard for jewels, priding
himself only on being the great zealot of the law of
Muhammad. Akil KhAn also placed in my hands (for he allowed
me to examine all at my ease) two other pearls, per
fectly round and equal, each of which weighed twenty-
five and a quarter (25^) ratis. One is slightly yellow,
but the other is of a very lively water, and the most
beautiful that can be seen. It is true, as I have else-
1 This statement is important, as we know that Shah Jahan who
was still alive at this time in prison, had with him a great number of
his precious stones, which were not handed over to Aurangzeb till after
his death, when Jahanira Begum presented him with a gold basin full
of them (see pp. 342 and 344). According to Bernier, however, some had
been previously given to Aurangzeb by Shah Jahan during his lifetime.
Moreover, Aurangzeb, in a letter written to Shah Jahan at the time when
he arrested him, acknowledged the gift ! of Dara's jewels by letter. Dara
was left about £4,000,000 worth of gold and jewels by his grandfather
Asaf Khan, who passed over his own sons Shaista Khan and Nawaz
Khan — perhaps because the Mogul, according to custom, might have
declared himself the heir, so that they would have derived no benefit.
But Asaf consoled himself with the reflection that he left his sons in
good and highly lucrative positions, which was a better provision for
them.

chap, x THE GREAT MOGUL'S JEWELS 399
where said, that the Prince of Arabia, who has taken
Muscat from the Portuguese, has a pearl which sur
passes in beauty all others in the world ; for it is
perfectly round, and so white and lively that it looks
as though it was transparent, but it only weighs four
teen (14) carats. There is not a single monarch in
Asia who has not asked this Prince of Arabia to sell
him this pearl.1
Also two chains, one of pearls and rubies of different
shapes pierced like the pearls ; the other of pearls and
emeralds, round and bored. All the pearls are round
and of diverse waters, and from ten to twelve (10 to
12) ratis each in weight. In the middle of the chain
of rubies there is a large emerald of the "old rock,"2
cut into a rectangle, and of high colour, but with
many flaws. It weighs about thirty (30) ratis. In the
middle of the chain of emeralds there is an Oriental
amethyst,3 a long table, weighing about forty (40) ratis,
and the perfection of beauty.
Also a balass 4 ruby cut in cabuchon, of fine
colour and clean, pierced at the apex, and weighing
seventeen (17) melscals. Six melscals make one once
(French).5 Also another cabuchon ruby of perfect colour, but
slightly flawed and pierced at the apex, which weighs
twelve melscals.
1 See Book II, chap. xx.
2 Precious stones were denominated " of the old rock " {rocca velha),
when they exhibited more or less perfect crystalline forms, being con
sidered more developed than those with amorphous forms.
3 The " Oriental " amethyst is a purple sapphire, and when perfect
is of great beauty.
1 Balet in the original. (See p. 382, n.)
5 Melscals = mishkals. (See Appendix, p. 418.)

400 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii
Also an Oriental topaz J of very high colour cut in
eight panels, which weighs six melscals, but on one
side it has a small white fog within.
These, then, are the jewels of the Great Mogul,
which he ordered to be shown to me as a special favour
which he has never manifested to any other Frank;
and I have held them all in my hand, and examined
them with sufficient attention and leisure to be enabled
to assure the reader that the description which I have
just given is very exact and faithful, as is that of the
thrones, which I have also had sufficient time to con
template thoroughly.
1 The Oriental topaz is a yellow sapphire (corundum). It was pro
bably this topaz which Aurangzeb wore at his coronation. (See p. 372,
n.) It was also mentioned by Bernier. Its weight, as given on page
372, was 181-J ratis, or 157^ carats (should be 158J carats), hence
these should = 6 melscals, and the melscal=^o^ ratis, or 26A- carats.
To the mishkal of Baber a weight of 40 ratis is attributed, so that
either Baber's mishkal must have weighed absolutely one-third more
than Tavernier's, or Tavernier's rati must have exceeded Baber's by
one-third. The latter will be shown to be the case. (See Appendix.)

CHAPTER XI1
Terms of the passport which the Nawdb ShAistA
KhAn sent to the Author, with some letters which
he wrote to him, and the replies to them, in which
the style of these countries manifests itself.
I come now to the passport which the Nawdb ShAistA
KhAn gave me, and the letters which I wrote to him
in reference to my affairs, and it is as much by these
letters as by the replies which he made to me that
the reader will be enabled to comprehend the style
and manner of writing among the Indians. I also
received a passport from the King himself, which
his Majesty had already given me through Zafar
KhAn,2 his uncle, to whom I returned it after having
read it, because it was not couched in the language
which I wished. I desired it to be without restriction,
equally full and in the same style as that which I had
received from the King of Persia, in virtue of which
I had been exempt from all dues both in going and
coming, whether I sold or did not sell ; because the
1 This chapter is omitted in the English translation by John
Phillips, 1684.
2 Giafer Kan in the original. He was brother of Arjamund Begum,
afterwards called Mumtdz-i-Mahal, the lady for whom the Taj was
built by her husband, Shah Jahan. There is frequent mention of
Zafar Khan in these pages, though he is not often referred to in other
histories of India.
VOL. I 2 D

