YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

THE JAPANESE CONQUEST
OF AMERICAN OPINION
MONTAVILLE FLOWERS

THE
JAPANESE CONQUEST
OF
AMERICAN OPINION

BY
MONTAVILLE FLOWERS, M.A.

NEW YORK
GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY

copyright, 1917,
by george h. doran company

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

DEDICATED TO
THE BOYS AND GIRLS OF OUR
HIGH SCHOOLS
THE YOUNG MEN AND WOMEN OP OUR
COLLEGES
upon whose american spirit and whose knowledge
of the great world problems op our time
depends the preservation op the
precious inheritance of
The Founders and Builders
OF
The Republic

PREFACE
"Peace hath her victories no less renown'd than war."
The weapon with which those victories are won in
America is Public Opinion.
Japan is now trying to secure possession of that
weapon. The victories she wotjld win with it are the i^emoval of
restrictions on immigration; the rights of naturalisation,
American citizenship, and of intermarriage with the white
race; the overthrow of all anti-Asiatic land legislation in
western states; the rapid acquisition of those lands; and
all that follows.
Shall the people of the United States vote to give the
Japanese these rights? That is the question which this
nation is being forced to decide. That is the problem this
generation must solve.
On the affirmative of this question are the Japanese in
America and all of Japan, a, self-assertive_people of tre
mendous^ energy driven by a fatalistic faith and a con
sciousness of racial superiority; assisted by large numbers
of prominent Americans ecstatically visualising America
as the Utopia of Universal Brotherhood ; followed by an
array of our countrymen, swept on by faith in the authors
of this beautiful dream; all organised, active, powerful,
using vast institutions especially adapted to spread and
vitalise their propaganda. /
On the other side is an opposition so unorganised, so
mild, so impalpable that it seems not to exist at all, and
gives evidence of its presence only by a subconscious
uneasiness, warning the people that somewhere beneath

vui  PREFACE 
all this pro- Japanese campaign something is concealed
that is wrong. During the three years in which I have
been delivering addresses upon this problem, hundreds of
Americans have said, "I have always felt that there are
two sides to this problem, but I've seen only the Japanese
propaganda. Where does this road end? Where can I
get in full the story of the Pacific Coast and the American
view so that I may reform my opinion and take a position
upon it ?"
To contribute to this need I shall begin at the beginning
and tell the story of the Japanese Conquest of American
Opinion so far as it has proceeded. Truly the discussion
from the Japanese standpoint has been voluminous
enough by both the Japanese and their American sup
porters. The volumes by Sidney L. Gulick, adroit, wholly
pro- Japanese, highly indorsed, widely distributed; books
and articles by Kawakami and lyenaga, of surpassing
finesse, typical products of the Oriental mind; "The
Japanese Problem," by H. A. Millis, prepared to order as
a brief for the pro-Japanese campaign ; "Japan to Amer
ica" and "America to Japan," two volumes by the Japan
Society of New York, with its founders decorated by the
Mikado ; the ceaseless labour and wide scattering of propa
ganda by that Society; the continuous output of the Jap
anese Press Bureaus and their agents established in our
country; the regular contributions by Hamilton Wright
MaM£,-HamiltQn-Holt, and their confreres in their weekly
magazines and their addresses ; the unmeasured power of
money and influence of great peace societies and the Fed
eral Council of Churches spreading farther still these
books and pamphlets, and publishing thousands more ; the
hundreds and thousands of sermons made upon the
requests of these agencies, interpreting a dream world of
hopes into arguments for fatal experiments ; all these have
challenged those Americans to speak who are not bound

 PREFACE  ix
by self-interest, or moved by a metaphysical conception of
an ideal state that never had and never can have a trans
lation into fact. Signed, MONTAVILLE FlOWERS.
Monrovia, California.
September i, 19 16.

CONTENTS
PART I. THE JAPANESE PROBLEM
Chapter I. The Genesis and Scope of the Problem
PAGE
A world problem — Subjects involved in its discussion — Its Genesis
on the Pacific Coast, where Occident meets Orient — Forces that
set races to moving — California the picket line — The point at
issue in the question  3
Chapter II. Relation of Japan to the Problem
The coming of the Japanese: Sudden rise of Japanese immigra
tion — The status of Japanese in the United States — Sovereign
Rights of nations regarding immigration and citizenship — Its
exercise in Canada — Declaration of American Institute of
International Law — Supreme Court decision — California's Con
stitution — The meaning of Japan's aggression  6
Chapter III. The First Conflict
The sudden development of Japan — Her first issue with America
— The School question: Astonishing attitude of Japanese —
Statements by both sides — ^Japan appeals to Washington —
The Gentleman's Agreement of 1907 a great moral victory
for Japan — Japan learns two things about America — The Jap
anese and contract — Individual and national characters-^
Picture-brides — The second conflict begins to develop — Buying
land — Character of that land — Who are the people of Cal
ifornia? — The most intelligent American state — The second
conflict approaches  11
Chapter IV. The Second Conflict
President Woodrow Wilson against Asiatic Immigration — The
Democratic Platform in 1912 — The personnel of the California
Legislature elected in 1912 — The Japanese get ready — The
conflict develops — The coming of Secretary Bryan — The anti-
alien land law is passed  23
Chapter V. Where Two Races Meet
What is in the land law? — Aliens ineligible to citizenship — ^The
text of the controversy — The law just, fair, and within the
rights of the state — No discrimination against Japanese —
Why call this a Japanese problem?  29

xii CONTENTS

Chapter VI. Occident or Orient PAGE
Japan's objections to the law — No treaty violated — Treaty making
powers of the United States versus Lawmaking powers of the
States— -Authorities cited — No land rights in treaty of 191 1
Liberties exchanged — The Oriental interpretation of contract--
Review of Japanese diplomacy in official documents — Land
rights not exchanged, why? — Wide interpretation of words
"to own" — ^Japan's trickery in citing precedents — Brazil —
Mexico — Russia  34
Chapter VII. "Let Us Arbitrate"
A lever placed under our sovereignty — Development of pro-
Japanese sentiment favouring Japan — Fetish of fair_ play —
Japan everjrthing to gain, nothing to lose — Lack of aEen code
— ^What shall we arbitrate? — The significance of the land right
— Arbitrating sovereignty — Japan proclaims a new principle
— Various quotations of it — Japan demands great changes in
our fundamental law — The sentimental American response —
How Japan violates her own principle— Offer of United States
to try case in Courts — To buy all Japanese land — ^The end
of negotiations — ^Two nations deadlocked  42
Chapter VIII. The Goal and the Way to It
Japan announces her goal — It is American citizenship — ^AU social
rights — Removing impediments to lajid ownership — The Unes
of least resistance — Americans localized — Indifferent and igno
rant as to the problem — Sentimentalism — The roads toward
the conquest of American opinion — American sentiments played
upon — Phases used — Arguments catalogued — Making a Jap
anese tradition in America  '.  52

PART II. FORCES AND METHODS OP THE
JAPANESE CONQUEST
Chapter IX. Maligning a State
A carnpaign of vituperation — Epithets and charges made — Mr.
Gulick's charges of falsehoods — Discredit put on Americans
opposing Japanese aggression — Arraignment of California by
Hamilton Holt — By Hamilton Wright Mabie — Threats of war
—Attack on California by Kasai — ^Epithets — "demagogues,"
"jingoes," "criminals" — A California woman against her state —
Benjamin Ide Wheeler contradicts these — Kawakami, the volu
minous — Oriental methods of argument — Dr. E. A. Steiner's
graye charges against Calif ornians — The charges disproved — i
Serious assault by a Rabbi — The Peace Sunday movement —
Accusing the Southerner in California — Virginia and the Amer
ican ideal — A truer estimate  50

CONTENTS xiii

Chapter X. The Appeal to the Church PAGE
One hundred thousand ministers drafted into the campaign —
Sidney L. Gulick — and his "New Oriental Policy" — The present
Oriental policy "disgraceful" — What changes the policy will
require — Intermarriage of races? — Alleged good results of his
poUcy — ^The Federal Council of Churches of Christ — Its rela
tion to the Japanese movement — Its adoption of the Gulick Plan
— Great promotion and publicity — A Japanese Commission in
the Church — Its partisan composition and position — It orders
a book — Cross influences supporting this campaign  78
Chapter XI. The Appeal to Facts
The Federal Council engages Mr. Millis — Review of his work —
Facts and opinions — Securing "opinions" — The book a surprise
— ^Encysted Japanese committees — Underbidding white men —
Living and labour of Japanese in California — Kind of land they
use — No new industries — No new wealth to state — ^Realty
values decreased — Land legislation popular with state — A
competing force — Japanese labor not needed or wanted —
Japanese held in disrepute — ^Anti- Japanese sentiment held by
best people — Opposition to intermarriage universal — Civilisa
tions not to be harmonised — ^Japanese white children — A ver
dict against California — Verdict analysed explaining serious
weaknesses— Chinese versus Japanese — When Eastern people
move to California they change opinion — Attitudes of China
and Japan to America compared  89
Chapter XII. The Appeal to Social Influence
The Japan Society of New York and its allies — Rich support
and membership — Purpose of the Society — A one-sided exhibit
— Its system of propaganda — Writing pro-Japanese books —
Public opinion not represented fully — Ostensible "dinners" —
Its sister Society in Japan — Distribution of books, etc.; free
pro- Japanese books for our boys and girls — Personal campaign
by travel and solicitation — Japan Society, a Confederate of
Japanese Press Bureaus — "Subscribe for the News Bulletin"!
— Quotations from editorials — ^What is Japan's "American"
problem? — Vivid correspondence with Hamilton Holt — A
menace  106
Chapter XIII. The Appeal to American Sentiment
Japanese press agents and press bureaus — The Japanese-American
associations — Who is Kawakami? — The "East and West" press
bureau — WTio pays the bills? — Defending Japan against China
—The truth by Samuel G. Blythe— The "Pacific Press Bureau"
— ^Its methods — Assimilating America — ^Team play — Pro- Jap
anese against American preparedness — "Mr. Bl3rthe's illusions"
— Other Japanese publicists — ^Japanese students and free speech
in our colleges — Japanese professors teaching American youth
"Immigration" — T^ical illustration of play on emotional
sentiment  119

xiv CONTENTS

Chapter XIV. The Appeal to Peace p^^.^
Relation of Peace Movement to the Japanese Conquest — The
cause of peace — War and civilisation — War and progress
Long history of the Peace Movement— The first American Peace
Society — Its present work — The three essential facts of the
Peace Societies — Coordination — ^A political movement — ^The
factors of a trust— Mr. Carnegie and Peace— His master-pas
sion, reunion of Britain and America — Practical work to that
end — Panama Tolls— Relation of Elihu Root to peace and
Panama — The Tolls repealed — Subsidising Lyceum and Chau
tauqua — Educating public sentiment for Japan — Englatid and
Japan and Carnegie Peace Societies — Mistaken enthusiasts —
David Starr Jordan's great prophecy against war — Baron
d'Estournelle's prophecy reversed — Hopeful but mistaken men . 136
Chapter XV. The Appeal to Religion
part I
The Foundation text — The "Unchristian" argument — Institu
tional thinking — Drawing around Japan the "holy circle of the
Church" — Universal Brotlierhood as interpreted by Japan —
The trick of quoting Scripture— Shylock — ^Richard III — ^The
School Peace League, and the "one blood" text — False inter
pretations and dangerous application — The Pulpit interpreta
tion of "one blood" — Extent of sentimentalism in the Pulpit
— Steiner's view of "applied Christianity" — ^Answering the
"one blood" argument — Origin of nations  158
part u
Christianitjr — ^Religion — Morals and Government of Japan —
The missionary attitude — Japanese versus Chinese missionaries
— ^A famous telegram-^Dr. Teusler's assaults — Value of mis
sionaries to Japan's Conquest — A natural attitude — Christian
ity weak in Japan — ^The Japanese Year Book statement — ^The
first chance and the second-— Statistics on slow growth of Chris
tianity in Japan — Development of native cults rapid — Mistaken
ideas of Japanese government — ^The real religion of Japan —
Showing the innocent flower — The Emperor is God — The
morality of Japan — Loyalty and its application — Prostitution,
polygamy, concubinage — Dr. Myers in "History as Past
Ethics" — Sir Edwin Arnold — Patriotism a religion — Modifying
our Christianity — A pagan Emperor's ceremonials — ^Religion
not a solution — Economic bases — The everlasting conflict  165
PART III. BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW
Chapter XVI. A Japanese Five Per Cent.! What?
Mr. Gulick's recent tour for approval — The cornerstone of his
pohcy— Alleged happy results — Why received favourably — ^A de-

CONTENTS XV

PAGE
ception and a subterfuge — Figuring it out — Increase of yellow
and brown races — Steady increase in Japanese birthrate —
Figuring on Hawaii — Coming to the mainland — Figuring other
Asiatics also — The total results on ten per cent, basis — "Pigs
is pigs" — Restrictive tests — on immigration — On naturalisa
tion — Mr. Gulick's additional "provisos" — Why Five Per Cent.?
— Chances of ten per cent, or higher — ^Where does the negro
come in the Japanese problem? — ^The year 2040  185
Chapter XVII. The Great American Illusion
The melting-pot — Development of this illusion — Colonial stocks
— ^Ideals and impulses of early America — ^The "Guardian of the
World" idea — Development, changing conditions — The fires in
the crucible — Growth toward race mixture — ^The arrival by the
religious road — ^The stumbling block of missionaries in Japan
— The "Asiatic blood in the melting pot"  200
Chapter XVIII. The Dead Soul in the Pot
Nationality and race mixture — What is a nation? — Race mixture
a fundamental cause of war — Proving the Japanese assimilable
— Mr. Gulick's fallacies in "Social Assimilation" — ^Faulty in
stances cited — "Adopting" Asiatic babies — Burbank developing
a new variety — The one hundred thousand bad results destroyed
— ^An architectural plan with an open door — Proving the Jap
anese white — Old Aryan migrations — ^The Japanese are Mon
golians — Confusing "nation" and "race" — Misquoting Pres
ident Eliot, of Harvard — His four conclusions on race mixture
— "Saving Japan's face" — ^The constitution of races — Gustav
Le Bon — Dr. Robert Tuttle Morris on race mixture — Encysting
foreign races in American — Some conclusions — The dissolution
of races  209
Chapter XIX. Pacts Pertinent to Opinion
A chapter of answers — Are the Japanese decreasing in numbers
in the United States? — ^Japanese birth rate trebles in five years
— ^Japanese prefer the United States — Excluding Asiatics while
admitting Southern Europeans — Results of immigration from
Southern and Eastern Europe — Can Americans own land in
Japan? — Is Japan poor? — Finances and war — Pacifists and
financial prophecies — ^Report of Secretary of Commerce —
Thomas F. Millard's statement — Financial ability of Japan —
What is the meaning of the last diplomatic flurry? — Objection
to the Burnett bill — Dissimilar acts of Courts  225
Chapter XX. The Solution of the Problem
The danger in public opinion — The forks of the road — ^Four great
questions — ^What must Americans do with this campaign —
California's task? — A new land law — The wisdom of Calrfomia's
course — Fundamental principle of immigration — ^Traitors to

XVI  CONTENTS  PAGE
the state — ^The answer of the United States to Japan — ^Remedy
worse than the disease — Solution by time — Not a question of
race — Question beyond dollars and cents — "Business Interests"
defined — What immigration has done — ^America cannot con
tain all the world — Special pleaders of all nations and races —
Another fimdamental principle — ^A higher mission for America
— ^A greater service for alien nationals — Our position on Asiatic
naturalisation — Citizenship denied on many grotmds — Diffi- >
culties — A people unwelcome — ^A step that cannot be retraced
— Unpractised in Democracy — Qualifications for citizenship —
Fatalism, vs Christianity — ^Race mixture and the white race
— ^Japan's course will not prevent war — ^Patriotism versus
Internationalism — Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler — Senator Bev-
eridge — Norman Angeli — ^The latest international action — Pre
serving our racial souls — "Don't shoot"  242

PART I
THE JAPANESE PROBLEM
"The Greatest Problem of the age and of ages to come is
that resulting from contact between East and West." — From
Asia at the Door, by K. K. Kawakami.^

'^Asia at the Door — a book pleading for Japanese immigration
and citizenship and the privilege of intermarriage with the white
race in the United States, by K. K. Kawakami, of San Francisco,
head of one of the Japanese Press Bureaus.
f

CHAPTER I
THE GENESIS AND SCOPE OF THE PROBLEM
The Japanese question is not local. It is not merely a
California problem or a Pacific Coast problem. It is
national and vital to all the people of the United States,
it is universal wherever white men dwell and Japanese
ships may anchor. Why has opposition to the advances
of Japanese in the last few years expressed itself in State
Constitutions and State laws by overwhelming majorities
in the most progressive States? Why in the far more
restrictive measures of the growing countries, Australia,
Canada, New Zealand? What answer shall the United
States give to the insistent knocking of Asia at the door?
What will ensue if we open the door, and what may if
we do not ?
To answer these questions we must review the history
of the Japanese controversies in the United States; we
must compare this Japanese migration with like move
ments of the peoples of the past; we must study racial
intermingling and race mixture; we shall require aid of
the sciences of heredity, biology, ethnology, sociology and
economics ; we shall be obliged to interpret anew the per
sistent laws of human nature and the souls of races. The
solution of this problem cannot end in mere transcendental
theory — but it must be found in action pregnant with
destiny; for the answer will determine the future charac
ter of our people; the form and substance of our civilisa
tion; the length of our national life. Let us set ourselves
to the problem which finds its genesis in the State of
California.

THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

We are accustomed to speak of the Japanese Problem
as "The Japanese Problem in California" because, of the
95,000 Japanese in the United States, 65,000 live in Cali
fornia. This is because this State is the first land the
Oriental touches as he brings in the tide of emigration
from Asia ; it is here that climatic conditions, products and
industries resemble those of his own country, and it is
here that a Japanese commission, recently sent to
America, reported that a Japanese can make twice as much
money as in any other state in the world.
These three reasons — geographical, climatic, and eco
nomic — are the great forces that have always set nations
and races to moving.
The word "California," then, is a mere accident con
nected with that tract of land and those conditions where
Occident and Orient were destined to meet under the great
movements' of the twentieth century.^ It is the picket
line of the American continent flung out against the arriv
ing hosts from Asia which formerly directed their courses
westward across the land and many times overswept
Europe, but which now, under changed conditions, have
turned in the opposite direction.
In the spring of 191 3 this peaceful and hospitable state
suddenly became the target for epithets from the people
^ The ultimate point in dispute does not affect the United States
alone, still less the State of California. It is essentially a world
Problem. That Japan's claim should first have become an acute cause
of trouble in California is due to the accident of propinquity. Cali
fornia is now the frontier line of white races beyond which are the
teeming populations of Asia. No useful purpose will be served by
blind condemnation of the tendencies of public opinion in Western
States. They spring not so much from race hatred as from the
instinct of self-preservation, and even if the present minor dispute
is disposed of, they will assuredly recur. It is an issue that will be
come more and more insistent whatever may be settled now, and it
will have to receive the earnest attention of all white races in time
to conie.— Editor of The Times, London, England.

THE JAPANESE PROBLEM

and the press of her sister states. Editors, ministers,
reporters, the street corner disputant, began an assault
upon her which, though slightly softened now, has left so
deep an impression, and has developed so high an inertia
that the campaign of which she is the innocent battle
ground, is still ascendant. The picket had done his duty,
that was all, and the inevitable conflict of interests between
Occident and Orient again was on.
The point at issue in the Japanese problem was then,
and, as it lies before the governments of the two nations,
is now: Shall the Japanese, who are not citizens of the
United States, and cannot become citizens, shall they have
the right to own agricultural land^ in the State of Cali
fornia and hence in any American state ? While the word
"agricultural" does not appear on the face of the dispute,
except in two or three state papers, it was that kind of
land that was in dispute, and it is the farmers, who still
form, fifty-two per cent, of all the American people and a
great per cent, of Western people, who required the State
to act. I hope now to set in simple array the facts bearing
upon this problem, to interpret the position which the
people of Western States have taken upon it, to trace the
experiences and the mental processes by which they
arrived at that position, to indicate the surging forces
back of it all, and above all to show every American State
and every American citizen the vital relation which he
bears to the present status of this problem.
' In his first reply to the protest of Japan our Secretary of State,
W. J. Bryan, said, "I have the honour to acknowledge receipt of
your note of May pth, with regard to the law just adopted by the
State of California concerning the holding of agricultural lands by
aliens ... It is based upon the particular economic conditions
existing in California as interpreted by her own people who wish
to avoid certain conditions of competition in their agricultural
activities."

CHAPTER II
RELATION OF JAPAN TO THE PROBLEM
The first Japanese to come into the United States were
a band of forty who came into California in 1869, a full
half generation after Commodore Perry had opened the
doors of the exclusive land. For nearly two hundred and
fifty years before that no foreign ship was allowed to
anchor in Japanese harbours, nor foreign foot to touch her
shores except on one little island near Nagasaki where
Dutch traders were allowed to come and hasten away once
a year. Thus the Japanese were slow to leave their own land
and come into ours; for, nine years later, in 1878, there
were here but one hundred and twenty; ten years later,
in 1888, there were about one thousand; ten years later,
in 1898, there were thirteen thousand; eight years later,
in 1906, their number had suddenly risen to seventy-five
thousand on the continent and about eighty thousand in
the Hawaii Islands. And we then discovered that we had
in the United States a Japanese Problem.
In every discussion of this Problem you must, first of
all, bear in your mind that the Japanese are and always
have been aliens who cannot become citizens of the United
States. They have been given rights of residence and
trade, but never the right to vote, and so they cannot par
ticipate in our government. This status of theirs, which
they now seek to remove, was long since fixed, without
any demur from Japan, by the naturalisation laws and the.
Court decisions of the United States.
"It is among the most essential powers of the sover-

THE JAPANESE PROBLEM

eignty of nations, that each may fix the terms and con
ditions of citizenship, and that right has nev^r been in
dispute among nations. Nor is it necessary for any nation
to explain to all the others why it makes those conditions
as they are.
"It is the attribute of sovereignty of any nation to
exclude from its borders any citizen or citizens of any
other nation in the world. It has the right to admit the
citizens of a friendly nation, and to deny admission to the
citizens of an unfriendly nation. It has the right to decide
for itself whether it is for the best interests of its people
to admit a certain race of people or not.
"The Supreme Court of the United States has decided
in numerous cases that it is the inherent sovereign right
of any nation to exclude from its borders any race of
people that cannot be assimilated; to make such discrim
inations as it sees fit and proper; and that no immigrant
from such foreign nation has any right to complain, be
cause the; laws of the country require them to be trans
ported whence they came.
"Members of Congress certainly will not disagree with
me in the conclusion that we should in our sovereign
capacity as a people permit the people of the states to de
termine who their friends and associates shall be." ^
A striking instance of the exercise of this right to pre
serve material interests is furnished by the Government of
Canada in a very recent order restraining immigration as
follows: "His Royal Highness, the Governor General
... in view of the present overcrowded condition of
the labour market in the Province of British Columbia, is
pleased to order and it is hereby ordered as follows:
From and after the first day of October, 191 5, and until
after the; thirty-first day of March, 19 16, the landing at
any port of entry in British Columbia hereinafter specified
'Congressman Sisson in House of Representatives, April 28, 1913.

THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

of any immigrant of any of the following classes or occu
pations — viz. : Artisans ; Labourers, skilled and unskilled,
shall be, and the same is hereby prohibited." And forty-
four ports of entry are named. This order shows abso
lute power to discriminate against a certain class in cer
tain territory for a specific time. No nation has com
plained against it.
The last and highest authority to be heard on this prin
ciple is the American Institute of International Law,
which convened in Washington in January, 191 6. It is
Pan-American, representing the twenty-one republics of
the western hemisphere. Each republic sends from its
own National Society of International Law. five of its
most eminent legal authorities, and the one hundred and
five men thus selected represent the highest legal thought
of. all the Americas. The United States was represented
by five men, including the Acting Secretary of State, and
two ex-Secretaries of State. ^
The American Institute of International Law, after
careful conferences of many weeks, made a "Declaration
of the Rights of Nations."
Five great fundamental rights were proclaimed. The
first is, "Every nation has a right to exist and to protect
and conserve its existence." The Institute adopted that'
as the cornerstone of International Law, and to interpret-
it they adopted the following clear and forceful language
of the Supreme Court of the United States from its deci
sion on the Chinese Exclusion Act :
"To preserve its independence, and give security against
foreign aggression and encroachment, is the highest duty
of every nation, and to attain these ends nearly all other
'The representatives pf the United States were Robert Lansing,
Elihu Root, Robert Bacon, Leo S. Rowe and James Brown Scott.
Elihu Root is Honorary President and James Brown Scott is Presi
dent of the body.

 THE JAPANESE PROBLEM  9
considerations are to be subordinated. It matters not in
what form such aggression and encroachment come,
whether from the foreign nation acting in its national
character or from vast hordes of its people crowding in
upon us. The government, possessing the powers which
are to be exercised for protection and security, is clothed
with authority to determine the occasion on which the
powers shall be called forth."
California has acted fully within that principle. She
is assailed for passing the law of 1913 because "there
were no vast hordes of Asiatics coming to her shores;"
but she was equally assailed for her action in 1906 when
there were such hordes coming. Such criticism is a mere
subterfuge to hide the main purpose of the critic.
The United States, therefore, without being held to
the charge of discrimination, without being required to
make any explanation to anyone, had full rights to exclude
Asiatics from citizenship, and from the very beginning of
our history had done so. The people of California, when
they acted upon that fact, had no more to do with estab
lishing it than had the other forty-seven commonwfealths
of the nation.^
In the second place you must bear in mind that, taking
this cue from the nation, California was acting on an old
and established policy. Very early in her history, with
the far vision of a prophet, she made it a fundamental
principle of the State government forever to discourage
all aliens who could never become American citizens from
entering her borders ; when she revised her Constitution a
'Judge H. A. M. Smith, of the Federal Court, Eastern District of
South Carolina, says, "The grant of the privilege of citizenship is
purely discretionary with the people of the country, it is entirely
distinct from admitting to entry and residence. It carries with it
great powers of good and evil in the exercise of the ballot, and the
great responsibility of the ballot box. It is no humiliation for an
alien to be excluded from a privilege not a right."

10 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

generation ago, she laid down one of the greatest prin
ciples ever put into a governmental document when she
wrote into her charter these remarkable words: "The
presence of foreigners who may not become citizens of
the United States is dangerous to the well-being of the
State, and the legislature shall discourage the immigration
of all such aliens by all means within its powers." This
is only a clear statement of old English Law and Custom.
Every Japanese now in California has come in while
that provision has been in her Constitution. Japan has
always known it to be there, and her present agitation is
the conscious and direct attempt of a foreign nation to
overthrow the fundamental laws of American states (for
other states have similar provisions in their laws), and
to force in America a new interpretation of the relation
of the nation to the states. Japan wishes either to
impeach the sovereignty of our Government or radically
to change the relative powers established by the Constitu
tion between the nation and the states.
When these Japanese first arrived upon our shores, they
were as peaceable and as amicable as any immigrant, and
their home government in Japan readily accepted the
treatment America accorded them. But as they increased
in numbers, and especially as their country rose in the
rank of nations, their attitude became insistent — almost
commanding. In this change of front they were backed
up by their Emperor with a diplomacy surprisingly ag
gressive and decisive.

CHAPTER III
THE FIRST CONFLICT, 1906
The School Question ; A Moral Victory for Japan
Our first sharp conflict with Japan came in 1906. Now
in 1906 Japan's status had not been changed in America,
but in 1906 Japan had completed a wonderful series of
world aggressions. Within eleven years, 1894- 1905, she
had found cause for a war with China, ^ and by sudden
attack had completely defeated that astonished and unpre
pared country. She had at last realized her national
ambition of adding the great Island of Formosa to her
kingdom, extending it far to the south. She had at last
entrenched herself upon the mainland of the continent of
Asia. She had gradually assumed control of Korea, and
she had just whipped Russia ! It was then, when Japan,
swollen with pride, and conscious of the power of con
quest, announced herself as a World Empire, that the
Japanese in the United States, although not citizens,
began to demand all the rights and privileges of citizens ;
and it was then that we discovered we have in the United
States an acute Japanese Problem.
The issue upon which Japan threw down the gauntlet
to American self-government was in regard to the use of
'At the International Peace Congress held in San Francisco on
October ii, 1915, Dr. Ng. Poon Chew, a Chinese educator and editor,
told the Congress : "Japan is the disturber of the peace of the
Orient. She is essentially a military nation and she has in her
self the perfect combination of the militarism of Germany and
the navyism of England. Her ambition is boundless."
11

12 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
the public schools. The Japanese were beginning to use
the public schools of the State. In San Francisco espe
cially there were a number of Japanese boys who were
thought to be beyond school age ; it is difficult to tell the
age of a Japanese boy or man, and we had learned from
experience that we could not take their word for it. The
parents of white children — especially of girls in the
adolescent period — began to feel that these men should
be excluded from the public schools altogether, just as
we do our own men beyond school age; and thereafter,
to end all discussion of age and of the school problem,
that we should educate all young Japanese at public
expense, but in separate schools. The Japanese at once
resented this as racial discrimination. They asserted
boldly that their children must have every privilege
possessed by any child upon American soil, and any
attempt upon our part to segregate them would be consid
ered an insult by the Government of the United States
to the national honour of the Empire of Japan !
No one will understand the Japanese problem on the
Pacific Coast now until he knows and feels the surprising
attitude and spirit of the Japanese at that time. Some
idea of this spirit may be had from the following Japanese
expressions of hate and challenge to fight. It was a shock
and a surprise to the people of the State for the Japanese
at once to cry out, "Let us fight." The following extracts
are taken from the official report on the school trouble
submitted to Congress by Secretary of War Metcalf,
November 26, 1906.

"our national dignity assailed, to arms^ my
countrymen !
"Patriotism demands the maintenance of our dignity
pure and unassailed. And every loyal Japanese must arm

THE JAPANESE PROBLEM 13
himself presently with the weapon of righteousness,^ in
order to repel the assaults of the defamers.
"The question is no longer confined to a handful of
school children ; it has assumed international proportions.
We doubt not for a moment that every resident Japanese,
backed by the sympathetic outburst at home, will partici
pate in the struggle with that vigour and tenacity which
have won for us the heights of Nashan and the impreg
nable redoubts of 208-Meter Hill." — The Japanese
American, San Francisco, October 25, 1906.

The following pertains to one of the general mass meet
ings of Japanese that were held in San Francisco :
"the general mass meeting
"What manner of meeting is this? It is the ebullition of
70,000 dauntless heroes that hail from the blessed land
of Yamato, burning with the fire of indignation, and
clamouring for instant retaliation." — From The New
World, October 25, 1906.

It is just as important to present the positions of the
American press at the same time. The difference in
temper is noteworthy. "no discrimination.
"There is no discrimination. The segregation of
Japanese students in one school is a police regulation due
to the fact that they are not children in the true sense.
As a rule they range in years from fifteen to twenty-five.
It is not fit that they should be permitted to associate with
children of average school age, and it will not be per
mitted." — San Francisco Call, November 13, 1906.
'This evidently refers to the double swords of the Samurai.

14, THE JAPANESE CONQUEST
I ask a careful reading of the following as an explana
tion of the action taken at that time :
"our JAPANESE COLONY  HAWAII ALREADY DOMINATED
BY AN ASIATIC CIVILISATION
"Out of 154,000 inhabitants found in the Hawaiian
Islands in 1900 but 28,819 were Caucasians. There were
86,728 Asiatics, of whom 61,111 were Japanese. The
remainder were of the perishing island races. Of the
male population over 18 years of age, 63,444 were Asi
atics, out of a total of 85,136, and of these, 43.753 were
Japanese. From 1900 to 1905 the arrivals of aliens in
the islands were 48,086 Asiatics and 1,726 of all other
nationalities. Of the Asiatics, 38,029 were Japanese.
The departures of Asiatics, however, during that period
exceeded the arrivals by 4,421, and the departures of
Japanese exceeded the arrivals by 4,284. Of the 42,313
Japanese who left Hawaii between June 30, 1900, and
December 31, 1905, an unknown number — ^larger than
20,641 — came to the Pacific Coast. For all practical pur
poses Hawaii is to-day a Japanese colony.
"What we are fighting for on this Coast is that Cali
fornia and Oregon and Washington shall not become
what the Territory of Hawaii now is. If the Japanese are
permitted to come here freely nothing can prevent that
except revolution and massacre, which would be certain.
No words can describe the intensity of hatred with which
the white mechanics and small merchants of Hawaii
regard the Japanese, who have taken their work from
them by doing it at prices for which they cannot do it
except by accepting the Japanese standard of life. Our
workingmen hate the Japanese because they fear they will
supplant them. The Hawaiian workingmen hate them
bcause they have already been supplanted. Being but a
small minority of the population the whites of Hawaii

 THE JAPANESE PROBLEM  15
cannot help themselves. The white men of the Pacific
Coast are determined that the Orientals shall never be
enabled to do here that which they have already accom
plished in Hawaii. It will be prevented by whatever
measures are found necessary.
"What we are now endeavouring to do is to prevent it
by such wise action on the part of our own and the
Japanese Government as shall keep the races apart. Just
now our race feeling has shown itself in the provision
that the children of the races shall be kept separate in the
schools. It is said that the Japanese will contest it in the
courts, and, if defeated there, will make it an international
question! We trust they will not do so. It would be
found that there is no power on earth which could compel
the people of this State to tax themselves against their
will to educate aliens whom we do not want here qt all.
To attempt to enforce the coeducation of the races in the
face of the determined opposition of those who pay the
bills would be inhuman, for it would result in scenes which
we trust we may never witness. The example of Hawaii
should be sufficient to assure the early passage of an
exclusion act." — The San Francisco Chronicle, November
II, 1906.
But the Japanese Emperor did not hesitate at once to
back up with sharp and threatening vigour the demands of
his subjects in our land. He instructed his Ambassador
at Washington to thwart the people of California by an
appeal to the national government.
The appeal was made. The nation was alarmed.
Japan had a navy fresh from victory and two millions of
soldiers who had just laid Russia in the dust. The foolish
partisanship shown Japan by Americans during that war
was active still. The essayists of the eastern states had
their day. California, although acting upon a matter

16 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

entirely within her own jurisdiction and entirely out of
the national jurisdiction, yielded to the representations
from Washington with a spirit of sweet obedience to the
claims of national welfare. After the most difficult and
delicate diplomacy, delicate, mark you, for in no detail
must Japan's feelings be hurt, an international agreement
was reached upon the question.
This agreement set forth that Japan, would be allowed
her whole contention in regard to the use of the public
schools of California (and, of course it follows, of every
state of the Union) ; and, in return for this surrender on
the part of the United States, Japan agreed to limit the
number of her labourers to whom thereafter she would
give passports to leave home and come to the United
States. This agreement is now known as the Gentleman's
Agreement of 1907.
This settlement of the first conflict with the Japanese
Government was a great moral victory for Japan. She
had learned two things. F'irst, that she could stop and
overturn the people of one state by an appeal to the United
States. She learned better than we ourselves have learned
that this country is vast and not homogeneous ; that the
masses of the East are strangely ignorant of the West
and supercilious in their opinion of it; that a small sec
tion in and east of the Alleghenies and north of Virginia
contains that density and leadership of our population
vvhich determine vital foreign policies ; that it is a finan
cial area— soft, easily alarmed and fearful of disturbance;
that withal a foreign nation may more easily carry any
point, if this or any other ponderous section can be con
vinced that its material interests are being jeopardized by
another section; and that although the national Constitu
tion grants the states apparent latitude in all matters of
schools, marriage, land and inheritance, nevertheless, the

 THE JAPANESE PROBLEM  17
National Government, when once it rules on any of these
questions, enforces its rulings upon the state with an
insistence not a whit less than that of the most despotic
power. And secondly, Japan learned that the United States
would submit to international settlement an internal prob
lem wholly within the province of America alone to
decide. You will see how quickly she made use of these two
great advances in her diplomacy at the very next oppor
tunity. Much fine scorn has been expressed by the Japanese
and their American supporters against those who claim
that the Japanese are weak in the faithful execution of
contract. Sidney L. Gulick and Kawakami use many
pages of their respective books to bury that charge in
ridicule, and then many more in an attempt to disguise
and explain the fact away. But among those who know
them the feeling is deep and universal that the sense of
honour which holds the American to his bargain, win or
lose, is not perceived by the Japanese mind as we have
come in contact with it in this country. Recent expe
riences in great international struggles have fully justified
that conclusion.
If his bargain develops in his favour, he wishes to keep
it and of course he expects you to keep it, and he comes
to you with that splendid smile which always captures the
uninitiated, and says, — "Sure, American man will not
break his word with Japanese." But if his contract
proves a loss to him, he does not want to continue it ; he
sees no reason in the world why anyone should be held to
a losing contract, and with the same smile he says to you,
— "Sure, American Christian man will not make Japanese
lose just so American man get too much," and so he
breaks his bargain in absolute conscience with himself.

18 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

Treaties are but contracts between nations, and national
character, like a composite photograph wherein a hundred
faces are impressed in one face, is but a composite of the
individual characters that compose it. This facility of
the individual to use or misuse a contract to advantage is
exercised when Japan interprets her international bar
gains, as has been so boldly demonstrated in her rape of
China since the World War began.
So, also, is it exercised in the interpretation of the
"Gentleman's Agreement." Remember, it applies only to
labourers. All students, merchants, teachers, and profes
sional men were not to be denied passports, nor have they
been, and the statements to the contrary have no basis in
fact. But Japan agreed to deny passports to all labourers
except to three classes and to these she would grant them
as follows:
I. To any labourer who had once been in America and
wished to return.
2. To the parents, wives, and children of labourers in
America. 3. To any labourer who had secured title to land in
America and wished to go to possess it.
Now that second provision is not only broad and hu
mane, such as we expect of unsuspecting America, but it
is absolutely clean cut. No one but the keen Oriental
would have made, in so simple a provision, a way to
greatly increase their number in this country, or to make
out of full-blooded Japanese, ineligible to citizenship, full
citizens of the United States. But the Japanese have no
difficulty whatever in construing that provision to that
end. How do they do it ?
The Japanese who had come to the United States prior
to 1907 were nearly all young and unmarried men. But
they have found a way to have wives in Japan even
though they had left none there when they left Japan.

THE JAPANESE PROBLEM 19
The Japanese has his photograph made. He sends this to
his friends or parents in Japan. These friends secure a
Japanese woman who will marry the man in the picture
and come to the United States. The Japanese forms of
the marriage ceremony between the bride and the picture
seem thus duly discharged. Then the man in the picture
has a wife in Japan and she secures a passport under the
second clause of the "Gentleman's Agreement!" This
looks like comedy. This also looks like humanity, "for
who," says Gulick, "would have these Japanese in
America live singly all their lives?" It did not occur to
him that it is a rank violation of the spirit and intent of
the treaty, for in this way the Japanese in California are
rapidly increasing their number. The boat that brought
seventeen girls into the land to go to Europe as Red Cross
nurses, who received so much Eastern acclaim, also
brought seventy picture brides who remained in Cali
fornia, with no acclaim. Thus they can double their
number and in a few years the children of these prolific
young marriages will double it again, and quadruple it.
And those children born on American soil are by our
Court decisions full-privileged citizens of the United
States. And at the same time these children, as well as
their parents, are citizens of Japan, subject to her
Emperor. Since this was written a "Nationality Option Bill" has
been passed by the Japanese Lower Chamber and has been
approved by the House of Peers. It will not be operative
until promulgated by Imperial Decree. As in the case of
the land law of 1910 granting to aliens the rights to own land
in Japan that decree may never be issued and the law as
passed will remain merely a good intention.
Heretofore Japanese have sometimes claimed that their
national law permitted them to expatriate themselves; but
that law was rendered inoperative by the requirement that

20 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

every Japanese, even though he should be naturalised by
another nation, if he had not already served his term in the
Japanese army, was subject to the call of Japan and he
was obliged to respond no matter in what country he hap
pened to be. Thus Japan has in no way released its legal
hold on male Japanese living in foreign lands. This new
law apparently retains that power.
But Japan also has claimed that all children born of
Japanese anywhere in the world were as much subject to her
as if they had been born in Japan. The new law, if it is
made effective by Imperial Decree, will give such foreign-
born Japanese children the right to declare at the age of fif
teen whether they wish to remain Japanese or become
citizens of the land they live in, and the Minister of State
for Home Affairs for Japan can grant or withhold that right.
The press of Japan affirms that this act is an outgrowth of
the land legislation of California and in part overcomes the
impediments to Japanese set up by that law.
The Japanese government, therefore, and its subjects
in California saw in tlje Gentleman's Agreement of 1907
no serious impediment in the long campaign they had
already laid down. They had set up a goal at the end of
that campaign. They did not announce to America then
what that goal was, but to the goal they made steady
advance. They could wait and wait again. All they
needed to do was to take a new tack, and they took it.
That tack expressed itself in the acquisition of agricul
tural land by deed and lease. Five years after the Gentle
man's Agreement was made the farmers of California dis
covered that in those five years the number of deeds the
Japanese had registered had increased nearly fifty per
cent., the number of leases nearly ninety per cent., the total
acreage used by them nearly sixty-six and two-thirds per
cent., and it was the choicest acreage of the state.
The statements that all this land had lain waste and

 THE JAPANESE PROBLEM  gl
was redeemed and developed by the Japanese, if true,
would not alter the contention at all; but they are false.
In the main this land is in the fully populated areas and
has long been under cultivation. The statements of the
comparative area the Japanese hold in relation to all the
acreage of this vast state, which is always the first mate
rial argument of the theorist, are all foolish and mislead
ing in view of the vast areas of mountains, deserts and
boulder wastes, which embrace a large part of the State,
and make its tillable acreage, and especially the kind the
Japanese are most eager to control, very small in propor
tion to the size of the State. Both of these arguments are
superficial and wholly ignore both the facts and the pro
found principles which are at issue.
Resistance to this aggression upon their lands began to
fill the minds of the farmers of California; and who are
the farmers of California? They are American citizens
who have come into that State out of every northern and
out of every southern state. We have 90,000 people who
were born on the soil of Illinois; 80,000 born in New
York; 68,000 born in Missouri; 67,000 born in New
England; 66,000 born in Ohio; 55,000 born in Iowa;
51,000 born in Pennsylvania; 41,000 born in Indiana;
35,000 born in Kansas; 35,000 born in Michigan; 30,000
born in Massachusetts; 30,000 born in Wisconsin; 20,-
000 born in Texas; 20,000 born in Kentucky, and so on
until all American states are there. There is no county
where fewer than twenty states are represented; in some
counties all the states are largely represented. These are
the free and independent spirits of these states, hearts
brave enough to venture, minds open to see and think.
The West is the virile East, — men like Columbus and
Drake, like Humboldt and Gordon, like Washington and
Houston, surveying, subduing a new land, that the fear
ful may follow at ease.

THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

And the group of Pacific Coast states is the most intel
ligent group of states in the Union. The United States
Census shows that the rate of illiteracy for the whole
nation is ^.'j per cent. ; of the Middle Atlantic States (New
York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, etc.) it is 5.7 per cent.;
of New England, 5.3 per cent. ; of the Pacific Coast group
it is only 3 per cent., the lowest of all and only 40 per cent.
of the average illiteracy of the Nation.
Of the native white population, alone, the illiteracy for
the United States is 3.7 per cent. ; for the Pacific Coast it
is only four tenths of i per cent., which is but one-ninth
of that of the United States and but one-half that of New
York or New England.
In this Pacific group, California as a State, taken on
every count exhibited by the United States census, is
shown to have the highest intelligence of any state in the
Union. In our representative capacity, therefore, in our abihty
to voice American sentiment and to try an American
cause, we are the most competent jury in any American
state, and nowhere else since the world began has the
white race from all lands assembled in equal number so
intelligent, so varied, so liberal a group.
In the spring of 1912 these people perceived the ulti
mate end of this silent steady aggression upon their lands;
they saw the principles at stake and they determined to
meet this new problem and to meet it with a little more
decision than they had shown in the school question. And
that is the Second Conflict with Japan.

CHAPTER IV
THE SECOND CONFLICT, 1913
Who Shall Own the Pacific Coast?
When Woodrow Wilson, President of the United
States, came into California to campaign for his nomina
tion, he found the people more interested in passing a law
to prevent the further purchase of land by Asiatics than in
the nomination of a President. It was necessary for him
to declare himself in principle on that subject and the
declaration he then made secured him more votes from
the other parties than all other influences combined. For
on May 3, 1912, he declared in California, "In the matter
of Chinese and Japanese coolie immigration, I stand for
the national policy of exclusion. The whole question is
one of assimilation of diverse races. We can not make a
homogeneous population of a people who do not blend
with the Caucasian race. Their lower standard of living
as labourers will crowd out the white agriculturist and is in
other fields a most serious industrial menace. The success
of free democratic institutions demands of our people
education, intelligence, and patriotism, and the State
should protect them against unjust and impossible com
petition. "Remunerative labour is the basis of contentment.
Democracy rests on the equality of the citizen. Oriental
coolieism will give us another race problem to solve and
surely we have had our lesson."
Surely that was clear.
The Democratic State platform then followed with this
plank, "We demand immediate Federal legislation for the
23

24 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

exclusion of Japanese, Korean and Hindoo labourers,"
and pledged their candidates to the enactment of a bill that
would prevent any alien not eligible to American citizen
ship from owning land in the State of California.
One hundred thousand cards were distributed over the
State that fall bearing these two ringing declarations of
the President and his party. Many candidates for the
legislature, of every party, declared themselves on that law
and their campaigns were made upon it.
The legislature elected has been the subject of so much
abuse, it has been called prejudiced, ignorant; and barba
rian so often that we must study it a moment before
reviewing its action. I secured the official Blue Books of
all the states that have them and I have studied the per
sonnel of their legislatures for comparison. None pre
sents a personnel surpassing and, so far as I can see, few
equalling that of California.
Of eighty members of the House of Representatives in
the state, forty were natives of California, and forty
came from sixteen other states and two foreign coun
tries ; Illinois furnished seven, Missouri six, Pennsylvania
four, New York three, Iowa three, etc., Ireland two.
Canada one. Sixty-two of them, or over seventy-five
per cent., had a high school education; fifty of them, or
sixty-two and a half per cent., had a college education
(thirty-four had college degrees) ; representing attendance
at thirty-three different colleges in the United States and
abroad, so far as I was able to ascertain. Twenty-five of
them were lawyers; the others represented thirteen other
vocations, farmers, merchants, bankers, etc., and they
had averaged four and a half years each of service in
public office.
Of forty senators, twenty were natives of California
and twenty came from six other states and two foreign
countries. New York furnished five; Illinois, three;

 THE JAPANESE PROBLEM  25
Iowa, three ; Missouri, three ; etc. England, two and Can
ada two. Twenty-eight of them or seventy per cent, had a
high school education, twenty-four or sixty per cent, had
a college education representing attendance at fifteen dif
ferent colleges in the United States and abroad as far as
recorded. Sixteen of them were lawyers and eleven other
vocations were represented. They had averaged nine and
a half years each of service in public office.
Such was the personnel of the legislature which met to
consider the great problem of Asia and to pass a new
land law.
This discussion through the long Presidential cam
paign of 1 912 gave the Japanese ample warning and
ample time to prepare their campaign against the enact
ment of such a law and it did not surprise us who know
them to find them ready for a nation-wide campaign
against us the moment the bill was introduced. Their
own government was ready and all the literary guns they
could array in eastern states were unlimbered with cais
sons full.
We have a divided session of the legislature. We
meet in January and for thirty days introduce bills but
pass none. Then we adjourn for a month while the
people review the acts proposed. The Japanese knew
exactly then what they must combat when on March first
began the session when bills might be passed.
A number of bills, representing the fulfilment of cam
paign pledges of various candidates, were introduced per
taining to rights of Asiatics, particularly regarding land
ownership. Most of them avoided direct discrimination
against any nation and all that did not were quickly elim
inated until the whole thought was to protect the Amer
ican farmer against the alien ownership of his land either
by aliens acting as individuals or as corporations. We
did not propose to violate any treaty, as we have been so

26 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

fluently but falsely accused, or to provoke international
complications. We did propose to stand squarely upon
our rights under the Constitution, to preserve our land
for American citizens and to be guided in doing so by prec
edents set by the United States government itself and by
the governments of other states where similar action had
already been taken.
By the first of March the conflict grew sharp. The
Japanese Government, presenting a new spectacle in
American history, the spectacle of a foreign power com
ing within the boundaries of a state and a nation to cam
paign against its citizens and their laws for its own
aggrandisement; the Japanese Government coming out
in the full open leadership of her subjects, remembering
her success in the school questioii and profiting by her
preparation of many months, once more began her repre
sentations at Washington and her sentiment making
throughout all the other states. She succeeded. Within
thirty days, from every quarter arose a cloud of comment
upon the State of California; the thunders of adverse
criticism reverberated from sea to sea. In thirty days
more, Washington again had been reached and moved
and the President of the United States had dispatched the
Secretary of State across the continent to persuade a
legislature against the enactment of a law which, upon
his arrival, he admitted lay clearly within her power to
enact, which his party had pledged itself to enact, and
which the President had countenanced fully a year before.
The people, the legislature and the Governor received
Mr. Bryan with courtesy and good will and paused to
know the serious import of his coming. However seri
ous it might be, for our part we knew it was the best
thing that could happen to us, or to all America; for it
fixed the volatile attention of the American mind, if there
be now such a thing as the American mind, upon the fact

 THE JAPANESE PROBLEM  27
that there is a Japanese Problem in the United States
and that it is not a State but a National Problem. So
our Governor received him as a friend and made him his
guest in his household. We placed at his disposal every
resource of information. We took him right out into the
country that he might see the conditions we were trying
to prevent — communities which a few years ago were
wholly white, now mostly Japanese. We took him into
school houses where Japanese children outnumbered the
white and into towns with sections as wholly Japanese as
if they were in Japan.
These concrete facts and conditions which such men
as Gulick, Millis, Holt and Kawakami dare not deny, they
obscure with comparisons, cover with argument and be
little with scorn; We have never claimed that the
Japanese already owned the State in large part ; it is just
that which we are hoping to make impossible. They
owned enough. They had lived in our midst long
enough, numerously enough and concentratedly enough
to establish with us the truth of the declaration of Presi
dent Wilson that they "will drive out the white agri
culturist and are in other fields a most serious industrial
menace." The logical conclusion of such arguments
against our course is that we should have waited until
the Japanese holdings were large enough to imperil the
whole American ownership of the State and the Amer
ican labour of the State, and then we should have acted
to retrieve our losses. Foresight, judicious action remov
ing evil when it first appears — these are the attributes
of good citizenship and they distinguish the statesman
from the academician, the opportunist, the "believer"
and "hoper." If at that time these sentimental theorists
had not fallen under the wand of Oriental subtlety and
had not joined Japan against us; if they had supported
American interests then, Japan would have found her

28  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
aggression without hope in the land and the whole con
flict would now be settled instead of being, through
American influence, complicated and enlarged by great
new demands.
Before Mr. Bryan had returned to Washington, the
President had asked us to delay until he could present
the revised bill to the Japanese Government. We delayed
long enough for that to be done. Again the Japanese
Government protested, and then we passed an Anti-Alien
Land Bill with this vote : Of thirty-seven senators, thirty-
five voted for it and but two against it; of seventy-five
representatives, seventy-two voted for it and but three
against it. Thus once in American politics, without
regard to party, a whole state joined in the expression of
a common verdict, a verdict reached after forty years
of experiment, after a long trial and full argument,
against the most tremendous national and international
forces ever brought against a state; a verdict rendered
by a population representing every state in the Union and
equal in number to the whole thirteen original Colonies
in 1776.

CHAPTER V
WHERE TWO RACES MEET
The Land Law
And now what is this Bill ?
For every American must pass, and that soon, upon the
principle of this law. There isn't a school boy who has
ever played a game of marbles who does not know enough
to know that if Japan can so discredit California in the
estimation of the country as to bring the country to
break down that law in California, she will have it
broken down in all the American States ! If we in Cali
fornia have arrived at the time when we may no longer
determine who may and who may not own our soil, then
you in Maine and Ohio and Virginia and Michigan have
arrived at the same time when you can no longer control
the ownership of your soil. It is a national, a universal
problem. The Bill pivots on the laws of the United States
regarding aliens, that is, all those people who are born
under and belong to foreign governments. The laws
of the nation long ago divided aliens into two classes :
Those to whom it. has chosen to confer the rights of
citizenship, aliens eligible to citizenship; and those to
whom it has denied this right, aliens ineligible to citizen
ship. The right and power to make these distinctions
without explanation or apology to anyone, as we have
shown, is the attribute of sovereignty in governments
and never before has it been challenged or assailed from
without. 29 V

30 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

Section I. of the Bill is as follows : "All aliens eligible
to citizenship under the laws of the United States may
acquire, possess, enjoy, transfer, and inherit real prop
erty or any interest therein in this State in the same
manner and to the same extent as citizens of the United
States." The brain of man cannot devise a more liberal provi
sion. It is far more liberal than the laws of many other
states in which conditions and procedures are laid down
for aliens who have not been naturalised before they
may acquire land. We shall find some day, as the world
war demonstrates, that this provision is too easy and too
liberal, for by it citizens of other lands may control
large areas of our State, having, besides all the benefits
of our own liberties and protections, all the advantages
of meddlesome interference in time of stress that come
from foreign diplomacy or intrigue. The defense of the
property of citizens in foreign lands has long been held
a cause of war and it seems by some nations to have be
come a legitimate process to develop a pretext for inter
vention' and war.

'A cablegram from Manila announces that Japanese interests are
negotiating the purchase of an American lumber mill and its busi
ness. They have already purchased several large sugar plantations
and are bidding for more. The lumber mill alone will cost them
about a million dollars.
Japan knows what it wants and it is not slow in moving towards
its aim. Japanese are several times as numerous in Hawaii as white
men. They have been making soundings around Guam. They are
acquiring interests in the Philippines. A million dollar lumber mill
devastated by Filipino revolutionaries after the United States has
withdrawn would tickle the Japanese foreign office. It would justify
intervention. But should we not protest to Japan that it is bad taste to begin the
process of absorption so soon ?— Editorial, Chicago Tribune, Feb
ruary, 1916, as Congress was discussing the immediate independence
of the Philippines.

 THE JAPANESE PROBLEM  31
But Section II. furnishes the text for the controversy,
"All aliens other than those mentioned in Section I. of
this act may acquire, possess and enjoy and transfer real
property or any interest therein in this State, in the
manner and to the extent and for the purpose prescribed
by any treaty now existing between the United States and
the nation or country of which such alien is citizen or
subject, and not otherwise, and may, in addition thereto,
lease lands in this state for agricultural purposes for a
term not exceeding three years."
Section II. makes the intent of the law apply to alien
owned corporations.
Section IV. provides for the disposition of the real
property now owned by an ineligible alien at death, to
wit: If he has an heir who may acquire land under the
condition of the law, all the usual laws of heritage apply,
and it must be remembered that children of ineligibles, if
born on American soil, are American citizens; if he has
no such heir, the state sells the land and gives the pro
ceeds to his heirs.
The remaining sections pertain to the amendment and
violation of the law.
I submit that this law is just and fair. It is fully
within the province and the rights of the State to enact.
Both the President and the Secretary of State of the
United States in official correspondence have declared that.
It does not dispossess any ineligible alien of the land he
now has, but he cannot will it to another alien, thus
holding American soil forever in alien ownership, and
he cannot will it to his Emperor for a military base or
a seaport. It does not prevent an alien from leasing
agricultural land, but he cannot have a lease in length of
continuance to equal a deed.
It does not discriminate against the Japanese. Oh,
how they and their confreres raise that cry ! They know

32  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
that the idea of equality is an American fetish — one of
those ideas that once within the soul of a nation is
accepted without thought and worshipped as national reli
gion. They know that a sentiment stirred by such a
national fetish neither looks at facts nor listens to rea
son. It is a bold and crafty stroke. Such a plan need
have no basis in fact in order to be powerful, for men
and nations go to battle as readily when pursuing a
phantom as when following the truth.
But this law does not discriminate against the Jap
anese. They are nowhere mentioned in the bill. It fol
lows the lines of classification made by the United States,
and Japan insults the sovereignty of our National Gov
ernment when she calls it discrimination in the sense that
it is injustice and injury or questions either the wisdom
or the power of such a classification.
But even calling this classification a discrimination
made by the nation, this Bill does not discriminate
against the Japanese any more than against all in his
class ; the Chinese, the Turks, the Mohammedans, all the
Eurasians, the Mongols, and the Malays, defined by our
laws as Asiatics — nearly 800,000,000 of people, all of
whom are ineligible to become American citizens.
Why then do we call this a Japanese problem ? Why
do we not call it what it is, an Asiatic problem, an
Oriental problem, a problem of ineligible aliens?
The answer to that question is the whole problem. It
is a Japanese problem, because against the principle of
that law and the whole body of national ideas in which
it is founded, the Japanese nation, its citizens here, its
Government in Japan, is making a terrific assault. This
American classification irritates her sense of racial supe
riority. It interferes with the free swing of her wide
flung self-assertion. It impedes her economic advance.
This land bill in California marks the frontier where two

THE JAPANESE PROBLEM 33
races deploy the essential forces of two civilisations.
wholly different in soul. It is the first redoubt that has
not fallen before the violent aggressions which the "New
Japan" launched when she sailed out with army and
navy to possess China in 1894.

CHAPTER VI
OCCIDENT OR ORIENT
Japan's Right to Own American Land
What have been Japan's objections to this law? She
began to utter them before the bill was passed. She said
it would violate the treaty of 1911. This gave Cali
fornia a chance to rewrite the bill, and she rewrote it
making it subject to "any treaty now existing between
the United States and the nation or country of which
such alien is a citizen or subject."
But there has been wide-spread report and feeling that
we violated a treaty and violent criticism was based on
that feeling. Even now some pro-Japanese tacticians
continue to assert that indefensible charge. The Presi
dent and Secretary of State have assured Japan that it
cannot be interpreted as a treaty violation. If opinion
is based on the language of the treaty of 191 1 itself, on
examination of all treaties involved, on notes and mem
oranda when these treaties were in the making, and on
the official interpretation defending this law, it is due us
from every American citizen to withdraw any adverse
judgment and to give us what every American citizen
asks and what every true American ought to give an
other — the confidence and the support of citizens of a
common country.
This discussion of our violation of a treaty brings
up sharply the relation of the treaty-making powers of
the nation and the law-making powers of a state. What
ever individuals may think these powers ought to be,
we must all agree that both state and nation must hold
34

 THE JAPANESE PROBLEM  35
rigidly within their respective bounds until new ones are
defined by proper amendments. This whole subject has
been under discussion from the beginning of our nation
and our most capable statesmen and jurists have con
tributed to it. It has never been more vital than now.
A recent treatment of this matter by an eminent
scholar, St. George Tucker,' shows that there has been
practically a perfect agreement on the part of our states
men, publicists and jurists with respect to the power
lodged in the Government to make and ratify binding
treaties. He quotes from the writings of Calhoun,
Story, Webster, William A. Duer, Cooley, Randolph
Tucker, Wharton, Alexander Hamilton, John Hay, Wirt,
Clay, Jefferson, Madison and others, all of whom hold
that the Government's treaties may not violate the Fed
eral Constitution.
The main conclusions agreed upon Mr. Tucker pre
sents as follows :
"The Constitution of the United States so limits the
treaty-making power :
"I. That a treaty cannot take away, nor impair,
the fundamental rights and liberties of the people
secured to them in the Constitution and its Amend
ments. "II. That a treaty cannot bind the United States by
any agreement to do what is expressly or implicitly
forbidden in the Constitution.
"III. That a power granted in the Constitution, to
be exercised by a certain department of the Govern
ment and in a certain way, cannot be validly exercised
''Treaty-Mahi-ng Fower. Limitations on the Treaty-making Power
under the Constitution of the United States. St. George Tucker,
formerly Dean of the Washington and Lee University, and also Dean
of the George Washington University, Washington, D. C. Little,
Brown & Co., Boston.

36 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

by a treaty in disregard of the manner prescribed in
the Constitution.
"IV. That a treaty cannot change the form of the
Government of the United States.
"V. That whenever control of personal and prop
erty rights is, under the Constitution, confided to any
department of the Government, or to a State, as the
constitutional repository of such rights, the depart
ment or State may not be ousted of its jurisdiction by
having the same transferred to the treaty-making
power. "VI. That the treaty-making power cannot confer
greater rights upon foreigners than are accorded cit
izens of the United States under the Constitution." '
Articles I., IL, III. and V. above give complete basis for
our contention. The Constitution reserves to the states
the function to make the laws of personal and property
rights, the qualifications of land owners, land transfer
and inheritance. California and the other states that limit
the rights of aliens are acting fully within the powers
vested in them. The treaties of the United States can
not trespass on these powers.
But this argument is not necessary as answer to Japan,
because this treaty of 191 1 gives Japan no right whatever
to own land.
This treaty of 191 1 is entitled, "A Treaty of Com
merce and Navigation," and it holds strictly within the
realm of the subjects embraced in the title. It was not
intended to define the land rights to be granted by either
party and does not attempt it.
The word land is mentioned but once in all the treaty.
The rights granted are stated in great clearness and are
as follows:
'See New York Times, February, 1916.

THE JAPANESE PROBLEM

"The citizens or subjects of each of the High Contract
ing Parties shall have liberty to enter, travel and reside
in the territories of the other to carry on trade, wholesale
and retail, to own or lease and occupy houses, manufac
tories, warehouses, and shops, to employ agents of their
choice, to lease land for residential and commerce pur
poses, and generally to do anything incident to or neces
sary for trade upon the same terms as native citizens or
subjects submitting themselves to the laws and regulations
there established."
The liberties exchanged are : To enter, travel and reside
for the purpose of wholesale and retail trade; to own,
lease or occupy houses, manufactories, warehouses, and
shops to carry on trade; to lease land for residential or
commercial purposes to carry on trade.
This treaty gives to Japan no right to own the land on
which she may own houses, manufactories, warehouses
and shops, — she may only lease that land under a plain
interpretation of the treaty.
It gives Japan no right to lease, much less to own, agri
cultural land and it was the aggressions on agricultural
land that gave rise to the land law.
Here, then, we begin to study the Oriental interpreta
tion of a contract. For often it happens that it matters
not so much what is in the contract; it is the interpreta
tion of it that counts.
We as individuals and as a nation interpret contracts to
confer only those rights that are specially defined therein
— no more ; Japan apparently interprets a contract to give
her not only all rights defined therein, but also to permit
her rights that are not definitely denied therein. And
between this positive and this negative interpretation of
contract are the Occident and the Orient.
These statements as well as the nature of Japanese
diplomacy will be illuminated by a brief review of the

38 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

official correspondence between Japan and the United
States regarding the California land law.
First let us trace Japan's contention of her right to own
land under existing treaties. In Note I., she claims that
the California law "is inconsistent with the provisions of
the treaty actually in force between Japan and the United
States," referring to the treaty of 191 1.
Our government in reply quotes the original draft of
this treaty which was submitted by Japan herself through
Baron Uchida and which became the basis of the treaty.
Our government says of this: "It will be observed that
in this clause which was intended to deal with the subject
of real property there is' no reference to the ownership of
land. The reason of this omission is understood to be
that the Imperial government desired to avoid treaty
engagements concerning ownership of land by foreigners
and to regulate the matter wholly by domestic legisla
tion." Why did Japan at that time avoid treaty engagements
regarding the right to own land? Because if she secured
land ownership by treaty from America she would have
to give the same right by treaty to America. Her na
tional policy would then have compelled her to grant the
land right to all foreigners. This she did not want to
do. Hence, upon Japan's own wish to deny land rights
to Americans there was no exchange of land rights in
the treaty. But we are treated to a genuine surprise in
Japan's last note made fifteen months later when she
reversed her own contention by saying, "The reason why
no stipulation regarding land ownership was inserted in
the treaty is because neither contracting party desired
at that time such a stipulation, the United States equally
with Japan." What an admission! The Japanese gave
no right, they received no right to own land !
How then can Japan continue to claim the right to

 THE JAPANESE PROBLEM  89
own land in America? When she wrote Note I. she
located that right in Article XIV. of this same treaty
under "the most favored nation" clause.
The United States shows Japan that the land right is
not conveyed under that clause and that it has not been
customary in the practice of the United States to grant
the land right in any Treaty of Commerce and Naviga
tion. "Article XIV. of the treaty to which your Excel
lency refers appears to relate solely to the rights of com
merce and navigation. These the California statute does
not appear to be designed in any way to affect. The
authors of the law seem to have been careful to guard
against any invasion of contractual rights."
Again Japan returns to what we may term the inclusive
or negative interpretation in order to claim for her sub
jects in America the right to inherit American soil. She
says the treaty of 191 1 gave her the right "to own and
lease houses" ; that "the words 'to own' are words of the
widest significance, and . . . include . . . the right
to acquire real property in question by all ordinary lawful
means, viz., by purchase, by devise, and by descent, and
those words also it is contended cover the right to dispose
of such real property when duly acquired by all various
methods known to the law, viz., by sale, by gift, by be
quest and by transmission. In other words ownership
carried with it as a necessary incident full right of aliena
tion." Our government tells Japan that her claim "appears to
extend too far the theory that the ownership of property
carries with it a vested right to dispose of such property
in all the ways in which property may be transferred, by
sale, by gift, by devise, or by descent without future limi
tation or restriction. Such a theory would render it
impossible for a country to alter its laws with regard to
the transmission of property. So far as the Department

40 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

is advised it has never been held that a right of ownership
vested either in a citizen or in an alien would be impaired
by a change in the law denying to any and all aliens the
right to purchase lands. Such changes in the law have
not been infrequent either in the United States or else
where and it is believed that they have not been held to
impair vested rights."
In like manner the precedents which Japan cites from
the history of the United States in order to establish her
contention actually become counts against Japan when
they are fully narrated. It is surprising that trained dip
lomats of any nation should take only such parts of an
historic occurrence as will seem to support their claim and
should omit those very essential factors which render the
past incident cited no parallel at all to the present incident.
Case I. Japan claims that in 1875 the United States
set up against Brazil on account of the acts of one of her
provinces, the same contention which Japan now makes •
against the United States on account of one of our states,
to wit, that the national government of Brazil (quoting
the language of the United States to Brazil) "Must be
held accountable for any injury to the person or property
of a citizen of the United States committed by a citizen
of a province."
The United States points out to Japan that in this case
she had limited the responsibility of the Brazilian national
government to those cases "when justice may be unobtain
able through the courts"; and she reminds Japan that
since the very beginning of this controversy the courts of
the United States have been open to her for settlement of
all claims. The incident does not apply.
Case II. In Note II. Japan claims that the United
States in 1879 made against Mexico exactly the same
diplomatic representations regarding land rights in
Mexico that Japan now makes regarding land rights in

 THE JAPANESE PROBLEM  41
the United States. This she says establishes her own case
in full as a part of the general policy of the United States.
The United States answers that she acknowledges that
in 1879 our Secretary of State had gone with Mexico to
the full length of the Japanese claim with the United
States on the basis of a treaty of Commerce and Naviga
tion. Quoting at length the answer Mexico made to us,
our State Department shows Japan that Mexico made her
position so forceful that the claim of the United States
appeared untenable ; and although our Secretary of State
at the time made a second protest in reply to Mexico, the
government of Mexico paid no attention to it, and did not
even answer our final note, and the whole argument and
contention was abandoned by the United States!!
Case III. Again in Note II. Japan cites a resolution
that was passed by our House of Representatives arraign
ing Russia for her severe treatment of the Jews, stating
that Russia had violated her treaty with the United States
by discrimination based on race and religion ; Japan claims
this is the exact charge she makes against the United
States; to wit: that the United States is making unjust
discrimination against her on account of race.
Our State Department replies that the resolution cited
by Japan "was never communicated to the Russian gov
ernment and never assumed an international character";
and that the passage quoted by Japan does not even appear
in the resolution adopted by Congress; and that "the pre
vious conditions continue and the discrimination com
plained of remains unchanged"!!
This is Japanese diplomacy.
America, watch your step !

CHAPTER VII
"LET US ARBITRATE"
A Lever Placed Under American Sovereignty
When Japan's claims of discrimination and the viola
tion of the treaty of 191 1 were refused, her publicists at
home, her subjects and friends here at once set up the pro
posal to arbitrate the whole matter at The Hague.
In January, 19 14, Hamilton Holt, of The Independent,
wrote a pamphlet entitled. Wanted: A Final Solution of
the Japanese Problem. Thousands of copies of it were
distributed by the American Association for International
Conciliation — one of the Peace Societies supported by the
Carnegie Endowment. In it he fiercely assails the Pacific
Coast, particularly California and all other pro- Amer
icans in this America- Japan affair, and he comes out
clearly as the champion of Japan's case, which he ap
proves in every detail. He says of arbitration, "If the
case should come before the Supreme Court of the
United States, it is likely to be decided in favour of Japan.
If the case should go to the Hague Court, the decision
would probably likewise be in favour of Japan. The
equity is on her side."
Japan has no legal right to ask arbitration because of
any treaty we have with her. But the proposal to arbi
trate the question met an immediate response among our
sentimentalists, just as Japan knew it would, for the idea
appealed to is another American fetish — fair play. It is
a fetish because we approach fair play with sure con
fidence, because we really mean it, and we believe the
42

 THE JAPANESE PROBLEM  ^43
other side will be forced to it out of sheer regard for our
innocent integrity. Nations ought to deal so, but this is
sheer surrender in practical diplomacy as it is now. It is
a fetish in this particular case because the conditions of
fair play do not exist. Why ?
Japan has everything to gain and nothing to lose. We
have everything to lose and nothing to gain. Japan has
not been deprived of any rights ever conferred upon her
by our laws or ever acquired by treaty. Japanese aliens
have never- had the right to own land, — they have merely
assumed it on their own initiative. Americans should
know that of all the governments of the great powers our
own is the most unfinished, and we have left to the last
that which, of all peoples, we should have settled first.
We receive into residence in the United States annually
more aliens than do all other great powers combined, and
yet we have never established a national code which
defines the rights of aliens positively and negatively.
AHens come here of their own volition; in recent years
these masses are drawn here wholly by selfish and eco
nomic motives, not with the thoughts of our forefathers.
We permit these aliens to imitate our acts, assume our
rights and let them live among us wholly without chal
lenge, even though they maintain but the shadow of con
formity to our institutions. We even permit them to
assault these institutions, libel our officials, preach anarchy
and, to quote President Wilson, "to pour the poison of
disloyalty into the arteries of our nation." But if you step
over into Japan, you find a national code, as formal and
complete as a dictionary, which defines everything you can
do and everything you cannot do. And mark, in passing,
one of the things you cannot do is to own land in fee
simple anywhere; and in important districts, or any "dis
trict needed for military purposes," aliens cannot secure
the use of land, not even under the restricted means by

THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

which now, by hook and crook, land is obtained by a
"juridical person."
Arbitrate ! What is it that Japan has asked us to carry
to a court where she has everything to gain and nothing
to lose, and where the chances are in her favour that other
nations, whose interests are identical with her own, may
join her to interpret claims to American resources for
their common advantage? What is it that Japan has asked
us to arbitrate ? Nothing less than our right to own our
own soil. Upon a nation's right to owri its soil, to sell it
to whom she pleases, to deny it to whom she pleases with
out explanation, question or quibble, all the power in
sovereignty rests. Underrhine that foundation and the
structure of our government will crack to the turret's top.
The land right is the determining force in government
and civil liberty depends upon it. So long as the land
right resided in monarchs, governments were hereditary
and despotic; then slaves were everywhere; then Pha
raohs built pyramids and Neros killed at will. Liberty
could not be born in the world until the common man
came to own the land on which her infant feet could rest.
The founders of our nation so clearly understood that
principle when they wrote the Constitution that they held
the land right far from the central power and vested it in
the people of the states, who then held it and would not
give it up; nor were they required to give it up. The
rights to make the laws fixing the terms of land owner
ship, transfer and inheritance were vested in the several
states and there they must remain. The nation cannot
arbitrate the rights of the state to own and control its soil.
Mt. I. N. Ito, Secretary of the Japanese Legation at
Berlin, just before the war, heard this statement made in
an address and answered it on the following day with true
diplomatic craft and Oriental art. He realized that
no government could arbitrate a question involving its

 THE JAPANESE PROBLEM  45
sovereignty, and so he diverted the attention from the
fact. "Mr. Flowers misstated the proposal as a challenge
to the United States to determine the ownership of Amer
ican soil, but the controversy is whether America has
violated the treaty of 191 1. The arbitration is to deter
mine whose interpretation is correct." ^
But a decision in Japan's favour would at once impair
our sovereignty, give her the right to own American soil,
contrary to the intent of the makers of the treaty, con
trary to our desire, and it would result in the surrender of
our sovereign right or the immediate recall of the treaty,
with results, in either case, too serious to court. Further,
if the Japanese be given the right to own land, they will
have the right to buy more; and that under the terms of
"The Gentleman's Agreement" entitles them to come in
and possess it, and to dwell upon it in such numbers as
they choose. And there ! You have the door open.
This then is to arbitrate sovereignty. In support of
this position, I quote from the remarkable article, "The
Japanese Menace," in The Century for March, 1916,
written by Thomas F. Millard.^
"Japan's point of view is merely that her people want
to come to western countries and to have the same rights
and opportunities here that others have. The real pres
sure behind this desire I have already indicated (eco
nomic advantage over Japan itself, of China, Korea or
Manchuria) and it is a condition that cannot be amelio
rated by arguments or satisfied by concessions to 'honour.'
In support of her point of view Japan advances argu
ments, some of which seem plausible at first blush but all
of which are inconsistent in some degree and almost

'Kalamazoo, Michigan, July, 1914.
'Editor of The China Fress, Shanghai ; author of "The New Far
past, America and the Far Eastern Question."

46  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
wholly irreconcilable with what our nation can possibly
concede. Japan ' insists that her subjects shall have the
same position and rights in the United States as, let us
say. Englishmen or French or Dutch or Germans. That
seems fair enough, but consider — with whom does it rest
to say who shall and who shall not join in our nationality,
share our political and social life? With this nation, of
course. To submit that decision in any part to a foreign
nation would mean to qualify our sovereignty. We
reserve to ourselves the right to exclude or admit whom
we will, according to standards of citizenship which we
make for ourselves. From this position I am sure Amer
icans cannot be budged except by superior force of
arms." A startling principle on the right to the land of the
world is laid down by Japanese scholars and statesmen.
It is ever the trick of the aggressor, in order to hide his
evil, to lay down some righteous-looking general principle
of apparent universal application. The Japanese are
masters in that. When you know the Japanese mind you
instinctively begin to thread your way from his general
law to his application of it to discover its purpose and
where the deception comes in. Here is an instance.
Mr. Sidney L. Gulick, whom the Independent and The
Federal Council of the Churches of Christ declare is the
American most competent to interpret the spirit of Japan,
represents in one of his books the Japanese speaking to
each other as follows :
"What a shame it is that the domineering, insolent
white man has seized all the great unoccupied countries
with their vast natural resources, and selfishly holds them
for himself, while we who constitute more than a half
of the world's most cultured peoples are cooped up in
these limited lands. Surely the white peoples must finally
be forced, if necessary, to grant us that equality of oppor-

 THE JAPANESE PROBLEM  47
tunity and courtesy of treatment which they accord one
another."
Clearer still is voiced this creed, that all land belongs to
all men, by Professor Nagai of Waseda University as fol
lows : "In Australia, South America, Canada and the
United States [all white-man lands, observe] are vast
tracts of unoccupied territory, yet no yellow people are
permitted to enter. To seize the greater part of the earth
and refuse to share it, is so manifestly unjust that it can
not continue."
That is the teaching of her Universities; her press,
magazines, books and addresses are full of it. Upon such
a principle she can with quiet conscience pursue her seiz
ure in Korea, Manchuria, and China, — and America.
That is the challenge Japan makes to the boundary lines
of the white countries of the world.
But the challenge does not end with that. Kawakami,
head of the Japanese Association of America and leader
of their campaign in the United States, says the United
States has not even the right to determine who may and
who may not come in and occupy our soil. His statement
is the most radical yet made, but at last it reveals the spirit
of the Japanese toward the world, it speaks out the arro
gant and revolutionary "general principles" of Japan's
diplomacy; it is a fine illustration of the inclusive or neg
ative interpretation of a treaty as you' will note; for he
makes immigration a subordinate element of travel and
trade ; and then includes the rights to immigrate, to settle,
to buy, to own and to remain under the granted rights of
trade and travel. His statement is :
"There is another point which the Americans must bear
in mind in discussing the immigration question. The pet
theory of Japanese exclusionists has been that the Amer
ican Government has the right to decide what people
should be admitted and what should be barred out. For

48  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
the sake of politeness Japan has been willing to concede
that point in favour of America. But the truth is that
America, or any other nation, has no such right. Immi
gration is simply another term for travel and trade, and
the freedom of travel and trade from one country to
another is explicitly guaranteed in all international treaties
of amity and commerce. If Japan restricts of her own
accord the immigration of her subjects to this country,
it is not because she recognizes America's right to dis
criminate against her, but because she prefers to retain
American friendship rather than create a serious issue
over immigration. In other words, Japan's voluntary
restriction of emigration to America is a special act of
courtesy and not an admission of American right of ex
clusion."^ Japan goes much further. She demands that our gov
ernment be made over in profound essentials to conform
to her own national ideas. "What we demand is the prin
ciple of equal treatment of all aliens resident in the United
States." 2
"Of course," cry the pro-Japanese sentimentalists, the
Hamilton Holts, Gulicks, Scudders, Mabies, the Steiners,
and Millises, for Japan has struck another fetish of theirs
— the fetish of "general principle." "Of course, we must
act with all nations on general principle." But let us con
sider Japan's own use of this general principle.
First. Japan treats all aliens except Chinese and
negroes equally well, but none of them so well as her own
people. Aliens in Japan have by no means the rights of
nationals; from some districts they are excluded alto
gether; they have not the same land rights in any. This
is alien discrimination.

^New York Times, July 5, 1916.
'The Japan Times, (Official Organ of the Government.)

THE JAPANESE PROBLEM 49

Second. Japan's aliens are of two classes : Mongolians
and Whites. She discriminates in favour of her own
citizens against her own race, the Mongolians,^ and also
against the white race, and her scorn of negroes is a fact
patent to the world. This is race discrimination.
Third. In her conquered states of Manchuria and
Korea she gives her conquered people rights equal to one
another but by no means equal to Japanese, for whom she
reserves special advantages of great value. This is dis
crimination against her own subjects.
Fourth. In China, where Japan herself is alien, she
says, "China, you must treat all other foreign nations on
equal terms but, to me, you must give additional valuable
rights to your resources, development, commerce and
military and you must consult me in all important matters
and give preference in business to my nationalities."
This is despotic discrimination in the meanest form.

'In 1899 the Japanese government passed a law (Ordinance 352)
in which she went far beyond the California Land Law. She denied
to alien labourers the rights to enter any except very restricted terri
tory, even though these aliens had by treaty the rights of residence,
trade, and other acts in the whole Japanese Empire. This act was
aimed at the Chinese, as our Government reminds Japan in the offi
cial correspondence which follows : "The Department is advised
that this Ordinance was promulgated in order to prevent the immi
gration of Chinese labourers who were attracted to Japan by the
rise in wages which began in that country after the war with China,
and has continued ever since. As a result of the rise in wages con
ditions grew up not unlike those which have existed at certain places
in the United States, the objections made in Japan to Chinese
labourers being that they worked for lower wages than the natives.
In the summer of 1907, as the Department is advised, two groups
of Chinese labourers were excluded from Japan under the application
of the ordinance above mentioned, one of the excluded groups being
copiposed of coolies, the other of skilled artisans, such as mechanics.
The Department is not advised that the Ordinance has been or is
enforced as against labourers other than Chinese."

50 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

This is Japan's application of her general principle of
equal treatment, which is violated by herself in four dif
ferent ways. What moral force should her example have
in driving Americans to give her equal rights with other
aliens, which in practice would give her equal rights with
ourselves ?
But she makes other demands quite as impertinent and
revolutionary. "What we further demand is a funda
mental remedy, which shall eliminate all racial incapacity
for our nationals." This would revise our naturalisa
tion code and immigration laws, repeal the Gentleman's
Agreement, and reverse our whole Oriental policy. "And
we demand the elimination of the rights of individual
states to interfere in any way with the treaty rights
granted by Washington," in which she reserves to herself
the modest prerogative of defining the "individual rights,"
the "interference" and "the treaty rights granted at
Washington." That is, America must revise the Consti
tution to readjust the states to the nation!
The President and Secretary did not offer to arbitrate
the California law at The Hague, but they did offer to try
the case in the Courts of the United States and to reim
burse any Japanese for any losses the law might entail.
Our government at Washington even offered to buy all
Japanese lands at highest market value. Never let this
be forgotten! Japan would not trust the Courts of the
United States, nor accept the offer of indemnity, nor sell
the lands she held. To none of this would she listen. She
had long been waiting for this opportunity to cajole
Americans into granting far greater gifts. She had set
for her nationals a higher goal. She determined to wait.
Meantime she would begin a campaign for the Conquest
of American Public Opinion — a campaign of remarkable
cleverness, pushed with all the fatalistic vigour of her
nature. She discontinued negotiations with the United

 THE JAPANESE PROBLEM  61
States June lo, 1914, and published the correspondence.
In her last sentence she laid down in clear English, of
unmistakable import, what may be called a perpetual auto
matic ultimatum : "The Imperial Government is unable to
acquiesce in the unjust and obnoxious discrimination com
plained of, or to regard the question as closed so long as
the existing state of things is permitted to continue."

CHAPTER VIII
THE GOAL AND THE WAY TO IT
Japan Reveals Her Real Purposes
And now what is the goal at which the Japanese aim,
the goal at the end of the campaign begun so long ago ? It
is American citizenship, with all the rights and privileges
of the American-born white man — the right of free en
trance for her nationals into the United States ; the right
to vote ; the right to own American land anywhere, in any
quantity, for any purpose ; the right to be legislators and
governors of states ; the right to go to Congress and make
the laws; the right to sit upon our Supreme Courts of
State and Nation, and there to determine the very genius
of our future civiHsation.
And what more lies beyond this goal ? When he is an
American citizen he will be in a position to secure, what
he now asserts, equal social standing before the laws of
all the states, — the right to mix his blood with any blood
he chooses to mix it with. And that is a race problem,
the impact of which may stagger if it does not at last
prostrate the white race of our land.
Since being ineligible to American citizenship hinders
his possession of our Pacific lands, he will remove that
ineligibility. Then all anti-alien land laws will fall to
the ground. Then by concentrating his population in
certain states and in special centres in those states, and
waiting, waiting for more men, for all their "picture
brides," and for their native born children, who are
American citizens by right of birth ; waiting until all these
52

THE JAPANESE PROBLEM 63

vote, he will have his representatives at the capitols, con
trol the balance of power and be master of his destiny.
It is a master stroke.
Within thirty days after the passage of the land law
and two months before it went into effect, the Japanese
press and interviews with their consuls and officials
became summarised into the reported statement of the
Japanese Consul General in New York as follows : "The
Japanese Government now desires for its nationals the
full privilege of American citizenship, on an equal footing
with other civilised nations." And a year later came the
clear demand in the official organ of the Japanese Govern
ment : "What we demand is a fundamental remedy, a new
treaty providing for the elimination of racial incapacity
for our nationals." Thus Japan appealed her case from
the people of California to all the people of the United
States. And the Third Conflict was on.
For in the first and second conflicts Japan had studied
the American people and she concluded it would be easier
to move all the people once than to hold part of the people
all the time. Where she is known, where she has been
tried, she has been rejected. She now turns to the lines
of least resistance, which she has clearly defined.
First of all, she has discovered that the American
people are intensely local ; that most of them are so inter
ested in their own little business, their own little town and
county that they are content to remain in total ignorance
of the deep meaning and rapid development of this
problem. She has found them about as indifferent to the
Japanese problem as they are ignorant. What is more,
and what is a sure sign of national weakness and decline,
she has found most of them careless of the welfare of
the next generation, and almost wholly regardless of the
next, and the next after that.
One day an old gentleman attended a lecture at a Chau-

64 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST
tauqua where this problem was presented. After the lec
ture the speaker was walking up the street behind this old
gentleman who was talking fluently to two fine ladies.
This is what he said, and it fairly represents a great body
of Americans : "Well, well, ladies, I didn't get very much
out of that lecture. No I didn't, no I didn't. For my part
I'd just as soon see the Japanese come into this country
as some other folks, yes I would, yes I would. Anyway,
they'll never give me any trouble in my day and genera
tion and I'll just let the next generation take care of
itself." That man and all of his like should have appeared
on this earth in a form to permit them to be in pastures
eating green grass and tin cans.
Then they have discovered that we are the most senti
mental people upon the earth. Where arguments fail and
facts cannot convince, an appeal to one of our traditional
sentiments or an old phrase backed by prejudice moves us
into action howling mad. They have discovered that we
are totally defenseless against all appeals to religious senti
ment. And worst of all that we have a pagan's idea in a
providence, "our providence," who is much stronger than
the providence over any other nation ; and though we defy
all reason and experience, "our providence," because we
are Americans, will preserve us from the terrible disasters
that have always befallen the foolish and careless nations
of the past.
Along all of these easy roads she has marked the paths
to her goal.
The campaign for the Conquest of American Opinion
now has three clear features. The first is a campaign to
discredit the intelligence and the character of the people
of California and thus to destroy the influence of the solid
verdict which that State has rendered against the Jap
anese. The second is a general play upon American ideals
and sentiments, interpreting them all on Japan's side of

 THE JAPANESE PROBLEM  65
the case. The third is to organise the pro-Japanese senti
ment so created into definite propaganda and to spread it
by American sympathisers through our great institutions
that reach every individual in the land — through the
churches, public schools, colleges, the public press, press
bureaus and clubs and societies made to order for the pur
pose. In promoting all these lines she has chosen to bring
into action every force of sectional interest, and especially
that peculiar prejudice, ignorance and sectional antago
nism which the far "easterner," who has never traveled or
studied it except from a Pullman window, entertains for
the mighty new world — The West.
American sentiments to which Japan and the pro-Jap
anese appeal, appear over and over repeatedly, until they
have a formula as patent as a proprietary medicine.
Taken in groups these appeals may be classed as: Reli
gious, based on Theological hypotheses ; Social, based on
peculiar views of history and ancient interpretation of
science; Economic, based on prospective profits to
America; Political, based on expediency and peace.
These play upon the whole gamut of religion, tradition,
sentiment, egotism, love of money and snobbery itself.
The sentiments worked upon are — "All men are equal" ;
"America, the refuge for all" ; "America, the hope of the
world"; "America, the Melting Pot"; "America, the land
of fair play" ; "Survival of the fittest" ; "Road to Uni
versal Peace"; "Japan to fuse Occident and Orient";
"Federation of the World" ; "Follow general principles" ;
"Subordinate the States"; "Exclusion is unchristian";
"Discrimination is unjust" ; "We must admire the Japan
ese"; "Manners, thrift, industry, cleanliness of the Jap
anese"; "Honour bound by Treaty" ; "We must avoid all
trouble" ; "We are a Christian nation."
Besides a play on these sentiments we can catalogue
clearly the following stock arguments with all that per-

56  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
tains to them — The "War" argument ; The "Peace" argu
ment; "Time will solve" argument; "Traditional friend
ship" argument; "Trouble unthinkable" argument; "What
never has happened, etc." argument; "Japan is very poor"
argument; "Japan is overcrowded" argument; "Compar
atively few in California" argument; "All nations made
of one blood" argument; "Japanese are not Mongolians
anyhow" argument; "Better than South Europeans"
argument; "Not an aggressive nation" argument; "Com
mercial welfare and advantage" argument; "Everybody
knows Japan is sincere" argument.
This campaign is highly scientific; its ultimate results
no student of social psychology will fail to see. The
appeals to these sentiments, the forms of these argurtients,
are superficial and fallacious, but, continued through the
agencies now employed, they will soon produce a set of
ideas and beliefs which will be accepted without debate.
They will become a part of our national traditions and
Japan will have completed her Conquest of American
Opinion.

PART II
FORCES AND METHODS OF
THE JAPANESE CONQUEST
"If we can put this Gulick program over in the other
forty-seven states we will coerce California into our posi
tion." 1

'Afn Hamilton Holt. A founder of the Japan Society of New
York; Chairman of the Commission on Relations with Japan in the
Federal Council of the Churches of Christ.

CHAPTER IX
MALIGNING A STATE
A Campaign of Vituperation
"California is not the whole United States. If we can
put Mr. Gulick's plan over in the other forty-seven states,
we will coerce California into our position."
That statement, made to the writer by Hamilton Holt,
is a whole history. To play upon American sentiment, to
disparage the people of a state, and undermine her stand
ing in the Union, to "put Japan over" in states where she
is not known, where there is no local interest, and where
the people are still asleep on this question, and to coerce
the people of a section of the country by sheer preponder
ance of number, — ^that campaign has promise of success
in a country like ours !
The participants in this campaign all play upon the
same ideas. They centre the fight upon California,
although Washington has a stricter law, and the alien
Japanese do not own a foot of that state. California
people are called rough, ignorant, prejudiced, of the dis
credited type of ruffian miner and pistoled cowboy, bur
lesqued on the stage, and revived with greater exaggera
tion in the moving picture — types which long since have
disappeared. They say that the legislation against Jap
anese is promoted by boodlers, criminals, professional
agitators, jingoes, demagogues, — these are their very
words; that there are no facts to justify California's
course; that it is brutal and unchristian; that it will lead
to a boycott of America in Japan and great commercial
loss; that the Japanese will never forget it or forgive it,
and that the only end of it will be war.
59

60 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

This appalling program to malign a state and mislead a
nation I shall now present in detail.
Mr. Sidney L. Gulick begins by impeaching the char
acter of all the people. He says that they are incapable of
telling the truth : "When I first began to read on the Jap
anese situation in California, I accepted as trustworthy
the statements of manifestly able writers. Investigation
of many specific assertions, however, has led me to put a
question mark against every anti-Japanese statement
which I myself have not verified."
He asks America to adopt his New Oriental Policy so
that "all anti-Japanese legislation in California and all
other states would at once be void and all future legisla
tion impossible" ; "it would provide for the rights of aliens
regardless of the ignorance and prejudice of unfriendly
localities." ^
He assails Peter F. McFarlane's articles in Collier's as
unreliable, and the facts presented by C. K. McClatchky
in The American Citizen as faked. He says of the state
ments of United States Senator Perkins, "All such sweep
ing assertions are utterly mistaken." He loves phrases
like "rabid, anti-Japanese legislation in California,"
"belligerent utterances of her irresponsible student and
political classes."
He will not accept a word about Japanese life and char
acter from one who has not lived in Japan, and he repudi
ates the estimate of Lafcadio Hearn who lived there, mar
ried a Japanese woman and reared a family of children.
How will he feel now about the truth told in the recent
great books and articles by Carl Crow,^ Jefferson Jones,^
Thomas F. Millard,* and Samuel G. Blythe — all of whom
'"The American Japanese Problem."
'Japan and America. A Contrast.
'The Fall of Tsingtau.
*"The Japanese Menace," Century, March, 1916.

 FORCES AND METHODS 61
had lived or have worked as responsible newspaper men
in Japan and China ?
He says that Governor Johnson was unfair when he
took Secretary Bryan out to see the Japanese districts, and
the men to whom he introduced him were handpicked,
ignorant and untruthful witnesses; that Governor John
son, the Legislature and the people are unAmerican ; that
the California press is yellow and full of fabrications. No
witness for California goes untouched; even Admiral
Mahan, whose masterpieces on naval science revolution
ised the naval strategy of the world and ranked him in
all nations as a master of historical philosophy, he sweeps
overboard with a wave of his hand. And to complete his
argument he declares that the position of the United
States toward Asia is disgraceful; the Supreme Court
decisions on Asiatic exclusion are unjust; the support of
California by the administration is wrong.
In full italics he says of the land bill : "It is needless; it
is shortsighted; it is misleading ; it is a disgrace to the
United States; it is positively injudicious; it is unjust and
unkind; it is contrary to the spirit of all American treaties
with Japan; it is hysterical; it is unchristian." So he
leads you to believe that California is all wrong, and has
no real case against the Japanese, who are clean, thrifty,
industrious, polite, submissive, loving, greatly developing
and aiding the state, loving the country and yearning to
be citizens of the nation; that California is aggravating
the hate of Japan, increasing the tension between these
two ever frien41y nations, and leading America toward
the gravest dangers.
His arraignment includes the religion and the morals
of the people; the churches, he says, are ruled by racial
hate; deacons who welcome Japanese on Sunday are
alleged to forbid them to say "good morning" on Mon
day; some Y. M. C. A.'s do not want them. California

62 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

family life is so bad that his Japanese friends say that
Japanese employed as domestics "see such an unfortunate
side of American life that it would be better for
both Japan and America if all Japanese domestic service
would cease." He excuses the acknowledged sexual
immorality of Japanese men and women by saying,
"In San Francisco is disclosed a state of affairs as to
the relations of the sexes in certain classes of society
in comparison with which the Japanese brothel is in
nocence." Let us go no further. These are the arguments Mr.
Gulick is making in his books, and in his articles and
addresses sO widely distributed, as will be shown in a suc
ceeding chapter. If what he says is true, California is the
worst enemy America ever had; if it is not true, Mr.
Gulick is the worst enemy California ever had.
Mr. Hamilton Holt in 1914 wrote a pamphlet entitled:
Wanted, A Final Solution of the Japanese Problem. It
was distributed as a special bulletin by the American Asso
ciation for International Conciliation, one of the bene
ficiaries of the Carnegie Endowment. In it Mr. Holt
recounts what he considers America's affronts to Japan —
in which many Americans come in for a strong blow.
"President Roosevelt immediately after the California
outbreak sent the fleet on its voyage around the world on
a 'peace' cruise, but in reality 'to impress' Japan. Japan
turned the other cheek by spending a million dollars to
entertain it." Then he strikes California hard, and mixes
up the Scripture in sentimental flight: "Here were a
people who were brutally insulted by our Pacific Coast, a
people we called 'heathen' and sent missionaries to Chris
tianise, actually teaching us a lesson in Christian ethics.
Though we all but drove them out of California, they met
our officers and men, strewing their patH with flowers.
Though we excluded them from our schools, they suffered

FORCES AND METHODS

their little children to greet us singing our national
hymn." Will America be deceived by such mawkish sentiment
and perverted truth ?
After berating several Congressmen, Senators Lodge
and Dillingham, Secretary of State Knox and others for
trying to keep alive the Monroe Doctrine and the door
open in China, he brings in the climax. "But in 191 3 our
insults reached their climax," — the anti-alien land law, a
"brutal insult," "took effect, August 10, despite the
strenuous protest of the Federal Government, and the
almost unanimous opposition of the enlightened sense of
the nation."
He ends his narrative with this scare : "The Japanese,
as I have said, are a proud, sensitive and self -controlled
people. But the Japanese do not forget. Let no one
imagine that time and indifference on our part will heal
this latest wound."
Mr. Hamilton Wright Mabie pays these compliments to
the Cafifornia Legislature: "Shortsighted and rough-
handed way of dealing with a friendly nation;" "with a
sensitive and powerful nation;" "omitting the courtesies
with which civilised nations approach questions;" "driv
ing the anti-Japanese bill through the Legislature;"
"there was no immediate occasion for each legislation;"
not the "slightest danger of a wave of Asiatic iminigra-
tion;" "race hatred must be driven beyond the pale of
civilisation; it is a survival of barbarism and must go
back where it belongs."
He adds the usual ominous threat : "Those who imagine
that the crisis has passed and that the clouds between the
two countries will dissolve in thin air, do not know the
persistence of the people with whom they are dealing. A
Russian military writer has said of the Japanese that they
seem to have mastered all kinds of tactics except those of

64 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

retreat. Any attempt to ignore their protests and trust
to time to heal the breach will disastrously fail." ^
In 191 3 Jiuji G. Kasai, who is now engaged by one of
the Japanese press bureaus in America, won the first prize
in oratory in the University of Chicago, using an oration
entitled, "The Mastery of the Pacific." The President of
the University gave it a foreword, and it was published
by the University of Chicago "in the hope of advancing
the cause of friendship and peace between the United
States and Japan." This is interesting, because it is a
perfect type of the Japanese aggression. It represents
their system of shrewd half-truths and positive untruths,
the boldness of spirit with which the Japanese assault
California in our own country on all occasions, and the
indorsement of that attack in all its virulent, unjust lan
guage by Americans of high class who know nothing of
the people of California or their cause and are totally lost
in their belief in the Japanese.
The first paragraphs say : "When, a few years ago, we
were engaged in the titanic struggle with Russia, you gave
us hearty sympathy and moral support. But hardly had
we fulfilled the hopes and expectations of the liberty-lov
ing American people when suddenly there came the cries
of jingoes and demagogues, 'Beware of the Yellow Peril!
Beware of Japan's warlike ambition to master the Pacific
at the expense of the United States.' Moreover, the
Japanese have been discriminated against, subjected to
humiliation and injustice, until finally the recent anti-
Japanese legislation in California has caused an embar
rassment to both National Governments." "That this
historic bond of friendship should be thus threatened by
irresponsible agitators and selfish demagogues is a crime,
etc."

^The Outlook, August 2, 1913.