402 TRAVELS IN INDIA book n
passport offered me on the part of the Great Mogul
was limited, and in the event of sale it required that
I should pay custom dues on whatever I had sold.
Although Zafar KhAn assured me that it was the most
favourable passport of this kind which the King had
ever given, and that according to custom it could not
be otherwise, nevertheless I was unwilling to accept it,
and contented myself with that which I had held for
some years from ShaistA KhAn, which sufficed for
me, and was as much esteemed as that of the King,
or more so. It is true that the King did not require
that I should pay any duty on account of what I
had sold to him, and that the matter was done
graciously. Copy of the letter which the Author wrote to ShAistA
KhAn, uncle of the Great Mogul, on the 2gth of
May i6$g.
The least of the servants of your Highness, who
prays to God for the prosperity of your Greatness,
Jean Baptiste Tavernier, a Frenchman, presents
a request to your liberal bounty. You who are the
Lieutenant of the King, who govern as his relative
all the Kingdoms which are subject to the rule of his
Majesty, who has placed under your direction the most
important affairs of his Crown, the Prince invincible,
ShAistA KhAn, whom may God keep in his care.
It is now some years since I had the honour of
presenting to your Highness, then Governor of the
Kingdom of GujarAt, and residing in AhmadAbAd,
some large pearls and other rarities, which were
deemed worthy of your treasury, for which I received

chap, xi LETTERS FROM AND TO SHAISTA KHAN 403
a just payment and magnificent liberality. At the
same time I received your instructions to return to
Europe, to search for other rarities and bring them to
you : J this I have done during the five or six years
which I have spent traversing many European countries,
where I have met with many beautiful objects and rare
curiosities, which are worthy of being presented to
your Highness. And as I heard, when at the Court
of the King of Persia, that there were wars going on
in India, I sent by one of my servants the aforesaid
effects and rarities by way of Masulipatam ; and when
I reached Surat some days ago, I received intel
ligence of the safe arrival of all.2 If his Highness
is willing to buy the aforesaid rarities, and desires
that I should bring them into his presence, I beg to
be given an order by which I shall be able to travel
to him without any one causing me trouble en route.
But if your Highness does not wish me to go to you
I shall go to some other place. However, I await your
orders at Surat, praying God that He will keep you
always in all kinds of prosperity.
Translation of the first letter which ShAistA KhAn
wrote to the Author in reply to the above.
Great God —
To the beloved of fortune, support of virtue,
Monsieur Tavernier, Frenchman, my dear friend,
know that your letter has been delivered to me, by
1 These commands were given in 1654.
2 What the postal arrangements could have been between places
so distant as Masulipatam and Surat we can only guess — probably letters
between the factories were conveyed mainly by sea. Special runners
were employed by the Native Princes.

404 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii
which I have learnt of your return to Surat, and that
you have brought with you what I asked. I have
carefully considered all that you have written to me,
with which I am much contented ; wherefore, on
receiving this, you should arrange to come to me,
together with those things which you have brought ;
and be assured that I will render you all possible
courtesy, and all the aid and profit that it is possible
for you to wish for. Moreover, I send you the pass
port you have asked me for, recommending you to
come quickly in order that I may see the things
described in your letter. The quicker you are able to
come the better, wherefore write more ?
The nth of Chouval, in the year of Muhammad
1069. This which follows is written in ShAistA KhAn's
own hand —
The chosen one among my most beloved, your
request has been delivered to me. God bless you and
reward you for having held to your word and kept your
promise. Come quickly to me, and be assured that
you- will receive all sorts of contentment and profit
from me.
This which follows is contained round his seal —
The Prince of Princes, the servant of the King,
victorious Aurangzeb.
Translation of the passport which ShAistA KhAn sent
to the Author.
Great God —
To all the agents and officers of the customs and
tolls, to all the guardians of the roads, both great and

chap, xi LETTERS FROM AND TO SHAlSTA KHAN 405
small, between the port of Surat and the Court of
JahAnAbAd. As Monsieur Tavernier, Frenchman, the
most exalted and beloved of us, who is a servant of
my household, comes to me from the port of Surat,
let no one, whomsoever he may be, and on whatsoever
pretext, interrupt his way or his journey, or cause him
inconvenience or trouble, but permit him to pass in all
safety, so that he may be able to come into my presence
with comfort ; and let each of the abovenamed see that
he is accompanied through their respective jurisdictions,
so as to facilitate his journey. I charge you specially
with this matter, and let no one act otherwise.
Done the i ith of Chouval, in the year of Muhammad
1069. Translation of the second letter written by ShAistA
KhAn to the Author.
To the most expert of engineers and the cream of
good fellows, Monsieur Tavernier, Frenchman, know
that I regard you as one of my dearest favourites and
well beloved. As I have before written to you to come
to JahAnAbAd and to bring with you the rarities which
you have for me, now, by the favour and grace of the
King, I have been appointed his Viceroy and Governor
in the Kingdom of Deccan. Immediately on the
receipt of his Majesty's orders I set out, on the 25th
of the month of Chouval; for this reason it is no longer
desirable that you should come to JahAnAbAd, but
rather that you should make your way as soon as
possible to BurhAnpur, where, with God's assistance,
I shall arrive in the course of two months or there
abouts. I trust you will act in accordance with that
which I write to you.