FORCES AND METHODS 65
Because California does not want an Asiatic popula
tion, he quotes the worst phrases he can find to attack her.
"Is this American freedom, Russian aristocracy, or Turk
ish subjugation ? At the behest of ignorance, racial hatred
and political chicanery, shall California permit herself to
be disgraced?" ^
Kasai says that Japan is a peaceful nation, all her wars
are for self defence, "not for aggrandisement or con
quest. For generations to come Japan must summon all
her energies for the development of Saghalien, Korea and
Formosa." Yet before that was written she had forced a
war on China, getting her first foot-hold on the Conti
nent ; and since then she has taken Shantung from China,
and Kiao-chow from Germany, when neither were mak
ing any offence against her ; she has fully clinched Man
churia, and made her twenty-one demands on all China
and her resources, so that Tokio practically rules that
kingdom to-day. Yet this statement of Kasai so highly
indorsed is not three years old.
The usual threat follows : "Such an ungenerous attitude
on the part of your people will, I fear, seriously imperil
the friendly relations between our two countries. How
long can the Japanese people who hold in such high regard
justice and honour, patiently bear such continual irritation
and injustice ?"
His plan to adjust these difficulties is at least ingenious
— "From those of us who are now in America Japan will
draw her future leaders, and America can send to Japan
no better ambassadors than these (Japanese) young men
and women" ! !
Is it possible that an American University promotes this
vicious attack, this warlike threat, this absurd proposal in
the interest of "friendship and peace" ?
'Quoted from Miss Alice M. Brown.

66  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
One California woman, Alice M. Brown, has added a
chapter to this volume of vituperation which the Japanese
propagandists are scattering over the land. It is a pam
phlet entitled "Education not Legislation." It decries
hate, but it is pitifully bitter in its exhibit of hate for those
who are opposed to her own Japanese love. The Legis
lature, she says, "was a body of men racemad," animated
by the "violent passions of barbaric men." She says it
Moes not represent the farmers of the state — a statement
completely refuted by the recent book of Mr. Millis. On
one page she says the Japanese occupy "but a pinch" of
California, on another that to interfere with their lands
will "play havoc with our industrial and commercial
spheres." She appeals frequently "to history, eugenics,
science, justiee, humanitarism," in defence of Japanese
immigration, citizenship and intermarriage, and exposes
what she knows about these by this appalling reversion of
the facts of history: "The history of all nations is the
history of the attempts to repulse the stranger at the
gate, the final absorption of the one by the other, and the
raising of the nation to a higher level and greater strength.
This we know, that whatever is best will prevail." Oh
Greece, Rome, and Novgorod!
Against this her opinion of April 27, 1913, I set the
opinion of Benjamin Ide Wheeler, President of the Uni
versity of California, as reported in the New York Times,
May 21, 1913:
"In an interview, Dr. Wheeler said that the attitude of
the state of California on the alien land question, in his
opinion, was justified. If an alien land bill had not passed
he believed that California would have left the hands of its
natives, and in a very few years practically would have been
owned by the Japanese.
" 'Sensational reports,' he said, 'had led to an uneasy
feeling here, but you will find that this will be a question

 FORCES AND METHODS  67
for diplomatic settlement. There are no demagogues in the
State Legislature. They are men, who, in my opinion, hon
estly represent the people. Governor Johnson is popular all
over California, and the people will support him in his stand.'
"Dr. Wheeler has lived in California for fourteen years."
This pamphlet by Miss Alice M. Brown prepared in the
heat of passion, bitter, knowledge-reversing, which totally
misrepresents the state, is still distributed everywhere and
quoted by the Japanese and pro- Japanese more than is the
statement of any other Californian, perhaps as much as
all others combined.
Kasai quotes her in his oration, which he used as a lec
ture in New England. Kawakami quotes her over and
over in his book, until, in different places, for different
purposes, he has used quite completely her pamphlet and
one magazine article. Mr. Gulick and Mr. Millis cite her
in their books. This counter citation of this group, one
to another as authorities, is a distinct feature of the con
quest. Gulick, Kawakami, Millis, Scudder, Mabie, Alice
M. Brown, Holt, Peabody, and Griffis have a perfct net
work of cross references.
K. K. Kawakami, the most voluminous of Japanese
writers on this subject, contributes largely to this cam
paign. It would require a whole volume to cite and
analyse the Oriental, methods he employs, but we must
take in him a glance at the Oriental mind.
For instance, he begins on Governor Johnson thus : "I
have always been, and still am, a sincere admirer of
Governor Johnson, etc." ^ Second step : "Yet they tell
me the Progressive Governor of California, seeing that
his influence was waning, was anxious to regain his popu
larity by catering to the wishes of the labouring class." *
Mjjo at the Door,
'Ibid.

68 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

[This impeaches the Governor's integrity and his
motives.] Third step: On the Governor's reply to the
President : "As a piece of logical argument it is a splendid
document, yet there are arguments which, however log
ical, terse, and vigorous in expression, fall flat and we
fear that Mr. Johnson's reply to the President was at best
a fine example of such arguments. He could silence his
opponents, but not convince them. To those who knew
the inside story of the political game at Sacramento, the
Governor's argument is far from convincing." ^ In this
he accuses him of sheer political trickery and subter
fuge. In like manner he damns the state; (A), the praise,
(B), the handy theory, (C), the rabid judgment.
(A) "Not only has California astonished the world
with the rapidity of its material progress, but is marching
abreast with the most advanced states in the field of learn
ing and arts. Her higher institutions of learning are the
pride of the nation, and even in Arts and Music she has
made remarkable records." *
(B) The handy theory: "Perhaps the climate of Cali
fornia too has had some influence in developing a peculiar
type of 'mass psychology.' Professor Steiner^ thinks that
this climate is responsible for the mental habit of exag
geration commonly observed in California. [Gulick's
charge, repeated.] Now the climate of California is a
sort of climate that strengthens the passions and sends
them wild for excitement. Not only does this climate
quicken the pulse and the temper, but it gave birth to that

^Ibid,, page 170.
'Ibid,, page 145.
'Professor E. A. Steiner, Teacher of Applied Christianity at
Grinnell University, Iowa. An ardent believer in making America a
veritable Melting Ppt.

FORCES AND METHODS 69
peculiar human being called the 'hoodlum'." "While the
climate of California is congenial to the existence of the
hoodlum, conditions were such as to swell the tide of law
less elements." ^ Isn't that a crafty process drawn
through many pages to leave the impression that the
people are hoodlums and lawless ?
(C) Then by this gentle transition he leads to this con
demnation :
. "The law is decidedly un-American. It is enacted
merely to throttle the legitimate aspirations of the Jap
anese; to keep the Japanese farmers in a state of serfdom;
to fan the prejudice which is being constantly exploited by
the jealous and ignorant." "What heresy, what perfidy
to attempt to trample upon the sacred legacy of our
revered sires, and to destroy the legacy upon which the
great democracy stands!" "The majority of American
newspapers and of fair-minded Americans turned a solid
phalanx to the legislators of California and denounced
their selfishness and bigotry. A minister declares from
his pulpit: 'The California land bill is something that
would disgrace hell in its palmiest days. It is a piece of
political perfidy and rotten state's rights, of proverbial
buncombe and of a rare and religious bigotry that makes
the Oriental heathen a Christian saint in comparison.
What a lovely example of low-browed, hard hearted pro
vincialism !'
"When we think of this frank and fearless expression,"
says Kawakami, "we realize that the spirit of America is
not dead, that the glory and greatness of the Republic are
not a thing of the past ! !"
At the hands of Dr. E. A. Steiner the attack on the
people takes another form. I quote from Kawakami,
page 154, Asia at the Door.

^Asia at the Door, page IS9-

70 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

"Dr. E. A. Steiner,^ one of the foremost authorities on
the immigration problem, in a recent address in St. Louis,
sees the real menace for California, not in Oriental immi
gration but in the ebbing energy of its citizens. The
pioneers of California who conquered all obstacles offered
by nature, were energetic, undaunted, and willing to toil.
But the present generation. Dr. Steiner points out, is be
ginning to seek pleasure, avoid parenthood, and shirk hard
work and many Calif ornians plainly admit that their
young men no longer soil their hands with the tilling of
the earth, but migrate to cities in quest of gentleman's
work and easy money. Some writers go even so far as
to assert that this very symptom of weakness on the part
of California is one of the causes which brought about the
agitation against the Japanese."
Dr. E. A. Steiner cannot be accepted as an "authority"
on this question — if in any department of immigration.
He is an extremely sentimental and emotional writer on
that subject. To disprove his theory of declining energy
in California one needs but cite the wonderful rebound of
energy of San Francisco, which rebuilt a city In three
years; of Los Angeles, in the development of business,
and the recent municipal construction of an aqueduct
250 miles long over mountains and through granite, the
greatest feat of its kind in the world, done on record time,
without a hint of graft. Surely these are instances of
conquering obstacles offered by nature. The unequalled
energy of San Diego In maintaining the present Exposi
tion, at the time of the Panama Exposition; the un
equalled greatness of the Panama Exposition in size,
cost, art, beauty, length of duration and financial triumph;
'His position on immigration, the Melting Pot idea, is diametrically
opposed to that of such eminent sociologists as E. A. Ross of the
University of Wisconsin and Professor Fairchild of Yale, who are
real authorities.

 FORCES AND METHODS  71
the unequalled development of the high school system and
equipments of the state; the Increased interest of the boys
and girls in agriculture, horticulture and marine subjects,
manual arts and sciences; the quadrupled enrollment in
our agricultural schools at the University; the numbers
of our University men and women who go from college
directly to work on the ranches. Mr. Crissey, of the
Saturday Evening Post, declares that our co-operative
organisations for farmers are the most efficient in the
nation and the best models of large co-operations In
marketing and selling In any line in the world.
But though some of our boys and girls may go to towns
and cities, as they do everywhere, they do not lose nor
lack the energy to make our municipal development the
finest In America. Clinton Rogers Woodruff established
this fact:
"Two years ago a special committee of the National
Municipal League gathered the reports of all the leagues,
of municipalities, conferences of mayors and similar
organisations, and also various other Information regard
ing the activities and history of these organisations.
"It was the opinion of the committee that the best and
most effective league was the California League of Mu
nicipalities, and that It constituted the highest develop
ment of such organisations yet seen in the United
States." "
These facts overwhelm Dr. Steiner. His opinion on
loss of energy is reversed by an exhibit of increased
energy. His charge that our women refuse parenthood is
equally baseless, and reveals the length to which the pro-
Japanese will go to discredit our people.
This brings us to consider another phase of the cam
paign of disparagement through the platform and the

TA? American City, June, 1914.

72 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
pulpit. The Federal Council of Churches asks every
Christian minister to preach on peace on a certain Sun
day in May called "Peace Day." They are instructed on
the Japanese question in the notifications. Dr. Doremus
E. Scudder, a Director of the Council, says, "That which
faces us on Peace Sunday as a Christian people is a single
question, 'What is our nation's duty to Japan?' The
Church of Jesus Christ has only one answer to the ques
tion What is our nation's duty to Japan ? ; it is to apply
that word 'all men are brethren' to our dealings with the
man whom our nation calls 'Mongolian' ; open our priv
ilege of naturalisation to him on equal terms with the
European." Thus it appears that Peace Sunday is a movement in
the Christian Church utilised by the Federal Council in
the interest of Japanese citizenship and intermarriage.
Dr. Scudder says, "In this day of human solidarity, when
we are learning how intricately races have blended, and
how truly alike physically and spiritually we all are, it is
impossible to draw such lines as Mongolian, white or
black." The easiest thing the lecturers and ministers can do
who follow this lead and who have seen only the Japanese
propaganda, (and there is very little else to be seen) is to
discredit western people. A certain Rabbi and lecturer
appeared before a great meeting of public school teachers
in an eastern city. He was presented to the audience as
a distinguished advocate of peace, to deliver a lecture on
"A Chosen People." The first half of it was a fine esSay
on the idea of genius in men and nations, each genius as
chosen of heaven for a special service to the world. He
then turned to the Idea of peace — America the genius
nation chosen of heaven to bring peace. And before I
could realise where he would lead, he was describihg the
cry of Rome against Carthage, "Carthage must be de-

 FORCES AND METHODS 73
stroyed," and showed what havoc it brought to both cities.
Then after he had thus opened the soul of fifteen hundred
people to throbbing emotions against that Roman cry, he
cried aloud with strong Indignation : "And now we have
In America a Rome on the Pacific Coast. It is California
crying, 'Japan must be destroyed ! We must have a war
with Japan! Japan must be destroyed!' " And he pro
ceeded to call down upon the state the dire denunciation
of the whole country.
At the close of the lecture I walked to the platform and
joined the group of people who had pressed forward to
be presented to him. When he asked how I liked the
lecture, I replied, "The first half was academic and fine,
the second half was vicious and malicious. Your lecture
can have but one result, — To misrepresent California ; to
create sectional prejudice against her ; to encourage Japan
in her campaign; to involve America In a great contro
versy, if not ultimate disaster."
"But California has no right to involve us in war."
"California wants war less than you do. We should
suffer first and suffer most in such a war. I defy you to
show me where any Californian or the California press
has raised the cry of Rome. Where did you ever see or
hear such a cry ?"
"That is what the news reports are, and I only said
'That Is what the reports are !' "
"No, pardon me, you spoke it without modification.
But even had you so modified it, the effect would have
been the same. Have you a right to make a charge
against a whole state on mere report ? And do you really
know what this Japanese problem is about ? Do you know
what California's contention is?"
"No, not exactly. It is something about land owner
ship. But we can't have a war with Japan ! You people
have no right to cause this trouble."

74  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
"But suppose Japan is wrong and California is right,
what then?"
"But she isn't right."
"You've just said you don't know the case. If Cali
fornia is right, what then?"
"Well, then, that would be different."
This is not an extreme instance of the common attack.
The next night it was my privilege to address the same
audience. I related this incident and presented the prob
lem as it is, and when the audience understood the whole
matter, there was emphatic reversal of their opinion of the
night before.
But this Rabbi lectures constantly and many others
deliver similar lectures. Hamilton Holt told me concern
ing his lecture on Peace, for which he is paid by Mr.
Carnegie, — "I always bring In a little in favour of
Japan." Hundreds, thousands, hundreds of thousands
of such sermons and addresses are being given. They are
rapidly producing a general notion In America which once
established will be acted upon without debate and even
without Inquiry into the manner and the sources of its
origin. I have heard many discredit California because she has
in her population a large number of people from the
Southern States. Mr. Millis cites this fact as in part
responsible for the anti-Asiatic position taken. Mr.
Kawakami does also. Thus an old sectional prejudice Is
stirred to life. To illustrate this spirit, here is a true inci
dent. The writer was discussing this problem with a
group of highly refined ladles and gentlemen in a city in
North Dakota. Among them was a rector of decided
English characteristics, who has rendered fine service as
a missionary to the Indians of the Northwest. The dis
cussion had run into the morning hours when this rector,
in simple. Innocent expression of a prejudice he is unaware

FORCES AND METHODS  75
he possesses, came up with this outburst: "Well, what
can we expect of you ! You are a resident of California,
and you admit that your mother was a Virginian, and so
you are also Southern !"
"And what, pray," I answered, "Is wrong with the Vir
ginian, that he may not think truly on great questions
and be true to American interests ? What state has done
so much to make America what It is as has Virginia?
Representative government was born in her House of
Burgesses — the first assembly of Its kind In the world.
She holds the Cradle of Liberty, for within a few miles of
where that mother was born, Patrick Henry raised his
voice against the divine right of kings and the tyranny of
George III. One of her sons, Thomas Jefferson, wrote
the Declaration of Independence ; another, George Wash
ington, led the armies that won It; they with Madison,
and Monroe, and Henry, and the Lees, framed the Con
stitution; Washington guided the Convention that
adopted it, and all laboured until it was ratified by all the
colonies. Virginia gave America twenty-four years out
of the first twenty-eight years of Presidential direction of
the young Government, fighting and winning the second
war of Independence. The diplomacy and exploration
of her sons like Thomas Jefferson and Rogers and Clark
added more area to our national domain than was added
by all our other statesmen combined; another, James
Monroe, pronounced the doctrine which has preserved the
Western Hemisphere from European exploitation and
wars for a hundred years. Virginians, and their kindred
people of the South, these are true Americans, preserving
In blood, brain and spirit the pure material from which
America was made. Welcome, all such, to California!"
In this crucifixion of a state, let Its citizens look with
forgiving grace upon the maligners, crying only, "For
give them, they know not what they do."

76  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
Let us bring this unhappy chapter to an end in a truer,
sweeter picture drawn by Frederick M. Davenport in his
article in The Outlook, August 4, 1915, entitled "The
Farthest Outpost of Advancing Democracy — California."
The Farthest Outpost of Advancing Democracy —
California
"The air and soil and far-flung resources and oppor
tunity of blending of enterprising native stocks in the com
monwealth of California have made already of the modest
figure of the pioneer a strong, valiant, confident, conquering
exponent of advancing democracy. The most definite
impression which the California of the present day makes
upon you is that of a tremendous physical and mental and
an increasing moral vitality. There are many elements
which make for unity. A very large proportion of the popu
lation is of the restless and enterprising pioneer strain
which hails from the Eastern and Middle Western United
States. Particularly in the southern part of California there
are Kansas Societies and Iowa Societies and Massachusetts
Societies, and many others, with memberships running far
into thousands. They have not forgotten whence they
sprang, but they are Californians to the core, and aggressive
and united for a better economic and political and social
order for their adopted state.
"But there is variety with the unity. You can trace in
motion all the currents and the cross-currents of a powerful
democratic empire. The men and the women of the second
generation seem physically above the American average in
stature and in strength, and the forces, both individual and
social, which have been set in motion within this common
wealth are unquestionably fraught with potency for the
whole country. And the result of the development there
taking place is sure to have an important bearing upon the
future of American democracy. . . .
"California now easily leads the long roll of our democratic
commonwealths. Her climate, her resources, her vitality,

FORCES AND METHODS 77
her mingling of sturdy native stocks, her enterprise, her
opportunities for leisure, her liking for expert efficiency,
her illuminating experience with the powers of political
darkness, all fit her for a higher than Athenian citizenship.
Certainly she has the capacity and the environment to be to
the rest of the United States more than Athens was to the
sister states of Greece."

CHAPTER X
THE APPEAL TO THE CHURCH
Sidney L. Gulick and "The New Oriental Policy"
Do one hundred thousand ministers of America know
that they are committed en masse to a definite campaign
to give the Japanese the rights of American citizenship?
Do seventeen million members of all our Christian
denominations know that they are contributing regularly
to promote the mixing of all Asiatics with our race in our
country by means of citizenship, and social assimilation,
the amount levied and paid annually being one dollar for
each thousand members ?
Do the political parties of America know that the Fed
eral Council of the Churches of Christ in America, repre
senting the aforesaid ministers and members, has adopted,
presented to the government, and is promoting a definite
program on immigration and Oriental relations com
pletely reversing the present status, upon the conceptions
of one man who for nearly thirty years has lived In Japan?
Do our one hundred million American people of all
religions and no religion know that these one hundred
thousand ministers and seventeen million members are
being systematically schooled in this program and pledged
to this campaign under the cloak of its being the only right
Interpretation of the Gospel of Jesus Christ?
Who is the man? What Is the program? By whom
and how is this campaign conducted ?
_ Mr. Sidney L. Gulick, M. A., D.D., is the man. He
gives his address as Japan, "professor in Doshisha Uni
versity and lecturer in the Imperial University of
78

FORCES AND METHODS 79
Kyoto." ^ He was born in i860 In the Marshall Islands,
of missionary parents, and reared in the Orient with
adopted Oriental children whom he regarded as his kin.
Educated in America, he returned to Japan about thirty
years ago as a missionary. He is In love with Japanese
Ideals, has acquired the Japanese language, and has mas
tered their form of argumentation. He is the author of
several books on the Japanese, all highly laudatory of
their virtues and apologetic for their possible shortcom
ings. If he admits that truth and chastity and other
virtues form little part of their moral code, he explains
away those defects by blaming them on their origin, and
overbalances the deficiency by other virtues for which
they are alleged to surpass the world.
His most Important volume on the American-Japanese
problem is an arraignment of the Intelligence and morality
of the people of California and other states for recent
legislation which affects the Japanese In America. But
especially he outlines and promotes what he terms "A
New Oriental Pohcy." Since January i, 1914, while on
a furlough from Japan, he has been In the employ of the
Federal Council of the Churches of Christ at a salary of
three thousand dollars per year and expenses. His serv
ices consist In writing books, articles and tracts, and
delivering addresses under the most Influential auspices —
all to promote his New Oriental Policy. These facts and
those to follow are derived from his writings, from the
Annual Reports of the Federal Council, and will be sus
tained by direct quotations therefrom.
What is this New Oriental Policy?
The quotations taken from his books will outline it
sufficiently, although he uses twenty-five pages to outline
it and about 280 pages to sustain it.

TAe American Japanese Problem — title page.

80  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
In his term Oriental are embraced "the eight hundred
millions of Asia," about one-half of the population of the
earth, all of whom under the laws of the United States
are now and always have been aliens who cannot become
citizens of the United States. This status of theirs is the
concrete result of the wisdom of Araerican statesmen for
one hundred and twenty-five years, beginning with George
Washington's first recommendation for a naturalisation
code. Mr. Gulick says:
( I ) "The present Oriental policy of the United States
as a whole is In important respects humiliating to the
Oriental and disgraceful to us."
(2) "We should grant the Asiatics In this land the
same privileges which we grant to the citizens of 'the most
favoured nations.' "
This would give the Chinese, Japanese, Hindoos,
Syrians, Koreans, and all the Mongolians and Malays of
Asia and its islands the full rights of American citizen
ship and equal social rights of intermarriage with the
white race.
(3) "A new general immigration law is needed which
shall apply impartially to all races. We must abandon
all differential Asiatic treatment even as regards immi
grants." (4) "A fresh definition of eligibility for American
citizenship is needed. Race should not be a disqualifica
tion of citizenship."
(5) "Direct Federal responsibility in all legal and
legislative matters Involving aliens is essential."
(6) "It logically follows that legal proceedings involv
ing aliens should be handled exclusively in Federal and
not In state courts."
This would require the total revision of the Constitu
tion of the United States regarding functions of State
and Nation, taking from the states and giving to the

FORCES AND METHODS 81
nation all the rights of land laws, deeds, conveyances,
leases and all laws of domestic relations of marriage,
parentage, divorce, inheritance; and all business relations
in which an alien may be a party ; and an entire revision
of our Judiciary pertaining to those.
It Is thus seen that the New Oriental Policy pivots all
American government, not upon our own citizens, but
upon the viewpoint of the Oriental alien.
(7) "A national commission on biological and social
assimilation Is needed."
This is to establish his theories of intermarriage of
races, "social inheritance" and "social assimilation," to
which he devotes about a hundred pages. In one chapter
toward the end of his treatise he declares himself opposed
to Intermarriage of races. Yet he approves all the indi
vidual Instances — Japanese who have married white girls,
mentioning Takamine, Fukushima, Oaki, Kawakami, all
of whom he Indorses and each of whom indorses him, and
who are engaged in this campaign for race mixture.
Kawakami, head of the Japanese Association of America,
comes out openly for Intermarriage and cites Dr. Gulick
as one of the best friends of the Japanese cause. Dr.
Gulick uses many pages of pictures to show the results of
these marriages, and one hundred pages to prove the
asslmilabllity of Orientals. This form of argument, the
academic denial of a general principle coupled with the
hearty support of its concrete facts is a fair illustration
of what President Charles W. Eliot calls Oriental dissim
ulation. (8) "Regulation of international news should be an
Integral part of the New Oriental Policy. To suppress
the suspicions, exaggeration, and even malicious fabri
cations of unresponsible news mongers — the Yellow Press
is the real Yellow Peril."
Let the American Press take note.

82 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

Mr. Gulick says this New Oriental Policy will produce
these results :
(a) "Existing anti- Japanese legislation in California
and all other states would at once be void and all future
legislation be impossible."
(b) It would provide for the "rights of aliens regard
less of the ignorance and prejudice of unfriendly local
ities." (c) "The Japanese government would be intensely
gratified." "It would also satisfy and even please Japan."
(d) "America would rightly be called the 'melting pot
of the nations,' from which we may expect the advent of
astonishing variants. Would v\>e not be gainers by includ
ing Asiatic ore In this great melting pot ?"
(e) "The condition most favourable for race assimila
tion is that which arises when an alien father enters into
the civilisation of the mother and is accepted by her
kindred." "Where such ideal conditions can be assured, it
would probably make no difference whether the father
were Hindoo, Chinese, Japanese, Arab, or Negro."
(f) "The early adoption of some such pohcy is impor
tant ; there Is every reason to anticipate further anti-Jap
anese legislation In California with the next session of
its Legislature, which meets In 1915."
One would not think that so radical and difficult a pro
cedure would secure any serious indorsement by the great
men of America. Mr. Gulick's book was printed in
March, 19 14, yet he wanted all this radical legislation
completed before the California Legislature could meet
in January, 191 5, and he put into use the greatest piece
of machinery for sentiment making there is on the con
tinent — the entire Christian Church. How ?
The Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in
America was organised about eight years ago. Its name
describes it. It is an attempt to federate into a single

FORCES AND METHODS

force all the Protestant denominations. Its Year Book
for 1914, issued In March, 191 5, page 4, gives the list of
constituent churches, thirty denominations In all ; Baptist,
Christian, Congregational, Disciples, Friends, German-
Evangelical, Lutheran, Mennonlte, Methodist (all
branches), African (all branches), Presbyterian, Epis
copal, Reformed, United Brethren, and others.
They enumerate 103,023 ministers, 138,995 churches,
17,438,826 members. These denominations are assessed
one dollar for each thousand members, and in 19 14 this
yielded nearly $17,000. The total receipts from all
sources for 1914 were about $62,000.
It has a national office in New York with a secretary
and assistant receiving $6,200 per year salary. Its mail
ing list exceeds 75,000 names. It works through several
Commissions or Committees. One of these created in
April, 19 14, is called "The Commission on Relations with
Japan." There is no such commission for any other
nation, but over one-fifth of the total funds expended in
1914 were used by this Commission on Relations with
Japan. Sidney L. Gulick began work for this Federal Council
about January, 1914, and is now definitely engaged by It
to promote what both Mr. Gulick and the Federal Council
term "The New Oriental Policy."
Let us now establish several facts : ( i ) That those who
engaged him knew his program. (2) That they gave It
direct and full indorsement and made it their own. (3)
That they have used the funds collected from these church
members to promote this program, and are now using
them. It will be demonstrated :
(A) That this use of Mr. Gulick and his program is
a definite attempt to shape the political policies of America
on many extremely vital, national and international ques
tions.

84  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
(B) That Mr. Gulick and the Federal Council assault
the intelligence and the morality of the people in those
states having anti-Asiatic laws.
(C) That the Commission represents only a small sec
tion of the nation in Its make-up and has exhibited par
tiality in its consideration of the problems involved.
(D) That the cross-lines of Influence and the powers
allied to promote this movement are great enough to
affect seriously the action of the government and the polit
ical and social welfare of the United States.
Mr. Hamilton Holt is the acting chairman of the Com
mission on Relations with Japan and one of the five men
who engaged Mr. Gulick. In the Annual Report referred
to, from which I shall take all my quotations, Mr. Holt
says: "We recommend his views in general to the
people of the United States, to the President, the Secre
tary of State, the Secretary of Labor, Congress and Gov
ernor and Legislature of California."
The secretary of the Federal Council writes : "Japanese
scholars, statesmen and diplomats have given its proposals
cordial approval."
Fifty thousand ministers were asked to preach on Peace
on May 17, 1914. The letter of Instructions to them con
tains this sentence : "The Council has secured the services
of Rev. Sidney L. Gulick of Japan to assist In the work
directed by the Committee on Relations with Japan, which
is to take up this question of International and race rela
tionship from the point of view of the Christian Gospel.
The plans of the committee are of great moment."
Again, the Commission sent "An Appeal to Congress
and the People of the United States for an Adequate
Oriental Policy," asking that they "adopt an Oriental
Policy providing for comprehelnsive legislation covering
all phases of the question, and providing for the natural"
isation of immigrants."

 FORCES AND METHODS  85
Mr., Gulick was sent to Japan on January 9, 1915, bear
ing the message of the Federal Council to Japan, which
contains this credential: "The Rev. Sidney L. Gulick,
Doctor of Divinity, needs no introduction to you, for he
was a missionary in Japan for many years. Since his
return to America on his furlough he has been invited to
our most prominent pulpits, has secured a hearing for the
cause of Japan by the foremost men of our nation and
returns to you not only as your Brother, but also is in
trusted with a duty of representing the Federal Council."
Let us see how and to what extent this program of Mr.
Gulick so adopted by the Federal Council et al., and so
indorsed by Japan, has been promulgated. I submit the
Report of the Secretary :
"Two pamphlets have been published giving an exposi
tion of the main points of his New Oriental Policy."
"Some 20,000 of these pamphlets have been freely dis
tributed." "Ten thousand copies have been published for use dur
ing the coming winter (1915-1916)".
"The Survey syndicated one of his articles to 150
daihes." "The American Leader published two articles which
went to 650 foreign language papers published in the
United States."
"The Federal Council syndicated an article to 500 reli
gious and secular papers."
"The Church Peace Union sent copies of his 'Solution
of America's Oriental Problem' to 10,000 ministers."
Fifty thousand ministers were asked to preach on
"Peace", instructed as indicated above.
Dr. Gulick himself has delivered his message about one
hundred and fifty times within the year In the great
centres from Boston to the Pacific Coast, as arranged by

86  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST
the Federal Council, with the finest auspices in univer
sities, seminaries and clubs, including "the guest of honor
at fifty banquets."
The Secretary of the Council raakes this sensational
appeal : "It is increasingly clear that we have entered upon
this work none too soon." Our government "has by no
raeans satisfied the Japanese people that we are meeting
the issue." "Both on the Pacific Coast and in Japan the
situation invites difficulty. It would take little to arouse
bad feeling. We are living over a powder magazine. No
one knows when some one will touch a match."
Let us now have a look at the composition of this Com
mission on Relations with Japan in the Federal Council.
It has fifteen merabers. Eight of them live in New York
City. Two of them live In New Haven, Connecticut.
Fourteen of them are east of the Rocky Mountains. The
remaining member is Rev. Doremus E. Scudder of Hon
olulu, who, like Mr. Gulick, thirty years ago became a
missionary In Japan and Oriental countries. Mr. Scudder
long since declared himself strongly pro- Japanese and is
quoted by the Japanese in their attacks on California, in
which he joins.
Not one of the Pacific Coast States is represented in
this Commission, nor is any state which has an Oriental
problem or even a race problem. The Pacific Coast is
entitled to a large representation on this Coraraission,
unless it proposes that New York C!Ity shall control the
destinies of ten raillions of people directly Interested In
a part of Araerica three thousand miles from the pro-
gram-makingcentre. As three-fourths of all the Japanese
in Araerica are in California, that state is entitled to' a
large representation on that Coramission if America and
the Christian Church are to maintain representative gov
ernments. A few laymen of these churches also should be per-

 FORCES AND METHODS  87
mitted to shape the politics of this Coraraission. On the
Commission at present are eight ministers, two more are
heads of Missionary Boards, and four others preach. To
offset Harailton Holt, Sidney L. Gulick, Doremus E.
Scudder and Charles S. McFarland, who are avowed
champions of Japan, and who are advocates of the "great
melting pot," let an equal number of Christian gentlemen
be chosen who are as avowedly the champions of racial
purity. As a further instance of partisan procedure, I wish to
cite one more fact. The Annual Report referred to says
that the Federal Council has secured "Professor H. A.
Millis, of the University of Kansas, to visit the Pacific
Coast to raake a special study of the Japanese situation.
His report is now In the process of preparation." As this
report Is widely distributed and used as a basis for further
action, let us see who Mr. Millis is.
In 191 3, just after the California law was passed, Mr.
Millis was asked by The Survey (which syndicated Mr.
Gulick's propaganda) to write a "distinctive interpreta
tion of the social aspects of the situation." Mr. Millis
published his report in The Survey of June 7, 19 13. He
set down his verdict in the opening paragraph and re
peated it as his final word. It is this : "This raeasure, in
the opinion of the writer, is unjust, unnecessary and
impolitic." He also says, "This action of the people of
California is not to be explained In the light of reason."
And now this same judge who had rendered this verdict
two years ago, whose bias they apparently knew, was
asked by the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ
in America to render another judgment upon the same
people, in the same case, with the intention to print and
distribute this '^"special study" and "report" to mould
American opinion. Is It fair? Is this investigation ? Is
this the work of the Federal Council ?

88 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

This campaign for a New Oriental Policy is strength
ened by a great web of cross influences. Mr. Gulick dedi
cated his book on the New Oriental Policy to "Andrew
Carnegie and his co-workers." Mr. Gulick's books are
listed and distributed and his policies recoraraended by
The World Peace Foundation of Boston, The Araerican
Peace Society of Washington, and The Church Peace
Union of New York, the latter two of which are bene
ficiaries of The Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace. I believe that the New Oriental Policy of Sidney L.
Gulick is in nature and function wholly political and en
tirely without relation to the spiritual mission of the
Churches of Christ. I believe that the Christian Churches
have not adopted it, and that the mass of their ministers
and members who now unknowingly are paying for it,
will repudiate it. I believe that this entire Oriental cam
paign in the United States will be opposed by the whole
American people when they know of it and see where it
will lead. I believe that for both races there are higher,
purer destinies than this program will attain. I believe
that it will lead America from her goal as a land of
PEACE, the home of Americans and their children's
children, and should it prevail, I believe that its ultimate
end will be as evil as if it had been planned by traitors to
both Church and Country.
Do Americans know?

CHAPTER XI
THE APPEAL TO FACTS
The Federal Council Orders a Book Upon Which
The Campaign Is Based
"The Coraraission on Relations with Japan appointed
by The Federal Council of the Churches of Christ at the
request of the missionaries in Japan, believing that its
most immediate need was that of correct information,
engaged the expert service of Professor H. A. Millis to
go to the Pacific Coast and make such investigation as
would enable the Coraraission^ to proceed with Intelligent
sympathy In the performance of its task," and "author
ises the publication of this report of Professor Millis for
the purpose of placing this inforraation before the
churches and the people of the United States."
So says the preface of the book Mr. Millis wrote for
thera. How raany of these books have been distributed
is not announced. The Japan Society of New York sent
one thousand copies to presidents of American colleges
and others; apparently it voices the sentiments of that
Society. It is intended to be the authority In statistics
and opinion upon which the whole campaign is to rest
and therefore it is very Important. It is fortunate that
that is true.
This book is well done. It covers many subjects so
completely that the same ground need not be gone over
again. Its contents fall into two columns — facts and Mr.
Millis's opinions; there are also some "interpretations,"
'Commission on Relations with Japan.
89

90  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
and "prophecies," but all these, too, belong in his opinion
column. The statistical facts are accurate in the main. The
sources of such Information are simple and open to all —
the Reports on Immigration; the Japanese- American
Year Book; Records of the Legislature; Census, Labor,
Agricultural and Commercial Reports; and Mr. MIlHs
inserts the essays of Japanese students In the State. All
this part of the work could have been corapiled as well in
Washington or In Lawrence.
Other facts, such as the sentiments and opinions held by
the people of the States of Idaho, Washington, Colorado,
Oregon and California, which he reports, make up a large
part of his book.^ These opinions are facts, just as im
portant as are statistics, which must be considered in the
case. But these facts are not secured by an investigator
so quickly or so easily, and the reader must judge how
fully and accurately Mr. Millis could get them in the brief
period which he devoted to California, for instance, with

'The author of this book is willing to accept Mr. Millis's report
of these opinions and sentiments at face value in most cases. His
own right to interpret them, especially those of California, where
Mr. Millis says the whole problem centres, is based on his personal
experience. He began his study of that country in 1887 when, as a
delegate representing an Ohio College at the International Con
vention of the Y. M. C. A., he spent a month in the State ; from 1897
to 1907 he spent a few weeks each year on the Pacific Coast in such
capacity as to meet the best people of many communities ; in 1907-08
he made an investigation of farm lands and irrigation projects in
western states, particularly in California, Colorado and Idaho. Since
then he has lived in California, visiting every part of it, participat
ing in the affairs of Church, School and State, and as a rancher
interested as owner in citrus nurseries and orange and lemon groves,
has been an employer of Japanese, Mexicans and others. His ob
servation and experience cover, therefore, the whole period of
development of this problem, from the time when there were only
about one thousand Japanese in the United States.

 FORCES AND METHODS  91
its nearly three raillions of people and its territory nine
hundred railes long !
The other coluran of raatter in Mr. Millis's book is
made up of his own opinions on a great nuraber of iteras.
These expressions can be taken only as the opinions of
one man and he not en rapport with the people he Is
investigating. There are on the Pacific Coast a hundred thousand men
and a hundred thousand women whose education, expe
rience and honour entitle their opinions, each one, to equal
consideration with his, and whose knowledge of the soul
of the people, which coraes only frora long, syrapathetic
contact, is in every case superior to his. And of this
group, he says, "the raajority of business raen, publicists
and professional raen are opposed by an overwhelming
majority" to the very opinions and policies which Mr.
Gulick and Mr. Kawakami espouse and which the Fed
eral Council of Churches and the Japan Society of New
York are promoting.
But there is a great surprise in this book. It makes a
stronger case for the people of the western states than any
one of them has yet produced. It squarely contradicts
many of the stateraents and alleged facts of Mr. Gulick
and Mr. Kawakarai and overthrows the whole structure
of their arguments.
Gulick and Kawakami said that the Japanese had not
been especially clannish, forming Asiatic communities
encysted in America,
Mr. Millis shows that they have been so beyond other
colonists because they are inherently clannish.^ "They
are peculiar in the degree of clannlshness which obtains
among them and are in contrast to the Chinamen, the
American, and the European in the weakness of the indl-
'Page 269.

92 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST
vidualistic spirit." * He quotes a forraer consul and ad
mirer of Japan saying, "its history and activity is inter
preted from the view of the clan, and they could never
become loyal to any country as against their own country.
Their intense patriotism is raerely the 'larger clan idea'."
Mr. Millis concludes that enlargeraent of tlreir population
would tend to raake Asiatics raore and more clannish
comraunitles "encysted" in Araerica.
Gulick and Kawakami said that they did not underbid
or eliminate white labour to any special degree.
Mr. Millis shows that they did, specifying raany cases
and facts in Colorado, Washington and California. "The
primary motive for emigration with this race has always
been economic. Japanese have not left their homeland
to avoid religious and economic persecution." ^ "Most
of the Japanese who have emigrated have done so for the
sake of economic gain, and with the intention of return
ing to Japan. Only a few have ceased to look back to
their native land." ^ "The underbidding of white men
was all but, if not quite, universal." * He shows that they
were raore strongly organised under "bosses" than any
other labourers and after they had eliminated white labour
so that It had left the locality, they used their strong com
bine to raise their own wages until they equalled the wages
of those they had displaced.
Mr. Gulick and Mr. Kawakami said they maintain to
a degree the American standards of living and labour.
Mr. Millis says they do not and have been able to elim
inate white competition in labour, leasing, ownership and
marketing, because they compete on a lower standard of
living, housing and subsistence, using longer hours for
'Page 248.
Tage 8.
"Page 254.
'Page III.

 . FORCES AND METHODS  93
labour, and seven days of the week; that they have an
advantage over the white farraer In hiring Japanese help ;
and a "great advantage in the work done by their wives,
who alraost Invariably labour in the fields for long hours,
and frequently seven days per week." ^ "The average
American assumes that wives should not work regularly
at the chief gainful pursuit of the family." ^ In the case
of the often cited box factory at Florin he says, "At first
most of the employees were white women and girls of the
community. They were rapidly displaced by Japanese
(women) because the white women did not wish to work
more than ten hours per day, or work overtime or on
Sundays." ^
Mr. Gulick and Mr. Kawakami said that lower stand
ards, if any, had been forced upon them.
Mr. Millis says that they brought these standards with
them frora a lower standard country.
Mr, Gulick and Mr. Kawakami said that they had
developed from the raw largely the lands they now occupy.
Mr. Millis is able to show but one Instance of any
importance in one district where they have developed lands
never used before, but In most localities and altogether
so in Southern California, they occupy lands long under
cultivation and except in devoting this land to more
Intensive use the "contribution they have made can be
exaggerated." Mr. Gulick and Mr. Kawakami say that they have de
veloped new industries and made others possible.
Mr. Millis says In agriculture they have done no work
In which white men have not been engaged and in every
case where they have quit any section, or any labour, the

'Page 187, also 141.
'Page 194.
'Page iss.

94  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
interests have advanced without loss ; that after the num
ber of Japanese labourers was cut down in 1907 the aver
age development of the state and expansion in acreage of
crops went right on at the same rate as before.
Mr. Gulick says they have contributed largely to the
wealth and development of the State.
Mr. Millis shows that they have not brought any wealth
or capital with them ; that they have made their economic
advance on "other people's raoney" by the extremely
"easy" terms of leasing; that the lessor frequently ad
vanced expenses; that their present wealth has all been
taken out of American soil and industry and that the
Japanese expect to go back to Japan and take it with
thera. Mr. Gulick and Mr. Kawakami said their entrance and
presence in any community does not decrease realty values
or the desirability of white men to live in it.
Mr. Millis says that it does in the beginning ; that realty
values afterward rise by the competition of Japanese
among themselves for land; and furthermore their pres
ence destroys the very basis of increase of values so far
as white men are concerned by effectually stopping the
coraing of any raore whites into that locality. That is
the settler's hope of growth of values In new states.
Mr. Gulick and Mr. Kawakami say, and make a great
argument out of it, that even in the most condensed Jap
anese communities their white neighbours were opposed to
the anti-alien land legislation.
Mr. Millis says that in the very instance which Mr.
Gulick cited, at Florin, his statement cannot be accepted;
and that generally the reverse was true ; and that, with a
few exceptions, the people prayed the Legislature to make
the formation of any more communities like theirs Impos
sible, no matter what the economics of the case might be;
and that this Is the feeling of all classes in all industries

 FORCES AND METHODS  96
and everywhere, citing cases in Seattle as well as in Cali
fornia. Mr. Gulick cmd Mr. Kawakami said (and all who
follow them, especially Hamilton Holt) that the small
ratio of Japanese labour, to total labour, and their small
holdings compared to total holdings made them a prac
tically negligible influence.
Mr. Millis shows that Industrially they are a far greater
factor than their numbers would Indicate; that their
organisation and methods made them a force to be reck
oned with in every industry they enter, whether agricul
tural or coraraercial, as producers or raarketers, in country
and city.
Mr. Gulick and Mr. Kawakami said that California and
other western states have great need of Japanese labour
and suffer without it.
Mr. Millis says California has an over supply of
labourers, that no Japanese are needed, that no more are
wanted and that when any withdraw, white raen and
Mexicans take their places with no rise in cost and no
loss in production.
Mr. Gulick and Mr. Kawakami said that the white
farmers desire to hold and increase the Japanese element
in agricultural labour.
Mr. Minis shows that in all his survey in only one
instance, and that was a large capitalistic enterprise, did
he find any raore Asiatics wanted, and then only at rush
seasons, and then the Chinese, not the Japanese, were pre
ferred. That in all cases the farmers, while using on a
friendly basis those that are here, are a unit against any
more Japanese coming or entering agriculture. And the
same holds in all kinds of business, in camp, town and
city, even to the instance of two ship captains who held
to rigid exclusion.
Mr. Gulick and Mr. Kawakami say the Japanese are

96  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
held by all, excepting a few prejudiced labour leaders, as
equal in honour to the Chinese, and preferred to them for
general reasons.
Mr. Minis declares that the Chinese are proverbially pf
absolute dependability in all contractual and business rela
tions; that the Japanese have not been and have no such
reputation; that against thera there is very. general com
plaint and suspicion in all states where they have been
tried; and that there is evidence to justify this status in
the experiences and dealings of white raen with them.
Mr. Gulick and Mr. Kawakami say that the anti-Jap
anese sentiment was created by disreputable men in dis
creditable organisations and is held only by the ignorant
and prejudiced, and that the Anti-Alien Land Law of
1913 does not represent the sentiment of the best people
of the State; and that the anti-Japanese sentiment is dying
out. Mr. Millis shows exactly the opposite ; that this law was
the culmination of fifteen years of growing conviction
with creditable people all over the state in all Industries
which the Japanese had entered; and that the "over
whelming raajority of business men, professional men and
publicists," as well as the farmers and labour organisa
tions, now approve the law and stand firraly against any
relaxation of present restrictions on Asiatic advance.
Mr. Gulick and Mr. Kawakami said that social opposi
tion to intermarriage of Asiatics and whites was held but
lightly and that the Miscegenation Bill had little reason to
exist. Mr. Millis reports that a firm opposition to race mix
ture is, In nearly all cases, the very first argument pre
sented against any further Immigration of Asiatics or
extension of greater privileges to Japanese, and that
antagonism to It Is strong and universal.
Mr. Gulick and Mr. Kawakami maintain, and the whole

FORCES AND METHODS 97
pro-Japanese campaign maintains, that a better under
standing of the real Japanese character will dissolve all
opposition worth noticing, and that social and racial amal
gamation will then become complete.
Mr. Millis says that while the people are generously at
peace with the Japanese, employing them, buying and
selling with them, holding no individual personal malice,
— the racial repulsions are very great ; that these are legit
imately grounded in fundamental, essential differences
which are the results of long years of different life, dif
ferent ideals and different race instincts ; and that present
conditions will be more highly accentuated, and present
objections intensified, should present limitations be
removed. Mr. Gulick and Mr. Kawakami said that the children
of intermarriages of American and Japanese are so Amer
ican they cannot be distinguished from American chil
dren; and that all Japanese are quickly and easily Amer
icanised, and if given a chance they would soon become
wholly assimilated and absorbed as Americans.
Mr. Millis says of these children : "In physical appear
ances an Araerican is likely to regard thera as decidedly
Japanese," and we shall later on see why that raust be.
His statements on assimilation of Japanese are im
portant. "For centuries these races have lived and moved in dif
ferent environments. Different types of mind, a some
what different outlook on life, somewhat different atti
tudes toward government, somewhat different attitudes
toward the family and other institutions have resulted." '
"Centuries spent In different environments have pro
duced deep-seated dissimilarity. The assimilation of
Japanese Involves more change than does that of most, if
'Page 240.

98 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
not all, of the European races represented upon Amer
ican soil." ^
"The question whether the members of this race could,
under favourable circurastances, be Americanised in all
respects raust remain a disputed one." ^
"One thing cannot be a matter of dispute. Without a
narrowly restricted immigration and with a considerable
influx of Japanese the desired degree of assimilation
could not take place. However great the capacity of the
iraraigrants for Amerlcanisation, the corapetition which
would develop combined with present elements in the
situation would prevent It." ^
After saying that the points in which Japanese show
assimilation are superficial and of little consequence, he
asks, — "but what of certain fundamentals? The central
ideas in the thought of those who maintain that the Jap
anese cannot be Americanised appear to be that their
colour imposes an Irapossible barrier between the races,
that their religious conceptions cannot be overturned,
their clannlshness broken down, and their extreme loyalty
to Japan transferred to another government." *
Then comes the second surprise in this Investigation
and "report." From these facts he finds a verdict against
the people of California ! ! His verdict is, "In the opinion
of the writer the Alien-Land Law is unjust, impolitic and
unnecessary." That verdict rendered by him and pub
lished in 1913 ® was his apparent credential to the Federal
Council and made him acceptable to them. He said then
and elaborates now these reasons : "It Is unjust because It
permits a state to discriminate against aliens under a Fed-
'Page 253.
''Page 271.
"Page 272.
'Page 266.
''The Survey, June 7, 1913.

 FORCES AND METHODS  99
eral law. It is unnecessary because there are no vast
hordes now coraing to our shores. It is impolitic because
it raises the whole question of iraraigration restriction and
that should be avoided as It will cause trouble."
These are the excuses of those who postpone all diffi
culties for future generations to raeet. They are low in
standard and utterly untenable. If it be unjust to foreign
races for an American state to live and take refuge under
Federal law, then we must conclude that that Federal law
Is unjust and that all Federal action under It Is and has
been unjust, and that we must remove those Federal laws ;
and we must change that Federal action to offer the same
paternal care over Asia as over Araerica. If it be unneces
sary because there are no great hordes of Asiatics cora
ing into Araerica, then Araericans raust determine all
causes, not by kind and character, but by quantity; for
getting the very spirit of America, the spirit that created
Liberty and Independence; the spirit of those Colonial
Dames of the Carolinas who refused to drink tea so long
as it was taxed; and of those prophetic raen of Mas
sachusetts who threw the tea into Boston harbour ; and of
all who arose against taxation without representation —
not because that taxation was great in quantity but be
cause it was wrong in principle.
He calls this law irapolltic because It raises the whole
question of restricting Immigration, and that should be
avoided as it would cause trouble.^ That is the plaint of
the sleeping sluggard who desires to sleep, only to sleep
a little longer, while sleepless foreign nations hedge us
round with difficulties until they becorae too great for us
ever to surraount thera.
Mr. Minis' present reason for Its being impolitic is that
It will cause commercial loss to America. This is the

'^The Survey, June, 1913.

100  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
basest argument of all. Here we descend to a mere ques
tion of dollars and cents, weighing national welfare for
ever against the possible money gain of a day. What
irony it Is to report such a reason to the Federal Council
of the Churches of Christ ; for this is the precise argument
that sells a birthright for a mess of pottage and once upon
a time it betrayed the Christ to his enemies for thirty
pieces of silver.
This verdict of Mr. Millis, set against the action of
nearly three raillions of representative Araericans in Cali
fornia, against the Constitution of the State of Washing
ton and the laws of other states, is strongly forced and out
of harraony with the facts. But it is the finding he made
in June, 19 13, and it is quite natural that he should con
firm it.
The most striking feature of these pro-Japanese books
is the great effort the authors make to explain away the
facts which make their case a weak one. These account
ings, which seem plausible to the sentiraental class for
which the books are written, to one who knows the truth
are farcical, even to burlesque. Mr. Millis explains why
the Japanese have raade so complete a failure with the
people by whom they have been tried : "The Japanese
inherited the prejudice against the Chinese; a powerful
factor Is that the immigration of the Japanese followed
that of the Chinese. The whole history of the Japanese
in this country has been coloured by that fact." ^ After
raaking as bad a case for the Chinese as he can,^ detailing
what they had done to be discredited by Americans and
the low esteem In which they stood, he adds : "Then came
the Japanese. What wonder, though they were vastly dif
ferent peoples, that the Japanese should be set down in
the sarae category as the Chinese." ^
'Page 240.
^Page 241.

FORCES AND METHODS 101

This explanation is fantastic. Three well known facts
strip it bare.
The first is that before the Japanese influx carae the
Chinese problera had been settled by the Exclusion Treaty
of 1880, and the laws passed by Congress that grew out
of it in 1882, 1884 and 1888. The agreement with China
accepting the situation had been friendly; the acts limited
to ten years were regularly extended, and were sure to be
renewed, Chinamen were rapidly going home, California
had adjusted its mind and Industries to the conditions, and
saw in Exclusion a satisfactory end of the whole Asiatic
question. Then came the Japanese. Before 1900 there were less
than 15,000 all told in America. Then began the influx.
In 1900 alone nearly 13,000 arrived; In 1907 when the
Gentleman's Agreement was entered into over 60,000
more had come and California herself had nearly 60,000
of them; by 1910 they numbered approximately 75,000
on the Pacific Coast, and practically all of these, as the
statistics show, were men.
Secondly, this period, 1900-19 10, was the very time
when America was in the height of her admiration for the
Japanese. The fatuous favour for the "little brown
brother" coloured every phrase. In their sudden attack
and defeat of China in 1894-5 when Japan came out of
her old exclusion and began the march toward Erapire,
the Japanese had won the unqualified admiration of those
Americans whose shibboleth Is success. The morality, or
lack of It in the act, was excused. Japan was a sort of
protege of the United States and the young ward was
proving the mettle of his sponsor. Then had followed the
daring attack on Russia — and Victory ! Who then dared
to say aught against them? They were ranked by all
America as infinitely superior to the Chinese. No immi
grant ever entered an alien land so heralded, so favoured.

102  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
so petted. And the east, having had no experience with
them since, Is still in that mental state.
The final fact is that during those same years^i900-
1910 — in which the Japanese were coming into California,
the Pacific states received their largest arrivals of resi
dents frora eastern states. California added 892,476, an
increase of 60.1 per cent. The census of 1910 showed an
increase in western cities and states that amazed the
nation. In the very cities where later developed the most
objection to the Japanese — Seattle, San Francisco and
Los Angeles — the percentage of increase was wonderful.
Los Angeles County had increased 196 per cent. Los
Angeles City had grown to 310 per cent, of 1900, her
population having added in those ten years a city the full
size of Denver or Minneapolis. Seattle, Portland, Oak
land, Sacramento had Increased net gains of double; and
San Francisco despite the earthquake and fire was twenty-
five per cent, larger.
The significant fact in all this Is that these great thou
sands from the east all brought their highly coloured pro-
Japanese sentiment with them. I cannot remember a
single instance of a "newcomer" to whom I spoke who
did not diffuse with Japanese praise. From all these new
comers surely the Japanese had inherited no Chinese
handicap. These are the facts upon which we must
predicate the present opinion of western people. The
Japanese thus began with a great advance credit over any
the Chinese ever had and they were not considered In the
same class with Chinese. A few years of the experience
of contact, and lo! the relative estimates are reversed!
Why? Mr. Millis explained it, although he didn't expect an
other Interpretation to be used :— "They are vastly differ
ent peoples," these Chinese and Japanese, In their relations
with the American people. The Chinese lived in distinct

FORCES AND METHODS  103
communities, but they dealt with white men as individ
uals. The Japanese are coraraunity workers — organized,
registered in Japanese headquarters, officered, ruled by
their boss with absolute comraand; they are of the clan,
in which only the whole counts, and back of these clans
stands the Imperial Government. The Chinese are con
tent to maintain the rank of their homeland or to rise by
steady growth; the Japanese at once coveted the highest
industrial ahd political rank — higher than they ever could
have had at home, and equal to any here. The Chinese
made slight offensive movement against Americans; the
Japanese are always on the offensive. The Chinese were
tractable and docile ; the Japanese are bold and aggressive.
Mr. Minis admits — "The Chinese are notoriously honest
in all contractual relations." The Japanese have a "rather
weakly developed sense of contract." The Chinese were
honest and dependable ; the Japanese were crafty, subtle,
tricky and untrustworthy. The Chinese asserted no racial
superiority over other Asiatics. The Japanese held thera
selves infinitely above the Chinese and Koreans, and
wholly repelled the negro. The Chinese aspired to no
social equality or farailiar doraestic relations with white
families. The Japanese coveted the finest white girls in
our best families and used strange arts to win them, which
far outdid methods of Jacob in his labours for Rachael,
and put fathers of white girls on the defensive.
Finally, and in its evil effects and prophetic warnings
more than any one difference, is the contrast in the atti
tudes of the Chinese and Japanese governments toward
their subjects in America. China accepted our Oriental
policy with fuU recognition of the sovereign rights of
nations to admit or exclude any people in any numbers on
its own terms ; Chinese subjects did not report petty griev
ances at home; there was no Pekin Interference in Cali
fornia or at Washington, D. C. A_ perraanfiiit_ under-

104 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
standing had been reached and peace with Asia was
assured.
The attitude of Japan is vastly different. Mr. Millis
admits : "The relation between the Japanese government
and its subjects on foreign soil is a peculiarly intimate
one. In no other instance is it so close." ^ "In Cafifornia
her emigrants have been treated, it would appear, almost
as colonists. Certain obligations were laid upon the emi
gration companies (who brought them to America) to
care for those emigrants through them. Appeals to the
governraent at home have been frequent and the response
has been quickly made." ^ There Is a decisive fact. The
Japanese settleraents In California are the colonies of
Japan — they are doubly protected by our laws and by
Japan's parental espionage. And when we said, "Please,
Japanese, we do not want any more of you," their gov
ernment said, "But we want more of you, a great deal
more," and they began to turn the nation upside down
against us.
These are the facts that reversed the initial acceptance
of the Japanese; froze the sentimental support of the
"newcomers" from the east; and brought against any
further Japanese colonisation and extension upon our
lands thirty-five Senators out of the thirty-seven, and
seventy-two representatives out of seventy-five, and a
Governor, who Is the highest type of American patriot.
Mr. Millis himself, feeling the force of these facts, ends
his investigation and report thus: "It must be made em
phatic that any discussion of raeasures interpreted as
favourable to Asiatics, whether relating to iramigration or
naturalisation, will meet with great opposition on the Pa
cific Coast. A worse situation than that which obtains

'Pages 249 and 270.
Tage 244.

FORCES AND METHODS 105
may easily be imagined. The greatest factors in solving
problems are time and mutual understanding. Govern
ments should avoid drifting into policies which create
problems."

CHAPTER XII
THE APPEAL TO SOCIAL INFLUENCE
The Japan Society of New York and Its Allies
The Japan Society of New York stands with the Com
mission on Japan of the Federal Council of the Churches
of Christ in quality of merabership and sweep of influ
ence. It was organised In 1907, after the first conflict
which the United States had with Japan, by a group in
New York City, headed by Mr. Lindsay Russell, Presi
dent of the Board of Directors of The Independent, and
Hamilton Holt, its editor. Both of these gentlemen have
been shown distinction by the Japanese Government. Mr.
Holt, In a Lyceum circular announcing his lectures, says
that In 1909 he was decorated by the Mikado with the
Order of the Sacred Treasure. The society has a mem
bership of nine hundred Americans and one hundred Jap
anese ; among the latter are Japanese ofiiclals in America,
Japanese editors, publicists and business men of wealth
and social distinction.
The presence of these Japanese makes impossible in this
Society a free discussion of the Japanese-American prob
lem and prohibits a hearing to those who oppose the
aggressions and policies of Japan. The S.pciety is richly
supported. A patron pays one thousand dollars a year.
Life meraberships are $200; resident members, (within
40 miles of New York) $10 per year. Non-resident
merabers, $5 per year. It sometimes publishes lists of
donors of special gifts of $100 to $500. Its yearbook,
announcing its $1,000 patrons (an American millionaires)
and other members, is the most exquisite published in
106

•  FORCES AND METHODS  107
America. It would be Irapossible to find In any centre of
America or grouped within any one organisation of equal
number a list of names so well known for wealth and
social prominence. Its roster is open to any acceptable
person anywhere and the glamour of its merabership and
its great dinners with marvellous Japanese decorations are
drawing to it a clientage whose social appeal is irresistible.
In a recent list of thirty-three names proposed by members
for membership, there were represented twelve American
states and Japan itself. This Society spends about ten
thousand dollars a year In pro-Japanese propaganda.
Of this membership, wealthy and powerful, the
majority evidently have been raoved to join by sentimental
appeal, without a knowledge of the Japanese movement,
without suspecting the radical changes which will corae to
our country should that Society achieve Its main purpose.
Just as the rank and file of the ministers and members of
the Christian Churches are unaware of the real raeaning
of the Gulick raovement, so these but follow that small
group of pro- Japanese men who lead them and who, it
develops, are almost exactly the same in both organisa
tions, i A founder of the Japan Society of New York, the
founder and chairman of the Japan Commission of the
Federal Council, is the same man, Hamilton Holt.
Now there Is no Japanese or Oriental problem in New
York or the Atlantic Coast. Why should Americans in
New York City interest themselves thus in Japan instead
of India, China, Belgium, France or other nations ? The
Japan Society answers, "For the promotion of friendly
relations between the United States and Japan, and the
diffusion among the American people of a raore accurate
knowledge of Japan, their alras, ideals, arts, sciences.
Industries and economic conditions."
But why so great an Interest in Japan over countries
of Christian aims, arts, sciences, industries and economics

108 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
which are developed far beyond those of Japan — such as
England, Germany and France? There are thousands of
citizens of these countries in New York; or of Italy,
Russia and Austria whose hundreds of thousands of
iraraigrants give New York a real cause to study racial
probleras? They again repeat "To interpret Japan to
America — to educate public opinion in America." The
last clause is the whole answer. But they present only the
cherry-blossom_.side : they omit equalemphasis of rliat
other large side which should enter into any impartial
survey. But should they tell all, it would give a colour to
public opinion which they do not desire; theirs is no aca
demic education : it Is a special plea for Japan, moulding
public opinion to grant to Japanese the rights of immigra
tion, citizenship and social opportunity In the United
States. It outlines its organisation of this work as follows:
"Its aims are accomplished through the facilities of a lec
ture bureau; a bureau of information; an entertainment
committee, extending hospitality in the form of dinners,
luncheons and receptions to distinguished visitors; a
bureau of travel, through which information on Japan is
supplied to prospective tourists, letters of introduction
issued, etc. ; the publication of a monthly bulletin and the
publication from time to time of books and pamphlets
which reflect public opinion In the two countries."
Thus they educate public opinion with a vast sowing of
literature. The monthly bulletin of 3,000 copies goes
regularly to its 1,000 merabers, "to 1,000 libraries, 500
editors, 500 college presidents, commercial bodies and
United States Senators,"
It is a distributing agent for all radical pro-Japanese
books and raakes them to order from time to time. Dr.
Gulick's books are indorsed and promoted by its mem
bers. The Society also helped in the distribution, gratis,

FORCES AND METHODS 109
of The Japanese Problem in the United States by Pro
fessor H. A. Millis to the extent of i,ooo copies. The
first copy seen by the writer was in the hands of the Presi
dent of a State University of the Northeast, stamped in
green ink, "Presented by the Japan Society of New
York." Measure this influence if you can.
At about the same time it says, "A new phase of the
Society's activities was the publication and distribution in
this country of two books, unique in international rela
tions — Japan's Message to America, and America's Mes
sage to Japan. These voluraes were made up of essays by
representative citizens of Japan and America and were
intended to reflect the opinion of the general public in the
two countries." ^ So says their statement.
But these books do not truly represent public opinion
in either country. Let us see.
The Japan Society of New York has organised an
Advisory Council or joint society In Japan Itself "to co
operate with the parent organisation"^ in America. Its
Japanese head is Baron Shibusawa. When the common
membership of these two organisations is kept in mind,
we can understand the vogue of certain widely heralded
"banquets," "receptions" and "dinners" given to Japanese
and Americans travelling in both countries. They seera to
spring spontaneously out of general regard and public
opinion ; but they are raerely play and counterplay of two
parts of one club for one end. It will also help you to
understand how it was that the Japan Society of New
York gave "a dinner in conjunction with the Federal
Council of Churches, The Church Peace Union and the
New York Peace Society, to Dr. Shailer Mathews and
Dr. Sidney L. Gulick" * after their return from Japan.
Do you observe how wide a group of societies are thus
^America to Japan, page iii.
'Statement by The Japan Society.

110 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
correlated In Japan's interest? There would seem to be
no community of interests between these very different
organisations; it is discovered In the fact that the same
men hold the positions of control in them all.
Now it is the members of these two sister Japan
Societies, one in New York and the other In Japan, and
their friends in these other co-operating societies who have
written and distributed the two books they have published.
These books represent not public opinion, but pro- Jap
anese sentiment. To lend weight to these books, some
names, like that of Theodore Roosevelt, are Included,
signed to some statement expressing a general view on
general good will, treaty-making, universal peace, but
which are non-comraittal on Japan's appeal for Araerican
citizenship. However, these naraes carry large weight of
influence to the readers of the books, and they are thus
made to seem to indorse all that the other contributors
stand for.
California and the Western people receive a hard reck
oning In these books. The whole garaut of arguraent and
sentiment outlined In Chapter IX are played upon. Rights
of immigration and citizenship for Japanese are asked for
plainly by the Japanese and urged by the American con
tributors. And the Society says this "unique international
intercourse, and these books are sent forth on their mis
sion to educate American opinion."
You will note the fine psychology In the distribution of
these books as follows : "Three thousand copies .of Japan's
Message to America were distributed as follows : copies
To Public Libraries  i,ooo
To Editors  500
To Merabers of Congress  600
To College Presidents  400
To Commercial Organisations and Public Officials 500

 FORCES AND METHODS  111
"A number of these copies were placed In the Pacific
Coast states among coramercial organisations, libraries,
editors, etc., to counteract the existing prejudice against
the Japanese.
"Practically the same ground was covered by sending
out 4,000 copies of America's Message to Japan. In addi
tion 500 copies were sent to Japan."
So when our boys and girls In high schools are hunting
for material with which to debate the Japanese problem,
they find gratis In our Libraries some or all of the follow
ing books :
Books by Sidney L. Gulick, who In himself represents
the Japanese, the Japan Societies, the Peace Societies and
the Christian Church pro- Japanese raoveraent.
Books by K. K. Kawakarai, raanager of one of the
Japanese Press Bureaus In Araerica.
Books by H. H. Millis, raade for the Federal Council
of Churches as a basis for Its pro- Japanese campaign.
Books by the Japan Society of New York, prepared as
above described.
The Bulletin, edited by the Japanese Society.
This literary campaign, which they claim is so success
ful that many libraries had loaned these books as many as
fifteen times in a few weeks, Is supplemented by direct
solicitation through travel and personal work. Repre
sentatives of the society were sent recently into thirty
cities of sixteen different states in which about two hun
dred persons were interviewed. The persons approached
Included officers of commercial bodies, editors, educators,
librarians and others.
The Japan Society of New York is an open confederate
of the Japanese press bureaus In our country, which I shall
discuss in full in another chapter. One of these press
bureaus Is located In New York City ; Its editors are mera
bers of the Japan Society; It is supported by money that

112  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
comes frora Japan.^ The Japan Society itself issues an
oflicial monthly journal called "The Bulletin." "The
Bulletin" attacks raen who write anything uncompli
mentary to Japan or which might sound a discordant note
in the education of public opinion in Japan's behalf. I
take from this "Bulletin" an editorial urging the mem
bers of the Japan Society to becorae subscribers to the
Japanese Press Bureau and to pay for material which that
bureau distributes gratis elsewhere.
"Subscribe for the News Bulletin
"For nearly a year past the East and West News Bureau
has issued a weekly Bulletin. It is composed of condensed
news items of the highest interest, culled from the latest
newspapers and other publications of Japan. It is edited
with the view of republication in the American press and is
rfeceived by about 300 papers throughout the country.
"It is now proposed to extend the service to members of
the Japan Society who will contribute one dollar a year for
the purpose — a sum covering postage and printing. For
this amount they will keep abreast of the progress of events
in the Japanese Empire without the strain of much reading.
Forward one dollar to the East and West News Bureau, and
your name will be placed on the East and West mailing list.
Do it now."
A thousand Americans to be swayed by the wand of
Japanese arguments! A thousand donars to be added
annually to the treasury of a Japanese Press Bureau for
gratis raaterial in Japan's interest! A fine instance of
American gullibility !
A few sentences from one editorial will give the flavour
of the Bulletin of the Japan Society :
"We are continually hearing of 'the Japanese problem

'A statement by Hamilton Holt.

FORCES AND METHODS 113
in the United States' but for every problera Japan has
given us we have given her a far larger number in re
turn." "Apparently Japan has an Araerican problem: the
Japanese problem in America becoming insignificant in
comparison." "Wherever Japan has sought Ingress admission has
been denied her. Canada and Alaska are closed to her as
is the United States."
"Since we are not helping Japan solve her problems In
America while we continue to deny her the equality of
other immigrants why should we endeavour to keep her
out of China, her logical field for expansion, as long as
she maintains the Policy of the Open Door?"
I wonder what Japan's American problem is? Cer
tainly It is not an exodus of Americans Into Japan. Carl
Crow,^ who lived in Japan several years as a meraber of
the editorial staff of a newspaper, gives the following
statement :
"The American population of Japan is about 1,700; the
total American and European population of the country
being less than 10,000.
"Of the American population probably one-half may be
classed as missionaries, members of missionaries' families,
teachers or members in some capacity of the diplomatic
and consular services.
"There are also a number not engaged in any occupation
who make Japan their home.
"Certainly less than one-third are making their living in
Japan in the sense that they derive their income directly or
indirectly from the Japanese.
"More than one-half, though living in the country are sup
ported by salaries paid in America,
"The Japanese population of the United States (main-

"Japan and America — A Contrast.'

114 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

land) is about 100,000, practically aH of whom derive a liv
ing from America and in competition with Americans."
The Japan Society does not tell the whole truth about
Japan. They engage T. lyenaga, a professional pub
licity agent of Japan, head of her press bureau, to give a
series of lectures to "Interpret the Far East"; and M. '
Anesaka to interpret "Religious Movements in Modern
Japan." But when have they given lectures or distributed books
or displayed pictures to show that Japan is a pagan nation
and proud of it ; to show Japan's adoption of Shintoism or
ancestor worship as their religion forever; their lack of
morality judged by Araerican standards ; the fearful atti
tude of their raen toward woraanhood; the absence of
love as the basis of raarriage; their acceptance of prostitu
tion and concubinage; their fearful use of women and
girls in industry; the facts and causes of their excessive
suicides and homicides ; their subsidized industries, owned
by the Emperor and others who vote the subsidies, which
raised by taxation, come straight to them; their military
and iraperialistlc policy and program; their control and
abridgment of the work of missionary teachers; their
brutality toward Koreans; their scorn of the Chinaman
and hate of the negro; their double dealings with China
and all nations having Chinese interests?
The aims and purposes of the Japan Society and its
branches are decidedly partisan and totally pro- Japanese ;
it has closed Its doors to an open discussion of the Jap
anese problem and has denied a hearing to those who
Interpret the Japanese problem frora the standpoint of the
out-and-out Araerican. In proof of this statement I sub
rait four letters between Hamilton Holt, founder of the
Society, and myself, in which he admits that the Japan
Society "feels that it can continue its propaganda work

 FORCES AND METHODS  115
in Its own way to better advantage" than to corae out In
"open debate." Chicago, ininois, December 14, 1915.
Mr. Hamilton Holt,
En tour at Newton, Kansas.
" Dear Mr. Holt :

When I saw you in New York in the spring you suggested
that I debate the Japanese problem with Dr. Gulick, and
before the Japan Society. My rejoinder was that I'd prefer
to do so before a less prejudiced audience. Since then, twice
when in New York I've phoned your office, hoping to com
plete some arrangement, but you were not in the city.
I'm writing this to say that I will debate the problem with
you, yourself, or with Dr. Gulick, if he is available, in April
or May — and even before the Japan Society. If you can
risk it there, I shall. But I want two debates on two distinct
phases of the case, which represent the lines of attack fol
lowed by you and others, so far as I am informed. One
refers to the action of California, the other is in regard to
conferring citizenship on the Japanese.
The first debate on the question stated somewhat as fol
lows: Resolved, That the action of California in passing the
Anti-Alien land bill of 1913 be condemned by the Amer
ican people.
Second debate :
Resolved, that the Japanese be granted, as they
request, "the full rights of American citizenship on an
equal footing with other civilised nations."
Your Society is vigorously pushing the affirmative, and
I choose the negative. Let us have about one hour each,
with five or ten minutes each in rebuttal, or no rebuttal.

Most sincerely,
Montaville Flowers.

116 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
December 31, 1915.
My dear Mr. Flowers :
I have taken up the matter with the Japan Society in
regard to a debate with you and Dr. Gulick, but the Japan
Society does not want to father the proposition, because they
think it would stir up more trouble. But possibly you and
Dr. Gulick could arrange a debate by yourselves. I certainly
would go a long way to hear it. I myself would not want
to enter the lists with you for my knowledge of the Cali
fornia situation is only from reading and not from personal
investigation. Sincerely yours,
Hamilton Holt, editor.

Mr. Hamilton Holt, ^^^'""^'y ^' '^'^-
Editor of The Independent,
New York City, N. Y.
Dear Mr. Holt :
I am disappointed in the retreat of the Japan Society and
in your refusal to accept my challenge to debate.
The Japan Society should be wiUing to meet the negative
of its issue or to quit its tremendous campaign for the^affirm-
ative. The latter will be the easiest way for it to cease to
"stir up more trouble", for its whole course must end in
everlasting trouble.
While I appreciate the friendly spirit of your personal
withdrawal from the two debates, I fail to see your consist
ency. You might reasonably decline to debate the first ques
tion of condemning California, because you have, as you say,
no first hand knowledge of California conditions; and yet
the course those conditions make necessary you have widely
criticised as a "brutal insult" to Japan.
But the second question, on Japanese naturalisation, is a
general principle for which you stand unequivocally. See
page II of the pamphlet you wrote and distributed through
the International Concifiation; and your support of Mr.
Gulick, whose whole campaign has nothing less in view.

FORCES AND METHODS 117
Now, having offered to meet you, the Founder of the
Japan Society in the Society itself, and having been refused
by you both, I shall feel at liberty to use every means I
can to counteract the course the Society is taking, which I
consider vicious in its assault upon California and fatally
mistaken in its campaign to naturalise Asiatics.
In my interview with you in New York City you declared,
"// we can put this Gulick program over in the other forty-
seven states, we will coerce California into our position."
What I am anxious to do is to let Americans see both sides
of this question before that happens. Sincerely,
Montaville Flowers.
My dear Mr. Flowers : ^ ruary i , 191 .
I have your letter of February eighth. I am rather sorry
myself the Japan Society did not accept your challenge, but
they have a feeling that an open debate on the California
situation would lead to little good at this time. The Society
feels that it can continue its propaganda work in its own way
to better advantage. As for myself, as I stated previously,
I have not got the time to acquire the details of the Cali
fornia situation, so that I can have them at my finger tips
for a debate. The main arguments of course I am familiar
with. „. .
bincerely yours,
Hamilton Holt, editor.
The Japan Society of New York is a menace to the
United States. It is an organised, powerful, half-dis
guised agency to change American opinion, to open
our doors to Japanese immigrants, to grant them the
rights of citizenship and intermarriage. It has put a seal
of approval upon intermixture and intermarriage of the
yellow and white races, by giving them the social recogni
tion and influence of New York society.

118 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
, So long as they confine themselves to a study of the
"ideals, arts and sciences" of Japan they raay occupy an
innocent place in our country. But they are promoting
radical political propaganda to change our law, under the
statement that It is an aesthetic, educational effort. This
Japanese-American Society bears to Araerican interests
the exact character and relation of any other hyphenated
Araerican Society. It Is doing for Japan more than any
other is able to do for its foreign home iand and we should
hold it In greater disregard.
Prof. Henry Pratt Fairchild of Yale in his authorita
tive treatise "Iraraigration" lays down this principle:
"Every foreign-American Society, be it Irish, German,
Italian, Slovak, or any other, whatever its aims or pur
poses, is a standing evidence of a group of people who
recognise certain a'fUliations and loyalties which are for
eign to the out-and-out American."

CHAPTER XIII
THE APPEAL TO AMERICAN SENTIMENT
T. Iyenaga, K. K. Kawakami and the Japanese
Press Bureaus in the United States
"Not only should the Japanese be permitted to becorae
American citizens but they should be left at liberty to
intermarry. . . . What stupidity, what folly, what lack
of Insight Into human nature is displayed by those nations
who would put a ban on such unions !"^
This is the declaration of K. K. Kawakami, born and
reared In Japan — now in California, having a white wife.
This, in brief, Is the platform of the Japanese campaign
in America.
The Japanese have discovered that the average Amer
ican citizen acts upon sentiraent when his own personal
interests are not directly concerned. Our sentlraents are
fixed In a nuraber of phrases which nobody analyses, but
each one is like an electric button — if you press It, a defi
nite result foflows. "The people," "equal rights," "per
sonal liberty," "Christian land," "universal brotherhood,"
"refuge of the oppressed," "rights of huraanity," "our
forefathers, our Inheritance," "states rights," "race prej
udice," "inexhaustible resources," each of these produces
a definite reaction : Opposed political parties raake com
mon use of them — these platitudes — to mould public opin
ion, and public speakers interpret thera to their various
purposes. We are the raost sentimental people In the
world. Japan's campaign is a play upon this sentimentahty.
'K. K. Kawakami in The American Citizen, June, 1913.
119

120 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

K. K. Kawakarai, author of the declaration with which
this chapter opens, is one of the managers of that cam
paign, the masters of that play.
The Japanese who are in America are organised with
the systera and precision of a great industrial plant or an
array. Labourers grouped in camps have their bosses.
The boss can tell you in a raoraent how many raen he can
coraraand toraorrow and where he can secure more. The
raen obey him absolutely, coraing, going, as he orders.
Never forget that Japanese are community workers — ^their
idea is the clan, not the individual. A Year Book is pub-
Hshed by and for Japanese which gives the residence,
occupation and holdings of the Japanese, the value and
productions of each land owner and lessee. Every Jap
anese coraraunity has Its local association, these have their
state association, and all act together. Every raeraber
contributes raonthly toward a coramon fund to promote
their interests local and otherwise.
The head of this Japanese "Association of America is
this same K. K. Kawakami.
Likewise their campaign of publicity and propaganda is
thoroughly organised and followed with business and
military precision. Carl Crow, In his illuminating book,
Japan and America — A Contrast, says Japan has in the
United States the highest salaried publicity agent in the
country. They have at least two press bureaus ; they print
newspapers, they write, collect and mail gratis to the news
papers of the country all kinds of articles relating to Jap
anese interests. Sometimes the purpose of the article
appears on the face of it, sometiraes it is concealed.
Every one is a move in their general carapaign. These
bureaus have at hand special paraphlets made up of
articles of their own press sheets and bulletins, all highly
pro-Japanese. These sheets and paraphlets go to news
papers, colleges, libraries and members of Congress.

FORCES AND METHODS 121
They distribute also the prejudiced and disproved but
malicious pamphlet of Miss Alice M. Brown. Write to
them for information and you will receive that.
One of these press bureaus Is called the East and West
Press Bureau and is located at 1548 Woolworth Building,
New York City. The Japan Society of New York calls
this press bureau "a publicity organisation whose aim is
'that Americans and Japanese should understand each
other.' " Mr. T. lyenaga, whose narae Is seen so con
stantly in the daily papers, is the head of It. It is his busi
ness to raeet every article against Japan, to defend her
policies and acts, whatever they raay be, and to create
whatever new material is needed to maintain for his own
country the faith and sentiment of Americans. His press
sheets are purposed to keep up a constant lively Interest In
Japan — to exploit her activities, exhibit her growth and
power — explain satisfactorily the apparent evil of her
aggressions and to Interpret all her diplomacy in terms of
honour and good will. His work and writings are exactly
those of an attorney and pleader.
Where do these Japanese Press Bureaus get the money
to sustain their work ? A real press bureau sells Its news
and service on the basis of ordinary trade. Out of its
earnings it meets its expenses. But the service of these
Japanese Bureaus Is free, even pamphlet matter Is distrib
uted "gratis". No charge is raade for the press sheets,
not even postage. All that is asked is that the raaterial
shall be used and an occasional credit given to the source.
Who pays for this printing, and labour, and postage, and
the salaries of the raen who are conducting thera? The
case is clear. These agencies are not like our Araerican
news agencies — they are propagandists.
Now there is a very Intimate relation and co-operation
between this press bureau and the Japan Society of New
York. An editorial from The Bulletin, the raonthly

122 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
journal of the Japan Society, as we have shown in the pre
ceding chapter, urged its thousand distinguished mem
bers to become subscribers to the Japanese Press Bureau :
The Japan Society In this way becomes a confederate of
the professional publicity bureaus for Japan, indorsing
and spreading its propaganda, frequently reprinting their
press sheet articles in its raonthly Bulletin.
To Illustrate, I add a part of an article by T. lyenaga,
reprinted In the Bulletin of the Japan Society in January,
19 1 5, when the United States was aroused by the rumour
of twenty-one demands which Japan had made upon
China. The demands had been raade, indeed, but when
they were handed to Eraperor Yuan Shih Kai he was
warned by Japan to keep them secret on penalty of imme
diate aggression by Japan. This threat had leaked out,
but the world did not yet know what these demands were.
It was the business of Japan's press agents in America to
keep down alarra and hold back action by other nations
until Japan could make the whole base scheme an accom
plished fact. In the light of the truth which developed
later, this article by lyenaga proves him untrustworthy in
statement and shows how the Japan Society joins In the
effort — at any cost — to defend Japan's course whatever
that may be. japan's policy in china
"The fundamental policy of Japan toward China, it can
not be too strongly emphasized, is quite opposed to what
those propagandists for China claim it to he. It is no other
than to cement the bond of amity and friendship between
the two nations and properly to safeguard, thereby, their
common interests. The well known policy of maintaining
China's integrity and independence and the 'open door'
remains to-day, of course, the same as it was during the
days of Hay and Komura. Japan's Chjnese policy, there
fore, does not in the least run counter to that of America.

FORCES AND METHODS 123
. . . None but a dullard would fail to grasp the immense
benefits that would accrue to Japan from close friendship
with the China of such enormous resources. To win her
friendship and to prevent European encroachment upon her,
therefore, could not but have been the cornerstone of Japan's
policy toward China," — Dr. Toyokichi lyenaga writing in
The New York Tribune,

This article was reprinted as above in The Bulletin.
A few months later the world knew a part of the truth.
It does not know it all yet. That truth was clearly stated
by Samuel G. Blythe writing from Pekin In articles pub
lished in the Saturday Evening Post, July lo and 17,
1915. His conclusions are corroborated by other Amer
ican correspondents who were in the Far East at the time;
Thomas F. Millard, editor of The China Press of Shang
hai, and author of several books on the Far East ; Jeffer
son Jones oi The Minneapolis Journal, author of The Fall
of Tsingtau; Carl Crow, author of Japan and America —
A. Contrast. They have been reported as true again and
again by the ablest correspondents whora the greatest
American press syndicates can send to Asia — Oscar King
Davis, Gardner L. Harding, George Bronson Rea and
others; finally by the whole body of Araerican Mission
aries In China headed by such raen as Bishop Bashford.
Yet these Japanese Press bureaus, and a few Japanese
missionaries like Dr. Teusler go right on up to this hour
denying palpable facts that have been written forever into
the granite of history.
"At half past nine o'clock," says Mr. Blythe, "on the
morning of Sunday, May 9, 1915, China, to an Intents
and purposes and as the forthcoming years will show,
went on the dust heap of nations. After fifty centuries
of identity as a sovereign power, China handed over
enough of her sovereignty to Japan to enable Japan by

124 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
reason of her well known capabilities in suchi matters as
illustrated in Korea and Manchuria, to assume control
of this tremendous country and its four hundred millions
of yellow men. . . . The policy of the open door in
China and the preservation of the territorial integrity of
China, as originally proposed by John Hay, will cease.
The door will be open just so far as Japan chooses to
open it. . . . The Japanese do not stop when they have
started^ They have a big hold on China now. If they
can increase it as they hope to increase it, there will be a
repetition of the Korean incident in some terms or other
and China will cease to be China, and will be SIno-Japan
or Japan-Sino — which describes it more accurately."
Japan's most prolific press bureau, however, is The
Pacific Press Bureau of San Francisco. And the head of
it is the sarae as the head of The Japanese Association of
America, K. K. Kawakami. His positions, like those of
lyenaga, are those of the propagandist; they cannot be
impartial, for his efficiency Is measured by his success as
a partisan. To present and analyse even typical items In
the varied work of this one raan would require more space
than the limits of this book, yet It would pay to do it. He
is the type of fearless, schooled, subtle, adroit, haughty,
inconsistent, aggressive, Oriental-minded Japanese, with
whom the diplomats and peoples of other nations must
reckon — pointedly denying fact, blandly justifying any
means by the end, making the true look false and the false
true, bent on one thing — the triumph of Japan in America.
California is the thorn In his flesh and the hate within
hira for that state Is but thinly concealed ; always to smile,
yet to hit, hit, hit her; to play upon the false harp of
stupid American sentiments; to write and write and dis
tribute his material ; and with the artillery tactics of Napo
leon, to strike, strike, strike in one place until the line is
broken and the victory won.

 FORCES AND METHODS  125
His first play on sentiment Is always to write as though
he were a full-blooded Araerican with ancestry running
back to the Mayflower. His play upon "our" and "we"
is great. "We of the West are fond of calling ourselves
civilised and intellectual, but to what extent have we
purged ourselves of our primitive love of brute force?" ^
No, he Is not speaking of Japan and her brute force in
Korea, Formosa and China, but of the United States.
His assimilation of the United States in "we" and
"our" knows no limit. "In our early days of intercourse
with China and Japan, our policy towards the Orient was
based upon the Christian principles of justice and right
eousness." ^ With sophoraoric fervor he writes of inter
marriage, "Here and there the marvelous hands of love
razed the barrier of prejudice and united men of Japan
and 'our daughters' In the sweet bond of holy wedlock."
See the craft of that appeal — "our daughters!" "The
eternal principles embodied in our Declaration of Inde
pendence !"* "We forced open the doors of Japan, now
we close our doors to the Japanese !" * "It was this sense
of justice which inspired our forefathers." ^ "Now our
doors are closed alike to students and to ordinary irarai
gration." ®
This last stateraent is wholly untrue. Passports to
America are secured In Japan of Japanese officials. The
grant or refusal depends wholly upon the Japanese; the
Gentleman's Agreeraent raakes no discrimination against
students; the passports are not vised by any American
officer in Japan. When the Japanese arrives at our ports
^Asia at the Door, page 27.
'Ihid:, page 29.
"Ibid,, page 30.
^Ibid,, page 31.
'He refers to Washington, Jefferson, Hamilton and their con
temporaries. Page 35.
'Asia at the Door, page 36.

126 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

his passport is accepted at face value. It is not questioned
or investigated and he is admitted to do what he pleases —
to enter trades or go to school. America thus depends
wholly on the gentlemanly honour of the other party to
the Gentleraan's Agreeraent. This sentimental appeal for
tears of sympathy is a part of the subtlety of Kawakami.
In all this publicity carapaign by the Japanese Press
Bureaus, as elsewhere, there is fine teara play by all in
the garae, pitching and tossing references and quotations
one to another, so as to give the appearance that all the
"authorities" are on their list. Whenever any one tells
the truth about the California situation, or the Japanese
religion and raorals, or of Japan's Imperial designs on
weaker countries, of her double dealing and her defence
less diplomacy, he is sure to be assailed by a certain group.
It begins with Kawakarai and lyenaga, who contribute
their articles to Eastern papers and raagazines, so that in
their Press Sheets sent out to other papers these articles
appear as "quoted." Then follow Gulick and Griffis, then
Holt and Mabie, and the Japan Society of New York in
its Bulletins and books, until the ball is passed on down to
Matthews, Peabody, and Steiner, to the Religious and
Peace Societies, whose general work is to destroy all the"
so-caned "disturbers of brotherly love." The phrases
they toss about are well known — like calibres of shot —
"uninformed," "Ignorant," "unscientific," "fufi of race
prejudice," "unworthy of notice," "belonging to a past
age," and many of worse Import. The position of this
group is always one of superior knowledge, higher spirit
uality and larger gift of "the International mind."
Many have observed recently a reraarkable coincidence :
those who most earnestly support Japan are opposed to
any adequate military preparedness by our own country.
The whole pro- Japanese machine is worked to prevent it.
In The North American Review for May, 1916, Kawa-

 FORCES AND METHODS  127
k^mi writes on "ShaU America Arm Against Japan?" He
begins by saying Americans may doubt his sincerity and
declares he is truly sincere, devotedly American and will
state only facts. Then he figures Japan alraost entirely
out of any navy at all and shows ours big and appalling.
His conclusion is that It is stupid folly for the United
States to build any more navy. The article Is so trans
parent that the editor himself follows It with mild but
clear contradiction.
This general use of the peace motif happens to be illus
trated in a single article published in the Bulletin of the
Japan Society for January, 1916. Its author is Dr.
William Elliott Griffis, (he who tries to get the Japanese
Into this country by trying to prove they are not Mongo
lians). He knew America would never stand for the
course Japan was then taking in China and he joined
lyenaga, already quoted in the same number of the
"Bulletin," In an attempt to forestall the effect of the truth
of the case by violently calling the truth a "fresh flood of
falsehoods, calumnies, misrepresentations and exaggera
tions." He says (the italics are his) "Our nation may
yet be stampeded into a reign of militarism that shall pass
beyond all reasonable measures of preparation and de
fence. To secure this aim of the war hawks, it will be a
moral necessity to defame and misrepresent Japan. The
mere fact that this Oriental country has taken steps to
save herself from being blotted out as an Independent na
tion, and has halted the conquering march of Occidental
conquest in Asia— which the past century or two reveals
— by European powers, is, though specious, a sufficient
argument to force Congress to create a war establishraent
not very different frora Gerraany's. We must be pre
pared, in 1916, for a fresh -Hood of falsehoods, calumnies,
misrepresentations and exaggerations, I find that seven-
tenths of the press articles hostile to Japan are downright

128 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST  ^
falsehoods. A new form of attack is to boost China at
the expense of Japan. Again let us be warned that for
the colossal navy and array now demanded by many, the
bogey of 'Japan's sinister purposes' must be kept dressed,
painted and well provided by wires to be jerked, especially
when the bills come before Congress."
Thus all who promote the Japanese cause are intolerant
against those who stand for American interests against
Japanese aggression, and they fall Into the Japanese
mental habits and forras of arguraents. Kawakarai is a
clear and delightful Illustration of this method. It con
sists first of all in the absolute denial of fact, or in divert
ing the attention from the 'fact; or the belittlement of
great matters as "the raere fact." Or they begin with a
corapllment, but end with the lash; they ask for much
more than they expect to get, being entitled to nothing;
they seek religious tolerance for barbarous acts. As the
quail flutters along the ground at your feet leading you
away from where her young are hiding that they may
escape while you are diverted, so by pathetic appeals In
directions which have nothing to do with the case, these
Japanese propagandists lead the thought and emotions
away from their covey of bad deeds. And like the quail,
that, after she has led you far away and her young ones
are safely hidden, rises and sweeps back to them, so the
Japanese at the proper tirae announce their true course
when it is safely established. Then with an assumption
of Innocence in having given no raoral offence by their
deception and the reversal of position, they justify the
means by the end — with the argument that others have
done worse than they.
As an illustration of the v/ay they deny fact I submit
the following regarding the statements of Samuel G.
Blythe in The Saturday Evening Post; his two articles
were of startling fact and compelling truth. The Jap-

 FORCES AND METHODS  129
anese felt them tearing off the mask, letting Americans
see the fearful visage of the Japanese governraent eating
at the vitals of China. So, Mr. K. K. Kawakami wrote,
printed and circulated the following opiate in his Press
Sheet : "mr. blythe's illusions
"Ingenious persons, sometimes belonging to the commer
cial, sometimes to the literary world, go through the process
of discovering China and Japan anew, and, while possessing
the slightest possible acquaintance with all that has been
said and written on the subject before, proceed to unburden
themselves of revelations calculated to startle the world.
The last example of this class — Mr. Samuel G. Blythe, has
been accorded a generous allowance of the Saturday Evening
Post to tell his story.
"There would hardly be a public ready to accept the stuff
palmed off upon it in regard to the affair of China, but for
the disposition which has been sedulously fostered, often
in pursuit of the basest ends, to regard every move in the
foreign policy of Japan as a sinister one. The atmosphere
of misconception which has thus been created is not only
harmful to our immediate interests but may create some very
serious dangers for the future peace of this republic . . .
It may be hoped that there are not many people who imagine
with Mr. Blythe that this country^ has voluminously
assumed a sort of guardianship of China. The Chinese
themselves have shown a dangerous readiness to imbibe
such an impression. . . . Mr. Blythe is merely the latest
of his tribe to accept without question the unfounded belief,
etc." Every Japanese in America who can write or speak
English belongs to this system of publicity and campaign
for opinion. The writer in an address in a central western
state once challenged the editors of the place to the fact
'Meaning America.

130 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
that, knowingly or unknowingly, they had aided Japan's
appeal to American sentiment. The next day in the pres
ence of the manager of a great hotel, one of a system of
such hotels, the editor of one of the papers related this
instance: "When the California land bill was before the
country, the Japanese chef in this hotel came to me two
or three times making little Inquiries of how I stood
regarding the Japanese, if the people of the town liked
thera, etc. One day after such inquiry he drew a raanu
script from his pocket and said, 'I have written an article
here, maybe your people like to read it.' And I printed it.
It was a general plea for Japanese as against California,
etc." "Yes," said the manager of the hotel, "he was receiving
pay frora Japan, and every month I cashed a draft given
hira by the Japanese Government. He grew to use so
much time over his books and papers that I discharged
him and he at once entered the State University."
The wide distribution of Japanese students in American
colleges is a significant phase and a great aid to Japan
in this campaign. Every student is a centre for this prop
aganda, their presence has hindered, in some colleges
ended, a free, open discussion of Japan and the Japanese.
American students in these colleges are eager to hear the
whole case, but the faculties, as a rule, fear soraething may
be said or done that will offend their Japanese constitu
ency. Besides, some faculties seem to have a general
belief that any one who is not strongly for Japan is wrong;
something after the Connecticut Yankee, who when asked
to support a Chautauqua, said: "Everybody here now
knows everything about everything, and anybody who
knows anything about anything else is wrong." They be
lieve that any so called "anti-Japanese" will be a disturber
of the peace ; they may not know what such an one's posi
tion is or how gently his case may be put, but mentally

 FORCES AND METHODS  131
they place against him a general charge of ignorance and
evil intent. This fact has come to me not once, but many
times. It Is a pitiful surrender. This condition some
times goes on down through the high schools and to sorae
extent to ranks of public school teachers. There have
been Californians, raen of University degrees with public
experience and irreproachable character, who have been
denied by public school men the privilege to speak on this
subject, not only in other states, but In California itself.
On the other hand in no case that has ever corae to light
frora University down to the grades has any Japanese or
pro-Japanese Araerican been denied the same privilege.
So you may raeasure the results which Japan's appeals to
sentiment are now having. I would not close one Amer
ican College to Japanese students, but neither would I
close one to a perfectly candid discussion of Japan's
aggressions and weaknesses, even though such discussion
might result In the withdrawal of every Japanese student
from America.
The Japanese campaign Is strengthened by the presence
not only of Japanese students in many of our colleges, but
by Japanese who are raerabers of our faculties. T.
lyenaga, head of the Japanese Press Bureau of New
York, held such a position in a great university as a
teacher on Araerica-Japanese relations. Japanese, em
ployed in colleges, are teaching the subjects of "Immi
gration" and "American Foreign Relations." Dr. Ichi-
hashi, of the Leland Stanford University, Is a case in
point. He teaches the general subject of "Immigration."
I recently had a conversation with one of the students who
had taken his course. She was a sweet-minded young
lady, of possibly eighteen or nineteen; I found her en
rapport with the Japanese singly and as a nation, and
wholly persuaded that California was wrong and that the
Japanese should be permitted to come into this country on

132 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

equal terms and in equal numbers with all other people.
She stated that the whole of Leland Stanford University
is as highly syrapathetic as herself. I asked her what rea
sons lay in her mind for this sympathy, both on her own
part and that of the University. Her answer is a revela
tion, "I do not know where I got the idea, whether Ichi-
hashi gave it, or which of the Professors gave it, but
Stanford is grateful to the Japanese for the part they
played in the establishraent of the University. You see
Stanford was founded by Senator Stanford, who made
his raoney in constructing railroads, and it was the Jap
anese labourers, who worked for him in building the rail
roads, that enabled him to make the profits with which
the University is now endowed!" Seven mature persons
besides myself heard this statement m^de. Is it not ap
palling? The fact is that, at the time when Senator Stan
ford had finished all of his railroad construction, there
were not a total of a thousand Japanese in the United
States. Thus, stopping up or poisoning with false senti
ment the very springs of our national life — the schools, —
Japan proceeds on her conquest of American opinion.
I will close this chapter with a typical illustration of
the play the Japanese Press Agents make upon tender
sentiment. It is a story taken from the Press Bureau
matter of K. K. Kawakami, one of many such he distrib
utes. It is taken from his paper. The Japanese American
News, daily and Sunday, which carries a page or two in
English from which articles are clipped and distributed
to the newspapers of the country. The following was
picked up from such a group of clippings that were found
in an eastern city. It will weU repay a psychological
analysis in any class room. Study especially the emotional
force but foolishness of the last paragraph — for that's
what the story is written for. It serves to tie the end of
this chapter to the beginning, for we must not forget the

FORCES AND METHODS 133
purpose of all this Press Bureau Campaign which this
article so skilfully drives to the heart is — to secure Amer
ican citizenship, American land, American econoraic
advantages, American wives.
The Passing of the Yellow Peril at Mentone
By Miss Nora R. Gray
It was such a beautiful place, and the name had a com
forting sound. I found it a little hard to realise the nature
of my visit; the California sun recently so economical of
its rays, now shone with unstinted warmth on all the smil
ing valley; on the lawn the fountain threw its shining. drops
on gay and chattering blackbirds; yellow butterflies chased
and played on beds of bright carnations nodding gaily at the
merry-making crowd; a great red rose scattered its petals
down on us in a truly carnival shower, and the wind sent a
little twitter of merriment down the palm branches; young
calves frisked in green alfalfa fields, and all over the beauti
ful San Bernardino Valley there was an ever-rising tide of
leaf and flower, of life and beauty.
The Sister Superior who met us did not seem aware of
aU ithis smiling loveliness ; she had but come from a little
room where the tide of life was running swiftly away into a
much quieter and darker valley ; as we came to stand by his
bedside he let his eyes rest for a moment on the group of
people who looked down on his slender, youthful form,
almost too frail and boyish to make this dark crossing over
a river now running very swiftly, indeed, down the dark
vafley; his eyes rested with almost a smile on good Father
Breton, who had come from Los Angeles to comfort him in
his passage from this gay and happy California valley to
"The Valley of the Shadow" ; on his own people whose loyal
friendship had done all that human hearts and human hands
could do to make his going easier; on the head of Mt. San
Bernardino now sinking to rest in beds of sombre blueness,
and, perhaps, on the long line of orange trees where so
recently he had helped to harvest the wealth of California;

134 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
I, too, looked down that row of shining greenness, but I
saw an island in the sea, and a little home, such 'a little place,
to which a boy in America had sent money to help keep the
family together; I knew of the first forty dollars that went
across the sea, and seemed a little fortune to the father,
often earning much less ^han ten dollars a month of our
money; more also I knew of the sacrifice the boy had made
to put the little home beyond the reach of want, and it was
not so long ago the draft for three hundred dollars sped
across the sea to the little mother, wealth to her almost
beyond the dreams of avarice, and placing the home on a
sure foundation of prosperity.
The long rows of orange trees will know him no more;
the wheels of this puzzling machine we call western civilisa
tion will turn no more for him; it was always a little hard
for him to understand this machine; he could not see just
why we wanted the wheels to turn so fast, but he kept th^
laws that keep the machine moving, and hid all the puz
zling things in his heart ; now there is nothing more to ponder
over; safe in the haven of that church whose love and
charity has never known the word Race ; his last look is on
that Saviour whose loving heart carried the sorrows of all
the world. Father Breton's words sound quite loud and
clear, fuh of faith and love, calling to a tired little boy to
be not afraid, and to pass over in peace to a wonderful
valley where he can pick the fruit from "The Tree of Life,"
and now I look down on a face very peaceful, but just a little
weary and a line from the Lotus Gospel comes singing
through my mind, "Transient are all ; they being born must
die; being born are dead, and being dead are glad to be at
rest." When the little mother in the home across the sea hangs
out the paper lanterns and sets the little home in order for
the "Feast of the Return of the Dead," one will return from
a happy California valley.
The German Kaiser can rest a little better in his bed to
night ; California can breathe a little easier ; there is one less
Japanese, and it win take such a Httle bit of land for him I

i?UJtlCli» AND METHODS 135
do not think you will need to make laws regulating it. If
he had lived he might have been a check to German Im
perialism; might have become "Master of the Pacific";
might have closed the door in China; might even have
wished to own a little home in California, so there is a sound
of security for you in the sound of the clods falling on his
coffin; as for me, he was my friend, and I shall grieve for
him. — The Japanese American News, September 12, 1915.
No. 5674. Sunday Supplement.