406 TRAVELS IN INDIA

Reply of the Author to this second letter.
He who prays to God for your Highness, and for
the increase of your greatness and prosperity, Jean
Baptiste Tavernier, Frenchman, etc., as in the first
letter. I have received the honour of the commands which
your Highness has deigned to bestow on the least of
your servants. Salutation to the Nawdb, the Prince of
Princes. I gave myself the honour some days past to
write by the messenger of your Highness, that after
the rains I should not fail to go unto your presence at
JahAnAbAd. Now that you direct that it is to be at
BurhAnpur, I shall follow your orders and carry with
me all the rarities which I have destined for your
Highness's service.
Done the ioth of the month Huge.
Translation of the third letter written by ShAistA
KhAn to the Author.
The most beloved of my favourites, Monsieur
Tavernier, Frenchman, know that I keep you fresh in
my memory. The letter which you wrote me by my
messenger has been received, and I have read it word
by word. You write that the rains and bad roads have
prevented your coming, and that after the winter you
will come to seek me. Now that the rains are over,1
and that I hope that in twenty-five or twenty-six days
I shall be at AurangAbAd, on receipt of this hasten to
come to me. I believe you will not fail.
1 I.e. the rainy season or south-east monsoon.

chap, xi LETTERS FROM AND TO SHAlSTA KHAN 407
Done the 5th of Sefer,1 in the first year of the reign
of Aurangzeb.2 This which follows zuas in the hand of the Nawdb.
Dear friend, you will not fail to act according as I
have written. Reply of the Author to this third letter.
The least of the servants of your Highness, Jean
Baptiste Tavernier, Frenchman, prays God for the
prosperity of your person, you who are the Lieutenant
of the King, the channel by which his favours are
distributed, of whom the title is venerable and full of
respect, who are the near relative of the King, the
Governor-General of his Kingdoms, to whom he refers
the accomplishment of all matters of importance. You
, who are the Prince of Princes, I the servant of your
Highness present this petition. Having arrived in this
country in obedience to your orders, I have wholly trusted
in your favour ; and when I believed myself to be most
laden with your bounty, I fell into the nets of Mirza-
Arab, Governor of Surat, for, having received the latest
orders of your Highness, I went to take leave of him
to go to make my salutation to you. He replied that
he had written to the King in reference to my person,
[and that in consequence he could not give me permis-
1 The month Sefer or Safar, as Chardin has it, is the second month
of the Persian lunar year.
2 Tavernier elsewhere (p. 356) says Aurangzeb ascended the throne
1660, and hence Prof. Joret remarks that consequently he would have
remained in Surat on this occasion more than fifteen months, which is
inadmissible, as on p. 4°9 he says six months. This, adds Prof. Joret, is
an almost insoluble difficulty. There is, however, a simple solution,
namely, that Tavernier was in error in naming 1660 as the year of
Aurangzeb's coronation, it having in fact been 1659. (See p. 371 n. ;
see also p. 31 ni)

408 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii
sion to depart till he had received the reply of his
Majesty. I represented to him that, having nothing
with me, and that at my arrival in this port, not having
been found possessed of any merchandise of import
ance passing through the customs, I was astonished that
he had written to the King in reference to my person].1
Disregarding all my arguments he did not alter his
decision, and refused to give me permission to leave
Surat. Now all is in the hands of your Highness, to
whom it is due that I should obey his commands, and
that a person like Mirza- Arab should not be able to
oppose his wishes with so formal a resistance.
Besides, not having my effects with me, as I have
written to your Highness, my delay in Surat causes
me considerable loss, which must give you displeasure.
Moreover, it will prevent merchants from coming to
this port, and that will inflict considerable injury on the
Kingdom. As for myself, I am resolved to burn my
effects or throw them into the sea rather than allow
any one but your Highness to see them. I trust that
the great authority of your Highness will withdraw me
speedily from the trouble I am in, and will enable me
to go to pay you my respects. And I hope that the
news of the favours which I have received from your
Highness, when it shall reach France, will cause many
great merchants to do business in this country, and
then India will know that the rare goods of the French
and their precious curiosities put to shame all that has
hitherto appeared in the country. This is what I
deemed it necessary to write to your Highness. Dated
at Surat the 25th of the month Rabi and Auel.
1 The portion between brackets is omitted in the edition of 17 13,
hough given in those of 1676 and 1679.

chap, xi TAVERNIER VISITS SHOLAPUR 409
All these letters and replies explain the reason why
I delayed nearly six months1 at Surat. At length
there came an express order from the Nawdb to the
Governor of the town to allow me to depart, or other
wise he would have to resign his office. The Governor
of Surat was so much annoyed at being baffled that
when I took leave of him he did not deign to look at
me, of which I held him willingly quitted.
In consequence of the news which I had received
that the Nawdb had parted from AurangAbAd, I found
him with the army in Deccan, where he had besieged
SholApur,2 one of the towns of Raja Sivaji. I sold
him what I had intended for him, and during the time
that I was with him he gave orders that I should lack
nothing, neither for my own mouth nor the feed of my
horses. They brought me each day four trays of meat
and two of fruit and sweetmeats ; these for the most
part fell to the share of my servants, because I was
seldom permitted to eat in my tent.
The Nawdb gave orders that five or six Rajas or
idolatrous Princes whom he had in his army should
entertain me in their own manner. But their rice and
vegetables, which constitute, as I have said, all their
dishes, were so full of pepper, ginger, and other spices
that it was impossible for me to eat them, and I left
the repast with a very good appetite.
During this time the Nawdb fired a mine, which so
much alarmed the inhabitants of SholApur that they
1 Tavernier's account of this same visit on p. 30 seems somewhat
inconsistent with this, as he implies there was no delay, while the con
tents of the letters bear out this specific statement of six months (see p.
407 n.)
2 Choupar in the original, on p. 31 written Choupart. It appears
to be the same as the modern Sholapur in the Deccan.

410 TRAVELS IN INDIA book n
yielded by agreement, on which account the soldiers,
who thought to take the town by assault, were much
annoyed, seeing themselves deprived of the hope of
the loot which they had anticipated. On my departure
the Nawdb wanted to pay me, but having represented
to him that I had to pass through a disturbed country,
and had to fear the followers of both armies, I asked
him to allow me to draw the money at DaulatAbAd1;
this he granted willingly, and on an order which he
gave me I was paid on the day following my arrival in
that town. The treasurer who counted out the money
to me said that he had received the advice four days
previously by an express, and that the Nawdb had
commanded him to pay me promply ; this shows the
great precision of the Indians in matters of trade to
satisfy debts without delay.
1 Dultabat in the original, for Daulatalidd, also called Deogir (see
p. 1 60). Bernier describes this town as being fifteen or sixteen days'
journey from Golconda, and calls it the capital of Deccan. {History of
the late Revolution, etc., p. 37.) According to the statement on p. 33,
this payment was made at Aurang&bdd, and by no means promptly, or
with satisfaction to Tavernier. This is but another inconsistency in the
narrative.

APPENDIX
On the values of Coins, Weights, and Measures referred to by
Tavernier.
I limit myself here mainly to an interpretation of the values given
by our author, not having space for any wider discussion of the
question. He has been quoted as an authority, not always correctly,
as I believe, in support of particular views, especially as to the value
of the rupee. I think it can be demonstrated from the numerous
relations which he gives between Indian coins and various European
ones that it cannot have had a less average value than 2s. 3d.
Sometimes, however, the evidence tends in the direction of a greater
and sometimes of a less value.
The discrepancies are in part due to the varying values of coins
bearing the same names in different provinces, and partly to the fact
that European coins in Oriental countries, and Oriental coins in
countries not their own, had two values — one the intrinsic, which
was ascertained at the mints, and sometimes by actual conversion into
the coin of the country, and the other the exchange value of the coins
themselves when used as a means of purchasing in the marts.
This Appendix is supplementary to the foot-notes, but is at the
same time intended to give a general and connected view of the
subject. French Money.
1 2 Deniers (money of account) = 1 Sol {Sous Tournois).
20 Sols = 1 Livre (money of account).
60 „ or 3 Livres = 1 Ecu.
2 Louis d'or, old = 16s. 9d., new = £1 : o : 6 ; both according to
Sir Isaac Newton. {Assays, etc., of Coins at London Mint, before
1717.) It is of the utmost importance to establish beyond question of
doubt the value of the above as they were employed by Tavernier.

412 TRAVELS IN INDIA

Sir Isaac Newton's estimate of the value of the 'ecu in 1 7 1 7 was
4s. 6d., and the very frequent relations given between it and various
other European coins by Tavernier clearly indicate, as will be
apparent in speaking of them, and as has been shown already in the
foot-notes, that a less value cannot be ascribed to it. Whence it
follows that what Tavernier understood as the livre, or ^d of an 'ecu,
had a value of is. 6d., and the same value is indicated by its rela
tions to other well-known coins — as, for instance, the Dutch guilder
(florin). From this again we obtain the deduction that the sol, as
he uses it, which, from its small value, gives that of other coins with
great nicety, was worth 0.9 of a penny; in other words, 10 sols = 9A.1
Spanish Money.
The piastre and reale or real, as determined by Sir Isaac Newton,
and as valued by Tavernier, were of equal value with the ecu, being
therefore worth 4s. 6d. Tavernier states that the former was equal
to two rupees {Persian Travels, p. 238), i.e. 4s. 6d. also.
The double pistole or Frederic d'or was worth from £1 : 12 : 6|-
to £1 : 13 13, the latter being Sir Isaac Newton's estimate. The
single pistole he valued at 1 6s. 9d.
Portuguese Money.
Crusado. — According to Sir Isaac Newton, in 17 17, the crusado
= 2s. iod. Other authors place its value as low as 2s. 3d., and
there are various intermediate valuations.
Italian Money.
Croisart of Genoa and Sequin of Venice.
The croisart is once mentioned by Tavernier, Book I, chap, xiii ;
its value seems to have been about 6s. 6d. The sequin, according
to Sir Isaac Newton, was worth 9s. 5-7d., and according to Yule
and Burnell, Anglo-Indian Glossary, n id., or 9s. 3d.
German Money.
Gulden, Rixdollars2 properly Reichsthalers {Richedales of Taver
nier), and Ducats.
1 The above computations, as well as those of the values of Indian and
Persian coins, although made independently, agree exactly with those which are
given in a table in the English translation of Tavernier, by J. Phillips, dated
1684. 2 The rixdollar was also a money of account in several different countries.