CHAPTER XIV
THE APPEAL TO PEACE
Relation of the Peace Movement to the Japanese
Campaign
I give myself body and soul to the cause of Peace. I
stand squarely against any course that may lead to any
war and especially against every tendency toward an
American- Japanese war. In a war with Japan my son
and myself would be in the first line; my wife, daughters,
horae, friends, and property within the first field of sacri
fice. Both in public and private I refrain frora discussing
the Japanese problera frora the standpoint of war. The
threats and predictions so constantly upon the tongues of
Kawakarai, Holt, Mabie, Gulick and the others can pro
duce no good In the alarm they are meant to create and
the hate they inevitably engender. But no one who,
chooses only and always to avoid war can make a straight
course through the treacherous seas of national and inter
national life toward ultimate civilisation.
War is the name for a breakdown on the way to civil
isation. For the whole definition of civilisation is — Such
a development of the perceptions, morals and manners of
raen and nations that they raay pursue the divine aspira
tions of life in peace. War destroys every concept in the
definition — developraent, perceptions, raorals, manners,
men, nations, divine aspirations, life and peace. War is
in itself wholly an evil. The best that ever can be said of
it is that sometimes it may be the less of two evils between
which nations may have to choose.
At this last statement the different disciples of peace
136

 FORCES AND METHODS  137
part company. The professional pacifist never chooses
war. To him there is no greater evil than war, and what
ever the peace course offers he accepts. Destruction of
property, death in battle, are for him sacrifices too great
to be made for anything whatsoever. In this argument,
which they derive frora Christianity, they destroy the
glory of the Cross itself. The Cross will ever draw with
Irresistible power because the Prince of Peace willingly
gave his life to attain an object higher in value than bodily
life. If the Bible as a whole teaches anything, it teaches
the infinitely superior value of truth and righteousness
over the individual earthly life that may needs be sacri
ficed to establish them for others.
The hope of International peace, the crusade toward it,
the idea that it raay be secured by the arbitration of war
probleras are old indeed. A friend one day took from ray
library a volume from a set of voluraes compiled under
the name of William Jennings Bryan and containing the
great orations of history. He read an argument persuad
ing that all troubles between nations should be settled by
the peaceful counsels of their leading men. "Who wrote
that?" said he. "Mr. Bryan," said I. "It must be his
introduction." But no, it was a Greek statesman and
orator who Hved centuries before the Christian era.
In the seventeenth century, A. D., the peace movement
took definite form. Hugo Grotius, called the founder of
international law, published his great book, "On the
Rights of War and Peace"; George Fox preached uni
versal peace and founded the Society of Friends, with
peace as its central idea; William Penn began his Holy
Experiment of Peace in America.
The eighteenth century gave to the peace cause Larke,
Leibnitz, Montesquieu in philosophy ; Lessing and Herder
in poetry, and Kant's great essay, "Perpetual Peace."
The nineteenth century accelerated the movement.

138 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
"For every peace idealist whose name comes to us from
the two previous centuries, the nineteenth furnishes
scores. Noah Worcester, Williara Ladd, Jonathan Dy-
mond, Williara E. Channing, Charles Suraner, Adin
Ballon, Thoraas C. Uphara, Elihu Burritt, Williara Jay,
John Bright, Richard Cobden, Henry Richard, Hodgson
Pratt, Victor Hugo, Charles Leraonier, Frederic Passy,
Bertha von Suttner, David Dudley Field, E. T. Moneta,
Fredrik Najer, Sheldon Amos, Bluntschli, Leone Levi,
Leo Tolstoy, John de Bloch, and Nicholas II. , to raention
no others, all were priraarlly peace idealists." ^
But the twentieth century is the Peace Movement Cen
tury. The first fifteen years of it have seen that move
ment develop a thousandfold. A suggestion of what it
now is in regard to organisations may be gained from The
Peace Year Book, for it requires a long volume to give
even brief synopses of the societies and agencies that are
now working for peace. There are registered hundreds
of them, representing all the countries of the world.
The first organisation in America was the American
Peace Society. It was founded in 1815, organised in
1828, chartered as a corporation in 1848. It now has
10,000 members. About it are federated the other soci
eties — national, state, church and school. "To-day this
society, with headquarters at Washington, is an incorpo
rated organisation, with five equipped 'Departments' in
our United States, thirty-three 'Constituent Branch'
societies, twenty-two 'Section' societies, three 'Auxiliary'
branches, and six other 'Co-operating' societies. This
society initiates the American peace congresses, attempts
to co-operate with the Governraent, and to influence legis
lation in behalf of arbitrations and international good
will. It maintains a lecture bureau, a library of peace
^Historic Development of The Peace Idea, by Berry F. Trueblood,
LL.D.

 FORCES AND METHODS  139
information, and distributes tons of literature to writers,
speakers, schools, colleges, and libraries. It is organising
new peace societies as speedily as possible; and it issues
the Advocate of Peace raonthly, to a rapidly increasing
list of subscribers." ^
Three things above all now pertain to our discussion :
First, this intricate co-ordination of peace and other so
cieties and forces. Second, the Ideas, raotives and machin
ery behind them. Third, the specific propaganda they are
striving to put into American politics.
James L. Tryon, head of one of the great Departments
of the American Peace Society, in an introduction to The
Peace Movement in America, by Julius Moritzen, says:
"The American Peace Society, by the adoption of a new
Constitution at Washington on May lo, 1912, has become
through its directorate a National Peace Council. The
society may properly be called a national federation for
Peace. Besides extending Its state society system
throughout the Union, It has Invited to its directorate
not only representatives of local Peace Societies, but
representatives of
The Carnegie Endowment of International Peace,
The World Peace Foundation,
The Mohonk Arbitration Conference,
The American Association for International Concilia
tion,
The American Society for Judicial Settlement of Inter
national Disputes, and
' The American School Peace League.
"Other large peace organisations, whether forraed on a
membership plan or operated as Institutions, are also to
be Included In Its comprehensive plan of reorganisation.
When an arbitration treaty or kindred matter comes
'Arthur Deerin Call, Executive Secretary of the American Peace
Society, in Advocate of Peace, Vol. LXXV. No. 10.

140 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
before the Senate or Congress the peace and arbitration
sentiment of the whole country can be brought to bear
with an effect as never before. Education of public senti- ,
ment in the new internationalism will go on with less
waste and duplication than formerly."
Here is announced a fact of incalculable importance, to
wit; The Peace movement opens the twentieth century
with a radical change in its character from that of the
seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries. Then
it was a teacher to educate public opinion; now it is an
enormous organisation to act upon, form, and control the
machinery of government.
No fact in the history of the United States in this cen
tury has more significance than that. It surpasses in
importance changes of Presidents and Congresses, polit
ical parties, and theiir platforms.
Now there are present in the Peace Societies named
above two elements of a trust — the financial backing from
one source, and the common managemelnt frora one set of
raen in an interlocking directorate. The greater of these
forces is the money support. The raan who pays the bills
can dictate the policies and manipulate the machinery with
Its hundreds of salaried secretaries and employees. That
man, raore than any other, raore than all others, is Mr.
Andrew Carnegie.
The impetus which has carried the peace movement in
America from its weak status twenty years ago to its pres
ent vast energies, was given it by the millions of Andrew
Carnegie — supplemented by other mlHions from other
men. Benevolences, like garaes or clothes, go by fashion.
Sometimes they court churches, sometimes colleges, and
now Peace Societies and Social Foundations.
Now Mr. Carnegie has a wonderful master passion. It
is to reunite the United States and Great Britain under
one government, one ruler, one army, one navy, and one

 FORCES AND METHODS  141
poHcy behind all. In 1893, before he had made his Peace
Endowments, hp gave the world, in The North American
Review, this great vision, and to its realisation made the
following pledge :
"Whatever obstructs reunion, I oppose; whatever pro
motes reunion, I favor. I judge all political questions from
this standpoint. All party divisions sink into nothingness in
my thoughts compared with the reunion of our race."
"Let men say what they will, therefore, I say that as surely
as the sun in the heavens once shone upon Britain and
America united, so surely it is one morning to rise, shine
upon, and greet again the reunited state — 'The British Amer
ican Union'." ^
This is the inspiration of the Carnegie Peace Move
ment, the key to its attitudes and Its energies. As one
reads Mr. Carnegie's arguraent in full, he feels the fervor
of his enthusiasm.
"A reunion of the Anglo-Americans, . . . consisting
to-day of one hundred and eight millions, which fifty years
hence will number more than two hundred miUions, would
be unassailable upon land by any power or combination of
powers that it is possible to create. We need not, therefore,
take into account attacks upon the land; as for the water
the combined fleets would sweep the seas. The new nation
would harvest from the world its greatest stain — the murder
of men by men. It would be the arbiter between nations,
and enforce the peaceful settlement of all quarrels, saying
to any disputants who threatened to draw the sword :
" 'Hold ! I command you both.
The one that stirs makes me his foe.
Unfold to me the cause of quarrel
And I win judge betwixt you'."

''North American Review. June, 1893.

142 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
Without assailing the motives of Mr. Carnegie, or criti
cising his raaster passion, we raust note deeply the fact
which he confesses, naraely, that he judges all political
questions from the standpoint of the reunion of Great
Britain and America; and he directs his mighty money
power to that end. His peace power is a political power
with a definite plan. Very recently we have had a fine
illustration of the use of that power.
The controversy over the repeal of the Panama Tolls
Act was before Congress In the Spring of 1914. It arose
because England objected to our grant of free tolls to our
own coastwise trade through the Panama Canal. The
Act had but recently passed. The Republicans had
pledged themselves to pass it; the Progressives in the
campaign of 1912 declared for it; it was a clear-cut plank
in the Democratic platform upon which Mr. Woodrow
Wilson was elected to the Presidency. Thus It seemed
definitely settled and fixed as an American policy.
But England objected. Surely there was no cause or
fear of war with her because she so objected. Yet the
law was repealed and England's contention was allowed.
How could there be such a reversal of opinion?
Mr. Elihu Root of New York, who was Secretary of
State under Theodore Roosevelt, and who was a United
States Senator when the Panama ToUs Act was passed
and when it was repealed. Is the President of the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace ; he had been the legal
adviser of Mr. Carnegie in great business affairs.
Mr. Jaraes Brown Scott, who was Solicitor of the De
partment of State when Mr. Root was Secretary of State,
is the Executive Secretary of the Carnegie Endowment
and head of Its raost important department of work (the
Department of International Law), and he was a dele
gate to the Hague Conference of 1907. He presides over
the distribution of $500,000 per year which is the income

FORCES AND METHODS  143
from the ten mlHIons of dollars of United States Steel
bonds with which Mr. Carnegie made the endowraent.
Senator Root voted against the Free Tolls Act when it
was passed and attacked it soon after. But, on January
21, 19 1 3, after the whole matter seeraed forever settled,
he startled the whole country in an elaborate speech in the
Senate, urging the United States to reverse itself on free
tolls. The Carnegie Endowraent, through James Brown
Scott, distributed nearly three quarters of a million copies
(715,602) of that speech throughout the United States,
sending some to Europe. It was printed in the U, S.
Government printing otKce and it was mailed under the
Senatorial frank of Senator Root.
This was followed, on March 15, 1913, by a stateraent
signed by some of the members of the Board of Trustees
of the Endowment declaring for the repeal of the law.
Of this, one tninion two hundred thousand (1,200,000)
copies were distributed.^ Both distributions were author-
'This distribution has great interest as it shows what a powerful
scientific lobby to influence legislation, having $500,000 a year to
spend, regards as the best way to affect the acts of Congress.
Report on distribution of statement of trustees on Panama toll
question
Associated Press (250 for foreign newspapers)  1,020
International News Service  265
New York Sun Press Association  75
United Press Service  20
One copy to each Representative and Senator, sent to his
home address  S3i
Distributed by the division of intercourse and education... 1,000
Distributed by the Paris bureau  1,000
Mr. F. F. Kane, of the Philadelphia bar (for campaign work
in Philadelphia)  Soo
Isthmian Canal Commission  30
British Embassy  30
Department of State  20
Representative Sims  20

144  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST
ised by the Executive Committee of the Carnegie Endow
ment. This whole interference with our Government was
investigated by Congress under Senate Resolution No. 92
of the Sixty-third Congress by a sub-committee of the
Judiciary under the title "Maintenance of a Lobby to
Influence Legislation." It forms a document of great
value. These acts interpret in deeds Mr. Tryon's statement of
the purpose of the Endowment and the co-ordination of
the peace bodies, to-wit : "When an arbitration treaty or
kindred matter comes before the Senate, or Congress, the
peace and arbitration sentiment of the whole country can
be brought to bear with an effect as never before." The
Carnegie Peace forces regarded the free tolls contention
as an impediment in the vsray to the reunion of Great
Britain and America, and its power was "brought to
bear." The result was a triumphant success, and is a fair
measure of that power. It overturned an act of Congress.
It made a Democratic Congress break its platform pledge.

Metropolitan Club  20
Booksellers  20
Massachusetts Peace Society  1,600
Farmers  337,ooo
Lawyers  110,000
Bank directors  85,000
Physicians  137,000
Clergymen  9S,ooo
County school superintendents  ,  3.590
Country general stores  152,000
Dentists  40,000
Druggists  48,000
Real estate agents  73,ooo
Newspapers and periodicals (excepting dailies)  25,000
Chambers of commerce and boards of trade  1,500
Manufacturers  9S,ooo
Making approximately  1,208,145

FORCES AND METHODS 145
It turned President, Republicans, Progressives, and Derao
crats alike against their former positions, and changed the
policy of the United States.
There are other clear instances of the exercise of this
Peace power. In the Summer and Winter of 19 15 it put
its hand upon the Chautauqua and lyceum platforms of
the United States. These have been entirely free from
endowments for special propaganda, bonuses, subsidies,
or coraraercial influences, and are the raost nearly free of
all American Institutions for the expression of public
opinion. Without comraent I shall let an editorial in the
Chicago Tribune (January 24, 1915) tell the reraainder
of this story :
"The following announcement comes to the Tribune:
"A thousand addresses by more than a hundred lecturers
and college professors, supplemented by literature for the
promotion of a better understanding of international rela
tions, have been arranged by the Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace as part of a nation-wide campaign
against war this summer. More than 1,600 Chautauqua plat
forms are to be the centres of lectures and debates on the
subject, and it is estimated that the Chautauqua audiences
will aggregate 4,000,000.
"This endowment has engaged specialists to lecture at
thirty-nine universities, seventeen colleges, and eleven
normal schools during summer sessions, the audiences being
in the main teachers. Y. M. C. A. summer training schools
also will be reached, and forty college 'international polity'
clubs already have been organised by the endowment repre
sentatives. "The endowment refers to this activity as a 'non-par
tisan investigation of war and peace,' and Dr. Nicholas
Murray Butler, one of the leading agents of the Carnegie
pacifist propaganda, makes the following fair-seeming com
ment: "The work which we are undertaking is purely educa-

146 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
tional, scientific, non-partisan. We want to know as a scien
tific fact whether it is true that man must go on settling his
differences forever by war. If this should turn out not to be,
scientifically true, we want to know how man is going to
give the war method up, and what he can substitute for it.
"In this guise this movement would be welcomed by all
friends of knowledge and of righteous peace. But if the
past performances and policy of this Carnegie endowment
are not to be reversed, the proceedings will be neither an
'investigation' nor 'non-partisan.' A true 'investigation'
does not start with its conclusions made up, nor can such
proceeding be called 'non-partisan.' The Carnegie endow
ment is not engaged in investigation, but in propaganda, and
its most prominent agents. Dr. Jordan, for example, dog
matise with a freedom and sweeping conclusiveness that no
propagandist surpasses.
"Dr. Butler's remark that 'we want to know as a scien
tific fact whether it is true that a man must go on settling
his differences forever by war' is a typical utterance of this
school of pacifists. Whether it is incurable naivete or dis
ingenuousness that permits such a statement is hard to teU.
But that a leading university president should assume that it
can be established as a 'scientific fact' whether or not man
kind must 'go on settling his differences forever by war,'
and that this question can be settled by a regiment of college
professors and lecturers on international law, is an astonish
ing expression of American official scholarship. The use of
the term 'scientific' in such connection smacks unpleasantly
of quack thought.
"The more serious consideration presented by this an
nouncement, however, is the effect of a propaganda thus dis
guised upon the national thought and morale. That the
American public needs education in our history and interna
tional relations is only too evident. But it needs open-minded
education, not propaganda in the disguise of scientific investi
gation, propaganda which throws facts out of perspective,
puts conclusions in place of facts, and hides relevant realities
behind a roseate glow of emotional altruism.

 FORCES AND METHODS  147
"Another serious consideration is the fact that this propa
ganda is directed in a noticeable degree by and at teachers,
an adroit strategy which will result, if not energetically
counteracted, in a maximum of influence upon the thought
of the young and impressionable, who can draw for self-
protection neither upon experience nor upon corrective
knowledge."

Likewise "education of public sentiment" is going on
in the case of Japan, by the same general forces, in the
same general course. It is a conspicuous fact that those
who are most active in their denunciation of California
and loudest In their support of Japan, are in the peace
movement, and raany of them are the raost active raen in
it. They even explain their Japanese carapaign as a neces
sary part of the duties of the Peace Societies. They hold
that whatever contention may bring disfavour for us
in Japan must be yielded. Many of them go so far as to
say the problem raust not be discussed at all unless favour
ably to Japan, and several have refused to have the Araer
ican case stated before an American audience unless a
Japanese be present to make reply. What other body of
propagandists carries Its Intolerance so far?
These men also stand for the raixture of races, and
their common residence together In all lands. How could
they frora their preraises reach any other conclusion?
Mr. WUHam I. Hull, of Swarthmore CoHege, President
of the Peace Society of Pennsylvania, on April 15, 1916,
made these two declarations in an address : "I want you
to understand that I am a peace-at-any-price man;" and,
arguing the newest of all the recent fallacies, he said,
"The sin of the age Is nationaHty." These two ideas are
consistent. The reraoval of all national lines and units,
the blend of aH cIvIHsatlons, the mixture of aH races;
America, the home of all men on their own terms, as the

148 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
price for peace! Though even that price will not bring
universal peace, nor insure peace in America, yet from
such major preraises the easy support of the whole Jap
anese contention is the logical course of the peace raove
ment, and rapidly the whole peace party is aligning itself
with Japan.
Thus it is that Mr. Hamilton Holt's pamphlet making
a plea for the immigration and naturalisation of Japanese
is printed and distributed by one of Mr. Carnegie's peace
societies; and his lectures, in which he urges the same
course, are paid for by the Carnegie Endowment. Mr.
Gulick's propaganda is indorsed and distributed by the
various units of the American Peace Society and the
Church Peace Union, all drawing their financial life from
the same, source. Some of the directors of these Amer
ican Peace Societies are raembers of the Peace Societies
of Japan, and Japan accepts no half-way measures.
The activity of the Carnegie peace interests in behalf
of Japan has taken the form of a press agency and polit
ical bureau. In mid-August, 1916, The Araerican Peace
Society distributed to the press a twenty page pamphlet
entitled "War with Japan." It Is an epitome of afi the
pro-Japanese raaterial now afloat. It was sent out with
this request: "You are Invited to quote frora this pam
phlet liberally. The Japanese say 'it explains the Japanese
situation exactly as we ourselves would like to present it.'
This pamphlet Is being liberally distributed in Japan by
the Japanese Ambassador and has been referred to the
personal attention of President Wilson." ^

'An indication of the logic and quality of this pamphlet raay be
seen in two quotations. The author produces that usual opiate to
quiet alarms, the statement that the Japanese are not fighting to get
into America, and will not come; all they want is the RIGHT to
come; he says: "Japan has never, even in the face of CJilifornia's
most drastic agitation and legislation, professed her intention of

FORCES AND METHODS 149
A week later It sent out an "immediate release" an
nouncing a new organisation naraed The Women's Inter
national Friendship League, designed to capture the
women voters of America. I reproduce the first and last
parts verbatim:
For Immediate Release. August 3, 1916.
"The American Peace Society offers you the following
information for publication, and will appreciate your use of
it in your territory :
Women Voters and the Japanese Question
"A movement especially designed to reach the women
voters of this country and to place before them the Jap
anese situation is announced by Miss Josephine C. Locke, of
2388 Champlain Street, Washington, D. C, in the forma
tion of the Women's International Friendship League, of
which Miss Locke is Corresponding Secretary. The pur
pose of this League, to acquaint the women voters of this
country with the Japanese point of view towards America,
and to bring about a closer friendship between the women
of the two nations, is to be effected by a campaign of lectures
to women throughout the West and Middle West, in which
the most valuable aid wiH be given by Miss Virginia Garner,
the League's International Chairman for Japan. . . . Miss
Garner is in Washington at present in connection with con
ferences upon the Immigration Bill and appears to-day
before the Committee on Foreign Relations in this connec
tion. Other prominent women associated with Miss Locke
insisting that her people come to America. All that she has con
tended for was their RIGHT to come. No one but a fool could pic
ture a nation willing to fight for the privilege of losing her subjects,"
(P. 6.)
He flatly contradicts himself on page 13 as follows :
Were it not for the fact that Japan is hopelessly, helplessly over
crowded with her rapidly increasing population, she would not want,
she would not be willing, that any of her people should seek lodg
ment oversea"!

150 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
and Miss Garner in the Women's International Friendship
League, are Miss Emma Goodale, of Waialua, Hawaii, and
Miss Elizabeth K, Knudsen, Land Expert, Los Angeles,
California."

The American Peace Society ! — A press agency distrib
uting pro- Japanese material In connection with the Jap
anese governraent ! A political bureau, managing a cam
paign by brilliant women, in the name of friendship,
backed by Carnegie power to capture the women's votes to
elect Congressmen favourable to pro- Japanese legislation !
The relation between the Peace Movement and the
Japanese Contention Is definite and powerful. If the
Carnegie forces could reverse the Congress and the polit
ical parties of the United States on Panama Tolls to pla
cate England, they can and wiU reverse the whole legisla
tive past of America toward Asia to placate Japan — unless
America awakes.
Or perhaps the Carnegie forces theraselves may some
day awake. England's alliance with Japan is not a step
toward the Carnegie goal. That leads to race mixture,
the disappearance of Anglican blood, not to reunion and
strength. The great mistake which England made when she raade
an alliance with Japan, and the perpetual evil effects of it,
are characterised by one of England's brightest scholars,
B. L. Putnara Weale:^ "This harraful and ill-considered
instrument is largely responsible for the coraplex nature
which the conflict of colour has now assuraed throughout
the world. By raaking this second alliance, far more
'"B. L. Putnam Weale knows the East better than any western
man who has written of it during this generation. . . . Mr.
Weale has seen, has recorded, and is able to tell so many tangible
facts regarding Eastern Asia, that it is a matter of astonishment
how one man can have learned it a.\l."— New York Times.

 FORCES AND METHODS  151
binding than the first, by corapletely identifying her inter
ests with the interests of Japan before she understood
what those interests might be, England deliberately sacri
ficed her liberty of action, not only in Eastern Asia but
in every portion of the world of colour where men are able
to think and act. It was but natural that the idea should
quickly spread that similar consideration and similar
equality of treatment would at once be given, if sufficient
determination and Sufficient boldness were exhibited. For
the first time In her history, England placed herself by
formal treaty on an absolute equality with an Asiatic
race." ^
Nor is that alliance long to remain. There wiH come
a day when this pro- Japanese sentiraent of these peace
bodies will be reversed — the Anglican-Japanese alliance
will be shattered, perhaps totally broken. That will be
the day when Japan drives English traders, English ship
ping, and English control from their seats In the Far
East. English shipping already feels the corapetition of her
young rival. Take the port of Hong Kong for Instance :
Japanese shipping appeared there for the first time In 1 880
In the tonnage record at 20,000 tons; English shipping
then had the greater part of all of it, 5,000,000 tons. But
in 1904 English shipping was 6,600,000 tons; Japan's
900,000 tons; in 1915 England's had dropped to 5,700,-
000; japan's had risen to 2,275,000 tons.
The coming of that day is already foreshadowed by
Kawakami in a bold, but subtle article In which he says :
"Is it surprising that Japan should be restive and strive
to intrench herself in China so firmly that no Western
power will be perraitted to become a dominant factor in
China? . . . Great Britain has a vast sphere of influ-

^The Conflict of Color, pages 113, ii4, "5-

152 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

ence in China. She can afford to let Japan build a few
hundred miles of railroad in the Yangtse Valley." There,
Great Britain, is your challenge ! That Is the price Japan
sets for your friendship! If you hold to your character
of the past, you will not pay the price.
Japan has set the price of her friendship to. America.
Count Okuma, preraier of Japan, after declaring that
Japanese raust "take firra resolution to fight (their) way
with their own energy and ability, boldly confronting the
pressure of the white races," turns his attention to the
California land problem in this language:
"Now, as for the California question. It would be proper
to look upon this as a preliminary test to sound the capacity
of the Japanese whether we are susceptible of still further
development. Our future destiny may be said to depend
on its successful solution. It may probably require half a
century, a century, or even more. Our moderate attitude is
quite likely to be interpreted as weak hearted spiritlessness,
while a firm policy would only stir up the fury of anti- Jap
anese excitement. Really, in respect to this question we have
fallen between two buffers.
"Were it not for our honest desire to shun anything like
the possibility of hostilities between the two nations it might
be proper . . . for us to assert strongly our reasonable
claim. But preferring peace to inimical controversies we
appeal only to that high sense of human justice which
inspired the ancestors of the Americans when they laid the
foundation of the Great Republic. Do they remember that
their noble hearted ancestors appealed to the force of arms
only after they had exhausted all other imaginable means
to bring their differences with Great Britain to a peaceful
close? Their peaceful entreaties were scornfully disre
garded one after another, and the oppression became heavier.
They patiently endured what was really unendurable.
"This splendid example we are now intending to follow.
We are now prepared to tax our patience to the utmost.

 FORCES AND METHODS  153
"The Japanese public must become fully conscious of the
serious fact that upon the issue of the settlement of the ques
tion depends the future welfare and prosperity of 150,000
Japanese on the Pacific Coast of the American continent and
in Hawaii, and that if the result be unsuccessful we Jap
anese may hereafter have no outlet on the Pacific side, not
withstanding the rapid increase of population at home."
This Is not a threat of war. It is simply a candid state
ment of the Japanese position. If Americans are not
willing to concede to the Japanese the right to be assimi
lated with the white races, Americans will find theraselves
standing in the way of Japanese national necessities.
Count Okuma wants peace with the United States, but he
Is clear on the terras on which he will be able to keep peace.
Those terms are no less than the removal of all barriers
to Japanese in this country, and consent to racial amalga
mation with them.^
I have no purpose to discount the raotives of some
Americans who are lulling us into overconfidence about
the good will and good acts of other nations toward us.
The wishes of these men are the fathers of their thoughts.
They are good wishes, but their vision of hope has blinded
their vision of fact. These men are sincere peace advo
cates, but their desires have led them into the most serious
conclusions and error. With this interpretation of motive
let us look at some things which they said never would
happen, and yet which have happened. Any vital prin
ciple of action w'hich is reversed in less than a century is
too fragile to build a national destiny upon.
David Starr Jordan is a director of the World Peace
Foundation, and their raost distinguished advocate. No
one has had raore prominent place or been more positive
In his addresses and writings on peace ; no man has ever
'See editorial in the Chicago Tribune, December 12, 1915.

154 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
had a greater reversal of the prophecies in his speeches
and writings than he.
In the spring of 1914 he went to Europe to study the
econoraic conditions and depression which, he claimed,
had come from the vast waste of capital and energy put
into the preparations for war. He sent back articles de
scribing the status of credit, the rates of interest, the finan
cial stringencies caused by the wastes of war, saying,
"The year 1913 was Europe's banner year of waste.
. . . Europe has stood about all it can of military
waste." And only seven days before Austria gave her ultimatum
to Serbia, only eleven days before the first gun was fired,
only fourteen days before Germany declared war on Eng
land, he confidently said there would never be another
European war, because of these economic conditions.
Here is his verdict, written July 17, 1914, and printed
in Harper's Weekly in August, three weeks after the
war had begun which he said could never be, "The safe
guard against the armies and navies Europe has gath
ered for war is that Europe is not rich enough to use
them, and is too human and too humane to want to use
them." How much is his prophecy worth In another interna
tional problem Involving American destiny ?
Just as positive and just as bitterly mistaken as he are
two other great men — Andrew Carnegie of America and
Baron d'Estournelle of France.
In 191 1 the latter, a permanent member of The Hague
Tribunal, head of the World Association for International
Conciliation, made a tour of Araerica. His contribution
to the Peace Movement is of inestimable value. In Cali
fornia he was received with a warmth surpassing even
the far-famed hospitality of that state. He did not avoid
the frankest discussion of America's relations with Japan,

 FORCES AND METHODS  155
and spoke with utraost confidence of Japan's future
course. In Los Angeles March 28, 191 1, he said :
"Let me assure you, and I know of this raatter, for it
has been my study for ten years, Japan does not want
war with you or any other country in the world."^
But Japan, on her own initiative, from her own desire,
for her own advantage, declared a war upon Germany in
1914, and has given China more than sufficient provoca
tion for another. Here is a contradiction between senti
ment and fact that no man can explain : Japan is still sup
ported by the sentiment of the advocates of Peace, while
she goes right on always forcing her way to Erapire by
the raeans of War.
"Let us suppose," said Baron d'Estournelle in San
Francisco, "with the raost pesslraistic alarraist, that
Japan, starting a policy of Iraperialism, and megaloraania,
would try to monopolize the Pacific Ocean, claiming Asia
for the Asiatics. It would be the beginning of its decad
ence and the end of its power. . . . Acting against the
United States, taking by surprise or by force the Philip
pines and the Hawaiian Islands, It would open at the sarae
time an era of aggression against Europe." ^
Many of these things — unthinkable except to the raost
pessimistic alarraist — Japan has entered upon. She openly
claims as her policy Asia for Asiatics ; she confesses her
imperialism in Korea and Manchuria and Fukien; she
justifies her seizures of Shantung, and her twenty-one
demands on China ; and her intention to exploit China was
made known by Baron Shibusawa in The Century, in Feb
ruary, 1 9 16.
"Japan raust have a place in the sun," * cries Kawakami,
head of the Japanese Association of America, Manager
'The Peace Movement in America, by Julius Moritzen, page 69.
'Ibid., page 72.
'New York Times, signed article dated April 8, 1915.

156 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

of the Pacific Press Bureau, author of most of its propa
ganda distributed to the press, editor of the Japanese-
American News of San Francisco, and an accepted voice
of Japan In Araerica.
"Japan raust have a place in the sun," he says, repeat
ing the classic phrase of imperialism of the Gerraan Em
peror, in which he announced to the world his own policy
of imperialism. "Japan must have a place in the sun,"
he continues. "Her intercourse with the enterprising
aggressive Occident has already during the past fifty years
infused into her fresh aspirations and energies. Had
America and Europe perraitted her to remain In her seclu
sion, she would have been well satisfied with her lot in
her little archipelago. But the Occident forced Japan to
open her doors at the point of the gun and imposed on her
modern tools of war and industry. As a result, the Jap
anese has become so enterprising, that he finds his country
all too small for his activities."
How clearer could be declared Japan's policy of im
perialism which the good Baron said, after studying her
for ten years, she never would adopt. And "she has
opened at the same time an era of general aggression
against Europe." She now has taken the German posses
sions on the mainland and all her islands in the Pacific,
and Professor Frederic Starr, of the University of Chi
cago, declares she has no intention to withdraw from
these^ — the Ladrone and the Marshall Islands, half way
between the Philippines and Hawaii. She has asked Eng
land to share her privileges in England's "sphere of Influ
ence." She plans to control Fukien, opposite Formosa.
"She also will take steps to prevent the passing of any
section of Chinese territory into the hands of any Western
power," plainly says Kawakami.
Thus the noble Baron's knowledge of Japan, of which
'Statement made April 3, 1916.

FORCES AND METHODS 157
he was so certain, has been proved in error in every spe
cific policy which he said she could never assurae.
In the same volume is expressed the equal error by Mr.
Carnegie. "It was Andrew Carnegie who once said that
the German Empire is decidedly In favour of the peace
movement. Mr. Carnegie emphasized that William II.
was above all a peace lord, not a war lord. He said what
ever impressions exist to the contrary are based on igno
rance of the Emperor's true nature. Baron d'Estournelle
expressed hiraself to the same effect while he was in
America." These hopeful, but bitterly mistaken estimates of
nations and of raen are not five years old, yet hundreds of
thousands of Mr. Carnegie's British kin have fallen by
the sword of that same peace lord, while raillions of the
Baron's countryraen have felt his wounds in a land
ground into powder and bleeding Into death. That
Japan's policy against European States now in Asia raay
bring titanic struggles, involving the countries of Car
negie and d'Estournelle, lies easily in the realm of possi
bility, perhaps in a future not far away.

CHAPTER XV
THE APPEAL TO RELIGION
Part I
A Text and Its Interpretation
God hath raade of one bipod all nations of men for
to dwell on all the face of the earth. Acts 17. 26.
"It is unchristian." That is the supreme argument of
Mr. Gulick and all who battle against keeping the Pacific
Coast and the United States as a white man's land, as the
founders Intended it to be. Loudest of all of these are
the Japanese press agents themselves. In the general play
upon all our sentiments they have discovered in our reli
gious sentiment their easiest approach.
There is no subject which a general audience of Amer
icans is so afraid to have discussed in open forum as reli
gion. Religion Is institutional thinking. It is antipodal
to individual thinking. Catholic and Protestant and Jew,
Methodist and Mormon and Mohararaedan, each offers to
its devotees a corapendiura of the thought and forms of
the past and says, "Take this and you can be one of us.
Reject it and you can not." The conflict of the ages has
been between Institutional thinking and individual think
ing. Institutlonallsts are always fearful of the individual
who rattles their dead men's bones. That cost Christ his
Hfe. "It is unchristian" phrases the verdict which institu
tional thinking, in the missionary movement, places
against states and men who stand for Japanese exclusion.
It is an effort, in one phrase, to throw into this conflict the
inherent forces of religion itself, of the Christian church
158

 FORCES AND METHODS  159
in particular and of all those who, though not religion
ists, still have a regard for Christian sentiment. It is a
resort to institutional thinking drawing round the prob
lem of Japanese immigration "the holy circle of the
Church." The Japanese know this and from Count
Okuma and all who wrote "Japan to America" down to
the voluminous Kawakami and lyenaga Press Bureaus,
they make a soldierly use of it. They shame those who
wish to maintain our exclusion laws for Asiatics, saying
that such people exhibit less enlightenment than the
Asiatics; they repeat again and again the keenly subtle
challenge to Christianity which was written by Professor
Ryutaro Nagai of Wasada University, Tokio: "We
appeal to the white race to put aside their race prejudice
and meet us on equal terms in brotherly co-operation.
. . . If the white nations truly love peace and wish
to deserve the narae of Christian nation, they will prac
tice what they preach and will soon restore to us the rights
so long withheld."
Those rights, the Japanese say, are equal opportunity
in white lands for all the races of the earth. And with
that appeal interpreted in terras of the universal brother
hood of man and the universal fatherhood of God, many
sweet American spirits are daily stung to the quick and
rendered dumb before their God, because they do not see
In it merely the cunning diplomacy of an aggressive
people, unmindful of American welfare and unmoved by
the Christian religion, so long as their own national des
tiny is advanced.
This appeal, as made by the Japanese, to universal
brotherhood and Christianity is an hypocritical and false
cry. The Japanese themselves do not practice what they
preach to us. They do not give to white men equal oppor
tunity with themselves In their own land or In their prov
inces. They spurn the thought of equality and brother-

160 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST
hood of the negro. They lirait the iramigration of the
Chinese. They have taken the independence and priv
ileges from the people of Korea and have subordinated
the people to Japan and Japanese. They limit the rights
of other nations in their spheres of influence In China and
are rapidly closing the open door in China.
This ancient trick of appealing to religion to disguise
and defend an evil cause is so old that no one can tell
how old It is. To quote scripture was so patent an arti
fice that Shakespeare made great ridicule of it. Shylock
used it to defend his usury and Shakespeare thus describes
that use of it :
"The devil can cite scripture for his purpose.
An evil soul, producing holy witness.
Is like a villain with a smiling cheek,
A goodly apple rotten at the heart.
O, what a goodly outside falsehood hath !"
And Richard the Third, the arch fiend of Shakespeare,
used it. He killed a king, a brother, a wife and the two
sweet princes ; yet on occasion he donned a monk's array,
and Bible in hands played out his duping fraud, while to
himself he laughed and said :
"I do the wrong, and first begin to brawl.
The secret mischiefs that I set abroad
I lay unto the grievous charge of others.
But then I sigh, and with a piece of Scripture
Tell them, — that God bids us do good for evil :
And thus I clothe my naked villainy
With old odd ends, stolen forth from holy writ ; ¦
And seem a saint, when most I play the devil."
The appeal, as made by Araericans themselves, is more
honestly made, no doubt, but is no more consistent or
consistently made. In response to the request of the Fed-

 FORCES AND METHODS 161
eral Council to the thousands of minister^ to preach on
peace and to remember the cause of Japan, many Araer
ican ministers are making this general appeal. I heard
one of them. He took for his text the scripture at the
beginning of this chapter. Indeed, that text is becoming
the creed of the pro- Japanese raovement and the extent to
which its use is spreading raust be noted.
A "School Peace League" has been organised araong
the teachers and children of our public schools, acting
with the other peace societies. In the annual report of
1912 the Secretary of this League adopted this text as the
motto for the League : "God hath made of one blood all
nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth."
The interpretation and application which they make of
this text for our young children in the schools raust receive
serious criticism. For the interpretation is contrary to
the facts of the origin of nations as established by both
history and science, and must be reversed in the higher
courses which these children will take later on. And they
apply this interpretation to open wide our gates to all the
races of men, to make of our country the free-for-all land
for all the world. Thus the currents of public opinion at
their very sources — the public schools — are turned awry
to undermine the welfare of the nation.
So this minister interpreted and applied it. I make no
attack or criticism upon the rainisters of our land. Tak
ing all of them together they have to-day the largest task,
the coldest sympathy, the weakest support, the poorest
pay and the hardest raaterial prospects for their wives
and children of any professional class in the world.
Nor do I assault the Institution we call The Church. I
belong to it, work for it, believe in It ; for, it Is stfll the
best institution raan has through which to raake progress
toward a life divine. But the length to which sentiraental-
ism in the church can be carried is illustrated by the foi-

162 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
lowing extracts takeii from a sermon actually preached In
one of the principal churches In Los Angeles in 19 15.
"The Gerraans and Japs can both be conquered by love.
They are vulnerable on that side. Every raan has a soft
spot toward the fellow who is friendly. A bulwark of
business and lofty spirit and forgiveness about a nation
is better than an imposing navy. . . . More armies
have been taken captive by perfumes than by gases.
Fight skunks with railes. Kill cannon balls with cotton
bales. It always takes the starch out of a cannon ball to
give It a soft answer. . . . Every raan ought to be too
big to fight a baby. Japan is just a little Tot. Germany
is but a kid compared with Uncle Sam. Bring the child
in and give him a cookie. Conquer with Candy."
Now a minister, especially a young raan of fine out
going spirit and idealistic mind, all fortified by his school
ing and keened by the heart-calls in his profession, can
take a text like that — Acts 17. 26 — "God raade of one
blood" and honestly found upon it a profoundly pas
sionate argument. He will produce the general type of
arguraent preached in our pulpits for centuries, yet so
poorly practised by the pulpiteers themselves that they go
right on creating.by their creeds different church "races"
and church "nations" until now there are more than ever
before. The argument is as follows : As we all come from one
common source over yonder, and as we are all going to
one common end over yonder, all these distinctions of
family and nation and race are artificial, accidental, un
necessary and ungodly; and as America started out to
be the refuge of the oppressed, the suppressed, the de
pressed and the compressed of all nations, the land of the
free and the home of the brave, if we are to lead the
world into Hght and liberty, we raust forget our founders,
our nation and our race ; we must tear up our naturalisa-

 FORCES AND METHODS  163
tion code, and burn our immigration laws; we must go
around the wide borders of our glorious country and,
opening all its doors, in all directions, we must cry aloud
to all races and conditions of men : "Come on in, without
limit, without money, without price, weak and lowly, sick
and well, competent and incompetent; come on into this
inexhaustibly rich America of ours and mixing all to
gether in 'God's Great Melting Pot,' we shall have a
millennium in America, right here and now."
So far as I am able to understand him, Dr. Edward A.
Steiner would call this perfectly applied Christianity.
In one of his lectures Dr. Steiner is reported as saying of
those rejected at our great gate of immigration, Ellis
Island : "There are more tragedies enacted every day on
Ellis Island than on all the other stages of the world put
together." When once I was discussing this all-inclusive policy of
immigration with the charming authoress of The Prom
ised Land, she ended all hope of discussion by saying,
"Are they not all human f"
What will you do with an arguraent like that? One
thing you can do with it is to answer it with the last part
of the same verse. It is indeed strange that that part is
never quoted. I have In ray scrap book a clipping from
a great reHgious paper, an editorial, commending Dr.
Gulick's New Oriental Policy. It ends with a quotation
of the first half but fails to raention the second half.
Either the editor is intellectually stupid or exegetlcally
crooked, for the whole verse reads, "And hath made of
one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of
the earth, and hath deterrained the times before appointed,
and the bounds of their habitation."
If the first half is to be interpreted literally, then the
second half is to be Interpreted literally. If the first half
is good to found an argument upon in a great national

164 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
problera, then the second half is good to found an argu
ment upon In such a problem. And treating It in the same
manner we may say : When the Creator made the nations
of men he expected them to remain as distinct as he made
thera and he saw that it would be necessary first to deter
raine the bounds of their habitations; and after having
determined these boundaries, here and there and there,
all over the face of the earth, he made the nations of men
and put them into these bounds ; and he expected them to
stay right where he put them In their habitations here and
there and there or he would not have raade any bounds
for their habitations here and there and there !
One of these arguments Is not raore absurd than the
other. This text is taken from the opening words of
Paul's speech to the Athenians in which he was revealing
God as the one Creator of all things. "His spirit was
stirred in hira, when he saw the city wholly given to idol
atry." (v. 1 6.) Against all these gods he set his one God.
Here is his speech up to the part we are discussing. "Ye
men of Athens, I perceive that in all things ye are too
superstitious. For as I passed by, and beheld your devo
tions, I found an altar with this Inscription, TO THE
UNKNOWN GOD. Whom therefore ye ignorantly
worship, him declare I unto you. God that made the
world and all things therein, seeing that he is Lord of
heaven and earth, dwelleth not in temples made with
hands ; neither is worshipped with men's hands, as though
he needed any thing, seeing he giveth to all life, and
breath, and all things; and hath made of one blood all
nations of men for to dwell on aH the face of the earth,
and hath determined the times before appointed, and the
bounds of their habitation."
When Paul said that he was not speaking as an ethnolo
gist, biologist, a sociologist, or a scientist of any kind,
but as a monotheist against their polytheism. What Paul

FORCES AND METHODS 165
expressed in this text in imagery natural to his mind is
the essential unity of human life — ^just as one would
express the essential unity of bird life or tree life or plant
Hfe. These few words are not to be Isolated from their
context and used as a warrant and a command to bring
all nations into every land — or to recross all races as if
to revert to the old source. After thousands of genera
tions of differentiation, to recross the radical races of
black, yellow and white men because of the existence of
one God, and the essential unity of human life were no
more sensible than to cross an apple tree, a hickory tree,
and a palm tree because of the existence of one God and
the essential unity of tree life.
There are sorae -facts upon which all the great scholars
of the world are agreed, and all the great Universities
teach thera : Races and nations are the results of historic
development changing and responsive to determinable
influences; and the times of their existence and the
bounds of their habitations are also the results of his
toric developraents wrought by forces vast and varying.
Nor is this teaching in slightest disagreeraent with right
understanding of the Scriptures.
Part II
Christianity, Reltgion, Morals and Government
OF Japan
"The cunning diplomacy of an aggressive people un
moved by the Christian religion."
Church people in the United States seem to have a very
mistaken notion of the morals and religion of Japan,
and particularly of the impression which Christiantly, as
a reHgion, has made upon the Japanese and raost especially
of the regard they have for it. This notion comes from
missionary enthusiasm. Success in missionary work is

166 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

based largely on good will and good report just the same
as in any other business, and raissionary methods are de
termined by that fact just as they are In any other busi
ness. The assaults raade on Asiatic exclusion and land
laws by the furloughed raissionaries from Japan make
thera the raore acceptable to Japan when they go back.
Not one of them could have influence with the govern
ment and people in Japan if he chose to stand for Japanese
exclusion from Araerica. The raissionaries in China
stand for Chinese interests against Japan — the Japanese
missionaries are aggressively for Japan.
A group of missionaries in China, in March, 1915, sent
to President Wilson a great telegram of six thousand
words, costing $5,000, protesting against the deception
and bad faith of Japan, and asked America to corae to the
rescue of China. This famous telegram ended with this
sentence: "Shall we go on forever being fooled by fair
speeches made at full dress banquets in the Japanese
Capital?" These raissionaries to China are persona non
grata now In Japan. In this light we raust understand the
medical missionary. Dr. Teusler, of Tokio, who, October
14, 191 5, said of American criticism on Japan's spolia
tion of China that "Bluster and shirt-sleeve politics in
California, Colonel Roosevelt's policy, when President,
of talking too rauch about 'Araerica must dominate the
Pacific' have inflamed the Japanese people." He fully
endorsed Japan's seizure of China; he clairas Japan Is
maintaining the open door ; that her twenty-one demands
only form her Monroe Doctrine. We know what that
endorsement will do for him In Japan.
"The Religious Rambler" in The North American of
Philadelphia, April 10, 19 15, said:
"From the first Japan has been keen to see the important
part that the missionaries may have in shaping public opin
ion both at home and abroad. The Japanese Government

 FORCES AND METHODS  167
has freely recognized and decorated missionary leaders.
She has invited and welcomed deputations of Americans
interested in missions and many of the religious papers and
peace organisations have been enlisted on the side of Japan.
It has been said that Japan could afford to pay the bifls of
the American missionaries working within her borders,
because of the service that has been rendered her in this
country by the missionaries and friends of missionaries."
In all this the missionaries in the different countries
are not acting basely, but naturally. They are not playing
a game, but living a law. They siraply have a syrapathetic
identification with the country and the people they work
with and that identification raay becorae so perfect that
they raay oppose the interests and upturn the destiny of
their horae lands.
But what result has all this raissionary effort had on
the religions of Japan? Very little. Americans make the
mistake of confusing two things — that Japan can adopt
the Industrial arts of Christianity without accepting Chris
tianity as a religion. And that is what she is doing. Re
ligion to the Japanese has no such relation to life as It
has with us, and Christianity has not affected that rela
tion. The Japanese Year Book for 191 5 which is published
in Japan for use by Japanese and indorsed in a preface
by Count Okuma, the head of the Government, makes
some wonderful admissions. Under the heading "Reli
gion" is this statement :
"Amidst the vast changes that have come over Japan dur
ing this half century, the religious world stands conspicuous
for its comparative stationary aspect, as far as its work of
evangelisation is concerned. Just as in former days, the
upper and intenectual classes remain, on the whole, indiffer
ent towards religious doctrines of all persuasions ; and it is
only in the middle and lower classes that they (religions) are
looked up to for guidance in this world and next.