APPENDIX— COINS 413

The gulden, of which there were several different kinds, ranged
from about 2s. 2d. to 2s. 4&, the double gulden being equal to about
twice that amount. The rixdollars, of which there were many
kinds, averaged, according to Sir Isaac Newton,- about 4s. 7d. in
intrinsic value ; being, therefore, worth slightly more than the ecu,
or French crown.
The ducats averaged about 4s. 9d.
Dutch Money.
Gulden {guilder of Tavernier) or florin. — Its value in currency
seems to have been about is. 9d. to is. 9|d., and to the livre it
bore the proportion of 5 to 6, which gives a value for the latter of
very nearly is. 6d. Indian Money.
50-80 Cowrie {corie of Tavernier), shells {Cyprcea moneta), = 1
paisd. 35-40 Bdddm {baden of Tavernier), bitter almonds {Amygdalus
communis, var. amard) = 1 paisd.
46-56 Paisd {pecha of Tavernier) = 1 rupee (p. 27).
1 4-14 \ Rupees = 1 gold rupee or gold mohur.
Also
Fanam {fano of Tavernier) = 4-Jd. ; but some, of which six only
went to the ecu, were worth double, or 9d.
Pardao =27 sols.
Pagoda, new =3 J rupees; old = 4-J rupees and 2 J ecus.
Passing the bitter almonds and cowries, we come to the paisd
(ox pecha of Tavernier). He says that it was worth about 2 French
Hards, but that there were coins of half a paisd, 2 and 4 paisd.
At Surat 49 to 50, and sometimes only 46, paisd went to the rupee ;
and at Agra, nearer the copper mines, 55 to 56. Taking it at the
average of 50, therefore, this coin was worth the 50th part of the rupee,1
and it was also worth the 20th part of the mahmudi. If the rupee,
as shown below, was worth 2s. 3d., then Tavernier's paisd was worth
.54 of a penny ; but with the mahmudi at 9d. its value would be
only o.45d. The former appears to be the safer figure to adopt,
owing to the various relations given by Tavernier from which we can
determine the value of the rupee.
The Rupee. — The simplest of these relations {vide Book I,
1 Thevenot and Mandelslo make somewhat similar statements, but contradict
themselves in other passages.

414 TRAVELS IN INDIA
chap. II, and p. 385) is 2 rupees = 1 ecu, or 4s, 6d.J .\ 1 rupee = 2s.
3d. Tavernier frequently repeats his calculations in rupees, separately
also in livres ; these always indicate a ratio of 2 to 3, and, as we
have shown his livre to have been equal to is. 6d., the rupee would
again be 2s. 3d.2
In terms of the Spanish reale, 100 of which = 213 to 215 rupees,
the latter must have had the intrinsic value of at least 2 s. ijd., and
in terms of the rixdollar or reichsthaler, 2 s. i|d. These alone
prove an absolute intrinsic value of upwards of 2s. id. The rela
tions with Persian coins, to which reference has been made in the
foot-notes, and the values of which are discussed below, support the
ascription of values of from 2s. id. to 2s. 3d. for the rupee.
The gold rupee, or gold mohur. — All the evidence goes to show
that this coin, as known to Tavernier, was worth at least from 31s. 6d.
to 32 s. ; its equivalent was 14 to 14 \ rupees, hence we may again
deduce a value of at least 2s. 3d. for the rupee.
The fanam is of no importance in so far as Tavernier's calcula
tions are concerned.
Pardao. — -In three places (Book I, chap, xiii, and Book II,
chaps, xii and xxiii) Tavernier gives for the pardao the value of 2 7
sols — 2 s. 0.3 d. ; this is less than what is ascribed to it about this
period in the Anglo-Indian Glossary, namely, 2s. 6d.
Pagoda. — Tavernier gives a number of different values for this
coin. Thus, New P. = 3^ rupees, say 7s. io^d. ; Old P. = 4J
rupees (Book II, chap, xviii), say 10s. ijd. ; also = 7j livres (Book
II, chap, xxiv) = us. 9d., or 2\ ecus (Book^ I, chap, xix) = 10s. 6d.
In the table in the English translation above referred to, the pagoda =
the demi-pistol, or 8s. 3d. The average value was therefore about 9s.
Persian Money.
2 shdhis = 1 mahmudi.
2 mahmudis = 1 abdsi.
5 abdsis = 1 "or" ? (money of account).
5 o abdsis = 1 toman (money of account).
Shdhi (chaez of Tavernier). — According to Tavernier (p. 24),
200 shdhis = 2t)\ rupees, so that with the rupee at 2s. 3d. the value
1 Bernier says the same.
2 Terry gives the value of 2s. 3d. for ordinary rupees, and 2s. 9d. for the
best (Voyage, etc., London, 1777, pp. 67, 113, 167). Fryer and Mandelslo also
give the value at 2s. 3d. Mr. Keene's ascription of only is. 3d. to the rupee
seems to be based on an incorrect valuation of the livre, for which Tavernier
cannot be held responsible. (See History of Hindustan, p. 211).