168 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
"Shintoism continues to occupy a unique position, being
a cult of Ancestor worship both to the Imperial Court and
people, and a connecting link, as it were, between them and
their common ancestors; for it should be noted that Jap
anese historians of old school make it out that the Impe
rial Court and the majority of its subjects are descendants
of one stock. ...
"Shintoism has apparently acquired greater importance
since the war (1915)."^
"Shintoism sums up the theory of human duty in the
following injunction : 'Follow your natural impulses and
obey the law of the State.' " ^
Christianity is now having its second trial in Japan.
It was first planted there in 1549 by Spain. In the year
1600 there were, through the efforts of these Spanish mis
sionaries, a raillion Christians in Japan. But the Em
peror of Japan issued a decree in 1630 which resulted
In the elimination of the new religion and the "wholesale
slaughter of the rebels. The cause of Christianity fell to
the ground. From that time until 1873, when the pro
hibition was revoked, Christianity was raerely a matter
of memory and even of terror to the people of Japan." ^
That decree is so characteristic that it is of' great in
terest. "So long as the sun shall continue to warm the earth, let
no Christian be so bold as to come to Japan; and let all
know that the King of Spain himself, or the Christian god,
or the great god of all, if he dare violate this command shall
pay for it zvith his head,"
The following table shows that, of the total popula
tion of Japan proper, estimated at only 50,000,000, the
Catholic Churches have about 80,000, or sixteen one-
'- Japanese Year Book, 1915.
^Clement, Handbook of Japan, page 237.
'Japanese Year Book, page 226.

FORCES AND METHODS 169
hundredths of one per cent, of the people. The Protes
tants have 85,000 or about seventeen one hundredths of
one per cent. Thus, together the Christians have about
one-third of one per cent, of the people. And this is the
total result up to date not only of all the missionary effort
of the United States, but of England and Germany and
all the rest of the Christian world,
Mr. Millis says of the Japanese in California, where
they are enveloped in Christian environment, that only
about four or five per cent, have embraced Christianity.
The remainder, of course, both in Japan and California
are devoted to their old faiths of Shintoism and Bud
dhism. STATISTICS OF CHRISTIAN CHURCHES IN JAPAN
JAPAN YEAR BOOK

Shrines

OR
Ministers
No. Believers
Churches
Shintoism
127,076
14,352
Buddhists
71.730
53,268
Catholic, Roman
189
198
65.616} J
14,206 J "9,«
Russo-Greek
131
222
Churches of Christ
233
377
21,018
Congregational
130
171
15,847
Episcopal
212
415
16,215
Baptist
69
125
4,299
Methodist
187
373
13,356
Independent
30
40
2,443
Salvation Army
33
54
2,417
Total, including others^ 1,356
2,255
164,054
'The others cover the Mifu, Fumi, Gospel, Gospel Rojo, Scan
dinavian-Japan Alliance, Christian and Missionary Alliance, Dobo,
Fiukyu Fukuin, Japan Universalist, Friend, Kirisuto, Christian, etc.
170  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
Therefore American churchmen must make this clear
distinction — Christianity as a term used loosely to indicate
a systera of material development In some places is chang
ing (but very slowly) Japan's ways of doing the business
of life: Christianity as a religion has scarcely made an
Impression on Japan. As their own religion has so re
cently carried their Erapire to strength, wealth and glory
— and as they now see the Christian nations in the frat
ricide of a world war, there is no reason apparent to them
why they should change, even If they could; or why they
should not regard their religion and raorals infinitely
superior to our own, as they do. Japan's appeal, there
fore, for us to meet her "In Christianly co-operation"
receives no force, either from her own use of the prin
ciple in dealing with other men, or from her acceptance
of that religion by her own people.
While Christianity has raade such slow progress among
the Japanese, their own cults have not been weakened.
One of these cults about parallels the time of the Christian
effort in Japan, being founded by one Taderaune, who
died in 1850. He was the son of a priest and claimed he
had a heavenly vision. His parents had died of consump
tion and he hiraself becarae bed-ridden not only because of
consuraptlon but because of grief. Since grief, he argued,
had brought hira down, a cheerful optiraism should lift
hira up. He cheered up and worshipped the grace and
beauty of heaven. Next he worshipped the sun. Grad
ually he was cured. He did not regard It as a rairacle but
a scientific result. He was fat-cheeked and looked his
cheerful doctrine, and so won raultltudes. His sect now
has 531 chapels, 400,000 raerabers and 3,000,000 adher
ents.^ What coraparison has Christianity made with
that? If Christianity has made little impression on the reli-
'Details from East and West News.

 FORCES AND METHODS  171
gions of Japan, western ideas of government have made
no more. When Japan adopted a constitution a few years
ago — modeled they say on ours — Americans at once
jumped to the conclusion that Japan had established a
liberal governraent. This is a raistake.
"From a cursory view - of this instrument one might
form the opinion that Japan had established a Constitution
quite on the Western order, but a critical examination of
it will quickly convince any constitutional lawyer that most
of the provisions of the instrument which make the favorable
impression are illusory. The Constitution itself is only an
Imperial edict, and changed the existing law therefore only
in so far as the Emperor himself wished to do so. We find
that the tenure of the Emperor is primogeniture under the
male line of the family, by agnatic succession ; that his term
is eternal; that his person is holy and inviolable; that he is
head of the state and exercises the sovereign power ; that the
Constitution can be amended only upon his proposition ; that
he has not only the usual executive power of commanding
the Army and Navy, appointing and dismissing all the civil
and military officials, supervising the execution of the laws,
granting reprieves and pardons, and sending and receiving
ambassadors and other public ministers and consuls, but
he has also power to fix the war and peace footing of army
and navy, their organisation and the salaries of all officials
both military and civil; the power to declare war, make
peace and conclude treaties and agreements with foreign
states ; the power to declare the empire in a state of siege and
suspend all rights of subjects during any such period; the
power to cafl, open, adjourn and prorogue the legislature and
dissolve the lower house thereof; the power to appoint the
presiding officers of the legislative bodies — the House of
Lords and the House of Deputies; the power virtually to
constitute the House of Lords; also the power to initiate
legislation and to veto all projects of legislation absolutely;
the power not only to make the ordinances for the admin
istration of the laws, but to make ordinances which shall

172 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

have the force of law in case the legislature is not in session,
and when he shafl deem it necessary for the public security
and public welfare; — and finally the power to control the
expenditures in the exercise of his sovereign rights, etc.
The powers of the Emperor make the Legislature virtually
a debating society, despite the fact that the members of the
Chamber of Deputies are elected by the male subjects over
25 years of age and paying about $7.00 a year tax.
"The Japanese are organised under this Constitution for
the exercise of strong military power, for presenting a united
front against foreign powers and for restraining internal
disorder, but it sacrifices Liberty to Government again and
makes but little advance over the other Asiatic states in the
maintenance of both Liberty and Government, and the
harmonizing of both in a maturely developed political system
of superior order." 1
Americans are not less mistaken about what the reHgion
and the morals of Japan really are. The Japan that has
been idealised to us by the cherry blossom and wisteria
writers does not exist. Travellers, correspondents, stu
dents, unbiased by decorations or self-interest, all declare
this. To American visitors the Japanese exhibit the inno
cent flower but hide the serpent under it.
The following story was told the writer by a very dis
tinguished educator. He was travelling with a group of
sixteen or more who were professors of education £^nd
history in leading American Universities. They had set
aside eighteen days for a study of Japan at first hand.
They were met at the pier by distinguished Japanese men
who had been their students in America and others who
were officials in Japan. They were shown the highest
'Jno. W. Burgess, Ph.D., Ju.D., LL.D., formerly Professor of
Political Science and Constitutional Law — Dean of the faculties of
Political Science, Philosophy and Pure Science of Columbia Uni
versity; in his great work, "The Reconciliation of Government and
Liberty."

 FORCES AND METHODS  173
respect and every courtesy — with dinners and receptions.
After a couple of days of this the Americans expressed
their delight with these attentions, but said that, as they
had come to Japan for personal and intimate study of It,
on the raorning they should Hke to be left to theraselves
to go about as they pleased and without notice. To this
the Japanese replied that it would be too great a dis
courtesy to allow such distinguished friends to depart
without giving full expression of the regard of Japan,
that each day had been planned for them, and that thus
they .could see and learn far raore than in any other way.
"We were obliged to yield," he said, "and when we left
Japan we all knew that we had seen only what the Jap
anese wanted us to see and had learned only what they
wished us to learn." ,
Within three years the Mikado has declared to the
world that Shintoisra is to reraain the religion of the
Japanese and has placed limitations upon the work of
the teachers of Christianity. How could he do otherwise?
He is the soul and centre of Shintoism. In Shintoism
there is no concept to correspond to our idea of deity;
deity — a supreme spiritual power in whora are all things
— to whom all life is accountable. Until you stop and
get this clearly in your mind, you can never understand
the Japanese in their religion. The vast space which deity
fills in our life is blank in theirs, or is filled by other con
cepts. This fact affects all their attitudes to all the facts
of life — love, marriage, family, worship, governraent,
truth, chastity and the life hereafter.
They believe their ancestors persist in the hereafter and
become spiritual forces interested in earthly affairs, but
these spirits are not subordinate to a deity, bending to
his throne, nor does their spiritual life or happiness de
pend upon his favour or judgment. Their heaven has no
judge. The status of their spiritual continuance hereafter

174  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
is a raere sequel of their lives here — their ranks there are
relative to their ranks and characters here.
The Eraperor thus occupies the centre of their devotion,
for his ancestry is suprerae. He Is the direct descendant
of Amaterasu the virgin goddess who married the Sun;
the Sun and the Sun-goddess are the greatest objects of
worship and reverence, and the Eraperor, their son and
earthly representative. Is the centre of their religion — a
god descended frora god ancestors. The new Constitu
tion of Japan, article III, is brief and clear. "The Em
peror is sacred and inviolable." And article VII pro
claims that the Eraperor and his blood shall rule Japan
generation after generation, ages without end. Though
it Is called a constitutional governraent. Professor Burgess
caHs their constitution "a charter of despotism"; it is the
raost perfect erabodiment of the idea of the divine right
of kings to rule — for they have both god and king in one
raan. This is the strongest combination for control in
the world.
Likewise to understand Japanese morals you must
know the central idea of their moral code. Morals are
but the rules for the game of life. They develop slowly
about a central principle. That central principle in the
morals of Christian civilisation is Truth; our laws and
courts, our social and economic life are based In truth.
Of the Japanese moral code the centre, says the historian,
Philip Van Ness Myers,^ is Loyalty ; the finest expression
of that loyalty is to their ancestors ; it reaches its perfec
tion in loyalty to their god-king, the Eraperor.
Can you not see, with loyalty as their chief virtue, how
truth raay take and does take a very subordinate place?
and how the Japanese with perfect righteousness may
transgress the whole of our moral law? To be loyal one

''History of Past Ethics.

 FORCES AND METHODS  175
may need to misrepresent and to He, wherein lying be
comes a virtue ; one may need to kill himself or another,
and murder is a virtue ; a wife or a daughter or sister may
need sacrifice her chastity to support a parent or husband,
and prostitution Is a virtue. Then, having been loyal to
both parents and ancestors, these women enter, without
social discredit, the regular life of the people. When
unchastity is thus established as a virtue by the basic ideal
of their raoral code, what can you expect Its practice to
be araong the raasses of the people?
In support of these stateraents I subrait some quota
tions frora "History as Past Ethics," the fourth and final
work in the series of historical textbooks written by
Philip Van Ness Myers which are known In every high
school and college in Araerica. He says :
"The Emperor's command is to his subjects as the com
mand of God to us and obedience must be perfect and un
questioning. . . . Patriotism with the Japanese is in large
measure a religious feeling. Indeed Patriotism has been
called the religion of the Japanese. It is this virtue exalted
to a degree which the world has never seen surpassed which
has contributed more than any other quality of the Japanese
character to make Japan a great nation and to give her the
victory over a powerful foe, in one of the most gigantic wars
of modem times."
Again he says :
"The code of honour of the Japanese Knight (The
Samurai) did not include any special duty to woman.
'Neither God nor the ladies inspired any enthusiasm in the
Samurai's breast.' Its prime virtue was personal loyalty to
one's superior. Fealty to one's chief was so dominant a
virtue that it overshadowed all other virtues. In the defence
or in the service of his lord a Samurai might commit, with
out offence to his sense of moral right practically any crime,
such as blackmaiHng, lying, treachery or even murder."

176  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
Also:
"As respects the position of woman the family ethics of
Japan are the family ethics of the East. The family is not
strictly monogamous as with us. The moral sense of the
Japanese discerns nothing wrong in polygamy or concubin
age. Five per cent, of the men have concubines. As re
spects the whole relation of marriage the Japanese appear
to be in about the same stage of evolution as had been
reached by the Hebrews at the time of Abraham."
Sir Edwin Arnold who lived long in Japan and married
a Japanese woman said,
"The central idea in Japanese life is obedience to parents
and reverence for ancestors. Should a Japanese father have
misfortune his daughter would think it her filial duty to seU
her body. She would not be regarded as fallen or disgraced,
but as having done a right and noble deed, and might after
ward be restored to her place in society."
So strongly then do loyalty and history and character
and raorals bind them to their Emperor and their land.
How can a Japanese forsake his Emperor and be deemed
by his people worthy to live? for he forsakes his morals,
his religion, his ancestors, his people, his god and his king. ^
No people have such a powerful basis for patriotism, and
I understand and honour their burning devotion to their
land. Nor are the qualities so often ascribed to the Jap
anese — politeness, gentleness, industry, thrift, the love of
nature and art — inconsistent with this raoral code. These
are not the cardinal virtues, and they raay be possessed
in coramon by peoples whose essential motives, ideals and
civilisations are incompatible, one destroying the other.
Again, the religion of Japan Is pagan. We recently
witnessed the making of an emperor. In all that cere
mony there was no worship of a god except the Sun and
the Sun-goddess and the symbols which represent them.

FORCES AND METHODS 177
According to the ancient pagan custoras, (in which Jap
anese statesmen gloried, saying Japan had gone back for
them over a thousand years) — the eraperor dressed in
ancient robes, carried the ancient relics,, bowed before the
ancient mirror, wherein the Sun-goddess dwells, to tell
her that he, her son, was now the living God, the one hun
dred and sixtieth of her sons in direct succession, and the
Eraperor of Japan — and the cereraony was ended.
So long as the masses of Japan remain as they are
within this realm of government, morals and religion, if
we merely superpose ours upon theirs, our Christianity
will be modified as well as their paganism,^ The raere
sentiraental admiration which sorae Araericans have for
Japan has already coraproraised their attitude toward
pagan rites, and I ara well aware of the harsh criticism
that will be launched by them for the raere writing of the
truth in this chapter. When this pagan coronation was
in progress, who heard any Christian minister preach
against the lure of their pagan rites? Who raised his
voice or dipped his pen about them ? Were we not rather
entertained by the stories of their sweetness, their sim
plicity, their ancient order, the tenderness of their devo
tion to ancestors, and the richness of the costumes of the
ceremonial ? Does this not indicate that already there has
taken place a mental compromise with thera.
At the end of this coronation sorae American papers
carried an article entitled, "The Great Advance Japan is

'This thought is expressed by the Japanese. The Japan Year
Book, speaking of the general failure of the Conference of Religions
to produce any practical results, says :
"There seems, however, to be a general belief, that the future
religion of the country will be Christianity, but it is equally prob
able that Christianity will take a form of development which will
be peculiar to the country and will offer some noteworthy differ
ences from the religion as practiced in general." — The Japan Year
Book, 1913-14, p. 286.

178 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
Making Toward Christianity." It said that only fifty
years ago the Mikado would not receive the gift of a
Christian Bible, but that the new Mikado had accepted, as
a souvenir of his coronation, a Christian Bible, presented
to him by some ministers of the Pacific Coast, and from
this incident the conclusion was drawn that Christianity
is making a great advance in Japan.
Now let us describe that Bible. It was specially bound
in white leather, the leather sacred to the ancestral gods ;
on the outside was embossed the glowing image of the
sun, the father-god of the whole Iraperial Hne; within
were embossed the entwined flags of America and Japan;
illumined by other figures of the sun god. What would
St. Paul, the first missionary, have said, had he been there,
to see the spiritual religion of his Christ, presented to a
pagan Eraperor, in a pagan cereraonial, embossed with the
images of the pagan gods? To such mental corapromises
have the pro-Japanese Christians corae. Yet they cry
aloud against those who oppose their position, "It is un
christian."

But now from a very different angle we must look at
this appeal made in the narae of religion to admit the Jap
anese into Araerica. Those who raise the Christian cry
do it because they believe that Japan will not accept Chris
tianity, nor can we consistently offer it to her, until we are
willing to accept Japanese in full fraternity into America.
And they believe that Christianity is an immediate solu
tion for the whole Asiatic problem! That is fundament
ally wrong. There is nothing in the world now, nothing
in the history of the past to establish that hope. The
origin and nature of religions, the motives and functions
of religions do not establish it.
The conflict between the United States and Japan
comes from economic inequalities. The United States

FORCES AND METHODS 179
has what Japan wants. The standard of living in the
United States is eleven times as high as it is in Japan —
that is a terrible economic pressure — having In it the
potentiality of war. The church applies religion to level
these economic heights and depths and 'to prevent war.
But religion cannot alter the factors that make a standard
of living.^ That is deterrained by natural resources, the
ratio of raen to land and the status of development of
mechanical arts. In the civil war two halves of one Chris
tian land fought each other, in this world war all the great
Christian lands but ours are fighting each other. And so
it has ever been. The religions of Asia sway as strongly
and are loved as dearly as our own, and they sit in their
mighty seats with the persistence of vast ages; if you
consider the slow rate at which the Christian religion has
advanced In Asia and the weakness with which it has
restrained the world from war you cannot see In it a suffi
cient solution of the American- Japanese Problem.
Dr. Myers ends his treatise on Japanese morals with the
foUowing estiraate of the probable effect Christianity will
have upon Japanese raorals :
"The moral life of the Japanese people is too virile and
too essentially sound to permit us to think that the new influ
ences now coming in will produce such radical changes in
the ethical feelings and convictions of the race as to result
in a repetition of what happened upon the entrance of Chris
tianity into the morally decadent Greco-Roman world — the
displacement of the old ideal of character by a new and
essentially different ideal." ^

'Standard of living must not be confused with standard of morals.
The standard of morals may be very high where there is a low
standard of living — and frequently morals are low where the stand
ard of liveing is high. Standard of living is an economical term.
Standard of morals is' an ethical term.
'History as Past Ethics, p. 94-

180 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

Let us state the situation thus; Japan through thou
sands of years has evolved her folk-ways^ and mores ;^
these are all the congeries of ideas, customs, habits and
rules governing individuals and raasses in the game of
society. The people of the United States from very dif
ferent beginnings under very different conditions have
evolved their folk-ways and mores. These two congeries
are radically different and in many points opposing and
antagonistic. Conflict between these groups is natural
and inevitable ; for it is the very nature of social evolution
for different societal groups to struggle for selection,
transmission and survival.
"That such a struggle between groups characterised by
different codes of mores shall never cease is a matter which
is settled in the order of the universe. The struggle for
existence — the securing of a food supply — is, in itself, suffi
cient to assure conflict between organic beings of all grades.
There will always be conflict where there are wants and
insufficient means to satisfy all. And it is provided in
human nature that wants multiply and diyersify as they are
about to be satisfied. And when the habit of association has
been evolved, then the struggle is group-wise. Driven by
their interests, groups of a\\ sizes, from the race-group down
to the smallest, are always in conflict of some kind with their
competitors. . . . Group conflict has never ceased and
it is unthinkable that it should cease while there are wants
towards whose satisfaction men must strive, but for whose
universal satisfaction there is insufficiency of means in the
world. Thus are the exponents of diverging codes of mores
led into unceasing conflict with each other. This struggle
may take place in diverse fields — military, industrial, poHt
ical — and it is of various degrees of intensity." *
Now it is evident that the religion of one group will

'Terms given definite meanings by Sumner, Keller, and others.
"Keller, Societal Evolution, pages 56 and 62.

FORCES AND METHODS 181
not resolve this group conflict into peace. For religion
not only forms a great part of the mores of each group
for which each contends, but religion is the most uncom
promising factor In each; It is itself sufficient to drive
one group into militant struggle with another, and many
times has it done so.
What then? Shall we cease to carry Christianity into
the Orient ? No, rather shall we increase our effort. But
we must not propose Christianity as a supernatural means
to achieve material ends; not a religious solution for
econoraic probleras; not a spiritual leveler of imequal
standards of living; not a justification for the raixture of
the races; not a guarantor of immediate peace in Asia any
more than it has been such in Europe. We must work
from purer raotives and wiser view, because of the value
of Christianity per se: — its value in the individual life;
its value in forming the mores and directing the energies
of societal groups; that we may evolve by infinite patience
through the man soul, the group soul, the national soul
and the racial soul, that ultimate world soul, which will
clothe itself in institutions full of harmony and happiness.

PART III
BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW
"Society, is to be led toward the goal along routes intelli
gently laid out with due regard to human nature and to the
obscure tendencies that lurk in the social deeps." — From
The Foundations of Sociology, by Prof, E. A. Ross, Uni
versity of Wisconsin.

CHAPTER XVI
A JAPANESE FIVE PER CENT.! WHAT?
The Subterfuge of a Percentage Limitation
We must now examine the corner-stone of "The New
Oriental Policy."
Mr. Gulick, representing the Federal Council of
Churches of America, has recently made a tour of the
Pacific Coast pleading for Japanese immigration and
citizenship. He has published a pamphlet containing
letters and resolutions by some prominent men and organ
isations Indorsing his so called "New Oriental Policy."
These favourable opinions are based on Mr. Gulick's
representation that his plan will diminish rather than
increase Asiatic Iraraigration. I am quite sure that those
who gave thera have not studied and figured out the results
of his plan. Let us do so.
The corner-stone of Mr. Gulick's "New Oriental
Policy" is the limitation of the nuraber of iraraigrants
upon a percentage basis applicable to all countries alike.
The plan is to naturalise, taking Into American citizenship,
once and forever, every alien of every race that we admit
into this country, and to limit the number we admit from
any land by the following rule :
"The maximum number of immigrants in a single year
from any nation, race, or group having a single 'mother
tongue' shall be : Five per cent of those from the same land
who are already naturalised American citizens, including
their American born children." ^

^American Japanese Problem, by Sidney L. Gulick, page 285.
185

186 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
This percentage limit Is the great argument he makes
for his whole policy, because he says it would decrease
what he calls the undesirable masses coming from
Southern Europe ; it would permit more to come than do
come from England, Germany, France and Scandinavia,
and it would solve the whole problem of the Asiatics by
placing thera on a par with all the rest of the world; at
the sarae tirae, it would hold Japanese and Chinese immi
grants down to a small and insignificant number each
year because there are so few here to begin with. . . .
His table showing hovv many might so enter from the
different nations, represents the very harmless looking
nurabers of 738 for Chinese and 220 for Japanese; that
is, in his book, (page 287). But in a pamphlet he has,
for some reason, put these numbers up to 1,107 for
Chinese and 1,220 for Japanese.
This plan has been received favourably by many good
people, even on the Pacific Coast, because It appears so
perfectly easy and so harmless. "Surely," they say, "so
small a number would never interfere with American
interests in any way."
This proposal is a dangerous deception and subterfuge.
A nation should not reverse a principle of its founders,
which has stood for a century and a quarter, upon cal
culations of one year or two or ten. We must look cen
turies ahead and enter upon no course that will entail upon
future generations burdens not equally borne by our
selves. Under this test, Mr. Gulick's plan breaks down,
for it Is a plan of increasing burdens and slow national
and racial suicide. Let us see.
There are now in round numbers, according to the
Japanese-American Year Book and other sources, 100,-
000 Japanese in the United States mainland; there are
80,000 more in the Hawaiian Islands, and some more in
our other insular possessions. About three-fourths of that

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 187
100,000 are concentrated in California and nine-tenths
on the Pacific Coast. All these would at once be given
American citizenship and would becorae the basis of cal
culation on the Gulick plan. To give all Japanese now in
America the rights of citizenship is the one thing that all
the Japanese and the pro- Japanese demand. Baron Shi
busawa especially insists that the Japanese now in Araerica
shall have the sarae privileges as the Iraraigrants frora
other lands. Kawakarai urges upon naturalisation for
the Japanese now here. Doremus E. Scudder, the
sponsor for the latest Japanese effort toward citizenship,
the Ozawa case In Honolulu, wrote an editorial in favor
of his naturalisation which was reprinted and distributed
by Kawakami through his press bureau. Harailton Holt
and Mr. Gulick demand It ; the contributors to The Japan
Society's books and pamphlets all plead for it. We may
be sure that when the bill comes before Congress, the
Japanese Arabassador will not be Idle. In fact, to
naturalise those now here would be the only practical and
logical beginning, for we could not conceive of making
the new arrivals citizens and keeping the old residents
aliens. The plan will begin then with about 100,000
Japanese naturalised on the mainland.
A five per cent, increase on 100,000 will admit the first
year 5,000 Japanese, besides children under a certain agC;
and all others excepted frora the count in Mr. Gulick's
.proposed exceptions, which will be given later. There is
no doubt that eighty per cent, of these would remain in
California, and ninety per cent, on the Pacific Coast — a
number sufficient to affect at once the labor and other
economic conditions there. The second year the basis will
be 105,000 with an increase of 5,250. What wIH have
happened at the end of the present century? Surely, our
Japanese friends will agree that we should look ahead at
least that short a tirae.

188  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
A five per cent, increase added annually doubles the
original nuraber every fourteen years and seventy-four
days. There are eighty-four years yet in this century,
so the original number would be doubled six times. That
would place In the United States in the year 2000, when
some children now born will still be living, 6,400,000 Jap
anese exclusive of the natural increase of their number.
The population by the fourteen-year periods, without
counting the natural Increase, will be as follows :
1916 — 100,000 Japanese in the United States.
1930 — 200,000
1944 — 400,000
1958 — 800,000
1972 — 1,600,000
1986 — ^3,200,000
2000 — 6,400,000
Thus, without counting any natural increase whatever,
there would be in the United States as many Japanese as
there are people all told now In the following states : The
three Pacific states — California, Oregon and Washington;
plus all in the next tier of states east — Idaho, Nevada
and Arizona; plus the next tier — Montana, Wyoming,
Utah, New Mexico, and one half of Colorado — ten and
one half states.
Now, let us count the natural increase of births over
deaths, that is, the natural growth of population. The
Mongolian races, Asiatics generally, produce four gen
erations in the sarae number of years that the white race
produces three. Our generations are counted roughly
at thirty-five years ; the Asiatics at twenty-six to twenty-
eight years. In the hearing before the Committee Of
Iraraigration of the House of Representatives, February
13, 1914, Mrs. R. F. Patterson, wife of the Araerican
Consul General of Calcutta for ten years, testified that the

. BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 189
Hindu girls go through a form of marriage at eight, nine,
or ten, and marry at the age of twelve or fourteen and
frequently are grandmothers at the age of twenty-five.
Counting twenty-eight years as a generation, as would cer
tainly seera fair, there are three such generations yet in
this century.
The Japanese are the only great people in the last fifty
years that have had a steadily Increasing birth rate. Mul-
hall, the great authority on statistics of this kind, choosing
for comparison a period from 1871 to 1900, says: "The
birth rate has almost universally fallen during 1871-1900.
The principal exception Is Japan whose birth rate has
increased throughout that period."
The population of Japan from 1872 to 1914 shows an
increase of forty per cent, for any period of twenty-eight
years. There are three such periods yet in this century.
It is a fair and safe basis upon which to calculate their
racial increase, especially under the improved condition of
expansion which they will find in America. Let us see
how this affects our table, which now will show (a) the
number adraitted on the five per cent, basis, (b) the
natural increase, and (c) the total for each generation to
the end of the century, showing at that tirae 7,110,400.

Mainland of

Total

Increase

the United States

Admitted by

of 40% per Total

1916—100,000 to begin

5% annually

generation population

1944 — End 1st Generation

400,000

40,000 440,000

1972 — End 2nd Generation

1,600,000

176,000 1,776,000

2000 — End 3rd Generation

6,400,000

710,400 7,110,400

So much for Japanese on the mainland. But this does
not consider the five per cent, adraitted annually based
upon those in the Hawaiian Islands. Their present nura
ber being 80,000, their Increase In number by Iramigration
would be as follows :

190  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
1916 — 80,000 in Hawaii
1930 — End 1st period  160,000
1944— " 2nd "  320,000
1958— " 3rd "  640,000
1972 — " 4th "  1,280,000
1986— " Sth "  2,560,000
2000 — " 6th "  5,120,000
In like raanner counting their increase for ist, 2nd, and
3rd generations based on 80,000, we have the following
table of natural increase:

Total

Increase

In the Hawaiian Islands

Admitted by

of 40% per Total

1916—80,000 to begin

5% annually

generation population

1944— End of 1st Generation

320,000

32,000 352,000

1972 — End of 2nd Generation

1,280,000

140,800 1,420,800

2000 — End of 3rd Generation

5,120,000

586,320 5,688,320

Thus, in the year 2000, the total number of Japanese
in United States and Hawaii wIH be 12,879,720.
Would all these Japanese based on Hawaii remain in
Hawaii ? It is likely that only a small part of them would
do so. Before the President's Decree and the Gentle
man's Agreeraent of 1907, these islands had become a
mere halting place on the way. Mr. Millis says: "For
sorae years, however, this direct immigration was greatly
augmented by an unfortunate Indirect iraraigration by
way of the Hawaiian Islands. A large nuraber of Jap
anese who had gone to work there on the sugar plantations
carae to the raalnland, seeking higher wages or better
opportunities to establish their Independence of the wage
relation than were offered in the islands. Still others,
when the Japanese Governraent discouraged emigration
to the continental United States emigrated to Hawaii as
a stepping stone to the Pacific Coast. Thus, against
39.531 admitted directly from Japan during the years

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 191
1902 to 1907, some 32,855 are reported to have sailed
from Honolulu to the mainland." ^
The conditions of the relatively low standard of living
of the mixed peoples of these islands compared to the
standard of the mainland will continue ; so there will con
tinue the motives to land these Japanese immigrants on
the Pacific Coast. Besides, as American citizens, they
will be entitled to go when and where they please. The
mainland will draw them because of its greater economic
and social attractions. Of the 5,688,000 possible emi
grants to the islands, it Is reasonable to say that not over
half a million would reraain on the Islands. Thus, there
would be a population of 12,000,000 or more Japanese on
the continent in the year 2000. This equals the present
population of all the following states : California, Oregon,
Idaho, Washington, Nevada, Arizona, Montana, Utah,
Wyoming, Colorado, New Mexico, North Dakota, Ne
braska, Kansas, and Oklahoma — sixteen American states !
But, so far, we have considered only the Japanese. The
five per cent, increase is to apply to the Chinese, Syrians,
Hindus, and all the Malay and Mongolian peoples. What
numbers will be entitled to come from these ? The World
Almanac of 191 5 gives the Chinese population of the
United States as 71,531. That of Hawaii Is not less than
22,000. Besides, there are in the United States "prop
erly entered" nearly 7,000 Hindus. The Coraraissioner
General of Immigration, before the hearing on Hindus,
February 13,1914, gave it as his opinion that there are
all told about 20,000 Hindus who have secured entrance
to this country. Besides, there are Syrians, Persians and
others. The total of all these Is much raore than another
100,000 Asiatics. By the year 2000, they will aggregate
on the five per cent, basis another 7,110,400 Asiatics,
bringing our total Asiatic increraent up to about 20,000,-
'The Japanese Problem in the United States.

192 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST
ooo people. That equals the present population of all the
states but one west of the Mississippi River. It is twice
as much as the total negro population of the United States
at present; It about equals what the population of the
United States was in 1850 — at the end of the first seventy-
five years of our national life. By maintaining this aver
age rate of increase, the Asiatic population of the United
States would reach our present total population of 100,-
000,000 some time between 2035 and 2040. And long
before that time, the five per cent, limitation will be a
thing dead and forgotten — for Asia herself within the
door will have pushed it as wide open as she pleases.
But if the percentage limit is ever set on all immigra
tion Into the United States, It Is likely to be set alt more
than five per cent. The Burnett Bill, when in committee,
set the limit at ten per cent, for those nations whose people
may come at all under existing laws. When Asiatics are
included on equal footing with other nations, as Rev.
Gulick proposes, this ten per cent, wifl apply to them also.
We raust either reduce the European lirait to five per cent.
or apply the higher lirait to Asiatics. Is there any indica
tion or hope In Congress that the European lirait can be
raade less than ten per cent ? On the ten per cent, basis,
the Asiatic population in the United States will double
each ten years — even If, Instead of being corapounded, the
limit be held constant through a census period; this wiU
bring into the United States by the end of the century
76,800,000 Asiatics; and counting their natural Increase
as in the other tables for three generations, we shaH have
80,992,000 Asiatics in America, to say nothing of Fil
ipinos, Hawalians and Africans — and their pigmented
progeny. I once showed these figures to a friend who had been
won to Mr. Gulick's five per cent, plan because It looked
so Innocent to him. He could not surrender to these facts

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 193
at once and merely said, "Pigs Is pigs." Whoever has
read that fantastic story will see the point this friend of
the five per cent, tried to raake — that these figures also
are merely fantastic.
What is there improbable about them? Is there any
doubt, that the five per cent, plan once begun will be con
tinued each year ? To deny that would be to negative the
whole Asiatic question ; it is likely to be increased as the
Burnett Bill proposed a ten per cent, general increase.
Is there any doubt that the full quota of the five per cent.
will corae each year ? To doubt that would be to deny the
existence of the economic drive behind the Japanese
Asiatic problera and under the whole world in raodern
times. Let me Illustrate with a story. One day I was in my
overalls on my ranch working araong many thousands
of young citrus trees. In one part doing one kind of
work were sorae negroes, in another part three Mexicans,
and at my hand several Japanese, ( I haven't the slightest
race prejudice or personal feeling against the individuals
of these races, and I engage to work on my ranch any kind
of a man who will do a day's work in a day), and I said
to the Japanese nearest me, "Boy, why do all you Japanese
want to corae into the United States?" He glanced at
the foreman to inquire if he raight answer. He got the
signal that he could and then he said, "Me raake much
money In California In one month as me make home, in
Japan, in five years."
That's the answer. It's the economic impulse — the
greatest force In the world, against which no natural
barrier has ever stood. It's the lust for gold, the strongest
passion in the human life of our time. Until the econoraic
standard of the United States is lowered to that of Japan
and Asia, the wave of iraraigration will come this way.
The greater the difference in the levels the swifter the

194 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
flow. The harder the head pressure, therefore, the more
powerful must we build the resistance.
Then is there any doubt that Asia will have this five
per cent, to send each year, with her present 800,000,000?
Is there any doubt that Japanese and American Transpor
tation Companies will continue their methods of securing
and carrying these passengers, or that their Asiatic friends
here will continue to give their new immigrant country
men the chances they seek ?
But will there be any restrictive test applied to the
Asiatics now in America so as to greatly reduce the initial
basis of those who may become citizens? Mr. Gulick
evidently represents that this beginning basis will be very
small. Two such tests may be placed In the way — one on
iramigration and the other on naturalisation.^ The pres
ent requirement for the latter ( Sections 4 and 8 Natural
isation Laws and Regulations, Dec. 19, 1914) is that the
applicant raust be able to sign his own narae to his peti
tion in his own hand writing, and be able to speak the
English language. The first Is so easily acquired and the
second of such flexible interpretation, that their restric
tive results are alraost negligible in actual practice. After
the alien has been in America two years and five years
respectively for petition and final papers these tests are
easily met and the Asiatics will meet them whenever eco
nomic advantage depends upon them.
If there be an immigration or entrance test it can be
only such as will be applied to aH other Iraraigrants. The
only restrictive test which has been passed upon by Con
gress is a literacy test, that Is, the ability of the Iramigrant
'Americans can be naturalised in Japan, but the requirements are
such that in the years 1906-11, the total number of all foreigners
including Chinese naturalised by Japan, is only thirty-three. There
are no later statistics.

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 195
to read. Now, the literacy test has failed to becorae a
law three times; in 1897 under President Cleveland, in
1913 under President Taft, In 1914 under President Wil
son. It is now before Congress. Many of our greatest
Americans are opposed to it on principle.
But, even this test, should It become a law, is such that
nearly all of the Japanese and Chinese can pass It and
those who cannot, could acquire the ability; for, it re
stricts those only "who cannot read the English language,
OR SOME OTHER LANGUAGE OR DIALECT." ^
Mr. Gulick has been representing that eighty-five per
cent, of the Japanese could not pass a reading test, but
the United States Census reports show that only 8.6 per
cent, of thera could not pass both a reading and a writing
test, and it says that more can pass the reading test alone.
If we are to believe Kawakami and other pro- Japanese,
the Asiatics now here are almost all of them able to read
their own language; Thomas E. Green says, "Japan is
a nation of public schools and colleges where every child
of twelve can read and write, where illiteracy is a thing
belonging only to the oldest and rapidly passing genera
tion ;" at least, they will be able to decipher enough of their
language (thirty or forty words are all the law requires)
to meet the test. Thus the main chance to limit the orig
inal number is so frail that It need not be considered.
Besides, the law as proposed provides that any alien
who may come In at all or any one who has been made a
citizen, can send back to his country and bring in his
father or grandfather over fifty-five years of age, his
wife, mother or grandmother, or his unmarried or wid
owed daughter, whether such relative can read or not. Of
course that provision would apply to all such who are
now here and* would give them citizenship. Then, will

'The Burnett Bill,

196 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
Congress grant citizenship to an illiterate wife or daughter
and deny it to an illiterate son ?
Furthermore, we do not pass Ex Post Facto laws in
this country; and I have not seen any provision in any
such proposed law by which these literacy tests are made
applicable to any one already in the country. The literacy
test is applied to the iraraigrant when he arrives at the
gate, and, once in, he stays with all resident rights and is.
never ejected except for disease or crirae. I cannot con
ceive an Araerican Congress to pass a law which would
deny citizenship to iraraigrants who have once been en
tered legally in this country as the Asiatics now here have
been entered, should they grant it to Asiatics at all. The
basis of calculation therefore will be about as we have
raade it.
Finally, will they all becorae naturalised as they come
hereafter so as to form the largest Increasing basis pos
sible for their five per cent.? The home pressure wIH
attend to that. Why, naturalisation will become a busi
ness, a bargain and sale, and an incident in econoraic rou
tine; and American citizenship wIH be a mere sheet of
paper granting business opportunity.
Should any eleraents of this coraputation seem exag
gerated by any chance, and the probablHtles taken at too
high a level, the Rev. Gulick carefully provides enough
chances to Increase the total Immigration to counter
balance all of these, for In addition to the five per cent, he
makes the following provisos to admit :
"i,ooo from every country annually to give all coun
tries a start."
Prof. Fairchild of Yale in his authoritative work —
Immigration — says : "There are vast reservoirs of popu
lation in Asia, to say nothing of other continents which
we have scarcely tapped as yet and which may reach the
point of immigration with advancing civilisation.

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 197
Whether or not we are to receive large contingents from
these countries In the future will depend largely upon the
attitude of our Government."
When so started these new countries alone would
bring in 20,000 or more annually. Mr. Gulick would
have all Asiatic natives get a good beginning, so he pro
vides above the five per cent, limit to enter. "All from
any land who would have lived In America three years."
"All dependent relatives of those who have been in
America three years." (What a wide and easy door that
is to quadruple the five per cent. )
"All who have had an education in their own land equal
to the Araerican High School." (Another wide door!)
"All governraent officials, travellers and students should
be admitted outside the schedule limits."
"Wives coraing to join husbands should be adraitted
above the schedule." (That would at once Increase the
present initial population In case of the Japanese on the
Pacific Coast by another 60,000 and nearly double the
basis of 5 per cent, thereafter.)
"Children under 15 years of age should not be counted."
"The five per cent, should be applied to males only over
16 if the restriction seems severe."
"Registration fee should be required only of males over
21 years of age."
"All alien women should register without payment of
fees." '
Finally, to negative the frail ghost of restriction remain
ing after all these exceptions, he says :
"In order to meet special cases and exigencies, special
power should be given the Coraraissioner of Immigration
for exceptional treatment."
Are we not now justified In saying that this Innocent
looking 5 % is a deception and a subterfuge ?
But why was the s% basis chosen? Was It a mere

198 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST
guess or was It derived frora raany considerations? It
could not have been derived from the basis of the regular
Increase of our population. Between 1850 and 1910, the
rates of increase by decennial periods were as follows :
1850 to i860  35-6 per cent.
i860 to 1870  22.6
1870 to 1880  30.1
1880 to 1890  25.5
1890 to 1900  20.7
igoo to 1910  21.0
This shows an average for the six decennial periods of
25.9% or of 2.59% per year; that is only a little more
than half the increase Mr. Gulick gives Asiatics, which
he regards so drastic that he also provides all raanner of
exceptions to increase the nuraber. This plan, adding the
natural annual increase of the Japanese, which Is 1.43%,
would enable them to Increase In our country at a rate of
6.43% or over two times as fast as the white population.
The Asiatic population of the United States beginning
now on a basis of 280,000 would rapidly gain on all other
population of the United States and finally surpass It.
A 10% limit will cut that tirae down to less than one half.
In the meantime, what of our negro population? What
attitude shall the negroes take in our Japanese policy?
The place on American soil which they occupy, the posi
tion in America which they hold has been dearly bought;
the Japanese consider negroes their inferiors and show
them no quarter; economic and racial conflict is inevitable
between these two races when they come into contact.
The African population is rapidly increasing. There
are now in round nurabers 10,000,000 negroes in the
United States. They have raore than doubled their num
ber in the forty years since 1870, the exact increase being
103.3%. Continuing thus until the end of the century.

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 199
there will be 50,000,000 negroes in the United States,
which was the total nuraber of the people In the United
States In 1880. But, on the 5% increase plan, the Asiatic
population wIH equal and surpass the negro population in
the year 2040, when each race will have about 100,000,-
000 in our country.
If these figures seera too large, we need but recall the
growth of the United States. We began in 1800 with
5,300,000. At the end of 80 years, we had 50,155,000,
or 10 tiraes the nuraber; at the end of 100 years, we had
75,994,000, or 14 tiraes the nuraber. The negroes began
the last century with 1,002,000 and in 80 years had
6,580,000, or over 6 times the number, and at the end of
100 years, they had 8,834,000, or 8>^ times the number.
In the year 2040, when our nation will be less than
twice as old as we are now, if we enter upon the 5% plan
of Mr. Gulick, we shall have a pigmented population of
not less than 200,000,000 people, half of them African,
the other half Asiatic. But, if we grant Asiatics the
rights of citizenship before we shall fix this percentage
limit, and then find we shall be obliged to fix it at 10% or
15%, what then?
Innocent five per cent!

CHAPTER XVII
THE GREAT AMERICAN ILLUSION
The Melting Pot
A FEW years ago an entrancing fiction arose from the
Utopia of a novelist's brain. It was naraed "The Melting
Pot" and put upon the stage. The title at once became a
popular American phrase, for It aptly expressed and fixed
a national tradition that had been forming in our country
for a hundred years. It represented the United States
as a great crucible in which all kinds of men of all nations
and all races were mixing and transforming, out of which
was to rise a new raan, a superraan, towering above all
others in body, mind and power, containing all the golden
qualities of all, but none of the drosses of any. That is
The Great American Illusion.
This illusive dreara raany Americans believe will come
true and are ready to make of it a concrete experiment.
I have found many who believe that to receive and mix aU
men and nations has always been the first principle of
our government, carefully adopted and written into the
Constitution, and having been so adopted we raust follow
that course to the end, no raatter what the end may be.
When, in the future, historians philosophise over the
decadence of the United States, its division and the loss
of its 'sovereignty, this great illusion will be set down as
the psychological cause. They will speak in phrases of
wonder and ridicule about a people so brilliant in material
achieveraent who could be obsessed with a belief so fan
tastic, so unscientific, and so contrary to the experiences
200

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 201
of the peoples of the past who had tried it, and who had
gone over the abyss at the end of that road.
Yet the developraent of this illusion has been the most
natural thing in the world. When this nation was made
in 1776 — from the thirteen remote centres which had
spread toward each other until they all touched — the
human stock in that three millions was the most virile
and carefully selected the world had ever seen. The con
ditions under which they had left the old world, their
hardships In the new, had cut off the feeble in body, the
weak in mind and will, and this great natural course of
eugenics in five generations had created from this survival
of the fittest a progeny unmatched before or since.
The men of the Thirteen Colonial Assemblies, the
Colonial Congresses, and the Constitutional Convention
created new patterns of governraent with new designs in
human rights, because they themselves were the warp
and woof of a new human fabric woven from the richest
materials of the superior nations of the white race.^
Furthermore, the impulses which pushed them across
the seas — a search for self-government and liberty, and
the ecstasy in finding thera — continued to be the raain Ira
pulses behind the great nurabers that came for seventy-five
years afterward. Invention and wealth had not intro
duced the material age : freedom to think and speak and
act was the sweetest luxury of life. In all that period
, the original stock easily assimilated these immigrants, for
there were unity of ideals and similarity of bloods. This

' "Such, then, was the American people at the time of the Revolu
tion — a physically homogeneous race, coraposed almost wholly of
native-born descendants of native-born ancestors, of a decidedly
English type, but with a distinct character of its own. This was the
great stock from which the people of the United States grew and
upon which all subsequent additions must be' regarded as extraneous
grafts." — Fairchild, Immigration, p. 52.

202  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
complete transformation of the newcomer, which America
saw, was the parent ofthe illusion that the very land, the
atmosphere, the narae Araerica, were themselves the ge
netic forces so plainly evidenced In the rebirth of for
eigners into Americans.
Up to 1880 nearly all of our Immigrants had come from
the nations of purest white blood, the very ones that had
furnished the original stock.^ After that the mixed white
races began to arrive. How easy a step it was for
America to believe that these different part-white races
would be fused as easily as the others had been. It was
the arrival of that Idea rather than the arrival of the
mixed and radical races that counted, for it led Americans
to believe that this country could becorae the refuge of
all raen, and that it could reraake all raen; and the next
step was the fallacious idea that Araerica, the mixture of
all, would be the strongest of all; finally, that it should
become the guardian nation of the human rights of all
I men in all the nations qf the world! It is fair to say that
the United States had arrived at that conclusion thirty
years before the end of the nineteenth century."
'The best estimates of the total immigration into the United
States prior to the initial count puts the total number of arrivals
at not to exceed 250,000 in the entire period between 1776 and 1820.
— From Immigration into the U, S,, Bureau of Statistics, 1903.
'This conception of America's place in the world has taken definite
form and has been clearly expressed by the President of the United
States as the responsible spokesman of the nation on three great
recent occasions.
On April 13, 1916, in a Jeflferson Day speech he said: "Are you
ready to go in only where the interests of America are coincident
with the interests of mankind and to draw out the moment the
interest centres in America and is narrowed from the wide circle
of humanity?"
On April 17, 1916, before the Daughters of the American Revolu
tion — "America will have forgotten her traditions whenever upon
any occasion she fights merely for herself under such circum-

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW aoB
While the United States was evolving this series of
national fetishes, powerful forces had begun to operate;
for then the conditions for a great immigration were per
fect for a great influx frora Europe, just as they are now
ideal to cause a great influx from Asia. What are those
conditions? "The requirements for an immigration
movement are the following: two well developed coun
tries, one old and densely populated, the other new and
thinly settled; [that Is true still as between the United
States and Asia] ; the two on friendly, at least peaceable
terms with each other. For immigration even more than
colonisation is a phenomenon of peace." ^ The West
Mississippi erapire offered boundless room for population.
Its development would enrich the Atlantic seaboard and
immigrants were desired. The states of the Atlantic sea
board began to relax their immigration laws so as to com
pete for the incd'ming thousands, for it must be remem
bered that the first iraraigration laws were raade by the
states and not by the nation. Invention, mechanical arts
and sciences developed a new world of Industry which
produced wealth, which turned men to luxury. The
econoraic irapulse became uppermost in the world. The
material age was In.
Meantime, In the sixty years between 1850 and
1910 America quadrupled her population, adding about
thirty millions of new Europeans, a number equal to the

stances as will show she had forgotten to fight for all mankind.
And the only excuse that America can ever have for the assertion
of her physical force is that she asserts it in behalf of the interest
of humanity."
On April 18, 1916, before the joint session of Congress to consider
the ultimatum to Germany he said : "But we cannot forget that we
are in some sort and by the forces of circumstances the responsible
spokesman of the rights of humanity."
'Fairchild, Immigration, p. 22.