APPENDIX— COINS 415

of one shdhi would be 3.98d., say 4d. As he elsewhere states the
relation to French money to be 10 shdhis = 46 sols and 1 Hard, .:
1 shdhi = 4^d., and Mandelslo ( Voyages, English translation, p. 8)
gives the value of one shdhi to be nearly 5d., I conclude, although
the value is given at only 2-j^d. by Kelly in the Universal Cambist,
that in Tavernier's time its value was from 4d. to 5d., say 4^-d.
Mahmudi {mamoudi of Tavernier). — Hence the mahmiidi would
be worth between 8d. and 9d. Both Tavernier and Fryer repre
sent it, however, as being worth -fths of a rupee, so that with the
latter at 2s. 3d. its value would be iofd. ; and Mandelslo (English
ed., pp. 13 and 68) gives it the value of is., which would make the
rupee 2s. 6d. Its range in value, therefore, was from 8d. to is.
Abdsi. — Tavernier, in his account of Persian money, says 1 abdsi
= 18 sols 6 deniers, which would be about is. 4.65d. Mandelslo
(p. 8) says 3=1 ecu, and as we must give a value of at least 4s. 6d.
to the ecu, the abdsi would be worth is. 6d. ; so confirming the
intermediate values of the shdhi {chaez) (4-|d.) and of the mahmudi
(9d.) above given.
In his Persian Travels, 1st ed., 1676, p. 122, Tavernier states
that 1 or= 5 abdsis, or about 6s. u^d. with the abdsi at is. 4.65d.,
or 7s. 6d. with the abdsi at is. 6d. The or may have been a name
used by the Franks much as we use the slang term "tin"; it
corresponded to the Persian zar, which simply means money,1 but
Tavernier here gives it a definite value.
Toman. — Though generally regarded as a money of account, it
is sometimes spoken of as though it had actually been a coin. At
50 abdsis, as above, its value was £3 : 15s. ; but Tavernier states
that in India its value was 2 9 -1- rupees, which at 2s. 3d. would be
only £2, '¦ 6 : 42- Tavernier also states that the toman = 46 livres,
which at is. 6d. = £3 : 9s. Mandelslo gives it as = 5 pistoles,
i.e. about ,£4:3:9. Fryer says ,£3:6:8; and Tavernier, in his
Persian Travels, p. 122, says it = 15 'ecus, which at 4s. 6d. =
.£3:7:6. Probably about £3 : 9s. would be a fair average esti
mate. In 182 1, according to Kelly {Universal Cambist), it only
represented a value of £1 : 16s.
" Tun" of Gold. — According to Tavernier (Book III, chap, xxix),
the tun was equal to 100,000 gulden (or Dutch florins), or 120,000
livres; and as these were worth is. 9d. and is. 6d. respectively, the
value of the tun would be about ,£9000. I have not been able to
find the term in any other work.

1 Comp. Chardin, Voyages, Amsterdam, 1711, vol. iv, 277.

416 TRAVELS IN INDIA
It is unnecessary to describe other Persian coins here, as they
are not mentioned by our author in the Indian portion of his travels.
Chinese Money.
A money of account = 600 livres = .£45 (see Book II, chap.
xxiii, and Persian Travels) is referred to by Tavernier as a pain,
i.e. a loaf or cake; probably it was represented in bullion by an
ingot, to which the English applied the term "shoe."
Weights.
French Weights.
1 grain = .837 of a grain troy.
2 4 grains = 1 denier.
72 „ ( = 3 deniers) = 1 gros.
579 ,, =1 once =482.312 grs. troy.
16 onces = 1 livre = 1 lb. 4 oz. 1 dwt. 13 gr. troy, or 1 lb.
1 oz. 10} dr. av. Indian Weights.
Ghi'mchi {gongy).— -The name of the seed of Abrus precatorius.
3 = 1 val .'. 1 = 1.95 to 1.98 grs. troy (see val); but this value is too
high for the ordinary rati, and too low for Tavernier's rati (see rati).
Carat. — In order to determine the value of Tavernier's carat,
we may have recourse to one particular diamond of which he makes
mention, namely, that belonging to the Grand Duke of Tuscany,
which he figures and states weighed 139 £ carats. From the foot
notes in Book II, chap, xxii, it will be seen that it is practically
certain that this stone is the same as the one now known as the
"Austrian Yellow," which weighs, according to Schrauf, 133^-
Vienna carats, or 134 modern French carats, the latter differing
very slightly from English carats. Hence we might deduce that
Tavernier's carats were about 4 per cent lighter than the modern
French carat. But the stone may have been polished, and have
lost weight, or the difference of 5^ carats may be simply due to
improved and more careful means of weighment.
If we could be quite sure that the melscal of Tavernier was the
orthodox Persian mishkal, weighing about 74 grains troy, we should
also have a means of testing the value of his carat, because he gives
the weight of Aurangzeb's celebrated topaz in one place as 6 melscals,
and in another as i8i§- ratis, or 157^ carats (more properly, at the