204 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
whole population of i860. America was restocked by
another breed of men, who came with the selfish, raaterial,
economic impulses of the time. A large proportion of
thera were weak individuals frora the weaker mixed
people of lower-standard countries. These filled and over
flowed the melting pot. They congealed the original ore
and extinguished the internal fires, by which alone the
whole could be fused. Chemical forces which inhere In
matter act spontaneously when in proper contact, and
reforra the eleraents of raatter into new forms and new
matter. So the creating fires which remade our colonists
into one people were inherent in the people within the
crucible. How could the pot be heated by forces without
or any other forces ? How foolish and inapt is this figure
of speech, "The Melting Pot." Why should men in the
name of science or history deceive the world with so im
possible a phrase? — It was the ideas, the motives, the
racial genius within the people in the crucible that had
made America; and when these were more than half
alloyed and displaced, by other ideas, raotives and racial
genius in other people, the transforraing forces In the cru
cible were dead.
But the people never knew that this had happened.
They knew that theywere becoraing a conglomerate; the
negroes whom they had imported for slaves increased
rapidly in number and scattered over the country; by
illicit relations with thera white raen had created a popu
lation of millions of mixed black and white people; thus
the phenoraenon of raixed breeds became a familiar one In
the land and was accepted by children as a natural and
normal part of their environment; frora white crosses
with negroes and with Indians an occasional fine indi
vidual was produced and those instances were always
cited by the disciples of race mongrelcy; thus the moral
repulsion against racial cohabitation was lost; and then

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 205
racial mixture was advocated and approved, until at last
it has come to a tirae when those who adhere to racial
purity are called Ignorant, stupid, silly and prejudiced.
Before Araerica really knew it, she had practically de
cided that mixed peoples were the best ; if a little mixing
were good. It were easy to see that more mixing would
be better. So as the part-Mongolians began to arrive
from Southern and Eastern Europe and from Western
Asia, they joined the ardent preachers of the universal
brotherhood of man in the universal American melting
pot. Under the psychology that every man preaches his
own case, they wrote books and gave lectures and taught
applied Christianity to mean that as all raen are equal
before God, they are without essential differences, and
should be interbred; they affirmed that the part-Mon
golians frora Southern and Eastern Europe were enrich
ing the araalgara of Araerican stocks in the raelting pot,
which would transforra not only them but their full
blooded parent yellow and brown races of Asia — Into one
supreme Araerican nation. Thus the United States
arrived by the historical road at the resolve to ralx Asiatic
races In the melting pot.
But they arrived at that resolve very suddenly by the
religious road. The great illusion has long Influenced
public education. It has been Instilled in all its phases
into the children of the public schools; it has been carried
up into the colleges, especIaHy the denominational ones
where missionaries are made, there to be reinforced by an
interpretation of the sciences of Biology and Sociology
consistent with the religious Idea. These interpretations
of the last generation will be proved erroneous ; and they
will be wholly displaced by a new science and new expe-
rifence which will reverse the conclusions of the old. That
Is America's hope of awaking from the Illusion, if we wiH

206 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
only wait until the knowledge of these newly discovered
truths draw us back from the abyss.
In the sarae way, the Illusion has affected the Churches
of Christ and all their teachings ; the vast influences of
the Sunday Schools, Epworth Leagues, Christian En
deavours, and other church societies interpreted the gos
pels In the concrete terras of the melting pot. And the
harvest time carae. It was in this manner : The mission
aries who went frora Araerica were the most ablaze with
the false lights of the great American illusion, for they
said, "Is not America the only true illustration In the
world of the universal brotherhood of man?" The stories
they first tell abroad are of their home land, where every
one Is free, where all are equal and all are alike. They
tell their listeners that their presence before them is to
bring this message of perfect happiness and equality to all
lands and all peoples, and that all this will come to them
just as soon as they believe In our God and our Christ and
our Holy Spirit, for these are the Trinity that have made
America a heaven upon earth. And so they preached it in
Asia. Why could not these raissionaries have foreseen the
Inevitable conclusion? "Well," said they of Asia, "let
us go also unto this promised land, for there must be place
for us." And they came in great numbers and settled to
gether in the choicest part of the land. They brought
their Asiatic life with them. They found indeed that it
is a land flowing with milk and honey, where they can
increase their earnings thirty to a hundred fold; and in
greater nurabers they carae, until the people received them
not gladly. Then they of Asia were much angered. They
sent word back to their governments, and they went back
to their brethren and told them that they were not wel
come in America. And although the governments and the
people of Asia cared little about the religions of the mis-

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 207
slonarles, because they considered their own religions
much better, yet they greatly desired the land and the
milk and honey of the land.
And they said unto the missionaries, "What deceit Is
this you have been practising upon us ? These whom you
say are our brethren in your Christian land of equality
refuse to receive us. Unless you can make them receive
us as they receive white men, your Gods are false, your
gospel is a lie, and we shall cast you and your religions
out of our land."
The Japanese said this, and the Japanese missionaries
were greatly puzzled and they came to America and said,
"We can no longer face the people; all our business as
missionaries is done unless this stumbling block be re
moved from our way." And they called together the Fed
eral Council of the Churches, and the Japan Coramission
of the Council, and the Missionary Boards of the East,
and the Japan Society of New York, and the Peace So
cieties of Mr. Carnegie, and the Brotherhood of the
Knights of the Sacred Treasure which the Mikado has
formed of Americans; and all these conceived a new
gospel to be preached by all the preachers in all the
churches and to be spread by all the Societies and brother
hoods. They called it "The New Oriental Policy." They
clothed this gospel in the false lights of the great Amer
ican illusion and sent it forth to solve the problems of the
missionaries.^ For Sidney L. Gulick, the chief of the Japanese mls-

'This is not figurative but is literally true. The records of the
origin of the Japanese movement in the Christian Churches in the
report of the Federal Council for 1914 state that the commission
was appointed at the request of the missionaries of Japan and Mr.
Gulick's policy was recommended and he was engaged on the same
day. The same fact again is found in the preface of Mr. Millis's
book.

208  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
slonarles, said, and his sayings were printed in books and
paraphlets and letters and sent by hundreds of thousands
throughout the country, — "Would we not be gainers by
including Asiatic ore in this great Melting Pot?"
Thus by two roads Araerica has arrived at the resolve
to include Asiatics In the crucible. So Is corapleted the
tradition of the GREAT AMERICAN ILLUSION.

CHAPTER XVIII
THE DEAD SOUL IN THE POT
Nationality and Race Mixture
What is a nation ? In coraraon usage the word nation
has two distinct Ideas. One refers to a group of people,
the other to the land they live In. A true nation is like a
great family living in one home ; Its raerabers are one in
blood, one in language, one in governraent, equal in rank,
mutual in interest, dwelling in peace. The best technical
definition of nation is : "A nation is an ethnographical
unit occupying a geographical unit" ; that Is, a race unit
living In a land unit. Nation therefore has two units, race
and land. Whatever disturbs these two units causes
trouble. When two different racial units are bound within
one land unit, or when one land extends Its boundaries
over two racial units, the causes of war are laid down.
Albert Bushnell Hart, of Harvard, sums up the causes of
the World War as follows : "The military spirit, comraer
cial, expansion, the desire for territory, the self-assertion
of great states, these are things that, in the long run, may
overcome all the checks of parliaments and statesmen and
Hague Conference. But none of these could have brought
about the fearful conditions of 1914. The strongest and
determining reason of the war is the growth of race antip
athies. Europe Is a Mosaic of races. And at last the
world has realised that the political boundaries of Europe
cut across more persistent lines of race, language and reli
gion, and thus have brought about this conflict between
the nations." Race mixture has been not only a funda
mental cause of war, involving as it does internal convul-
209

210 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
sions and external coraplications, but the crossing of races
has always resulted in a change of civilisation and lower
ing of the rank of higher civilisations.
Of all the efforts made by the Japanese themselves, and
by their champions, the Gulicks and Scudders and Grif
fiths, the most extraordinary and dangerous one is the
effort to establish several propositions concerning mixed
races, all of which are without basis In fact. One Is that
all of the leading civilisations of the present have been
produced by peoples of mixed races; another, that there
really are no peoples of pure race; another, that greater
civilisations will be produced by greater mixtures;
and then that the Mongolians and Malays are not Yellow
Races, but White Races ; and finally that the Japanese are
the whitest of all the White- Yellow Races. Doremus E.
Scudder, of Hawaii, in a preface to Asia at the Door, by
Kawakami, definitely states that the Japanese are the most
mixed of Oriental races, and the Araericans are the most
mixed of Occidental races; that therefore there should be
a fellow feeling of similarity between the two mixtures,
and that the greatest results in race will be obtained by a
mixture of the mixtures.
Mr. Gulick makes a most extraordinary effort. In
furtherance of his general theory of the benefits of race
mixture, to prove that Japanese and other Asiatics readily
blend with the white stocks and are highly assimilable by
the white race. The general arguments he produces are
a budget of discarded theories that grew out of a theolog
ical hypothesis, which Is now disproved by science and all
its applications are abandoned by educated men. That
hypothesis was that all the peoples of the earth came from
one pair of parents created by one divine act. It Is now
generally conceded that the various human races have
originated under different conditions, in different places,
from widely different Simian ancestors, and that what-

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 211
ever the origin was it has no bearing on the affairs of
modern nations. Theology also gave the cue that a new
and better man should be evolved, and fancy created the
notion that the raelting pot is the ideal — the only — process
to produce hira.
Mr. Gulick's treatment of "social assimilation" makes
the fundaraental blunder of assuraing that the evolution
ary processes, — variation, selection, transmission,' adapta
tion, — which obtain in physical life cease entirely and
do not continue with equal determinative power in psychic
and social evolution. This theory of social inheritance is
based on the premise that each psychic is born without
Inherent tendency or direction; that physical Inheritance
carries with it no basis for psychic traits. All of this is
absolutely disproved by historical experience. Opposed
to these notions are the best psychologists and sociologists
of America and Europe; — Suraner and Keller and Fair-*'''
child of Yale and Le Bon of France, Weale of England
have exploded these theories. Prof. Kelleri says, "The
case of societal variation reduces ultiraately, then, to the
mental reaction of individuals. — It must not be forgotten
that they (social phenomena) probably go back to phys
ical change in the individual brain and so root in organic
processes and in the resultant 'race-character' or tempera
ment." The arguments of Mr. Gulick, therefore, are the hypoth
eses of an amicable gentleraan of the Old School in a great
effort to harraonize the theology to which he must adhere
with a fragmentary knowledge of some truths of raodern
science that he cannot Ignore, to the especial end of get
ting the Japanese Into the United States and into social
relations with the white race.

'See Societal Evolution, by Albert Galleway Keller, Prof, of the
Science of Society in Yale University; Macmillan Co., 1915.

212 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
The particular instance which Mr. Gulick cites to sus
tain these general arguraents (find it Is a fair saraple of
what is cited by all who stand for race-raixtures) for the
asslrailatlon and cross breeding of Asiatics and Euro
peans proves nothing. He tells of a half white and half
Asiatic child whom his parents, then missionaries in the
Marshall Islands, adopted in Infancy, and whom he re
garded as his sister through all the years of childhood.
He avers that her mental habits and moral character were
of the highest type of the white child. Frora such in
stances as this he makes the sweeping general conclusion
that the United States can adopt, rear and assimilate the
Asiatic peoples.
The illustration entirely fails because the conditions are
not parallel, indeed they are and always will be wholly
absent. If the white farailies of the United States could
and would adopt the newly-born babes of Asiatic parents,
and isolate thera, each one, from the Oriental environment
and ensconce them within the soul of our social Inherit
ance, it might be possible to develop from many such
Asiatic infants adults evidencing a similarity, in grosser
aspects, to the white race. But these conditions do not
exist, nor will they ever exist. The Japanese children in
the United States are raised by Japanese parents whom
Mr. Kawakami, In a recent pronouncement which entirely
contradicts former declarations as well as his own prac
tice, says are as proud of their race and their social in
heritance as the Americans are of theirs. These parents
give to their children the Oriental character and social
inheritance. The more numerous these famlHes become,
the more they segregate theraselves In larger commu
nities; and the more then their Oriental civiHsation be
comes encysted in white lands; and the raore fully then
win be preserved their Oriental nature and their character.
But there are other aspects to be noted in this special

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 213
instance of Mr. Gulick's foster sister. The child died in
early life and there was no chance to finish the experiment
either in herself or In her progeny. Mr. Gulick, himself,
also a child, was the only observer, and the accuracy of his
observations Is discounted by his own admission that he
thought her so like himself that he never knew until she
died that she was not his sister. Is it likely that any one
who could not detect the essential physical differences
between a white child and a half-Mongolian child could
detect the more subtle, yet real differences, that raay have
existed (and undoubtedly did exist) in the mental and
moral constitutions of the two?
We cannot take the Asiatic iraraigrants as babes and
adopt thera into our farailies, one or two to a family.
There are not one- fourth enough families to go round.
The Japanese will not give up their babes, nor can the
adults become babes theraselves. How absurd this Illustra
tion becoraes ! The facts are the Asiatics corae here by "
thousands with their racial characteristics set forever.
They raise their own babes in their own way, iraparting
to them the soul of their race. Even in cases of inter
marriage, in every Instance that has come under my obser
vation, the Japanese himself Is the dominant and control
ling force in the family, because his whole civilisation pro
claims that he must be such. Thus every feature of Mr.
Gulick's case fades away, and his conclusion, based upon
It, is more than worthless. It is mischievous because It
leads to error that can never be corrected.
No intelligent observer or traveller will deny that from
the crossing of races there Is produced occasionally a fine
Individual, but that one Individual produced under the
finest conditions cannot be taken as a type of what is pro
duced generally by such race crosses. When they cite the
fact that a Burbank, In the crossing of plants, has pro
duced marvellous fruits and raarvellous plants and "aston-

&U THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
ishing variants," they fail to recognise the largest fact
in that process of production ; for Mr. Burbank says that
to produce one plant of worthy type from cross-breeding,
he has often been obliged to destroy one hundred thousand
other plants that are utter failures, because they were
worse in quality than the stocks which he attempted to
improve. This is a fatal condition in race mixture, for
in the case of human beings It Is utterly irapossible to de
stroy the one hundred thousand abnorraal, degenerate,
and wretched beings that result from race crosses, but each
must be permitted to live and to reproduce his stock until
its own degeneracy obliterates it from the earth.
The limits of this book will not permit a refutation of
all the raaterial used by Mr. Gulick and Kawakami, as if
in scientific proof to establish their positions upon race
mixtures. After one has read their books and pamphlets he is
impressed with the fact that they have but one practical
end — to secure for the Japanese the rights of entrance,
citizenship, intermarriage. To achieve that end they turn
architects and lay down a broad chart of foundation
theories, diagram the floors Into apartraents for all the
races, design the bedchambers with the morals of Oriental
men, draw beautiful facades of conglomerate civilisations,
and cover it all with the canopy of religious appeals — in
order to leave the main entrance open to the Japanese.
The atterapt that Is raost absurd and transparent, how
ever, is the one to show that the Japanese are entitled to
naturalisation in our country on the ground that they are
of the white race. If there be any Aryan blood in the
Japanese at all. It carae frora a wave of Aryan migration
which swept eastward out of western Asia over two thou
sand years ago, and lost its force before it reached the
shores of Japan.
Furthermore, a study of the present features and phys-

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 215
leal conformation of the Mongolians and Malays, even
though Aryan waves may have swept them in the past,
demonstrates the scientific fact that pigmented races are
dominant stocks, and that white races are recessive stocks
and lose their identity in cross-breeding with pigmented
races. Mr. B. L. Putnam Weale expresses this fact by
stating that although the men of the Plateau of Iran,
going eastward, were able. In some places, to vanquish the
men they found there, they themselves were at once van
quished by the women of those lands, with whom they
cohabited and who bore unto thera children with all of the
racial characteristics of their forraer Mongolian husbands.
Thus the Aryan waves of raigration Japanward were
swallowed up and lost hundreds of years ago, under the
operation of the doralnant forces which Inhere In pig
mented races as revealed by the Mendelian laws of hered
ity. The subsequent generations have obliterated the
traces of the racial quality and all the civilisation of these
Aryan invaders.
The Encyclopaedia Britannica gives to the study of
Japan most elaborate space. The article is written by Col.
Brinkley, whose history of Japan is taken as standard, as
well as by Japanese who are Japan's authorities. This
treatise classes the Japanese as Mongolian, decidedly and
without question, and says that their physical character
istics and racial attributes so nearly resemble those of the
Chinese and Koreans that without the aid of dress and
coiffure it Is Impossible for the unpractised eye to dis
tinguish them. If the Japanese are not Mongolian and
are white, then there is no Mongolian race at all and they
are all white. If all these people must be admitted into
the United States and naturalised on the ground that
they are white because our Naturalisation Law makes all
white peoples eligible, then we must have a new Natural
isation Law, which corresponds to that of Australia and

216 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST
New Zealand, which prohibits residence and citizenship
to all the peoples born of the human stocks native in Asia
and in the islands of the Pacific. In fact there is not the
slightest doubt that when the word "white" was placed
In the Naturalisation Law, the makers of the law intended
it to raean Europeans. It did not raean even Caucasian.
This view has been held by the raost scholarly judges of
the Courts of the United States. The forefathers made
a clear-cut effort to make the United States a white man's
land. Again, the advocates of the mixture of Asiatic races
and European races are guilty of the error of utterly con
fusing the words "nation" and "race." The people of
the United States, while they are a mixture of nations, are
not a mixture of races, except where iraraigration or illicit
cohabitation has brought a mixed breed. All of those
who founded the United States belonged to the white race.
In fact, until 1850, with the exception of the negroes
imported for slaves, the United States did not receive
iraraigrants except frora the countries whose people were
of the purest white stock existent in the world. The
American population belongs in the main to the purest
types of one race; only since we have been receiving
immigrants from southern and eastern Europe and Asia
have we been mixing this white stock with the part-white
stock. But even those part-white types have been per
manent for not less than 500 years up to 3,000 years.
But to marry descendants of the Revolutionary and of
the Civil War stocks to the descendants of the Ainus of
Japan, or any other inhabitants of Japan is a race cross
as radical and destroying as it is possible to make, and Is
paralleled only when the pure white type marries the pure
African type.
Another characteristic of the protagonists of this real
racial mixture Is the effort they make to use the state-

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 217
ments of American scholars to enforce their contentions.
This Is especiaHy true of the manner in which they use the
statements of President Charles W. Eliot, of Harvard
University. In 19 12 the Carnegie Endowment, of Wash
ington, sent Mr. Eliot to the Orient to study the question
of the mixture of races and its bearing upon the question
of the peace of the world. He spent seven months in
Asia and his general statement upon the mixture of
European stocks and Asiatic stocks, printed in his report,
has been one of the most troublesome things the race
mixture propagandists have had to handle. In the en
deavour to counteract his Influence on the subject they
have even made It appear that Dr. Eliot favours the mix
ture of Mongolians and Whites. The Japanese say that
while his general statements may apply to other Mongo
lians, they are entirely wrong when applied to the Jap
anese, because they say Dr. Eliot had not given the Jap
anese sufficient study and because they Indeed are not
Mongolian anyhow. This transparent and easily proved
failure of the Japanese press agents to state facts under
mines the confidence of students In everything they write
pertaining to their campaign.
I wish, therefore, to subrait sorae of Dr. Eliot's state
ments :
First. "The experience of the East teaches that the
intermarriage of races which are distinctly unlike Is un
desirable, because the progeny from such mixtures is, as a
rule, inferior to each of the parent stocks, both physically
and morally, a fact which has been demonstrated on a
large scale."
Second. "The Orient teaches the world that the pure
race is the best and that crosses between unlike races sel
dom turn out well. The cross between any Oriental stock
and any European stock is regarded as unsuccessful
throughout the Orient, the Eurasians being approved by

218 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
neither of the two races from which they sprung. Japan
iUustrates the value of a race kept pure."
Third. "The notion that strong races have been pro
duced or are to be produced by a blend or amalgam of
many different races gets no support from Oriental expe
rience. Races which are really kindred raay safely inter-
raarry; but races conspicuously distinct cannot."
Fourth. "All the experiraents which have been made
without scientific intention on the crossing of human
varieties — as for Instance in the Hawaiian Islands where
the part-Hawaiian population presents the most extraor
dinary mixture of human stocks In the world — tend to
confirra the principle of race purity."
In the next place, then, we raay eliminate from the
Japanese-American problem the whole discussion of the
equality or Inequality of the two races. Every Japanese
who has said anything upon the subject of their entrance
Into America exclaims that they do not insist so much
upon immigration as they insist upon being considered
the equal of the American people. Kawakarai says that
America must take sorae action to enable Japan "to save
her face" as the social cliraber of raodern tiraes. To save,
Japan's face he would have us proclaira that the Japanese
are our equals and we raust establish this decree In a
concrete way by admitting them into our country, giving
them social equality under the law. The leaders of
American thought and Araerican life raight be perfectly
willing to acclaim the Japanese as racial equals, but we
can never do that in the way they have set down. The
method they have laid down Is the keenest Oriental di
plomacy and it must be raet with a firmness of diplomacy
that will prove the people of the United States at least the
equal of the Japanese.
But, to enforce what Dr. Eliot has said, I wish to add
the conclusions of several other great men upon these

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 219
premises. "Barely a century and one-half ago," says
Gustav Le Bon,^
"certain philosophers who were very ignorant of the prim
itive history of man, of the variations of his mental consti
tution and of the laws of heredity, propounded the idea of
the equality of individuals and races. . . . And yet science,
as it has progressed, has proved the vanity of the theories
of equality and has shown that the mental gulf created by
the past between individuals and races can only be filled up
by the slowly accumulating action of heredity. Modern
psychology, together with stern lessons of experience, has
demonstrated that the institutions and the education which
suits some individuals and some races, are very harmful
to others.
"Each people fosters a mental constitution as unaltering
as its anatomical characteristics, and the history of the his
toric races has been determined by their mental constitution.
The life of a people, its institutions, its beliefs and acts are
but the visible expression of its invisible soul."
"This abyss between the mental constitution of the differ
ent races explains how it is that the superior peoples have
never been able to impose their civilisation on inferior peo
ples. The idea still so wide-spread that education can achieve
this result, is one of the most baneful illusions that the the
oreticians of pure reason have ever brought into existence.
Thanks to the memory possessed by the most inferior beings
— a privilege in nowise confined to man — it is doubtless pos
sible for education to impart to an individual, somewhat
low in the human scale, the totality of the notions possessed
by an European. A negro or a Japanese may easily take a
university degree or become a lawyer; the sort of varnish
he thus acquires is, however, quite superficial, and has no

'No psychologist of recent times has contributed studies of greater
interest to the world than Gustav Le Bon of France. His two books
The Crowd and The Psychology of Peoples have provoked wide dis
cussion and stirred new study and have been widely indorsed by
leading students of metaphysics and ethnology.

220  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
influence on his mental constitution. What no education can
give him, because they are created by heredity alone, are the
forms of thought, the logic, and above all the character of
the Western man. Our negro or our Japanese may accumu
late all possible certificates without ever attaining to a level
of the average European. It is easy to give him in ten years
the culture of a well educated Englishman. To make a real
Englishman of him, that is to say, a man acting as an Eng
lishman would act in the different circumstances of life, a
thousand years would scarcely be sufficient. It is only in
appearance that a people suddenly transforms its language,
its constitution, its beliefs or its arts. For such changes, to
be readily accomplished, it would be necessary that it should-
be able to transform its soul."
Therefore, for a people to transform those Institutions,
beliefs and acts, it raust first transform its soul. Is Japan
transforraing her soul? Is she not rather intensifying
and strengthening it under the pride of achievement and
the belief in its superiority; and must we not expect her
life and institutions to be correspondingly deepened and
intensified ? For again we call attention to the distinction
that although Japan has assumed In business, manu
factures, and trade some of the material forms coincident
with and developed by a Christian civilisation, she has not
incarnated the invisible spirit of Christian Hfe, but ex
presses her own spirit in her own life. In her own way.
Mr. Gulick, therefore, in his arguraents for assimila
tion raakes the fundaraental blunder of assuming that
while the raaterial part of man is obedient to the laws of
heredity, the more iraportant part, that Is, his psychic
nature, has no deterraination by heredity and Is wholly
a creature of the accidents of circumstances. This
blunder is clearly exposed by the statements of the
scholars that I have cited. For Le Bon says further,
"The identity of mental constitutions in the majority of

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 221
individuals of a race is due to very simple psychological
reasons. Each individual is the product not only of his
Immediate parents but also of his race, that is, of the
entire series of his ascendants."
Dr. Robert Tuttle Morris, professor of surgery in the
New York Post Graduate Medical School, trustee and
director in educational and financial corporations, mera
ber of the American Association for the Advancement
of Science, author, lecturer, raakes the foHowIng author
itative statements :
"The melting pot idea of Zangwill is merely a meta
physical conception not ^ased upon biological fact. When
plants of closely allied varieties are crossed, we get a more
durable form than is the case if the cross is made between
plants of different species. The protoplasmic adjustment in
the case of different species becomes a shock, and the
effects of this shock, when the two species are joined, injures
the vitality of the resultant plants. The same is true with
nations. If a nation is made up of peoples closely related
in variety, it will have stronger tendencies for development
and greater vitality than would be the case in a nation made
up largely of peoples widely different in racial character
istics. On the other hand, the crossing of widely different
peoples, like the Negro, Semitic, Tartar, Malay and such
types, produces an unstable breed with unsettled ideas and
lacking the ability of mass action."
But, says Mr. Gulick, it is not necessary to have the
Japanese intermarry with the whites ; they can live In this
country and probably should live in this country as a dis
tinct race. This, of course, he applies to all Asiatics,
and some sentimentalists are won to this argument. But
I submit that this cannot and will not be done. We can
not say, "Come on In, Asiatics, take aH the rights of
American citizenship, and afl the privileges of our chil
dren, but remain distinct, keep your racial integrity."

222 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
No two races have ever dwelt together in any one land,
on an equal basis of citizenship, and have not had their
bloods coraraingled. Worse still, no two races have ever
dwelt long and proraiscuously together in any one land on
any conditions and have not had their bloods coraraingled.
The longer the races thus live together the raore certain
Is their raixture. Americans need only to lift their eyes
to see how true these statements are in our own country,
in our own time, and by our own people. To admit the
Asiatics into the United States on these equal terms,
means simply that we yield to their demands to mix their
racial bloods with ours.
Against this huge folly, against the great American Illu
sion, against the idea of the melting pot, and despite all
of the asseverations of the advocates of race mixture, I
subrait four generalisations and will leave the facts from
which they are derived for another volurae at another
time. First. No great human stock has come out of a radi
cal race cross. Those human stocks that have developed
highest civilisations have been persistent as types without
serious mixture for many hundreds, even thousands of
years before they have produced their civilisations.
Second. No mixed race has ever reached any notable
degree of civilisation whatever until it has been fixed in
type by hundreds of years of hereditary processes.
Third. No nation or people of a pure or fixed racial
type, which has produced a high civilisation, has main
tained its high civilisation after it has mixed with another
race as radically different as black and white, yellow and
white, or brown and white.
Fourth. Wherever the white race has attempted to
cross a pigmented race. It has lost Its racial characteristics
and lowered its civilisation. Gustav Le Bon says, "The
small number of white men transported into the midst of

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 223
a numerous negro population disappear, after a few gen
erations, without leaving any trace of their blood among
their descendants. All the conquerors who have invaded
too numerous populations have disappeared in the sarae
way. They have been able, as has been done with the
Latins In Gaul or the Aryans in Egypt, to leave behind
them their civilisations, their arts, and their language;
but they have never been able to bequeath their blood.
To cross two peoples is to change simultaneously both
their physical constitution and their mental constitution,
transforming in a fundamental manner the character of
the people.
"The first effect of inter-breeding between different races
is to destroy the soul of the races, and by their soul we mean
that congeries of common ideas and sentiments which make
the strength of peoples and without which there is no such
thing as a nation or a fatherland. The period of inter-breed
ing is the critical period in the history of peoples. It is a
period full of intestine struggles and of vicissitudes, and
it continues so long as the new psychological characteristics
are not fixed. A people may sustain many losses, may be
overtaken by many catastrophes, and yet recover from the
ordeal, but it has lost everything and is past recovery when
it has lost its soul.
"The dissolution of historical races is the result of cross
breeding; the peoples which have preserved their unity and
force, the Aryans for example in India in the past, and in
modern times the English in their various colonies, are those
who have always carefully avoided- intermarrying with for
eigners. The presence in the midst of the people of for
eigners, even in small numbers, is sufficient to affect its soul,
since it causes it to lose its capacity for defending the char
acteristics of its race, the monuments of its history and the
achievements of its ancestors."
Le Bon clearly prefigured the case of the Japanese
aggression upon the United States. He says :

224 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
"It was the pacific and not the warlike invasions which
brought about the fafl of the Roman Empire. The barbar
ians, far from having wished to overthrow Roman civilisa
tion, devoted afl their efforts toward adopting and continuing
institutions of which they were the respectful admirers.
We are probably destined to witness, in contemporary his
tory, pacific invasions analogous to those which brought
about the transformation of Roman civilisation. It may
seem now-a-days there are no longer any barbarians, but
though the barbarians may seem to be very distant, they are
in reahty very close, far closer than at the time of the Roman
emperors. The fact is that they exist in the very bosom of
the civilised nations. Each people contains an immense
number of inferior elements incapable of adapting them
selves to a civilisation that is too superior for them. There
results an enormous waste of population; and the people,
who come to be invaded by it, will have reason to dread the
experience." At the present day. It is towards the United States of
America that these new barbarians direct their steps with
a common accord. He says :
"Our humanitarian principles condemn us to undergo an
ever-increasing foreign invasion. The conflicts on the soil
of the great republic will be in reality conflicts between races
which have reached different levels of evolution.
"An agglomeration of men of different origin do not form
a race, do not possess a collective soul. The acquisition of
a solidly constituted collective soul marks the apogee of the
greatness of the people. The dissociation of this soul al
ways marks the hour of its decadence. Peoples are centuries
long in acquiring a certain mental constitution, which they
sometimes lose in a very short space of time. The ascending
path is always very long ; while the decline which leads them
to decadence, is most often very rapid."
What do the melting-pot propagandists offer America
in exchange for her dead soul in the pot?

CHAPTER XIX
FACTS PERTINENT TO OPINION
A Chapter of Answers
Before we can enter upon our final chapter, "The Solu
tion of the Problem," we must meet a nuraber of ques
tions that arise frora the arguments of the propagandists.
Are the Japanese decreasing In number in the United
States? We admit ItaHans, Czechs, Slavs, Greeks, etc.,
why not admit the Japanese? Can Americans own land
in Japan? Is Japan poor, could she raake war on the
United States? What was the recent diplomatic flurry
about ? Do we naturalise any Asiatics ?
Are Japanese decreasing in number In the United
States? The public is told that there are very few Japanese in
this country and that their presence does not affect eco
nomic conditions, and that this Japanese population Is
diminishing, from the fact that more Japanese return to
Japan than arrive each year. Although there may have
been such a reaction for a year or more after the enact
ment of the Anti-Alien Land Bill, the condition does not
prevail now. The Coraraissioner General of Iraraigration
shows that in 1914 the actual increase in the United States
was 2,162, In Hawaii 1,951; in 1915 the Increase was
3,208 In the United States, and 688 in Hawaii. Thus in
two years the total was 7,009. As nearly all of these,
sooner or later, find their way Into California, the Japanese
.population of California is continuing to increase. While
in the Hawaiian Islands, coraparing the report of the
225

226 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST
Governor of 19 lo with that of 1915, there is a total in
crease of 14,462 in the Japanese population.
But the rapid increase in the number of Japanese born
in California is a matter of the most profound significance.
The real meaning of the picture bride immigration and the
fecundity of the Japanese women is seen in the last report
of the chief statistician for the state board of health. The
Japanese birth-rate has more than trebled in five years —
the percentage being 336.
In 191 1 there were 995 Japanese children born in CaHfornia.
In 1912 " " 1,467
In 1913 " " 2,216
In 1914 " " 2,874
In 1915 " " 3,342 ; this is 7 per cent, of the total births
of the State.
In Sacramento county (exclusive of Sacramento city,
the capital of the State, and Watsonville) the number of
Japanese births exceeded the number of white births;
there were in the rural portions of the county 193 Jap
anese babies, and 167 white babies ; In Watsonville there
were no Japanese babies and 103 white babies born In
1 91 5. Many of the Japanese men have not yet secured
their wives frora Japan. This difference in favour of the
Japanese is rapidly to increase.
On the other hand, while the annual births In five years
show a net gain of 2,347, the annual deaths show an in
crease of only 200, reaching a maximura for the state of
633. This is an Increase by births of 528 per cent, of the
total loss by deaths, or 5 >4 to i, a net gain of 4^. This
is one of the most extraordinary facts in the vital statistics
of the world.
The Japanese prefer the United States over all coun
tries. The following table published by the Japanese
Foreign Office shows the location of all the Japanese who

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 227
are resident abroad. It shows that there was a total of
358,711 Japanese outside of their own country, June 30,
1914, and that the United States contained just about one-
half of them, 176)879. The total under the British flag
was only about one-seventh as many, while In China there
is only 68 per cent, as many.
"JAPANESE AWAY FROM HOMe"
China  121,596
Hawaii  90,808
United States (proper)  80,773
Philippine Islands  5jI79
Guam  119
(Total under American flag, 176,879)
Australia  6,661
Canada  i i.95o
British India  845
Hongkong  i,555
Singapore  5. 166
Great Britain  478
(Total under British flag, 26,655)
Brazil  15.642
Peru  5>38i
Russia in Asia  4.563
Mexico  2,737
Dutch Indies  2,949
Saigon  161
Siam  218
Argentina  683
Chfle  305
Germany  434
Russia in Europe  89
France  129
Austria Hungary  37
Italy  17
Belgium  ^5
Switzerland  ^ ^

228  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
Spain  8
Sweden  6
Netherlands  5
Portugal  2
Total  3S8,7"

Shall we exclude Asiatics and admit people of Southern
and Eastern Europe ?
We cannot accept the argument that we might as well
let the Japanese and all other races of Asia come into our
country as to let the low standard people of Southern and
Eastern Europe corae. If Araerica expects to preserve
the unity of her ideals or even raaintain the character of
her civilisation, rauch more the level of her standard of
living, all of these undesirables must be debarred until we
can recover the virility we have lost. The addition of a
second disease will not cure the first.
Dr. J. H. Kellogg^ makes some startling statements in
regard to the sick, inefficient and incompetent, whose num
bers are constantly replenished and increased in our
country by the progeny of the poor stocks of Europe.
The Coraraissioner General of Immigration (1914, page
7) speaking of these deficients says, "Medical Science has
demonstrated that many, if not all, of these serious defi
ciencies are handed down from generation to generation
with steady increase in the strain, so that the Importance
of rejecting and expelling aliens of this class can hardly
be overestimated. There should be no room in this
country for the moral degenerate of foreign lands."
Dr. Kellogg Indorses this with his statement of the
growth of the Insane In the East :

'J. H. Kellogg, M.D., F.R.S.M., of Battle Creek, Mich., in Senate
Document 648. 62nd Congress.

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW
"In 1867 the proportion of insane in New York and New
England was about i to 1,600 of the population. At the
present time the insane in New York is i to 273 or six times
as many, (600 per cent increase in 65 years).
"In hospitals in New York are 32,657 insane — double the
number in 1890, an increase of 104 per cent in 20 years
while the state increased only 52 per cent.
"In New Jersey the feeble minded have doubled in one
generation — the proportion now is i to 250.
"In United States 150,000 insane are incarcerated; there
are at least 150,000 more at liberty. Besides these lunatics
we have 300,000 more idiots and weak-minded people."
The relation of the iramigration from Southern and
Eastern Eurojae to the poverty. Illiteracy, degeneracy and
Insanity of our Eastern States particularly, is startlingly
shown in the report of the Comraittee on Iraraigration of
the House of Representatives, which accompanied their
recomraendation of the Burnett Bill in 1916, and I refer
the student to such sources for a further developraent of
this subject. The relation of immigration to crime is an
other department of the same study for which see the
prison reports of the States.
These subjects relating to the "new" immigration must
be taken by Araericans as causes of serious apprehension
to be quickly and radically treated : — surely they can not
be used as arguraents to adrait other serious causes for
national care by the adraission of Asiatic races.

Can Americans own land in Japan ?
The answer Is No, not in fee simple and only under
conditions greatly narrowing the right. The law in exist
ence is : "Land shall not be sold, hypothecated or mort
gaged to foreigners, nor shall deeds or titles be passed con
veying to them ownership rights." This law never having

230 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
been repealed is still in force. President Shereri says,
"Sound principles support the doctrine that only the actual
citizens of a nation should own Its land. Has any nation
shown raore deference to this doctrine than Japan Itself?
Only since 1910 has a law granting land ownership to
foreigners, of which we have heard so much, shown its
face on the minutes of their Parliaraent; and when we
examine Its features we discover a soraewhat noticeable
reserve. This ordinance prevents Itself from going into
force until the Emperor determines to issue it, and this
he never has done. It requires that, in case of an indi
vidual, he shall be actually resident in Japan during the
period of ownership, and that, in the case of corporations,
the Horae Secretary raust specifically approve; that the
home nation of such land-holding aliens must, as a pre
requisite condition of their land-holding, grant to Jap
anese the reciprocal right to hold land ; that its provisions
shall in no case extend to Saghalien, Formosa, or the Hok
kaido, the only places where there is the slightest room
for foreigners ; further that Its provisions shall not extend
to any district whatsoever which the Emperor may at any
time proclaira to be requisite to the national defence; and
that In case of the violation of any one of the terms of
this carefully hedged-about ordinance, the property shall
be escheat to the state. Japan has long had Alien Land
Laws, as raay be seen by the preceding suraraary of the
reservations in the statute passed by Parliament, April 13,
1910. The repeal of these Alien Land Laws is theoretical
rather than practical and, even should it be put into
effect, the rights granted to aliens would be rigidly limited,
besides being revocable at any time."
'James A. B. Sherer, President of Throop College of Technology,
Pasadena, California, in The Japanese Crisis, "President Sherer
is by training, education and by long residence as teacher in Japan
qualified to speak with authority."

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 231
Is Japan poor?
On one side the Japanese make the threat of war^ if
the California Land Law is not repealed; on the othfer
the pacifists argue that there is no fear of war with Japan
because she is not rich enough to make war against the
United States. This mental habit of coining all his
thoughts Into the language of peace and war makes the
pacifist incompetent to discuss such questions upon their
merits. One recently said to me, "Why are you discuss
ing the Japanese Problem? There is no danger of war
with Japan, for Japan is unable to make war. She is
poverty stricken and helpless, overburdened with national
debts. She does not wish to commit hari-kari by engaging
the United States in war."
"But," I said, "I am not discussing the Japanese ques
tion from the standpoint of war. I look at It wholly as a
question of national and racial welfare to both nations and
never permit ray mind to dwell upon the contingencies
incidental to the problem." But this gentleraan could not
see that there was anything in the whole question except
whether or not we should have war with Japan, and in less
than ten ralnutes I had to recall his raind five tiraes frora
the discussion of war to the discussion of the problem
itself. Is Japan poor ? Is Japan too poor to make war?
Since David Starr Jordan, the expert in economics and
pacifism, stated on the 17th day of July, 1914, that
Europe would never have another war because she was
'It is significant to find in the Year Book of Japan for 1915. a
semi-official publication with an introduction by Prince Okuma, the
following bland statement under the general heading of The Navy,
"OBJECT OF EXPANSION AND IMAGINARY ENEMY
The object of expansion of national armament is primarily to
guard our interest in Manchuria and China, and next to be prepared
against a possible emergency with the U. S. A."

232 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

not rich enough to afford It, I have eliminated from this
question two things :
First, That the status of a nation's finances probably
has little to do in deterring it from enteririg war if its
emotional status Is that of war.
Second, That pacifists show a conspicuous incompe
tence to render judgment upon the question of which
nations are too poor for war.
The European war has now lasted over two years.
England, Germany, France, Russia, Austria and Italy
have used wealth and money into aggregates which
stagger thought. Yet the credit of none of them seems
to be impaired and not one seems to be crippled In any
degree by lack of raoney and resources. This leads one
to think, after all, that poverty and expenditure, credit
and debit, play a part in war far less iraportant than that
our general theories have assigned thera. These nations
after spending enough to make them all apparently very
poor, (in as rauch as Dr. Jordan said they were too poor
to begin a war) go right on with larger and largei- plans
defying one another to outstarve, outlast, outspend or
over-draw their respective credits.
But Japan is not poor if raen of authority, experience
and travel can be believed. It was only a short tirae before
the war that the Secretary of Coraraerce of the United
States, Mr. Redfield, raade a stateraent in regard to Japan,
and it is so clear and so authoritative that we submit some
of it. He shows many things: That she is solvent; that
her treasury shows a surplus every year; that besides
natural wealth she has resources In labour, which are very
rich and of extraordinary Importance, and she controls
thera with an absolute hand : that she has managerial intel
ligence and wealth in products, and unlimited possibilities
to Increase all of these through the new countries she has
just conquered. His conclusion is that Japan is not only

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND iNEW 233
able to take care of herself in any direction in which she
may send her energy, but that she is taking the trade from
the United States and will continue to displace us in the
East. What was true when he said this is many times
augmented now.
Mr. Redfield says :
Japan is not Poor.
"I do not want you to get the impression that Japan is in
any sense insolvent. It is not. Her statesmen are guiding
her with rare self-sacrifice and with uncommon wisdom, and
her treasury shows a surplus every year. It is simply that
her growth has been so rapid and her outreach so large that
she lacks, as other nations do, the ready cash with which to
do the work as fast as she would like to do it."
Labor and Industry.
"Japan rejoices, on the other hand, in a wealth of labour
of a remarkable character. I suppose there is no more
thrifty, able, capable worker than the average Japanese. He
is accustomed to living to his satisfaction on the most limited
scale. He is of good mental and physical capacity, and cap
able of becoming a very great factor in industry."
Managerial Ability.
"Nor must we regard the men who control these interests
as men whom we can teach very much. Mr. Matsukata,
who is head of the Kawasaki Dock Yards, is a graduate of
Yale University. Another gentleman, the head of a large
cement works, is a graduate not only of Yale but also of the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology. One of the heads
of these large factories was a member of the Harvard Club..
You often run across men with American education, to
which has been added European training and European
brains, a combination which has made a certain selected
number of these Japanese exceptionally skiHed and able
men."

234 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
Natural Resources.
"As regards the materials of industry, the Empire extends
over so great a latitude that the material products range
from the subarctic to the subtropical of Formosa, and from
the sea products of the ocean to the continental supplies of
Korea. Formosa, I suppose, is one of the most productive
countries of its size in the world. The sea products are a
great source of wealth in Japan. She draws lumber from
Formosa and northern Korea; cotton from Korea and
lumber also from Karafuto. The Empire is rich, of course,
in silk, a little more than one-quarter of all the world's silk
comes from Japan, and about sixty per cent, of all we use in
America is derived from there. She has no cotton on her
own soil save that which is about to come, rather than has
come from Korea. She draws some of it from India, more
from China, and most from the United States, but she is
no worse off in that respect than England, the largest of all
cotton manufacturers, who draws her supplies wholly from
abroad. There cannot fail to come from those countries,
Korea, and Formosa, a great increase in the agricultural
wealth of the Empire."
Competition in Manufactures and Trade.
"To these resources she adds a market in China, which is
right at her door and of its kind is the largest of the world;
and the presence of that market just across the way is the
reason why the cotton-spinning industry took hold first in
Japan and has progressed the most. She has already made
her presence felt in our cotton mills in Eastern New Eng
land. Some of the Chinese trade we used to have she has
taken away, and will continue undoubtedly to take more."
Mr. Thomas F. Millard, Editor of The China Press,
Shanghai, who has traveled and lived in the Far East for
many years, more than corroborates the above view as to
land. He says :
"It is incorrect to say that Japan is overpopulated, in a

BASES OP OPINION, OLD AND NEW 236
territorial sense, for a large area of the territory of Japan
proper is sparsely populated, and nearly one-half of the
arable land of Japan proper is uncultivated. It is, therefore,
not lack of land that compels Japanese to emigrate. It is a
desire for economic betterment."
Carl Crow says of Japan :
"The Government authorities after a careful survey of
the entire country have reached the conclusion that simply
by reclaiming the land which is inclined at an angle of less
than 15 degrees the area of arable land may be doubled."^
Mr. Crow says also that the Japanese Emperor himself
has incomparable wealth. He owns five million acres of
land or more than five per cent, of the total area of the
country; sorae of Japan's land sells at $1000 an acre, and
$100 is a conservative average. This would make his
land value equal to $500,000,000. It is very probably
worth one billion dollars. In addition to this the court is
a heavy stockholder in raany of the industrial enterprises
of the country. These iteras include :
60,660 shares in the Bank of Japan.
60,400 shares in the Yokohama Specie Bank.
10,000 shares in the Industrial Bank.
80,500 shares in the Nippon Yusen Kaisha, the weH
known steamship company.
122,650 shares in mills, railroads, hotels, etc.
According to the Japan Year Book the total value of these
industrial holdings is $250,000,000. Yet the Hohen-
zoUerns were accounted wealthy with their $125,000,000.
Jefferson Jones, author of The Fall of Tsing Tau, who
lived in Tokio as a newspaper man, adds to this statement
by showing what Japan has done since the beginning of
'Japan and America.

236 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST

the war. He says, "At the beginning of the European
war Japan owed foreign countries more than half a billion
dollars. To-day it has brought its national debt down to
one-half of what It was a year ago and Is creditor to
Russia for sixty raillions." Ten months have passed since
this statement was written.
Proofs of Japan's financial ability are evidenced in a
hundred ways. Within less than a year, she has launched
ten war vessels; the total cost of her naval program for
the present year is ninety million dollars. Ten months
ago a Japanese passenger vessel had never been seen in
the harbor of New York, Buenos Ayres, or Cape Town.
To-day Japan's flag Is flying from vessels in alraost every
trading post In the world. While the United States has
been talking "preparedness," Japan has increased its arniy
from nineteen divisions to twenty-five, an addition of two
hundred and fifty thousand men. It has appropriated
four hundred thousand dollars for an aviation school. In
forty days, from January i to February lo, 1916, the
excess of exports frora Japan over iraports araounted to
thirteen raillion dollars.
Evidence of this great financial advance of Japan is
seen in the extension of her enterprises throughout the
whole world. "Japan is In coramand of shipping on the
Pacific and Indian Oceans, and its government trade
agents, as well as merabers of the Imperial Diet, are now
in South America and Africa scouring the country for
new markets."
From Japanese sources we learn that for some months
a powerful Japanese syndicate had been casting longing
eyes on several large sugar estates In the Philippines and
principally on the one owned by the Dominican Order of
Friars, in the fruitful province of Loglna. On February
14, 1916, a sale was corapleted, the transfer taking place
at midnight, February 27, when the personal representa-

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 237
tive of the Japanese syndicate, Mr. K. Hada, took charge
of the estate. On the following morning, heads of the
various departments were notified by the new owners that
their services were no longer required, and their places
were immediately taken by Japanese who were all in readi
ness.^ The world knows in a general way of the exploitation
of China by the Japanese. Under the personal super
vision of Baron Okura, another Japanese syndicate has
begun great mining enterprises in the Yangtse Valley.
The Japanese claim that they have obtained permission
frora the Chinese Government to work these mines, which
are expected to produce 350,000 tons a year. It is also
announced that Mr. Hada, who bought the sugar planta
tions in the Philippines, is planning to establish a cotton
spinning factory at Moskow. "In India, however, the
greatest development is taking form. The enforced ab
sence of the Gerraans and the falling off of British effec
tiveness are combining to give the Japanese a chance they
never hoped for. They are making good use of it." ^
Can a nation that Is poor do all these great things ? Is
a "nation of such vast energies and resources unable to
make a war ?

What is the raeaning of the last diploraatic flurry?
The last diploraatic flurry the United States has had
with Japan has grown out of Arnbassador Chlnda's objec
tion to the Burnett Bill, passed by House of Representa
tives March 30, 19 16. That bill contained a clause
Indirectly referring to the Gentleman's Agreeraent, which
Japan made in 1907 to withhold her labourers frora com
ing into the United States. What was the basis of Mr.
'East and West News, April 27, 1916.
'East and West News.

238 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
Chinda*s objection which caused the commotion in the
United States and rallied once more to the Japanese sup
port the widely distributed forces engaged In the Japanese
conquest ?
If there has been one thing which all the pro- Japanese
have emphasized and repeated more than any other it is
the fact that Japan has kept faith in the observance of
the Gentleraan's Agreement. This faith has been apotheo
sized into the most extraordinary virtue, whereas not to
keep it would be sheer dishonesty. What objection could
they make then for having a reference to it In an Amer
ican law?
The answer to that question is another revelation of
the astute character of Japanese diplomacy. The Gentle
man's Agreement is not a treaty. As such it has never
been written. It is merely a verbal understanding and
finds its nearest record in a description of it, found in the
report of the Coraraissioner General of Iramigration,
1908. This stateraent was made to the writer from the
only source from whence it could come in Washington,
and I have in my possession a copy of that report, pencil
marked at the place, by one of the highest officials of the
government, stating this fact. '
The Gentleman's Agreeraent, therefore, does not exist
except in a reference raade to it In the treaty of 191 1 and
in the raemories of those who made it — Secretary Root
and Baron Takahira, with the possible addition of Ex-
President Roosevelt. If the statement be true, as given
to me, that the Gentleman's Agreement is wholly verbal,
it is only a question of a few years after these men have
passed from the field of action, that it will be subject to
such interpretation as either side may put upon it, and it
may become itself the basis of international dispute.
Therefore, it was, that Baron Chinda did not want it
incorporated in any form, by inference or otherwise, in a

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 239
new Immigration Law. If, however, it shall be found
that the Gentleman's Agreement has been written and is
on file in our archives, the fact still remains that the Jap
anese objected to any further ratification of it. What
motive could they possibly have, unless it be that they con
sider the Gentleman's Agreement nothing raore than a
temporary adjustment of their contentions, and that
America will have to make a better settlement even of
that question in time to come?
This puts two questions upon the international table —
the Gentleman's Agreement of 1907 and the land action
of the Western States of the years since then. It is ever
the nature of Japanese diplomacy to leave some things
unsettled and unfinished, so that when it suits her ad
vantage she may renew the negotiations, as she did with
China in January, 191 5, when all the world was so occu
pied that they could not interfere with her unjust clairas.
"Japanese indignation over the exclusion features of
the immigration bill would seem inordinate if we over
looked its diplomatic quality. The Japanese know very
well that it is not because we regard them as an inferior
race that we wish to exclude them. Quite the contrary.
We regard them as representatives of a culture so old
and so highly developed that the chance of their exchang
ing it for ours is too remote for consideration. They are
not assimilable, and it is a condition of our harmonious
and fruitful national development that we should admit
to our agricultural and industrial population only elements
that will easily blend. The Japanese themselves would
not tolerate the planting on their soil of permanently
alien colonies. Why, then, this show of wounded national
honor ? So long as the matter of immigration is regulated
by gentlemen's agreements, periodically renewable, the
Japanese have a lever for exacting concessions with re
gard to other matters — trade policy In China, for example.