APPENDIX-WEIGHTS 417

proportion of 8 to 7, it should be 158 J carats), the equivalent of
which would be 444 grs. troy, and a rati consequently would be
equal to 2.456 troy grains, and a carat to 2.8 troy grains, or .37
less than the modern carat. Tavernier's melscal, however, seems to
have been equal to from 80.38 to 83.7 grs. troy (see below), and
the carat calculated from the latter equals 3.169 grs. troy— a very
close approximation indeed to the modern French carat. From
both the above we may conclude that Tavernier's carat differed but
slightly, if at all, from the French carat of to-day. (See Preface, vol.
ii, for correction.)
The Rati. — Tavernier, however, further says that 6 melscals =
1 once, and, therefore, as the French once = 482.312 grs. troy, the
rati would be 2.66 grs. troy,1 which is an approximation to its value,
namely 2.77 grs. (see Book II, chap, xviii), when calculated at fths
of the modern carat of 3.17 grs. troy; and a still closer approxi
mation, namely 2.74, if we regard, as above, Tavernier's carat as
being 4 per cent less than the modern carat. The average of these
three gives a value of 2.72, which I conclude may have been
about the value of the rati uniformly used by Tavernier, but I
shall employ the 2.77 grs. as a more definitely arrived at sum in
future calculations. This was the pearl rati, equal, as he himself
tells us, to the abas (see Book II, chap, xxi, and Persian Travels, p.
238), which was used in Persia for weighing pearls. The value of the
abds, as given by Kelly in the Universal Cambist, is 3.66 diamond,
or 2.25 troy grains. This .proportion is, I think, incorrect, as 3.66
diamond grs. = 2.9 troy grains, or 1 diamond grain = .7925 gr. troy.
The ordinary rati (the seed of the Abrus precatorius) varied
from 1.75 up to 1.9375, the mean of which is 1.843 grs- troy- Mr.
Thomas 2 has finally adopted 1 . 7 5 in his calculations. The above mean
is identical with the value derived from the tola of Bdbar of 1 7 7 grs. =
96 ratis. From the mishkal of Babar Prof. Maskelyne has deduced
values of 1.8425 to 1.85 grs. troy for the rati. General Cunning
ham3 and Mr. Laidlay, by weighment of the seeds, obtained 1.823
and 1.825 Srs- tr°yi4 or oniy about f-ds of the rati of Tavernier.
Another weighment by Mr. Blackie in the Bellary District gave an
average of 2.142 grs. — the seeds in the south being larger.5
1 The carat, calculated in the same way, would be similarly enhanced, and
would amount to 3.043 troy grains, or within 1.27 of the modern value.
2 Numismata Orientalia, New ed., Pt. I, pp. 13-14.
3 Royal Institution of Great Britain, March 1 860. Cf. V. A. Smith, four.
As. Soc. Bengal, Part I, 1884, p. 147.
i Num. Chron., vol. xiii, N.S., 1873, pp. 196-197.
6 Proced. As. Soc. Bengal, 1887, p. 222.
VOL. I 2 E