240 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST
An unsettled immigration question is part of the capital
of Japanese diplomacy. And Japanese diplomatists,
among the most astute in the world, will not permit this
capital to be destroyed if protesting is of avail." ^

Are we naturaHsIng any Asiatics?
The coraplaint which the Japanese have raade that there
is no uniforraity in the decisions which our courts raake in
regard to the naturalisation of aliens is a just complaint.
I have examined aH the cases on record in the office of
the Coraraissioner of Immigration, in Washington, in
which Asiatics have recently appeared before our courts
seeking to be admitted. Of such recent decisions I sub
mit the following suraraary:
Afghans — In 3 cases, i was denied and 2 were admitted.
Hindoos — In 9 cases, 3 were denied anfl 6 were admitted.
Indians of America — In 4 cases, 3 denied and i was ad
mitted. Japanese — In 6 cases reported, 6 denied, none admitted.
Malays — In 3 cases reported, 3 denied, none admitted.
Philippines — In 10 cases reported, 7 denied, 3 admitted.
Syrians — In 6 cases reported, 2 denied, 4 admitted.
This lack of uniforraity in the decisions of the courts
arises frora the fact that the courts all over the United
States and in the Sandwich Islands are raaking thera with
out any uniformity of instruction. The hard pressure of
Asiatic aliens upon Araerican citizenship raakeS it neces
sary for our governraent to revise, in greater detail, the
terras of naturalisation. This problera has been met by
Australia (as submitted in a comraunication from the
Government of New South Wales) as foHows : "I have to
inform you that absolute prohibition is placed upon the
'The New Republic.

BASES OF- OPINION, OLD AND NEW 24.1
enWy of Japanese into Australia, except under the per
mit for a limited term, such term usually being granted
for the purpose of representatives In Trading Houses In
Japan, getting in touch with Commercial Houses In Aus
tralia. All Asiatics come under the same restrictions.
The Naturalisation Act, 1903, of the Commonwealth pro
vides that any person resident In Australia, not being a
British subject and not being an aboriginal native of Asia,
Africa or the Islands of the Pacific, except New Zealand,
who intends to settle In the comraonwealth, and who (a)
has resided in Australia continuously for two years imme
diately preceding the application; or (b) has obtained In
the United Kingdom a Certificate of Naturalisation or
Letters of Naturalisation, may apply to the Government
General for a Certificate of Naturalisation."
Practically the same law Is In existence in New Zealand.
The government of Canada grants sorae privileges of
citizenship to Japan, but they have an agreement with
Japan corresponding to ours, only far more rigid, which
practically prohibits immigration of Japanese Into Canada.

CHAPTER XX
THE SOLUTION OF THE PROBLEM
America's greatest danger lies in the hasty opinions of
her majorities ; opinions made out of old traditions coined
into popular phrases; opinions which corae out of the
emotional faculties instead of the intellectual faculties;
manufactured opinions raade for a purpose by raethods
and organisations such as we have been studying.
Public opinion raust rule, but public opinion on a ques
tion like the California- Japanese Question or the Amer
ican-Japanese Question may be radically wrong when it
has been developed, as it has been in this case. I know
what anathemas are placed against one who dares chal
lenge the infallibility of public opinion. But James
Bryce, in his The American Commonwealth, says of public
opinion in Araerica :
"The enormous force of public opinion is a danger to the
people themselves ... it fills them with an undue con
fidence in their wisdom, their virtue, their freedom. Such
a nation, seeing nothing but its own triumphs and hearing
nothing but its own praise, seems to need a succession of
men like the prophets of Israel to arouse the people out of
their self-complacency. . . . They admit the possibihty
of any number of temporary errors and delusions, but to
suppose that a vast nation should go wrong by mistaking its
own true interests, seems to them a sort of blasphemy against
the human intelligence and its Creator."
Public opinion has become the supreme court in this
Japanese Case. Upon the accuracy and intelligence of its
decision will depend the future character of the American
242

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 243
people, the perraanence of American civilisation, and the,
length of tirae our nation will endure in its present form.
Perhaps all the present crop of civilised nations must be
harvested into the garners of past history, ours with the
rest. Each of them will reach its cultural lirait, or trans
gress the laws of endurance and pass away as other
nations have passed away. "To the naturalist there is
no mystery in the fall of Rome, or Greece, or Egypt. All
these nations reached their cultural limitation and de
clined, just as so raany varieties of strawberries, for in
stance, or potatoes or horses, if you please, come and go.
Hundreds" of nations have corae and gone In the past, and
hundreds of nations wIH come and go in the future." ^
But just as the highest natural craving of the Individual
Is to perpetuate his life by choosing a true course of liv
ing, so nations desire to live. The United States has
reached the forks of the road. One way leads to clearer
definition of its character and civiHsation, which will pre
serve and renew its own racial soul for long life; the other
way transgresses every natural law and counters every
historical experience; it leads to the loss of Its national
soul and to the rapid dissolution of the material forms
which that soul has created.
And these are the questions at the forks of the road :
What position shall the people of our country take toward
these pro- Japanese propagandists, whether they be Amer
icans or whether they be Japanese ?
What shall California do to remove, as far as possible,
any basis for the concentrated attack which these are mak
ing upon her?
What answer shall America give to the propositions
which the Japanese are now making?
What course shaH Araerica propose that wiU lead to the
highest destiny for both races and nations?
'Dr. Robert Tuttle Morris.

244 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST  _^
I need not detail to the people of my country the answer
to the first question. I have confidence, when Americans
have corae to see the Japanese carapaign for the conquest
of Araerican public opinion — its origin. Its raotives, and
its machinery — that they will conderan it with a universal
verdict. In no other country could such a campaign be
possible. The Japanese have not set up in any other
country the machinery they are now using in ours. They
have not tried, by such transparent sophistry, to appeal to
the sentiments and prejudices of any other nation as they
are appealing to ours. Only in the last few raonths have
we heard any criticism made by them to the far more
stringent measures which have been taken against Jap
anese Iraraigration by Great Britain's colonies, Canada,
Australia and New Zealand. Indeed, up to now, Kawa
kami, Shibusawa, and their American supporters, have
been heaping high praise upon these other countries, the
raore darkly to contrast the attitude of the United States.
Because this carapaign if successful wlfl bring changes
deeply detrimental to the social and economic, the indi
vidual and collective Interests of the people of the United
States, It seems to me it is the greatest menace we have
ever had in our land. When the people come to see it and
to realise that for all that Is asked none of these pro- Jap
anese has offered a single tangible thing in return, the
nation will spew this sentimental goulash out of its mouth.
The first step therefore is for aH of our people to learn to
identify the press matter, the books, the lectures, the ser
mons which have their origin in Japanese sources and Jap
anese influences, and to rate them at their true value.
As to California, it must be a question of judgment
forraed by counsel with the government at Washington,
whether we shall at this tirae disturb or change at all the
status of our State laws. So far as I can see, there is
only one change which can be raade. That change would.

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 245
remove the contention most often reiterated by the Jap
anese and cause them to shift their attack from the State
of California to other States and from one contention to
another. For the Japanese claim that they will be per
fectly content about the land question if California and
America will treat their nationals on the same plane with
the aliens of other foreign countries.
This is brilliant Japanese diplomacy, but it has two
alternatives. One — and that Is the one they expect us to
take — is to raise the rights of Asiatics to the level of those
of Europeans — a step and a precedent which raust be fol
lowed at once by other great concessions Involving great
disturbances. The other, is to deny land ownership to
any alien from any land. This lets the status of Japanese
remain as it is, meets their point of placing them on an
equal footing with other aliens, and removes the whole
contention. California could enact a law making it impossible for
any national of any country to own land in our state until
he has become an American citizen.^ Other States of the
Union have such laws regarding alien ownership of land.
While at first thought this course might seem to hinder
the rapid progress of the material development of our
State, It would have a great many advantages to over
match any apparent loss. It will give us a citizenship
more concerned in our state welfare. It will reraove the
whole charge of our discriralnation against Asiatics. It
'James A. Scherer, President, Throop Institute of Technology,
says: "Moreover, there is sound argument adducible for the belief
that fee simple ownership of land should inhere only in citizens. Let
British or German citizens cultivate American land by means of
leaseholds, or control it through citizen agents. If they hunger
for the unearned increment that accrues from permanent owner
ship, or for another reason aspire to impinge on our eminent domain,
let them take out naturalisation papers . . . they are not ineli
gible."— T/i^ Japanese Crisis,

246 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
will require the Japanese to make the same attack upon
other states as they are now raaking upon us. Thus it
will remove the general discredit which they are heaping
upon California, which must In time so set the sentiment
and attitude of the people of the United States against us,
as to diminish the numbers who are coming into our State,
upon whose good will our welfare depends.
Most of all it will require the Japanese to focus their
whole campaign upon the one course that wUl be left to
them, which is to secure the rights of citizenship by
naturalisation. That will concentrate their fight upon
congress instead of upon us. When that great battle
comes, the publicists of the Pacific States will have need
to disseminate the truth, and, by the facts In the case, to
convince the citizens of the Eastern States of the right
eousness of our course. When this contest comes — and
it is coming very rapidly — the people of the whole country
will pass upon America its final sentence for national unity
and racial purity ; and the people of the Pacific Coast will
be obliged to submit to that sentence. Another test of
the strength of American cohesion, such as that made at
the time of the Civil War, is soon to be made. In an
address to several hundred men of Boston, I once had the
privilege to indicate what that test is. "We people of the
Pacific States know that if we do not protect the interests
of the American people on the Pacific Coast, you men
of the Atlantic Coast will not do so, because you are too
deeply engrossed in your own affairs, and you are ignorant
of the manner in which those interests are invaded. If
we are a real nation you will attend to your own business
protecting the welfare of the United States on the At
lantic Coast, and you will have enough confidence in the
Americanlsra, the integrity, and the intelligence of the
people of the West to back us up while we protect our
coramon national interests on the Pacific Coast. When

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 247
the bond of mutual confidence, which this requires, is
weakened or broken, the American people will have lost
that unity of soul which makes them a living nation." ^
Whether or not the people of California take this new
step to eliminate the charge of discrimination, they should
renew their confidence in the course they have thus far
taken. Mr. Gulick himself admits that between 1900 and
1906 the news of the great chances to get rich in Cali
fornia swept over Japan like a great wave, and literally
millions of Japanese were preparing to go to America.
The course of California has ended that and that course
is right still. Take courage and hold fast.
You are pioneers In a new era of the iraraigration not
only of the United States but of the world : for your guid
ance there has been no precedent In any land. You have
established a precedent. The future will clearly prove the
prophetic vision of those of you who have been defend
ing the Interests of our common country and your deeds
win be written down as righteous and glorious.
For you have acted upon a basic principle of self-pres
ervation which Is laid down by the leading sociologists
of our time ; it Is this : When the representatives of more
backward countries, representing a lower standard of liv
ing begin to come the members of more advanced races
cease coming.^ That principle will operate, not only in
regard to the best people from foreign lands, but It will
deter the people frora other states of the Union from
coming in to your state. Any Californian who aligns him
self with this raovement to make it easier for Asiatics to
come Into the State, or buy land, or enter into the citizen
ship of the state, is working to stop the iraraigration of
those whom we desire to come; he is an enemy to his
own state whatever the emotional basis of his action may
'Address before the Boston Art Club.
'This principle is stated by Fairchild and others.

248  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
be. The doors of other white lands are closed to Asia
and they will not soon be opened. If the United States
opens her doors, she will receive the whole outflow of the
/yellow and brown races; — the Pacific Coast States first
of all, — and California, first of these, will be lost to the
United States and to the white race !^
Patience, then, while science proves, while experience
teaches, while the nation learns this lesson which you have
learned In self-preservation. In the meantime, you must
meet publicity with publicity and false charge with cor
rect answer, and do everything within your power to
maintain for the people of the West coast that character
for intelligence, righteousness, and peace, which, until
attacked by the Japanese propagandists, had never been
assailed. What answer shall the United States make to Japan ?
Our governraent has expressed Its belief that we have
kept all treaties in good faith. It has offered to try in
our Federal Courts any cases, and reimburse Japanese
subjects for any losses resulting from any law in any
state. This Japan denies and declines. We have offered
to purchase at full market value every acre owned by the
Japanese in our country. This offer she has refused.
Japan has two contentions : That our land laws are un
just, and that discrimination against Asiatics in our na
turalisation laws should be removed. She offers us two
inducements to raake these changes : They are economic
advantage and continued peace. The economic advan
tage is to be found in foreign trade opportunities with her
in Japan and her provinces, and in the wealth that her
labourers wiH develop In America if we let them come in.
'The Challenge of the Future, by Roland G. Usher, of the Uni
versity of St. Louis, declares that "America should not have the atti
tude of California toward the Japanese invasion modified."

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 249
If what she asks Is not granted, she says the denial will
continue to irritate her racial pride and impede her na
tional progress until her subjects can no longer be re
strained in peaceful relations.
The whole argument about the injustice of the land
laws of California, Washington, Arizona, and other states
is unsound, and the remedy which they offer is a million
times out of proportion to the evil they would remove.
The Japanese who now own land In California will reraain
undisturbed in the possession of that land. These may
bring their picture brides to the United States. They
may rear their children, who, being born upon our soil,
are full priviliged citizens of the United States.
We have shown that in five years the births of these
children have trebled, and In sorae localities they out
number the births of white children. These Araerican
born Japanese children will Inherit all the land of all the
Japanese and keep it forever. The Japanese who own
land and have no heirs that are eligible to citizenship, can
sell it to these Araerican born children. Already titles
to land are being placed In the names of these minors;
there isn't the slightest doubt that every foot of Cali
fornia, or any other American soil now owned by Jap
anese will always be held by them. It is also certain
that the American born Japanese will forever continue to
make new purchases and increase the size of Japanese
communities until hy this process alone the white man will
be eliminated from, the fairest rural sections of the state,
perhaps from all of it.
On the other hand, raany of the Japanese now here in
tend to return to Japan, and many more now coming do
not intend to remain. At any rate, the whole number of
Japanese who are now ineligible to own land In Cali
fornia, must, by the course of Hfe and death, soon pass
entirely out of this question. Thus this phase of the prob-

250 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
lem will have solved Itself by elimination. If the Japanese
are willing to accept this practical solution and raaintain
the status quo, at the end of the present generation there
will be no Japanese alien-land problem In California. It
will be far better to solve the problem thus, which can
affect the raaterial interests of but a few Japanese, and
affect them only temporarily, than it will be to take the
opposite course by removing the restriction and admitting
the Japanese ; that wiH affect at once the economic status
of all of the people in the Pacific States, and ultimately
affect the welfare, not only of the hundred raillions of
people who are on our soil, but of all generations that are
to corae.
In this whole controversy with Japan the United States
does not wish to raise any question of the equality or the
superiority of one race relative to the other. We clearly
understand that the raovement of Asia toward America is
an economic raoveraent, the raost natural and the most
forceful in the world. We realise that all of the issues
of sentiment and religion that are being urged are merely
decoys to distract attention from the main issue. So long
as the standard of living of working raen in the United
States remains so infinitely above the standard of living
of the masses of Japan there will be a loud cry and a
mighty urge in Japan's people for the gold of our Eldo
rado. Count Okuma^ himself at last has acknowledged
this. "The climate of Formosa Is too hot to permit suc
cessful eraigration to Japan. The standards of living in
all these territories are lower than those of Japan. If
Japanese labourers emigrate to Manchuria, or Korea, or
Formosa, they raust compete with native labourers whose
wages are only one-half or one third those that the Jap
anese can earn at home. // our people make a fortune in

'New York Times, June i8, 1916.

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 251
other countries we are satisfied." The superior Japanese
win make a fortune in these lower standard countries as
masters of labour and exploiters of natural resources.
But they seek the United States for a higher level upon
which all classes of their people may get rich.
On this economic basis we cannot accept what Japan
offers in commerce or Industry as reciprocal returns for
what she seeks. These do not offset the great losses the
bargain brings to us. What she proposes is in defiance
of economic laws. Commerce is not sequent upon friend
ship as Kawakarai asserts. Our business chances already
have diminished, not increased, in spheres of Japanese
influence, as our Secretary of Commerce shows; as the
Orientals acquire more and more the knowledge of the
arts and industries of white men they wIH acquire the
control of commerce also.
But we raust raise this whole problera beyond the con
sideration of an exchange of dollars and cents with Japan
which on our part would accumulate In a few industries
and win never in any appreciable degree affect beneficially
the welfare of the raasses of our people.
America must not deceive herself by admitting the
Japanese for the sake of business Interests. "Business
interests" is a term usually applied to the interests of the
owners of great factories and stores, railroads and ships,
mines and utilities, houses and lands. But these are the
smaUest part of the true business interests which a nation
must conserve. Who are the real business people of
America? They are not the men who raake $25,000 or
more a year on which to raise their farailies and own
great yachts and golf links. The most Important busi
ness interests of this country, the greatest business men
of this country, are the employees of the railroads — the
mechanics, the engineers, conductors, brakemen and
trackmen; of the mercantile houses — the clerks, book-

252 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
keepers and salesmen ; they are the school-teachers and the
small college professors, and the stenographers ; they are
the farmers, miners, and craftsmen — and the multitu
dinous shop keepers of the land ; they are those who earn
from $2.50 per day to $2,000 per year, who build little
homes and raise their families of children and teach them
to labour like themselves, again to educate, produce, oper
ate, and transport. These are the true business people
and business Interests which the United States must con
serve. And it is this great body of interests which wIU
be Injured by the displacement of labour and the lowering
of the standard of living, which will follow the Increase
of population by peoples from the lower standard coun
tries of the world.
We cannot grant to the outside peoples the great gifts
they ask for economic advantage, however much they may
clothe their arguments In the terms of racial equality and
huraan justice.
Iraraigration has already had in our country several
definite results: First, it has In raany districts lowered
the standards of living of the working raan by lowering
his standard of wages. Second, it has kept the standard
of living of the labouring raan frora raaking a rise corre
sponding to the increase of capital and wealth. Third,
while it has enabled a few to be "pushed up" in positions
— a vast number have been lowered to the standard of the
Iraraigrants; and finally. It has ellrainated^ "that other
body of native labour which the iraraigrants have pre
vented frora ever being brought into existence."
"The standard of living is the index of the comfort and
true prosperity of a nation. A high standard is a priceless
heritage, which oughi to be guarded at all cost. The United
States has always prided itself on the high standard of liv-

'Fairchild, Immigration, p. 303.

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 253
ing of its common people, but has not always understood on
what that standard rests.''^
"The investor, landowner, or contractor profits by the
coming in of bare-handed men, and can well afford to preach
world-wide brotherhood. The professional man, sitting
secure above the arena of struggle, can nobly rebuke nar
rowness and race hatred. If the stream of immigration
included capitalists with funds, merchants ready to invade
all lines of business, lawyers, doctors, engineers, and pro
fessors qualified to compete immediately with our profes
sional men [he should, especially, have included hosts of
preachers to take the pulpits, too,] . . . the pressure would
be felt all along the line, and there might be something heroic
in these groups standing for the equal right of all races to
American opportunities. But since the actual brunt is borne
by labour, it is easy for the shielded to indulge in generous
views on the subject of immigration. . . ." 2
' For we can not bring them all into our country.
The United States cannot become the horae of all the,
world. — We cannot be the refuge of all the poor and op
pressed, of aH the tyrannised and lower standard peoples
of the earth — and that is the logical end of the course
urged by the ultra Idealists of our tirae. Even if the
United States could contain thera, in the overflow of the'
deficient, the irapoverished in body and brain, and the
mixed bloods of the world, we shall extinguish the light
of our own liberty and lose the soul of our civilisation.
What shall it profit the nation if it gain the whole world
and lose Its own soul ?
We have representatives from all lands who are calling
eagerly to their friends at home to corae into America,
until they aH shaH be in America. Mr. Zangwill, who
coined the phrase, "The Melting Pot" which is nothing
'Fairchild.'The Old World in the New, E. A. Ross, of Wisconsin University.

254  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
less than a propaganda for iraraigration of the Jews, says,
"America has ample room for aH the six raillions of the
Pale," and urges them all to come here where their united
vote will Insure them political power. Zangwill welcomes
to the United States all the Hebrews of all Palestine and
all the world. Likewise Mr. Steiner opens America's
doors for all the races from whence he carae In Austria-
Hungary and the Balkan States, and Insists that none shall
be excluded at the gate. So Miss Antin pleads the same
for the people of Russia and Poland. So Kawakami asks
entrance and citizenship for the Japanese; so we have
Hindoos, pleading for the same privileges for all India;
Chinese for China ; Syrians for Syria, and so on, until the
end of it will be Araerica for all the world, and all the
world in America.
We cannot yield to the emotional plea that other lands
are overcrowded, while the United States is practically
unsettled. This is the plea of Steiner, Holt, Gulick,
Kawakami, Scudder and Green, and the rest, with statis
tics at their back.
The very bottom of their argument is a false bottom.
Perhaps we should say It Is bottomless. Because emi
gration FROM OVER populated COUNTRIES DOES NOT
lessen THE POPULATION OF SUCH COUNTRIES OR GIVE
THE COUNTRY RELIEF. When the pressure from popula
tion in a country is relieved by emigration the birth rate
rises right up and replaces all that have left. Indeed,
emigration from crowded countries is a stimulus to in
creased population in such countries. This principle is
supported by the very greatest economists and sociologists
of modern tiraes. Fairchild cites in proof of this aH these
great raen: Malthus, John Stuart Mill, Rene Gonnard,
Adam Smith, Gamier, Roscher, De Molinarl, Robert
Hunter, Douglas Earl of Selkirk, Whelpley, Mayo-
Smith, and Taussig.

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 255
And experience has established this fact wherever
records have been kept. A notable instance is Italy;
despite all the people whora the United States received
from Italy in the period from 1901 to 191 1 the population
of Italy shows no decrease; it actually increased 6.8 per
cent, in that period.
So we might take in a million a year from Japan, two
minions from China, two millions from India, two mfl-
lions from the remainder of Asia, give them all land, and
make them all citizens, and at the end of one generation
there would not be the slightest decrease or relief to Asia,
while Araerica would be. In vast areas, uninhabitable by
the white race. Our standard of living would be cut in
two, our ideals of raorals orientalised, our national char
acter metamorphosed, our labour problem unsolvable, and ,
the hope of all future generations quenched in the dark- ;
ness of the old world. Unchristian to keep them out ? It
would be unchristian to Americans to let thera in. 1
For where shall the American go ? What shall be his
hope if he is crowded out of his own land? There is no
new continent ; the Araerican will no longer be born. The
generations of Washington and Lincoln wIU be numbered,
and the New World will have been swallowed up by Old.
Awake, America !
What shall we say to the special pleaders from all of
these lands whose course will so end In our extinction?
Ladies and gentleraen, scholars, ecclesiastics, mission
aries, metaphysical idealists :— There is a higher raission
for Araerica than the one you plead, which would make
of Araerica a mere place of residence and economic ad
vantage for all men. It Is to maintain the higher standard
of living, of Institutions, and of raorals in the world, and
to give teraporary horaes and full instruction to those
from other lands who would be teachers and emulators
of our civilisation. There Is a higher service for you to

256 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
render to your home lands and missionary fields than you
choose for yourselves. You have had your candles lighted
at the Araerican torch of liberty. Go back to your people
now and bear that light unto thera; live with them ahd
teach them ; carry home to those who can never leave
their homes, and all who are yet to be born there, all the
blessings you prize here; say unto thera: We have been
away frora you In a beautiful garden, wonderful in the
flowers of pure ideals, rich in the fruits of free enterprise.
We have learned their naraes and their natures ; we know
how to plant them and grow thera ; we have brought their
seeds and secrets. Come, now, learn of us; we shall plant
our own gardens in our own lands and make thera just as
beautiful and as rich, where our old parents and friends
and our tender children born and to come may live in con
tinued happiness forever.
That will be Christianity universally applied. That is
the road to peace, the federation of the world.
On the question of naturalisation of Japanese, our posi
tion should be just as clear. First of aH, this Is no time,
in the upheaval of the world, to raake so radical a change
In the national policy which has preserved us for nearly
one and one-half centuries.
Professor Ross says the Chinese exclusion policy has
kept out of America six or eight millions of Chinese.
Probably twenty raillions is nearer the nuraber of all the
Asiatics who have been kept out by that principle. Had
they come it would not have given Asia any appreciable
relief, and it would have raade a part of the United States
uninhabitable by the white race. Do we want to enter
upon that course now ?
I deny the Japanese the rights of citizenship in the
United States on raany grounds. First : Because of the
great number of difficulties we shall enter into when we
take that first step. For when any Congressman votes to

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 257

confer the right of citizenship on the Japanese, he raust
by the same vote confer it upon all in his class, i. e., to the
eight hundred millions of the people of Asia.
Kawakami assures us this is not true, that we need not
do so. And the evil selfishness of the Japanese propa
ganda, the moral quality of this whole campaign. Is re
vealed in his statement on naturalisation of Asiatics in
America. "We say that the United States need not ex
tend to countries not yet admitted into the faraily of civ
ilised powers the privileges which she has conferred upon
the subjects of a country which has been recognized, in
the concourse of the nations, as a first-class power; and
we hope that our American critics will give us credit for
what we have accomplished In the brief period of fifty
years, and recognise that Japan is the only nation In Asia
imbued with modern civilisation."*
Kawakami believes it will be perfectly just to give citi
zenship to the Japanese but to deny it to the Chinese and
aU other Asiatics, because, he says, the Japanese are civil
ised, but all the other peoples of Asia are not. He thus
openly asserts the inequality of nations — while every
where he rails at the United States for intimating it —
and he asks for hiraself an equality which he denies to the
best people of his own race; a people pronounced by those
who have tried both — as superior to his own race. But
on the basis of this proposal, when other Asiatic nations
reach the rank of the first-class powers, or like the Jap
anese assert they have done so, the United States must
grant them citizenship also. Already on that basis —
Syrians, Hindoos, Malays, Filipinos, have appeared be
fore our courts asking for citizenship. Thus whatever
steps we take in that direction, however slowly we may
take them, the road has but one end — Asia in America.
It is amazing and beyond belief that ecclesiastics should
'Kawakami in Pacific Press Bureau Pamphlet issued January, 1916.

258  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
still raise the palpably false cry, that Japan is picked out
as the one nation against which America discriminates ; —
that is the "thing, says one of thera, that has raade proud.
sensitive, treraendously eflicient Japan wince to the quick."
Now the fact is, Japan is but one of the non-white nations
agaiiist which our statute and our courts rule. On exactly
the same ground the United States has denied citizenship
to Syrians, Hindoos, Afghans, ' Filipinos, Chinese, Kor
eans, and Malays, who have presented individuals as intel
ligent and worthy as any Japanese. What raakes Japan's
proud, sensitive and arabitious spirit wince is America's
refusal to adrait her boasted superiority over all her
kindred peoples, and on that basis to give her what she
would be glad to have us deny them.
Again, if we grant to the Japanese and the other
Asiatics the right of citizenship, as they demand it, on the
equal footing of other civilised nations, we can place upon
them only such restrictions in the number that we admit to
the United States as we place upon the number that may
come from other civilised nations, such as Germany, Eng
land and France. For ten years we have been unable to
pass any effective raeasures to restrict iraraigration be
cause of the international pressure of the representatives
of these nationalities now here and of powerful commer
cial influence. If we add Asiatics and Asiatic influences
to these, restrictive regulations will become still more
difficult and later on Impossible. Should we make a uni
forra annual lirait of ten per cent., or even five per cent.,
we have already shown that within the present century our
country would present a motley of mixed populations,
and mixed races involved in the greatest economic diffi
culties. I deny the Japanese the rights of citizenship because
they depopulate their district of white men, they lower
the economic level, they compel white men to require their

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 259

wives and children to work in the field seven days, a week
to meet their corapetition in production, they set up their
Oriental civilisation, which, regardless of whether It be
superior or inferior to ours, cannot be mixed with ours.
As the world stands now equality of raen is not reached
on the higher economic levels. To make men equal, the
process of life has been to make thera all inferior. Any
compromise of the present standards of living in the
United States will be to lower them. The present Influx
of these people of lower standards, from any country
whatever, even If continued for but one more generation
at the same rate as has prevailed in the immediate past,
even should it be stopped then, will raake the question of
the econoraic status of our laboring class hopeless and
unsolvable for two generations to come. The standard of
living in modern tiraes. In raaterial civilisations like ours,
is intiraately related to the heights of raorals and the
solidity of health, to say nothing of the happiness of
masses; and the problera of providing only daily food,
clothing and shelter for our poor labouring classes, al
ready the most vexatious we have at present, will be
further complicated by any increase of lower standard
labour whatever.
I deny them the rights of citizenship because that
would force upon our citizens a people who are unwel
come. "The land question, which means the food ques
tion, subtends all other sources of emotional feeling,
basically, irrespective of the more superficial feeling
which has led to religious wars and other wars of senti
ment" — says Dr. Robert Tuttle Morris. This explains
the emotion described by an eye-witness, Hichborn, in his
"Story of the California Legislature, 1913," as follows:
"Men stood before the Senate Judiciary Committee, and
with tears streaming down their faces told of the occupa-

260 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
tion of the soil by Japanese and of the retreat of the white
farmers before them."
That Asiatics are unwelcome has been the decision ren
dered over and over in terms not to be mistaken. In
Noveraber, 1914, the State of Washington subraitted to
Its people an amendment to the Constitution which would
permit the Japanese to own land in that state. The
amendment was voted down by a vote of four to one.
On the same day in California, when there were three
parties — Republican, Progressive, and Democratic — In
the field. Governor Johnson, a Progressive, was re-elected
on his Japanese record, by a majority of 188,000 votes,
while Senator Phelan, a Democrat, with a similar sound
Asiatic record, was elected over two strong competitors
by a majority of 25,000 votes. Every state that has had
a Japanese experience stands against the entrance or
naturalisation of the Japanese.
I deny them the rights of citizenship because it is a
step which once taken can never be retraced. The Jap
anese have been tried in only a part of our country — they
have been a complete failure where they have been tried.
I deny to the people of the East the right to grant citizen
ship to them until the East has given a full trial to them.
It will be easy for the people of the East to vote citizen
ship to them, it will be impossible forever to take it from
them. I deny the Japanese the right of citizenship, because the
people of Japan are unpractised in democracy and unused
to the powers of the baflot. The Japanese government is
a monarchy absolute and patriarchal.
Professor Burgess says that the Constitution of Japan
is merely a "charter of despotism." Only one and a half
millions, which is one-fortieth of the total population and
about one-ninth of the males of voting age, are permitted
by the Japanese government to vote. It would be far

BASES OP OPINION, OLD AND NEW 261

more dignified, patriotic, and worthy, for the Japanese
propagandists in the United States to go back to Japan
and transfer their efforts to their own country and liberate
their governraent to confer the franchise upon their own
people, rather than insist that the United States shall give
it to them. If they retort that we are conferring citizen
ship upon other iraraigrants frora other lands, wherein
are limited rights of franchise, and that we should confer
it also upon Asiatics, the reply is evident. We have al
ready to our deep sorrow found what it raeans in this
country, to have a vast voting population, arraed with the
power of the American franchise, but without American
ideals and education to direct it. The greatest problem
the United States now faces, according to the President of
the United States, Is to Americanize the unasslmilated for
eigners in our land, and to displace European ideas with
the lofty ones out of which the nation was born.
We wish the Asiatics to know that citizenship in our
land is not primarily a question of race, but it Is a ques
tion of Individual fitness which may be determined by
the national and racial inheritances of their fatherlands.
This government Is built wholly upon an ideal which Is
the soul of the nation. It Is the ideal of civil and reli
gious liberty. Our nation was founded by a group of men
from northern and western Europe, who developed that
ideal, who were drawn together in one land, into one great
state, because they held that ideal in common. These
men loved personal liberty so well that they would not live
without It. They gave up homes and friends, broke away
from ancestral environments and ,went into a wilderness
to get it. They came from the only centre In the world ,
where men loved liberty so much that they were willing
to die for it. It Is that ideal which is the soul of our na
tion, and that soul has created the material civilisation of
the United States as the form in which it expresses itself.

262  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
It happens that that ideal has had no place in Asiatic
peoples. Japan is as absolute a raonarchy as now exists
in the world, and the raass of Japanese people submit
to and worship their emperor and reverence his decrees.
Chinese for thousands of years have been under the same
kind of despotism. The warp and woof of their social
fabric is the result of their own primal ideals, among
which the ideals of America have had no place. Their
ideals, religions, institutions, their relations between the
sexes, their home life, lack the American ideal. The eu
calyptus equals the oak tree in beauty, in size, in estimate
of worth, but one is not the other, and the eucalyptus
cannot be grown from the acorn of the oak. Those
who founded our American state definitely intended
it as a white man's land, because they believed that the
vast social inheritances possessed by other races could not
be mixed with our own without a loss of our national
soul. Old men cannot be made over by transfer of
residence, and China and Japan are very, very old men.
America was made from the youngest child nations of
Europe. This in every case should be the test of citizenship for
those white men who corae to America from any land.
Those who come here for economic advantages have no
part in our soul. Until each one knows what America's
soul is, and until It lives within him, and he Is thrilled by
It, he is not one of us. This should be the one test.
Length of residence here, the ability merely to read and
write, are not adequate conditions for citizenship. No
man or woman should ever be perraitted to touch the
sacred soul of American institutions with the power of
his vote until his own soul has been joined to ours by a
coraraon possession of the ideals from which our institu
tions have sprung.
Asiatics, one here and one there, may feel this new

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 263
ideal, but the raasses do not. And it wIH depend upon
Asiatics alone as to how long they will be in transforming
their institutions and their lives to correspond with ours.
They raay not — and perhaps should not ever desire to do
so. Until they do so, they are unfitted to become Amer
ican citizens. When they do so, they will not need to be
come such, for they will have in their own lands every
advantage they seek in ours.
I deny the Japanese the rights of citizenship, because
of the iuk^ierit differences_ in their_j3iades--ȣ-4liouglit.
whicji have develc^d-wit-h- their civiHsation. The Jap
anese masses are the same to-day as they were before the
brief period of the last fifty years began. And the Jap
anese are fatalists. What is a fatalist? A fatalist is one
who believes that from the time he enters life in his cradle
until he makes his exit into his grave, every day of that
road of life has been fixed for him, long before he was
born, by the superior gods, his ancestors. Everything is
in the road, the ups and the downs, his pleasures and
^ains, his wealth and poverty. Now, he raust not try to
change anything in that road nor ask that anything be
changed. To ask that one single thing be changed In that
road would Insult the superior beings who put it there.
All the fatalist does Is to take the road, go down it bravely,
and raake his exist face front. That is why, when an
European soldier meets a fatalist on the field of battle, he
trembles, for there may be a hundred bayonets or a hun
dred machine guns in the road, yet he goes right on down
the road. That is the way the Japanese took Port Arthur
and whipped Russia; and, when they came back, one of
them wrote a book about it ; and in that book you will find
the whole philosophy of Japanese fatalism. He says:
"We knew we would win before we started, for what a
Japanese once begins he never quits until he dies or wins."
That is a fatalist.

264 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
Now what do we teach in America? We teach that
every day we take the road of life, from the time we are
able to say in our cradle "Now I lay me," until we go
down at the last and say, as we enter the grave, "Now I
lay me," that every raorning, as the lilies open to the light,
if we will open our hearts to the Alraighty, he wiH that
day make in oi;r road the rough places plain, and the
crooked straight, be a Guide to our feet and a Lamp into
our pathwayi and tune us Into the rhythm of the whole
universe; "For the effectual fervent prayer of a right
eous man availeth rauch."
Now we raay take our choice. We may go down that
fatalistic road of the non-interference with anything;
we raay go down that other road of the Providential inter
ference with everything ; but we cannot take both, and we
cannot take a part of one and a part of the other. Those
two concepts cannot live In the huraan brain at the same
time. One extinguishes the other as water extinguishes
fire. You cannot have a Christian civilisation based In
fatalistic thought.
I deny the Japanese the right of citizenship, because of
the fearful sacrifices they ask us to make with it, that is:
— freely to marry their young raen with our young
women. Kawakami says, "Not only should Japanese be
granted the rights of American citizenship, but they should
be left at liberty to intermarry. What folly, what stupid
ity, what lack of insight into human nature, is possessed
by those solons who would try to put a ban on such
unions." That is the chaHenge which the yeHow race
makes to the white race of America. That is a race con
flict. The fuU impact of that race conflict will stagger,
if it does not prostrate, the white race of the earth. For
each instance of such Intermarriage is the end of the white
stock — that line of it is ended right there and forever; it
is the beginning of a mixed stock, "inferior to both parent

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 265

stocks both physically and morally, a fact which has been
demonstrated on a large scale," and whose progeny show
rapid degeneracy. i ¦
I deny the Japanese the rights of citizenship, therefore,
for all the reasons set forth in the preceding paragraphs
and all others which have appeared In the various chapters
of this book. I beHeve, on the part of America, it is the
first step toward a rapid dissolution of our nationality and
the loss of the soul of our civilisation. I believe that
Instead of removing the causes of war and setting up con
ditions of peace, it will greatly aggravate those causes
and remove those conditions. The present war In Europe
has demonstrated the fact that race mixture is a funda
mental cause of war, producing war both through intestine
troubles and through the complications with nations with
out who are kindred of the mixed peoples within. The
Moors came out of Africa and went Into Spain, and Spain
had war for five hundred years, until she entirely van
quished them. The nations now In the Balkan states carae
out of Asia. For five hundred years they have been
causing war in Europe. In the last few years they have
caused three, and the present war involves the world.
The Turks came out of Asia and settled In Europe. For
five hundred years, the white nations of Europe have been
unable to Europeanise thera, to drive thera out, or to keep
thera at peace. A few Asiatics have now corae into the
United States, and the Interests of the two races are so
antagonistic, the race repulsions are so violent, that al
ready the presence of these Asiatics has brought two gov
ernments Into embarrassraent and to a deadlock; already
we hear, on account of thera, little rumours of war. If you
Increase their number, thus aggravating and enlarging the
irritation, these rumours will develop into the fears of
war, and these will be followed by the psychological status
of the feverish preparations for war. If history has

266  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
taught us anything, it has taught us that if you lay down
these fundamental conditions, the result is inevitable.
Therefore, I stand for the status quo. For the highest
development of both the Japanese and ourselves, for the
peace of both countries, and of all the world, it Is far
better that the Japanese should be content with citizenship
in their own land, or seek to extend it into the lands where
the people have a common racial inheritance and common
religious and biological foundations.
All of this, I am well aware, is opposed to those who
fight the whole idea of nationality. Out of the over
whelming avalanche of books and papers bearing upon
the war, this notion that nationality is wrong Is begin
ning to rise into conspicuous view. Many believe that
this war has been caused by over emphasis of the national
spirit, and that, therefore, the national spirit raust be
destroyed. The pacifists say that it Is right to be a citizen
of a nation and to give allegiance to a nation, but that
every raan has a greater right and greater allegiance as a
citizen of the whole world, and that the road to peace lies
over the boundary lines of nations torn down and
trarapled under foot.
The pacifist here touches boundaries with the extreme
Internationalist. I recently had the pleasure of a long
discussion with two brilliant representatives of this cult
and from their honest souls came their full faith. It Is
about as follows : A man is a citizen of the world before
all other relations. The largest unit we yet know is the
unit of the family. Nationality or the spirit of patriot
ism Is the greatest sin of the age. There are no real dis
tinctions of races ; the biologies of aH are the same. There
is a universal feeling throughout all aniraal life, beginning
with the lower animals, and the feeling that exists between
two men In friendship is but an extension of the feeling
between a man and his dog. The United States must pro-

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 267
vide that all men of all races who wish to come [here one
of the men demurred] may corae ; that we have no right
to say America belongs to us because yve happen to be born
in this part of the world, but that the whole world and
the United States as a part of it, belongs equally to all
men share and share alike.
I met the sarae theory In a religionist who said to rae,
"How can you say 'My country' — Why doesn't It belong
jiist as much to every Japanese and every Chinese? My
God, man, aren't we all brethren in Christ?" My answer
was silence, and my comfort was that this theory was
found In Boston which recently was called by an eminent
sociologist "The perpetual source of irapossible theory."
While Internationallsra may be the ultimate goal of
the world centuries hence, it is utterly impracticable as
an immediate step, under the present constitution of the
world. Patriotism is not a crime. Patriotism is a primal
prejudice developed In raan by evolutionary process out
of hard experience, to hold men together in groups for
unit action against aggression. It is a life-preserving in
stinct, — the universal brotherhood of man is a metaphys
ical ideal; toward the latter higher nations are tending,
but it can not be reached in a single leap by destroying
the instinct for group action which comes when some
"brother group" which has not this raetaphysical Ideal,
makes its Invasion. It raatters not whether such Invasion
be by peaceful purchase or armed advance, whether it be
urged by economic motives or religious frenzy, this
primal prejudice, patriotism, will rise to repel It. To out
law this emotion is to end the process of evolution, it is
to substitute individual action for group action, and that
blocks the way to the very goal we all desire — the ulti
mate federation of the world into one group for one
course of action.
The road toward peace and world federation will not be

268 , THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
built by breaking up all nationalities and mixing all races ;
but it must be found In a co-operation of peoples who are
aHke, and the federation of these groups. We are to have
equality and fraternity; but each frater must be in his
own house and content with being denied his brother's
house, wife and children.
Germany co-operated by raaking one erapire out of
twenty-five or raore. England once had raany kings,
which she reduced to one; and then her colonies every
where accepted that one, on a basis of co-operation. The
American colonies were thirteen states, now they are one
nation with thirty-five raore states added to the sisterhood.
This all is progress toward rautual co-operation and fed
eration. So Asiatic peoples may federate. The Slavic
people should federate. Like races in the Balkans and
Russia should co-operate. The Turks should condense
into one country. The Indo-Aryan peoples should come
together. This federation must be upon a basis of equal
ity, not overlordshlp. Japan should not subjugate China,
as she Is beginning to do. When in all of these groups,
in the long future, the ideals and souls of the units grow
more alike, the units can approach a common understand
ing In all relations and that will be the final civilisation
of the world.
Meantime the crying need of the United States is a
return to her original ideals and a renewal, a revival of
her national character. The most hopeful indication that
America may do this, Is found In the sentiments of such
men as Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, who, although he
is the author of the phrase The International Mind, re
cently before a very distinguished audience of editors, at
a meeting of the Associated Press of America, made a
plea for clear cut nationality. He said, "Have we an
American nation? If so, is that nation conscious of the ,
unity of purpose and of ideals? If so, what is to be the

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 269

policy of that nation in the iraraediate future? It must
not be forgotten that nations are comparatively new in
human history. There were no nations in the ancient
world. There were no nations until the dream of uni
versal political erapire had passed away. It was then and
only then that a new organising force raade itself felt
in the thoughts and deeds of raen. In the history of na
tions the study of our Araerica has a place that is all Its
own. The American nation carae into being in response
to a clear and Infinite purpose. The moving cause was
the aspirations for civil and political liberty and for Indi
vidual freedom. What do we want to have said about
the way In which America met the greatest crisis in the
history, in modern times, 1916? Do we want a nation
weak, broken to pieces, Irresolute, filled with conflict and
discordant voices, or do we wish for a nation unified,
strong, sympathetic, and ready to respond to the cause of
a coraraon purpose to serve all humanity?"
Senator Albert W. Beveridge, of Indiana, recently
voiced the sarae sentiment, "We must build up a national
unity and consciousness, as separate and different from
that of any other country as Russia is different from
Germany, or France Is different from both."
Mr. Norraan Angeli, whose narae has been given to
the peace raovement of England, who Is known through
out the world as an advocate of peace and disarmaraent,
in an address before Chautauqua Institution in 191 5,
made this stateraent: "It Is Impossible to amalgamate all
[the races of the world Into one international state, such
as many dream about, but It Is possible to draft a set of
i international laws which shall be interpreted by an inter
national court and enforced by an international police
power."
|i That such an end Is desirable all will agree, that indi
cations point that way Is quite certain. The mistake of

270  THE JAPANESE CONQUEST 
those who attack nationality is made in supposing that
any of these peoples will give up any of their distinctive
forms, their governments, their ideals, their religion,
racial pride, or character. They could not do so if they
would. Those things which reside in the souls of people
are not transferred by signatures in Hague Conferences.
When the twenty-one republics who were represented in
the American Institute of International Law agreed upon
and signed the Declaration of the Rights and Duties of
Nations, they chose this course, the federation of distinct
units, not the araalgaraation of thera. That choice is the
most recent and intelligent international action of the
world. It was also the most reasonable and natural action. In
a faraily group, good parents aira to develop the Individ
uality of each child, to accentuate its special aptitudes and
to develop differences, not to raake all children alike over
a coraraon pattern. Those farailies are greatest and
contribute most, one member to another, who recognise
that no two merabers in it are alike or can possibly be
made alike, and that every effort to dp so weakens the
individual and the whole. This is fundaraental in the
family and the school. It Is just as fundamental in the
community of nations. National personalities are sepa
rated by raighty abysses ; they never have in coraraon rela
tively so much as the children of a single family have in
coraraon. And any attempt to raake them sirailar will
result in the eliraination of the finest elements of all, and
will leave the baser elements of physical Hfe, which al
ways persist in cross-breeding where type is destroyed and
life reverts to originals.
Those demands which Japan makes from sheer ambi
tion for social position araong nations and for economic
advantage; her fancied hurts and insults because other
nations cannot grant these demands in her own way and

BASES OF OPINION, OLD AND NEW 271
on her own terms, she raust learn to forget. The United
States has not intended any offence nor withdrawn frora
her any right ever conferred upon her. We have tried
again and again to assure Japan of these facts. We ask
only that Japan shall consider the Incidents of land legis
lation as closed, and that we wish to continue our friendly
relations as before, raaintaining the status quo.
When we take this position, we do not assert our
superiority; we only recognise our inherent differences;
those differences will reraain until tirae and rautual inter
course change the whole social content of the two civilisa
tions. Should such a time corae, the white race would
still have the question to decide whether or not it will
elirainate its colour and Its characteristics by hybridisation
with a pigmented race, whose dominant reproductive
powers will perpetuate it and will cause the white race to
disappear. But on a basis of mutual respect for the qualities and
interests of the other, the two nations can continue to
exchange all the products of their racial geniuses, and
preserve all those ideals which wIH insure the salvation of
their racial souls.

The following true story I have often told to ray son :
"Your grandfather commanded a Company of Ohio In
fantry at the great battle of Stone River or Murphrees-
< boro in the Civil War. On the second day of that battle
his Colonel ordered him to take his Corapany and the
: reglraental colours to a position on the farther side of the
river to meet the oncoming eneray. He drew his sword
and gave the coramand. I myself have stood upon the
very spot of the action. They descended the bank, the
^(Colours and the colourguard were advancing on his right.
iThey broke the thin ice, waded the shallow river, climbed

372 THE JAPANESE CONQUEST
the farther side, ran forward, took a position behind a
stone fence and iraraediately went into action. As he did
so he saw one of the colour-guard fall dead — shot in the
back. He turned round. He saw that a part of his Com
pany had failed to obey the order and were firing from the
other side of the River. And he cried, "'Men, if you
can't foHow the flag for God's sake don't shoot.' "
Fellow-countrymen : Three centuries ago your ancestors
and raine crossed the sea to find on Araerican shores a
land where their ideals might live. Here a natloii was
built, here civil liberty was born, here independence was
declared and won. A century later their children's chil
dren crossed the eastern mountains and rivers to carry
those ideals Into the great central valleys of the continent.
A century after that their children's children with equal
hardihood and high aim crossed wider rivers, higher
mountains, and the vast desert waste to extend that nation
to the Western sea. And there they are to-day — ^your
former neighbours and friends, blood of your blood, flesh
of your flesh, — the Colour-guard of the white race on the
Western picket line of the nation facing the oncoming of
the Orient. If you do not understand our call, if you can
not follow where we lead, oh men, women and sweet
children of all our beautiful states, as we stand in de
fence of that nation and our race — with our faces to the
sea — for God's sake don't shoot.