418 TRAVELS IN INDIA

Mangelin. — Seed of Adenanthera pavonina, L. ; it varied as
follows : — If carat If ordinary
grains. French grams.
In Ramulkota (Raolconda) = 7. grs. = 5.55 grs. troy 5.8 grs. troy.
,, Golconda and Bijapur = 5J „ 4.36 ,, 4.6 „
,, Goa = 5 „ 3.96 „ 4.185 „
The Anglo -Indian Glossary gives the average result of the
weighment of 50 seeds of Adenanthera pavonina as 4.13 grs. troy;
selected seeds gave 5.02 to 5.03 grs. troy.
Val (from Sanskrit valla) = 3 seeds of Abrus precatorius.
32 vals = 1 tola {tole) .: 1 = 5.86 grs. troy nearly (see tola).
81 „ =1 once Fr. .'. 1 val = 5.95 grs. troy.
Melscal of Tavernier. Arabic mithkdl (or mitskdl).
1 melscal = £ of an once, or 80.38 grs. troy.
6 ,, = i8i£ ratis, or 157^ (rather 158J) carats.
.•.1 „ = 3oT\ ratis, or 26^- carats.
3°iV x 2-77 = 83.6 grs. troy; 26T62 x 3.17 = 83.8 grs. troy.
The average of these, say 83.7 grs. troy, is considerably in excess
of the ordinary Persian miskhdl oi from 73.69 to 74 grs. troy; but
it must nevertheless be accepted as representing approximately the
melscal known to Tavernier.
Tola (tole of Tavernier). — 1 tole = 9 deniers 8 grains = 224
French grains = 187.488 troy grains.
The modern British Indian tola= 180 grs. troy.
Seer or Ser {serre of Tavernier).
In Surat 42 seers = 34^ livres, Book II, chap. xii.
» 4° » = 34 » jj »
„ 1 seer = f th livre, Book I, chap. ii.
Agra 60 seers = 5 if livres, Book II, chap. xii.
Bengal 1 „ = 72 ,, j Book III,
„ 1 „ = for amber, etc. = 9 oz. ( chap. xv.
From the above indications of the value of the Surat seer, we
may conclude that it averaged nearly 1 3 French onces = 1 4. 3 oz.
av., and that the Agra seer was equal to 13.6 Fr. onces = 15.2 oz. av.
In reference to the Bengal seer, the value 72 livres is possibly a
copyist's mistake, and is certainly a blunder (see notes in Book III,
chap. xv). The small Patna seer of 9 onces is probably right.
Thevenot, p. 52, gives the equivalent of the Surat seer at 14
onces, or 35 tolas ; and Mandelslo, English ed., p. 67, says 40 seers

APPENDIX— MEASURES 419
= 30^ livres, therefore 1 = 12.2 onces. To the Agra seer Thevenot
gives the value of 28 onces.
Maund, man, Hin. {mein and men of Tavernier).
Tavernier's ordinary maund =69 livres.
Indigo „ 53 „
Surat „ 42 seers.
>, 4° „
„ (Mandelslo) 40 ,,
,, (Thevenot) 40 ,,
,, (Fryer) 42 pounds.
We may therefore conclude that the Surat maund contained
about 40 seers, at about 13 French onces to the seer, or 35.5 English
pounds avoirdupois.
The maund of Agra contained 60 seers of 13.6 onces, or about
5 7 lbs. av. English, which corresponds approximately with a value
of 55 lbs. given by Hawkins in 161 o.
Measures of Length.
French.
The French lieue is generally given by Tavernier as the
equivalent of the coss, but as he recognises the variability of the
latter, it must be considered that the adoption of the European
term was determined rather by convenience than by any positive
identity having been established by actual measurement. The old
lieue de poste of France was equal to 2 miles and 743 yards.
Indian Measures.
The Indian measures which we have to investigate are the tassu
{tassot of Tavernier), cubit, coss, and gos.
24 tassus {tassots) = 1 cubit {aune of Tavernier).
(5000?) cubits = 1 coss {cosse1 of Tavernier).
4 coss = 1 gow {gos of Tavernier).
The tassu {tassot) of Surat, as graphically represented in Book
II chap xii, and in Observations sur le Commerce, etc., in the
"Recueil," is exactly equal to i* in. English. The cubit of Surat
was equal to 24 times that amount, in other words to 27 in. In
Book I, chap, ii (see p. 38), the jth of a Surat cubit as represented
1 Misprinted eoste for cosse in Tavernier's first edition of 1676, and repeated
in other editions, but corrected in the errata.

420 TRAVELS IN INDIA

would indicate a cubit of about \ an inch less, but the same figure
is said to be equal to only \xh of the Agra cubit, which would there
fore be about 32I in. This is very near the ildhi gaz of Akbar,
namely 33 in. The tassu of Agra was, therefore, about i\ in.
English. The Coss. — As stated above, Tavernier regarded the coss and the
lieue as equivalent values, frequent illustrations of which are pointed
out in the foot-notes. In Book I, chap, iv, he speaks of the coss
between Surat and Burhanpur as short, a cart being able to traverse
one in an hour ; but between the latter and Sironj the coss were
longer, a cart taking up to five quarters of an hour ; between Sironj
and Agra they were common coss, of which there were 106; the
true distance is about 220 miles. In general, I have found that
the true distances indicate a value of 2 miles, approximately, for
Tavernier's coss. Thus, between Golconda and Masulipatam the
distance is given as 100 coss, the true distance being about 210
miles. Thevenot speaks of the coss as being equal to half a league ;
but his lieue must have been a double one, since, in the particular
instance just quoted, he represents the distance as being 53 lieues.
The Gos of Tavernier appears to have been the same as the gow
(Hind, gau) of some other authors, and this term is at present in
use locally both in parts of India and Ceylon; but in the latter
country it represents a smaller value than it does in the Peninsula,
as stated in the note on page 47. In three different places,
Book II, chap, xii, and in Book II, chap, xviii, the value of the gos
is stated to be 4 lieues ; in other words, 4 coss, or say from 8 to 9
miles, which is the value of the gau in S. India at present. Accord
ing to Tavernier it was the unit of measurement between Surat and
Goa, and was also used between Golconda and the Diamond Mines.

END OF VOL. I

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